Wk BfftJT 
 
 mm 
 
 wu^jK^^m^-^^'. 
 
 m'^i^m 
 
 ^miy 
 
 p'fj. 
 
 mim'-''-''''^ 
 
 
 
 
 m''m:^m 
 
 IM 
 
 
 ;W|iLl 
 
 
CUatneU ItticEraitg ffiibrarg 
 
 3ltl;ata, Ntm l^atk 
 
 BOUGHT WJTH THE INCOME OF THE 
 
 SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 HENRY W. SAGE 
 
 1891 
 
Cornell University Library 
 HV28.C68 G23 
 + 
 Edward Colston, the jphllanthropist. his 
 
 3 1924 030 297 034 
 o"n Overs 
 
HV 
 
 C (ogGo-^-h 
 
■V, 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030297034 
 
ar 
 
 Yj6Jr.uu^ 'ilrU'rt^r'y^^' 
 
EDWARD COLSTON, THE PHILANTHROPIST, 
 
 HIS LIFE AND TIMES; 
 
 I^'CLUDl^'(} 
 
 A MEMOIR OF HIS FATHER 
 
 THE RESULT OF A LABORIOUS INVESTIGATION INTO THE ARCHIVES OF THE CITY, 
 
 BY THOMAS GARRARD. 
 
 Edited By SAMUEL GRIFFITHS TOVEY. 
 
 *HK HATH DISPERSED ABKOAD AND GIVKK TO THE POOR, .IND lllS IIIGHTEOUSNESS REMAINETH FOK EVER; HIS HORN SHALL BE 
 
 EXALTED WITH HONOUR." — PSALM CXII. 9. 
 
 BEISTOL: 
 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY J. CHILCOTT, CLARE STREET. 
 
 MDCCCLII. 
 
 1_ 
 
TO 
 
 EDWARD COLSTON, ESQ. 
 
 OP EOUND^\A.Y PAUK, "WILTS; DESCENBANT AJSJ) EEPEESENTATIVE OF 
 
 OTIR GEEAT PHILANTHEOPIST : 
 
 THE MASTER, WARDENS, AND ASSISTANTS OF THE INCORPORATED SOCIETY OF 
 
 MERCHANT VENTURERS, 
 
 THE AIMONEES OP COLSTON's CHARITIES 1 
 
 SIR JOHN KERLE HABERFIELD, 
 
 WHO POK THE SIXTH TIME HAS HONOUEABLT PILLED THE OFFICIAL DIGNITY OP 
 MATOK OF THE CITY OF BEISTOL : 
 
 THIS WORK 
 
 IS MOST EESPECTPTTLLY DEDICATED BY THEIE VEEY HUMBLE AND OBEDIENT SEEVANT, 
 
 THOMAS GARRARD, 
 
 TREASURER, AND LATE CHAMBERLAIN OF THE CITY OP BRISTOL. 
 
 Great George Street, 
 
 November 1st, 18.52. 
 
The Author cannot submit this Volume to the Public, without offering his 
 acknowledgments to those Gentlemen who have kindly assisted him in his research ; more 
 especially to Kobbet Osboene, Esq., — "William Claxton, Esq., Ti'easurer of the Society 
 of Merchants, — Mr. Pbeston Edgae, — and the Rev. Samttel Hayman, A.M., the venerated 
 Pastor of South Abbey, Youghal, Cork, who proudly boasts his affinity to our Philan- 
 THEOPisT, whose pedigree, compiled by Mr. Haymau, from manuscript letters of 
 Colston's, it is to be regretted, came too late for insertion. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 For all the defects in the following pages, the Editor is not responsible. 
 The work has been hurried through the press without due time allowed 
 for considerate corrections. There are so many imperfections for which the 
 Editor is justly culpable ; — that he is desirous to exonerate himself from those 
 that do not properly belong to his function. 
 
 Narratives of local events, in no wise calling for notice, either by the 
 importance of their acts, or the peculiarity of their character, — and perhaps 
 possessing no fruitful sense that can concern us now, — ^have a certain dryness 
 difficult to overcome, — and are interesting only to readers in their native 
 City. The Editor, accountable for the appearance of the papers placed in his 
 hands by Mr. Garrard, has endeavoured, however intractable the materials, 
 to dispose of them, by incorporation with the text where they bear upon 
 history, or serve to throw some light upon the feelings and manners of the 
 times. To do this he has consulted many established authorities, whose 
 assistance is generally acknowledged. He has not, however, on all occasions 
 given references for each description, assertion, or opinion ; some are digested 
 
VUl. PREFACE. 
 
 out of many notes, others advanced from memory, and from equally unquo- 
 table sources. A vague sense of having read the words he traces upon the 
 page will often haunt him ; but the visionary book is vapoury and dim, and 
 passes away before he can obtain perception of its name. 
 
 In developing the character of Colston, or in adding to existing knowledge, 
 little has been done : — some new facts have been discovered, — some obscure 
 passages elucidated. But there still remain many bye-ways unexplored, — 
 many years of his early life yet darkly shadowed. 
 
 The Editor has thought it expedient, that the prescribed limits of this 
 volume might not be exceeded, to embody in the text the biographical 
 information resulting from Mr. Garrard's research. This, as far as confined 
 space would permit, has been done, without appropriating the whole. The 
 excess it is proposed to place before the readers in another form. 
 
 Clifton, November Ut, 1852. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Memoie of William Colston 1 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introduction — Birthi of Colston — Temple Chuich — Christening — General Features of the City — Old Bristol 
 Bridge — Condition of the Streets — The Christening Party — Colston's Childhood — Obscurity of his 
 early Years — Prolonged Research amongst the City Muniments — The Tradition of Colston and his 
 Brothers considered with Reference to Recorded Facts 15 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Introduction — Effects of Charles's Impositions on the City — Ascendancy of the J'uiitans — Ship Money — 
 Soap Monopoly — Leaders of the Loyalists andPuritans — Precautions against the Plague — Mysterious 
 and unsatisfactory Records — Sympathy with the Scotch Covenanters — Cromwell about to leave the 
 Country — Scarcity of Food — Merchants proceed to London to obtain Redress of their Grievances — 
 Letter from Charles to the Corporation, proposing Ralph Farmer as Chamberlain ; Proceedings 
 thereupon — Ancient Custom of the Corporation — ^Two hundred Men pressed to go against the Scots — 
 The Plague m. Bristol ; Houses shut up — Cannon sent to Marlborough against the King — Denzil 
 HoUis appointed by the Parliament Lieutenant of the Militia. — Tisit of the Marquis of Hertford — 
 House appointed for his Reception — The Mayor's Refusal to admit the King's Troops into the City — 
 Repairing the Fortifications — Money expended in Arms and Provisions — Mutual Association for the 
 Defence of the King — Importance of Bristol — Correspondence of the Mayor and Aldermen, and 
 Col. Sir Alexander Popham — Approach of Col. Essex to the City — Admission of the Parliamentary 
 Troops — Oppressions of the Royalists — Gloomy Christmas 31 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Character, and removal of Col. Essex from the Government of the City — ^Fiennes appointed — Money 
 levied upon the Inhabitants for the Support of the Gairison — Oppressions on the Royalists — Fiennes 
 ejects the regular Clergy from their Benefices — ^Money lent by the City to the Parliament — Discovery 
 of a Combination to deliver the City to Prince Rupert — ^Trial and Condemnation of Yeamans and 
 Boucher — Their Execution — Attack on the City by the Royalists and Surrender of Fiennes — Visit of 
 Charles and his two Sons — They attend the Cathedral — Order of the Procession — ^Restoration of the 
 National Worship — Curious Letter respecting the Church Bells — Frigates provided by the Royalists 
 to guard the River — Oxford Parliament — Visit of Henrietta Maria — Extraordinary Expenses — Pro- 
 testation of the Corporation — They raise a Troop of Horse — Preparation for the Reception of Prince 
 Charles — Fairfax and Cromwell lay Siege to the City— Its Surrender — Death of Col. Taylor — Distressed 
 
 State of the City — Departure of Prince Rupert 69 
 
 A 
 
X. CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Election of Mayor— His Removal, witli thirteen of the Council, by Fairfax— Preaching OfEcers— Money 
 levied on the City to restrain the Soldiers from Plundering— Removal of the Orthodox Clergy— 
 Iconoclastic Fury of the Mob— Injury to the Ecclesiastical Structures— Pire on Bristol Bridge- 
 Resolutions adopted in Consequence— The Plague— Monies lent by the Corporation on the PubUo 
 Paith— Licentiousness of the Garrison— Imprisonment of an Alderman- The City put into a Posture 
 of Defence— Death of Charles ^^'^ 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Proclamation against Royalty read by command of the May or— Visit of CromweU— Distinctions conferred 
 by the Corporation on Cromwell's Pavourites— Life's Contrasts— Observance of Christmas-day 
 aboHshed— CromweU's Parhaments— Persecutions of the Quakers— Restrictions for the Observance 
 of the Sabbath— Alarms— Conspiracies— General Desbrow orders the Removal of three Aldermen- 
 Destruction of the Castle and Royal Port— Distress of the Labouring Classes— Public and Private 
 Pasts— Mr. Arthur Parmer appointed Minister of the Chamber— Cromvi'eU's Anxiety for the Safety 
 of the City— His Letters to the Corporation— Meeting of the Council— Visit of Richard Cromwell- 
 Official Announcement of the Death of the Protector— Proclamation and brief Reign of Richard 
 CromweU— Doddridge, the Recorder- The Soldiers paid to prevent Plundering the City— Insur- 
 rection of the Apprentices — Admiral Perm— Last Meeting of the Commonwealth CouncU — How 
 Employed — Restoration of Monarchy 14:8 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Enthusiasm of the People on the Restoration — Proclamation of Charles II.' — The Corporation vote his 
 Majesty a present of Money— Day of Thanksgiving — ^The Corporation and Society of Merchants go 
 in State to the Cathedral— Changes in the Council Chamber — Letter from Charles to the Corporation, 
 requiring the Dismission of Refractory Members' — Popular Amusements — Motion Show — Rope 
 Dancing — Lighting the City in 1660 — Quo "Warranto — ^Petitions prepared for Presentation to the King 
 — Knighthood bestowed on several Members of the Corporation — State of the River — ^Nathaniel Cale 
 remodels the Town Council — Charles's Letter — ^Heavy inflictions on disaffected Members — ^Visit of 
 Charles and his Queen — John Pope fined £1000, for refusing the Office of Mayor — ^Disputes as to 
 Precedency — Sir John Knight's Persecution of the Quakers — ^Legalised barbarous Punishments — 
 The Ducking Stool — Leaves from the Justices' Book — Letter from the Lord of the Council — Charles's 
 Letter directing the Mayor to be elected from the Court of Aldermen — Hearth Tax — Entertainment 
 of the Duke of Ormond — The Great Plague — Dutch War — Restrictions on Foreigners — ^Visit of the 
 Duchess of Monmouth — Present to Lord Arlington — ^Fimeral of Sir Wm. Penn — ^Dissensions and 
 Animosities of the Citizens- — Presentments of the Grand Jury — Sir Robert Yeamaus committed to 
 the Tower of London— Present to James Millard for Ms Plan of the City — Application of the Test 
 Act — Entertainment of the Marquis of "Worcester — Disputes between the Dean and Chapter and the 
 Corporation — Visit of Queen Catharine — The Popish Plot— Bedloe sent by the Mayor to London — ■ 
 Letter of the Mayor to the Secretary of State — Bedloe's return to Bristol, is visited by Lord North — 
 Death of Bedloe 217 
 
 CHAPTER YTL. 
 Description of Bristol, Time of Charles II. — ^The Corporation borrow Money — Colston, one of the 
 Governors of Christ's Hospital— His Pertinacity— His Residence at Bristol— Admitted to the Free- 
 dom of the City— A Member of the Merchants' Hall— Colston Trades to the West Indies— Extract 
 from the Will of his Father— Colston proceeds against the Corporation for the Recovery of his 
 Loan— His Residence at Mortlake— Sir Robert Cann and Sir Robert Yeamans sent Prisoners to the 
 
CONTENTS. XI. 
 
 PAGL 
 
 Tower of London — Mr. Roe, Sword Bearer of Bristol — Parliamentary Election, 1680 — Grand Jury 
 Presentment — The "Blazing Star" — Sir Robert Atkins indicted for neglecting the Duties of his 
 Office — His Resignation — Entertainment to the Marquis of "Worcester — Letter from Sir Robert 
 Sawyer — ^Instruction from the Bishop of Bristol to the Ministry, for compelling Attendance on the 
 Established Church— The Rye-House Plot — An Address from the Corporation to his Majesty — Quo 
 Warranto brought against the City — Surrender of the Charter to the King — The Duke of Beaufort 
 instrumental in obtaining another — Letter from the Members of the Society of Friends in Bristol 
 Gaol — Dismissal of Sir John Knight from the Council — Proclamation of James II. — Servile Address 
 of our Corporation — Preparations against the coming of the Duke of Monmouth— Arrival of the 
 Duke of Beaufort — Letter from the Duke to the Mayor^ — Jefferies' outrageous Conduct at the 
 Guildhall — Insolence of the Soldiery to the Inhabitants — The Duke of Beaufort offended, writes 
 plainly to the Corporation — James H. visits Bristol — Progress of Popery — ^The Queen at Bath — The 
 Corporation send her an Invitation — Their Majesties visit the City— James's Experiment with the 
 Corporation — Singular Letter from the Corporation — The King orders the Freedom of the City to be 
 given to Sixty-eight Persons — Landing of the Prince of Orange — The Duke of Beaufort's hasty 
 Departure from the City 308 
 
 CHAPTER Vin. 
 
 Colston's first Public Benefaction to this City — His Correspondence — Proposes to maintain Six Sailors in 
 the Merchants' Almshouse — His Conscientiousness — Purchase of the Sugar House in St. Peter's 
 Churchyard by the Corporation of the Poor — His Donations — Decease of his Mother — His Gift of 
 £1000 to Whitechapel Church — His residence in Bristol — Works dedicated to Colston — His proposal 
 to Increase the number of Boys in the Hospital of Queen Elizabeth, and Donation towards Re-btiilding 
 the School-house — His Letter to the Society of Merchants, containing a munificent offer — Proceedings 
 thereupon — Purchase of the Great House on St. Augustine's Back — Colston's Endowment for One 
 Hundred Boys — The Merchants accept the Trust — ^Nominees appointed by Colston — He superintends 
 the Progress of the Alterations at the Great House — Incidental Anecdotes — Opening of the School — 
 Summary of Local Transactions — Colston M. P. for Bristol 383 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Colston contributes to the Foundation of a Charity School in Temple Street — Progress of the School — 
 Letter from Sir John Duddlestone — Colston's Rupture with the Rev. Arthur Bedford — His Corres- 
 pondence with the Trustees of the Charity School — His devoted Attachment to the EstabKshed 
 Church — His Letter to Mr. John Gray — A Complaint against the Society of Friends by the Trustees 
 of Temple Street School — Singular Document — Colston a Corresponding Member for the Society for 
 Promoting Christian Knowledge — Letter to Colston from "The Gentlemen of the Grand Inquest" 
 — His Answer — His Donation to the Repairs of the Cathedral — Lent Sermons— Queen Anne's 
 Bounty — ^ Anecdote — His last Request to the Merchants' Hall — His Contribution towards Re-building 
 AU-Saints' Church — ^To a School at Chewstoke — Colston's declining years at Mortlake — His Death 
 and Funeral 431 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Funeral Sermon — Extracts from Colston's WUl — Portraits of Colston — Contemporary Narratives — 
 Contributions in Redcliff Parish — School on St. Augustine's Back — Exhumation of Colston — The 
 Colston Societies — The Colston, the Dolphin, The Anchor, and the Grateful — Visit to Mortlake— 
 Conclusion 469 
 
 Appendix 495 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 It is the especial duty of an Hstorian, says Pliay, " not to allow the memory of those men to 
 sink into oblivion who have by their deeds merited an immortality of fame." That immortality 
 has seldom been awarded to the lot of a nobler Philanthropist than Edward Colston. 
 
 But if it be in truth advantageous to record the actions of men, who, living in happy and 
 tranquil times, have, during their sojourn on earth, established memorials of themselves, which 
 must endure while gratitude and worthy emulation exist ; of still greater advantage must it 
 be to call again into life the actions of those who, flourishing at an inauspicious era, were doomed 
 to have their own noble works overwhelmed in the ruin of revolution and anarchy ; and a deeper 
 interest accrues when the records of the forgotten deeds of one noble mind, stand in intimate 
 connection vnth the well known memorials of another. And deeper still is that interest when 
 we find the latter dependent, at least in a great degree, on the former ; when in the noble but 
 hitherto unknown and unchronioled example and precepts of the father, we can trace the origin 
 of the far-famed philanthropy of the son. Actuated by these considerations, and possessing the 
 means of gratifying no vain or useless curiosity, the writer has spent many hours of pleasant toil 
 in turning over the mouldering pages of bygone days, in search of the life and actions of "William, 
 the father of Edward Colston. His labours have been well repaid by the discovery of facts 
 which satisfactorily prove that the father was worthy of the son, and that the simple words on 
 the monument erected by the latter in All Saints' Church, " to the deab, mbmoet of his eathee,'' 
 were of no common place import, but the result of grateful affection. "Well may we believe that 
 they were written under the inspiration of feeUngs too deep for more than simple utterance — 
 feelings which recalled the hours of childhood, in which the father industriously sowed the seeds 
 that Providence was pleased in after times to mature to so abundant an harvest. 
 
 The son of whom I speak flourished during the years of comparative repose which followed the 
 fierce and turbulent season of England's revolutionary state, like a calm after a dark and gloomy 
 storm. But the father lived when the tempest was gathering, when the dregs of society were being 
 thrown upon the surface of the foul cauldron of rebellion. 
 
 The virtues of the two men were therefore different, as the characteristic periods of their 
 respective existence. The Ulustrious merit of the father was uncompromising loyalty, a distin- 
 
 B 
 
2 MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 guishing badge in a disloyal age. The virtue of the son -was unambitious charity, yet it may be 
 said that disinterested love of their kind, was prevalent in the souls of both. The benevolent efforts 
 of the- father were directed, by the unnatural circumstances of the period, to soothe the sufferings 
 of Eoyalty; the energies of the son were employed, during more peaceful times, in speaking comfort 
 and rendering aid to the ordinary wants of humanity. 
 
 Without further preface I will proceed with a brief memoir of the father of our Philanthropist, 
 which I cannot more appropriately commence than by introducing his pedigree. This can be traced 
 to a very remote period. The family were descended by a long line of ancestry from Eobert de 
 Colston, of Colston Hall, in the county of Lincoln, a family of consequence at the time of the 
 Conquest. Eowland de Colston, of Colston, marrried the daughter of Sir Thomas Wenterburen, 
 and had issue two sons, Thomas de Colston and James. Prom the latter, through a descent of nine 
 generations, George Colston, of Preston, mercer, was descended; he came to Bristol and settled 
 here as a merchant. With his second son commences the pedigree, a copy of which was furnished to 
 the writer by the late highly esteemed descendant of the family, Edward Prancis Colston, Esq., of 
 Eoundway Park, Wilts. It is as follows : 
 
 " Thomas Colston was the second son of George Colston, of Preston, Lancashire, and 
 came to Bristol about the year 1400. He married the daughter of and had issue. 
 
 " Thomas Colston, second son, who married the daughter of Eead, of Esq., and 
 
 had issue. 
 
 "Eobert Colston, of Bristol, Merchant, who married the daughter of Eead, of Green 
 
 Castle, Carmarthen, and had issue; (and Thomas Colston, second son, who was Mayor of 
 Bristol in 1656, and died without issue.) 
 
 " (William Colston, of Bristol, first son. Merchant, who married the daughter of William 
 Gittens, of Bristol, Merchant, and had issue) Eichard Colston, of Bristol, second son, 
 
 Merchant, married the daughter of Lewis, of Bristol, Merchant, and had issue 
 
 four sons. 
 
 "1. Edward Colston, who died without issue. 
 
 "2. Thomas Colston, Sheriff of Bristol, Colonel of the Train Bands of the King, married 
 the daughter of William Challoner, an ancient family in the said City, and had issue 
 Eobert, Thomas, and Humphrey. 
 
 "3. Eichard Colston, who died without issue. 
 
 "4. William Colston,"— the subject of this memoir, and the father of the Philanthropist. 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 3 
 
 Admiration of excellence, rather than curiosity, led to the present research into the archives of 
 the City; and after a diligent investigation many interesting facts have been brought to light, which 
 I wiU now proceed to relate. 
 
 Prom these records it appears that "WOliam Colston was the son of Eichard ; and, as the pedigree 
 informs us, the grandson of Thomas Colston, an eminent merchant of this City, who held various 
 positions of municipal dignity. In 1562, I find him fillin g the ofS.ce of Sheriff, then seldom held 
 but by those whom wealth and the advantages of education had raised above their fellow citizens. 
 The present representative of the family, Edward Colston, Esq., of Eoundway Park, Devizes, has 
 in his possession a -table cloth and two dozen d'oyleys, formerly the property of this Thomas Colston, 
 which were manufactured in Elanders for the occasion of Queen Elizabeth's visit to this City in 
 1574. Mr. Colston describes the table cloth as being of very fine damask, and beautifully white; 
 with a representation in the centre of Queen Elizabeth on horseback, riding through the City ; the 
 castle on one side; peacocks, flowers, &c., on the other. Games and entertainments for her amuse- 
 ment, of a varied and singular character, occupy the remainder of the cloth. Here, a,boar hunt with 
 dogs, and men vdth javelins. There, a stag and doe and fawns, and men and dogs hunting them. 
 Next, a man shooting a pheasant or some such bird, a hare hunt and hounds. The only mounted 
 figure is the Queen. Mr. Colston considers the cloth and napkins to have belonged to the Corpora- 
 tion, and to have been given by them to his family, by whom they are valued as heir looms. 
 He also possesses the furniture and trappings of the horse on which Queen Elizabeth rode ; 
 consisting of a costly saddle cloth of blue velvet and silver, handsomely worked, the housings 
 enriched with solid sUver ornaments. The bit and stirrup are described as very curious. 
 
 To retvim to Thomas Colston, the memorials of whose time occasioned this digression. In 1577, 
 he was chosen Mayor. That his conduct, while in the civic chair, won the esteem of those over 
 whom he presided is certain, from the Corporation being desirous of again conferring the honour ; to 
 prevent which he paid a sum of money to the Chamber, on the express condition that he should be 
 exempted from the liabiKty of again serving the office of Chief Magistrate. 
 
 Perhaps conscious of the infirmities of advancing age, and mindful of the advice given by the 
 prophet to Hezekiah of old; he retired from public Hfe that he might set his house in order; and 
 dedicate his few remaining years to the service of God, lest the reproach that so oppressed the 
 conscience of "Wolsey, the great statesman of the preceding age, should faU to his lot also. Some 
 beautiful language occurs in portions of his will, which is an index to his thoughts, for men do not 
 trifle when engaged in drawing up that last solemn testimony of their wishes and designs. It 
 manifests his sincere conviction in aU the subHme truths taught by the Church of England, which 
 it strongly and truly declares was the great foundation upon which all his consistent virtues were 
 raised. That he was a steadfast follower of the doctrines of the holy reformers of the Church of 
 
4 MEMOiE OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 England is evidenced by one emptatic passage, wherein lie says : " As to alL tlie relics of the pope 
 and antichrist, I do utterly detest and abhor them." 
 
 He died a. d. 1597, after a long life of honour and usefulness, and at his own express desire was 
 interred " by the side of his first wife, before the little vestry door in AH Saints' Church." His 
 second wife survived him, and left by her will the then munificent sum of £200, for charitable 
 purposes. 
 
 Barrett, in his History of Bristol, says, that on an old stone under the reading desk was this 
 inscription and epitaph : " Thos. Colston, Mayor and Alderman of this City, died 16th Nov. 1597. 
 
 Death is no death now Thomas Colston lives, 
 Who fourscore years hath lived to his praise ; 
 A joyful life now Christ doth to him give, 
 Who wronged no wight, each man commends his ways ; 
 Death him commands to bid this world adieu, 
 . Thrice happy those who die to live anew." 
 
 Eespecting Eichard, the father of the subject of this memoir, our information scarcely extends 
 beyond the brief fact contained in the pedigree. The birth of William, his son, took place a. d. 
 1608. I find him in the early part of the seventeenth century serving his apprenticeship to 
 Eobert Aldworth, an eminent merchant of Bristol. Although nothing can be ascertained with 
 regard to the events of his boyhood, it may be assumed that the period of his apprenticeship 
 was passed with credit to himself and advantage to his master. The cases on record of 
 men whose early days were spent in dissipation or idleness, becoming in after life beneficial 
 members of society, are " few and far between." In the absence therefore, of all positive 
 evidence, and arguing from analogy, it may be fairly concluded that the youth of "WiUiam 
 Colston bore the buds which in due season produced their proper fruits. At the usual period 
 after the expiration of his apprenticeship "William was admitted to the freedom of the City. 
 
 Engaged in extensive mercantile pursuits, he appears speedUy to have realised a handsome 
 independence, and to have held a high pre-eminence among the merchants of the City. Chalmers 
 especially alludes to his transactions with Spain, and there is but little doubt that he was one of 
 the Merchant Princes, whose exertions rendered Bristol second only in the list of the emporiums 
 of England. 
 
 It is a mistaken though too common an opinion, that barter is a bad school for moral and social 
 excellence ; the theory of Cicero (who among other philosophers countenanced this dogma) is not 
 confirmed by experience, and is contradicted by the evidence of the princely foundations by the 
 members of the guilds in London, Bristol, and aU the ancient commercial cities of the kingdom, for 
 the education of youth, the repose of old age, and the solace of the children of aifliction. The smaU 
 
MEMOIR OF "WILLIAM COLSTON. 5 
 
 trader may have his thoughts limited within the sphere of his gains and losses, but the merchant 
 of extensive enterprize has his knowledge bounded only by the wide confines of his transactions, 
 and it is at least possible that his ideas will be on a par with the magnificence of his circumstances. 
 
 On the 23rd of January, 1635, the subject of this memoir married, in Temple Church, Sarah, 
 the daughter of Edward Batten, Esq., a barrister-at-law of the Inner Temple. It cannot be 
 ascertained with accuracy how many children he had by this lady; but it is certain that the eldest, 
 the great benefactor of his native City, was baptized on the 8th of November, 1636, in the same 
 church in which the marriage service of his parents had been performed. That he had previously 
 to this marriage attained a high rank in the estimation of his fellow citizens, is proved by the 
 fact of his having been chosen a member of the Incorporated Society of Merchants, in the 
 year 1634. 
 
 The records of the City have unfortunately made little mention of his father, with the exception 
 of the memorial of his death, which took place the year after the marriage of his son. Thus much 
 we know, that Eichard lived to bless his grandchild, who was to prove so great a blessing to his 
 feUow citizens. If, to refer to a hoKer theme, — good men when dying, like the patriarch of old, 
 are allowed a foresight of the future excellence of their descendants, how consoling must have been 
 the prophetic visions of the grandfather of Edward Colston, when he gave his final and dying 
 benediction to his son and grandson. 
 
 In 1642, we find William Colston filling the office of churchwarden of Christ Church, and 
 zealously performing all the duties as a member of the vestry of that parish. During the following 
 year, his brother merchants paid another tribute to his professional character, by electing him as an 
 assistant, one of the governing body of their society. 
 
 "We have stated above, that Colston had an extensive connection, in his mercantile capacity, with 
 Spain ; this probably induced him to send his three eldest sons as commercial factors, or agents, to 
 that country. While resident there, we learn from Chalmers, that they were uidiscreet enough to 
 hold frequent and violent religious disputes with the Spaniards, who at that time entertained 
 towards the English, rather a polemical, than a political hatred. We are told that on one occasion, 
 during an argument between some Spaniards and the two younger Colstons, it was objected 
 against the reformed religion that it had never been the nurse of patriots or philanthropists. To 
 this aspersion they are reported to have replied, that if it pleased Providence to restore them in 
 safety to their native land, England should produce at least two examples of Protestant 
 benevolence. Had Providence prolonged their lives, we may beHeve that these two noble youths 
 would have realized by deeds the promise of their lips ; but alas, the tradition runs, they both 
 died in Spain the victims of assassination. It was left to Edward to confirm their words, and in 
 his own person to perform more than was requisite to redeem the pledge of both his brothers. 
 
6 MEMOIK OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 But we must return to the father. Throughout those dark years of trouble and infamy, which 
 terminated in the martyrdom of the first Charles, we find William Colston a consistent and unbending 
 loyalist; ambitious only of offices which might permit him to aid the suffering cause of royalty; 
 daring the obloquy showered on him by those whose best praise he deemed an opprobrium, persevering 
 in the retention of office while he could hold it, ia despite of the assumed authority of rebels, and 
 retiring into the privacy of domestic Hfe, when the King could no longer profit by his public 
 services. 
 
 There is every reason to believe that his efforts in the Eoyal cause were characterized equally by 
 energy and prudence, although Providence was pleased to preserve him from the fate which attended 
 so many of his fellow royalists. 
 
 To the well known noble but unsuccessful attempt of Teamans and Boucher to recover the City from 
 the rebels, and to place it m the hands of its rightful monarch, WiUiam Colston rendered every 
 assistance ; nor must it be supposed that his efforts had been less than theirs, because he escaped 
 their fate. His name stood high iu Bristol. His authority was great even with the rebels. 
 Yeamans and Boucher were executed, but Colston remained to confirm his love for his Kiag by 
 further deeds of devoted loyalty. 
 
 That the unbending integrity of Colston had won for him golden opinions from all parties, — that 
 he was justly regarded as a man ambitious rather of good for others, than for his own advancement, — 
 may be gathered from the fact, that he was enrolled a member of the Corporation of his native City, 
 on the 14th of September, 1643, and elected Sheriff on the ensuing day. 
 
 Loyalty was now again triumphant in Bristol, which had three months before been surrendered 
 to Prince Eupert by Piennes, and although the period was characterized (as all such eras are) by 
 too frequent desertion from the rightful standard of their liege lord, of disaffected men who could 
 lose nothing and might gain much ; and whose character could suffer no further degradation, and 
 who therefore, Uke the disciples of Cataline, mide erant nova/rum rerum. i Yet all men of honourable 
 minds (among whom perhaps were many who, entertaining conscientious objections to the politics of 
 the reigning administration, contemplated only a mild and rational reform) adhered to the falling 
 fortunes of their master. 
 
 The oath of fidelity to his King was therefore tendered to Colston on his accepting the office of 
 Sheriff of Bristol ; and to all the Members of the Corporation, who, on the same day renewed their 
 fealty to the monarch, in the chapel of St. George. None more deeply appreciated the import 
 of his oath, or more rigidly performed its promise, through all the subsequent difficulties of that 
 disastrous period, than William Colston. 
 
 1 Tide Sallust. Vita Catalinae. 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. / 
 
 The Earl of Essex was at that moment strenuously endeavouring to raise both money and troops 
 by which the loyalists might be overawed and held in subjection. AU peremptory and illegal 
 methods were resorted to, to increase the finances of the rebel faction, daily growing more powerful 
 in numbers and daily fattening on the ill-starred measures of its less cimning opponents. Colston, 
 therefore, and his colleagues, bound themselves by their oath, "not to give their consent to the 
 levying of any money on the country by the (soi disant) Parliament, without his Majesty's con- 
 currence and assent." 
 
 Previously to the surrender of Bristol to Prince Eupert, the Parliamentary authorities had 
 thoroughly drained its exchequer. Its fljiances were exhausted, and scarcely available for the 
 pajTnent of £20,000, which Charles commanded the citizens to raise for the relief of his pressing 
 emergencies on the surrender of the City. 
 
 Although Bristol had not retained its loyalty unpolluted amidst the commotions of the age, — although 
 it had "fallen from its high estate," by having been for some time in the possession of the rebels; 
 yet Charles appears justly to have estimated the character of its leading inhabitants; and kindly 
 to have overlooked the errors of the multitude, in consideration of the loyalty and affection of the 
 more nobly minded few. Many indeed were, in these unhappy days, compelled to wear the pestilent 
 garment of rebellion, whose hearts warmed towards their imfortimate master. Theirs was the error 
 rather of cowardice than of crime. Colston, however, cannot be numbered among these ; his virtues 
 took a nobler station, and stood firm as a rock amongst the fluctuating events of the times. 
 
 It was conspicuous alike in the brief sunshine which occasionally illumined the affairs of his 
 Sovereign, and shone with a deeper radiance in the gloom with which they were more usually 
 surrounded. Integrity is like the guiding pOlar of the Israelites — a visible cloud by day, but a 
 shining light in darkness. 
 
 The loyalty of Colston was not forgotten by his Sovereign. On the 3rd of August, 1643, (some 
 difi'erences having arisen between the Marquis of Hertford and Prince Eupert, as to the governor- 
 ship of the City ; which rendered the personal interference of the King expedient) Charles entered 
 Bristol, accompanied by the Prince of "Wales, the Duke of York, Sir Edward Hyde, (afterwards 
 Lord Chancellor, then Chancellor of the Exchequer) and other ministers. The King honoured 
 Colston by taking up his residence at his house in Small Street; and there is every reason to 
 believe that the host did not allow his royal guest to depart without ofiering him such tokens 
 of his fealty, as the critical and impoverished circumstances of the Monarch rendered peculiarly 
 acceptable. 
 
 On the Sunday following their arrival, the Eoyal party attended divine service in the Cathedral, 
 accompanied by their host and the authorities of the City; the Mayor preceding the King, bareheaded. 
 
8 MEMOIK OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 in ids scarlet robe, and attended by the insignia of office. After the service a sumptuous entertainment 
 was provided for them ; and we learn that the noble bearing and affable condescension of the 
 Monarch and his sons, were weU. calculated to confirm the wavering, and to kindle into devoted and 
 active services the principles of his loyal subjects. Perhaps no Sovereign ever wore a crown whose 
 ideas of the " Divine right of kings," and the proud sense of the duty owed him from his subjects, 
 were more exalted than those of Charles. These principles, however, called into too energetic action 
 at an unpropitious period, and attended by many unfortunate inconsistencies, wrought his downfall ; 
 but when chastened by sorrow bis character rises through every painful scene and approaches 
 sublimity, when in the martyred Sovereign we behold the meek, the humble, and resigned 
 Christian. 
 
 Eut to return to the subject of these memoirs. The confidence of his brethren in the integrity of 
 WiUiam Colston, appears to have increased with his years ; for we find that in March, 1643-4, he 
 was unanimously chosen Treasurer of Queen Elizabeth's Hospital. This office he retained for a 
 considerable period, fulfilling its duties in every respect as a zealous public servant. The peculiar 
 circumstances of the times, however, pointed out higher objects. His was an age in which princes 
 were compelled to share with paupers the donations of the benevolent ; and Colston appears to have 
 felt a scriptural truth, then but too little regarded, that his Monarch possessed a rightful claim 
 to generous and ample support at the hands of his liege subjects. 
 
 Bristol had now rendered itself dangerously conspicuous by enduring loyalty. The hatred 
 consequently of the rebel faction, rivalled the love borne towards the City by the loyal portion of 
 the community. Proportionate to its value in the eyes of the royalists, was the eagerness of the 
 Parliament to win it over to their side ; if possible by subtlety ; if othervsdse, by compulsion. Of 
 secret efforts to bribe the citizens to espouse their cause, the emissaries of the Parliament had been 
 unsparing; and nothing but the undaunted resolution and noble example of Colston and some few 
 other true patriots, had hitherto preserved Bristol from the disgrace of being a second time, the 
 high place of rebel interest. What craft had failed to accomplish, was now to be attempted by 
 open violence. Rumour after rumour spread a panic among the citizens, little accustomed to the 
 rude trade of war. Eeports of the intended measures of the enemy grew daily more frequent, each 
 assuming a darker and more important aspect than its precursor; until the utmost dismay was added 
 to the terror of the citizens by the knowledge of the fact, that Cromwell was in person on his march 
 to Bristol, accompanied by General Fairfax and a large army. 
 
 Tot while the feeble minds of the majority had been open only to the ignoble voice of fear or 
 the cogent arguments of self interest; a few of the more consistent royalists, with Colston at their 
 head, had been steadily engaged in making all available preparations to meet the impending 
 danger. The cause of the unfortunate Monarch and of the church and state was their cause ; and no 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 9 
 
 selfish fear, no prospect of personal aggrandizement, no regard even for safety ; could interfere with 
 the sacred call of duty, with the obligations of religion and loyalty* By them therefore, resistance 
 even to death against the rebels was firmly and unflinchingly advocated. 
 
 Tet the task was difficult to confirm the tottering cause of Koyalty, in hearts seldom alive to any 
 suggestion but those of iuterest. The rights of a faUitig Monarchy, the stem calls of patriotism, 
 when patriotism is at variance with safety, or even avarice, are seldom regarded. Self-love has a 
 good vantage ground iu the souls of the common herd, when principle and duty are the sole 
 opponents. Tet the arguments and exertions of Colston and his brethren were attended at least 
 with but partial success. 
 
 The fortifications of the City were enlarged and repaired, the members of the Corporation taking 
 it by turns to superintend the operations, and making daily reports of their progress to the Council. 
 But to the evils of civil war, to the apprehensions of impending danger with which Bristol was at 
 this period environed, it pleased Providence to add horrors of a stiU more gloomy and dreadful 
 character. The citizens were actively engaged iu making preparations agaiast the attack of an 
 open enemy; but they saw not, nor could foresight have availed them against the approach of a 
 surer and a deadlier foe — ^the Plague. It began to make its fearful ravages in this devoted City 
 about the middle of November. 
 
 This calamity probably originated in the crowded state of the troops in the garrison ; and numbers 
 were cut off by its virulence, before any efforts could be made to arrest its progress. Awful must 
 have been the meeting within the walls of the City ; of the gay and as yet bloodless pageantry of 
 war, with the dark powers of the raging pestilence. Colston's energies, however, which had lately 
 been so actively exerted in aiding the cause of the Monarch, were now as prompt to render succoiir 
 to his subjects. He was stUl at his post in the vanguard of benevolence ; and we find him 
 associated with Col. Taylor, and his uncle. Col. Colston, in the office of preparing hospitals and in 
 superintending the operations of the Board of Health, daily rendered more necessary by the increase 
 of the malady. It would be superfluous in this place to trace the progress of the plague in the City ; 
 suffice it to state that the benevolence of Colston and his coadjutors, was unwearied during its 
 continuance, and at length was rewarded by its cessation, at an earlier period than the extent of its 
 ravages in other towns might have led them to anticipate. 
 
 All the efforts of the Bristol EoyaJists in favour of their iU-fated Monarch, proved unfortunately 
 unavailing to retard the progress of a pestilence as fearful in its moral results, as the plague in its 
 physical ravages. Every exertion was made which patriotism could suggest and valour and prudence 
 adopt, but in vain. Treachery unwove aU that virtue had wrought, and Bristol again fell into the 
 hands of the rebel faction. 
 
 The zeal of Colston in the cause of his Koyal Master had been too conspicuous, to allow the 
 
 
 
10 MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 
 
 Parliament to pass him over in silence. Even in his native City, envy of his numerous excellencies 
 had greater weight over the minds of some of his fellow citizens, than gratitude for his services or 
 admiration of his talents. He was now a marked man, — and those who perhaps had profited 
 most by his disinterested virtues, endeavoured to make atonement for their own delinquencies to 
 the Parliament, hy pointing out as a proper object of its vengeance, him, whose noble consistency 
 was once their safeguard, but now an obstacle in their path to preferment. An order of the Lords 
 and Commons was signed on the 28th of October, 1645, dismissing him from his office as a member 
 of the Corporation. This document, intended for his debasement, is in fact a striking testimony to 
 his virtue. It represents him as imtainted and active in promoting the views of his Monarch, and 
 it further states that his retention of office was detrimental to the safety and welfare of the City. 
 The committee of Parliament then sitting was to proceed to the investigation of his delinquencies, 
 and "to return proofs on oath to the House, that they might proceed to farther judgment." On 
 the receipt of this order of Parliament, the Governor, Major-General Skippon, commanded the 
 Mayor, Francis Creswicke, to summon a meeting of the Corporation, for December 19, 1645. 
 
 In the meantime, Colston was no doubt informed of his impending danger ; but with him loyalty 
 had ever been virtue, and not selfishness. 
 
 The murder of Teamans and Boucher by the rebel Piennes ; the energetic steps which the 
 Parhament were now beginning to take for the punishment of their vanquished opponents ; and 
 above aU the desperate crisis of the EoyaUsts' affairs, would have intimidated any mind less truly 
 noble than that of Colston. 
 
 Skippon, to whom as we have before stated the Parliament had entrusted the government of 
 Bristol, determined to arm his commission — already sufficiently terrible — ^with aU the pomp and 
 circumstances of his lately acquired supremacy. Perhaps he desired to awe other less resolute 
 offenders into submission, before the commission of any overt act on their part. Arrayed in full 
 military costume, he approached the Council House on the appointed day, in the midst of his 
 armed guard, the roU of the drum and the piercing notes of the fife accompanying his progress. 
 
 Whatever Colston's anticipations may have been of the result, he was not absent from his seat 
 on that day of trial. Wrapped in his scarlet robe, with all the tranquillity of conscious integrity, — 
 he took his place in the Council Chamber, resolved, if the only one, to shew himself faithful to the 
 last. 
 
 The thunders of the Parliamentary edicts were levelled against Creswicke, the Mayor, as weE 
 as against Colston and others. Creswicke was a man of high honour and integrity, and took his 
 seat in the Council Chamber for the last time, as he might well have anticipated. 
 
 The order was commanded to be read by the Governor, directing that Creswicke should be 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 11 
 
 removed from his dignity as Mayor, and Colston from his office as Alderman. Another order 
 beariag date the 1st of November, 1645, commanded that Eiohard Aldworth, Eichard Vickris, and 
 Luke Hodges, should he re-estahlished ia the places from which they had been dismissed by the 
 Eoyalists. These men, on the previous surrender by the Parliamentary forces of the city to its 
 legitimate Monarch, "had been," as the edict states, "displaced for their fidelity to the Parliament, 
 and for adhering to the defence of their just cause." This, it proceeds to shew, " was contrary to 
 justice, and the law of the land, unjust, unwarrantable, and unlawful." They were therefore 
 to be reinstated in the government of the City, as they were at the beginning of this 
 " unnatural wa/r." 
 
 On the following day, Colston and Creswicke once more attended at the Council House, the 
 latter delivering to John Gonning, as his successor, the sword of justice, the cap of maiutenance, 
 and the other insignia of office. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that such military proceedings as these against men of unblemished 
 reputation, — ^both beloved, and one at least reverenced for his consistent integrity ; could have been 
 sanctioned by the consent of the citizens. But they were restrained from any further 
 demonstration than that of silent indignation; by the dread of a power which they could 
 not successfully oppose, and which had already taught them submission by stem acts of 
 cruelty and vengeance. Had any violent opposition been offered to the accomplishment of 
 his object, there is very little doubt that Skippon would have forestalled his master Cromwell, 
 in an act of military tyranny, though performed on a minor scale; that he would have 
 carried off the sword and other insignia of office, violently ejected the members of the Coporation 
 from the Council Chamber, and taken the keys into his own possession. 
 
 That the rebel Governor was a favourite with Gonning and his colleagues, and that they were 
 not ungrateful for his zealous co-operation, is evident from one fact, that at the first meeting of the 
 Corporation subsequent to these events which took place in December, they voted Skippon a pipe 
 of Canary and a tun of Gascoyne wine, " as a gratuity from the City, as a welcome to the same;" so 
 they expressed it, but in reality as a douceur for his efforts on their behalf. That the envy of the 
 enemies of Colston did not rest contented with his dismissal from office, is only too certain. That 
 his death was not accomplished, he owed to their prudent policy, not to mercy or compunction. 
 
 Mercy appears to have slimibered during that horrible period of civil war, which called into 
 existence aU the most venomous passions of our nature. Bristol had been subjected to even more than 
 average suffering, and it is hard to determine whether war or the plague had effected most mischief 
 within her walls. Under both of these evils, it has been stated no less than three thousand 
 perished. 
 
 Of the life of Colston, from the period of his dismission from the Corporation until 1661, we can 
 
12 MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTONT 
 
 obtain no certain information, with the exception of the loss of his daughter Martha, who died a. d. 
 1651, and was buried in the family vault in AH Saints' Church. 
 
 However great may be the temporary triumph of vice ia the community, nobler principles wiU 
 sooner or later re-assert their legitimate sway. The time had now arrived when it should be 
 proved to demonstration, that even those who differed in politics from Colston, were compelled 
 either to dread or to revere his virtues. The restoration of Monarchy was at length accomplished, 
 and the second Charles happily seated on the throne of his ancestors. 
 
 Those however, who during the period of the Commonwealth had usurped authority in Bristol, 
 and who were all of course inimical to the change so providentially effected, stOl retained their 
 power ; and it was by this very party that Colston was unanimously invited to resume his seat ia 
 the Council as an Alderman. Perhaps a dread of certain disclosures, made those who had been 
 the most active partizans of Cromwell, more solicitous ia pressiag their request on the acute and 
 experienced Eoyalist. Be this as it may, ia whatever light the request is regarded, it was an 
 aekaowledgment either of his integrity or of his talents, nor did Colston think it right to reject 
 this tardy tribute to his merit. Tardy indeed was the tribute, for in a few days they were 
 themselves compelled to resign their Dl-aoquired stations, and to give place to those who had been 
 driven from their legitimate authority. 
 
 Little remains to be recorded of the life of "William Colston. "Were this a work of imagiaation, 
 the stirring and changiag scenes of the era ia which he flourished, would furnish ample matter of 
 interest, but it is better to leave much untold, than to throw discredit on ascertained facts by fancy 
 sketches. 
 
 Let us picture to ourselves the green old age of a man who, surrounded by temptations and trials, 
 had held his integrity unpolluted, his honour untarnished ; dwelling in the midst of those to whom 
 his word was law, loved and honoured by children emulative of his excellencies, themselves alreadv 
 equally loved and honoured. One or two incidents however, alluded to ia the archives of the 
 City should not be passed without notice. 
 
 His commercial pursuits followed with strict integrity and honest industry, appear to have been 
 generally successful; but in the latter part of 1657, he sustained a heavy loss in the capture of a 
 vessel by the Spaniards, called the Society of Bristol, and commanded by William Hale. The 
 greater part of the freight consistiag of wine and oil, was the property of Colston. She was on her 
 homewaxd voyage from MarceUa ia Provence, and was taken iato Alicant, where her cargo was 
 sold. Previous however to this trial, he had arrived at that period of Ufe when the City was to 
 be deprived of the services of an active Magistrate, and the King of a most loyal subject. Deafiiess, 
 with other iofrmities incident to old age, had now taken possession of his frame. He would only 
 hold office while he felt that his faculties were equal for the discharge of its duties. In 1660 
 
MEMOIR OF WILLIAM COLSTON. 13 
 
 he was one of several who by their signatures, bore honourable testimony to the bravery and 
 loyalty of a Mr. Eichard Ellsworth, who had been a great sufferer in the City during the rebellion. 
 
 He had nobly performed his duties through an arduous life, and now sought retirement to 
 prepare for death. His intention was notified to the Corporation June the 7th, 1664, when he bade 
 adieu for ever to the great theatre of public life. "What memories must in that hour have crowded 
 on his mind. A rebel faction, — at first like the cloud of EUjah, "no lai-ger than a man's hand," 
 growing into a tempest of desolation. A city beleaguered without by civil enemies, and gnawed and 
 tortured by discord and pestilenoe within. A beloved Monarch who had feasted at his table, 
 imprisoned, spat on, and led to the scaffold and slain. The ambitious Cromwell now wielding the 
 sceptre of England, — ^now stretched beneath his funeral pall. The joy of a ransomed nation, — the 
 glad shouts which welcomed the day of the restoration succeeding to the gloom of past years, — his 
 parents, his wife, his children, — and in the imseen future a glorious crown won for him by the 
 merits of his Redeemer. Such doubtless were the recollections and thoughts of the old man iu 
 the stiU calm hours of his declining days. 
 
 From the period of his resignation of office tiU his death, WiUiam Colston lived in perfect 
 retirement. "With Seneca he could now say, " I have lived as long as I ought to Uve, and full of 
 years, await my death," and Uke a satiated guest at a banquet, he prepared for his departure. Jifor 
 was it delayed for many years. He expired the 2l8t of November, 1681, aged 73, leaving behind 
 him an unblemished character in every situation of life, and a son whose virtues were already 
 peacefully wreathing fresh laurels around the name of Colston. 
 
 Besides other benefactions to his native City, he left £100, the interest thereof to be given annually 
 to six poor householders of the parish of All Saints. To the poor of Temple he left £50, the profits 
 to be weekly distributed in bread; and to the poor of St. Peter's parish he left the interest of £10, 
 to be annually distributed to two poor housekeepers. He desired to be buried in All Saints' Church 
 with the rest of his ancestors, at the discretion of his executor. 
 
EDWARD COLSTON, HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introduction — Birth of Colston — Temple Church — Christening— General features of the City — Old Bristol 
 Bridge — Condition of the Streets — The Christening Party— Colston's Childhood— Obscurity of his early 
 years — Prolonged research amongst the City Muniments — The Tradition of Colston and his Brothers 
 considered with reference to recorded facts. 
 
 In laying before our readers the biography of our distinguished 
 Philanthropist, Edward Colston, we cannot promise any incidents of an 
 engrossing or exciting nature. It will be found a simple narrative of the life 
 of one whom all humanity must delight to honour; of one, whose name 
 should be as widely disseminated as was the spirit of his charity. It is not 
 therefore without regret, that we plead the penury of private history, for the 
 absence of those intimate and individual details which would serve to 
 command attention, and to vary the monotonous tenour of our subject. 
 
 Edward Colston's life, truly noble and honourable as it was, had been left 
 without a record, but for the notices of his charitable acts which gladden the 
 pages of our calendars — by these alone can we trace his footsteps, — and these 
 alone are the uninterrupted series which form the thread of our biography. 
 
 Abounding in wealth, but uninfluenced by the desire for aggrandizement ; 
 calmly and steadily he pursued his course of almost unexampled benevolence. 
 Eeligiously and hopefully as a servant of the Most High, he performed the 
 duties of his probationship ; and seldom raised his voice in supplication, but 
 to appeal for the poor and helpless, — or stretched forth his hand but to relieve 
 and save. The ardent votary of science, swelling with the hopes of fame — 
 the warrior, thirsting for renown — the pale student, wasting over the page of 
 thought, — do not more indomitably persevere for the attainment of their object; 
 than did Colston for the furtherance of his exalted and unselfish purpose : — 
 the giving to youth, instruction and support ; to age, an asylum and a refuge ; 
 
16 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and being to the wretched and weary laden, a benefactor and a friend. He 
 knew and felt that a heavy responsibility was his ; and his highest ambition 
 was to render himself worthy of his stewardship — his greatest reward the 
 consciousness of having endeavoured to fulfil his duty. Little did he deem 
 that Bristol's citizens would by their annual assemblies bear testimony to his 
 worth, — and show their veneration for his character by seeking to emulate his 
 virtues. Little did he deem that those who then stood foremost in the pride 
 of place and power, would have sunk into comparative oblivion, while his 
 unobtrusive and familiar acts would claim an universal sympathy. Little did 
 he deem that whUe relieving, comforting, and assuaging, he was securing a 
 terrestrial fame ; — not decaying, but strengthening with the lapse of Time, — not 
 wasting, — but increasing beneath its silent power. The light of his example 
 not dimmed and darkened by its flight, — but irradiating into a glorious and 
 ever diiFusing brightness, animating the heart of the young and unprotected, 
 and cheering the path of aged helpless poverty unto the grave. 
 
 There is an instinctive curiosity in the minds of most persons, which 
 disposes them to feel an interest in the birthplace of aU memorable characters; 
 and we are well pleased at being enabled to satisfy that curiosity, by pointing 
 to the locality, and indicating the precise spot of Colston's nativity. 
 
 We learn from unquestionable authority that when this event occurred, 
 the mother of Colston was on a visit to a friend, who resided in Temple Street, 
 immediately opposite Dr. White's Hospital.^ The hand of innovation has 
 removed the dwelling connected with so important an incident to the City, and 
 a warehouse has been erected on its site. Like the domestic architecture of 
 the previous century, of which some contiguous characteristic examples 
 remain ; it had an overhanging, or projecting gabled front of timber and 
 ornamented plaster-work united, supported by clumsy wooden pillars. A 
 long range of windows extended throughout; and at the entrance was a 
 picturesque porch, with a small latticed room over it. In a chamber 
 adjoining this room, was Colston born, on November 2nd, 1636. 
 
 The first recorded notice we have of the existence of our great Philanthropist 
 is that of his christening, entered in the registry of Temple parish within a 
 few days after his birth. In our youth we have curiously surveyed with 
 
 1 Probably at her father's, Edward Batten, the Coimsellor. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 17 
 
 something of wondering interest Temple's leaning tower; and in after 
 years with graver thoughts and purpose; have entered within the sacred 
 fabric, and admired its light and graceful architecture. And from our solemn 
 duties our minds may have wandered to the olden time, when the endow- 
 ments of the Templars contributed to its foundation, and their rule was 
 established within its precincts. But since we have known its association 
 with the admission of Colston into the spiritual faith of that Church of which 
 he became so earnest, warm, and resolute a champion, we have felt a higher 
 veneration for the edifice ; — and all the shadowy grandeur of its past magnifi- 
 cence, all the pomp of its militant priesthood, fade before one sweet and quiet 
 record, which the parish register thus sets forth: — 
 
 " 1636, November 8th, Edward, son of William Colston, was christened" 
 
 It was this entry that induced us to re-visit the church and seek the font to 
 which Colston had been carried, and where his sponsors had taken their 
 solemn obligation, generally so lightly spoken, and so little regarded. The 
 olden relic of the faith of centuries, with its holy associations, its Christian 
 memories, had disappeared. It had been cast aside in the year 1701, when 
 the church underwent considerable repair. Around it had many generations 
 knelt, with blended hopes of heaven and of earth ; and pure, and good, and 
 bounteous may have been the harvest from the seed there sown. It had 
 moreover, a peculiar interest, from its having been connected with the baptism 
 of Colston. But neither this, nor its hallowed uses, could protect it from the 
 daring hand of fashion or caprice. It had been discarded as worthless, and it 
 was gone ! 
 
 Very difierent was the aspect of the old City at the period when we 
 commence our narrative from that which we now behold it, and some of its 
 more remarkable features press on our attention. Its ancient Castle, though 
 in many places falHng to ruin, was not then destroyed; and the colossal Keep, 
 massive towers, and sullen fortresses, loomed in frowning dignity and strength, 
 seeming impregnable fastnesses to the attacks of man and Time. The City 
 was also surroxmded by an embattled wall, in which were fourteen gates. ^ Of 
 
 1 1. Baldwin's, afterwards Leonard's gate, "and a paroclie churcli over it." 
 
 2. St. Moliolas' gate, " where is a churclie cum cryptis." 
 
 3. K'ewgate ("as methynkyetlie) is in tte utar waulle by the castle, and a chapelle over itte : 
 itte is the pryson of the city." Eemoved in 1762. 
 
 D 
 
18 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 these the archway of the tower of St. John's Church, wherein may still be 
 observed the channel in which the portcullis used to traverse, alone remains ; 
 recalling the warlike and troublous times when it was essential for the defence 
 and security of the City. At this period it formed part of the regular 
 fortifications. Conspicuous from its dimensions was the " Great Tower" 
 (more than thirty yards in circumference) that stood on the Quay, in the open 
 space of ground opposite the present drawbridge. William Wyrcestre accounts 
 it to have been built by John Vielle, for he also describes it as the mansion 
 house of his descendant, Henry Vielle.^ 
 
 Time had not then dispersed the ruins of the dissolved religious fabrics, that 
 had in their meridian of luxurious splendour and priestly dominion, imparted so 
 peculiarly an ecclesiastical character to the City. These melancholy, crumbling 
 witnesses of the rapacity and injustice of the eighth Henry, met the eye in 
 every direction ; and there was no quarter of the City but retained decaying 
 monuments of the prostrate power that had been subdued, and temporarily 
 crushed beneath the advancing progress and purer doctrine of the reformed 
 Church. There were the dismantled walls of the nunnery of St. Magdalene, 
 on St. Michael's Hill ; of the Gaunt's Hospital,^ on the Green of St. Augustine ; 
 
 4. Froom, on the water gate, removed in 1694 with, the house over it. 
 
 5. Pithay, or Aylward's gate. Demolished in 1764. 
 
 6. Defence gate in Dolphin Street. 
 
 7. Tower gate. 
 
 8. St. John's gate, " a churche on eche syde of it; St. John's Churohe, it is harde on the north 
 side of it, and there be Cryptae." 
 
 9. St. GUes' gate "be the south-west of the Eey, where Frome reumtts." 
 
 10. SaUy -port of the castle. 
 
 11. Godfrey's Lodge. 
 
 12. Marsh gate. 
 
 13. Eedcliff gate, rebuilt in 1730, removed in 1772. 
 
 14. Temple gate. An engraving of this gate, from a drawing by Bird, is in Corry's History of 
 Bristol, Vol. I. — Barketi's History of Bristol, 65. Leland. 
 
 1 It was not removed tiU the year 1772, when several houses in the immediate neighbourhood 
 were taken down to make way for the formation of Clare Street. 
 
 2 The boundary of this hospital, is still indicated by a niche in the angle of the comer house of 
 Pipe Lane, and Frog Lane, or Frogmore Street, Avith (over it) the remains of a winged lion carved 
 in stone, and part of a similar emblem against the western comer house of St. Mark's Lane, on 
 St. Augustine's Back. Queen Elizabeth's Hospital was erected upon its site, and Unity Street and 
 Orchard Street are erected upon the orchard of the Gaunt's Hospital.— Evans's Chronological Outline. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. ]9 
 
 the White Friars, on St. Augustine's Back near the Quay ; the Grey Friars 
 House, in Lewin's Mead ; the Black Friars, on the Weir; the Augustine Friars, 
 near Temple Gate; and the Knights' Hospitallers, near Eedcliff Gate;^ St. 
 Clement's Chapel, on the Marsh ; the Virgin Mary's Chapel, on the Bridge ; 
 and numerous other smaller religious houses, which had been deprived of 
 their privileges and plundered of their endowments, by an arbitary and 
 unprincipled despot ; and their inmates cast without provision on a world of 
 whose ways they were ignorant, and to whom its devious paths were all 
 unknown. 
 
 In addition to the ancient churches that still proclaim the piety of our 
 forefathers, there were other attestations of their devotedness to God's service; 
 whose consecrated uses have long ceased, and some whose sacred walls have 
 long been overthrown. Of these latter we may only stay in our general 
 description to name St. Ewen's, built on the site whereon the Council House 
 now stands ; St. Lawrence, in Bell Lane, near St. John's Church ; and St. 
 Leonard's, at the bottom of Corn Street, adjoining the wall of the old City. 
 
 Another pleasing architectural feature that the streets and public places 
 then presented, was beheld in the stone crosses that at every open space 
 symboUed the faith of the citizens — and their desire to give it a visible 
 expression in works of beauty and durability. With the High Cross, then 
 in the centre of the four streets, High Street, Broad Street, Wine Street, and 
 Corn Street, we are familiar from the model recently erected in College 
 Green. Not so with Stallage Cross, then standing at the beginning of 
 Temple Street, in the open space before the picturesque and tottering old 
 house known as the " Fourteen Stars." Neither can we trace any thing of 
 the Red Cross, on the south side of the Old Market ; or St. James' Cross, in 
 St. James' Church-yard ; or Christmas Cross, at the end of Christmas Street ; ^ 
 or St. Augustine's, near the Cathedral; or St. Peter's, midway between 
 St. Peter and St. Mary-le-port Streets ; beside others whose names, like the 
 foregoing, are writ in record. But excepting the High Cross and St. Peter's, 
 
 1 " This yeare (1446) K. Henry (6tli) came first to Bristol, and made Ms residence neere Eedcliif 
 Churclie : wMcIl house, as some say, he hestowed on "Knights' Hospitallers, being that on which 
 lately (1669) stood a crucifix, and neere to EedcUff Gate." — MS. Cat, Evans. 
 
 2 Upon the summit of St. Michael's Hill, called Stype Street, there was a cross of stone, which 
 surmounted a covered weU. for public accommodation. — Ibid. 
 
20 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 whose original structures still adorn the grounds at Stourhead, they have 
 no other memory/ 
 
 If we turn to the public buUdings, whether municipal or commercial, that 
 once embellished the City, we shall be impressed again with the mutability of 
 all man's works — the ephemeral nature of his most vaunted achievements. 
 There is not a structure that has not been rebuilt or changed its form. 
 The Tolzey, with its long arcades, is gone, — and a Council House that 
 succeeded it, has been replaced by another. The old Guildhall, whose 
 foundation is lost in the mists of antiquity, has shared the common lot; — ' 
 and the Halls belonging to the Trading Companies, of which mention is 
 made in our records, how few of them remain ! And what know we 
 now of the Conduits ] some, as William Wyrcestre describes, with " a very 
 fair castellette." Many of our readers may call to remembrance St. John's, 
 near the church, there is a drawing of it in " Front's Antiquities," but of the 
 others, the Quay Pipe, All Hallows, St. Nicholas', and Redcliff, we see and 
 know nothing of the quaint morsels of picturesque architecture with which 
 they were adorned. 
 
 We have yet to notice the most grateful and pleasing objects to the Christian 
 mind, that evinced not alone the increased and increasing prosperity of the 
 City ; but also the high consciousness of duty which animated the hearts, and 
 influenced the actions of its fortunate citizens. These were, and are beheld in 
 the simple structures raised and endowed by charitable and opulent merchants, 
 for the refuge and support of the unfortunate and forsaken, the needy and 
 the aged. Not length of years, nor chance, nor change of faith and rule, 
 have stayed the will of their founders. Their benevolence may not have aU 
 flowed in the channel as they devised, — but how far through factious discords 
 and revolutions dire their testimonies have been held sacred, is shown in their 
 good works around us that preserve their memories. 
 
 In point of antiquity we may commence with Simon Burton's Almshbuses, 
 in Long Eow. These were followed by Richard Spicer's Hospital, within 
 Temple Gate ; by John Barstable's, in the Old Market ; by William 
 Canynge's Almshouse ; by Eobert Strange's, in St. John's parish ; by William 
 Spencer's, in Lewin's Mead; by John Foster's, on St. Michael's Hill; 
 
 1 St. Peter's may be described as a hexagonal building, having six arches, over each of -which is 
 a semicircular niche, containing a rudely sculptured figure. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 21 
 
 the Weavers', and Dr. White's Hospitals, in Temple Street ; and the Mer- 
 chants' Almshouses, in King Street. More remain, which our limits forbid 
 us to note. The liberality and munificence of the past age are also revealed 
 to us in the public schools; whose establishments shine with so proud a 
 blazonry on the shield of our City's fame, and whose existence exalts the 
 character of the Bristol merchants, to whom we are indebted for their 
 foundation and support. Of these we may briefly name the Free Grammar 
 School, founded by the Thorns, held at St. Bartholomew's Hospital ; Queen 
 Elizabeth's Hospital, founded by John Carr, in College Green ; and the "Red 
 Maid" School, founded by the learned and pious Alderman Whitson, near the 
 Church of St. Mark. 
 
 The merchants' residences, were at this time in the heart of the City, and 
 evidences exist of their magnificence to this day, though in too many cases 
 turned into counting-houses and warehouses. Some have distinguished 
 entrances, with pillars and canopies that with great care and costliness have 
 been wrought. Some have ample wainscoted rooms of stately aspect, with 
 high chimney pieces, on which have been lavished the most elaborate carving. 
 Some have grand staircases, with noble balustrades and sculptured monsters 
 resting on the pillars at the landing places. Some have the floors of polished 
 oak, or tessalated with varied woods of costly price. Some have . decorated 
 ceilings, with scrolls and pendants, and massy cornices, enriched with the 
 fantastic quarterings of heraldry. Some derive dignity from interesting his- 
 torical recollections, and some impart melancholy from their silent, moral 
 teaching, — the passing away of all worldly glories ! The specimens to which 
 we are about to refer illustrate, in many of their characteristics the magnificent 
 domestic architecture of our Merchant Princes during the reigns of Elizabeth 
 and the first James. We may suppose the fortunes of the houses about to be 
 named, at this time to have reached their meridian. There were Sir John 
 Young's, Red Lodge,^ on St. Michael's Hill, and his lower house on St. 
 Augustine's Back ; Alderman John Langton's,^ on the Quay ; Robert 
 
 1 In 1579, the Corporation conveyed to Sir John Toung " all that lodge, dove house, garden, and 
 orchard, late ui the occupation of Mcholas Thorn, gentleman, situate upon St. Michael's TTill." — City 
 Records. Sir John huilt the noble dwelling now known as the Eed Lodge shortly after ; and about 
 the same time he built his lower house on St. Augustine's Back, since so famed as Colston's School. 
 
 2 The monogram J. L. 1623, is on a shield in a room adjoining the state apartment in this 
 
22 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Aldworth's, in St. Peter's Churchyard; Alderman Whitson's, in St. Nicholas 
 Street; Aldermen Creswick's and Holworthy's, in Small Street ; and others, 
 that will come before the reader as we advance. But the most noted 
 mansion was one of which we regret to write in the past tense: it was 
 designated the " Great House at the Bridge End," and was inhabited by 
 Lady Rogers, whose husband was Mayor in 1621. We may picture it with 
 projecting casemented windows, pointed roofs and gables, fretted with 
 copings and crowned with finials of carved stone, — with innumerable twisted 
 battlemented chimneys of red brick, and a lofty belfry rising in the centre of 
 the roof, terminating in a gUded vane. Such has it been described. " By 
 reason of its vastness," it was made the theatre of great banquetings and 
 great public transactions. It has long since, with other ancient mansions, 
 given place to the necessary improvements of an increasing City, and the 
 place thereof knows it no more. 
 
 Many of the principal inns that flourished at this period are still distin- 
 guished by the same signs that attracted the traveller or the bousing citizen 
 to their " good entertainment" more than two centuries ago. The White 
 Lion, and White Hart, in Broad Street ; the Swan, in Mary-le-port Street ; 
 the Red Lion, in Eedcliff Street ; the Griffin, on St. Michael's Hill ; the Bell, 
 the White Lion, and the Three Kings, in Thomas Street ; and the Saracen's 
 Head, without Temple Gate, were all familiar names to the inhabitants of 
 Bristol at the commencement of the seventeenth century, and probably to 
 their fathers before them. The White Lion can be traced, on the reality of 
 documentary evidence, to a very early period. Beside the familiar inns we 
 have named, as then flourishing, there were others of equal importance whose 
 names in their locality have become extinct. The Three Tuns Tavern, in 
 Corn Street, which we shall hereafter find kept by a bigoted Alderman, 
 was the most noted. The Company of Inn Holders had their Hall in Broad 
 Street, near the Tennis Court Yard. 
 
 The approach to the City from Temple parish was through Tucker Street, 
 (Bath Street not having then been formed) to the picturesque old Bridge, 
 
 house. The door to this apartment is a costly work of art. In the centi'e is a delicately carved 
 figure of Justice, beneath it the initials "J. L., 1628 ;" the year of Langton's mayoralty. The 
 pillars, which support an elaborately carved canopy, are beautifully inlaid with mother of pearl and 
 ivory. The chimney piece, as also the one at the Eed Lodge, is a magnificent specimen. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 23 
 
 constituting from its overhanging wooden houses, on either side, a dark, 
 narrow, and confined thoroughfare. The river was unseen, but the roar of the 
 tide, as it rushed through the narrow arches, rendered the pedestrian conscious 
 of its vicinity. The Bridge was of necessity a crowded thoroughfare, and 
 therefore as a place of trade was very valuable. Many of the wealthiest 
 tradesmen lived there, and had made ample fortunes. It is said that in this 
 respect they were materially assisted by the situation of the back part of the 
 houses, the windows of which, projecting over the river, were peculiarly 
 adapted to the carrying on a contraband trade, much to the advantage and 
 profit of their inhabiters. More than one member of the Corporation, 
 occupying prominent places in the Council, resided here. In the centre 
 of the Bridge was an arched gateway, with a groined roof, under which 
 carriages could pass; and over the gateway was a chapel, dedicated to 
 the Virgin Mary. It was lit on each side by three large muUioned 
 windows, and at the east end was a " faire ladye chapel," with a high 
 eastern window, enriched with stained glass. A square tower of four 
 stages, stood immediately over the gateway;^ and must have presented a 
 conspicuous object in the view from the opposite streets of St. Thomas on 
 the south side, and High Street on the north side of the river; and a 
 still more important feature in looking up or down the course of the 
 Avon. In the passage under the chapel was a gate or door on each 
 side, one opening into a large vaulted apartment or "lofty chamber of 
 stone, of good workmanship," where the Mayor and Aldermen used to 
 assemble before the erection of the Tolzey. It had also been used as a 
 banqueting room.'^ 
 
 From the tower, the music of the evening chimes borne on the passing 
 breeze would fall sweetly on the ear of the returning mariner ; and from 
 within the sacred walls would swell the solemn strain ascending to the skies, 
 as from a Tabernacle built upon the face of the waters. The outline of the 
 
 1 "William "Wyroestre describes the tower as 120 feet in height, and the chapel as from 70 to 80 
 feet in. length, and 20 or 24 wide. An additional pier was built up from the river to support the 
 eastern part, the bridge itself being but 50 feet ia width. The chapel was consecrated in 1361. 
 At the dissolution of religious houses it had been converted to secular purposes, and was now rented 
 as a warehouse. 
 
 2 Barrett. 
 
24 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 houses, in their irregular and playful variety, their projecting gables, quaintly 
 ornamented barge-boards, grotesque spurs, and rude buttresses, jumbled to- 
 gether in tottering insecurity, with the effective shadows of the deep arches, 
 and projecting timbers, overhanging the darkened waters that rushed and 
 roared beneath them ; the combination of sight and sound must have com- 
 posed a scene of picturesque and romantic interest, adapted alike for the pen 
 of the novelist, or the pencil of the artist. 
 
 On the north side of the bridge the road passed under the arch of St. 
 Nicholas' gateway, upon which the chancel of the church stood, and con- 
 tinued up High Street with a very great ascent.^ On the top, at the centre 
 of the four streets, stood the High Cross, painted and gilded with great show, 
 and ornamented with statues of Eoyal benefactors to the City. Contiguous 
 was old Christ Church with its "quarter boys"^ and tapering spire — the 
 tower and church of St. Ewens — the Tolzey with its long arcades, and the 
 church of All Hallows, or All Saints, with " a fair castellette" before it. At 
 the bottom of Corn Street was the church of St. Leonard, erected over an 
 arched gateway, called Blind Gate, joining the old City wall. Clare Street 
 was not then planned, and the way to St. Augustine's Back was over the Stone 
 Bridge at the end of Small Street. The Bishop's Park on which College 
 Street is buUt, was open ground. Houses had not yet intruded on the base 
 of Brandon Hill, and where now Park Street, Great George Street, and 
 Berkeley Square are seen, was a piece of pasture land, called Bullocks' Park. 
 The only way into the City from Durdham Down was by the precipitous 
 descent of St. Michael's HiU and Stype Street. Kingsdown Hill presented 
 
 1 The shambles continued the line of St. Nicholas' Street, and rendered the locality close and dark. 
 On taking them down to erect the north side of Bridge Street, about the year 1750, large Gothic 
 arched cellars, running back almost into St. Mary-Port churchyard, -were discovered, used formerly 
 for the reception of merchandize. Before the existence of the shambles, there were great houses 
 close to the river ; and the sti-eet, from its being a great deposit of wealth, under the residence of 
 its owners, was called "Worship Street. — Evans. 
 
 2 They were similar to those which might have been seen until lately at St. Dunstan's Church, 
 Eleet Street, London ; and were placed under a circular canopy on each side of the face of the 
 clock ; they were partly habited in armour with brass helmets, and each grasped a battle-axe, with 
 which they struck the bells suspended over them. It would appear that they were coloured and 
 gilded at different periods with great care, according to the taste of the age. — Churches of Bristol, 
 102. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 25 
 
 only a verdant surface with irregular paths, hedge-rows, and trees. Milk 
 Street was not built, and the ground was then occupied with orchards and 
 gardens. Beyond, where Newfoundland Street now extends, was a wild and 
 marshy tract of waste land, where, solitary and shunned, afar from any abode, 
 stood an isolated pest-house. 
 
 The streets in the most ancient quarters of the City, were crooked, narrow, 
 and dark, and rendered gloomy by the projecting upper stories of the 
 houses. These were mostly built of wood and plaster, called by anti- 
 quaries " calimanco houses," and were irregularly jumbled together without 
 regard to uniformity, or anything else, but making the most of a confined 
 space. The lower stories of those intended for shops had open arcades of 
 stone or timber. Mary-le-port Street and the Pithay still retain much of their 
 original character, and may be adduced as examples. There were no pave- 
 ments, and the open sewers into which all refuse was thrown, gave encourage- 
 ment to the spread of the devouring pestilence which so frequently visited the 
 City, that its inhabitants were either mourning its ravages or dreading its 
 return. Neither had any means of lighting the City been considered, and it 
 was not for many years from this period, that a humble attempt was made to 
 obviate this inconvenience. 
 
 Such as we have endeavoured to describe, we may suppose to have 
 been the leading features and general character of the City, when early in 
 December, 1636, at a noble mansion in Small Street;^ the residence of 
 William Colston, we may imagine -a family gathering, consisting of his nearest 
 relatives and friends, assembled to celebrate the christening of his first born, 
 the infant Edward. The party may be supposed to have consisted of Coun- 
 sellor Batten and his wife, the grandfather and grandmother of the babe ; 
 his aunt, Martha Colston ; his uncle, Thomas Colston and his wife ; his aunt, 
 on the mother's side, Ann Dolling, alias Tupwell, and her husband ; Colonels 
 Colston and Taylor, and their wives ; Thomas Standfast and his wife ; Eliza- 
 beth, a kinswoman, whose maiden name was Colston ; William Hobson, and 
 his wife Margaret, a daughter of William Colston, the elder ; the Eev. Richard 
 Standfast ; and the Eev. Richard Knight. 
 
 Mr. Edgar, pewterer. Temple Street, has in his possession a table cloth that 
 was used by the Colston family at the dinner given on this occasion. And, 
 
 1 Now tte Bristol Mirror Printing Office. 
 E 
 
26 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 for these facts invest this dinner party with an interest not entirely fictitious, — 
 Mr. Millar, late of Park Street, had till recently sixteen dessert plates, besides 
 four large circular dessert dishes, bearing the Colston arms, that more than 
 probable were brought into use at this family gathering. Their history is 
 somewhat curious. They were purchased by an old lady, together with a 
 quantity of plate on which the Colston arms were engraved, at a sale by 
 auction that occurred on the decease of the last member of a branch of the 
 Colston family, who had resided to a venerable age in the identical house in 
 which we have now left the christening party. The purchaser was so great 
 an admirer of Colston, that she collected every object she could find associated 
 with his memory ; accordingly the plate and the dessert service were exhibited 
 with the greatest veneration, and displayed on a buffet of equal antiquity. 
 But a change of circumstances occurred. The old lady's usual resources 
 failed, — and she was reduced to the painful necessity of parting with her vene- 
 rated treasures. The plate went first, — the dessert service was next disposed of, 
 and thus the cherished collection was dispersed. 
 
 To return to the christening party. When we consider we are writing of 
 a circumstance that occurred upwards of two centuries since, the relics con- 
 nected therewith, assume a powerful influence upon the imagination. Their 
 reality transports the mind to the time, the place, and the company ; and in 
 dreamy outline before our mental vision, the guests in silence pass, and 
 noiseless take their places at the festive board. Little did that loyal company 
 anticipate that a rebellious faction was fast increasing, whose advent to power 
 would be followed by the remorseless murder of two loyal citizens upon the 
 
 gloomy scaffold, — ^from which their host himself would so narrowly escape. 
 
 Little could they suppose that there was one then present, a distinguished and 
 honoured citizen, who with his life's blood would seal his attachment to his 
 Eoyal master; and another, — a steadfast and earnest champion of the Church 
 on whose reverend head years of imprisonment and persecution woiJd de- 
 scend.— Could the respected master of that house foresee that the cold stern 
 Puritans who opposed him in the Council Chamber, would eventually shake 
 and overthrow a dynasty, that for seven centuries had been implanted in the 
 soil ■?— concluding their unnatural rebellion, and staining their names with an 
 undying infamy, by the monstrous regicidal act that darkened all that was 
 bright in Cromwell's usurpation 1 The signs of the times were ominous, and it 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 27 
 
 may have been with sad forebodings that Colston heard the muttering and the 
 growling of the approaching storm. But there was one thing he could not 
 foresee, nor in the wildest stretch of his imagination have conceived. He could 
 not have foreseen, that after two centuries had passed, and in all coming Time, 
 the respectable citizens of Bristol would assemble, as for years and years they 
 have done, on the birth day of the infant whose enrollment as a servant of 
 Christ was that day celebrated. That on that anniversary strangers from afar 
 would hither come, and unite with aU classes and shades of politics, to per- 
 petuate his pious memory, by imitating though at a humble distance his great 
 example. He could not have foreseen that the child he then caressed would 
 become a staunch supporter and advocate^ for the Church of England in its 
 primitive simplicity and holy purity ; and that drawn by a divine sympathy 
 to the weak and afflicted, he would confer a permanent benefit on the City of 
 his birth, that would never cease to flow or be forgotten, while earthly insti- 
 tutions should endure ! 
 
 We next find the infant at Winterbourn, where he was placed out to nurse. 
 This we learn from the questionable authority of a brief biography hawked 
 about the streets at the time of Colston's decease. The information is in 
 some measure corroborated by the fact of Colston's father having an estate at 
 Winterbourn. It was not there, however, that he was grounded in those 
 principles that directed him to humanely follow in the footsteps of his Divine 
 exemplar, and approach as nearly as the frailty of man will permit, in piety, 
 holiness of life, and good works, to the sublimity of all earthly characters, 
 the faithful Christian. Here for a time all trace of our Philanthropist is 
 lost. He himself informs us that he was educated and passed the greatest 
 part of his days in London. There is no other trace, — no memory upon the 
 page of passed things, — no hint of his probation, — no token of the early prompt- 
 ings of his heart, — neither word nor sign bearing testimony of his young days, 
 — ^but we come upon him and his glorious deeds at once, when in the vigour of 
 his years, when in the fulness of his prosperity ! 
 
 But it is not so strange as at first sight may appear, that there should be 
 no records of the life of Bristol's great Philanthropist. There were, when he 
 lived, no " Gentleman's Magazine," nor " Annual Register," to preserve the 
 memory of those who deserved distinction in the world's crowded thoroughfare; 
 and many good and excellent performed their pilgrimage, and left no note of 
 
28 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 praise. Besides, the labours of the biographer were more usually devoted to 
 swell the fame of those who triumphed midst the " pomp and circumstance" 
 of war, and whose names were exalted as victors of the ensanguined field ; or 
 to those, eminent in science and in art, who impart power and greatness unto 
 nations, and teach, refine, and elevate mankind. But for the quiet, unosten- 
 tatious course of one, who, however sublime his projects and his acts, the 
 sunlight of whose bounty can shine only on some favoured localities ; silent 
 and unnoticed, he travels meek and humbly through duty's rugged path ; and 
 it is only when he is called from the calm world in which he worked — it is 
 only when the spirit of the Philanthropist has passed into its rest — that the 
 extent of his benevolence is found. It is only when life is stilled, and the 
 tongue is mute that could have revealed to awakened curiosity its secrets, that 
 we learn the warmth of his love, laud his goodness, deplore his loss, and vainly 
 seek some faithful record of his days. 
 
 It was with solicitous and excited feelings, that we commenced our 
 researches amongst the archives of our City, in the faint hope of obtaining 
 some information on the subject of our memoir. We wished to place before 
 our fellow-citizens such substantial evidence of Colston's public acts of 
 benevolence as our records might furnish, to compensate somewhat for the 
 paucity of incident in his private life. And it was with a wearied brow and 
 a desponding spirit, that we long fruitlessly turned over the yellow 'page 
 that told of the doings of the past, and of the many whose names but lived in 
 the closed tomes of the Muniment Room. Regardless of the solemn warnings 
 of the passing hours, that from the neighbouring tower fell distinct and 
 audible on the hushed ear of night, with earnest scrutiny we travelled over 
 the lamp-lit page ; and a vague and superstitious fear, born of the chill and 
 silence would steal over us, as the quaintly formed characters and tortuous 
 sentences of the old Time, repeated year after year their mournful moral, of the 
 vicissitudes of life, of the mutation that awaits the temporal objects of all 
 human care. The dusty records, grim with " the rime of age," were silent, 
 voiceless. Time, which had hallowed the memory of our Philanthropist, had 
 obscured the traces of his footprints, and our efforts to rescue from oblivion 
 the actions of his early years, had been in vain. And when at length, like 
 the sight of the sacred shrine to the jaded pilgrim, the long sought name of 
 Colston repaid our anxious toil, it was to learn that not here, where we first 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 29 
 
 noticed the child, do we find the man. It was to learn that not here in his 
 native City had been the mart of his commercial enterprize ; not here, had his 
 colossal fortune been obtained ; not here, after the lapse of many years, do we 
 first meet with him, and on the truth of documentary evidence introduce 
 him to the reader. 
 
 Barrett asserts, and Chalmers repeats, that Colston was sent as a Factor to 
 Spain ; and the latter adds, on traditional authority, that two of his brothers 
 died there, the victims of assassination.^ The monument erected by Colston, 
 in All Saints' Church, "To the dear memory of his father," and his mother, 
 their two daughters, and four sons, William, Thomas, Eobert, and William, 
 says, " they were aU. natives and inhabitants of this city." We have 
 unquestionable evidence, from the father's will, that three of Colston's 
 brothers were alive in 1676, and are mentioned by name, Robert, Thomas, 
 and Richard. It will be seen that the name of Richard does not appear 
 on the memorial, neither is that of WiUiam mentioned in the will. This, 
 in the case of WQliam, is to be accounted for, as one of that name died 
 in childhood, the other in 1675, they were both buried in All Saints'. 
 Richard was still living, or he would have been included in the memorial. 
 Thomas, who was a member of the Corporation, died 1686, and was 
 buried in All Saints'. Robert was a soap boiler ; he died in 1688, and left 
 money for prayers to be read in All Saints,' where he was also buried. Of 
 Richard we know nothing more than that he was left by his father £1000. 
 There is therefore conclusive evidence that four of Colston's brothers sleep 
 with their fathers, in the ancestral sepulchre at All Saints'. Over the fifth 
 there hangs a mystery. We confess our inability to trace him after 1702, 
 and therefore in the absence of confirmatory information, of a more domestic 
 end, must surrender him to the dagger of the Spanish assassin. 
 
 It will be considered that there must have been some foundation that led 
 Barrett and others to associate Colston with Spain. This we admit, on the 
 assumption that his uncle, Mr. Humphrey Colston, who was Consul 
 there, may have been mistaken by writers not too curious in their investi- 
 gations, as one and the same individual with our Philanthropist. The 
 only notice we have of this Mr. Humphrey, is contained in an order from the 
 
 1 See Page 5, Memoir of William Colston. 
 
30 EDWARD COLSTON. 
 
 Privy Council, given at Whitehall, the 12th of April, 1680, as follows:— 
 " His Majesty at this Board being this day informed by a letter from Mr. 
 Humphrey Coulston, Consul! at Malaga, dated the 23rd of April last, new 
 style, that the said place was visited with the pestilence, was thereupon pleased 
 to order in Councill that all imaginable care be taken that all ships that have 
 been loaded or touched at Malaga since the breaking out of the plague 
 there, be strictly examined." Such is the commencement of this order in 
 Council; we spare our readers the remainder, which contains the usual 
 directions to lay an embargo on all ships, " under any just suspicion of being 
 infected." 
 
 While we may suppose Colston engaged in the active pursuits of commerce, 
 — a supposition grounded on our knowledge of his subsequent life ; — we will 
 travel over the incidents of the times illustrative of the moral, political, and 
 social condition, manners, and customs of our city, from the faithful registers 
 of those troublous and eventful years we investigated in our protracted research. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Introduction— Effects of Chailes's Impositions on the City— Ascendancy of tlie Puritans— Ship Money- 
 Soap Monopoly— Leaders of the Loyalists and Puritans— Precautions against the Plague— Mysterious 
 and unsatisfactory Records— Sympathy with the Scotch Covenanters— Cromwell about to leave the 
 Country— Scarcity of Food- Merchants proceed to London, to obtain redress of their grievances— Letter 
 from Charles to the Corporation, proposing Ralph Farmer as Chamberlain ; proceedings thereupon — Ancient 
 Custom of the Corporation— Two hundred Men pressed to go against the Scots— The Plague in Bristol ; 
 Houses shut up— Cannon sent to Marlborough against the King— DenzU HoUis appointed by the Parliament 
 Lieutenant of the Militia — Visit of the Marquis of Hertford — House appointed for his reception — The 
 Mayor's Refusal to admit the King's Troops into the City — Repairing the Fortifications— Money expended 
 in Arms and Provisions — Mutual Association for the Defence of the King — Importance of Bristol — Corres- 
 pondence of the Mayor and Aldermen and Col. Sir Alexander Popham — Approach of Col. Essex to the 
 City — Admission of the Parliamentary Troops — Oppressions of the Royalists— Gloomy Christmas. 
 
 Though all was peaceful at the time of Colston's birth, yet there were 
 gathering clouds that chequered the political horizon, with dark indications 
 of approaching troubles. Eventful indeed were the years during which he 
 lived, and rife with fearful interest. He witnessed the dethronement and 
 violent death of one Sovereign, — the compulsory abdication of another, — and 
 tw& fierce struggles of a mixed political and polemical nature, in several civil 
 sanguinary conflicts. The history of the sequence of events that are crowded 
 into that period, is far too wide a field for the biographer to enter upon ; 
 otherwise, than by the introduction of certain passages culled from our 
 records, which bear upon the aff'airs of our locality, and are important as 
 an elucidation of those proceedings in which Bristol bore so conspicuous a 
 part. 
 
 Our Corporation, who were composed of the leading merchants and 
 manufacturers, were for the most part Royalists ; but there was an increasing 
 Puritanical faction amongst them, for whose advance the times were favour- 
 able. It will somewhat shew the position of parties, if we individually name 
 the Aldermen and members of the Common CouncU, as set down in the report 
 
32 
 
 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 of a meeting held on November 10th, 1636.' For this purpose, we have 
 indicated as nearly as inference will permit, their political bias, which it must 
 be acknowledged is in the majority of cases somewhat ambiguous; their 
 opinions fluctuating in accordance with the vicissitudes of the times. But 
 we will take the opinion of an observer, though a writer on the Parliament's 
 side, as to the social position of the " well affected" and the " malignant." 
 " The King's cause and party were favoured by two extremes in that City," 
 [Bristol] ; " the one, the wealthy and powerful men ; the other, of the basest 
 and lowest sort ; but disgusted by the middle rank, the true and best citizens. 
 
 In that city many of the rich men were disaffected to the reformed 
 
 religion, and some more powerful were conscious of delinquency; others 
 upbraided themselves with their own public disgrace, and therefore, did much 
 disturb the ways of the Parliament: and the needy multitude, beside their 
 mutual hatred of good order, were at the devotion of the rich men."^ 
 
 1 " Cowvocatio Bomus 
 
 Eichard Long, Mayor,* a 
 Abel Eatclun, Alderman,* 
 George Harrington, Alderman,* 
 Christoplier Wliitson, Alderman 
 John Goning, Alderman,* 
 John Langton, Alderman,* 
 Humphrey Hooke, Alderman,* 
 
 "William Lissett, 
 
 ■William Jones,f 
 
 EzeHelWallis,* 
 
 George Knight,* 
 
 John TaUer,* 
 
 John Locke,* 
 
 "Walter Ellis,t 
 
 Eichard Pley, 
 
 Eichard Aldworth,f 
 
 Alexander James,* 
 
 decimo die Novembris, 1636. 
 
 John Tomlinson, Alderman,f 
 Henry Yate, Alderman, f 
 Andre-w Charlton, Alderman, f 
 Eichard Hoi worthy, Alderman, f 
 
 Eichard Yickris, 
 
 Thomas Woodward, j 
 
 Sheriffs.! 
 
 Francis Creswicke,* 
 Giles Elbridge,* 
 Thomas Colston,* 
 Gahriel Sherman,* 
 John Goninge,* 
 Miles Jackson,! 
 William Fitzherbert,* 
 Eobert EUiatts, 
 Thomas Lloyd, f 
 John Langton,* 
 
 Thomas Hooke,* 
 William Cann,f 
 William Hobson,* 
 Edwaxd Peters, 
 !> Abraham Edwardes,f 
 William Wyatt,* 
 Luke Hodges, f 
 George Hellier,f 
 Matthew Warren, f 
 Henry Gibbes."t 
 
 a * — Royalist, t — Puritan. 
 
 b The Pviritans baptized their children by the names not of Christian saints, but of Hebrew patriarchs and 
 warriors. — Macadla.y's History, Vol. I., p. 81. 
 
 2 Erom " An Historical Eelation of the Military Government of Gloucester, by John Corbet, a 
 Preacher of God's Word, published by Authority, 1645." — Seyhs, II., 314. 
 
1636.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 33 
 
 Charles had, at the period our biography commences, by the obnoxious 
 impositions to which he had resorted to replenish his exhausted treasury, 
 already alienated from himself the affections of many of his heretofore faithful 
 subjects. In consequence, we find shortly after this time the municipal 
 offices mostly occupied by persons whom his exactions had soured, and 
 rendered not alone hostile to him personally, but also inimical to the 
 sovereign power of which he was the depositary. This party, who were 
 daily gaining the ascendancy in the Country, as in the Councils of this 
 City, and who were distinguished, or branded, (as the opinion of the reader 
 may incline,} by the name of Puritans ; — ^looked with the greatest veneration 
 to the Parliament, as a barrier between the freedom of the people and 
 absolute despotism; and were prepared to support and foUow its dictates, 
 even to the abrogation of the rule of Royalty itself. They also, mostly 
 belonged to that portion of the community who claimed to possess, and 
 assumed the appearance, of greater sanctity than their neighbours.^ They were 
 embittered and maddened by persecution, being pretty well shut out of 
 the pulpit, and hunted down in their conventicles.^ They contended for the 
 purest Christian democracy; for the freedom, equality, and simplicity of 
 the Apostolic age; and looked with abhorrence at Laud's' endeavours to 
 give pomp and magnificence to the national worship, by imparting a dignified 
 
 1 " The extreme Puritan was at once knovm from other men by his gait, his garb, his lank hair, 
 the sour solemnity of his face, the upturned white of his eyes, the nasal twang with which he spoke, 
 and above aU by his peculiar dialect — ^he employed on every occasion the imagery and style of 
 Scripture." — Macatoqat's History of England, I., 82. 
 
 2 The term " Conventicle" was applied to assemblies (so early as the time of WicHffe) not to 
 buildings. — Haydn. 
 
 3 Laud's desire to introduce pomps and ceremonies, contrary to the purer worship of the Eeformed 
 Church, led to the ejection of many worthy ministers, who could not conscientiously follow his 
 instructions. — In our city to that of the Eev. "Wm. Noble, Vicar of EedcUff, and a more obedient 
 disciple, the Rev. Wm. Hazard, was obtruded in his place. " Mrs. Hazard was one of five persons 
 only who, in 1640 commenced the society of Dissenters, that at one time met in Broadmead, imder 
 the pastorship of Dr. Eyland. The society's early meetings were holden occasionally in the great 
 room of the Dolphin Tavern, on St. James's Back, one on the Tholzey, and another in Christmas 
 Street." a — Evans's Chronological Outline. 
 
 a " Matthew Hassaid, put into St. Ewen's by Fiennes, was a principal incendiary in this lebellion, stirred 
 up thereto by the violence of his wife, Dorothy Hassard ; perhaps the same who with her own hands helped to 
 fortify Frome Gate against the King's army, and afterwards gave her testimony'against Col. Fiennes, when he was 
 brought to trial before his fellow-rebels, and condemned for cowardice in surrendering Bristol," — Seyeb, U., 337. 
 
 F 
 
34 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and imposing appearance to the persons of the officiating ministers ; though 
 it is now a question, whether the popular religion would not have been 
 benefited in some respects by the introduction of these accessories. No 
 reason can, however, justify Laud's restrictions ; — his prohibitions of evening 
 meetings, — of extemporaneous prayers — and his continual persecutions ; these, 
 they considered nothing less than an attempt to introduce splendid forms in 
 the place of a pure spiritual worship.^ Thus influenced by religion and liberty, 
 the sources of the greatest actions, they were subsequently driven to the 
 commission of atrocities contrary to the merciful teaching of the Gospel, to 
 which outwardly they ■ professed to adhere. With the circumstances that 
 discontented the mass of the nation, — that gave courage to the timid, — and iury 
 to the zealot, England is well conversant. One of the extortions, denominated 
 Ship Money, " a word of lasting sound in the memory of this kingdom," comes 
 under the consideration of the Common Council, in December, 1636, when it 
 was " agreed that one hundred and fifty pounds of the eight hundred pounds 
 imposed on this City for preparing of a ship of one hundred tons, for his 
 Majesty's service in the present year, be paid by the Chamber and the residue 
 to be levied upon the inhabitants."^ 
 
 At this period, Soap was an article extensively manufactured in this City ; 
 the monopoly of the manufacturers was another grievance and cause of com- 
 plaint.^ The brewers also, ship owners, and others, suflfered from similar 
 oppressions ; — which were the proximate causes that infiuenced the majority of 
 the Corporation, otherwise loyally disposed, to join the " patriotic party," as 
 they styled themselves. A patriotism subsequently exhibited in the destruc- 
 tion of all kingly rule, — and ia the desecration of all sacred and venerated 
 things. The following entry refers to a continuation of these grievances. 
 
 1 Neale's History of the Puritans. Knigit's Pictorial History of England. 
 
 2 " Eushwortli, under the year 1636, gives the distribution of ships to the several shires of 
 England and "Wales, with their tonnage, numher of men, and charge ; together with the sum set on 
 corporate towns in each county. Bristol, one ship of one hundred tons, forty men, one thousand 
 pounds charge." — Seteb, II., 289. There is not one ship to Liverpool, and the sum contributed was 
 only twenty-five pounds ; shewing its relative position little more than two centuries since. 
 
 3 " The iacorporated soap boilers exercised a sort of iaquisition over the trade, and such dealers 
 as resisted their interference, or tried to make soap on their own account, had to appear and answer 
 the charge in London, ' where, against their wills, they were retained long, with great expenses, 
 imprisoned, and fined in about £20,000, and were bound to more inconveniences before they could 
 be discharged.' "— Abdams's Calendar, quoted by Seme, II., 293. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 35 
 
 "This day (15tii Jany 1640) it is thought fitt y* a letter be written to the Burgesses 
 now serving in Parliament, touching the wrong done this Citty, beinge a Staple 
 Towne, by landing wools at Minehead, and giving Certificates by the Officers there, 
 and the Officers here joining with them, which wools ought to be landed here. 
 And doe desire for redress thereof in Parliament, and punishing such persons 
 as trangresse therein and have wronged this Citty. And likewise to seek reforma- 
 tion and redresse against such persons as by unjust informations to His Maj*? or by 
 their illegal and unwarrantable proceeding have injured and abused the Merchants 
 of this Citty, and by entering into the Merchants' Hall, taking away their book of 
 accounts and other writings, and procuring many of the inhabitants of this Citty 
 to be Pursuivanted up and unjustly handled and ill dealt with." > 
 
 Bristol had her share in the events that signalized the struggle between the 
 Sovereign and the Parliament, and many a vs^ealthy merchant and stout 
 burgess, saw their best and bravest friends swept from beside them. Them- 
 selves proscribed, — their estates confiscated. Some, by an abrupt and ignomi- 
 nious end perished in their prime. Their only cognizable off'euce, fealty to 
 their lawfril King, whom by every solemn obligation they were bound to 
 defend and to obey. The troubled politics of this eventful period may be 
 dimly discerned in the mouldering volume we drag from our dusty archives.^ 
 Crowded in a few years are distraction, sorrow, and misery. And the citizens 
 of this unhappy time, over whose memories the shadows of two centuries 
 have thickened, are again disclosed to the light of day — the part they played 
 in the inhuman strife, wanting but a larger theatre to have emblazoned their 
 fame on the grand page of a Nation's history. 
 
 It was not alone that the political horizon was dark and gloomy, — there was 
 another serious cause for alarm. The approach of the plague, — whose appalling 
 records might well blanch the cheek of the most resolute and daring, — and 
 whose coming they might well dread more than the physical force of an enemy 
 besieging their walls ! There were many who had witnessed the destructive 
 pestilence that ravaged the City in 1603, and for two successive years ; who 
 now sought, by the most stringent restrictions, to ward off the admittance of 
 a similar calamity. Accordingly we find that though the plague had been 
 stayed, its temporary absence had not lulled the citizens into a fancied security. 
 
 1 City Eeoords. 
 
 2 The documents relating to the Civil Wars in the public records of this city, and as far as our 
 knowledge extends of other chief towns, are but few. 
 
36 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 It had not occasioned a relaxation of their efforts to prevent its admission 
 within their gates. Precautionary measures had been adopted. A Pest 
 House had been provided, and laws for watchings still continued in force. 
 At this period, in consequence of a report of the plague being in London, it 
 was ordered that " no person or goods coming from thence shall enter the city 
 at the Friars', St. James', or at Lawford's Gate. A person, to be aired ten 
 days, and goods twenty days." The infection continuing to spread, every 
 burgess under the degree of those of the Council, were to watch in person ; and 
 no man was to be dispensed with, unless upon urgent occasion ; and then, his 
 place was to be supplied by his neighbour, a burgess. 
 
 Orders were issued that " two burgesses, and two watchmen, were to guard by day 
 and night the several gates or places of ingress, to prevent all persons obtaining 
 admittance ; and also during the tide at the Back, and Key, two burgesses." 
 
 The Park was appointed as the place where all persons suspected of infec- 
 tion were to be brought, and for the airing of goods. Against the farther 
 comer of the wall, hovels were erected for the people's lodging, as had been 
 done at the last terrible visitation. The subject was a serious one, and grave, 
 and many were the deliberations of the Council, who came to the following 
 resolutions : that, — 
 
 " The members of the Corporation next in degree to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, 
 shall in rotation see, between the hours of eight and nine o'clock at night, the 
 watchmen sworn — two members to attend every night for a week during the infec- 
 tion in London. The sergeants, who shall swear the watchmen, shall present the 
 names of such as are to ward at the gates every night for two days next following, 
 to those of the Common Council who shall attend the swearing, to the end that 
 they may approve of them or otherwise. 
 
 " The Aldermen agreed to assist the Mayor certain days to give allowances to cer- 
 tificates, and for admission of strangers into the city that shall come from places 
 clear of infection, as also of goods. 
 
 " All persons, previous to admission, to produce certificates, or make oath of their not 
 coming from infected houses. 
 
 " One cart only to be used in the bringing of goods to the Friars, and no porter to be 
 employed. 
 
 " In case any inhabitant of the city shall, upon urgent occasion, be obliged to go to 
 London, he shall, previous to his admission into the city, air himself thirty days. 
 
 " The surveyors of the city lands to allow the Sheriffs for the loss experienced by them 
 for the restraint of Londoners at St. James' Fair." 
 
1637.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 37 
 
 A proclamation was also issued, wherein it was decreed, that : — 
 
 " All persons coming to the City during the time of God's visitation of sickness now- 
 raging in London and other parts of the kingdom, be it about trading or to see their 
 friendsj known men in this City for their sufficiency to receive and entertain them, 
 shall, previous to their admittance, take a voluntary oath upon the Holy Evangelists 
 of God, before the Mayor or two Aldermen, that they have not been in London, 
 Exon, or any other place infected with the plague, nor in any way intermeddled 
 with goods which come from infected places, for at least forty days. And in case 
 such persons, during their stay, shall intermeddle with goods brought from infected 
 places, such person or persons shall be expelled from the City, and not suifered to 
 enter the same during the infection." 
 
 A bye-law made fo:r the better protection of the City against infection, after reciting the 
 former acts of the Corportion, "Enacts that persons may purchase goods from infected 
 places, provided the same have been aired thirty days in any place where the plague 
 has not been for a year last past ; and such goods to be then brought to the Friars 
 and aired for thirty days more, at the expense of the owner, before the same can be 
 admitted. The law not to extend to madder, copperas, gall, refined sugar, oil, honey 
 or any other liquid commodity, which shall only be aired for fourteen days. All 
 persons guilty of a breach of this law to be fined ten pounds, to be sued for in the 
 name of the Chamberlain, and shall go towards creating a stock for setting poor 
 people to work." 
 
 A Council was further appointed to consider of all things that concerned 
 the danger of infection, as well as for the removal of persons that should be 
 sick, or be in infected houses ; as, " for compounding with women to search with 
 watch and wardmen, — with persons to administer physic, — with carpenters to 
 build hovels, — with such as should bury the dead," as well as other things; the 
 expenses being paid by the Chamber. Thus having taken every precautionary 
 measure that experience could dictate, the more religious portion of the citizens 
 awaited in prayer, and penitence, and in acts of humiliation ; — the awful 
 approach of the mysterious agent of God's wrath, that had already fallen so 
 severely upon them with its chastening affliction !^ 
 
 We occasionally meet with entries of bare facts, while the incidents that gave 
 them birth are, by lapse of years, forgotten; and they are now almost 
 inexplicable. These have a certain mystery enveloping them, which awakens a 
 
 1 " Popular superstition comiected the pestUenoe now raging, with, the coming to England 
 (accompanied hy a host of Papists) of Maria de Medici, Queen Dowager of France, and mother to 
 Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles the First." — Knishi's Pictorial History of England. 
 
38 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 curiosity that in all cases it is not in our power to gratify. They belong to the 
 bye-ways of history, — and maybe pursued in search of matter illustrative of the 
 details of great events: or they add some minor trait to the general features of 
 the times. As instances we may submit the following for the reader's considera- 
 tion. " Lord Newbery and his lady were presented with wine, sweetmeats, 
 and marmalade," at a cost of £14 : 3 : 9. 
 
 What had been Lord Newbery's services, — was he about to benefit the city, 
 — or had he done so in any way 1 The Corporation were not wont to bestow 
 their costly favours without some boon received or in expectancy. Again, 
 Sir Henry Martin is entertained at the Lady Eogers' house at the Bridge-end, 
 and he also receives a present, consisting of 
 
 " 6 Sugar Loaves. 
 15 Gallons of Sack, and Malaga Wine. 
 10 Gallons of Claret, together with a 
 20 Gallon Jug, and Furniture for 
 2 Horses ;" the whole amounting, as we learn from the Treasurer's account, to the 
 sum of £7 : 16. 
 
 This was not done without a consideration ; but our search into the hidden 
 recesses of the past has not made us acquainted with the secret. These gentle- 
 men had probably some influence at Court, and could obtain access to the 
 royal ear ; a privilege they could exert to the advantage of the Corporation. 
 
 Again on June 6th, 1637, Mr. Endymion Porter, Gentleman of the Bed- 
 chamber, was presented with the freedom of the city, " as the same was granted 
 to Lord Finch, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas." This was considered as the 
 greatest civic compliment the Corporation could bestow, and appeared to have 
 been valued accordingly ; but we are unable to assign any definite reason for 
 its bestowment in this instance, — those particulars that we should have regarded 
 with interest, the why it was presented, — for what, — and whether under any 
 peculiar circumstances, are passed over as of no concern to posterity. Our 
 ancestors viewed it of infiaitely greater importance that the cost of the patent 
 should be known ; accordingly we are informed, with an amusing pettiness, 
 that three shillings and fourpence was paid for the label of silk and silver for 
 the Lord Finch's patent of Freedom, and " for drawing and engrossing the 
 same in gold letters, three shillings." 
 
 Another equally tantalizing but more secret entry meets our eye ; we write 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 39 
 
 more secret, because the name of the " friend" to whom the curious present 
 is sent is not given. 
 
 " Paid for a Pie with two Salmons baked in it, and for four Lamprey Pies, which was 
 presented and sent to London to a friend by order of the Mayor [Henry Hobson] 
 and Aldermen, and for gilding them £4:1:7" 
 
 It never, in all probability entered into the head of the writer of the 
 following, that the knowledge of the place to which a boy's death had given 
 an ephemeral designation, — the boy himself, — and every incident connected 
 therewith, — would soon pass away even as a gossip's tale, and that when the 
 vulgar exhibition of holding up to derision a discordant couple should become 
 obsolete, his record would not appear very intelligible. 
 
 " 20th of Feb. 1636. — Touching drownding of a woman at Brislington, where the boy 
 was killed about Skimington." 
 
 The locality appears to have been unfavourable to matrimonial harmony. 
 About a week after another exhibition takes place. Another accident occurs, 
 — and the dead boy is again introduced to indicate the spot. 
 
 " March 4th, 1636. — Touching the hurting of a woman at Brislington, one Leonard's 
 wife, where a boy of Bristoll was killed, Skimmington being there." 
 
 Amongst many others of the same kind we select but one more. This 
 commands our notice from its being gravely headed " The Oath," and from 
 its occurring while the City was besieged by Sir Thomas Fairfax and 
 Cromwell, 10th September, 1644, the day before the surrender of Prince 
 Rupert. It is so utterly isolated, and set apart from all transactions that 
 we might infer would tend to its elucidation, that had the recording pen 
 been desirous of surrounding it vdth an impenetrable mystery, it could not have 
 been more successftd. 
 
 10th September, 1644. " The Oath : — You shall carefully look to and keep the house 
 and place now assigned to you to keep, and shall suffer none to come to you but 
 those as shall be sent thither, and appointed to be there ; and shall from time to 
 time observe and fulfill the commands and directions of the Mayor, Aldermen, and 
 Commonalty of this Citty in all kinds, touching this your employment, and faith- 
 fully and with the best diligence perform the trust and charge now reposed in you, 
 without any connivance or salary, directly or indirectly, Soe helpe you God. 
 John Morgan, sworne to be Keeper of a house in St. James's Parish, viz. Michaell 
 
 Wright's. 
 
 John Pickeeell, 
 
 Edward Baker." 
 
40 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 By this time, from the attempt to impose a liturgy upon the people, the 
 storm had arisen in the north, and the sympathies of England were enlisted 
 in behalf of the Scotch Covenanters ; — and for that freedom of worship for 
 which they were prepared to make any sacrifice, even to the devotion of life 
 itself. Freedom of opinion, and liberty of choice in form and manner of 
 worship, were privileges enjoyed in those days by the ruling party only ; who, 
 whatever their creed, — each, as they obtained the ascendancy pursued with all 
 the enmity of religious intolerance, those who held other views, and subscribed 
 to other forms. The spirit of persecution was rampant, — amidst a terrible array 
 of ignorance and superstition ! The natural frankness of the English heart was 
 ingrained with Puritanism. For as the cause of the separatists flourished, it 
 was the interest of those who would attain Civil greatness, or avoid persecution ; 
 to assume their manner though they dissented from their doctrines. 
 
 The intolerance of the Church had induced many Puritans to emigrate ; 
 and in 1637, Cromwell was actually on board a ship, about to saU from 
 London, for the purpose of leaving his country for ever, when in an evil 
 moment for Charles, the government withheld its licence, and Cromwell was 
 in consequence, with others, detained.^ But for the policy of this measure, 
 our history would not have recorded the martyrdom of a Sovereign, and the 
 Puritans would have been content with the abridgment of his arbitrary 
 power, and the free exercise of their religion. Though they might have 
 reduced Charles to the mere shadow of a King, they would not so entirely have 
 removed the mask, and disclosed how little of the mercy and the love of the 
 Saviour was in their hearts, whose blessed words were ever on their lips. But 
 for this measure, two of Bristol's loyal citizens had perchance gone quietly to 
 their rest, — and not have perished by a degrading and untimely death ; for 
 supporting those principles and laws which have made the English a free, 
 happy, and a glorious people ! 
 
 Lowering, dark, and ominous of unhappy presage, was the aspect of affairs. 
 While yet watchers were at the gates, to prevent any infected with the plague 
 from entering the City, there was added, in 1638, to the anticipated evils, a 
 present and severe calamity ! The Harvest had failed — there was a scarcity 
 of food. — Wheat was nine shillings per bushel, and it was supposed would 
 have amounted to twenty shillings, if " God and good people had not brought 
 in great store of French wheat and all sorts of grain into our kingdom." The 
 
 1 Jesse's Court of the Stuarts. 
 
1637.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 41 
 
 price was in consequence reduced to five shillings and under. " In the month 
 of March," our chronicler continues, " God sent as plentiful a harvest as ever 
 man saw ; but such a fainty sickness and weakness amongst the people, that 
 they wanted strength to gather it in ; and some were so weak in some families, 
 that they were not able to milk their own kine, but gave it to them that 
 would fetch it." ' 
 
 One of Charles's oppressive expedients for raising money without the aid of 
 Parliament, from which Bristol derived great annoyance, was a Special 
 Commission, to enquire what monies had been illegally collected here. 
 Seyer gives us the substance, from which it appears to have been of a very 
 inquisitorial character, a mere pretence for the purpose of extortion, whereby 
 the merchants and tradesmen seriously suffered in loss of substance ; " who 
 were examined and sent up to London, and great imposition laid on them, to 
 the great grief of many."^ The imposition on the soap-makers has been 
 cursorily referred to. This could no longer be patiently endured ; and in the 
 hope of obtaining redress, and of benefiting the City, four Aldermen, accom- 
 panied by some of the most substantial merchants, rode voluntarily to London. 
 " These gentlemen upon their knees made petition to our King's Majesty to 
 take consideration of their miseries." The King, desirous of retaining the 
 afi'ections of so influential a body, received them graciously ; and as he could 
 not recal the Commissions, gave the merchants liberty to prefer a bill against 
 them in the Star Chamber. Further we learn, that on the 7th of April, 
 Alderman Jones, and Alexander James, [both Eoyalists] were to proceed to 
 London to prosecute certain business that concerned the City; as well as 
 before his Majesty at the Council Table. When his Highness was pleased to 
 give orders that biUs in the Star Chamber should be filed. The Town Clerk 
 [James Dyer] to attend.'' 
 
 Fierce and sullen was the mood in which the year 1639, beheld the nation. 
 The prospects for the Monarchy were threatening. — Discontent had been 
 engendered by mal-administration. It was manifest that a spirit of disaflfec- 
 
 1 Addams's Calendar. Seyer. 
 
 2 Ibid., as transcribed by Seyer, II., 292. The accoimt is curious and iateresting, but would 
 exclude inedited matter, were we to introduce it into these pages. 
 
 3 As a favourable result from this interview, we may attribute the abating on February 1 1th, of 
 the following year, £160, of the £800, ship money, "by his Majesty's pleasure." 
 
 G 
 
42 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 tion pervaded country, court, and camp in England; at the attempt to 
 subjugate the religious liberties of the Scots ; and it was with the greatest 
 difficulty supplies for the army could be obtained. The ~ Clergy, who 
 felt that the war involved the important question, whether they or the 
 Puritans should hold the livings and the Supremacy of the Church of England, 
 contributed liberally. How far Bristol assisted will be seen from the following 
 entry. 
 
 " 26th February. — It is this day ordered, that the defraying of the charges which must 
 necessarily be expended in the furnishing, setting forth, and sending away the fifty 
 men with their arms to the place of rendezvous, and which are to be selected out of 
 the trayned bande of the City, be borne by the Chamber." 
 
 Here the record fails to satisfy our curiosity as to the place of rendezvous, but 
 turning over a few pages, we learn that on the 26th of May following, it was 
 
 " Agreed with SamueU Mogge, for £15, to carry dry, safely, and deliver well-con- 
 ditioned at the Rendezvous, at or about Yorke; compleat Armes for fifty 
 Landsmen from this Citty. 
 
 " And yt he travell for it a dayes journey or more beyond Yorke, or yf he be compelled 
 to stay above three dayes after he comes to the Rendezvous, then he is to be paid 
 over and above in reasonable proportion after the rate above said. Provided that 
 he makes it appeare under the hands of some that have charge and command of 
 the Armes, that he is so inforced to travell further or stay longer as aforesaid. And 
 for the tyme of his going hence he is to have three dayes warninge before hand. 
 
 " Signed, "Ezbkiell Wallis, Maior. 
 
 "Samuell -|- Mogge." 
 
 But England was discontented, and Scotland enraged ; and the misguided 
 Prince had little encouragement to hope for success against the unanimous 
 combination of a whole kingdom enflamed with bigotry for religious trifles. 
 He concluded a sudden pacification — and on the 18th of June, at Berwick- 
 upon-Tweed, he signed a treaty with the Covenanters. 
 
 Some impression of the declension of Monarchy from its old and honoured 
 place in the constitution is seen in the following transaction ; wherein one 
 Ralph Farmer is the principal, — an individual whom it is diffcult to separate 
 from another gentleman with the same happy cognomen, who will presently 
 come before us in the performance of a very different character. — 
 " On the 9th of October died Nicholas Meredith, Chamberlain," and with 
 
1639.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 43 
 
 indecent haste, before the last honours could be paid him, scarcely allowing 
 a day to intervene, a meeting was suddenly convened, and William Chetwind 
 was chosen to occupy the vacant place. This unwonted proceeding was soon 
 conveyed to the knowledge of the government; and on the November 
 ensuing before the newly-chosen Chamberlain was sworn ; the Corporation 
 received a Eoyal letter, in which the King says, — 
 
 " Some few amongest you, for their owne private ends and to prejudice the common 
 liberties of the rest, have procured an overhasty and precipitate election to be made 
 of one William Chetwind, a man (as we are informed) out of this our realme, and in 
 regard of the indisposition of his body not fitt to doe you that general service both at 
 home and abrode which the dutie of that place requireth. And for that the election 
 of ministerial! officers within our said Citie, wherewith you and your predecessors, 
 through the grace and favour of Us and our progenitors, are privileged and intrusted, 
 ought to be made with mature deliberation and advice, and to the good liking and 
 for the benifitt of our said Citie and the Cominaltie thereof. Our will and 
 pleasure is that notwithstanding your former election you forbeare to ratifie the 
 same, and that you forthwith proceed to a new and free election, therein recom- 
 mending to your charge and consideration our well-beloved subject Ralph Farmer, 
 a man not unknown unto yourselves, and by many of you much desired, of whose 
 abilities and fittness we have received an ample testimony and assurance." 
 
 " The whole House upon reading of his Highness's letter forbore to ratify 
 the election" of Mr. Chetwind, and Mr. Ralph Farmer was upon a new election 
 chosen. But at the same time a Committee was appointed, consisting of 
 Aldermen Hooke, Charlton, Holworthy, Long, and Wallis, " to draw up 
 instructions to be presented to the Court, to take off the City and vindicate 
 the government thereof from all such aspersions as is conceived to be laid on 
 them." The Puritanical leaven was already beginning to taint the ancestral 
 loyalty of the Corporation. In their petition to the King, they inform him of 
 the privileges his progenitors had granted them, and which his favour had 
 confirmed. They relate the full particulars of the election of Mr. Chetwind, 
 which it is unnecessary to recapitulate. They quote the aspersions contained in 
 his Majesty's letter, which they do not defend, but they insinuate that he had 
 his information from Mr. Farmer, of whom they think very lightly. They 
 pray that " it may stand with his Majesty's good pleasure to ratify the first 
 election," and " that by his Majesty's favour and good leave, they may 
 proceed to establish and swear only him, whom they conceive most meet and 
 
44 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 fit for the place and service."— They appear, in fact, very desirous to comply 
 with his Majesty's wish, provided it be agreeable with their own. 
 
 The answer to the petition is given at the Court at Whitehall, 20th 
 November, 1639. 
 
 " His Majesty taking well the conformity of the Petitioners to his Princely letter, is 
 pleased to leave them free to elect such a person to be Chamberlain of that City as 
 they shall find most meet for that service, and to swear him in that place according 
 to their charter, any former signification of his Majesty's pleasure to the contrary 
 
 notwithstanding. 
 
 Fran. Milebank." 
 " BristoU's Petition." 
 
 The Petition and his Majesty's pleasure was read to the Chamber on the 
 17th December, when the election of Ralph Farmer was frustrated and made 
 void ; and Wm. Chetwind was re-elected. , Thereby affording unmistakeable 
 evidence that the duty of " passive obedience" did not encumber the political 
 faith of the majority of the House. 
 
 Charles was, in the spring of 1640, endeavouring to procure another army 
 to march against the Scots; towards which our reluctant citizens were 
 compelled to contribute their portion. AprU 22nd. — A letter was read to the 
 House from his Majesty and the Lords of the Council, for raising two hundred 
 men for the land service,^ when it was agreed that the Chamberlain should go 
 to London and advise with Alderman Hooke, — " Touching the raising of the 
 men, being unusual and rare in Sea Port Towns, who are to furnish seamen, and 
 whether the men are to be exercised once a week or oftener." A few days 
 after the Chamber resolved, that — " The City grievances^ should be presented 
 to the burgesses in Parliament, [Alderman Hooke and J. D. GlanviUe, Esq., 
 Recorder,] by two members of the House, Mr. Alderman Charlton and Mr. 
 Pitzherbert." 
 
 1 " The men to be allowed eightpence per day, when they are exercised by the Chamber. And 
 the pikes, muskets, bandoleers, and rests, be lent for the purpose, but the soldiers neither to have 
 powder and swords." — City Records. 
 
 2 Similar petitions poured in from all parts of the country. On the hasty dissolution of the 
 ParHament, on the 14th of May, after it had been sitting twenty-two days, " a greater damp," 
 writes Clarendon, " could not have seized upon the spirit of the whole nation, and we had much 
 of the misery in view which shortly after fell out." This was the last dissolution the unfortunate 
 Monarch wotdd have to make. 
 
1640.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 45 
 
 The two hundred men were prepared, and left the City at the beginning 
 of July. With what zeal they entered into a service they disapproved, 
 and how far they, with the army of which they formed part, signaUzed 
 themselves, is presented to the reader of English history, in the retreat from 
 Newcastle the August following their departure hence. An entry on July 
 23rd, informs us of an order of the Chamber that " the charge for clothing 
 and exercising the two hundred soldiers, lately sent out of the City, is to be 
 paid by the Chamber until it can be procured from his Majesty, according to 
 instructions from the Lords of the Privy Council." It was paid by the 
 Chamber. The accounts of the Treasurer show, that the " cost of furnishing 
 the two hundred land soldiers and two drums," was £522 : 1 : 11, besides an 
 additional sum paid on his Majesty's account of £151 : 14 : 8 the preceding 
 year, making a total of £673 : 16 : 7. An amount that was literally paid by the 
 City, which from the rupture that so speedily followed was never reimbursed. 
 
 While transcribing the above entry, our attention was directed to others, 
 chiefly remarkable for their peculiarity of diction. Probably they were 
 perfectly lucid to the clerk that penned them ; but the lapse of more than 
 two centuries has, in some instances, rendered their meaning obscure. 
 
 "Paid Mr. Eobert Yeamans, by order of the Mayor and Aldermen, viz. £40, for 
 entertaining Lord Chief Justice Brampton, four nights at his house, which was 
 extraordinary, and £9, for entertaining him on board " The Globe," at Hungroad, 
 £49." 
 
 Meaning that this was not an ordinary item of expenditure, and therefore 
 was defrayed by a special vote, out of the salary or fees of Yeamans' office, he 
 being Sheriff at the time. " The Globe" may have been a ship of unusual 
 dimensions, which the Lord Chief Justice was taken to inspect, and as a matter 
 of courtesy would be regaled on board. A bye-law passed early in this century 
 prohibiting vessels above a limited burden from coming to the Quay ; they lay 
 in the river at Hungroad. 
 
 The next entry, if suggestive, is certainly not explicit ; " Paid a messenger 
 that brought a Proclamation for curing the King's Evil, 3s. 4<^." We are not to 
 suppose that the proclamation would cure the evil, but that the King would 
 touch for it on such and such a day. It would probably be in anticipation 
 of his coming to Bristol, If so, his own afflictions prevented his presence here, 
 to relieve the afflictions of his suffering subjects. 
 
46 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 An old custom must not pass unnoticed which the Corporation had observed, 
 from the time that the works of Holbein and his followers, had introduced a 
 taste for portrait painting in this country ; that, of placing in the Council 
 Chamber the portraits of any of their members, whose benevolence, public 
 worth, and public estimation rendered deserving the distinction. A commen- 
 dable and pleasing tribute, whereby their virtues were kept in mind, and 
 their benevolent example ofttimes followed. Some extraordinary specimens of 
 distorted humanity, have been preserved from the year 1530. More than a 
 century later, in 1640, the portrait of Alderman Harrington, recently deceased, 
 was placed in the Council House. "We are neither told its cost nor the name 
 of the " limner," but the accounts of the Treasurer convey other particulars, 
 curious, but comparatively valueless. We learn from them, for " setting it up" 
 a joiner was paid sixpence ; and for " new cleaning it," three shillings was 
 paid, to one Fletcher, a Dutchman, who was much employed. 
 
 Our research has conducted us to November 3rd, 1640, when Charles 
 opened in person the ever memorable Long Parliament, with which began 
 the Commonwealth. The endeavours of the Court had not been successful 
 in influencing the electors. The people were labouring under so many 
 oppressions that they were eager to return " patriotic" Members. From Bristol 
 had been sent a — " Petition from a great number of Burgesses, that they 
 might have a voice in the election of the Burgesses in Parliament." Their 
 prayer was not granted ; " The Burgesses in Parliament having always been 
 chosen by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, and the resident 
 freeholders." 
 
 At this important crisis, when every vote lost to Monarchy was hastening 
 its downfall, the petitioners who belonged to the popular party triumphed 
 however in ejecting J. GlanviU, Esq., and in securing the return of Alderman 
 Richard Long, a gloomy fanatic, prepared to go to any extreme. Still the 
 influence of the loyal disposition of the yet unshaken few, was visible midst the 
 general disaffection in the re-election of their tried representative, Humphrey 
 Hooke.' There was now a strong party in the House, whose measures were 
 for effectually and permanently abridging the Eoyal authority. Many indeed 
 
 1 They also succeeded in obtaining for Mayor, Jolm Taylor, Merohant, wto was a distinguished 
 Member of their body, and Captain of the Trained Bands ; which ofice, on his election to the 
 Municipal Chair, he resigned. His Sheriffs were Henry Gibbs, Puritan; and Edward Pitt, EoyaUst. 
 
1641.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 47 
 
 endeavoured to infuse a republican spirit, and sought for the abolition of 
 Monarchy itself. To such elements we may trace the remarkable sequence of 
 events, that drove tranquillity from the land, not to return but with the happy 
 restoration of Monarchy; after the people's political experiment had been tried, 
 and the despotism of an usurper had taught them the value of the constitution 
 they had so rashly discarded. 
 
 A few abstracts from our records at this eventful crisis, will disclose 
 the factious and unquiet temper of the people. One man is presented at the 
 Sessions, in 1641, because he said he was " choused of his freedome by the 
 Justices ; and Alderman Taylor was very sorry for what he had done." But 
 how the Loyal Alderman was implicated, and the occasion of his penitence, 
 whether the expression of regret arose from his own conduct, or that of the 
 man's, does not appear upon the face of the entry. Also one Elizabeth 
 Clementes, is presented " for sayinge that Mr. Loveringe, [Vicar of Temple,] 
 could preach noe more than a black dogg, and other vilifyinge language." 
 The same year, one of the train-bands is presented for " affronting, and 
 misusing the messengers sent by Corporal Bevan, to warn him to attend his 
 Corporal to watch." In the minute books of the proceedings of the Magistrates 
 is indicated the prevalence of a discontented and rebellious spirit. The 
 advent of disastrous days is seen in the following : — 
 
 " 13th August, 1641. Dennis HoUester, [subsequently a Member for this City in the 
 ' Praise God Barebones' ParHament,] and WUHam Cooke, grocers, being convented 
 before the Maior and Justices for keeping Conventicles, and occasioning a Meeting, 
 breaking the Peace, and disturbing the King's liege people, the last night, from 
 nyne, ten, and untill eleaven o'clock at night and after, in High Strete, the middle 
 of this Cittie, which appeares by information and also by their owne examination, 
 are committed to the custody of a Serjeant to find suerties, for appearance at 
 the next quarter Sessions, and in the meane tyme to be of good behaviour. This 
 doun at one o'clock. Afterwarde, at three o'Clock, the officer being called for to 
 give an account of the committment, gave for answere that he had the said 
 HoUester and Cooke in custody, but they would find no suerties ; and they being 
 sent for, presently before the Maior and Justices, they themselves gave for answere 
 in person that they had noe suerties ; but HoUester said they were advized by a 
 Parliament man that they had doun nothing but what was lawfuU, but denyed to 
 tell this Parliament man's name."i 
 
 1 City Eecords. 
 
48 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " 8th April, 1642. Upon a generall fame and brute given out, that there would be a 
 rising by Temple, EedcliiF, and St. Thomas, on Tuesday next, and that they had 
 gotten divers clubbs very lately ; the Sheriffs with their men and the constables of 
 Temple, are now sent downe to the parishes, to take in the clubbs and weapons of 
 the people that are suspitious to be accessories and principalis in this comotion." 
 
 Taught by experience, — earnestly and carefully had the citizens, amidst the 
 disheartening distractions of the anxious unhappy times, endeavoured by every 
 restriction the wisdom of man could suggest, to prevent the foul breath of 
 the great Destroyer from obtaining entrance within their walls. How vain 
 their efforts ! How futile their attempts ! The hand of Omnipotence had 
 been raised — the Almighty fiat had gone forth, that would still the voice of 
 hundreds who chafed and fumed in the religious and political warfare of the 
 day ; and before which the most cherished hopes, the most ambitious desires, 
 and the most endeared of life would disappear. The pestilence was in the 
 City! An extract from the audit of 1641, informs us that there was: — 
 
 " Paid William Weare what he disbursed for provisions unto the poor people, which 
 were shut up in Horse Street, seventeen shillings. And six shillings to a poor 
 woman named Johan Weare, that brought them provisions and fetched water for 
 them three weeks." 
 
 The Castle, and a house called the Horse Shoe, in Wine Street, were occupied 
 by persons infected with the plague, who were supported at the expense of the 
 Corporation. To the infected houses were appointed watchmen by day and 
 night, whose duty it was to prevent all ingress and egress, — Mr. Hanshaw's 
 house in St. Peter's parish, had six men who were paid one shilling each, 
 for constantly guarding the premises. The houses visited by the pestilence 
 had painted on their doors a distinct red cross, about a foot in length, over 
 which were the words, " Lord have mercy upon us," drawing from the 
 passenger as he hurried by the ominous sign, a spontaneous " Amen" to the 
 solemn prayer.^ 
 
 1 A poor maid managed to elude the vigilance of the watchmen, and ran away from the " Horse 
 Shoe" to Brandon Kill, where she was found. For her rehef nine shillings and ten pence was paid, 
 by order of the Mayor and Aldermen. The Corporation indeed appear to have been actuated by a 
 compassionate and mercifal feehng, from the commencement of the breaking out of the distemper. 
 Dr. MchoUs having taken the infection was commanded to " keep house," in consideration of which 
 he was' paid £4 " as a recompence for loss of time." Thirty shillings was also ordered to be paid 
 Eev. Jacob Brent, Vicar of Temple, for his sister, " in regard of her being shut up. "a 
 
 a- August 6th. The members of the Corporation subscribed six marks and eleven nobles, towards the relief of 
 the poor infected with the plague at Taunton. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 49 
 
 Sad and cheerless are the prospects of the Monarchical party within this 
 City. Their power and influence are passing from them. Their voice has no 
 longer authority in its Councils ; and their efibrts are in vain to resist the 
 tide of fanaticism, that threatens to subvert all hallowed institutions ! So 
 certain was the Parliament of the disposition of the citizens, that the following 
 year, when the war began, Denzil HoUis, a well known leader in the Lower 
 House, was appointed Lieutenant of the City. " He was nominated as fit to 
 command the militia,' at Bristol, having subscribed £1000 against the King;" 
 thus virtually training the inhabitants to arms, that were to be used in oppo- 
 sition to their Sovereign. A measure, evidently sanctioned by a majority in 
 the Council Chamber. After the commencement of hostiUties, so little con- 
 fidence however seems to have been placed by the Magistrates in the trainbands, 
 who were generally disposed to Eoyalty, that the following oath was directed 
 to be tendered to the guards on duty: — 
 
 " 13th of March, 1642. You shall sweare that you shall vew and search all such packs 
 of goods whatsoever, as you shall be told are to be carried forth of this Citty at any 
 of the gates, whether there be any powder, buUett, or ammunition therein, and to 
 seize and stay the same yf any and to give information thereof forthwith to the Maior 
 of Bristollj and to stay the rest of the goods they are packed with, and to deale 
 effectually without partiality shewed." 
 
 The gloom of all moderate people at the disordered state of the nation was 
 increased, and the whole atmosphere overcast by the horrible intelligence of a 
 most barbarous massacre of the Protestants in Ireland. So absorbed were the 
 King and Parliament with their own menacing attitudes, that this momentous 
 affair did not obtain from either party that consideration, which the pressing 
 exigencies required. Few soldiers only were sent at its outbreak. In 
 February, 1642, two hundred men were shipped from this port to Duncannon in 
 Ireland, and three hundred more went to Minehead to embark.^ Bristol from 
 its locality was also a great port of refuge ; and multitudes of poor distressed 
 
 1 The militia consisted of eight thousand men, bearing arms and actually iu training. The 
 population of the City is set down at forty thousand.* 
 
 " Clarendon, quoted by Seyer, EC., 307. 
 
 2 " 13th May, 1642. Mr. Mayor, now demandiag according to my Lord AdmiraU's directions of 
 Matthew Davis and Eiohard Hooper, two barques to goe to Chester to take iu soldiers for Dubhn, 
 for his Majesty's service, doe both absolutely say that their shipps want reparation, and cannot goe." 
 
 H 
 
50 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 families, that had escaped half clothed, and half famished, — crowded the 
 streets with misery, despair, and death impressed upon their wasted features. 
 
 Great was the excitement that prevailed in this City during the year 
 1642. The King, knowing its importance as the principal sea port in the 
 west of England, and as 9, military station, was anxious to secure its allegiance; 
 the more especially on account of the rebellion which raged in Ireland, as 
 Bristol was the port of embarkation for the forces intended for the southern 
 parts of that country. His Majesty therefore sent, early in the year, a letter 
 by Sir Baynham Throgmorton to the Mayor, [John Locke] touching the obedi- 
 ence of the City, complaining of " upstart sects in religion," and exhorting it 
 not to join in raising forces against himself.^ The Parliament, however, well 
 assured of the disposition of the inhabitants, had also estimated the value of 
 the City, and extended . its affection towards it. Denzil Hollis, as we learn 
 from the following extracts, was now commanding the trainbands raised for 
 the protection of the City against their Sovereign.^ 
 
 " Paid for six drums and fifes that went about to warn the trained bands to appear in 
 the Marsh before Mr. Denzil Hollis, and for their attendance there that day, at 
 Is. 6d. per man, £0:18: 0." 
 
 " Paid Richard Allen, for himself and the rest of the sergeants of the trained bands, for 
 their attendance in the Marsh, Mr. Denzil Hollis being here, £0 : 15 : 0." 
 
 The extreme opinions of "the impetuous but honest" Hollis, — his prominency 
 in the Lower House, must have been well known ; and that he would not 
 compromise himself by training men against the " Good Cause" he advocated. 
 Therefore his presence and his purport here must have been sanctioned by the 
 Chamber, — which leaves no doubt of the existence of a rebellious party within 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 300. 
 
 2 The trainbands constituted the most unserviceable and yet dangerous force that could be 
 called upon. They appear to have been the least national and the most partizan of aH troops ; the 
 most ready instruments for revolution, the least faithful to the cause that they espouse.^ They were 
 incorporated in this City in the year 1572, on the occasion of the threatened invasion of England 
 by the Spaniards. 
 
 They mustered in the Marsh, [now Queen Square] the usual place where the troops assembled 
 during the national conflict. Some ehns had been cut down there, to make carriages for the great 
 ordnance ; and within were two additional pieces, with gunners to attend them when required. — 
 Baueett. 
 
 a " Eupert and the Cavaliers."— Warburton, Appendix 438. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 61 
 
 it, already in league with the Parliament ; and that its authority was virtually 
 recognized before it had taken possession of the City. Of this party, Eichard 
 Aldworth, Richard Long, Aldermen Brown, Vickris, and Jackson, were the 
 leaders ; ' and worthy of being included in the same category was the Mayor, 
 John Locke ; and one of his Sheriffs, Eichard Balman. 
 
 A straw will show which way the wind blows ; — and before Sir Baynham 
 Throgmorton had left the City, an incident occurred that too sadly indicated 
 the seditious inclinations of the majority of the Corporation, supported and 
 encouraged as they were by the Mayor and Sheriffs. The Mayor himself not 
 only violated his oath, but actually exercised his authority to the prejudice of 
 the Sovereign who had confided in his allegiance, and whose life and realm 
 he had made a solemn attestation to defend. This contumacious Mayor, and 
 one of his Sheriffs, "had signed a -warrant for the conveyance of four cannon 
 to Marlborough, to assist in fortifying that place against the King."^ But 
 they were not removed without a struggle. There stiU. existed in the City 
 some loyal hearts, whom Charles's fatal weakness and duplicity had not yet 
 caused to swerve from their devotion ; who, deaf to persuasion, firm against 
 intimidation, and unshaken by persecution, continued faithful. They resisted 
 the execution of the warrant, threw the cannon off the carriages, took them 
 into their possession, and for a time detained them. A tumult ensued, which 
 Sir Baynham endeavoured to appease. He remonstrated with the Mayor, 
 and upbraided him with his treachery, and in the King's name demanded 
 that the cannon should not be removed, but to no purpose. He could not 
 support his threats with a force of armed men. His little band were com- 
 pelled to give way before superior numbers ; and the cannon were sent off, 
 in opposition to the protest of the loyally disposed. The character of Alderman 
 Locke appears before us in no enviable notoriety, as the first citizen who 
 openly encouraged an appeal to arms. His subsequent behaviour in an 
 important crisis of the King's affairs may be anticipated. 
 
 Denzil HoUis, was summoned from his military duties in this City, — the 
 Parliament requiring his services at Sherborne, where the Castle was besieged 
 by the Earl of Bedford, and was defended by the Earl of Hertford. The 
 following entry refers to an unsuccessftd attempt to forward Denzil HoUis 
 supplies. 
 
 1 Seyer. 2 lib. II., 312. 
 
52 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 " Paid £20 to Mr. Eowe^ Ironmonger, being so much that Mr. Richard Gary paid in 
 part of a bag of £50, to pay for charges and men's wages, for certain men that were 
 going to Sherborne with provisions and other charges to Mr. Denzil Hollis, all 
 which came lack." Before their arrival the siege had been raised. 
 
 It comes not within the scope of this work to follow the fortunes of the 
 unfortunate monarch, who, in January, 1642, left his capital, and the strength 
 and riches of his kingdom, in the hands of the Parliament. The progress of 
 events will necessarily place him before us, when his presence in our City was 
 rendered somewhat necessary. But this was not till the sword was drawn, 
 and the scions of many a noble and illustrious House were armed in his defence. 
 In the meantime the Parliament was proceeding with their work, and destroy- 
 ing the pillars of his authority. To stimulate the religious zeal of the people, 
 and maintain it warm and active, the House of Commons went into a com- 
 mittee on Ecclesiastical matters. It is remarkable that the only law the King 
 enacted against the established Church, was the last that he passed ; whereby 
 the right of the Bishops to sit in Parliament, and the whole secular power and 
 privileges of the clergy were interrupted for about twenty years. Until the 
 war was over, and the King a helpless prisoner in the iron grasp of Oliver 
 Cromwell, there was essentially no established form of government. The 
 clergy were permitted to read more or less of the Liturgy as they were disposed, 
 and to direct their parishes according to their discretion ; but the name, style, 
 and dignity of Archbishops and Bishops were retained tiU that time. As may 
 be imagined, our ancient ecclesiastical buildings suifered much from neglect 
 alone, independent of the unsparing hand of fanatical violence. A mournful 
 picture has been drawn. The churches, that time had spared and holy uses 
 had sanctified, were no longer adorned and beautified ; and the broken roofs, 
 gaping fissures, and shivered windows, remained unrepaired. Eain, and 
 wind and storm entered the buildings unchecked, — and damp and mildew 
 undermined the walls unheeded. Desolate and saddening as were the decay- 
 ing temples, it was still more grievous to behold the chill and lifeless form to 
 which, the Puritans had degraded the beautiful worship of the Anglican 
 Church, — " suffering the Sacraments themselves to be administered where the 
 people had most mind to receive them."' Such slovenliness and indecencies, 
 
 1 Claxendon. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 53 
 
 would not have been endured in their ordinary habitations, and are opposed 
 to the genuine spirit of Christian worship. 
 
 Beset on every side by difficulties, the Bristol authorities were greatly 
 perplexed how to act. While the fortunes of the Eoyal cause were hopeful, 
 the Chamber was pretty equally divided. In consequence, the machinery of 
 Government was nearly stationary. Neither Eoyalists nor Puritans were 
 enabled to give it a decisive move in either direction. To please both 
 parties therefore, a meeting took place on the 21st of May, at which, after 
 a long debate, it was — 
 
 " Fully concluded upon and determined by the whole House, that there shall be two 
 petitions in behalf of this City made, one to the King, and the other to the Parlia- 
 ment." The Committee,^ [composed of five Royalists and five Puritans,] was 
 " appointed to go with all expedition about them, and first to present them soon to 
 Mr. Mayor and this House." 
 
 The petitions were prepared with unwonted dispatch. They were both 
 completed in four days. On the fifth day they were presented to Mr. Mayor 
 and the House. But the literary efforts of the Committee did not meet 
 with unquaUfied approbation, as we learn from the following : — 
 
 " 26th May. Mr. Towgood and Mr. Standfast are desired to peruse the petitions 
 drawne to the Parliament, and to signifie what they conceave meet to be amended 
 therein ; and therefore the petitions now drawne is to be delivered to them." 
 
 It was some weeks before the amendment was completed. Apparently, 
 where so many separate interests were concerned, the reverend gentlemen had 
 a task of some difficulty, in adapting the petitions to suit their several 
 prejudices. It was yet uncertain which power might ultimately prevail ; and 
 much delicate phraseology was necessary in the construction of the petitions, 
 to render them harmless to the petitioners, whatever might be the result of 
 the national contest. Herein, such was the copiousness and the felicity of 
 the diction, they were eminently calculated to be successful. But this 
 
 1 Mr. Alderman Gonninge, 
 
 Mr. Aldworth, 
 
 Mr. Colston, 
 
 „ Charlton, 
 
 „ Elliott, 
 
 ,, Miles Jackson, 
 
 „ Holworthy, 
 
 „ Cann, 
 
 „ Fitzherbert. 
 
 Taylor. 
 
 
 
54 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 occupied some time. And before they could be presented, events had occurred 
 which rendered some change necessary. Accordingly we find, that on — 
 
 July 11th, " the petitions formerly consented unto and drawne, to be sent to his Majesty 
 and the Parliament, are thought fitt to be staid, and not to be sent as now they are, 
 in regard they have bin soe long retarded." 
 
 Here the matter rested. The petitions were left to slumber amongst the 
 archives ; and we hear no more of them, till after the King had set up the 
 Royal Standard at Nottingham, and the battle of Edgehill had been fought. 
 It would seem, upon receiving the news of that merciless conflict, that 
 the Chamber, dreading the misery which would follow the footsteps of discord, 
 were desirous of peace; and accordingly, on November 1st, it was — 
 
 "Agreed that the old petitions intended for the King and Parliament should be 
 reviewed by the Committee now chosen, and that a petition now for the time be 
 prepared and presented, as well to the King's Majesty as the Parliament, for 
 reconciliation." 
 
 It took a fortnight to review the two petitions, and render them satisfactory. 
 On the 16th of November they were approved, and ordered to be engrossed 
 and prepared with all expedition by Mr. Alderman Tomlinson, Mr. Alderman 
 Holworthy, Mr. Alexander James, Mr. Wm. Fitzherbert, and Mr. James 
 Dyer, [Town Clerk.] 
 
 Nov. 22. The petitions had not been presented, as we find that Mr. 
 Alderman Hooke — 
 
 " Was appointed and desired by the whole House to join with Mr. Alderman Tomlinson 
 and the rest that were to deliver them, in the place and room of Mr. Alderman 
 Holworthy, whoe hath desired to be spared and excused in the employment." 
 
 On Saturday, the 7th of January, 1643, after the surrender of the City to Col. 
 Essex, one petition was eventually presented " to the King's most excellent 
 Majestie, at the court at Oxford, by foure of the Aldermen." It is headed, 
 " The humble Petition of the Citie of BristoU to his Majestie, for an accommoda- 
 tion of peace betweene himself e and Parliament." The whole is transcribed by 
 Seyer,^ who says the King's enemies must have been predominant here, when 
 such a petition could have been publicly exhibited. It is too verbose 
 and tedious to be inserted at length, but a few of the more expressive and 
 informing passages may be given. In the stilted language of the time it 
 
 1 Seyer II., 313. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 55 
 
 commences, "The lingering calamities of this present cruell war having 
 with its hideous and tumultuous noyse awakened the sleeping tongues of your 
 Majesty's loyal subjects," &c., especially those of London, to whom the 
 petitioners state they are not "uninferior" in loyalty. They beg his Majesty to 
 take a strict survey of the face of things in England, and tell him that he will 
 find it fuU of " horror and wrath, appearing merely the ghost of that England 
 which it was so lately." That " Instead of the continuall and gainfuU trade 
 and commerce, which all the maritime towns, in especiall this City of BristoU, 
 had into forraigne parts, our ships now lie rotting in the harbor, without any 
 mariners, or fraught or trade in forraigne parts, by reason of our home-bred 
 distractions being grown so contemptible and despised there." * * * * 
 Then follows a pathetic description, that " no man enjoyes his life, his wife, 
 children, family, or estate, in safety this day, producing effects of mine in 
 those places and on those persons, who in the foregoing night were rich and 
 happy ; so that unspeakable is our misery, unutterable our grievances, fathers 
 being engaged against sons, and sons against fathers ; every good towne and 
 city, as this your City of Bristol, being inforced to their great and infinite 
 expense to maintain garrisons and courts of guards^ for their security, which 
 takes away all sense of our former happinesse, our sleeps being disturbed by 
 the surley noyse of drums, we overwhelmed with an increasing perpetuity of 
 cares and troubles, such as no time nor history hath scarce mentioned in this 
 kingdome, neither in the Barons nor any other civill warres." The petitioners 
 go on to allude to his Majesty's divorcement fi-om " those husbands of the 
 Commonwealth, the Honourable High Court of Parliament." They call 
 attention to the " strange and uncouth distractions that have lately broken 
 forth into the Church of England, to the too much power of the Prelacie," and 
 conclude by imploring his Majestie to take into consideration their " troubles 
 and unhappy dissensions." We are to suppose that the duty of the reverend 
 and learned clergymen Standfast and Towgood was confined to the correction 
 of the style and orthography only of this plain spoken petition. Its sentiments 
 were rather opposed to their well known principles. A " most gracious answer " 
 from his Majesty was delivered to the Corporation by "my Lord Faulkland, 
 PrincipaU Secretary of State." After much vapid verbiage, Charles, who was 
 
 1 In 1644, there were twenty-tkree courts of Gruards in tlie City, and each had a fire. — CiUj Records. 
 
56 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 then at Oxford negotiating for peace, concludes with "not doubting but, ere 
 many days passe, to reduce his affairs to that conformable condition, as to 
 finish all jars and contentions between himself and Parliament by an happie 
 union." But even while this hope lived in the thoughtful Monarch's mind, 
 the cloud of future sorrow flung its dark shadow on his path. Henceforth all 
 was confusion, a desperate and unavailing struggle. 
 
 Our trace of the fortunes of these petitions, has carried us over some 
 local incidents to which we return. June 13. A letter received from the 
 Speaker to the Mayor and Aldermen, dated 7th instant, for raising money 
 for the maintenance of the armies in Ireland, was read to the House; when 
 it was agreed that all persons lending money, were to pay the same to the 
 Mayor and Aldermen, or Chamberlain, who was to remit the same to the 
 Chamberlain in London, as directed by the letter. " £2625, was subscribed 
 by Members of the Corporation, and £1000, was lent by the Chamber. The 
 Corporation and citizens had already suffered great loss of wealth from the 
 visits of the Commissioners, and the further proceedings against them in the 
 Star Chamber. In the present disbursement we see but the commencement 
 of a series, that however well filled the Treasury might have been, led to its 
 entire impoverishment. Another entry in reference to this subject, occurs on 
 the 19th of the following October: — 
 
 " This day, upon opening the matter touching the loane mony desired by Parliament, 
 and intimated by the Speaker's letter of the 7th June last, and now revived by the 
 two Parliament men, Mr. Reynolds and Mr. Goodwin, whoe lately came to this 
 Citty, and are bound over to Ireland by order of Parliament. The House are 
 generally of opinion, and doe declare that as the case now stands, considering their 
 great disbursements and the daily charges they are at, the losse of debtes and the 
 decay of trade, and for other causes, they cannot lend any money, and therefore the 
 above are desired and appointed committees on this behalfe, and to meet in the 
 Council House this afternoone, to consult of some meet reasons to be given the above 
 said Parliament men in answer to their not lending. And hereupon Mr. Townclerk is 
 appointed to deliver the same as the answer of the whole House ; and Mr. Colston, 
 and Mr. Fitzherbert are desired to goe with Mr. Townclerk to the said Parliament 
 men." 
 
 The Committee appointed, were Aldermen Hooke, Charlton, Holworthy, and 
 Long ; and James, Colston, Gonning, and Fitzherbert, members of the Council. 
 The Puritans were sensitively alive to considerations of self at this second 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 57 
 
 application, and could cordially unite with the Royalists, and gladly avail 
 themselves of their services to negotiate the delicate business. 
 
 While each day but widened the breach between the King and his Par- 
 liament, and hastened the outbreak of the approaching storm, so soon to burst 
 upon the devoted land, the Marquis of Hertford, "one of the most heroic of the 
 Cavaliers," visited this City. He was sent by the King with a " Commission 
 of Array," to secure Somersetshire; and it is also probable the visit was 
 designed to ascertain the affections of the citizens, and the extent of their 
 resources. That the latter were considerable, and that the affections of the 
 higher classes were for the most part sincerely bound to their Sovereign, the 
 sacrifices they made bear ample testimony. To what extent they parted 
 with their wealth, we shall (as our records furnish us with direct information) 
 shortly proceed to show; but first we wiU turn to the entry which has 
 reference to the visit of the Marquis; it is dated July 11th. — 
 
 " This day, upon notice and intimation given that the Lord Marquis Hertford is 
 shortly to come to this City, the House think fit that for his Lordship's accommodation, 
 as other Noblemen on the like kind have been, and that his Lordship at present be 
 not driven to take up his lodgings in an Inn, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges' house, 
 on St. Augustine's Backj be obtained for that purpose; and which both Sir 
 F. Gorges and Mr. Thomas Smyth have voluntary offered, as is informed. 
 And therefore Mr. Sheriff Yeamans, Mr. Fitzherbert, and Mr. Chamberlain, are 
 desired and appointed this afternoon to give meeting to Sir Ferdinando and Mr. 
 Smyth, and to give them thanks from this House for their love and free offer; 
 and beside they are to consult with them touching the things in the house that may 
 fitly accommodate, whereof Mr. Chamberlain is to take notice. "' 
 
 The civic authorities appear to have been represented by Yeamans. His 
 brother Sheriff and the Mayor would be slow to show any honours to the 
 Lord Marquis; who probably was prepared, from the bearing of the Chief 
 Magistrate, for a second manifestation of that oflficer's disloyalty, which in a 
 few days occured to this effect : — Lord Paulet, who was desirous of introducing 
 troops of horse into the City on behalf of his Majesty, sent Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges, and Mr. Smyth, of Ashton, to the Mayor to request his permission. 
 
 1 There is no charge for the entertainment of the Marquis ia the Treasurer's accomit, hut a small 
 item occurs of three shillings, an expense incurred by Sheriff Teamans and Mr. Fitzherbert "on 
 going to confer with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, concerning having the great house on St. Ausnstine's 
 Back for a lodging for the Marquis of Hertford." 
 
 I 
 
58 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 The Mayor was consistent. He had allowed artillery to be sent fi-om the 
 City against his Majesty, and he now refused admission to his forces ; under 
 the subterftige that he had received express orders from the King to admit no 
 troops of either party, but to keep and defend the City for his Majesty's use ; 
 alluding to the letter wherein the King had exhorted the City to obedience, 
 which had been conveyed to the Mayor in February.' His Majesty little 
 supposing that his loyal subject would thus construe its instructions to the 
 injury of his E.oyal Master. 
 
 Bristol, from its commanding at once the rich county of Somerset, and the 
 chief entrance into Wales, was of the utmost consequence to both King and 
 Parliament, though it had not yet publicly declared for either. But the 
 proceedings of the Corporation were too partial to allow their political bearing 
 to be long concealed. The decisive moment approached, and the agitation 
 of the citizens rose to its height. The dread note of martial preparation 
 resounded through the City ; and the peaceful inhabitants were disturbed from 
 their wonted placidity by anxiety and excitement. Anxiety for the preservation 
 of their trade, excitement from the daily muster of the trainbands, and from 
 the military preparations on every side. A daily sense of insecurity is expressed 
 in the minutes of the Common Council's proceedings, portentous of the evil 
 days to come. A crisis was evident. Thus we learn that on the 15th of 
 August, the City gates and walls were ordered to be forthwith repaired, 
 and made strong with chains, poullis, and other necessaries. Seven gunners 
 were appointed, — and ordnance, and ammunition, fit and expedient to be 
 prepared for the safety of the City.^ 
 
 The sum of £1000, had been expended in the purchase of arms and ammu- 
 nition in London ; and it was now ordered " that three hundred musketts, and 
 one hundred corslets, be purchased and added to the store." Also, that " the 
 Aldermen of each ward were to see what arms each person hath in his ward, 
 and who are capable to bear arms ; who have none of their own, and who are 
 able to provide arms. A committee of ten was appointed to carry the above 
 into execution, and with every speed." 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 309. 
 
 2 " A piece of ordnance to be placed in a piece of void ground in the tolduig of Eobert Deam, 
 situate between Eridewell and the Pithay, in a tower there standing, as a very fit place." Part of 
 the tower still remains ; it stands at the bottom of the yard of the present Central Police Station. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 59 
 
 To avoid disturbances, the strictest discipline was observed ; and " The Mayor sent 
 orders through the drummers and fifers, that all soldiers were not to be out of their 
 lodgings after six o'clock at night." 
 
 Mr. Joseph Jackson, a violent fanatic, was " appointed the fourth Captain 
 of this City, with one hundred men assigned." This appointment is another 
 evidence of the waning power of the Loyalists in the Council Chamber. It 
 was also necessary to lay in a store of provisions, in case of siege ; accordingly, 
 we find there was, — 
 
 " £1000, to be expended in the purchase of corn, butter, cheese, for the relief of the 
 inhabitants ; and another £1000, as occasion may require." 
 
 Suspicion and mistrust dwelt in every breast. On the 15th of October a 
 letter from the Speaker to the Mayor was read, touching the receiving of two 
 thousand soldiers, making provision for them, and causing them to be trans- 
 ported to Ireland. The House was alarmed, perplexed. At this exigence to 
 have so large a force entering the City, under the command of officers opposed 
 to Monarchy, did not appear a prudent course to the Royalists, This 
 consideration influenced the House, and it was agreed that the soldiers should 
 be received ; but, except the Captains and Officers, all should be disarmed. 
 The charge for provision and transporting to be paid by the Parliament, 
 according to the letter. It further appears from the entry of this day, that 
 there were ten members of the House chosen to be a Committee for, — 
 
 " Safe guarding and for settling and placing ordnance in and about this Cittie, of which 
 Mr. Mayor and the Sheriffs were three. That now in regard of their extraordinary 
 employment and care these times, that Mr. Edward Pitt, Mr. Farmer, and Mr. Bush, 
 be added to the other seven, and are desired to join with them in fortifying the 
 Castle, according to directions forthwith. And to compound with such persons as 
 have houses and hovels against or about the Tower, fit to be pulled down. The 
 Engineer to be continued until further orders. And Mr. Sherman, Capt. Day, and 
 Mr. Chamberlain, proceed to buy the Spanish pikes spoken of, for the use of the 
 Chamber." On the 24th of November it was ordered that the planking of the 
 Tower of the Castle be proceeded with, and that outworks be made round about 
 the City for its defence. 
 
 A fortnight after, — "It is agreed that one hundred musquitiers shall watch every 
 night, to be taken out of the four severall bands, viz. twenty-five out of each 
 band, with muskett and halberds, and five of the Common Council, to watch 
 
60 EDVfARD COLSTON, 
 
 " every night amongst them, one at each gate, and to begin with five of the youngest, 
 and soe upwards, every night, and to continue untill further order. The common 
 and ordinary watch is to stand likewise. And tis thought fitt that a drummer or 
 two be at each gate, to give notice of preparation, as occasion shall require in these 
 times of distraction. Such persons as are not provided of armes are to be furnished 
 out of the common store of th,e Cittie, as the captains of each band shall desire to 
 have done. Everie dale one of the trayned bands to be in readiness with their 
 armes, and be in field. And Captain Langton to begin. And soe to goe on accord- 
 ing to each man's seniority dailie." Also two committees were appointed for land 
 and sea service; and it was ordered that "a ship be got ready, with men, and 
 another if necessary." 
 
 On the following day a warrant was issued from "the Maior and Aldermen, 
 directed to the Waterbailiff and to John Eamsthorp, Mariner, — 
 
 " To take into custody all the ordnance that are abord the BristoU ships now in Hung- 
 rode and the Pill, and to bring them up to Bristoll, and to order and settle a guard 
 upon the rest of the ships and ordnance abord that are there lyinge." 
 
 Thus Bristol was become a martial City, and we behold our forefathers 
 armed for its defence, though divided amongst themselves, and influenced 
 by anything but a spirit of concord. Our records, however, would instruct us 
 otherwise, that the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Common Council, now 
 having everything tending, as they would desire, to the subversion of monarchy, 
 are well pleased, and in newness of feeling, on Nov. 8th, "declare themselves 
 to he in love and amity one with another, and to desire a friendly association 
 together in aU mutual accommodation." The like peaceable disposition and 
 harmonious desire pervades our next extract. 
 
 "Mr. Towgood and Mr. Standfast are desired, in the name of all the rest of the 
 Ministers, to give meeting to the committee for general association and amicable 
 accommodation one with another throughout the whole City, to the end that the 
 Ministers themselves and other inhabitants may be drawn thereunto with the. better 
 alacrity." 
 
 Following close upon these warlike preparations, we find our Corporation in 
 league vdth the " Mutual Association," ostensibly for the defence of the King 
 and kingdom ; but considering the anti-monarchical principles of its leaders, 
 and how speedily we discover them in open rebellion, their object is too 
 palpable to be mistaken. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 61 
 
 In a letter, dated 24th October, confirmed by the whole House, with the 
 very significant exception of Mr. Alderman Taylor, and Mr. Thomas Hooke, 
 both staunch Loyalists, who absented themselves; the House pledge themselves 
 to oppose any forces brought into Wilts, Somerset, or Gloucestershire, without 
 consent of the Parliament. Thus indisputably placing the authority of the 
 latter before their allegiance to their Sovereign. They certify that they shall 
 be ready to afford assistance as occasion may require, and remain "verie loving 
 friends and neighbours." No signatures are attached to this treasonable 
 epistle, and a blank is left for the name of the party to whom it was sent. 
 Another letter, that will throw some Ught on the disposition of the Corporation 
 at this eventful season, is directed by them to "The Worshipful otjr ever* 
 LOVING FRIEND, ALEXANDER PoPHAM." This we transcribe. 
 
 " Sir, — We are given to understand by an inhabitant of this City, who grounds his 
 report upon sight of a letter written by yourself to Capt. Harrington, that you have 
 a purpose of bringing some forces out of that county into this City, and to that 
 purpose your direction to Mr. Harrington was to be ready with his trained bands 
 and volunteers, at an hour's warning, and mean time to use all secrecy touching this 
 design. Sir, we hope you will not take any resolution herein without our privity ; 
 and mean time shall desire you and all others to desist from so doing, and that you 
 will be pleased to aflford us a word in writing of the truth of this report. We shall 
 he glad, when occasion shall require, to receive all friendly assistance from you, but 
 as we now stand, we conceive there is none; and thus, with remembrance of our 
 love and best respects unto you, we rest your very loving friends. 
 
 " Bristol, 24th November, 1642." 
 
 It wiU be observed, that to all the letters of the Corporation touching their 
 attempt to deliver the City to the Parhament, no names are affixed. The 
 corporate body cautiously avoided committing themselves. Though we find 
 them in amicable correspondence with an officer opposed to Eoyalty — though 
 they only waited till measures were sufficiently matured to admit his troops — 
 though their preparations from the commencement of the war had been 
 directed to this end, — yet they become ruffled at the statements of the Colonel, 
 and assume an aspect of indignant loyalty, in the same line that they advise him 
 not to do any thing without their "privity." They will let him know when 
 all is prepared, and acknowledge they shall be glad of his friendly assistance. 
 The Colonel, knowing the temper of the corporate body, is astonished, as Avell 
 
62 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 he might have been, at their affected innocency. He is desirous some decision 
 should be arrived at, and indicates the course to be pursued. 
 
 " Gentlemen, — I have received your letter, and do think it strange you should lay an 
 aspersion upon me for bringing forces into your City without your privity, never 
 yet intended. The single testimony whereupon you divine of this my intention is 
 scarce warrantable; if I should deal thus with you on fairer grounds by many letters 
 out of your City, it might affect those of you which I am loth to entertain, and 
 give me cause to think of a remedy to prevent these evils which unwittingly you 
 may bring upon yourselves and us your neighbours and true friends. I confess 
 ingenuously a friendly desire to aid you when occasion requires. I could wish you 
 did as friendly agree in the City, whether the time he not now come, Sero sapiunt 
 Phryges. To deal clearly with you, we have appointed a meeting of the gentlemen of 
 Somersetshire, "Wiltshire, and Gloucestershire, at Bath, on Monday next, whither, 
 as I understand you are desired to send some committee for you, this question I 
 hold up for that meeting, where we shall agree upon all courses for our common 
 safety, and know who are against us or with us, and provide accordingly. Thus 
 hoping to meet your committee at the time and place, I rest your faithful friend to 
 serve you. Alexandeu Popham." 
 
 " Pensford, 26th November, 1642." 
 
 The committee was not sent. Thereupon the representatives of the county 
 of Somerset write to the Corporation, that they fear their resolutions are 
 unhappily altered ; that they had learnt from a Mr. Nathaniel Stephens, of 
 Gloucestershire, "that Monday night be a fit dale for their meeting;" and 
 desire they would send on that night, or the following morning very early, the 
 gentlemen they intrust with the management of the business. That, — 
 
 " Such overture (they conclude) be propounded and debated, and so much debated and 
 concluded which may satisfie both you and our desit-es and intentions for the 
 publique safety, and in particular that of your Citty, which is cordially desired by 
 your alFectionate friends and servants. E. Hungeefokd, 
 
 Wm. Strode, 
 " Bath, 25th November, 1642," John Ashe." 
 
 On the same day they appointed the committee to go to Bath, but neglected 
 replying to this letter, stating what they had done; and in consequence received 
 another, dated Bath, Nov. 27th, signed by Edw. Hungerford, Jno. Horner, 
 Alex. Popham, Wm. Strode, and Jno. Ashe, expressing surprise at the want 
 of civility in not answering their letter, and allowing them to depart 
 without knowing what the Mayor and Aldermen intended doing ; that they 
 
1642. ] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 63 
 
 had appointed Col. Popham to draw together so many of his regiment as he 
 should think fit near the City, to be ready for its defence, and the men to help 
 in the fortifications ; and nothing moved them to this but the great care of 
 the City and themselves. Whereupon the Mayor and Aldermen address Col. 
 Popham ; and to clear themselves of the imputation of want of civility, send 
 him his own letters to review. They inform him that "upon due consideration 
 they had agreed with some meet persons to accommodate the service," and 
 doubt not but that he will still retain them in his good opinion. 
 
 The "meet persons" they had agreed with to go to Bath, were Alderman 
 Charlton, Messrs. Wallis, James, Fitzherbert, Hodges, and Dyer. 
 
 While the Common CounciP were considering the propositions they had 
 received from their committee at Bath, we learn fi:om a letter written by the 
 Corporation to Col. Popham, that their deliberations were brought to an 
 abrupt termination. They inform him of a, — 
 
 " Sudden and certain report of a company of Volunteers coming into Bedminster, whose 
 numbers were on the increase ; of the report of some others to be billeted at 
 Westbury and places adjoining ; which has so distracted them that they do not know 
 what to be about, and cannot satisfy his expectations tUl they lyiow for what the 
 preparations are intended." 
 
 How they extricated themselves from their " distractions" wiU be immediately 
 seen ; meanwhile we may not omit, as conveying a good understanding of the 
 period, a characteristic letter which we find amongst our records, addressed 
 " To the Eight Worshipful Mr. Mayor." 
 
 " Sir, — Although our hearts are good, yet we have no place of strength in this county 
 to defend against the King. Wherefore I desire to know your resolution if I shoidd 
 march with my regiment, which I conceive wUl consist of about one thousand well 
 armed men and three load of ammunition, whether you would receive us into your 
 town like soldiers, with our colours flying, drums beating, musquetts charged, and 
 matches lighted, which if you please to do, we shall readily venture for the defence 
 of your City ; thus desiring your speedy answer, I commit you to the protection of 
 the Almighty, and rest your very loving friend, 
 
 "Brewham, 23rd Nov., 1642." Col. Baynton." 
 
 The report of the disaffection of the City, must have been general amongst 
 
 1 December, 1642. Twelve of the Common Council were to consider of the propositions made 
 by the gentlemen of the counties of Somersetshire, Wilts, and Gloucestershire. 
 
64 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the Parliamentary forces, to whom the concluding words of this letter would 
 sufficiently indicate the Colonel belonged, were it not apparent from the 
 previous context. An anxiety to befriend the City is the pervading sentiment 
 of all these compositions. How far the inhabitants were benefited by the 
 friends they unwittingly admitted within their gates, will be developed as the 
 narrative proceeds. 
 
 To such an extent was rehgious and political animosity carried, that each 
 individual bore the cognizance of the party to which he inclined; thus 
 begetting and stimulating an inimical spirit towards each other; dividing 
 kindred from kindred, friend from friend, neighbour from neighbour, — and 
 keeping the whole City in a state of contention. To check if possible the 
 increasing feeling of mutual dislike from this cause, we are informed in the 
 peculiar diction of the times, that on the 27th of November, — 
 
 "To prevent controversies arising from wearing colours and ribbons in their hats, 
 tending to breed faction and dissensions, the Mayor and Aldermen, with the consent 
 of the House, were to prescribe, as a great breach of the peace, upon paine to 
 receive such punishment as by law and good discretion shall be inflicted upon them." 
 
 One instan(Je out of many may be selected as having reference to the 
 dissensions arising from bearing marks of partisanship : 
 
 " 18th August, Wm. Moggridge, servant to Mr. Kelly, being convented before the 
 Mayor and Aldermen for assaulting one Charles Greene this morning in the High 
 Street, in Bristoll, and pulling a ribband out of his hatt, doth confesse that he did 
 it, and it was for that they were the colours which the cavaliers used to weare." 
 
 Colonel Essex had now approached the City with an army of horse and 
 foot, and the Council who had previously agreed to admit other forces 
 quartered in the neighbourhood, hastened their arrival to render useless any 
 attempt at resistance on the part of the Eoyalists. They, however, also 
 apprised of the Colonel's attempt, were in arms and had made earnest 
 preparations for the defence of the City. Two guns were planted at the 
 Froom Gate where he was expected, and two at the High Cross. The train- 
 bands, to the amount of one hundred men, (armed with pikes and muskets 
 and balls,) kept watch and ward by night and day as well without as within the 
 gates, " to keep out all strange forces."^ The Puritans also made a pretence, 
 
 1 Seyer. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 65 
 
 it was nothing more, of opposing the rebels. And the Mayor and Aldermen 
 issued a warrant to the Water Bailiff, " to take all ordnance on board the 
 Bristol ships in Kingroad and PUl, and bring them up to the City, and to set 
 a guard upon the rest of the ships that are there lying." 
 
 Whatever might have been the political bias of the City, we have seen its 
 rulers in friendly correspondence and treaty with the enemy ; and we 
 furthermore learn from the following letter, that Colonel Essex, detained as 
 prisoners, the Committee sent to Bath ; probably as hostages for the fulfilment 
 of the promises of the Corporation, till himself and forces were within the 
 gates. This letter dated 7th December, is addressed to Sir John Seymour, 
 Mr. Edward Stephens, and Mr. Alexander Popham, and was sent away the 
 evening before the arrival of Essex. — 
 
 " Sir, — Whiles we were a resolving, where and how to accommodate such friends of your 
 trainbands to be taken into the City, which we thought with all cheerfulness to 
 entertain, upon your faithful and fair promises of no wrong or injury to be done 
 against us : there came a messenger from our gents, which we sent Monday last to 
 Colonel Essex, intimating that they were kept as prisoners, and that the Colonel 
 with his forces with the trainbands, of the county of Gloucester, are this night to 
 be at Thornbury, or near thereabouts, with the intent of being here to morrow 
 next. Sir, we shall desire you, the case thus standing, to do us the favour as to be 
 here on to morrow next some time in the forenoon, whereby we may friendly 
 compose and accomodate the premises to avoid the effusion of blood, which 
 otherwise will undoubtedly happen, and thus with tender of our best respects we 
 rest your very loving friends." 
 
 The Corporation had been somewhat tardy in admitting Colonel Popham's 
 troops, and while they were making up their mind whether the time was come. 
 Colonel Essex decided that it was, — and presented himself before the gates of 
 the City. It is remarkable, that we find no record of any attempt made by 
 the Koyalists, to obtain assistance from the King at this desperate juncture. 
 
 But it was now too late, had such been possible. Seyer recounts the surrender 
 of the City into the hands of the Parliament to this effect. While Essex's 
 troops were at the gates, the Magistrates were assembled at the Tolzey, 
 professedly engaged in measures for the preservation of the City for his 
 Majesty's use. Presently there was a great uproar, — in which the shrill voice 
 of females predominated ; and with the uproar, there came about one 
 
66 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 hundred of the better class of the citizens' wives/ followed by all the refuse 
 of the courts and alleys. They were headed by the Lady Mayoress, by Lady 
 Kogers,^ Mrs. Holworthy,^ Mrs. Vickris,* and other ladies, whose husbands 
 were or had been distinguished in the Council Chamber. In a tumultuous 
 manner they entered the Tolzey, and presented a Petition for the admission of 
 the Parliamentary troops. The wives and daughters of the Magistrates also, 
 were amongst the petitioners, and the appeal was irresistible. The gates 
 were ordered to be opened. These were, however, kept by the Koyalists, and 
 at Froom Gate a contest occurred; during which Essex, and his troops 
 contrived to slip in at Newgate, which had been opened, as was said, by the 
 contrivance of a woman. Essex's number was so small, that it showed how 
 vain would have been his attempt to obtain an entrance, had he not depended 
 upon the treachery of those within.^ He immediately took upon himself the 
 governorship of the City and Castle ; and the inhabitants began to feel, and 
 to have a practical understanding of the meaning of martial law.® 
 
 Here a circumstance, otherwise trivial, throws light upon the rugged 
 character of the time. It deals more particularly with what was then the 
 every day tale of the Justice room. Such feelings, under no moral or 
 religious control, are better fitted for the depths of a savage forest, than for 
 the cities of a Christian land. Unhappily, they are not confined to a past tense. 
 
 " Before the Maior and Aldermen, 10th Dec, 1642, Eichard Tyler, Baker, informeth 
 upon oath that yesterday last, in the afternoon, being in Wine Street, in BristoU, 
 where y® Parliament troop of horse were standing, one Wm. Knight, a Tailor, there 
 standing by them a foote, with a small piece or carbine on his shoulders, y" said 
 Knight demanded of one of the horsemen if all the foote were come in alsoe; 
 whoe answered him that he knew not whether aU the foote were come in or not. 
 Whereupon the said Knighte replying said these very words, (viz.) ' Well now, if 
 you doe not plunder soundly, I would that you were all hanged; and we will shew you 
 all the best places' To whom the said horseman made answere, that he should 
 forbear that then, and they would talk of that soone." 
 
 1 "The women were great politicians in those evil days, they followed the example of the 
 women of London who had petitioned Parliament." — ^Waebtjuton's Prince Rupert. 
 
 2 "Widow of Sir Eohert Eogers, Mayor in 1621. 3 Wife of Eichard Holworthy, Mayor in 1635. 
 
 4 "Wife of Eichard Vickris, Sheriff m 1636. 
 
 5 Of his entry into the City, we have only this notice, from which we infer he arrived at 
 night. " Paid for four torches at the coming of Col. Essex, £0:2: 0."—City Eecoris. 
 
 6 Barrett. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 67 
 
 A gloomy Christmas it was in the old City.' — The divided inhabitants, 
 who suffered more in loss of substance from the friends they had admitted 
 within their gates, than from the extortions of Charles's Commissioners; 
 now, oppressed with the weight of martial law, would have gladly turned 
 for relief and protection to that Kingly power, which through their repre- 
 sentatives they had helped to abridge, and against whose rule they had 
 revolted. Add to this, there were ominous forebodings of the future, which 
 saddened every one that still abided by the doctrines of the Established 
 Church. The sanctimonious Puritans overdid the part they played, and under 
 the cloak of religion rushed with frantic enthusiasm into the wildest extremes. 
 Amongst many, the loudest in their preaching, and the longest at their prayers, 
 there reigned, says a contemporary, " immorality, lust, cruelty, and disregard 
 of all the virtues and decencies of life." And into such hands had the City 
 now fallen. We are presented with a type, in the unprovoked murder by 
 the self-elected Governor, Col. Essex, of one of his soldiers, who simply applied 
 for his pay. The Royalists more especially suffered. They could not walk 
 the streets without insults, revilings, and assault, — against which they had no 
 appeal. Even these perambulations were restricted to the City; if found 
 without, they were sent prisoners to Taunton, or Berkeley Castle.^ Such was 
 the liberty enjoyed under the despotic usurpation of the fanatics; in this 
 manner did they triumph when in the ascendant, and their self-righte- 
 ousness increased. In their solemn bigotry they would crush every innocent 
 pastime, — every hoary usage connected with the Christian observance of this 
 heretofore festive season. Its warm-hearted hospitality, — its rejoicing thankful- 
 ness, — as displayed in mutual offices of kindness and good-will, were changed 
 to acerbity, distrust, and animosity ; dividing neighbours, friends, and families. 
 The customary sounds of merriment, of cheerful family gatherings, had given 
 place to timid meetings, and anxious consultations of the Eoyahsts, — and to 
 lengthy prayers, longer discourses, and endless psalm singing of the Puritans. 
 And thus without charity, — without mirth, — without concord, — and without 
 happiness, did Christmas pass ! 
 
 The old year closed upon the King at Oxford. There was a pause in the 
 hurried movements ; a temporary calm in the inhuman storm. Both parties 
 
 1 Barrett. 
 
68 EDWARD COLSTON. 
 
 were ostensibly making advances for peace, but really employed in preparations 
 for war. In the north, the Royalists, under the command of the Earls of 
 Newcastle, and Cumberland, had suspended operations till the Queen's arrival 
 with reinforcements. Essex, lay with his army at Windsor. The Eastern 
 Counties, and the City of Norwich, were engaged in an association to stand by 
 the Parliament with their lives and fortunes. " The King continued to hold 
 his Court at Christ Church, walking daily in the gardens ; and what is not to 
 be forgotten, daily at service and sermon, hearing and practising the Protestant 
 rehgion that hath ever been in our Church, and we think not likely to bring 
 in Popery.'" The dismal winter had set in with dark and malignant sur- 
 roundings. The flames of dissent were spread abroad throughout England. 
 And amid troubled politics, amid ominous forebodings of toil, and strife, and 
 peril, — with a long vista of calamities in the gloomy future, — did the old year 
 close upon the sad and mournful King ! 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Eupert, II., 87. " From an honest letter to a doubtful friend." 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Character, and removal of Col. Essex from the Government of the City — Fiennes appointed — Money levied upon 
 the Inhabitants for the support of the Garrison — Oppressions on the Eoyalists — Fiennes ejects the regular 
 Clergy from their Benefices — Money lent by the City to the Parhament — Discovery of a Combination to 
 deliver the City to Prince Eupert^Trial and Condemnation of Yeamans and Boucher — Their Execution — 
 Attack on the City by the Royalists and Surrender of Piennes — Visit of Charles and his two Sons — They 
 attend the Cathedral — Order of the Procession — Restoration of the National Worship — Curious Letter 
 respecting the Church Bells — Prigates provided by the Royalists to guard the River — Oxford Parhament — 
 Visit of Henrietta Maria — Extraordinary Expenses — Protestation of the Corporation — They raise a Troop of 
 Horse — Preparation for the Reception of Prince Charles — Pairfax and Cromv?eIl lay Siege to the City — Its 
 Surrender — Death of Col. Taylor — Distressed State of the City — Departure of Prince Rupert. 
 
 It were vain, to attempt to relate within the limits of this volume, the events 
 of those years, when Bristol was exposed to the infinite calamities and horrors 
 of the great national warfare ; and suffered from the severally combined evils 
 of civil war, pestilence, and famine. The severe martial rule of the Puritans — 
 the murder of two loyal subjects, and the imprisonment of others — the desecra- 
 tion of the churches — the disregard of all hallowed institutions and sanctified 
 uses — the siege, the attack, the surrender of the City — the visit of Charles and 
 his two sons, — are all events of thrilling interest, of the highest personal and 
 historical importance, — replete with ideas, scenes, and feelings, mournfully 
 and romantically suggestive ! Of these it is necessary we should take a rapid 
 survey ; and as far as success has awaited our research, it is better for the 
 good understanding of the civic transactions of this convulsive period, — to 
 endeavour to comprehend them, and the position of the Corporation, through 
 the medium of their own pen, and through such authorities as may assist in 
 the elucidation of their records. 
 
 That there was a majority of the Common Council opposed to their 
 Sovereign, if previously questionable, is now made indisputable by the admis- 
 sion of Essex's troops ; a measure that by only one vote of the House could 
 have been prevented. But this will not occasion surprise, when we consider 
 that the magistracy had already obeyed the orders of Parliament, in two several 
 
70 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 instances; and furthermore, were now led on by such men as the Mayor, Eichard 
 Aldworth, and the two Sheriffs, Brown and Jackson ; who, as we shall shortly 
 see, sealed their traitorous inclinations, and proclaimed their principles, by 
 sitting on Fiennes' Committee, levying taxes for the Parliament. 
 
 Col. Essex was not allowed to retain his post as Governor of the Castle and 
 City, for any length of time. He did not wear with becoming gravity the 
 mask of sanctity. He was fond of the good things of this life, and thought 
 too much of creature comforts, which he had not dissimulation enough to 
 conceal. Instead of mortifying himself by fasting and praying, he was more 
 usually engaged in feasting and revelling. He could not resist the enjoyments 
 of the table, and the charm of animated society ; even though his entertainer, 
 was known to possess Loyalist principles. His "excessive prodigality and 
 profuseness in feasting, gaming, and drinking, whilst his soldiers were fasting 
 and perishing for hunger,"' offended the Puritanical spirit of his sour associates, 
 and they sought his speedy removal. Beyond this, his violent temper rendered 
 him utterly unfit for command ; of which the unprovoked murder of one of 
 his troopers, by firing a pistol at him, is strong confirmation.^ However, we 
 may regard his other imperfections, this heinous crime can admit of no 
 extenuation ; and yet for this unprovoked murder, such was the injustice and 
 insecurity of the time, he was called to no earthly tribunal, to render an 
 account of his blood guiltiness! Suspicions were also entertained of his 
 fidelity ; and the Earl of Essex gave orders to Col. Nath. Fiennes to march 
 to Bristol, which he entered in February, with five troops of horse, and five 
 companies of foot, commanded also by Col. Popham, and Clement Walker. 
 Fiennes quickly removed Col. Essex, who was taken prisoner while " a feasting 
 and revelling with divers gentlemen and ladies, after his accustomed manner, 
 being mighty joviall and merry in the midst of his cups," at an entertain- 
 ment given by Capt. Hill, at Eedland Court.'* 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 324.a 
 
 a The truthfulness of the character given of Col. Essex is borne out by the foUowiag entry : " 1644. Sheriff 
 Bevau to be allowed £80 for house room, and wasting and consuming his goods, and entertaining Col. Essex for 
 about three months." — City Records. 
 
 2 "The man had only said these words: JVohle governowr, give me leme to speak a word or two to 
 you, when he immediately shot him through the head."— Ibid., II., 327. 
 
 3 Ibid, II., 322. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 71 
 
 On the 27th of the same month, Sir Edward Hungerford's forces also 
 entered the City, and the Castle was made a garrison for the Parliament. 
 Fiennes, who had been appointed Governor of the City and Castle, gave no 
 cause for being suspected of indifference to his party, as did his predecessor. 
 On the contrary, he promptly disarmed the trainbands, who, as we have 
 observed, were generally favourable to the Eoyal cause, for the purpose of 
 arming his own soldiers, and the disaffected citizens. Also within a few days, 
 the King having sent a proclamation to Bristol concerning the Eoyal Navy, — 
 
 " He permits it to be proclaimed, that thence he might take occasion to blaspheme his 
 Sovereign; and the next day, (Saturday) being the chiefe market day, when the 
 market was fullest, that the news might be carried into all parts of the country, and 
 every one learne from so desperate an example to contemn their Sovereign's com- 
 mands. Fines comes in his coach to the High Crosse, attended by a troope of horse, 
 and after a declaration read, that the proclamation published the day before was a 
 scandallous and libellous paper, and such as deserved to be burnt by the hand of a 
 publique hangman; he caused the Serjeant that proclaimed it to burne it, holding 
 pistoUs to his breast, and threatening to shoot him if he did not hold them high 
 enough, fearing it seems that so damnable, so unpardonable, a treason should want 
 witnesses."^ 
 
 The City having submitted to the authority of Parliament, a committee was 
 appointed for the purpose of levying the assessments the Houses had imposed ; 
 this amounted to £55 : 15 per week, derived from every man's lands, goods, 
 money at interest, and stock in trade.' This tax, however, being found 
 insufficient to pay the expenses of the garrison, a further assessment of £400, 
 per week was proposed, and a committee^ appointed to apportion it on the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 From some cause not mentioned, this latter assessment did not come into 
 operation ; and Fiennes was in consequence continually complaining of want 
 of money to pay his men. He was not however very particular in his manner 
 of obtaining suppHes; and he was backed by an unscrupulous committee, 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 371. 
 
 2 With the committee, besides Fiennes' own officers, (Popham and Walker) were associated 
 Rich. Aldworth, Joseph Jackson, Hugh Brown, Eich. Holworthy, Luke Hodges, and Henry Gibbs. 
 
 3 Nathaniel riennes, Col. Popham, Eichard Aldworth, Sergeant Major Jno. Clifton, Capt. 
 Thomas Hippesley, Luke Hodges, Henry Gibbs, and James Howell. 
 
72 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 who, as they had the power, had also the will to plunder the Royalists ; a 
 feeling they gratified with impunity, on every imaginable and shallow 
 pretext. As an instance, — from John Gonning, Jun., a member of the 
 Common Council, who refused to take the illegal oath, Fiennes extorted 
 £200.^ In like manner, he exacted contributions from the City and 
 neighbourhood, more especially from those who were unfortunately suspected 
 of monarchical principles. To sequester their estates, and reduce them 
 to poverty, was the privilege of the power he possessed. But this was 
 not all, — as though the Royalists had been branded with crime, and outlawed 
 from humanity, — they could not appear in the streets without being reviled 
 at, spat upon, threatened, — called " malignants," and "papists," and by 
 every conceivable and opprobrious epithet. They were the more particularly 
 exposed to insult on account of their religion, as almost all the King's 
 friends, except the Roman Catholics, were attached to the Church of England, 
 against which, the Puritans had the most bigoted hatred, persecuting with 
 relentless cruelty, all connected therewith.^ 
 
 It was at this time, when the Puritans were in the ascendant, that the 
 mob, headed by Walter Stephens (a linen draper) and a leader of the 
 Parliamentarians, destroyed the "Virgin Mary Chapel," on the Bridge.^ Also 
 by an order of the House of Commons, the churchwardens of every parish 
 were commanded to demolish all crucifixes, crosses, images, &c., whether 
 within or without the church. It was an order well adapted to stimulate the 
 religious frenzy of the people ; and at Bristol, the ecclesiastical buildings 
 suffered more injury, from the iconoclastic fury of fanatic zeal, — than they had 
 at the dissolution of monastic and religious houses in the preceding century. 
 Besides this violence to the churches, their estates also suffered. The 
 orthodox clergy were designated as " Priests of Baal ;" of these some were 
 plundered, some ejected, and some were killed, — and in their places were 
 substituted "most infamous, notorious schismaticks," who were entitled 
 
 1 See Seyer, II., 332. 2 ibid., II., 336. 
 
 3 He appears to liave been one of the "Bridgemen," so notorious for their disloyalty, and not the 
 most ductile of citizens. " 23rd Eehruary, 1648-9, Mr. Walter Stephens hath mw promised to 
 confirm himself to the order of the Mayor and Justices, and wiU either pull down or forthwith 
 repair his arch hanging over the highway leading over the Bridge, which is verie dangerous to aE 
 people travelling that way." — C% Records. 
 
1642.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 73 
 
 " Godly ministers." Master "Williamson, an orthodox and " Godly man," was 
 ejected from All Saints', and one John Tombs, of Leominster, usurped his cure. 
 The Eev. Eichard Standfast, Rector of Christ Church, and Eichard Towgood, 
 Vicar of St. Nicholas, " two orthodox and learned and pious ministers," and 
 other worthy divines, were displaced by Fiennes, and " frantic, violent, 
 inspired preachers," such as Craddock, Bacon, Walter, and Simonds, intruded 
 themselves into the vacant benefices.^ 
 
 Some idea may be formed to what extent the Democrats availed themselves 
 of the wealth of the citizens, by the following extracts from our audits for 
 this year: — 
 
 " Payments at various times to Lord Essex, for which he gave a hill of exchange, to be 
 repaid by the Lord Saye (and Sale) in London," amounted to £3200. To Col. 
 Fiennes, with other large amounts, £1000; To Sir W. Waller, £2000; — this sum was 
 put into a cask and sent to Sir William, who was in Cornwall opposing his " old 
 and honoured friend, Hopton." 
 
 " Paid Lieut. Col. Calmadge, lent to the association of the counties of Somerset, 
 Gloucester, and Wilts, on the present occasion of the kingdom, £1000." 
 
 The same amount was lent to the county of Gloucester ; Lord Stamford 
 was also accommodated with the loan of £600, the same to be received of his 
 lady in London ; Alderman Locke furnished it, and was paid £15, for the loan. 
 The aggregate amount was £8800, contributed by the City, during the few 
 months the Parliament held possession. 
 
 Bristol being the principal port from which forces were transmitted to 
 Ireland, we will take a hasty glance of the employment of the citizens 
 during the oppressive transactions above related. A considerable sum of 
 money and other property, was contributed for the relief of the suffering 
 Protestants there, some of which was granted by the Common Council. This 
 " benevolence" was embarked in two vessels.^ Also the sum of £208 : : 2 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 337. 
 
 2 The " Mermaid" and " The Sampson." Further we have an account of the cost of sending 
 soldiers to Ireland iu four vessels : — 
 
 " Sam," of Bristol £105 -.8:2 
 
 " Euth," of London 25 : 19 : 4 
 
 " John," of Minehead 180: 5:4 
 
 " Charity," of Bristol 252 : 1:4 
 
 Setek. 
 L 
 
74 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 was expended in fitting out the " Fellowship" and the " Mary and John" for 
 the Coast of Ireland, by order of Parliament, for his Majesty's service, "which 
 amount was to be repaid by the owners, they having been paid by the 
 Parliament." The mockery of the words ''for his Majesty's service, may be 
 remarked. This form of expression was used by the demagogues, long after 
 they were in open warfare, in commanding assistance and raising supplies to 
 act against their Sovereign, in whose name they were levied and enforced.'"^ 
 
 While Fiennes was impoverishing the citizens, and strengthening his 
 position by extending the fortifications of the City, the defences of the river 
 had not been overlooked. A Pinnace was fitted out, called " The Lion," to 
 keep the Road and Channel, commanded by Captain Hickes. 
 
 There are many entries in our records having reference to the port, two of 
 these, at the risk of exhausting the patience of the reader, we give as 
 written in their peculiar phraseology: — 
 
 " February 11th, 1642-3. It is this daie ordered and condescended to, that all owners 
 of shipping belonging to this port, shall with all convenient speed, clear Hungrode 
 of aU their ships, and speedily carry them out into Kingroad or bring them to 
 Eoundham, the Graving place, or the Key. And meane time the owners soe 
 [illegible, probably warned] and intending to bring up or take away their ships, but 
 cannott, the tyde or weather happening contrary, are ordered and required by this 
 house, forthwith to bring all the ordnance of such ships up to this Citty." 
 
 " February 18th. It is this day agreed, that Mr. Kemis and the ship wherein he 
 served at the Holdmouth below Hungrode, shall be discharged, and is from 
 henceforth dismissed of that employment. And it is agreed that one of the two 
 ships of Wexford, which are stayed heere in this porte, shall be prepared and 
 made ready forthwith, by Mr. Thomas Cole, and one other to be employed in the 
 place of the former, which they are desired to see done." ^ 
 
 It is not to be supposed, that the King's friends could long endure to be so 
 
 1 Amoug the other anomalies of this Eevolution, almost to the last, all measures in opposition 
 were enforced ia his [the King's] own name, to the infinite mystification of the mass of the people, 
 who were mostly well meaning, though imleamed. — Miss Steicbxaitd's Idfe of Henrietta Maria, 86. 
 
 2 The name of Eoyalty was still so dear to the country, that every Roundhead edict assailing it, 
 still ran in the name of " The King and Parliament." — TTinvrF,. 
 
 3 Mr. Kemis was probably a Eoyalist. Mr. Thomas Cole, is the Eoundhead who subsequently 
 obtained so unenviable a notoriety by figuring in the CouncU of "War, that condemned his two 
 fellow citizens to death. 
 
1643.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 75 
 
 oppressed and trampled upon, by these self-designated " patriots," whom they 
 had imprudently aUowed to become masters over their lives and fortunes. 
 Those, v^hose treachery had advocated the admission of the Parliament's 
 troops, now, on finding themselves sufferers from their severe and arbitrary 
 regulations, regretted their rash step. There were many amongst the officers 
 of Fiennes' regiment, of more liberal minds, to whom the blind zeal of their 
 party had become intolerable. They were weary of the extravagant preaching, 
 and of the extemporaneous devotional rhapsodies of their saturnine associates ; 
 and waited but an occasion to rally once more around the Royal standard. This 
 occasion soon offered itself, and was earnestly embraced. Robert Yeamans, 
 (Sheriff in 1641) a staunch Eoyalist, who had received a commission from the 
 King, at Oxford, to raise a regiment for his Majesty's service at Bristol, — 
 entered into an association with George Boucher, and some of the principal 
 inhabitants, amounting to about two thousand, to let in Prince Eupert and 
 his army, on the night of March the Tth, 1643. The Parliamentary pamphlets 
 give a most sanguinary character to the association, in language too violent 
 and revolting for quotation. The most moderate, relates that the Loyalists in 
 the City, were to break open the house of the Mayor, and, as a preliminary 
 step, to kill him and his family, seize the keys of the City, open the gates, and 
 admit their confederates. This was to be followed by the plunder, and 
 massacre of all citizens, who did not wear white tape as a mark of their 
 loyalty. 
 
 The eventful night arrived. Yeamans and his party had been actively 
 engaged.^ He had brought over some of the officers of the garrison to assist 
 him in the design ; and had given money to them to distribute amongst the 
 soldiers whom he believed well affected to his Majesty. An oath had been 
 drawn up by Boucher, expressive of attachment to the King, which had been 
 
 1 The rebels asserted that the follomag Proclamation was found in -wTiting in Mr. Teamans' 
 house : — " All inhabitants of the Bridge,* High Street, and Come Streete, keepe -within your dores, 
 upon paines of your lives. All other inhabitants of this City, that stand for the Eing, the Protestant 
 religion, and the liberty of the City, let them forthwith appears at the High Crosse, with such 
 armour as they have, for the defence of their wives and children, and follow their leaders for the 
 same defence." — Sexeb, II., 343. 
 
 a The Bridgemen [as they were called,] were generally and notoriously disaffected to the King's cause. 
 When Eiennes surrendered the City to Prince Rupert, their houses were more especially plundered by the 
 triumphant and ungovernable soldiery. 
 
76 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 administered to many. Frequent conferences had been holden at Oxford, 
 between some of the citizens, Prince Rupert, and Charles himself, — who 
 approved of the purpose, and said he would " make Bristol a famous place, 
 when he got possession of it." Prince Rupert was to approach with his army, 
 and send a sufficient force to Durdham Down, ready to enter the City when 
 the signal should be given. Fire-arms and ammunition, swords and clubs, 
 had been provided. On the night appointed, a party of Royalists secretly 
 entered Yeamans' house in Wine Street, by the side door in the lane.^ One 
 hundred and sixty men collected at Boucher's house, in Christmas Street.'* 
 Another party met at Mr. Thomas Millard's house, in St. Michael's parish. 
 And in the same parish a fourth party, including Thomas, and Matthew 
 Stephens, and John Pestor, met at the house of one Richard Lucket. All was 
 prepared. As soon as Froom Gate should be in possession of the Royal party, 
 the ringing of the bells of St. Michael, and St. John's Churches, were to signal 
 to Prince Rupert, immediately to march hither with his troops. That night a 
 group of soldiers waited near the gallows on St. Michael's Hill; and in a 
 house at Redland, was the fierce and impatient Rupert ; and near it, a party of 
 dragoons were quartered round a fire, listening with anxious and wearying 
 suspense for the token of success, — that came not. While thus the hand of 
 Time, seemed to move with sluggish pace to the impetuous Prince, ill fared his 
 friends within the City. Their design had failed. Confident of success, they 
 had entrusted the secret of the enterprise incautiously. Barrett (probably 
 from tradition,) says it was discovered by some " tattling females," who were 
 active on the Parliament side.^ But this is unimportant ; — it is sufficient that 
 the Royalists, armed for action, waited but the hour, when Yeamans received 
 directions from one of Essex's officers to immediately dismiss his men. It was 
 too late. Musqueteers surrounded the house, and Yeamans, his brother, and 
 Mr. Arundel, with twenty-three of their party, were secured ; the remainder 
 
 1 Situated on the north side of "Wine Street, nearly opposite the Guard House. 
 
 2 His house appears to have heen that which adjoins Froom (alias, Christmas Street,) Bridge, on 
 the side nearest to St. John's Church. The house is built with a court in the middle, having massy 
 freestone pillars to support one side. On the side opposite to the entrance, is a large room, looking 
 upon the river, lately used as a school room ; the entrance to which is by a narrow passage out of 
 the street. — Seyee. 
 
 3 " Prynne says, that it was discovered by one Dobbins, to Clement "Walker." — Seyee, II., 348. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 77 
 
 made their escape over the top of the house. At Boucher's, " because they of 
 the house would hang out no lights upon this alarm," the soldiers broke open 
 the door ; but only six men were taken that night, the others had contrived to 
 elude pursuit by means of a water-gate that opened on the Froom. " They 
 went away through the water, it being low tide." Altogether, nearly one 
 hundred persons were taken, who were immediately imprisoned in the Castle. 
 The number engaged in the enterprise, was supposed to have been about two 
 thousand.' 
 
 Chained by their necks and feet in dismal, loathsome dungeons, without 
 light, — without fire, — and without food, but of the coarsest, and that the most 
 stinted, were Yeamans and Boucher for twelve weeks left to languish in their 
 misery. Denied all communication with relatives or friends, — deprived of all 
 
 1 " Tte ohiefe actors," says a Parliamentary pamphlet, " of this mischievous design, were the 
 aforesaid Eohert Teamans, and George Butcher, Mr. John Taylor, Mr. Coleston and his brother, Mi-. 
 Fitzherhert, two Colsons, the two Herberts, N. Cule, E. Arundle, Mr. Caple, and Capt. Cole, of St. 
 Augustine's." — Setee, II., 364. 
 
 Seyer extracts from a Parliamentary pamphlet, to which he makes some additions out of Piennes' 
 proclamation, a list of the names (as far as they could be recovered,) " of those who stood up in this 
 loyal cause." His list contains upwards of one hundred. We select those who will re-appeai- on 
 these pages ia the progress of this work : — 
 
 Edmund Arundell, Merchant. Capt. Doughtie. 
 
 George Boucher, „ Mr. Pitzherbert. 
 
 John Boucher, Merchant, Son of Nathaniel Eichard Grigson. 
 
 Boucher. Mr. Green, Lawyer, Steward of Bristol, 
 John Boucher, Jun., Son of George Boucher; [perhaps Steward of the Sheriff's Court.] 
 
 apparently an Oxford Scholar. The two Haynes's, William and John. 
 
 B,ev. Mr. Brent. William Joanes. 
 
 Captain Boone. Mr. Thos MHward, or Millard, of St. Michael's. 
 
 John Broadway, [or Bradway,] Vintner. Rowland Searchfield, Merchant. 
 
 Eobert Blackborrough, Brewer. Thomas and Mathew Stephens. 
 
 Eobert Brovme, of Clifton. John Taylor, Merchant. 
 
 GriflBn Batten. John Tilly, Mercer. 
 
 Capt. T. Cole, or Coale. Young Mr. Towgood, an Oxford Scholar, Son 
 Mr. WiUiam Coleston [or Coulson,] and his of the Eev. Mr. Towgood. 
 
 Brother. Mr. Weeks. 
 
 K. Cule. Eobert Teamans, Merchant. 
 
 Edmimd Dacres, or Daker, Plumber. WiUiam. Teamans, Merchant, Brother to 
 Mr. Edward Dacres, perhaps the same, [pro- Eobert Teamans. 
 
 bably Brothers and partners, as Plumbers. J Eichard Yeamans, Grazier. 
 
78 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 sympathy, — oppressed with gloomy anxieties and dread forebodings, — even 
 hope had lied. — Yeamans "was a man of magnanimous spirit, a large soule, fit 
 for great employments, and therefore more sensible of indignities, for great 
 spirits oppressed, like tapers held downwards, are extinguished by the same 
 matter which gives them life." Thus reduced, emaciated, and grief-worn, 
 they were brought to trial at the large house at the Bridge End, where Lady 
 Rogers had resided.' 
 
 They were a remarkable party who composed the Council of War, 
 assembled round that Council table. Nathaniel Fiennes, the avaricious, the 
 extorting, and the heartless, presided over their deliberations. The case was 
 conducted for the Parliament by the versatile but gifted Master Clement 
 Walker, Usher of the Exchequer ; who with equal composure and indifference, 
 would have undertaken to act in a similar capacity for his companions beside 
 him. He is described as " a man that had his hands stained in his own wife's 
 blood, before he dipped them so deep in these martyrs', and as the advocate 
 to that congregation of murderers that judged these innocents to death."^ 
 With the exception of Thomas Cole, of Serjeant-Major John Clifton,^ of Capt. 
 Thomas Hippisley, (the two latter were on the Committee with Fiennes, to 
 apportion the tax on the inhabitants,} and Herbert, late Provost Marshal, the 
 Council of War was principally composed of the " meanest and vilest" in the 
 City. " Wniiam Dowell was a pedant, and from whipping of boys was made 
 an unrighteous judge of men ; James Hearne was a drunken attorney ; and 
 Robert Baugh was a sheepe skinne dresser, who in the time of peace durst not 
 come neare Master Yeamans, but uncovered at a distance, as his duty was, 
 now plucked off Master Yeamans his hat, commanding him to stand bare 
 before him."* Of such characters was that Council of War composed. 
 Little chance had the brave, the generous Cavalier amidst that unjust 
 assembly of dark, grim, austere Puritans, whose sectarian pride had usurped 
 
 1 Seyer. 
 
 2 A partizan, Denzil Lord HoUis, writes of him as " a gentleman of great learning and ability, 
 and a zealous defender of the Presbyterian party." 
 
 3 The Serjeant-Major was what we now call the Major. Kennes afterwards made Clifton his 
 Lieutenant-Colonel. — SEyiE, II., 385. 
 
 * Ibid., II., 374. " The Two State Martyrs," &c., conjectured by Seyer to be written by the 
 Eov. Eichard Towgood. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 79 
 
 the place of Christian charity ; whose " scriptural phraseology" had little 
 in accordance with the merciless spirit of persecution that raged and held 
 possession of their hearts. It is an observable fact, that we do not again 
 meet with any of the following parties^ that belonged to the Council of War, 
 through all our extended researches amongst our archives. They were not 
 probably of sufficient position, or were too corrupt and degraded for that 
 virtuous age to eijiter the Chamber, or their names would assuredly have 
 appeared upon the records. 
 
 Hitherto no example had occurred wherein either party had put their 
 adversaries to death by form of trial ; this was to be the first. After repeated 
 examinations, Yeamans and Boucher, with Mr. Wm. Yeamans and Mr. Edw. 
 Dacres, were found guilty of conspiring against the Parliament, and con- 
 demned to be hanged. There were those sitting in that infamous Court, 
 amongst that Council, who had associated with their victims before them in 
 friendly intercourse, or social companionship, or oft perhaps met at the Tolzey 
 for purposes of trade ; who now, blinded and misguided by the insane spirit 
 of fanaticism, forgetful of that sacred thing, a human life, — countenanced, 
 sanctioned, and confirmed the sentence that doomed two worthy citizens to an 
 ignominious death ! 
 
 It is not to be supposed but that some attempt would be made by the 
 Royalists, to prevent the unjust sentence of the Council of "War from being 
 carried into execution. The Earl of Forth wrote to Fiennes, from Oxford, 
 threatening to retaliate on the prisoners taken in rebellion against his Majesty 
 at Cirencester, and to put Master George, Master Stephens, Captain Huntley, 
 and others, " into the same condition." But Fiennes felt his advantage, and 
 insolently replied, — 
 
 "'We are well assured that neither your Lordship, nor any other mortall man, can put 
 them into the same condition ; for whether they live or dye, they will always be 
 accounted true and honest raen, faithful to their King and country, and such as in a 
 faire and open way have always prosecuted that cause, which in their judgment, 
 guided by the judgment of the Highest Court, they held the justest. Whereas the 
 conspirators of this Citie must, both in life and death, carry perpetually with them 
 
 1 Eichaid Cole, Walter WMte, James Ford, John Champneyes, Martin Husband, Thomas 
 Eawlias, Thomas Goodere, Thomas "WaUis ; who, with those already named, composed the Council 
 of "War. — City Records. 
 
80 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the brand of treachery and conspiracy." And conscious that the prisoners in the 
 King's hands were but of humble degree, while he possessed the " flower of the 
 nobilitie and gentry." Fiennes warns the Earl of Forth, that should he proceed 
 to the execution of the persons named, " then Sir "Walter Pye, Sir William Crofts, 
 Col. Connesby, and divers others here in custody, must expect no favour or mercy."' 
 
 The King also wrote to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, " commanding 
 them to rayse the power of the City, and employ it to the rescue of these men 
 designed for slaughter." If, he says, "that you suffer this horrid and execrable 
 murder to be committed upon the persons aforesaid, and thereby call the 
 judgement of God, and bring perpetual infamy upon that our Citie ; we shall 
 look upon it as the most barbarous and inhuman act that hath beene yet 
 committed against us, and upon you as the most desperate betrayers of us, 
 and of the lives and liberties of your fellow subjects." It was in vain. Had 
 Charles known the disloyalty of the Mayor, who writes of the combination as 
 " a treason as horrible, as detestible, and setting aside but the greatnesse of 
 persons, as bloody as the gunpowder treason * * * and ought yearly to be 
 celebrated with praise and thanskgiving to the great Protector unto eternity." 
 Had his Majesty read this passage, and been acquainted with the character of 
 the Sheriffs, at this critical emergency, he would have known how inefficacious 
 any appeal, in the name of Royalty, would be to move their hearts in the cause 
 of humanity. Fiennes, who had had intelligence that a letter was coming from 
 the King, kept the gates shut, to keep out the messenger till the dark tragedy 
 was over. He was then allowed to enter. " Fiennes committed him to prison, 
 where he remained long." Such outrages, so opposed to justice and common 
 sense, now appear incredible.^ 
 
 The gates of the City are shut, — the shops are closed, — and groups of armed 
 men parade the streets. From lanes, alleys, courts, and bye-ways, have the 
 populace emerged ; all directed to one spot in the heart of the City, 
 where the windows are thronged with gazers, — and the roofs are covered with 
 human life. In the widest part of the street^ is a scaffold, — girt by a dark and 
 
 1 A letter fi?om Lord Essex, at Lewsham, to Col. Fiennes, Maich 27tli, [intercepted] enjoins punish- 
 ment of "Bristol traitors." — Index and Abstract of Correspondence, WiEBTiEioif's Frinoe JRupert. 
 
 2 Seyer, II. 
 
 3 The middle of the widest part of Wine Street was at that time occupied by a shed or pentice, 
 containing staUs and a com market ; the exact spot was at the western end of this pentice, opposite 
 
1643.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 81 
 
 terrible mass of iron-clad men, with sullen aspect, morose and stern. But 
 there is one house closed — the windows are unoccupied — no people have 
 climbed its roof, or crowded upon its parapet ! Affliction is there, — sorrow 
 and deep misery. — Before it is the ghastly scaffold, where the loyal master of 
 that dwelling, Robert Yeamans, and his brave companion are doomed to die. 
 Within, is a wife who, ere another quarter of the passing hour, will be 
 widowed, and her children fatherless. — They hear the doleful tolling of the 
 muffled bell, mournfully and slow, — that advents the death of the husband and 
 the father. — They hear the din of the multitude, — and they know by its sudden 
 hush, — and silence of the portentous bell, that the awful hour is come ! Oh, 
 the agony of that silence to those hearts, — whose distracted minds picture in 
 terrible colours the dread scene ! No voice is heard, — no hand is raised to stay 
 the sacrifice,' — before the paralysed multitude the bodies of their martyred 
 citizens sway from the gallows beam, and the dismal tragedy is ended ! In 
 the sight of the rejoicing and misguided enthusiasts, the austere sectaries had 
 done a gracious and acceptable deed ; and they appoint a fast, not for humilia- 
 tion and repentance, but for praise and thanksgiving to a God of mercy and 
 of love ! 
 
 The advancing spirit of mildness and compassion, — the disapproval of capital 
 punishment, which is now so generally entertained by educated, charitable, 
 and enlightened minds ; would of itself lead us to condemn the execution of 
 these men, even supposing them to have been stained with crime, and unscru- 
 pulous and dangerous enemies to the liberties of their country. There is no 
 doubt that many worthy and estimable men little imagined, when they upheld 
 the measures of the Puritans, that they were doing more than giving encou- 
 ragement for the redress of those wrongs of which they most immediately 
 complained; but once having put weapons in the hands of ignorance and 
 fanaticism, they felt it impossible to restrain the deadly course of the intolerant 
 
 to the Nag's Head Tavern, wMcli is the fifth house from the comer house (including both houses) 
 between Wine Street and High Street ; and, as if to sharpen their cruelty by the most unfeeling 
 insult, nearly opposite to Mr. Teamans' own house, which was on the northern side of the street. 
 — Setee, II., 351. 
 
 1 "Good God,'' exclaims the appalled and indignant Eev. Eichard Towgood, "which shall we 
 most wonder at, either the barbarous inhumanitie of this murther, or the degenerous, ignoble 
 patience of the citizens of Bristol, that could stand by and see all this, and not chuse either to live 
 freely or die courageously together?" — State Martyrs. 
 
 M 
 
82 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 monster they had rendered powerful. And many who had advocated their 
 cause, — now, shrunk in abhorrence from this merciless deed, renounced their 
 association, and returned to the ranks from which in an evil hour they had 
 seceded. 
 
 The bodies of the two martyrs were interred the same night, — that of Yeamans 
 in Christ Church,^ but no monumental stone or tablet exists as a record. He 
 left "eight small children, the eldest not able to put on his own clothes;" and 
 his wife approaching her confinement : this infant was christened " Post- 
 humous."^ The author of this work has in his possession a full-length portrait 
 (life size) of this unfortunate Royalist, in which he appears in his official robes 
 as Sheriff. 
 
 Boucher^ was buried in St. Werburgh's Church, and mourned by a widow 
 and seven children. The spot where his remains are laid was long distin- 
 guished by a table stone, on which the following epitaph was inscribed,* 
 evidently written after the taking of the City by Prince Rupert. 
 
 a 
 
 m^um ffiartijrum nmm mltmJ' 
 
 " W)^v.mx rlmiitBtji tljis mit^, pw nnt ^ 
 €^0E Mtoii m^n mitli n imitm tv^i : 
 €|uit m un^unitt tot, ml W ntttkoDJ 
 W)}M tjnij xMn% fl Mttl, ®Biit{i UEil tire iBxm ; 
 M still toar miktm, in mx Muxivix'B riglil, 
 -Sblfttt tlrei} ktB vmxhx, mjin x\tl m'n tet figjit. 
 Wtx mm M Imlir u liu, h.\\ sutji jutra, 
 WmxuI k iBiitli— M mxtikm tjint msxm ; 
 ^Bt li2 u stnitt, ttmt vi^tl^x mn lu till, 
 Sis rauntgB nr tjnir rmlttt \h mil 
 
 1 In the parisli Eegiater is tte following entry: "1643, May 29th, Eobert Yeamas [Yeamans] 
 buried." Seyer erroneously states Yeamans to have been executed on the 30th, the day after his 
 interment. — II., 351. 
 
 2 "1643, Dec. 5th. Posthumous, the daughter of Mr. Eobert Yeamans was christened." — 
 Parish Register, Christ Church. 
 
 3 "May 30th, 1643, Mr, Geo. Boucher was buried."— ,S<. Werburgh's Parish Register. 
 * Barrett. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 83 
 
 Mmx nf ^himu I ITnplttj ! tjiit fall 
 
 Intji prmiiii ijjt a sitmHsfel tewal; 
 
 liinB 'teas gttilt nf t|jt( iBatlf, m hatfertf 
 
 -^jiat stnmji tjUE farts, ijint gnii'i us Dittnrif : 
 
 M tjlDttgli nut fats mxt iiuxth raitli mall nnir rnaf, 
 
 '^ti tjiBtE's ua mall, u ftnn m lumuti pinaf ; 
 
 €^m w t|fi{ murkring mrEatlj ta n ktwm 
 
 % lattiEatf— in tjn? o irnmn af t^artijrtora. ^ ^» 
 
 More than one hundred of the principal citizens who were engaged in this 
 plot were imprisoned, and their estates sequestered. The Colstons, Mr. Fitz- 
 herbert, Arundle, Yeamans, Dacres, and others, who had been most active in 
 the conspiracy, paid dearly for their lives ; which they probably owed rather to 
 the avarice of Fiennes ; than, to any clemency on the part of their adversaries. 
 " Yeamans' estates, which were of great value, were seized ; and his widow 
 was obliged to redeem the small remainder at a cost of £500." 
 
 The murder of Yeamans and Boucher — the imprisonment of the leading 
 Royalists, many of whom still remained incarcerated, while others who had 
 escaped had their property confiscated, and could not return to their families 
 without the risk of loss of freedom — the feeling of insecurity which extended 
 to both parties — the decline of trade — the daily impoverishment of the City — 
 the pressure of accumulated exactions, so exasperated the inhabitants, that a 
 general feeling of discontent prevailed. " Groaning under an insupportable 
 yoke of bondage and tyranny, they sighed to restore their former freedom, 
 which could not be obtained, hut hy breaking these bonds and casting these cords 
 from them." The King, instructed thereupon, was induced by the occasion, 
 and through the encouragement and advice of his friends, to lay siege to the 
 City, on July 24th, 1643. A plan was also concerted to attack the shipping 
 in the harbour, which was eflfected on the same day.^ 
 
 1 Sir "Wm. "Waller, after his utter defeat at Devizes, on July 13tli, 1643, himself, with a few 
 attendants, made his escape to Bristol ; and that with so much speed, that he brought the first 
 tidings of his own misfortune. The alarm was great ; much of the garrison which had been drawn 
 from Bristol had been sacrificed in his defeat, it was therefore necessary to withdraw forces from 
 Bath, to reinforce the garrison at Bristol, and to prepare for the apparent siege. The Governor 
 made proclamation by trumpet through the City, that aU inhabitants should furnish themselves with 
 three months' provisions; which they very generally did. — Setde, II., 402. 
 
84 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 So circumstantial an account of the storming of the City has been given by 
 our local historians, that its general features may be hastily passed over. The 
 attack on the Somersetshire side was led on by the Marquis of Hertford, and 
 Prince Maurice, who were driven back with great slaughter. But on the 
 Gloucestershire side, where the dauntless Prince Eupert commanded, — Colonel 
 Washington entered at a weak place in the curtain, between Brandon Hill 
 and Windmill Forts, made room for the horse to follow, and the Prince 
 Rupert pressed forward to Froom Gate.^~^ Part of his regiment moved 
 forward to Sir Ferdinando Gorges' house, (better known as Sir John Young's,) 
 which his soldiers occupied for about three hours, until all their powder was 
 expended. Fiennes was advised to force or fire the house ; but he feared to 
 expose himself. The garrison however still kept the walls and gates, and they 
 planted some cannon on the Quay ; one, on the top of Alderman Hooke's house, 
 and stationed musqueteers in others ; by which means they drove the assailants 
 from Sir F. Gorges' house, and from the College Green and College wall.^ 
 
 Fiennes was no soldier, and was incapable of military command. He 
 boasted much of what he would do — he would make the flag of truce to be 
 his winding-sheet — ^he would lay his bones in the Castle rather than surrender. 
 This high sounding talk was when the enemy was afar ; when the enemy was 
 near, his courage could not bear the test. Timid, trembling, terrified, the 
 arrogant boaster appeared the coward that he was, and thought only of a hasty 
 retreat. Prince Eupert's unexpected arrival so terrified him, that he entered 
 into an immediate capitulation.* The besiegers were admitted; but the 
 
 1 " Colonel BeUasis' foot, witli Sir Artliur Aston's horse, being advanced towards Froom Gate, 
 next the City, the enemies saUied both with horse and foot, others still shooting out of the 
 wiadows." — ^Wabbtoeiton's Prince Rwpert and the Cmaliers, II., 254-5. 
 
 2 " In a paper drawn up by Baron de Gomme, for an intended Biography of Prince Eupert, a 
 serious engagement is described on Christmas Steps, where the gallant Colonel Lunsford was shot 
 through the heart. Prom this event, the spot was long distinguished as 'Lunsford's Stairs.' " — Ibid. 
 
 3 Seyer, II., 406. 
 
 * " The conditions of surrender were soon agreed to, in a Council of War holden at Fiennes' 
 house, [in Broad Street,] to which the Mayor and Sheriffs and some chief citizens were admitted. 
 * «■ « * The business was so hurried on, that before ten o'clock that night [July 26th,J the 
 conditions were signed by the Governor and Prince Eupert. Those articles which were most 
 disadvantageous to the Garrison having been settled by Fiennes alone, as he walked in the garden 
 with Col. Gerrard, who negotiated for the Prince." — Ibid., II., 409. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 85 
 
 Governor's unpardonable precipitancy was the cause of considerable bloodshed/ 
 The Garrison that was stationed in the " Ship" public house, Steep Street, 
 unconscious of the surrender, fired upon Rupert's party as they advanced; 
 who avenged themselves by putting all the assailants to the sword. In such 
 haste was Fiennes to leave the City, that he neglected to give notice to Capt. 
 Blake, [afterwards the celebrated Admiral,] and Capt. Husband, who com- 
 manded Prior's HUP and Brandon HiU Forts, of the articles of surrender. 
 These doughty commanders kept their posts to the last ; " impregnable little 
 spots, alive with fire when enemies approached." " Rupert, it is said, had an 
 intention of hanging Blake, which to Blake, from Rupert, was a high compli- 
 ment. After Bristol (in spite of Blake,) had surrendered. Parliament gave 
 him a new appointment. He was made Lieutenant to Popham's regiment, 
 the finest militia in the county."^ 
 
 The surrender of the City was saddened by the loss of some of the best and 
 bravest Cavaliers, both otiicers and men. Of the latter, at least five hundred 
 " tried and incomparable foot ;" of the former, Major Kendall, Col. Buck, 
 " a brave and modest commander," Col. Harry Lunsford (not to be confounded 
 with the notorious Sir Thomas) " an officer of extraordinary sobriety, industry, 
 and courage," the " excellent" Col. Moyle, and the " pure and faultless" Lord 
 Grandison,* one of the brightest characters that has escaped renown. Almost 
 
 1 FienneB was afterwards tried, and condenmed to death ;a but the sentence was not carried into 
 execution. Clarendon says, " There were in the town 2500 foot, and a regiment of horse and 
 dragoons. The line about the town was finished; yet the graft in some places was wider and deeper 
 than in others. The Castle was very well prepared, and supplied with great store of provisions to 
 endure a siege." 
 
 2 " Prior's Hill, (belonging to the Priory of St. James,) now Kingsdown. This Fort, stood in 
 an angle, formed by the east end of James's Place and Somerset Street, near the summit of 
 Niae-Tree Bill — so named from nine trees which formerly grew there." — Evans. 
 
 3 Ifotice of the Life of Admiral Blake, Dickens' Household Words. 
 
 4 " "Willifl.m Viscount Grandison died this year at Oxford, aged thirty, of wounds received 
 during this siege. He was the father of the Duchess of Cleveland, one of the mistresses of Charles 
 II." — Jesse's Court of the Stua/rts. 
 
 a " A curious instance of veneration for the Old Testament mode of warfare, was exhibited at this trial of 
 Fiennes for his cowardly surrender of Bristol. He declared before the Court Martial, that he had surrendered 
 the town because it was untenable ; but he was told, in this case he should have fortified himself in the Citadel, 
 even as did the men of Thebez, who betook themselves to their tower, when their city was taken by Abimelech, 
 the son of Gideon. Who knew, it was added, but that some woman of Bristol, after the example of her of 
 Thebez, might have thrown down a piece of a mUlstone, or a tUe, that would have tooken Prince Rupert's 
 skull?"— State Trials, Pict. Hist. England, HI., 96. 
 
86 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 equally regretted were two young and gallant friends, Sir Nicholas Slanning, 
 and Col. John Trevanion, " of entire friendship with each other," and with 
 Sir Bevil Granville ; they were buried in the same grave with their last named 
 chivalrous comrade.^ Master Bellasis was wounded by his own sword, 
 which was struck to his head by a musket, whilst with the Lord Viscount 
 Grandison, he rushed in upon the works : " neither," adds the authority, 
 depreciatingly " in any great danger." 
 
 The citizens 'paid £1400, of a contribution to prevent the City from being 
 sacked.^ In consideration, the King sent a proclamation that it should be 
 death to any soldier who plundered. The Eoyalists, however, obtained 
 property to a considerable amount. In the Castle, was found £100,000, 
 besides all the family plate of Sir John Harrington, of Kelson ; he was the 
 first of his family who had ever been reproached for disloyalty. His house 
 had been plundered several times, and it was only the day before the siege 
 his plate had been removed to the Castle for security. Amongst it was a 
 large golden font, a present from Queen Elizabeth, his godmother, at which 
 Sir John Harrington (afterwards a very ingenious poet) had been christened. 
 There were also in the City seventeen hundred barrels of gunpowder, with 
 match and bullets in proportion, sixty brass pieces of good ordnance, " a long 
 brass murderer," and a quantity of arms. In the river, were lying eighteen 
 merchant ships with great store of wealth on board; which the merchants 
 
 1 "Waxburton's Prince Rupert, II., 265. 
 
 2 From " A true relation of the taking of Bristol, by an eye-witness, to tte Governor at Oxford," 
 we extract the foUowing : — " The City gives £140,000, by way of composition, to save them from 
 plundering ; upon which his Majesty hath sent a proposition, strictly to prevent it, — ^that it shall be 
 death for any soldier to plunder. Sir Arthur Aston came post to Oxford on Friday, to inform his 
 Majesty of the state of things there ; upon which the Council of War, and the Council of State, 
 agreed to send away Sir John Pennington speedily to Bristol, to have the command of the ships, 
 and a proclamation to all that are willing to serve the King, to this effect :— that they shall have 
 their pardons that have served under the Earl of Warwick, and also the pay that is due from hiTn 
 presently, paid at Bristol, and his Majesty's pay and his favour for the fature." It goes on to state, 
 " The report is that Bristol is to pay but £9000, in money for composition, but that they were to 
 clothe fifteen thousand of the King's soldiers, according to their quality, — all common men allowed 
 £3 a suit, and gentlemen, or commanders, £6. If this be so, it amounts to little less than £140,000, 
 according to the former intelligence." This amount appears enormous, especially when we consider 
 it would be equal to three times the sum to agree with our present standard. "We shall learn 
 presently, from owr records, what the City reaUy did give. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 87 
 
 were about removing to London. There were also four ships, under the 
 command of the Earl of Warwick, that had arrived with stores of ammunition, 
 on the eve of surrender. Sir John Pennington was speedily sent by the King 
 to take command of the ships. Prince Rupert, with nine hundered horse, 
 two thousand five hundred foot, and fifteen hundred auxiUaries, took 
 possession of the City, and sent a messenger to the King requesting the 
 governorship thereof for himself, which his Majesty granted.^ 
 
 According to the conditions of surrender, Fiennes, with the garrison, Sir 
 John Horner, Sir John Seymour, Mr. Edward Stephens, and those citizens 
 who had cause to dread being called to an account for their rebellious and 
 cruel conduct, were allowed to leave the City,^ with their goods, without 
 hinderance or molestation. The conditions were iU observed. The gar- 
 rison, in marching away, were robbed and ill treated; and many private 
 houses which belonged to persons known to be disaffected, were broken open 
 and plundered. The Parliament, in publishing the Articles of Capitulation, 
 annexed to them a letter, which is characteristic of the pen of Richard 
 Aldworth, whose position and democratic principles, would indicate him as a 
 meet object for spoliation. In a passage, (after commenting on the broken 
 faith of the enemy) he says, " I praise God I have escaped with my life to the 
 towne of Southampton, with my son John. But before I could come forth of 
 the gates of the City of BristoU, I was deprived of my money, plate, and 
 baggage, from behind my servants, who were throwne off their horses, and the 
 same cut off their hacks and utterly lost, and themselves and their horses in like 
 condition for ought I know; and only wee ourselves, with some other gentle- 
 men, escaped hither with our lives, on Friday night last. And on Saturday, 
 came in also the late Governor of Bristol, Col. Fiennes, and his brother, with 
 the remainder of the whole soldiery, who were served with the like sauce; such 
 is the faith held with the present victors."^ 
 
 1 Barrett, Seyer. 
 
 2 Mattliew Hazard, Vicar of EedcUff, and his wife, were amongst tlie Parliamentary adherents, 
 who quitted the City with Fiennes ; but they returned here upon its surrender by Prince Rupert, 
 
 in 1645. 
 
 3 Fiennes, in his printed relation, makes the same complaint of the disgraceful conduct of the 
 Eoyalist soldiers ; he not only nobly exonerates' Prince Eupert and Priuce Maurice from parti- 
 cipating in the outrages, but acknowledges that they did their utmost to repress them. "I must 
 do this right to the Princes," he says, "contrary to what I find ia a printed pamphlet, that they 
 
88 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 A manuscript among Prince Rupert's papers,^ describing the taking of 
 Bristol, says, — 
 
 "And thus the fair City of Bristol, being by prince Eupert reduced to the King's 
 obedience, there was great hope of rigging out a fleet also for his Majesty's service. 
 For this purpose Mr. Fitzherbert, a Merchant of Bristol, came the Sunday before, 
 to the Prince at Clifton, with an overture of divers ships in Kingsroad, (the harbour 
 of Bristol) likely to return to their obedience. That day also, Mr. William Bevan, 
 Merchant of Bristol, brought word unto the Prince, how that by virtue of a com- 
 mission from my Lord of Herbert, directed to himself and some others, the owners 
 and masters of eight ships being treated with, had surrendered themselves to his 
 Majesty's obedience joyfully. In sign whereof, they then shot off above sixty 
 pieces from aboard ; which they desired might be answered by a general volley 
 from the army. Divers other ships imitated these ; and one of ' the King's whelps' 
 came in to begin a fleet with, which Sir John Pennington was left to command."^ 
 
 " A few days were passed in the captured City in re-organizing the troops, 
 and drafting such of the prisoners as volunteered to take arms for the King 
 into new regiments. The important matter of ransoms and contributions was 
 also to be arranged."^ Great promptness was evinced by the Common 
 Council at this conjuncture. They met immediately. It was necessary they 
 should propitiate offended Majesty, and with unwonted unanimity, — 
 
 were so far from sitting on their horses, triumphing and rejoicing at these disorders, that they did 
 ride among the plunderers with their swords, hacking and slashing them, and that Prince Eupert 
 
 did excuse it to me in a very fair way, and with expressions as if he were much troubled at it." 
 
 Setek, II., 411. Col. Fiennes, writing from London to Sir E. Hopton, August 13th, complains 
 that the articles of the surrender of Bristol have been infringed; expects "what belongs to honoui- 
 and justice," * * * "as the faith and honour of the soldier are the choicest jewels that he carries 
 about him." — Abstract of Correspondence, "Waebtjbton's Prince Rwpert. 
 
 1 Ibid. Prince Eupert, II., 262. 
 
 2 April 26th, 1644. It was agreed "that the particular persons which, the 6th of October last, 
 advanced severall sums of money for Sir John Pennington and Prhice Eupert's warrants, shall be 
 sattisfied their monies which are unpaid, with the first moneys that shall be received, for sale of 
 any the Citty lands or estates to be granted. And the same shah be repaid to the Citty againe out 
 of the moneys now in arrear to the King's Majesty and Prince Eupert, wJmn the same shdl he received; 
 and in case it cannot be had of the said arrears, then to be collected by an assessment upon the 
 inhabitants, to satisfie the same to the Citty as aforesaid." — City Jiecords. 
 
 3 "Warburton's Prince Eupert, II., 267. This authority, of whose able labours we have availed 
 ourselves so largely, regrets that after diUgent search in the State Paper Office, he could not find 
 Prince Eupert's own report of his actions to the King. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 89 
 
 "Agreed to present his Majesty the sum of ten thousand pounds, as a present of love 
 and affection of the City, to be paid a third in hand, and a third a month after, — and 
 a committee be appointed to treat with the inhabitants for raising the same." 
 
 "Love and affection" towards the King had but little place in the hearts of 
 many who contributed to the raising of the £10,000. It was neither from 
 motives of affection, nor from good will, that Richard Aid worth (inferring 
 from the part he had hitherto played) so far deserted his principles, as to give 
 £300, towards the cause of Eoyalty; — neither did such men as Alderman 
 John Tomlinson, Miles Jackson, and William Wyatt, who had made them- 
 selves conspicuous, by their overt acts of rebellion, part with their plate in aid 
 of the party they had so strenuously opposed, had they not been necessitated, 
 as the purchase of their pardon, to contribute in proportion as they had been 
 most forward in abetting the designs of the enemy. The annexed list of 
 names, with the amount contributed by the several members of the Corpora* 
 tion, has led to the foregone conclusion.^ 
 
 It is somewhat remarkable, that not one of the members of the Corporation, 
 who combined with Yeamans in his attempt to deliver the City to the King, 
 
 1 Eichard Aldworthi £300 Hugh Brown, Sheriff £150 
 
 John Gronning, Alderman 150 Alexander James 100 
 
 Humphrey Hoote, „ 150 Francis Creswicke 100 
 
 Andrew Charlton, „ 600 Miles Jackson 20 
 
 Richard Long, „ 200 Thos. Lloyd 50 
 
 Ezekiel 'WaUis, ,, 100 John Langton* 200 
 
 Geo. Knight, , 100 Thos. Woodward 50 
 
 John Lock „ 50 Matthew 'WajTen 60 
 
 "William Cann 60 William Wyatt 50 
 
 John Gonning, Jun 150 John Tounge 40 
 
 George HeUier 100 Henry Gibhs 60 
 
 Eiohard Bahnan 100 Arthur Fanner 100 
 
 "Walter Sandy 50 
 
 "Walter Stephens 60 £3250 
 
 Joseph Jackson, Sheriff 100 
 
 a Lord Francis Hawley, writing from Bristol, to Prince Rupert, Nov. 22nd, has been very industrious to 
 enquire into the reported " treachery against the town, but can find nothing of consequence in the business ; 
 the Priggs, poor miserable people, and Langton, a rich fellow, but of lethargic humour, not awake but once a week." 
 
 Waeeukton's Prince Rupert, Abstract of Correspondence. 
 
 N 
 
90 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 is included in this loyal list. Strange that the Colstons, and Taylor, who 
 had ventured their lives and fortunes for their Royal master, should be omitted 
 from this tribute of "love and affection," — that so few Royalists should 
 have a place here, — while the Puritans appear to vie with each other which 
 should support most the cause they had so lately opposed. Andrew Charlton, 
 with a noble magnanimity, comes prominently forth. Aldworth and his 
 colleagues, who sat on Fiennes' committee, are all down; and others are 
 become so suddenly converted to Monarchy, that they enthusiastically sacrifice 
 their plate rather than they would miss the occasion of displaying, according 
 to their own showing, their love and affection} The latent attachment of the 
 English heart for ancient institutions, is unwittingly suggestive upon the 
 page, where compulsory contributions from the Puritans, are made to appear 
 as the offspring of loving regard for the Monarch they had dishonoured, and 
 against whose goverment they had revolted. 
 
 The Committee^ appointed to treat with the inhabitants for raising the 
 £10,000 was composed of men distinguished for their strong attachment to 
 Royalty, — men of high and noble bearing, — who had suffered for their prin- 
 ciples — who had been reviled, insulted, and contumaciously treated vdth every 
 species of obloquy. Three of them had been engaged in the unsuccessful 
 attempt to admit Prince Rupert into the City; and had not long, at the 
 sacrifice of great part of their fortunes, been emancipated from their 
 fetters, and from the gloomy dungeons beneath the Castle's walls. 
 
 In order to compose a difference existing between Prince Rupert and the 
 Marquis of Hertford, arising from Charles having bestowed the government of 
 Bristol upon theformer,and at the same time to settle some little matters with the 
 
 1 Alderman Tomlinson 199 Mr. Miles Jackson 1981 
 
 Mr. Gabriel Sterman 132^ Mr. John Tounge 97i 
 
 Mr. WiUiani Wyatt 200| 
 
 The plate was sold to John Griffiths, Silversmith, at 4s. Ad. per oz. 
 
 2 Mr. Alderman John Lock. Mr. Alderman William Jones. 
 
 „ GUes Elhridge. „ Prancis Creswicke. 
 
 „ Eichard Long. „ Thomas Colston. 
 
 Ezekiel WaUis. „ John Gonning. 
 
 Alexander James. „ WiUiam Eitzherbert. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 91 
 
 Corporation, it was deemed necessary that his Majesty should visit this City.' 
 In a letter from Oxford to Prince Eupert, July 31st, the King "signifies his 
 intention of setting forth on the morrow for Bristol ; will lie that night at 
 Malmsbury ; and desires a troop of horse be sent to attend him." He says, " the 
 Mayor and Corporation have deserved so ill of him, that he will neither be reasoned 
 by them nor admit them to his presence till the businesses be settled."^ The King 
 was accompanied by his two sons, Charles, Prince of Wales, and James, 
 Duke of York, and attended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Edward 
 Hyde, and a long train of the nobility. There is an apocryphal account 
 which relates that the Royal party arrived without the City on the evening 
 of the 2nd of August ; after the hour when Temple Gate was closed, and 
 the Drawbridge raised for the night.^ They took up their residence in a 
 small house on the bank of the moat in Pile Street.* Why the gate was 
 not opened for the admission of his Majesty and retinue, we are not informed; 
 it was but a sorry accommodation for the mind-saddened Monarch, — and to 
 the Prince Charles a precursor of the vicissitudes to which for many years he 
 was exposed. 
 
 We may imagine the scene, with all the stirring events of the time, — 
 with all their kindling emotions. — Night-fall before a fortified City, — where, 
 but a few days passed, stalwart men had chafed and struggled in fierce and fiery 
 conflict, — and mangled forms had strewed the ground whereon now a Prince 
 
 1 The facts seem to have been, " that there had long been a just jealousy on Lord Hertford's 
 part of the assumption of Prince Maurice, who was only his Lieut.-General, yet he frequently 
 affected an independent command. On the other hand, when Bristol was taken by the Prince's 
 forces, and surrendered to him. Lord Hertford claimed the right of disposing of its government, as 
 being within the limits of his command, and he thereupon, without consulting the Prince, appointed 
 Sir Ealph Hopton to be governor. Eupert, who highly esteemed the latter, not only as a gallant 
 soldier but as his mother's friend, would not set up any of his own army in opposition to him, but 
 claimed from the King the governorship for himself. To this the Eing assented, before he heard 
 from Lord Hertford. He then perceived how delicate a predicament he was placed La, and hence 
 his expedition to Bristol. His presence calmed the passionate strife between the two parties." 
 Lord Clarendon relates the whole affair (IV., 163, &c.) with admirable tact and gracefulness, 
 throwing especially a bright light on Hopton's nobly disinterested character. — 'Waebtieton's Prince 
 Rupert, II., 269. 
 
 2 Abstract of Correspondence. — Ibid. 
 8 Evans. 
 
 * " The house is still standing, now [1824,] the property of Messrs. Henry Eicketts & Co., and 
 opposite to the windows of their show room, which was thence called ' the Palace.' " — Ibid. 
 
92 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and his train reposed. The old gateway, — the dark outline of the frowning 
 battlements, — the sluggish waters of the moat, — a King with his two sons, — 
 his nobles, — and all that was loyal, refined, and learned, surrounded by brave 
 and valiant Cavaliers, waiting with weary watch the morning's dawn for 
 admission into the City, that the Monarch's forces had at the waste of so 
 much blood obtained possession ! Such was the present — amongst the 
 cushioned halls of luxury had been the past ! — And for the future there was 
 for him war, and strife and struggle, — unavailing and disastrous. — Lives 
 consumed in the camp or battle field, — in hurried movements, — restless 
 bivouacs, — fierce contentions, — and desolating war ! Death in rugged ways, — 
 some in the raging battle slain, — some upon the ghastly scaffold doomed to 
 perish! Whatever is darkest in human destiny. — Whatever could humble the 
 arrogant or bend the proud, — all the miseries of fallen greatness and of blighted 
 fame, — were fast gathering in evil clouds for many there, — whose hearts now 
 beat with loyal love and pious enthusiasm. Free, chivalrous, high-spirited, and 
 reverential to the King — they could not restrain the headlong torrent of ambi- 
 tion, patriotism, and fanaticism that submerged every thing that was most 
 social and endearing in domestic character, — and levelled all that the wise, the 
 good, and the heroic had laboured for ages to erect! And the Sovereign that 
 without the City gates now tarried, would by his martyrdom expiate his ances- 
 tral sins, — would with his blood wash out a nation's wrongs, — and by the greatest 
 of all human sacrifices purchase a nation's freedom from all future despotism ! 
 The following morning the King made a public entrance into the City; 
 and was entertained at Mr. Colston's house on the north western side of Small 
 Street. His Majesty lodged at Mr. Alderman Creswicke's in the same street; 
 and Prince Charles, and the Duke of York, at Mr. Alderman Holworthy's, 
 directly opposite.^ The same day the King presided at a momentous debate 
 of the Council of War as to his next move — that move was to besiege 
 Gloucester. A fatal decision. Thenceforth all was a series of misfortunes, 
 errors, and defeats. The Marquis of Hertford having " with his characteristic 
 nobleness," dutifully yielded the government of the City at the King's first 
 wish. While here, his Majesty confirmed Prince Eupert in the government, 
 but it was settled that he should appoint Sir Palph Hopton, who is styled the 
 
 1 Seyer, II., 419. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 93 
 
 " irreproachable, sans peur, et sans reproche," his Lieutenant Governor. The 
 King also created Sir Ralph, Lord Hopton of Stratton, and left him at Bristol 
 to recover from his wounds.' 
 
 On the Sunday following, August 6th, Charles, in his coach of state, in 
 which were also seated his two sons and Sir Edward Hyde, went to the 
 Cathedral, from Alderman Creswicke's, in Small Street. The procession was 
 preceded by his Body Guards, by Heralds and Pursuivants, in their gorgeous 
 tabards, — and the Officers of his Household ; followed by the Trumpeters, the 
 Mace Bearers, the Wait Players, the Officers of the Corporation, in black silk 
 gowns ; the Chamberlain, with his golden mace ; the Town Clerk, in his robes; 
 the Sword Bearer, with the Pearl Sword, and wearing the Cap of Maintenance ; 
 the Mayor, walking in his scarlet robes bare-headed, before the carriage; 
 which was followed by the Recorder, the Aldermen, and members of the 
 Common Council, also in their scarlet robes, and the chief officers of the armv. 
 
 1 It appears from tlie following letter that Eupert had speedily fulfilled his promise of resigning 
 the governorship to Lord Hopton : we find the latter at this date asking for a Lieut. -Governor : — 
 
 " May it please your Highness, — I find the busiuess of this garrison to he so great and many, 
 and to go on so slowly by reason of the want of money, that I want much the help of a Lieutenant- 
 Governor, for which place I have considered of a gentleman, I think without exception, for a 
 soldier and an honest man, to his Majesty's service, and a humble servant of your Highness ; — 
 it is Sir Francis Hawley, who being likewise this countryman, his aUiance will assist me in raising 
 the contribution, and many assistances which cannot be so weU efiected by any that were not this 
 countryman. Colonel Gary went out this morning, and is persuaded he shall bring four hundred 
 horse, though I must confess myself much mistaken if he have half the number ; he brought me 
 an order from his Majesty to pay him out of this contribution, — if he comes he shall have his part 
 of what comes in, but that is yet so little, as I protest I am in great doubt whether I shall be able 
 to keep the garrison together ; whereas, if I were supplied, I would not doubt in a very short 
 time to raise a very good body of foot and horse. Prince Maurice hath sent me six troops of horse 
 and four of dragoons, whereof four of the horse and two of the dragoons are mine own ; but all 
 are very weak and whoUy disarmed. It is inconceivable what these fellows are always doing with 
 their arms ; they appear to be expended as fast as their ammunition.* I have likewise two new 
 troops here something stronger, but not armed ; and many offer to horse and foot, but for arming 
 and paying they are out of my reach. I humbly rest, 
 
 " Tour Highness' most humble and faithful Servant, 
 " Bristol, September 17, 1643."!' " Eaiph Hopton. 
 
 a " It was observed then, as now in Ireland, that weapons seemed to be the most illusory of all calculated 
 possessions : where they had been distributed by tens of thousands they could scarcely be collected by dozens, 
 and even these appeared to have been suddenly grown old-fashioned, rusty, and worthless." — Warburton's 
 Prince Kupert, &c., II., 291. 
 
 t Ibid. 
 
94 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 It must have been an act of penance to Eichard Aldworth, the Mayor, — and 
 some other members of the Corporate body ; to be thus constrained to pay 
 homage to the Sovereign they had endeavoured to dethrone. — Charles, forgiving 
 as he was, must have been influenced by the sum of money he was to receive 
 from the City ; or he would not so quietly have overlooked such confirmed 
 and acknowledged traitors. A leniency for which they made a most ungrateful 
 return. 
 
 Truly picturesque must have been the procession, as it wound down Small 
 Street, over St. Giles's Bridge, and through the gate, along St. Augustine's 
 Back, — passing the mansion of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, — which at that time 
 had an open green sward in front, extending to the river ; and thence, by St. 
 Augustine's Church, to the Cathedral. The way on either side, during the 
 whole route, was lined by the trainbands. Thus conducted, the procession 
 arrived at the door of the Cathedral, — where the Sovereign was received by the 
 Dean and Chapter, with antique ceremonial, and strict attention to ancient 
 formalities. 
 
 The applicability of the lesson, from the Gospel appointed in the Calendar 
 to be read at Morning Service, to the case of Charles, on the day of his execu- 
 tion, has been noticed by historians.^ Equally appropriate to the vicissitudes 
 and distressful condition of this Prince, was the language of holy writ on this 
 occasion.^ It declared his danger, his forebodings, and spoke his thanks for 
 his recent victory. 
 
 To come to a fuU understanding of the impressive significance of the words 
 of the Psalmist, we may imagine the scene, — taking into consideration 
 previous events, and the dangers which environed the Throne. Under the 
 Bishop's canopy sate Charles and his two sons, — within a City where little 
 reverence had been shown to his authority, and whose civic potentates were 
 hostile to his rule. Around him were many of noble and illustrious race ; 
 
 1 On the moming of Charles's execution, " after the prayers of the Church had been gone 
 through, the Bishop (Juxon,) read the twenty-seventh chapter of St. Matthew, which describes the 
 passion of our Saviour. The Eing applied the passage to his present condition ; and thanked the 
 Bishop for the selection. He was much surprised and gratified when he was informed, that it was 
 in fact the chapter set apart in the Calendar for the lesson of the day." — Jesse's Court of the 
 Stum-ts, II., 183. 
 
 2 Psalms XXX. and xxxi. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 95 
 
 who afterwards sealed their devotion to his cause, by the sacrifice of their 
 fortunes and their lives ; and many substantial citizens, still strong in their 
 attachment, and zealous in his service. Amongst them, but not q/them, were 
 the disloyal Mayor and Aldermen, — with humbled and sanctimonious bearing, 
 but with treason lurldng in their hearts. Truly might that hapless Monarch 
 say, with the inspired writer, " For I have heard the blasphemy of the 
 multitude, and fear is on every side, while they conspire against me, and take 
 their counsel to take away my life." Truly might he say, " My time is at hand; 
 deliver me from the hands of mine enemies, and from them that persecute 
 me." Words so expressive of his fate, — so meet for the occasion, — must 
 have searched the souls of the superstitious who conspired against him, 
 with compunctious visitings, for the oath of allegiance they had broken, — 
 for the sacred obligations they had violated. But there were other feelings 
 wherein the Monarch could sympathize with the divine Psalmist. He 
 had obtained a victory, and all loyal hearts could respond in words of 
 praise and thanksgiving, — " I will magnify thee, O Lord, for thou hast set 
 me up, and not made my foes to triumph over me !" " Thanks be to the 
 Lord, for he hath shewed me marvellous great kindness in a strong city." 
 
 Humble and fervent, we may suppose, were the supplications of the pious 
 Monarch. Already the shadow of his dark destiny gloomed over his pallid, 
 thoughtful brow. Earthly pomp and boast were flitting from him. The 
 crown was falling from his head, — the sceptre withering in his grasp. — Sur- 
 rounded by enemies, forsaken by friends, — he could not look for support from 
 armed men, or grisly fortresses, — but now, as in the hour of his more bitter 
 fortunes, when all earthly hope had fled, — sought strength by faith in that 
 Immortal Love, to which all aspirations of mankind must merge at last! 
 
 The sacred benediction said, — in imagination we again behold that sad 
 procession slowly and gravely retiring from the sacred fane. Dignified was 
 the Monarch, firm and commanding his deportment ; but on his sedate and 
 mournful aspect was marked the impress of his trials — his feverish existence 
 of storm and strife. On either side were his sons, — one, hereafter known to 
 history as " folly's votary" — the other, an exile from his Throne. Lords, 
 Barons, Knights, with all the civil and military appendages of Eoyalty, com- 
 pleted the solemn train. Subdued by forebodings of coming evil, — depressed 
 with a mysterious and unshapen dread, they passed from out that ancient pile ; 
 
96 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 never to be entered by their Sovereign more. — Even novr, in the more favour- 
 able colour of his fortunes, clouds of sorrow were gathering on every side, and 
 menacing all the future ! 
 
 Except Charles's reconciling the difference between Prince Rupert and the 
 Marquis of Hertford, and his visit to the Cathedral, — our records do not gratify 
 us with any further information as to how he was engaged during the few days 
 he remained here. Neither do they inform us when he departed. This was 
 probably about the ninth of August. On the tenth, we find him at the head 
 of his army, before Gloucester. Prince Eupert attended his Majesty at the 
 siege of that City. But a few days after we find, from a letter written by 
 Lord Hopton, whom the Prince had left here in command, that he was then 
 at Oxford.' The Marquis of Hertford, and Sir Edward Hyde, remained here 
 some time. 
 
 Soon after the taking of the City, a Military establishment was settled. For 
 its support, as will appear hereafter, the inhabitants were again heavily taxed. 
 Edmond Turner, Esq., of Stoke Rochford, Lincolnshire, was appointed 
 Treasurer and Paymaster of the Garrison. The establishment commenced on 
 the 1st of November, 1643 ; but the Commission is not dated till the 4th day 
 of December. Previously to this, considerable forces appear to have been 
 raised, — and all the Garrison and ofttimes provisions of war, to have been sent 
 out to the King's assistance by Lord Hopton, who was zealously devoted to 
 his Majesty's service. In September he writes to Prince Eupert : — 
 
 " May it please your Highness, — I have written with all the expedition that may he, 
 and sent your Highness the five regiments of foot, and one of horse, according to your 
 orders, and I hope your Highness will receive them in time. They are a handsome 
 body of men. The foot marched, by our Commissary's muster, sixteen hundred 
 
 1 "May it please your Highness,— I thought it my duty to advertize your Highness, that here 
 is come in a frigate, by the Queen's procurement, with great store of arms, especially pistols, and 
 good store of hand grenades and round shot. But because she came by her Majesty's care, the 
 Captain that brings them is gone to Oxford, and desires first to acquaint her Majesty with it, that 
 the first news of it might come from there ; but it being here generally known in this town, I 
 thought it my duty to give your Highness this private advertisement, that the last news of it may 
 not come from me. 
 
 " Tour Highness's most humble and faithful Servant, 
 
 " Bristol, August 15, 1643."a << r^^j.^ Hopton. 
 
 • Warburton's Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, II., 278. 
 
1643.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 97 
 
 "men, besides officers; and the Lieutenant-Colonel assures me, the horse are four 
 hundred, besides officers ; so they may modestly pass for two thousand foot, and five 
 hundred horse. " I humbly rest, your Highness's most faithful servant, 
 
 " Ealph Hopton." 
 
 Another letter from the same to the Prince possesses interest. Cirencester 
 had been taken by the Eoundheads, into whose hands fell the store of ammu- 
 nition to which his Lordship alludes. — 
 
 " May it please your Highness, — The letter I wrote to your Highness by my servant, 
 that was forced for his own security to cast it away, was to advertize your Highness 
 of the foot and horse I had sent, according to your commands, which are, I perceive, 
 safe come to your army, and with the first supply of eight barrels of powder ; but 
 the supply I sent yesterday morning by wains, of twenty-two barrels of powder, 
 two thousand eight hundred of match, and two thousand of musket bullets, I am in 
 some fear of I directed it to Cirencester, and sent such a convoy as I could, a 
 Lieutenant, with a few horse — all I had ; I much long to hear it has come safe.^ 
 This gentleman brings the certain news of his Highness Prince Maurice being within 
 Exeter, by surrender. " I humbly rest, 
 
 " Your Highness's most humble and faithful servant, 
 " Bristol, Sept. 6, 1643."2 « Ralph Hopton. 
 
 Bristol was now under the dominion of its lawful Sovereign, the clergy 
 were restored and the services of the Established Church again admitted. 
 August 9th, the Rev. Henry Syms, who was recommended by Charles, was 
 appointed to the vicarage of St. Michael, vice Brent. The Eevs. Eichard 
 Standfast, and Eichard Towgood, also resumed their benefices, and the military 
 preachers and men of wild imaginations who had taken possession of the 
 other pulpits, were removed and replaced by the regular ministry, who, though 
 less inflated, were certainly more learned.^^ 
 
 1 Sent to Ricliard Goare to Cirencester who Uteth there as an intelligence, £1 ; and to two 
 messengers which came from him, 6s. 6d. Goare and John Thomas were employed as scouts, on 
 horseback. — City Records. 2 "Warhurton's Prince Kupert, II., 287. 
 
 3 The following is the title of a sermon preached here proving the restoration of the national 
 worship : " Clero Condimentum, or a sermon preached at a visitation, in St. Mcholas' Church, in 
 Bristol, April 16th, 1644. Bristol, by Thomas Thomas, and are to be sold at his shop in Broad 
 Street, 1644."— Setee. 
 
 * By an ordinance of this date, made by the Lords and Commons, aU monuments of idolatry and 
 superstition, as altars, crucifixes, images, representations of the Trinity, &c., were to be destroyed; 
 
 O 
 
98 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Without injury to our narrative, we may overlook the general operations 
 in the field of warfare, with which all England is conversant, and limit 
 ourselves especially to those transactions in this City, which during the remainder 
 of this eventful year claim our attention : — 
 
 On the 9th of August a committee was appointed to enquire " who were soldiers and 
 who were not," and to provide for such as were maimed, or in pay, and to send 
 away all idle people and vagrants then in the town. On the 17th of the same 
 month, it was agreed that a committee (of which Col. Colston was one) should attend 
 the Governor of the City and mediate for the liberties and freedom of the inhabitants, 
 both for their persons and estates, especially those that were under custody and 
 had petitioned for that purpose. To enlist the sympathies of the Governor in their 
 behalf, the Corporation presented him with a butt of sack, two hogsheads of claret, 
 one of white wine, and one hundred of sugar, at the cost of £22. They furthermore, 
 on the 14th of September, presented him with the freedom of the City, as a token of 
 the City's " affection for him ;" and, on his recommendation, also presented the like 
 compliment to Eichard AUen, Postmaster General, i 
 
 The presence of the King's troops appear to have influenced the 
 municipal elections. The places of distinction are now occupied by devoted 
 Royalists, an event we have not hitherto been called upon to record, — Humphey 
 Hooke is Mayor, and Henry Creswicke and William Colston his Sheriff's.^ 
 
 but images, pictures, coats of arms, in glass or stone set up for monuments of a king, or a nobleman, 
 or any other person not reputed a saint, may be continued. At the same time the oommmuon 
 tables were ordered to be removed from the east, and placed in some other part of the body of the 
 ohuich, and the rails and every thing connected with them to be taken away. While the Eoyalists 
 held possession of our City these ordinances were not carried into execution, but the Puritans, when 
 they again triumphed, amply revenged themselves for the delay. 
 
 1 This indicates a general estabUshment for the conveyance of letters some few years earlier 
 than has been assigned to its foundation. 
 
 2 Before we dismiss the Mayoralty of Eichard Aldworth, we will note the following expenses 
 which occur in the audit book during his year of office : " Paid the King's Trumpeters, as a fee due 
 to them, leing the Prince represents the King, £3." "Paid Prince Eupert's Tnmipeters £2." 
 "Paid Capt. Thomas Derham, being wounded and sick, £3." "Eichard Aldworth, Mayor, what 
 he paid the King, Prince Eupert, and Prince Maurice, officers, and for money paid maimed soldiers in 
 August last, and straw for them, £122 : 8 : 4." This last item refers to the provision for the 
 soldiery who had been wounded at the capture of the City. " Paid Mr. Mayor, for what he gave 
 to a footman for the porterage of a letter, which he took to London, Is." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 99 
 
 Many of the principal citizens, who had been most active against the King, 
 had been imprisoned; and we learn, from the proceedings of the Council, that its 
 members had petitioned his Majesty to grant a pardon to these his rebellious 
 subjects, and for this purpose Colston and Fitzherbert, waited upon the King 
 before Gloucester.' Neither was the necessity of a peace offering to his Majesty 
 overlooked. While he was .before that City he was presented with some 
 wine ; no doubt in his position peculiarly acceptable. They were, however, 
 so poor in the Chamber, that they were compelled to call on several members 
 to advance the money to defray the cost of the wine. The fiscal involvements 
 are best told from the following entry of the last day of October : — 
 
 " Whereas there was £72 in August last laid out in wine, by Mr. Creswicke, and 
 Mr. Brown, for his Majesty's use, by the order of this house, and the Chamberlain, 
 out of the City's monies, has to make it good ; now, for that the Chamber is at 
 present not so well stored as to disburse it, being much exhausted of late, it is 
 [ therefore order edand thought mee tby them that were of the House, at that time 
 being thirty six in number, that they at present disburse the same, and be repaid 
 it again by the Chamber hereafter, which is assented unto by the most voices of all 
 present."^ 
 
 The pardon of the rebellious citizens was not granted tUl February of the 
 following year (1644). Probably the motive for delay, was consideration 
 of the continual presents of wine which flowed in the direction of the Court, 
 and which would cease when the pardon should be obtained. The grant, with its 
 beautiful seal, which is in excellent preservation, is dated Oxford,^ 24th of 
 
 1 The 7th of Deoemher, it was resolved by the Corporation " that the grievances of 
 the inhabitants be presented to the Governor for reformation," and that Mr. Colston and Mr. 
 Fitzherbert do travel on horseback to the com't at Oxford, for taking off the £200, weekly rated 
 upon the City, and for hastening the pardons which had not yet been obtained. 
 
 2 In 1644 there was " paid imto several persons, who lent forty shillings a piece towards paying 
 for wine sent the King before Gloucester, £36." 
 
 3 The King was obHged to raise the siege at Gloucester on September the 5th, from thence he 
 went to winter, at Oxford, to which place we see our citizens so often travelled to the Court. The 
 Mayor and Aldermen were shortly after his Majesty's arrival there, " to order the disposing of a tun 
 or two of wine at Oxford." Again we have another notation as foUows : — "Mr. "Wm. Cann and 
 Sheriff Cresvsdcke's expenses of a journey to Oxford on City business, for wine, &o., £41 : 1 : 6. 
 On the 6th of March, £150 was " to be levied upon the inhabitants towards the expense of obtaining 
 the pardon." 
 
100 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 February, in the nineteenth year of his Majesty's reign.^ The pardon extends 
 to the Mayor, Burgesses, and Commonalty, excepting the " abettors in the 
 sanguinary and detestable murder of Robert Yeamans and George Boucher." 
 The exceptions are the persons who composed the Court Martial, whose 
 names are already given. These, too conscious of the guilty part they had 
 taken, fled the City with Fiennes, and escaped the punishment that awaited 
 their foul deed. 
 
 A copy of a letter from the Corporation, informs us, that our Church 
 Bells were at this crisis in great jeopardy. The desperate state of the 
 Royalists compelled them to have recourse to every available means to 
 enable them to meet the expenses of the war : — 
 
 " To the Eight Honourable our very good Lord, the Lord Piercies, these presents at 
 
 Court. 
 Right Hon. — Upon Receipt of your Lordship's letters, by which you make claime to the 
 Bells of this Cittie, as general of his Majestie's Artillery, we doe humbly conceive 
 that yf any such forfeiture were incurred (as is pretended) yet by agreament on his 
 Majesties parte when his forces entered, it was in effect condescended unto that 
 there should noe advantage be thereof taken, but that all things should continue 
 as formerlie without prejudize to any inhabitant. And the Bells of each church 
 being (as your Lordship well knowes) the proper goods of the parishioners, are not 
 at our disposall, neither have we to doe with them. All which we humbly submitt 
 to your Lordship's better judgment, and taking our leaves, doe rest 
 Your Honor's most humbly at commandment, 
 "Humphrey Hooke, Maior, Ezekiel WalHs, Alderman, 
 
 John Gonning, Alderman, George Knight, „ 
 
 John Tomlinson, „ John Tailor, „ 
 
 Richard Long, „ Henry Creswicke, „ 
 
 William Jones, „ William Colston. „ 
 
 John Lock, „ 
 
 Bristol, this XXIst of November, 1643." 2 
 
 1 May 4t]i, 1644. "Wliile the Eoyalists held possession of the City, Mr. Eitzherbert and Mr. 
 Smyth were desired "to travel to Oxford to petition his Majesty to take off the contributions from 
 the inhabitants, and that it be taken out of the excise." Among the evils and impositions arising 
 from the tragic contest, was the introduction of the excise. The Parhament at Westminster having 
 voted an excise on wine, beer, and other commodities, that at Oxford followed their example, and 
 estabUshed the like impost. 
 
 2 E. CoU. Nostris MSS., XLVII. 61. British Museum. 
 
1643.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 101 
 
 That the arguments of the respectable Aldermen, whose names are appended 
 to this document, prevailed, we have evidence in the sweetly mellowed tones 
 that so harmoniously issue from many of our belfries. We did not know 
 tiU we dragged this letter from its dark depository, of the narrow escape from 
 destruction of our ancient Church Bells, and of our obligation to these worthy 
 Aldermen who have by their cogent reasoning, preserved to us their hallowed 
 music. Associated with bright images of joy, — with softened memories of 
 grief, — when the noisy turmoil of the day is over and the tranquil eve is 
 ours, — sweetly do their aerial music fall upon the ear, as with the voice of 
 olden ages, — subdued and dreamy. They are in character with the time- 
 honoured buildings in this old City, and part of its charm had gone, had 
 they given place to the loud vulgar clang of our modern instruments, that 
 too oft intrude their iron tongue, to the confusion of the silver melody 
 of their antique rivals. 
 
 Towards the end of the year a vessel, from Bristol, laden with oil, wine, 
 sugar, and other commodities, was taken by a Parliamentary frigate. This 
 occurrence gave alarm to the Eoyalists of Bristol and Wales, who, to prevent 
 the like inroad, set up divers frigates, to guard the river. The trade of the 
 port suffered great annoyance from the fleet belonging to the Parliament. 
 When, therefore, on Feb. 27th, 1644, an offer was made by Sir John Winter 
 of a pinnace, fit to be employed for guarding the River Severn, and that he 
 himself would be at half the expense, it was eagerly accepted. The Society of 
 Merchants agreed to pay £20 towards its maintenance, the rest to be raised 
 upon the inhabitants. On April 15th, another frigate was ordered to be 
 provided, to guard the Severn.^ Sir John finds it more difficult to keep his 
 promise than to make it. The 4th February following, the Chamber order 
 him to be informed that " unless he or the country pay their half for maintaining 
 the frigate, this City will be at no further charge." The Corporation are 
 vacillating, and undecided concerning these said frigates, — at one time they 
 vsdll maintain them, — at another time they will not.^ 
 
 1 On tlie 21st Nov., 1644, it was agreed that Sir Jolm Winter stould "be supplied witli victuals, 
 as salt beef and other provisions, for his occasions in and about Chepstow, to the extent of £180, 
 which was to be repaid in three months." 
 
 2 July 3rd, 1645. "In answer to the Bang's letter respecting arrears of the frigate money to he 
 paid, and the continuation of them ; it was resolved by the House that a letter be written the 
 said Thos. Lunsford, Governor of Monmouth, that in regaxd of the great charge already expended 
 
102 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 On the 27th December, a letter was received from the King, addressed to 
 the Mayor and Aldermen, " touching disaffected persons to his Majesty and 
 Government, which was openly read in the House." The record adds, " the 
 inhabitants [were] to be assessed in the sum of £20,000, for the King and 
 Prince Rupert, as his Majesty's warrant did authorise." The City coffers 
 being " much exhausted ;" as also the resources of the inhabitants, extraordi- 
 nary means were resorted to for obtaining money. We have no relation 
 however that the Royalists retaliated upon the Roundheads, and plundered 
 and sequestered their estates, in order to save themselves ; on the contrary, 
 that the somewhat arbitrary measure by which it was proposed to raise supplies 
 extended indiscriminately to both parties, is quite clear from the following 
 copy of a resolution of the 3rd of January, 1643-4, "That one or two men bee 
 appointed to take a inst. accompte of all the howses in every parish, the 
 valewe to bee lett at, the rente they paye, and the landlord's name and 
 dwelling." This large sum was collected; — and in the following Mayoralty, 
 Mr. James, who wielded the civic sceptre, paid "Prince Rupert £310, 
 in full payment of the £20,000, due to his Majesty and Prince, at the rendering 
 of the City, and £20, given as a gratuity to Mr. Godwin, the Prince's 
 Secretary."^ 
 
 " All England," says a powerful modern writer, " was in a hot but very 
 dim state, and the country was all writhing in dim conflict, suffering manifold 
 distress." At this crisis the King convened a Parliament of his adherents at 
 Oxford,^ and on the 21st January, sixty Peers and three hundred Commons 
 assembled in Christ Church. The Bristol representatives were, Alder- 
 man Taylor, and Alderman Humphrey Hooke. Though both attended the 
 anti-parliament, the former was the active member. It was a mere show 
 
 for a year and a half in maintaiidiig tte two frigates, and the gTeat and heavy visitation now upon 
 this Citty, and that for maintenance of the poor and infected, all the collections in this City that 
 can be raised will not be suflcient. That in regard thereof this City are unable longer to undergo 
 the maintenance of the frigates, the letter was written and sent." On the 10th of the same month 
 the Chamber ordered "amonth's pay to be assessed for the frigates ia the Severn." 
 
 1 Sept. 16th, 1644, Braiasford writes from Exeter to Prince Eupert, to enforce the payment of 
 £90, beiag a proportion due to him from the Mayor of Bristol. Prince Eupert issues his warrant." 
 — WAEBTmiow's Prince Rxvpert, Abstract of Correspondence. 
 
 2 Towards the close of this year, 1643, the Duie of Hamilton, had been accused of high treason, 
 and arrested by order of the King at Oxford. He had been in confinement for some time, and was 
 now sent ia custody to the Castle of Bristol, on his way to Pendennis Castle, in Cornwall. 
 
16-44.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 103 
 
 of legislation, without executive power. But " It voted £100,000 to the King, 
 and sent out letters to all loyal subjects, requiring them to pay certain sums 
 according to their ability. These letters unexpectedly produced the required 
 sums." Relative to Alderman Taylor's attendance is the following : — 
 
 " 15tli February. Upon receipt of a letter from Mr. Alderman Taylor from Oxford, 
 with an order from the House importing that some must be sent from hence to Oxford, 
 to answer and conclude upon the particulars there mentioned by Mr. Alderman 
 Taylor ; the House here thought meet and soe did order, that a letter should be 
 forthwith sent to Mr. Taylor, to determine the business himself with the 
 Committee if he could, otherwise upon the next letter from him touching that 
 order, some are to be sent from hence according to his letter." But Alderman 
 Taylor, if he could, did not please to undertake the responsibility, apparently he 
 had written to that effect, as we find that on February 23rd, It is agreed, — 
 " Mr. Maior. Alderman Creswicke, 
 
 Alderman Gonning, Mr. Sheriffs, hoih, 
 
 „ Longe, „ Gonning, Jun. 
 
 J, Locke, „ Jackson, 
 
 „ James, „ Fitzherbert. 
 
 These or any six or more are desired to prepare instructions for such as are to be 
 sent to Oxford, and to consider of some that are to be sent, and to meet to morrow 
 next for that purpose, in the forenoone nyne of the clock." 
 
 What the instructions were, both the writer and reader would equally like 
 to know. Taylor was at Oxford for seventy-eight days, and was paid 6s. %d. 
 a day by the Corporation, amounting to £26, to which was added £5 : 8 for 
 house rent. Further information as concerns the doings of our representatives 
 in this remarkable Parliament are wanting. 
 
 It was a wet and miserable day upon which the Prince Charles parted vidth his 
 unhappy father at Oxford, never again to meet on earth. Dark were the 
 forebodings of the hapless King, on whose bereavements and misfortunes 
 there scarcely gleamed a ray of relief. A few days after, we find the Prince in 
 Bristol, where he conferred the honour of Knighthood on Capt. Macknelly, 
 who had distinguished himself by the capture of a ship belonging to the 
 enemy.^ Our annals are silent as to this visit. If the year named by Corry 
 be correct, which we doubt, the Prince and his Court were probably at Bristol 
 
 1 " In the month of January, 1644, a new ship, called the "John of London," belonging to the 
 EngUsh merchants who traded to the East Indies, was brought to Bristol by Capt. Macknelly, Ms 
 
104 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 when the Queen visited the City. She had separated from her husband at 
 Abingdon, on the 3rd of April ; ^ her delicate situation rendering her removal 
 to Exeter necessary for her greater security. That parting was their last."^ 
 On her rout she stayed a few days at Bath, for the purpose of using the waters. 
 In a letter written from thence to the King, April 21st, she says, "I go 
 to-morrow to Bristol, to send you back the carts ; many of them are already 
 returned."' Under circumstances so pregnant with danger — at a time so 
 fraught with calamitous events — the absence of the usual pomp attending the 
 reception of Eoyalty on this occasion, will not be matter of surprise ; and such 
 we may presume was the cause why our annalists have left this visit of the 
 Queen wholly unrecorded. That her Majesty did come to the City, and 
 passed a night here, in the house where Prince Charles held his Court, is 
 ascertained from the following entry in the Chamberlain's account for this year : 
 " Porterage of beds from the Ped Lion to the large house on St. Augustine's 
 Back, when the Queen was here, and for returning the same, 5*. 4«?."* 
 
 officers and sliip's crew, for Hs Majesty's service. TMs ship mounted twenty-six gxuis, and 
 contained £17,000 ia money, besides some valuable commodities. The Prince of "Wales came to 
 this City on the 10th of March following, and conferred the honoui of Knighthood on Captain 
 Maeknelly." — Cobky's History of Bristol. 
 
 1 Miss Strickland says the Queen left Oxford on the 3rd of April ; but "Warburton, allowing the 
 usual accuracy of that talented authoress, proves, by a letter from Henry Jermyn, that the 17th 
 was the day of her Majesty's departure. 
 
 The Earl of Digby writes from Oxford to Prince Eupert, April 3rd, 1644, " unwelcome tidiags 
 that the defeat of Hopton and Porth, by Waller has made the rebels triumphant, and his Majesty 
 requires aU his forces to relieve Prince Maurice, who is at Lyme. The Queen in peril at Bristol." — 
 Wabbitrton's Prince Rwpert, Abstract of Correspondence. 
 
 The discrepancy in. date, of these various statements is left to the consideration of the reader. 
 Even allowing for the difference of the old and new style, we find it impossible to reconcile the 
 conflicting authorities. One thing is clear that oxir records have no mention of her Majesty's 
 presence here until April 22nd. 
 
 2 The disasters that followed the decadence of the fortunes of her Royal husband compelled her 
 to leave Exeter, and the country twelve days after her confinement. She had applied to Essex for 
 a pass to Bath or Bristol. But the Earl, instead, offered to conduct her before the Parliament, to 
 answer for her transgressions. Wliereupon she contrived to travel in disguise to Palmouth, and on 
 Sunday, 14th July, sailed for France. — See Life of Henrietta Maria, by Miss SiEicKEAin). 3 Ubid. 
 
 * Beds were at that period a luxury not of general use. They were to be found only ia the 
 chambers of the most opulent merchants, and at the principal Inns ; from whence, on occasions of 
 entertaining distinguished visitors, they were often borrowed. 
 
1644.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 105 
 
 How long the Queen remained in the City we have no opportunity of 
 knowing ; but on the 23rd of April, some of the most enthusiastically loyal 
 members of the Corporation, warmed into admiration by her energetic services 
 to the Royal cause ; proposed that five hundred guineas should be presented to 
 her Majesty, which " it was humbly desired and hoped she would graciously 
 be pleased to accept, as a poor token of their duty."' The gift, without 
 doubt, was "graciously" accepted by the poor bereaved Queen, to whom 
 money was at that juncture of timely service. Her Majesty could have 
 scarcely suspected the great exertions required to obtain it from a City so 
 renowned for its opulence. Considering the financial difiiculties of the 
 Corporation, their present was generous and noble, — though not altogether 
 agreeable to some of the citizens who were compelled to contribute. The 
 manner of raising the money, otherwise trivial, places before us the emptiness 
 of the Treasury. The Chamber was to pay £150, and the residue, £375, 
 to be provided by the inhabitants. But as this would take time, and as 
 it was necessary that the money should be immediately forthcoming, several 
 members of the Corporation lent the amount, which Aldermen "Wallis and 
 Creswicke were to see paid, as soon as they had received it from the 
 inhabitants.^ 
 
 1 April 23rd, 1644. There is an entry in tlie Chamberlain's accounts of 2s. Sd., "paid for ten 
 linen money hags, to put in the 500 guineas presented the Queen." — City Records. 
 
 2 From an entry of the 4th March, 1644-5, we learn that the amount had not then been received. 
 ' ' It appears that divers sums of money have been paid and disbursed by the Chamberlain, which should 
 have satisfied several persons for monies lent and disbursed by them to the Lord Hopton, and for the 
 Queen's money, amounting in the whole to £309, stUl owing to them. It is now ordered that Mr. 
 Chamberlain shall make a writing under his seal of office, declaring to each particular person to 
 whom the money is owing ; that the same is to be made good by the Chamber by the end of three 
 months next." 
 
 The Names of the Persons to whom the Monie is owing, with the pa/rticula/r Sums. 
 
 "Mr. Hooke £35 5 Mr. Woodward £12 10 
 
 Mr. Cann 25 Mr. Bahnan 12 10 
 
 Mrs. Barker 25 Mr. Knight, Alderman 12 10 
 
 Mrs. Butcher 12 Mr. Stephens 19 10 
 
 Mr. Gronning, Jun 45 Mr. "Warren 6 5 
 
 Mr. Locke 12 Mr. Browne 6 5 
 
 Mr. Deyos 6 5 Mr. Fitzherbert 10 
 
 Mr. Langton 12 10 Mr. Blackborrow 20 0" 
 
 Mrs. Charlton 37 10 City Records. 
 
106 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 A curious idea of the condition of our gaols at this period, and of the long 
 credit taken by the Commonwealth Corporation, may be found from the 
 perusal of the following :— 
 
 "June, 1644. Present Mr. Maior— Messrs. Aldermen Gonning, Wallis, Lock — This 
 day ordered, that inasmuch as there is at present noe Keeper of Bridewell, or the 
 House of Correction, the former Keeper, Freland, being removed to Newgate, and 
 Hitchins dead, and there is noe lokinge to the house as it ought, that John Faine, 
 sometime a Keeper there, is to goe and dwell there againe, and to have his habita- 
 tion for his wages, unles, by putting up loomes for his weavers trade or otherwise, 
 he can make benifitt by the BrasseU MilP there." The Commonwealth Corporation 
 do not appear to have been very prompt in the payment of their officers. 
 
 " 20th March, 1655. Upon the humble petition of Nicholas Freland, late Keeper of 
 the House of Correction and Gaole of Newgate, setting forth how that upon his 
 undertaking of the said offices, in the yeere 1643, he was promised forty markes a 
 yeere, as Keeper of the House of Correction, and the same to be repaired from tyme 
 to tyme at the Citties charge, as formerly; which, from Michaelmas, 1643, to 
 Michaelmas, 1646, cost him at least five pounds a yeere, and that he hath beene 
 neither satisfied for the said disbursements in reparation, or received any part of the 
 said forty markes a yeere, though often demanded;" after some debate, it was 
 resolved that " the said Nicholas Freland shall be allowed the sum of thirty and 
 five pounds in full of all his demands." 
 
 From the source whence we have so copiously extracted,^ we again 
 derive a few gleams of light thrown on the circumstances and condition 
 of the Garrison within this City. They reveal, though shaded and indistinct, 
 some portion of its military life, over which Time has darkened and our records 
 left impervious. Amidst the confusion of the passing scenes, amidst the 
 inhuman contentions and deadly warfare, a fiery spirit reigns, and " ever and 
 anon there darts out, now hither, now thither, across the dim smoke element, 
 a swift, fierce Prince Rupert, too like a streak of sudden fire."^ His name is 
 before us in every martial movement wherein our City at this calamitous 
 period was concerned. 
 
 1643, June 14th, Craufard (dated from Farringdon,) to Prince Eupert, has intelligence 
 
 1 A miU used for extracting dye from an American red wood, so denominated because first 
 brought from "Brasil." 
 
 2 Warburton's Prince Eupert. 3 Carlyle's Cromwell. 
 
1643-4.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 107 
 
 of two hundred rebels belonging to Bristol, and of the horse, they have quartered 
 in villages remote from the town, asks leave to fight them. 
 
 October 25th. Lord Hopton writes from Bristol to the Prince, reports the disaffected 
 state of the country, and measures are adopted to separate the rebels' army. 
 And another letter from his Lordship to the Prince [no date] complains of want 
 of powder, (Oxford Mills seem to have been destroyed) of money, and Col. Long 
 levying in his quarters. 
 
 November 20th. General Gerrard, Bristol, acknowledges Prince Rupert's favours 
 in recommending him to the command ; " wishes that some good occasion might 
 present itself wherein he might be serviceable to Prince Rupert." 
 
 November 30th. Thomas Sudford to Prince Rupert. — "My Garrison in Bristol 
 Castle is zealous in desire to wait on Prince Rupert ;" not advance of title he covets, 
 but his Royal Highness's commission to receive him to his old duty. 
 
 December 4th. Sir William Vavasour to Prince Rupert, from Bristol, alludes to some 
 supposed plot against the Prince ; intends this winter to block up Gloucester, and 
 present his Royal Highness a handsome army by the spring. On the 9th Sir 
 WUliam writes again to the Prince, from Bristol, to say his designs are frustrated 
 from having the means withdrawn ; " the King being made to believe that twelve 
 hundred foot and three hundred and twenty horse will do it." " Charles Vavasour's 
 forces come to Bristol from Ireland this December, but refuse to fight with the 
 King against the Parliament." 
 
 December 14th. Sir Francis Hawley, from Bristol, to Prince Rupert ; the enemy in 
 great numbers have fallen upon Lyme and Taunton, and driven out the Garrisons ; 
 Sir F. Hawley entreats Prince Rupert to appoint him commander to all the horse 
 and foot in Somersetshire, " to avoid confusion." 
 
 1643-4, February 13th. Daniel O'NeUle, from Bristol', to Prince Rupert, waiting for 
 ammunition from Ireland, for Prince Rupert, complains of the Prince taking his 
 troops with him ; if his Royal Highness does him not the favour to send them back, 
 he must sell his horse to buy the others meat. 
 
 February 18th. Michael Sheddencourt, from Bristol, to Prince Rupert, concerning 
 the taffety for the colours, which has been in the town this month, but Capt. Deane, 
 [Deale] in whose custody it is, will not distribute without ready money, prays his Royal 
 Highness to give orders for them, as "it will give some content to the soldiers, 
 though they have no clothes." 
 
 In a letter, dated August 16, from Lord Digby to Prince Eupert, he says 
 " There are a hundred barrels of powder sent from Bristol through Wales, 
 and recommended to Charles Gerrard to have them conveyed as fast as shall 
 be necessary." The Prince left the King at Bocannock, the 5th of October, 
 
108 EDWAED COLSTON, 
 
 for Bristol, attended by Lords Hopton and Digby. The Prince was delayed 
 here till the 28th of October, while endeavouring to raise a sufficient force 
 to move to the King's assistance, and was marching with the few hundred 
 men he had with difficulty obtained, when he learned that the King, who had 
 been defeated at Newbury, was at Bath.^ 
 
 Many indications of the eventual destitution of the inhabitants were 
 manifest, should the national conflict be prolonged. The resources of the 
 Chamber were exhausted. — The people's means had lessened, but the 
 exorbitant demands upon them had increased. Our omissions for the sake 
 of brevity are numerous, but it is necessary, in order more fully to develope 
 how the funds of the City departed, to turn again to the account of the 
 Chamberlain, and add to our page a few more extracts ; some we give in notes,^ 
 that need not be read by those who consider them as importunate : — 
 
 "Paid Wm. Hinton, Esq., deputed by Sir John Stawell, Sir Henry Berkeley, Sir 
 Edward Rodney, and other Commissioners of his Majesty's service for Somersetshire, 
 £1000, lent them." It was to be repaid, but that important feature in the transaction 
 was frustrated by the adverse fortunes of the King. An entry of April 29th, 
 informs us that Mr. Thomas Colston " freely oiFered to see the mount and redoubt* 
 by Alderman Jones' house forthwith furnished ; and it is promised he shall not be a 
 loser, and his disbursements on account shall be satisfied." August 14th, he 
 was ordered to be paid £27 : 2, balance due to him for " finishing the redoubt by 
 Alderman Jones' garden," and " £313 : 12 : 2, in full of all demands, for disburse- 
 
 ' "Warburton's Prince Eupert. 
 
 2 "Mr. Thomas Colston to pay his Lieut. Colonel £30, for a year's service. A committee 
 appointed to consider of raising £20 a week, for payments of the Lieutenant Colonel, Serjeant, and 
 Drummers of the City regiment, and £5 for the Garrison." A letter was received from the Eing 
 eoncermng " ten guineas weekly to he paid to the Serjeant Major of the forces here.'' This the 
 Chamber did not approve, and Alderman Wallis and Sheriff Creswioke, were to ride to Oxford 
 " to mediate that and other business relative to the City." Sir John "Winter was paid £30 towards 
 fitting his frigate for the Severn. " Sir Francis Hawley, Deputy Governor of the Castle, presented 
 by the Mayor and Aldermen, with "a hogshead of racked sack, £11 : a hogshead of Gascoyn wine, and 
 a hogshead of Claret, £11." Lord Hawley [late Sir Francis] was paid for entertaining Prince 
 Eupert £200. A committee was ■sumTtioned to treat with Lord Hopton, for taking the £10 weekly, 
 paid to his Serjeant Major. 
 
 3 This was the redoubt on Kingsdown, with outworks, &c., which was designated " Colston's 
 Mount." The gallant Colonel superintended the fortifications, and ia every case of emergency 
 and consideration, his advice was sought by the Deputy Governor. 
 
1644.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 109 
 
 ments about trainbands, &c." Mr. Alderman Taylor received at the same time 
 £140 for ensigns, arms, and for the auxiliaries, and in full of his account for 
 charges in London and Oxford, and for charges in entertaining the Lord Admiral 
 Piercie, £203 : 17." May 21st, " The auxiliary forces [were] to be made up 
 one thousand, with arms and ammunition. £1000 to be taken up for the 
 defence of the City and to be assessed on the inhabitants,' Alderman Wallis 
 to be Treasurer." 
 
 This loyal citizen advanced money on the assessments, which the 
 change of Government prevented his being repaid. Fourteen years after, 
 we find him making an application for the money to the dark-robed 
 Commonvi^ealth men, vs^ho then occupied the seats of the Eoyalists in the 
 Council Chamber, which they dismiss in a very off-hand and somewhat insolent 
 manner : — 
 
 " 10th August, 1658. Upon reading a letter from Mr. Hooke, Mr. Knight, and Mr 
 James, touching moneys lent by Mr. Wallis to the Governor of Bristol in the time 
 of the late wars, this House are of opinion that they are not obliged any way to take 
 notice thereof, it being noe Citty debt, and the Chamberlain is hereby appointed to 
 return them that for an answer." 
 
 The entertainment given the Lord High Admiral, during the Mayoralty 
 of Taylor, in 1640, cost £42 : 4, but had not been discharged, in con- 
 sequence of the City having fallen into the hands of the Parliament. This 
 is one of many instances of money advanced on the credit of the City, 
 the payment of which had in like manner been postponed. Others vdll be 
 revealed : — 
 
 " July 17th. Alderman Jackson stated that he was owed £15 for a present sent to Col. 
 Fiennes when he was here; this to be moved at- the next House when 'tis fuU, and 
 then ordered for repayment out of the Chamber." Mr. Hugh Brown was also owed 
 £10 for wine furnished Col. Fiennes, and which with the £15 due to Alderman 
 Jackson, was paid September 6th. 
 
 A siege appeared inevitable, and again the inhabitants are assessed. In the 
 beginning of the year, the Mayor and Aldermen consented to pay Lord 
 Hopton £284 : 10 "for victualling the Great Fort and Castle." April 8th, 
 
 1 " ISth January, 1645. The Commissioners appointed by his Majesty in CoimoU at Oxford, 
 11th October, 1643, for getting in the monies assessed for his Majesty's army from those who are 
 in arrears, whatever they do this House will approve." 
 
110 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 two of the Common Council in succession were "to view the works and 
 notice the number of workmen." On the 28th, six weeks' payment for the 
 bulwarks were ordered to be made in advance, " for the speedy finishing 
 
 them."^ 
 
 The complaints of the citizens, however, grew loud and frequent, when it 
 was found necessary to enforce a tax sufficient to raise a weekly sum of £300, 
 for the support of the Garrison. To such a height arose their discontent, that 
 the authorities were obliged to send a deputation to the King at Oxford, 
 with a petition for relief from a burthen so onerous, and so inimical to the 
 Eoyal cause. Their prayer was graciously entertained. — 
 
 June 22nd. — A letter was read from the King, dated 23rd of May, reducing to £200 
 per week the amount considered as requisite for the maintenance of the Garrison, 
 on condition that the Royal Fort be furnished with all necessaries.^ It was agreed 
 that £2000, for maintaining the Garrison, be bestowed in bread, butter, cheese, &c., 
 that Capt. James and others confer with persons in every parish for raising the 
 amount. On the 17th, it was commanded that " the works in Canons' Marsh be 
 now speeded." 
 
 August 8th, there is an order for " a warrant to bring in trees and timber for making 
 the platform for the Gunners, and to expend £20 in the business. Mr. Alderman 
 Taylor, with Messrs. Bevan and Blackborrow, to wait on the Governor for the 
 warrant." There was paid the Mayor, for arms, £155:3:10, — for platforms, 
 £102 : 13 : 8, — and Mr. Alderman Long, for twenty barrels of French powder, at 
 £5 per barrel, and of fine powder for pistols put in the Armoury, £102 : 13: 2. 
 " Those men that have musketts, or money to furnish musketts, to Col. Deale, are 
 contented for as many as are [illegible] that the musketts or money already had or 
 to be had from Mr. Deale, [probably Capt. Deale] shall be for a common magazine 
 for the defence of this Citty,'and kept accordingly." 
 
 " 30th September. — It is agreed that four weeks' pay, lately assessed for Prince 
 Eupert's firelockes, frigot money, and other urgent occasions, shall forthwith be 
 collected and paid unto Mr. Mayor, to be issued for the uses aforesaid. £100, and 
 
 1 " July 17tli. The six weeks in advance of ten pence a piece, be raised by the wards and not 
 the parish ; those who cannot pay, to send an able labourer to continue from six in the morning until 
 eleven, and from one until six, and in case of failure to be punished." 
 
 2 " Agreeably to his Majesty's letter, read on the 30th, fifteen hundred shoes and fifteen hundred 
 stockings, were ordered to be provided for his Majesty's army, which the Sheriffs were to see done. 
 The cost to be assessed upon the iahabitaats." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. Ill 
 
 a tun of wine, was" also ordered " to be presented to the Governor, for the Prince's 
 table." Mr. Colston, and others, " to think of levying and bestowing it."i 
 It was not alone the continued and repeated assessments on the inhabitants 
 for the repair of the fortifications, — for the maintenance of the Garrison, — and 
 for the necessary expenses in placing the City in a posture of defence, — that 
 was draining the civic coffers, and familiarising many with the gaunt face of 
 poverty, and its corroding anxieties. This was not all. — Out of its reported 
 abundance, it was called upon to assist with loans the neighbouring counties ; 
 and, in the present resistless, downward course of the King's fortunes, on no 
 very substantial security. October 8th, a letter from the King was read, 
 touching the City assisting the county of Somerset with a loan of money, upon 
 good security, " for the payment of his Majesty's army." It was propounded 
 by Lord Hopton to lend, according to the letter, £3000, ready money, — 
 £2000, for shoes and stockings; £1000, to be repaid in three months. This 
 proposal was taken into consideration by the Chamber, who on the 14th 
 agreed that only £1000, be lent, — 
 
 " If it can be procured, and accepted, upon security for repayment in three months." 
 The money was lent upon the security of the Somersetshire Commissioners, and 
 procured from the following members of the House. ^ 
 
 Arthur Farmer, Cann, and HeUier, lent £100, each. The Corporation 
 to give their bond as a security. £500, more was requested by the Com- 
 missaries of Somersetshire, for present " commodities ;" but the Chamber 
 delayed the payment, " until the £1000, already promised be furnished." 
 From an entry, Jan. 7th, 1644-5, Ave learn, that £150, was " to be assessed 
 weekly, under the Great Seal of his Majesty ; and four gents, to consult with 
 Col. Slingsby in the absence of the Governor. — Another letter was read from 
 
 1 The Chamberlain to pay tte particular sums following : — 
 
 Mr. Brewerton £95 
 
 Alderman Taylor 70 
 
 Mr. Thomas Colston 60 
 
 Mr. Latham 30 
 
 JE255 
 
 2 Mr. Sherman, Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Langton, Mr. Cann, Mr. "Woodward, Mr. "Wyatt, Mr. Hellier, 
 Mr. "Warren, Mr. Deyos, Mr. Balman. 
 
112 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 the King, on February the 4th, to the purport of furnishing the Commissioners 
 of Somersetshire with the loan of an additional £1500, for his Majesty's 
 service, — 
 
 "Which, upon reading thereof and propounding it to this House, they were generally 
 of opinion that it cannot be furnished at present, the state of the Citty considered, 
 and the debts they already owe, and are engaged for." 
 
 The Chamber was principally occupied in superintending the workmen 
 engaged in repairing the fortifications, according to the instructions of the 
 Governor. Pieces of artillery were planted along the walls, and new forts 
 constructed for the defence of the gates, &c. The merchant vessels in King- 
 road were removed, and anchored at Hungroad ; their cannon taken from 
 them, and placed along the ramparts of the City. The pinnace liberally 
 offered for that service by Sir John Winter, was stationed near the ships, for 
 their better protection. Two frigates were brought to anchor in such a 
 position, as to preclude the enemy from approaching by water. All above 
 the age of sixteen, capable of bearing arms, were enrolled and exercised as 
 soldiers. On the 29th of October, the Mayor and Aldermen resolved to call 
 to their assistance such as they might think fit, to consider of the protestation 
 to be taken by all the inhabitants of the City above the age of sixteen. Col. 
 Taylor and Col. Colston to attend the Governor, or his Deputy, " to consult 
 and certify his opinion thereon," and " if approved, all citizens and freemen 
 are to take the protestation, also the Garrison and strangers in the City." 
 
 The following was the oath or protestation taken on the 2nd of November, 
 by every loyal member of the Corporation then present, including the Mayor, 
 nine Aldermen, the two Sheriffs, and twenty-one Common Councilmen: — 
 
 " I do seriously protest before Almighty God, that I will to the utmost of my 
 power, and with the hazard of my life and fortune, keep and defend the City 
 of Bristol for his Majesty's use, against all forces that shall or may attempt it, 
 by virtue or colour of any order or ordinance, made or to be made by the two 
 Houses of Parliament now in Westminster, without his Majesty's Royal assent 
 thereunto. And this protestation, according to the literal and plain sense and 
 meaning of the words before by me spoken, I do freely and voluntarily make, 
 without any equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. 
 So help me God." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 113 
 
 The protestation was submitted to the Governor and other authorities. 
 At the same time, a considerable sum of money was lent by the civic 
 powers, for defraying the expenses of the fortifications. A general 
 subscription for the same purpose was also set on foot, and each Alderman 
 was directed personally to canvass his ward, accompanied by the Clergyman 
 and other parochial authorities. In addition, " It was agreed that a troop 
 of horse should be raised, for the necessary defence of the City ; whereupon 
 those of the House then present, did voluntarily oifer to furnish as followeth."^ 
 
 Almost the last loyal bonfire that probably would blaze in the old City for 
 many years, took place on the fifth of November. It is thus related : — " Bon- 
 fire made before the Mayor's door, the King's holiday, 3s. 4^." The bon- 
 fires were a test of the political merit of the householder, before whose 
 doors they were kindled ; the larger the fire the greater the loyalty. In the 
 midst of warlike preparations, — in the midst of poverty, disease, and death, — 
 it must have been with mournful observance the pile was fixed. It could 
 not irradiate the gloom that ominously loomed over the drooping fortunes of 
 the King, — it could not brighten the hopes of the brave but depressed hearts 
 which stiU clung to his broken cause. Amongst many entries, we will select 
 one more, showing the yet remaining loyalty of the Chamber, struggling to 
 maintain itself against adverse circumstances, — against poverty, and almost 
 against hope!^ 
 
 1 " Col. Taylor and Alderman Creswicke, two torses, completely furnished. The Mayor; Alder- 
 men Hooke, Gonning, Long, and Locke ; Nathaniel Cale and "Wm. Sevan, Sheriifs ; Thos. Colston, 
 John Gonning, "Wm. Cann, Arthur Farmer, and John Young, each one horse, completely furnished. 
 And the following contrihuted each one horse, only without the appendages, — "Wm. Fitzherhert, 
 Gabriel Sherman, Thos. "Woodward, "Wm. "Wyatt, George HeUier, Eichard Bahnaa, Henry Creswicke, 
 John Bush, "Wm. Colston, Eobert Challoner, Robert Tate, and Robert Blaokborrow." 
 
 2 "A present of "Wiue sent to Bath, to OUver St. John, a the King's Solicitor General : — 
 
 Tierce of Claret £3 
 
 22 Gallons of Canary 4 8 
 
 Cask of Canary 5 
 
 Excise, £1 : 5 — Porterage, 6d 1 5 6 
 
 The Chamberlaia's Horse Hire with Mr. "White to Bath 10 
 
 Carriage of "Wine to Bath 10 
 
 £10 8 6" 
 
 « " Men used to name him the Ship-money Lawyer, the political ' dark-lantern.' " 
 
 Q 
 
114 EDWARD COLSTON. 
 
 The sums required by Charles at the rendering of the City, — the demands 
 of Prince Rupert for the repairs of the fortifications, and support of the Garri- 
 son, — the voluntary contributions, presents, &c., already obtained from the 
 citizens, — may in the aggregate be nearly arrived at from the details which 
 have been placed before the reader. In 1645 the loyal disposition of the City 
 was again put to the test, by a further taxation upon the inhabitants, for 
 the entertainment of Prince Charles; who, March the 11th,' came to reside 
 here with his Council, — including Sir Edward Hyde, the Duke of Richmond, 
 and Culpepper, the best and truest friends of the King. The Great House 
 on St. Augustine's Back, had been prepared for his reception. Warburton 
 alludes to this visit, — " March, The Prince of Wales is now gone to Bristol, 
 under Lord Hopton's especial care. Lord Berkshire's nominal governance, and 
 his Council's direction. The south-western counties had associated themselves 
 ' for peace, and for the King,' and the Prince of Wales was specially their 
 General. His own forces consisted of two imaginary regiments, quaintly 
 described by Lord Clarendon as to he raised by Lord Capel, and at Lord 
 Capel's cost."^ 
 
 The Corporation having had notice of the intended honour about to be paid 
 the City by the presence of the Prince, in the first place set about providing 
 a store of wine for his Highness's comfort ; and March 8th it was ordered 
 that — 
 
 " A Hogshead of Sack, ditto of White, and two ditto of Claret, with coal and wood, be 
 sent to the Prince's lodgings by the Chamberlain." The cost of the wine appears in 
 the audit: — " 1 hogshead of Canary, £14 — 3 ditto of Gascoyn, £16 : 10 — Excise, 
 £5— Hauling, 2s. &d." 
 
 1 In a letter from George Digby to Prince Kupert, dated March 5th, 1645, he says : — " Since 
 your Highness's going, my Lord Hopton is come hither, and haviag represented unto his Majesty 
 the state of the Garrison at Bristol, it is, upon a fuU debate at the Committee which your Highness 
 was wont to honour me with your presence, thought fit to be represented imto you, as most neces- 
 sary to the support and improvement of the GaiTison of Bristol, whither the Prince of Wales is 
 to-morrow going." — ^WAJBBTmiON's Prince Rwpert, Abstract of Correspondence. 
 
 2 A body of horse and foot, as his Highness's guards, and £100 a week for his support, had been 
 promised by the Commissioners of the four counties. But the Commissioners had failed to fulfil 
 their promise. The Prince ui consequence met the Commissioners at Bridgewater, on April the 
 23rd, where he remained a week; with what result we do not leam.." —Prince Rwpert, III., 68. 
 
1645.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 115 
 
 The Corporation provided the above, and placed it in the cellar for the 
 entertainment of the Prince and suite; — their next consideration M^as to 
 obtain beds for their noble visitants ; accordingly, on March 9th, they issued the 
 following singular notice : — " Whoever of the City shall furnish and lend any 
 bedding or furniture for the Prince's accommodation in the Great House on 
 St. Augustine's Back, shall have the same safely restored to them ; and in case 
 any shall be lost, or spoyled, the same to be made good to them."^ 
 
 "Mr. Fitzherbert, Mr. Langton, Mr. Balman, Mr. Wyatt, and Mr. Tate, 
 members of the Corporation, each lent a feather bed, a mattrass, a bolster, two 
 pillows, two pillow bearers, [cases] a pair of sheets, and a pair of blankets." 
 There was also sent a quantity of pewter, purchased of John Knowles, a 
 Pewterer, at a cost of £19. 
 
 Furthermore we learn, that, on the 15th of March, it was resolved to present 
 the Prince with £500, and that three shillings and upwards was the weekly 
 contribution rated on each person in every parish.^ This amount was pre- 
 sented to him on the 5th of April. 
 
 At the same time another resolution was, " That the Mayor, and Alderman Wallis, do 
 consider of a remonstrance to be presented to the Prince, and his Council, of such 
 grievances as shall be thought fit." Some of the parishioners were unable to pay 
 the rate and the deficit was borrowed from the Mayor. 
 
 "Paid Alexander James, Mayor, £70, to make up £500, which should have been 
 collected of the inhabitants ; which money was presented to Prince Charles, 5th 
 April, 1645." And with a curious minuteness, we are informed there was "Paid 
 for five money bags, to put in the money presented to Prince Charles. .£0:1: 8." 
 
 1 " Paid Nihan, for her attendance, when the bedding and other things were brought to fumish 
 the Great House on St. Augustine's Back, for Prince Charles, and for one dinner, 5s," 
 
 2 Eeferring to the contributions that were leried upon the citizens for the support of the Grarrison, 
 we read, "April 3rd. The order for his Highnesses Council for makirig good £400, in provisions 
 for the Garrison, and said to be due for contributions from the 4th of January last, ordered to be 
 made good in provisions by the Chamberlain, on behalf of the City." The Prince appears to have 
 been somewhat exacting in his expectations, and is informed as much by the Mayor and Aldermen. 
 — May 15th. "Whereas Prince Charles having propounded to the Mayor and Aldermen, the loan of 
 £400, for present service, and that the same "should be allowed out of the arrears owing by the 
 inhabitants, which are pretended to be very great. The House are of opinion that thei/r many 
 former advances of money, and the quartering of soldiers duly considered, there can be nothing due for 
 old arrears upon the weekly contribution. That the Mayor and Aldermen do give a meet and fair 
 answer to his Highness." 
 
116 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 No incidents or casualties occur to vary the monotony of the preceding 
 records. They contain all the information we can adduce in reference 
 to the Prince's sojourn here. Apparently he was well satisfied with his 
 reception by the citizens, remaining amongst them till the fear of the plague, 
 and the approach of the enemy, occasioned his removal, — first to Bath, where 
 some of our Council waited upon him, with a petition, — and thence to Barn- 
 staple.^ But we must not depart from our locality, to pursue his wanderings. 
 It is not our province to tell of the vicissitudes of his early career, his changing 
 fortunes, — from peace to strife, from gloom to sunshine. — After many years we 
 shall again behold him enter the old City, a crowned King, — not altogether 
 forgetful of its former hospitality, but withal thoughtless, profligate, and 
 unfeeling. 
 
 The citizens, weary of their burthens, apply to the Prince for relief. We 
 learn that he must now have left the City.^ 
 
 " May 22rd, The Sheriffs Cole and Bevan [were desired] to travel to Bath, with a 
 petition to the Prince his Highness, to take off contributing to the Garrison, and 
 payment for the charges of the frigates." 
 
 It remains to be seen how the expenses for the Prince's entertainment were 
 obtained from the needy and harassed citizens. 
 
 " July 19th. Lord Hawley and others, by order from the Prince, propounded to the 
 Mayor and Aldermen, the payment of £40 or £50 weekly, towards the payment of 
 his Highnesses housekeeping during his abode in the City; and that it was expected 
 by his Highness from the City."^ 
 
 " It was agreed the sum of £200, shall be raised upon the able inhabitants of the City 
 and presented unto him as a gratuity, which the;^ hoped his Highness wiU accept in 
 
 1 Soon after he set out on this journey, a letter came from the King reoominending that the 
 Priace should reside at Mr. Smyth's, at Ashton. — SErEE, II., 428. 
 
 2 Consequent upon the Prince leading the Great House in St. Augustine's Back, there were certain 
 expenses which were paid on the 16th of July. Though otherwise trivial, they throw an amusing 
 hght on the character of the times. — "Paid to HaUiers, Porters, &o., and to Mr. Perry's man, £1, 
 for two days' attendance, and for wine, heer, &c.; in sending home the bedding and chairs from the 
 Prince's lodgings, and the Bishop's house, which were lent by several men at Prince Charles' 
 being here." 
 
 3 "Warburton says, " His Eoyal Highness Hved at Bristol, at Lord Hopton's expense, the King 
 having not one penny in his exchequer to bestow upon him." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 117 
 
 discharge and satisfaction of the weekly payments demanded for the use aforesaid." 
 This appears an extraordinary compensation for the Chamber to propose, in lieu of 
 a weekly assessment of from forty to fifty pounds, for upwards of two months. 
 
 Loss of trade, combined with the expenses of the war, had impoverished the 
 merchants and tradespeople, and consequent want of employment for the 
 labouring classes, had left numbers of families wholly without the means of 
 support, for whom the City was necessitated to provide. To the bane of 
 poverty, real and tangible to many, — its indescribable, blighting, withering 
 cares, anticipated by more, — were added the horrors of an invisible agent of 
 destruction, before which the garrison diminished,'"^ and the inhabitants sick- 
 ened, paled, and died. Sorrow and mourning spread through the plague-smitten 
 City, — and voices of grief and anguish were heard from the homes of the 
 bereaved. Even hope had almost sunk within the hearts of the distressed 
 citizens, as humbled by afflictions, war, and pestilence, — they awaited the issue 
 of the great struggle. Till then. Peace could not smile again upon their 
 dwellings, nor employment and industry pursue their tranquil and ennobling 
 course. But the tale of misery is told in the simple, touching pathos of the 
 records of this period. There is poverty and the existence of great calamity 
 expressed upon the page. Though trifling be the facts, they have significance 
 for what they shadowed. 
 
 ' August, 1645. The auxiliary and trainbands, by interruption of trade and commerce, by the 
 pestilence then raging there, by their poverty and pressures laid upon them, were reduced to eight 
 hiuidred; and the mariners, for want of employment, betook themselves to other ports, or to the 
 enemy. — Waebtjeton's Prince Rupert, III., 166. 
 
 2 It is said one hundred and fifty died in a week, a One of our Calendars relates that " there 
 was then (1645) a mortality or sickness, or pestilence in the City which continued until near 
 Christmas following. Whereof in the parish of St. Michael died 180 persons or thereabouts." 
 "Weston, the associate of Perdinando Gorges in his " Colonization of Nations," who had received by 
 grant from the Crovm large territorial rights in America, died here at this time from the " sickness" 
 as it was called. — Hist. New Dnglani ly Thomas Peince. This is probably incorrect as to the time 
 and manner of his death. "A gentleman of quality," of the name of Weston, belonging to Prince 
 Eupert's Troop, was shot on Durdham Down, on the 8th March, 1642, when retreating from the 
 City, after the failure of Yeamans' design. — Setee II., 356. 
 
 a " October 1 5th. Mr. Thomas Colston, and Mr. John Gonning to confer with the Governor, and, in his ab- 
 sence, with Col. Slingsby, for removing to Knowle House, or some place without the line, persons infected in the 
 Castle. Knowle House being considered by Lord Hopton as a deshable place.'' 
 
118 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " 10th July, 1645. The House agreed that Thomas Wickham, carpenter, who had laid 
 
 out one hundred and thirty pounds odd, in building hutts and other things by their 
 
 order, shall have the same made good by the City. And that the 2 great seales 
 
 given the said Thomas Wickham for one hundred pounds on Saturday last, the other 
 
 portions to be paid him at different times specified." 
 
 " It is further agreed that the 36 pounds already lent by the brewers, and what other 
 
 monies shall be lent by any other companies, or by any other well disposed towards 
 
 the relief and maintenance of the sick and infected people of this City, now in 
 
 great want and necessitie, shall be made good by the Chamber of this City, and 
 
 shall have writing or instrumentes made for that cause." Such was the afflicted 
 
 strait to which the City was reduced, when the army under Fairfax and Cromwell 
 
 appeared before its walls. 
 
 When the movements of the Parliamentary force gave indication of the 
 
 approaching siege, Prince Eupert came to Bristol to prepare the City against 
 
 the attack. From his narrative of the state of the garrison, we learn that 
 
 he gave orders " for all the inhabitants to victual themselves for six months ; 
 
 and upon strict survey, there were 2,500 families then remaining in the City ; 
 
 whereof 1,500 through indigence and want could not, provide for themselves. 
 
 To supply this deficiency, 2,000 bushels of corn were imported from Wales ; 
 
 and on the certain approach of the enemy, all the cattle thereabouts were 
 
 ordered to be drove in."^ 
 
 The first manifestation of the enemy's design appeared in the arrival of 
 some Parliamentary ships in Kingroad, for the purpose of blockading the 
 City. It was not, however, till August 17th, that the Council of War finally 
 resolved to march for Bristol. Two thousand horse were sent before, under 
 Commissioner General Ireton, to preserve the neighbourhood of the City from 
 plunder and fixing, and thus secure quarters. These " military saints" dese- 
 crated Bedminster Church by its appropriation as a stable. Saturday, August 
 23rd, says a Parliamentary pamphlet, " the army encompassed the City round, 
 both on Gloucestershire, and Somersetshire side, our horse having been there 
 some days before, to prevent the burning of the houses and villages adjacent, 
 whose occasional coming saved the burning of Stapleton, Hanham, and other 
 
 J August, 1645. The Conmiissioners entrusted for the coiitrihution and support of the garrison, 
 upon the enemy's approach, ahaudoned the Town, and many considerable persons had liberty given 
 them, and quitted the Town, which much weakened and disheartened the rest. — State and, Condition 
 of the City and Garrison of Bristol. Ppince Etjpeet, III., 167. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 119 
 
 towns, which the enemy had sent out parties of horse with fire-balls to set on 
 fire, but that our horse repulsed them, but that Bedminster, Clifton, and other 
 places they consumed by fire.^ The enemy omitted no opportunity to solicit 
 the minds of the inhabitants, trained bands, and auxiUaries ; and to that 
 purpose, sent secretly in these lines following, signed and sealed by Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax and Oliver Cromwell ; as likewise, further instructions to the citizens 
 of Bristol, for the delivery of Bristol to the Parliament : — 
 
 " We do hereby promise and engage ourselves, that all such citizens of Bristol, now 
 inhabiting within the said City, which shall from henceforth forbear to resist the 
 army under our command, in the attempting to enter the said City, and the lines of 
 defence, and forts made about it ; and shall appear to do their best endeavour for 
 the delivering in of the same into our hands, for the use of the Parliament, shall, 
 in case the said City be delivered into our hands, be secured and protected by the 
 authority of the Parliament, in the enjoyment of their lives, liberties, and estates, 
 as freely as in former times, and as any other persons under the obedience of the 
 Parhament, notwithstanding any past acts of hospitality, or any other thing by them 
 done, in the former delivering up of the said City to the enemy, or maintaining it 
 against the Parliament, or otherwise, in assistance of the enemy. For assurance, 
 and in testimony whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, this twenty- 
 fifth of August, 1645. Subscribed and sealed by 
 
 " Thomas Fairfax, 
 " Oliver Cromwell." 
 
 " Upon the interception of which paper, his Highness caused several suspected 
 and active persons to be restrained which prevented the design, and, withal, 
 by his personal presence, secured the great fort from surprisal." Doubtless 
 there were many in the City disaffected to Royalty, whom the Garrison had 
 kept in order. Cromwell in relating its capture observes : "Some inducement 
 to bring us hither was the report of the good affection of the Townsmen to 
 us, but that did not answer expectation." ^ 
 
 1 The enemy, upon tlie 22nd of August, appeared before the town, upon Pine [Pile] 
 hill to the south side. To encoimter them, his Highness sent a party of horse, commanded 
 by Sir Eichard Crane, who, ia that action received his death wound ; a httle before that, Bedmin- 
 ster was fired, upon intelligence the enemy intended to quarter two thousand men ia it ; and, 
 notwithstanding the fire, the enemy drew thither, and pUed their small shot aH night. — Prince 
 Rupert, III., 167. 
 
 2 "Whitelock says that " Prince Eupert disarmed divers of the citizens, and fired Bedmiuster, 
 and some villages near Bristol, and the whole Temple Street, m the City." 
 
120 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Our Calendars, with the usual indifference of their writers to the curiosity 
 of succeeding times,, do not inform us who were the suspected persons that 
 suffered the penalty of imprisonment. They contain in fact nothing relating 
 to the general operations of the siege, nothing of the raging of the civil 
 warfare, — nothing but what may be conjectured from the constant recapitu- 
 lation of guns, and pikes, and powder, drums and trumpets. The fortresses 
 bristle with cannon, — the guards are doubled at the gates, — whether against 
 Puritans or Royalists is never fairly stated — it is left for the sequence of 
 events to disclose the invisible enemy. When the chronicler sadly and briefly 
 notes the " distractions and troubles" of the City, it is at a considerable stretch 
 of his descriptive powers. The passages we have so frequently quoted of 
 its distressed state — standing alone without the familiar facts of history, 
 detail only the duties of citizenship at an unhappy time, proclaim only 
 the advent of some great crisis. We could not infer from the limited infor- 
 mation of these periodical entries, that the people had risen in arms against 
 their King, — that the best and noblest blood in the country had been shed 
 in his defence, — and that now the heart of his cause was broken, and the 
 power of Eoyalty was no more ! 
 
 As copious extracts from the Parliamentary journals, and from other con- 
 temporary pamphlets, occupy the pages of our local historians, giving ample 
 accounts of this siege, we shall rapidly pass it over, staying only to note any 
 incident that from its interest, or its novelty should claim attention. The 
 following entry is chiefly remarkable for the desire and anxiety evinced that 
 strangers should partake of the burthens of the citizens, — and what is some- 
 what curious, it suggests the anticipated surrender of the City, two days before 
 the summons of Fairfax, and seven days before the actual storming occurred : 
 " 2nd day of September, 1645. The House thinks fit that the goods of strangers, as 
 well in the Backhall as in other cellars, shall be left wholly to the Commissioners to 
 dispose of for and towards some gratuity required to be given and be bestowed 
 upon the common soldiers. Mr. Alderman Long and both Mr. Sheriffs, are desired 
 
 to treat with Mr. Pindar touching these four particulars : 
 
 " 1. What the gratuity required may be. 
 
 " 2. The goods of strangers may be taken as parte of it. 
 
 " 3. That in raising the residue, strangers in town at the time of rendering it and 
 
 remaining in the towne, may pay with the inhabitants. 
 «4. That these fines may free the City from other fines, or impositions, or 
 delinquents, or others for the future. 
 
HIS LIFE AISID TIMES. 121 
 
 " Agreed that nine of the committee for raising [the gratuity for] Prince Rupert shall be 
 of this committee. Eight of the council and four of the commons are appointed 
 and desired by this House to raise £1000 upon the inhabitants, which is agreed 
 by the House to be offered as a gratuity, and this money to be raised by the discre- 
 tion of the committee with all equality and indifference." 
 The 4tli of September the City is summoned to surrender, by Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax ; we give an abstract of his letter to Prince Rupert. — 
 
 " Sir, — For the service of the Parliament I have brought this army before the City of 
 
 Bristol, and do summon you in their names to surrender it, with all the forts 
 
 belonging to the same, into my hands to their use. Having used this plain language, 
 
 as the business requires, I wish it may be as effectual with you as it is satisfactory 
 
 to myself, that I do a little expostulate with you about the surrender of the same, 
 
 which I confess is a way not common, and which I should not have used but in 
 
 respect to such a person and to such a place. I take into consideration your Eoyal 
 
 birth and relation to the Crown of England, your honour, and the virtue of your 
 
 person, and the strength of that place which you may think yourself bound and able 
 
 to maintain." 
 
 After this preamble, Fairfax proceeds to show that " the King, misled by 
 
 evil councillors or through a seduced heart, hath left his Parliament under 
 
 God, the best assurance of his crown and family;" and that the sad effects 
 
 " this schism hath produced in the three kingdoms, are visible to all men." 
 
 A principal cause of their fighting, he pleads, is to maintain the Crown of 
 
 England where it ought to he, and " to punish those wicked instruments to 
 
 justice" that have misled the King to adopt the ill-judged course of rejecting 
 
 the guidance of " the great council of the kingdom, instead of being advised 
 
 by men of whom the law takes no notice." He points out to the Prince that 
 
 his surrender of the City would restore him to the endeared affection of the 
 
 Parliament and the people of England. He appeals to the righteous God to 
 
 be judge between them, and requite the wrong " if so great, so famous, and 
 
 ancient a City, and so full of people, be exposed to ruin and extremity of war." 
 
 And, he adds, " let all England judge whether the burning of its towns, ruining 
 
 its cities, and destroying its people, be a good requital from a person of your 
 
 family, which hath had the prayers, tears, purses, and blood of its Parliament 
 
 and people." After a pathetic remonstrance not to pursue the unnatural 
 
 warfare, he concludes: — 
 
 " I expect your speedy answer to this summons with the return of the bearer this evening, 
 
 and remain " Your Highness's humble servant, 
 
 " September 4th, 1645." " Thomas Faiefax. 
 
 R 
 
122 EDTVARD COLSTON, 
 
 The Prince briefly replies :— " Sir,— I received yours by your trumpet, and desire to 
 
 know if you will give me leave to send a messenger to the King to know his 
 
 pleasure therein. I am your servant, Rupert." 
 
 To this request Sir Thomas objects on account of the delay. While pending, 
 
 the Prince has been negotiating with the Common Council, who resolve 
 
 September the 5th, — 
 
 " That the Cittie shall accept of the proffer of his Highness Prince Rupert, touching 
 the taking of the free quarter, both of horse and foot, from the inhabitants, and that 
 in lieu thereof, there shall be £800 in money disbursed upon goods and commodities, 
 as [illegible] wines, ginger, and the like, at moderate rates and prices. And it is 
 further agreed that those of this Cittie that will not take some reasonable proportion 
 of these goods, being men able and not doing duty in person upon the lyne, shall 
 notwithstanding pay so much weekly as they are rated at for free quarter. The same 
 to be issued for supply of those of the trainbands and auxiliaries that need it, according 
 to amount agreed on at the last House." 
 
 The deliberations between Fairfax and the Prince continued till the 9th of 
 September, when the Trumpeter returned with an unsatisfactory answer from 
 the latter.^ Fairfax issued orders for the City to be attacked on the following 
 morning, at two o'clock. The signal was given by setting fire to some straw 
 and fagots, and the firing four great guns against Prior's Hill Fort, when the 
 storm immediately began to rage around the City, with all the combined horrors 
 of darkness and carnage " terrible to beholders.'" To be brief. The City was 
 on fire in several places. According to some authorities the whole of Temple 
 Street was burned. " All the lines from the Eoyal Fort down, and the 
 suburbs were taken, with Prior's Fort, in which only two Royalists were left 
 alive.^ Then Prince Eupert surrendered, to save blood, upon high terms." ' 
 Humanly regarded, this conduct for which he has been severely censured, 
 
 1 The essential articles of dispute, says a writer quoted by Seyer^ are " exenvption from- seques- 
 tration. — Cathedral men to continue, against which there is an ordinance — the worhs to he demo- 
 lished, and no garrison hereafter. 
 
 2 Prior's Hill Fort, so obstinately held out, that when taken, the soldiers were so httle prepared 
 to show mercy by the opposition that they met withal in the storm, and the refusal of quarter when 
 it was offered, that they put to the sword the commander (one Major Price, who was a "Welshman), 
 and almost all the officers, soldiers, and others in the Fort, except a few which at the entreaty of 
 our officers were spared their hves. — ParUamentary Kelation. Babeeit, 236. 
 
 3 Moderate Intelhgcncer, Friday, Sept. 12, 1645. — Prince Enpert, III., 182. 
 = 11., 446. 
 
HIS LTFE AND TIMES. 123 
 
 prevented an useless sacrifice of life, and the destruction of property to a most 
 calamitous extent. 
 
 During the attack the Corporation lost a distinguished member, and 
 the King a devoted subject, in the death of Col. Taylor. The day previous, 
 he had attended the Common Council, for the purpose of filling up some 
 vacancies, — that attendance was his last ! When the hour of peril approached, 
 he shrunk not from. the duties of his command. He was on the Une, with 
 a party of the Royal Horse when the enemy entered by a gap the pioneers 
 had made. Forced with his party to retreat he fell mortally wounded. He had 
 marked his place in our records in times of factious discords, and momentous 
 councils. The struggle and the strife was over, — and he had passed to the last 
 best resting place of weary humanity — happy that he lived not to behold the 
 enemy trample through the streets of his loved City, and lord it over his 
 dwelling ! The few lines of the historic page which tell of his honourable 
 death, are his enduring monument. 
 
 From his house in Broad Street,^ a mournful procession issued on the 13th 
 of September, — following his body a few paces to the Church of St. John, where 
 it was deposited in the family vault. So great was the disorder and agita- 
 tion, — so violent had been the disruption to aU familiar customs and hallowed 
 rites, that no funeral bell was tolled on the occasion of the melancholy 
 burial.^ 
 
 Among the losses sustained by the Eoyalists, may be added to those inci- 
 dentally named, Sir Bernard Ashley,^ Col. Daniel, Major Reade, Col. Fortescue, 
 Lieut.-Col. Pomfrey, and Capt. Hill. There fell among the Puritans, Major 
 BetheU, Major Cromwell, [cousin to the Lieutenant General] Capt. Guilliams, 
 and about two hundred men.* 
 
 1 On tie site now occupied by Messrs. Phillips and Co., "Wine Merchants, and lately by the 
 Exeter Eailway Company. 
 
 2 1^0 other allusion is made to the death of this gallant Cavalier, than if he had gone quietly 
 to his rest. We may almost imagine the satisfaction with which the Puritan pen records his demo- 
 cratic successor. — " 20th October, 1645. This day, Mr. Eichard Aldworth is chosen to be an 
 Alderman, in the place of Mr. Alderman Taylor, deceased." 
 
 3 " Sir Bernard Astley, who was taken prisoner, was carried to Bath, where he died of his wounds, 
 Sept. 16th, 1645." — Prince Rwpert, I., Appenddx E, 471. 
 
 4 "At Stokes Croft Gate, the officer-in-chief, who was Major of the town, was slain." — Prinee 
 Rwpert, III., 175. 
 
124 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 During the siege, the General Fairfax and Cromwell, remained at a farm 
 house situated on Ashley Hill, above Eennison's Bath, about half a mile from 
 Prior's HiU Fort. They were sitting at the top of this Fort which had been 
 taken during the storming, when " God to show the watchfulness of his 
 providence over them," brought them into some danger, and deUvered them 
 out of the same graciously, a piece of ordnance was shot thither from the 
 Castle, and the bullet grazed upon the Fort within two hands breadth of 
 them, but did them no hurt."^ This remarkable escape, combined with other 
 instances of a like nature, the natural occurrences, incidents, and chances, of 
 a life of warfare, was regarded by Cromwell as a miraculous interposition of 
 Divine Providence! It kindled his enthusiasm, and gave vigour to the genius 
 that raised him to the pinnacle of his fearful ambition. That night, the 
 General, with Cromwell, removed from their quarters at Ashley Hill, and 
 came to Bristol, An affecting picture is drawn by a Parliamentary writer, of 
 the miserable strait to which the evils of civil war had reduced the once 
 prosperous City. " They [The General and CromweU] found it so unlike 
 what it had been formerly, in its flourishing condition, that it looked now 
 more like a prison than a City, and the people more like prisoners than citizens, 
 being brought so low with taxations, so poor in habit, and so dejected in 
 countenance, the streets so noisome, and the houses so nasty, as that they 
 were unfit to receive friends or freemen till they were cleansed." ^ 
 
 An involved account says, " Sept. 11th, according to the articles, Prince 
 Eupert marched out in this manner, having first drawn all his foot into the 
 Eoyal Fort and Castle, his horse standing on the green, under the Fort, 
 within the line, those waggons appointed for him being laden with his bag- 
 gage, in all not above eight. He drew out part of his foot and horse before 
 his waggons, and part following, himself next, with his Life Guard of fire- 
 locks came forth, all in red coats, before him, and his Life Guard of horse 
 following, accompanied with some Lords, viz. : Cromwell, Grandison, &c., by 
 a numerous train of nobihty,^ ladies, and gentlemen, five hundred horse, and 
 fourteen hundred foot. Col. Hammond's regiment of foot standing at the 
 
 1 Seyer II., 451. 
 
 2 Ibid, II., 458. 
 
 3 Lord Hawley, Lord Lumley, CoL John EusseU, Sir Matttew Appleyard, Col. Tillier, CoL 
 Fox, Cols. Eobert and Walter Slingsby, Col. Murray, Lieut. Col. Osborne. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 125 
 
 post to receive the keys of the fort and march in. Lieutenant General Crom- 
 Avell, Col. Montague, Col. Eainsborough, and some other officers, waited at the 
 post of the fort for his coming out, and waited upon him to the General, who 
 accompanied him over Durdham Down. The Prince was clad in scarlet, very 
 richly laid in silver lace, mounted upon a very gallant black Barbary horse. 
 The General and the Prince rode together, the General giving the Prince the 
 right hand all the way." "A great appearance there was of the country to see 
 the marching away of the Prince, and extremely cryed they out against the 
 Prince, ' give him no quarter, give him no quarter !' " There were many whom 
 the outrages committed by the Garrison had provoked. Prince Eupert and 
 his followers had obtained no enviable notoriety, for their marauding expe- 
 ditions ; it is indeed recorded that " the cause of sitting down before Bristol 
 was to prevent the plunder and cruelty of Prince Rupert in that country. "^~^ 
 
 " The General upon his return from escorting the Prince, received the keys of 
 the Royal Fort, which is one of the finest citadels in England. In it were twenty- 
 four pieces mounted on five bastions. Victuals in abundance of all sorts, eighty 
 or one hundred tons of beer, bread sufficient to serve almost 100,000 men a 
 day. Upon the line, castle, and forts, might be in all about two hundred pieces 
 of ordnance, mounted ; two or three barrels of powder, two great magazines 
 of arms, some say, three or four thousand ; the City itself being the next to 
 London in the kingdom : all this success is the Lord's doings, which ought to 
 be marvellous in our eyes." 
 
 The King was at Ragland when he received the fatal news of the loss of 
 Bristol. He had had the fullest assurance from the Prince that he could 
 defend it for four months, and intending to make it his head quarters, was 
 forming schemes and collecting forces for its relief. The Prince was severely 
 censured by the King in a letter written at Hereford, wherein he described 
 the loss of the City as the " greatest trial of his constancy that had yet be- 
 fallen him." Charles writes from Newton, to Prince Maurice, Sept. 20th, that 
 he is " confident that this great error proceeded not from change of affection, 
 
 1 "Prince Rupert has been especially upbraided with slaughtering of children, and some very- 
 godly persons have hinted that he ate them too." To such an extent had distorting fame misrepre- 
 sented his character, — at the same time that his most hitter enemies could not advance one single act 
 of inhumanity against him. 
 
 2 Parliamentary Journal. — Prince Rupert, III., 182. Seyer, II., 452. Whitelock. 
 
126 EDWARD COLSTON. 
 
 but merely by having his judgment seduced by some rotten-hearted villains." 
 With Kupert's departure from our City, his interest, locally regarded, ceases. 
 His character seems to have been little known or understood. "Warburton 
 says in his vindication " his true memory lies hidden under the calumnious 
 cloud of Puritan hatred, and Eoyalist envy, and disparagement. He was 
 bravest among the brave ; honest among knaves ; reproached as pure by pro- 
 fligates ; philosophical among triflers ; modest among boasters ; generous in 
 his lifetime, and poor at the period of his death." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Election of Mayor — His Removal, witli thirteen of the CouncU, by Fairfax — Preaching Officers — Money levied 
 on the City to restrain the Soldiers &om plundering — Removal of the Orthodox Clergy — Iconoclastic Fury 
 of the Mob — Injury to the Ecclesiastical Structures — Fire on Bristol Bridge — Resolutions adopted in conse- 
 quence — The Plague — Monies lent by the Corporation on the Public Faith — Licentiousness of the Garrison — 
 Imprisonment of an Alderman — The City put into a Posture of Defence— Death of Charles. 
 
 The possession of Bristol by the enemy was fatal to the King's cause. 
 Cromwell's intoxication with continued success, betrays itself in a letter to the 
 Parliament, couched in humble phrase, and in accordance with the temper of 
 his party. He calls the capture of Bristol, " the work of the Lord, which 
 none but an Atheist could doubt;" and says, " God hath put the sword in the 
 Parliament's hands, for the terror of evil doers and the praise of them that do 
 well." In the same strain he continues. — " It may be thought some praises 
 are due to these gallant men, of whose valour so much mention is made ; their 
 humble suit to you, and all that have an interest in this blessing is, that in 
 remembrance of God's praises they may be forgotten. It is their joy, that 
 they are instruments to God's glory, and their country's good. It is their 
 honour that God vouchsafes to use them. Sir, they that have been employed 
 in this service, know that faith and prayer obtained the City for you." This 
 event was considered of so much encouragement by the Parliament, that 
 September 17th it ordered a General Thanksgiving for the taking of Bristol 
 should be observed on the next Lord's day,— to be held by the rest of 
 the kingdom on that Lord's day fortnight, the 5th of October. The news- 
 papers of the time inform us, that the day appointed, September 21st, according 
 to the order of Parliament, Cromwell's letter on the taking of Bristol was read 
 in " the several congregations about London, and thanks returned to Almighty 
 God for the admirable and wonderful reducing of that City. The letter of the 
 renowned Commander is well worth observation." Traditionally associated 
 with Cromwell, is a mooring-post, built into the masonry of the wall of St. 
 Mary-le-port Churchyard, to which his barge is said to have been moored after 
 
128 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the capture of the City. Its historical association is, however, somewhat 
 dispelled by the grave consideration, that unless for a pleasure party, Cromwell 
 could not himself have had the slightest opportunity of making use of the 
 barge ; nor could it have been of any material service to him. Connect the 
 post with the landing of the Lord Lieutenant, on his return from his sanguinary 
 and cruel massacres in Ireland, and the tradition comes within the bounds of 
 probability.^ 
 
 Scarcely had the disquietude, confusion, and alarm of the captured City 
 subsided, when the annual election of the municipal officers pressed upqn the 
 attention of the Corporation. After duly considering their critical position, the 
 Mayor [Alexander James,] and Council, resolved to send submissively to Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax, desiring his guidance in the choice of a chief magistrate. 
 Sir Thomas in the most courteous manner declines to interfere, and begs them 
 to adhere to their ancient custom. Beguiled by this unexpected permission, 
 it was implicitly followed. The Royalists did not perceive the subtlety, and 
 with great simplicity elected one of their own party, Francis Creswicke. The 
 first Sheriff was the obstinate visionary, Walter Stephens, the other, John 
 Young, a name of repeated occurrence in these pages. As might have been 
 foreseen, a Royalist would not be long suffered to occupy the extreme civic 
 dignity. Creswicke was soon displaced, with many of the Chamber whose 
 sentiments were supposed adverse to the dominant power. An order of the 
 Parliament, dated October 28th, directs the removal of the following^ 
 " Aldermen and members of the Common Council, being disaffected to the 
 
 1 On taking down the shambles, an old mooring post, with an iron ring much worn, was dis- 
 covered, anciently used by the vessels lying in the river below. This post was removed to the 
 Church about the year 1750. Barrett says it stood vnthin the north door, against the east side, 
 under the monument affixed to the north wall, to the memory of Thomas Smith. It is still to be 
 seen, inserted into the stones, near the centre of the western extrenaity of the churchyard wall. 
 How it has been preserved, and from what cause destined to survive the hand of improvement that 
 has changed the aspect of all around, is now unknown. By most, so simple an object may be disre- 
 garded. It is only by connecting it with the relics of bygone days and things, when ships loaded 
 and unloaded then- cargoes in the port below, where now the present Bridge Street stands, — it is 
 only by contemplating the vast changes with which it is associated, that it becomes an object of 
 dreamy interest for busy imagination to speculate upon. — ChwoJies of Bristol, 146. 
 
 2 Francis Creswicke, Mayor; Humphrey Hooke, Eichard Long, Ezekiel "Wallis, Alexander 
 James, Thomas Colston, William Ktzherbert, Henry Creswicke, "William Colston, Nathaniel Cale, 
 William Bevan, Eichard Grigson, John Elbridge. 
 
1645.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 129 
 
 proceedings of Parliament, and active in promoting the designs of the enemy, in 
 these times of war and danger." Furthermore, it desires the Committee of 
 Parliament^ sitting in the City, " to enquire into their delinquencies, and 
 report to Parliament for their judgement." It appoints John Gonning Mayor, 
 removes Creswicke, and all inferior officers who can be proved delinquents, 
 and adds to the Committee of Parliament then sitting in the City. By a 
 second order, dated November 1st, Alderman Eichard Aldworth, Eichard 
 Vickris, Luke Hodges, " who for their fidelity to Parliament had been 
 displaced," were now to be admitted into the government of the City, " the 
 Parliament having proof of their great integrity and great suffering in their 
 cause." The 19th December, General Skippon, the Governor, came personally 
 to the Council House, and in the presence of the Common Council, directed 
 the two ordinances of Parliament to be read, to which every one submitted. 
 The next day Creswicke yielded up his office, with the Sword and Cap of 
 Maintenance, to Mr. John Gonning, " who was then sworn Mayor." 
 
 Fiennes, it will be remembered, had extorted from this said John Gonning, 
 who refused to take the oath tendered by the Parliament, the sum of £200. 
 His loyal principles must therefore have declined, with the waning fortunes of 
 his party. He had forsaken his King, and we now behold him appointed by 
 the Parliament chief officer in the City. Gonning had not sacrificed his for- 
 tunes for the sake of consistency.^ He had watched the current of events. 
 " He seized the exact moment for deserting a falling cause." He had suffered 
 in person and purse for his loyalty, but finding that cause hopeless, — himself and 
 others had changed sides, with a promptitude that did credit to their discern- 
 ment, if not to their fidelity. The Committee of Parliament had now purified 
 the Chamber of the " Malignants," as far as it could discern. The Corporation 
 at its next meeting consisted of the members mentioned below.' In the mean 
 
 1 General Skippon, Edward Stephens, Alexander Popham, John Ashe, Eichard Aldworth, 
 Eobert Haynes, Dennis HoUister, George Harrington. 
 
 2 " One who in such an age is determined to attain civil greatness, must renounce all thoughts 
 of consistency." — Macauxat, II., 182. 
 
 3 Convocatio Domus Consilii, 30 die Decembris, 1645. John Gonning, Mayor; John Tomlinson, 
 George Knight, John Locke, Eichard Aldworth, Aldermen ; John Toimg, "Walter Stephens, Sheriffs ; 
 Gabriel Sherman, Myles Jackson, Thomas Lloyd, "WUHam Cann, Eichard Yickris, Thos. Woodward, 
 Luke Hodges, George HeUier, Matthew Warren, "Walter Deyos, Henry Gibbs, Eichard Balman, 
 Joseph Jackson, Hugh Browne, Walter Sandy, Arthur Farmer, John Bush, Eobert Challoner, 
 
130 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 time, October 1st, Col. Fleetwood had been made Governor of the City, and 
 November 21st, Major-General Philip Skippon, " that real piece of valour, 
 humility, and sincerity," was appointed Governor of the Castle/ The sum of 
 £200, a month was ordered to be levied upon the City, in aid and support 
 of the forces in the Garrison. A City regiment was also raised,^ officered by 
 the following citizens — Capt. Hart, Sen., Capt. Grigg, Capt. Pope, Capt. Eoe, 
 and Lieutenant Richards. They were trained by Major Samuel Kem, who 
 received government pay. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that Bristol was a conquered City, under military 
 law, filled with a successful soldiery. These had been disappointed in their 
 hopes of plunder, according to the conditions of surrender.^ But to ensure their 
 forbearance, Sir Thomas Fairfax reminded the Chamber that it would be 
 necessary the sum of £5000, should be levied upon the inhabitants, to be 
 presented to them as a gratuity. To this the Chamber not only consented, 
 but the 4th of October resolved, on the casting vote of the Mayor, that the 
 sum levied should be £6000. The demand was urgent. Experience had taught 
 the Eoyalists that it was necessary for their own safety, to prevent a spirit 
 of discontent from arising amongst the soldiery. They therefore desired to 
 render them an acceptable offering; and Col. Colston, who in such a case 
 naturally knew what was most required, voted for the £6000. The Chamber, 
 in the hurry of compliance, hold no very conscientious scruples how the 
 money was to be obtained ; — it was ordered that " All strangers' goods in the 
 Back Hall and other cellars, [were] to be sold toward some gratuity to be given 
 to the soldiers." 
 
 William Dale, Eobert Tate, Eolsert Blaokborrow, "William Peimy, Jacob Croft, Thomas Armory, 
 George Hart. At which Meeting they chose as members, Edward Tyson, George White, Josias 
 Clutterbuok, and George Lane, — who took the oaths. 
 
 1 " General Skippon was commissioned by the Parliament, in 1646, to carry £200,000 (half the 
 price set upon Charles by the Scots,) iato Scotland, to induce them to deliver the King into the 
 hands of his enemies." — Kmsht's Pictorial History of England. 
 
 2 On the surrender of the City, the trainbands and the auxiliaries yielded up their arms, which 
 were placed under the GuildhaU ; and subsequently deposited for greater security in the Castle. 
 
 3 "That all the citizens of Bristol, and all noblemen, gentlemen, clergymen, and all other 
 persons residing in the said City and suburbs of the same, shall be saved from aU plunder and 
 violence, and be secured in their persons and estates from the violence of the soldiers, and shall 
 enjoy those rights and privUeges which other subjects enjoy, under protection and obedience to the 
 Parliament." — Setee, II., 450. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 131 
 
 No alternative remained for the Royalists, but to be humble and submissive; 
 and endeavour by concessions to obtain favourable consideration for the City. 
 Accordingly we find, October 6th, the Council judiciously selecting a Puritan 
 to negotiate ; — " Resolved, that Mr. Joseph Jackson and the Town Clerk, 
 should w^ait upon Sir Thomas Fairfax, the General, and request his recom- 
 mendation of the City to Parliament ; — and proceed from the General to the 
 Parliament, and prefer such petition to the Parliament, on behalf of the old 
 City." 
 
 Again we have a most conclusive fact as to the condition of the Chamber. 
 The £6000, " the gratuity to the soldiers," was not forthcoming so speedily as 
 desired. The delay produced some disagreeable intimations, that filled the 
 minds of the inhabitants with alarm, ! November 20th, £1500, part of the 
 amount which was ordered to be levied for his " ExceUencie, Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, by his especial order," was paid to some of his ofiicers ; the remainder 
 " being threatened to be collected by the common soldiery, to the great grievance of 
 the inhabitants;" it was determined, " that the Committee of Parliament residing 
 in the City, be intreated to postpone such until Monday next, and longer, if 
 necessary, and that the party in arrears be sent to." December 30th, a Com- 
 mittee^ of advice was appointed, to levy the arrears of the £6000. At the 
 same time, it was deemed prudent, to ensure the toleration and patience of the 
 Governor, that a pipe of Canary wine, and a tun of Gascoyne, " as a gratuity 
 from the City," should be presented to him. " It is plain the Corporation 
 esteemed [wine and sugar] a sovereign remedy for all the inward bruises of 
 the Commonwealth ; and ia this sense have tendered it to their august visitors, 
 both princes and statesmen, whenever they came here. Whatever, in fact, 
 was the aspect of afi'airs, when civil war was raging, or the vessel of the state 
 was plunging amid the breakers, as certainly as they were able to get hold of 
 the pilot, they endeavoured to fortify him with a little of their sherry ; and 
 generally, as the Corporation records show, with the additional present of 
 some fine white sugar, — as if to suggest its conversion into sack."^ 
 
 1 Aldermen Tomlinson, Knight, Lock, Ald-wortli : Mr. Viokris, Gribbs, Jackson, Browne. John 
 Gonning, the Mayor, was empowered to advance money, not exceeding £200, for the service of the 
 Parliament. In July, 1646, he advanced them £150, " which money is promised to be repaid by 
 the Committee of Parliament now resident in this City." — City Records. 
 
 2 Illustrations of Bristol History, by Samuel Lucas, Esq. 
 
132 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Unhappy citizens ! How vain the ventures of the merchant/ the toils of 
 the artizan — the profits of the one — the earnings of the other ; alike wrenched 
 from them by the arbitrary exactions of each martial power that successively 
 occupied the City ! We, who live in times of peace, and calm domestic quiet, 
 can scarcely estimate the blessings of that security for property, life, and 
 liberty, of which our ancestors were deprived ! What a melancholy picture 
 of the intestine conflict, is imaged to the mind on perusal of the following 
 entry : — 
 
 " August 16th. Paid Spurrier and others for burying the dead people and horses about 
 the line, by Mr. Mayor's order, £1 : 6." 
 
 These were the soldiers slain at the various skirmishes, before and at the 
 time of the attack. Amidst the trampled corn, or stubble of the harvest field 
 — on the pasture land, or broad barren down — by the roadside hedge, or river's 
 brink, had death o'ertaken them — and where they fell they lay. The sun 
 shone, the rain descended, and the darkness of night environed them. There 
 was a City to be taken — who cared for the nameless dead % There was an 
 enemy to be conquered — who cared for the unburied corpse % There was a 
 dynasty to be overthrown — who cared, when the hot blood burned and mad- 
 dened in the mortal confiict, for the dying groans of the prostrate life that was 
 ebbing fast beneath them. — Who cared % — let the sorrows that visited many a 
 household hearth mournfully relate ! ^ 
 
 An agreeable task to the serious civic potentates was now to be put into 
 execution. This was the act passed by the Parliament in 1644, appointing 
 committees to enquire after the clergy not well affected to its levelling prin- 
 ciples, and " to appoint Godly men to the churches." February 26th, 1646. 
 The " chosen servants of the Lord" who formed the standing committee for 
 
 1 The Merchants of Bristol suffered much from the Irish EebeUion in the loss of their ships. 
 The 12th December, after having had ten vessels taken, they petitioned the Pai'liament, complaining 
 of neglect in guarding the coast. 
 
 2 The wounded men were conveyed to Newgate and to the cellars of the Great House on St. 
 Augustine's Back. Prom an entry, August 17th, we learn there was "Paid by Mr. Mayor's 
 order, to John May for ten dozen of straw brought mto the Great House on St. Augustine's Back, 
 to put under the wounded soldiers, 17s. &d. William Dent and Anthony Wheeler, Surgeons, for 
 dxessmg many maimed soldiers, £3 : 10 : 8." The chai-ge for maintaining the soldiers was £3 : 10 
 weekly, which was paid by the Mayor [Francis Creswicke] who was promised repayment by the 
 Governor. 
 
1646.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 133 
 
 Bristol, sequestered the Eev. Eichard Towgood, vicar of St. Nicholas, " for 
 his great disaffection to the Parliament of England and their proceedings," 
 for which he was committed to Bristol Castle. He was followed by the Rev. 
 Eichard Standfast, Eector of Christ's Church. A few days previously, the 
 lectureship of St Werburgh's, which the latter held, had been given to Major 
 Samuel Kem,^ who had undertaken that duty since the surrender of the City 
 by Prince Eupert. Major Kem appears to have been one of those half sol- 
 diers, and half preachers, which the peculi9,r complexion of the times created. 
 He not only trained his regiment in military discipline, but also in spiritual. 
 In a letter written by himself in 1645, to the Eoundhead Earl of Denbigh, 
 we may take the portrait he there gives of another, as no inapt similitude of 
 himself. He says that the City is greatly moved " at a Lieutenant that goeth 
 up daily and preacheth in a scarlet coat with silver lace, and with a sword by 
 his side, and delivers very strange things ; he also holds the mortality of the 
 soul!"^ The multiplicity of sectarian opinions, and teachers in this City, 
 seems to have grieved the Presbyterian spirit of Major Kem. He speaks of 
 the time as being sad, but a more sad omen of " worser times even the rabble 
 of opinions in this City of Bristol ; of which I may say, that as the sword has 
 slain many, so hath error many more in a few moneths time. One while such 
 a man preacheth truth, and you are willing to pull out your eyes to do him 
 good; a little after you are ready to pull out his eyes, and he is a low man, and 
 not worthy your presence, and so discouraged." There is more of a similar 
 strain in the page from which we have made our extract, which the reader 
 vidll readily pardon our omitting. But compared with others, the Major's 
 sermons were neither enthusiastic, nor extravagant. It was no unusual thing 
 for officers to set up for preachers in their several regiments, without study or 
 preparation, which might have restrained the irregularity of their zeal. Illi- 
 terate, incoherent, noisy, and ludicrous, they gave utterance to the most 
 intolerable and inconceivable absurdities — ^insisting that they were guided and 
 
 1 " loth. February, 1646. The allowance formerly given to Mr. Standfast for preaching the 
 Thursday lecture at St. 'Werburgh's for the quarter, ended at Christmas last past, which cometh to 
 £6 : 5, shall he given to Samuel Kem, who hath performed the service for the quarter. March 10th. 
 He was chosen Major of the trainbands, to be paid a salary of £40." 
 
 2 Warburton's Prince Eupert. 
 
134 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 influenced by the miraculous teaching of the Holy Spirit, thus endeavouring 
 to throw obloquy on the regular clergy, who claimed no special interposition 
 of Divine Providence to enable them to fill their holy office. The " military 
 saints with hats upon their heads, and pipes in their mouths, loved to lie at 
 ease in our old desecrated churches, and listen to some ' hahe of grace,' in buff 
 and bandolier, blaspheming from the pulpit." For these " babes of grace" 
 were now removed — the Rev. John Pierce, vicar of St. Philip, — Jacob 
 Brent, vicar of Temple, and all the orthodox clergy, who were with many 
 other persons to the number of fifty, rigorously confined in the dungeons 
 of the Castle, and treated with great severity. To Constant Jessop, " a Godly 
 minister" and enthusiast, of most undisguised fervour, a " mighty favourite 
 with the Puritan Corporation," was given the ministry of St. Nicholas.^ After 
 he had continued here some time, " he was put by his ministry, as to Bristol, 
 to the great grief of all that feared the Lord in it ; whereby the City quite 
 lost him." Mr. Ralph Farmer was instrumental in effecting his removal. A 
 Mr. John Paul had the ministry of St. James. It was afterwards given to 
 Mr. Ralph Farmer, with the lectureship of St. Nicholas. Farmer was a high 
 severe Presbyterian ; most violent against the Quakers, who honoured him 
 with special marks of their attention. One Evens, a tailor, an Anabaptist, 
 was promoted to the pulpit of Christ Church.^ The recommendation of Sir 
 John Horner,^ a Roundhead, who had suffered for his attachment to the 
 Parliament, would be of course efficacious with the Corporation, and as the 
 vicarage of St. Philip was vacant by the sequestration of the Rev. John 
 Pierce, Sir John recommended his butler, Edward Hancock, as a meet person 
 
 1 " 25th February. This day the Tuesday and Thursday lectures at St. Nicholas and St. 
 "Werburgh Churches weekly, was confirmed and settled to and upon Mr. Jessop, now Minister of 
 St. Nicholas, and Mr. Paul, Minister of St James, who are to have the stipend for the same as 
 formerly was paid to Mr. Towgood and Mr. Standfast." 
 
 2 "Upon the petition of the parishioners of Christ Church, this House doth approve of Mr. 
 TiUaddams to preach in the said church, yet so as that Mr. Evens, the now Lecturer, be not hindered 
 or interrupted in preaching in the said church once every Lord's day, as now he doth and formerly 
 hath done. Mr. Blackwell and Mr. Aldworth are desired to draw up a letter in answer to ye letter 
 now read from General Disbrow, touching Mr. Evens, and that the same be read at the next House." 
 
 3 " "Wednesday, 17th July, 1644, the Eing went to Wells and stayed two nights at Sir John 
 Horner's, the King's by attaiader. Sir John had fought in "Waller's ranks at Lansdown and Eound- 
 way Down. — Prince Bwpert, III., 3. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 135 
 
 to fill the holy office, and the butler was appointed to undertake its sacred 
 duties.^~^ 
 
 We have noticed the ordinance of August, 1643, when " all images, pic- 
 tures, &c. having a superstitious tendency" were commanded to be destroyed. 
 Exception alone was made to "monuments, &c. not having that tendency."^ The 
 republican mob were, however, but very indifferent judges of the distinction. 
 Whether objects of religious regard, or honourable memorials to the " illus- 
 trious dead," — whether the idol before which the superstitious devotee had 
 knelt, or the tomb where affection's tributary tears had flowed, — whatever was 
 sacred in religion, or beautiful in art, escaped not their defaciag and destroying 
 hand, and many empty niches, and bare unsightly tombs, witness to their 
 sweeping vengeance. This they represented as " doing the work of the Lord." 
 Ostensibly, in God's holy name they violated His Tabernacle. As in ancient 
 days the inspired Psalmist wrote, " They break down all the carved work 
 thereof with axes and hammers." " They have set fire upon Thy holy places, 
 and have defiled the dwelling place of Thy name, even unto the ground." ^ 
 " What a pity it was" pathetically exclaims Bishop Hall, himself a witness to 
 similar outrages, " to see the Holy of Holies now thronged with Pagans, the 
 veils rent, the tables overturned, the altars broken down, the pillars demolished, 
 and the pavements digged up." 
 
 The ordinances were weU adapted to keep alive the religious enthusiasm 
 of the people. This expended itself in demolishing whatever sanctuary of the 
 Old Worship they could approach. So zealously did they enter into the work, 
 that our ecclesiastical structures were subject to every species of spoliation, 
 degradation, and indecency, to an extent hardly credible. From St. Mary 
 E.edcliff's the vandals tore down the ornaments and pinnacles, hurled the 
 statues from their niches, and destroyed every particle of curious stone work 
 that in their misguided judgment they regarded as superstitious. Not content 
 with this record of their fury, they forced open the doors and rushed hooting^ 
 
 1 JBarrett. Seyer. 
 
 2 At the Eestoration Hancock was removed, when he took a puhlic house at Horfield ; an 
 occupation for which his education and experience in his former capacity, must have rendered him 
 much better qualified than for the vocation into which he had been thrust. 
 
 3 At this period £3 : 7 was paid for "134 feet of new glass put in St George's Chapel [adjoining 
 the old Guildhall] the painted glass having been taken down by ordinance." 
 
 4 Psahn Ixdv. 6, 7. 
 
136 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 howling, and blaspheming through the sacred edifice. They ripped the brass 
 plates from the monuments, mutilated the effigies, overturned the Communion 
 table, tore down the rails and altar pieces, scattered to fragments the storied 
 windows, and laid their sacrilegious hands on every thing their cupidity and 
 inordinate zeal could approach. Then collecting in one wild heap all 
 inflammable materials, — chairs, rails, benches, pictures, curtains, cushions, 
 hassocks, bibles, prayer-books, and homilies, they fired the whole before the 
 defiled building, and danced like savages around the flaming pile. With a 
 march of triumph through the streets, they finished their " holy work," — tooting 
 upon the organ pipes, flaunting the cassocks and surplices which they had 
 stripped into streamers and flags, and shouting, bellowing, and uttering impious 
 and ungodly cries disgraceful to any age, but more especially abhorrent to a 
 civilized people. Fanaticism in its fierce and pitiless spirit had done its work, 
 and its victory was complete.'""^ 
 
 The Cathedral also sufi'ered many mutilations. The venerated structure 
 was despoiled of its enrichments, converted into a stable by the Parliamentary 
 troops, and its sacred walls defiled and polluted to purposes the most degraded 
 and the most vile. The Bishop, [Thomas Howell] says Barrett, was barbarously 
 treated. " His palace was unroofed, and his wife, who lay in child-bed, was 
 exposed to the rain and wind, from the effects of which she died." The 
 Bishop himself, who was dragged violently forth, expired in less than a 
 fortnight from the inhuman treatment he had received. Ten children were 
 rendered parentless by this unprovoked outrage of the barbarians, — excited 
 by the levelling ordinances of Parliament, — unchecked, — nay more, encouraged, 
 by the " heroic" Puritans. 
 
 The See remained vacant for fourteen years. Service there was, after the 
 Puritan fashion. But not for such had laboured the toilers of the past. In 
 the abandonment of its appropriation to the worship for which the earnest 
 piety of foregone generations had given with no stinted hand, — in its desecration 
 and mutilation, what a monument of reproach to the fierce and rugged men 
 
 1 Barrett. 
 
 ' Wtate'er the Popish, hands have built, 
 
 Our hammers shall undoe, 
 We'U hreak their pipes and hum their copes, 
 
 And puU down churches too." — Song hy Francis Qtjarles. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 137 
 
 who spared neither the highest nor the holiest. To whom no place was a 
 sanctuary, — no chancel was hallowed, — and no hoary pious usage in God's house 
 revered.^ " What occurred in the French Revolution happened here : an age 
 of impiety ! Society itself seemed dissolved ; for every tie of private affection 
 and of public duty was unloosened. Even nature was strangely violated. 
 From the first opposition to the decorous ceremonies of the national church by 
 the simple Puritans, the next step was that of ridicule, and the last of 
 obloquy."^ 
 
 The following entry, renders it very ambiguous whether divine ser\'ice had as 
 yet been performed at the Cathedral, since the ejection of the orthodox clergy : — 
 
 " August 8thj 1648. That the petition now read, touching allowance out of Dean and 
 Chapter lands, towards the maintenance of preaching in the Cathedral within this 
 City and other uses, it is thought meet to be preferred in the Parliament for the 
 obtaining an ordinance to that purpose therein expressed, and the Burgesses of this 
 City in Parliament are desired to pursue it with effect." 
 
 The effect was, that Walter Deyos, no friend to the monuments of the 
 discarded episcopacy, — but nevertheless a " God fearing Mayor," during his 
 year of office [1654-5] stripped the lead from the Cathedral and cloisters, 
 and deposited it with the Chamberlain. This was the preliminary step 
 to the ruin of the building. Like aU over-zealous Puritans, not content with 
 desecrating, he also sought to destroy. But amongst his brethren, were many 
 of higher and better feelings, whose religion was not hypocrisy, whose zeal 
 was not fanaticism, and who have left an earnest of true worth, piety, and 
 benevolence. These, caused the spoliation to cease. January 8th, " the 
 Chamberlain was ordered to sell the lead and to expend the proceeds in 
 the repairs of the Cathedral." With how niggardly a hand the reparations 
 were executed, will be apparent from the statement, that October 5th, 1658, 
 Jane Barry, Sextoness of the Cathedral, " was paid £79 : 8 : 6, for the repairs." 
 Prior to the 10th March, 1659, morning service had been resumed. — ■ 
 
 " Whereas there hath been noe preaching, either in the CoUedge, St. Augustine's, or the 
 Gaunt's, upon the Lord's dayes in the afternoone, whereby the children in the 
 
 1 The conversion of the Bishop's Palace into a malt house is well known. A miU was erected 
 there iu wMoh com was ground. It was even in contemplation to erect a furnace for brewing, at * 
 the east end of the choir in the Cathedral, ia the place of the altar. — Baebeti. 
 
 2 Mihier's History of "Whichester. 
 
 T 
 
138 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Hospitall of Queen Elizabeth in the Colledge Greene have very much wanted the 
 public ministry of the word near unto them, and there being a very considerable revenue 
 belonging to the said Hospitall, — It is enacted that twenty-four pounds a yeere shall 
 be paid for the maintenance of a Lecturer on every Lord's daye in the afternoone, 
 to be preached in the Gaunt's Church by such Minister as shall be chosen by this 
 House, at the preaching whereof the master and all the blewcotes shall be present, 
 and to begin the 20th of this month, March." 
 
 The City had experienced all the horrors of a great national convulsion. — It 
 stiU groaned under a military despotism, — and a blighting fell disease was 
 withering its population, and spreading terror throughout its streets ; ^ when 
 another calamity overtook the already affrighted, and afflicted citizens. An 
 alarming fire broke out February 17th, at ten o'clock at night, in the house 
 of a Mr. Edwards, an apothecary, on the Bridge, and destroyed all the houses 
 on both sides, from the " Virgin Mary" Chapel to St. Nicholas Gate, — twenty- 
 four or five.^ This conflagration probably destroyed that portion of the chapel 
 
 1 Three thousand persons had heen destroyed "by the plague during the last year. It still 
 continued to rage. Febmary 10th, 1646. The Chamber was ordered to levy £150, " for the 
 rehef of the infected, and for preserving those that are well." In March the Sheriffs were to 
 " consult with the Governor for convenient places within the line for pest-houses, in case the 
 sickness increased, and an additional £100 was to be levied for the rehef of persons infected with 
 the sickness." Neither was the Corporation, ia the midst of its many troubles and afflictions, 
 unmindful of its humbler brethren. This worshipful body, though now mostly composed of grim, 
 acerb, and solemn men, extended their sympathies for the necessitous. October 15th. " £156 was 
 lent by several members to purchase butter to be sold to the poor." 
 
 2 Evans says the houses were rebuilt with the lead and timber taken from Eagland Castle 
 and Parks. This royal stronghold was stoutly defended by the faithful Marquis of "Worcester, until 
 the cause for which it stood was utterly lost. Col. Morgan, in his letter to the Speaker of the 
 House of Commons, (dated before Eagland, June 29th, 1646), gives some account of the resolution 
 (obstinacy he calls it) with which the Castle was defended, and encloses Lord "Worcester's reply 
 to the first summons. " I make choice (if so please God) rather to die nobly than to Uve with 
 infamy ; which answer, if it be not pleasing to you, I shall not think you worthy to be styled 
 by me, " Your loving friend and Servant, 
 
 "H. "WOECBSTEE. 
 
 " From my house at Eagland, June 28th, 1646, for Colonel Morgan, Commander-in-Chief of the 
 forces before Eagland." In August, the Castle was surrendered on honourable terms, as to aU but 
 the person of the Marquis. " "Weighed down by the sorrows of eighty-four years, he was sent to 
 prison, rigorously treated, and forgotten by aU but those who ravened for his wealth. His name 
 appears but once more— on the 19th December, when ParUament ordered £1,000 to be allowed for 
 his funeral expenses." — Prince Eupert, III., 412. 
 
1646.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 139 
 
 which had escaped the rage of Walter Stephens, and his associates in 1643. 
 As we find for his distinguished conduct on that occasion, Sir William Birch, 
 of Westminster, granted to him and his sons, in 1649, " the two stone arches 
 on which the Priests' tenements formerly stood to be built upon." " In refer- 
 ence to this misfortune, February 25th, it was ordered that a rate be made to 
 pay for the quenching the fire, and placing rails or a wall to secure the passage 
 upon the Bridge of Bristol." We are inclined to think the " quenching of 
 the fire," arose rather from the simple fact, that in the direction it had taken, 
 there were no more houses to be consumed, than, from any power on the part 
 of the inhabitants to. stay its progress. They were even unprovided with an 
 engine — though it will be seen that after witnessing the destruction of their 
 property, and feeling their impotence to save, — according to the adage " when 
 the steed is stolen shut the stable door," they arrived at the wise conclusion, 
 that without loss of time, they would prepare themselves for a future con- 
 tingency. Bristol, at the period of which we write, betrayed an indifference 
 to avail itself of the improvements, and expansion of the age, until by general 
 adoption they felt compelled to follow in the rear of intelligence. How the 
 inhabitants were furnished with means for arresting the " devouring element" 
 we learn firom a bye law passed at the beginning of the Century — " Every man 
 of the Common Council of this City shall keep in his house six water buckets 
 of leather, on paine of twenty shillings ; and every other substantial person, 
 as they shall appoint, on paine of ten shillings." 
 
 With this circumscribed means of defence, doubtless our citizens felt secure, 
 and considered themselves provided against any extremity ; until the roaring 
 flames, the crackling timbers, and the falling rafters, taught them that some 
 thing more than buckets was required to subdue the enemy. Accordingly we 
 find, May 10th, Alderman Brown, was requested " to purchase an engine in 
 London, to be sent down with all speed." 
 
 This was not all. July ISth, it was furtlier Eesolved — " That hooks and ladders be 
 provided by the Chamber," and also that Mr. Powell " do provide an engine and 
 fifty buckets, for quenching fire, to be paid by the Chamber." The engine and 
 buckets were also purchased in London. Every member of the Common Council 
 were to provide six buckets at the least in his house. And the Mayor and 
 Aldermen were to have the same done in every parish, to be kept in the several 
 churches. 
 
14:0 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 3rd April, 1655. — It was deliberated that " for the better prevention of the increase of 
 fire, in case any happen, there shall be two ladders, one long, and the other short, 
 forthwith provided by every parish within the City, and the Churchwardens of each 
 parish are required to take care that the same be made accordingly." 
 
 Years after, we discover Bristol's citizens in no progressional state. They 
 rather seem to have relapsed into the inert condition, from which the fire on the 
 Bridge aroused them, when another calamity awakens them from their lethargy. 
 
 At the Presentment of the Grand Jury, 11th October, 1670, in the ninth clause, they 
 speak of the great danger " of the late fire in Eedcliff Street, where for a long time 
 buckets were wanting, and might, had not the goodness of God prevented, been 
 unconquerable by any ordinary means, before any conveniencies could be had, to 
 employ those who came freely to adventure themselves towards the quenching of it ; 
 we therefore desire that an order of sessions may now be made, that whatsoever 
 Sexton shall neglect to bring the parish buckets, within half an hour of the ringing 
 of the bell, shall be forthwith turned out of his place ; we likewise present that the 
 buckets are very insufficient, scarce one in a great number that is sound, and desire 
 that they may be made good, likewise that a convenient quantity of linkes and 
 torches be provided at the City charge, always to be had in readiness against times 
 of extremity by fire in the night, the want whereof was sorely experienced at the 
 ■late fire, the wind being high, candles could not he kept lighted." 
 
 We have noticed the sums of money advanced by the Chamber to the 
 Parliament from the commencement of the Civil War ; more especially after 
 the parliamentary forces had obtained possession of the City in 1642. These 
 loans were probably eventually repaid.' But we learn that November 6th, 
 1646, one large amount had not been returned, and in regard thereof it was 
 resolved by the Chamber, " that a petition should be presented to the House 
 of Commons, for the £3000, lent to the three counties." There are other 
 notices, which will throw some light upon this monetary transaction which it 
 is better to dispose of in this place. October 20th, 1647, Alderman Aldworth, 
 who had lent the money during his mayoralty, " was desired to compound for 
 the £3000, owed the City upo'n the public faith, and those that are interested 
 to have shares out of it." The 23rd of November, 1649, Aldworth, who had 
 just grounds for anxiety as to the safety of the money, " informed the House 
 
 1 May 2n(i, 1648, the Parhament voted the Corporation £6000, and by an ordinance of June 30th, 
 an additional £10,000. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 141 
 
 of his having received of the Parliament £3000, lent them in the year of his 
 mayoralty — the monies of orphans put into the Chamber for their use and benefit. 
 This service the House takes very thankful, and desires him to procure some Dean 
 and Chapter land wherein the said £3000, or thereabouts, may be laid out."' 
 The dealings of the new Government with the property of the episcopal 
 establishments, are significant of confused ideas of might and right. Power, 
 was law and justice. Commissioners were appointed in this City, for abolish- 
 ing Dean and Chapter Lands. The Bishop's Palace and Park, and the estates 
 of the Bishoprick, were to be sold ;^ and at this time, to adopt a commercial 
 phrase, were " in the market," which will account for the directions to the worthy 
 Alderman. An authority states that the Mayor and Commonalty did pur- 
 chase the manor of Blacksworth, 21st March, 1650, " with other things, 
 for the sum of £3838 : 1 : 2, which was paid to Thomas Noel and William 
 Hobson, two of the appointed treasurers.^ Whether the money Aldworth 
 held went towards this presumed purchase, we are unable to ascertain ; from the 
 singular fact, that the audits for 1650, and two following years, in which the in- 
 formation was probably contained, have unfortunately been lost. Were not 
 room so scanty, we should be glad to insert a few notices that evince the 
 scrupulous regard of the Corporation, for the safety of its charitable trusts, at 
 a time too, when the clamours of a rapacious soldiery were alarming, — and the 
 necessity of appeasing them imperative. Of this we must wait some other 
 opportunity of speaking. It will be seen from subsequent proceedings of the 
 Chamber, how faithfully its members performed their trust, and though money 
 at that season of swift vicissitude, may have been diverted from its proper 
 channel, we have no grounds for assuming it did not eventually return to the 
 support of those, for whom in charity and love it had been bequeathed. 
 Kindly human emotions appear to have chilled during this " reign of terror." 
 The records of private beneficence, and traces of that charitable spirit, which 
 plays like sunshine over peaceful times, are faint and low. 
 
 1 January following, the Chamber orders that "the amount due to Mr. Hodges, for his service and 
 salary ra Parliament, for divers years past he paid by Alderman Kichard Aldvt^orth, his fellow 
 burgess in Parliament, to the extent of £300, on account of the £3000, due to the Corporation 
 upon the public faith." 
 
 2 The Puritans shared the spoils of the Church among themselves and their adherents, by lavish 
 grants or such sales as were little more than nominal. — Southey's Booh of the Church, 507. 
 
 3 Barrett. — Questionable. Fo traces of the purchase to be discovered. 
 
142 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Two entries, that carry us beyond the vexations, spiritual and financial, in 
 which our poor ancestors were involved, — and we leave this subject. Facts 
 though trifling, when indisputable, have their significance. They exemplify 
 the feeling of the Chamber. We are at a meeting of the Council in 1677. 
 
 " Eesolved that Mr. Alderman Lawford do, before the next meeting of the House, 
 render an account of all the advantages and profits he has made of the gift money in 
 his hands at any time, since he has been Treasurer ; and that he pay aU such monies 
 to the Chamberlain made out of the same. If not, that immediately suit be com- 
 menced against him." 
 
 The Alderman acknowledges that he has £1300, of gift money in his possession, 
 which is ordered " with the monies on that account, in his custody be received by the 
 Chamberlain, and be put into a chest with four locks and keys." In 1680, the 
 Council enacted that the " Act of ParKament of the 39th of Elizabeth, for the due 
 emplojdng of all charitable trusts, be strictly enforced" 
 
 "So conscientiously," [says Barrett] "exact and scrupulously honest were 
 they in applying the money and estates left to the City's use, according to the 
 wills of the respective donors !" 
 
 Our search after the issue of the monies held by Alderman Aldworth, has 
 carried us speedily over years pregnant with events important to England's 
 liberty and greatness ; in some of these our City played its part. We return 
 to 1646. In April, letters from Ireland were received by the Parliament, 
 intimating that the Marquis of Ormond,^ was acting openly with the Papists 
 and insurgents, whose main design was to besiege Dublin. It was probably 
 arising from this intelligence, that some months after, the republican Corpora- 
 tion — never particularly alert' — considered of doing something to oppose the 
 object of the Royalists and Papists. November 16th, " £153, was lent by the 
 several members, to purchase powder and match, for the relief of Dublin, in 
 Ireland, and to he sent away with the greatest expedition." Here, after a delay 
 of six months, hasty measures are deemed necessary. The local character of 
 this work will not permit us to trace the Irish Rebellion. One peculiarity in 
 
 1 " The Marquis came to Bristol in 1647, and after some days' stay at his uncle's, Sir Eobert 
 Poyntz' house, at Iron Acton, in Gloucestershire, obtained from Sir T. Fairfax a pass to go to 
 London; and soon after, by the same means, leave to wait upon bis Majesty, the chief end of bis 
 coming to England. He went at the latter end of August to Hampton Court."— Caste's Ormond. 
 
1646-7.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 143 
 
 the extract, however, can scarcely fail of remark, — the preciseness with which 
 the situation of Dublin is laid down. Our readers must unite with us in the 
 regret, that our records are not equally particular and exact, when they inform 
 us of other things, not so generally known as the metropolis of a kingdom. 
 
 Although our loyal inhabitants were proscribed, — many exiled, and their 
 property sequestrated, — yet so conscious were the dominant party, that their 
 arbitrary measures were likely to raise a spirit inimical to their rule, that they 
 sought protection in physical force, rather, than from that moral power, which 
 subsists in a moderate and wholesome administration of the laws. 
 
 It was ordered, November 6th, that a " letter be written the Recorder, 
 [Serjeant Whitelocke,] and to the Committee of the West, to desire an 
 establishment of eight hundred foot for the Garrison." Our records teU us of 
 their arrival. — " February 10th, eight hundred soldiers coming into the City 
 from the army, to be received and quartered,^ at the discretion of the Mayor 
 and Justices, according to the discretion of the Parliament. The chief officers 
 undertaking for the payment of the soldiers according to the same directions." 
 
 The King was now a prisoner. — The Presbyterians and Independents 
 quarrelling, and striving for pre-eminence. Had the former triumphed, by 
 uniting with the concealed Royalists, it would have been fatal to Cromwell 
 and the Independents. At this period, the Presbyterians were acquiring an 
 ascendency over their opponents, that rendered it doubtful whether Cromwell 
 would be hailed as a patriot, or hanged as a rebel ! All this has been recorded 
 by able and graceful pens. What transpired in our locality remains for us 
 to relate. Some time previous to the trial of Charles, martial law mostly 
 prevailed. The people were compelled " to submit to that physical strength 
 which is the ultimate arbiter of political contentions." Their liberties, even 
 the most anti-cavalier writer must admit, were oppressed. For loyalty ^ — for 
 conscience, — faith, — duty, — and a reverence for things of the past, had been 
 substituted the revolutionary laws of fanatic men, who were guided by the 
 fancied teaching of the Spirit, and their own frantic wills. In the summer of 
 1647, Parliament submitted to its soldiers. The rapacious and ungovernable 
 
 1 "February, 1653. — Thomas Hobson, Imikeeper, and. G. Linelle, Gent., made oath, before 
 George Hellier, Mayor, that the Commonwealth was indebted to the Innholders of the City the sum 
 of £988 : 11 : 5, due to them for quartering of soldiers ; and that the Court of Parliament which 
 then sat in the City confirmed the account by signing it ; to be laid before the Grand Committee at 
 London." 
 
144 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 conduct of those who composed the Garrison at Bristol, under General 
 Skippon, is described as most intolerable to the inhabitants. The old City 
 ranted, raged, fermented. Never had the citizens been so tyrannised over. 
 The following is as suggestive, as the description of volumes would be, of the 
 fearful danger and insecurity of those unconstitutional and despotic days. — 
 November 23rd, letters were received by the Parliament from Bristol, informing 
 of a mutiny in the Garrison, and of their having seized and imprisoned an 
 Alderman there, [probably a Royalist,] until they should have a month's pay, 
 and indemnity for the outrage.^ The indignation of this important civic 
 potentate, may be easily conceived. The dignity of the whole corporate body 
 was insulted, their sympathies aroused, and their faith in the beauty of the 
 " patriotism," as exhibited by their military rulers was shaken. Complaint 
 was made to the Parliament. In reply, a letter was received by the General, 
 ordering the immediate discharge of the unfortunate captive, and directing the 
 soldiers to be reprimanded. The Aldermen were therefore to be exempt 
 in future from similar outrages. The exemption, it appears, was not 
 considered by the soldiers to extend to any lower in degree. Accordingly, 
 their next exploit was to kill a citizen ; for this, they were more than repri- 
 manded, — the three most active were sentenced to death.^ Our records do 
 not state that the sentence was carried into execution. But this does not 
 signify. It calls attention to the fact of the terrible ordeal through which the 
 City passed, during the reign of democracy and mihtary despotism. Little 
 cause indeed had the community to triumph in their escape from Monarchy, 
 with all the exactions of the " Star Chamber." It had yet to be seen, that 
 from out the chaotic mass of festering opinions, would spring, when the great 
 mind-struggle of the able legislators of that day was over, the glorious and 
 matchless constitution, that has rendered Britain the admiration and asylum 
 of the world ! ^ 
 
 Such was the social condition of the City. Blood had been shed, — lives had 
 been sacrificed, — treasure had been wasted, — and for peace and security, there 
 was inquietude, and unrest, — dissensions, distrust, and the bitter enmities of 
 
 1 Cony's History of Bristol, I., 462. 2 Evans. 
 
 3 " The cause, (of Charles,) if at first triumphant, wonLd have led to despotism and iatolerance ; 
 by such agencies the higher destinies of this great nation could not have been promoted or 
 achieved." — Macatoax's Eistory of England. 
 
1648.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 145 
 
 political and polemical factions. It was well known to the Government, that 
 though it had compelled the election of its creatures to all civic offices/ 
 that the wealthy, intelligent, and most distinguished citizens were loyal, — 
 only to be subjugated by arms ; and whose plotting and conspiring, created 
 continual apprehensions. They had been crushed, but not subdued. They 
 had been plundered, but not exterminated. They had been astounded at the 
 encroachments of the Parliament on the constitution, far greater than their 
 Sovereign had ever made ; but they had not ceased to hope ; and now, with 
 remarkable facility, were regaining some of the strength that had been 
 impaired. There was a reaction. Fearing the rising of the Cavaliers, Parlia- 
 ment felt the necessity of strengthening the fortifications, and commands were 
 issued for the walls about the Eoyal Fort to be made.^ The City was put into 
 a posture of defence, for which the Corporation received a letter of thanks 
 from Sir Henry Vane,^ Lord High Steward, [vice, Philip, Earl of Pembroke,] 
 and also a letter from the Parliament's Council of State, thanking them for 
 " the City's readiness for defence." 
 
 At this time the solicitudes of the Chamber are lessening. Only at great 
 sacrifices had it maintained its credit ; it was not unusual to pay eight per 
 cent, for the use of money. We have numerous notices to this effect. The 
 following will serve as instances : — 
 
 1 October 4th, 1649, the government of the City and Castle was given to Mr. Adrian Seroope, 
 and all posts were occupied by the paxtizans of the Parliament. June 19th, 1647, Parliament voted 
 that Bristol Castle and the Great Fort of Carnarvon shotild be continued. The keys of the 
 Garrisons to be delivered to the Mayor and Corporation, to be governed as formerly. 
 
 2 By an ordinance of May 10th, 1648, money was granted for fortifying Bristol in some new 
 places. Another, of June 21st, is for settUng the militia; and orders a sum of £1000, for the forti- 
 fication and victualling of the City. July 14th, the Chamber directed £200, to be levied on the 
 inhabitants for furnishing the auxiliaries; " the amount to be repaid out of the Excise." By an 
 act of Parliament in the following year, the citizens were obliged to pay £168 : 19 : Of, monthly, 
 towards the maintenance of the army. The Commissioners were, the Mayor, [for the time being,] 
 five Aldermen, and nine of the principal inhabitants. 
 
 3 1653. James PoweU, the Chamberlain, proceeded to London, to iavite Sir Henry Vane to 
 the City, which invitation he accepted. Por his entertainment there is the limited charge of 
 £11 : 10. Sir Henry's salary of £5:6 per annum, was four years in arrears : it was paid him in 
 gold. He was one of the regicides, for which he was executed ; and was succeeded in his office by 
 the Duke of Ormond. 
 
 XJ 
 
146 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " 16th October^ 1643. Mrs. Sarah Prim, to whom one hundred pounds are due, is from 
 henceforth to have eight pounds per annum interest, and soe accordinge to that rate 
 untLU the principall be paid." 
 
 Such was the value of money during the Civil Wars. In a very few years, so 
 great was the elasticity of the City and its commercial gains, that it appears 
 to be recovering itself from its late depression. Although its assessments for 
 the support of the army were numerous, and an unusual number of auxiliaries 
 were maintained, in apprehension of the rising of the Eoyalists, yet conclusions 
 favourable to the better prospects of the treasury, may be derived fi-om these 
 entries : — 
 
 " January 14th, 1649. Mr. Saul, servant to Sir Robert Pointz, lent the Chamber £800, 
 at five per cent, to enable them to pay Alderman Charlton £500, and Alderman 
 Holworthy £300, at eight per cent." " 10th February. This day it is ordered, upon 
 the petition exhibited on the behalf of John Lawes' children, that for the time past 
 there shall be seven per cent, allowed for the interest, and the principal to be paid 
 in as soon as convenientlie it may be; and in the mean time from henceforth only 
 five per cent, until it be paid in." 
 
 Since the date of our last extract, a terrible day has passed, — a monstrous 
 regicide has been committed ! There has been the mockery of a trial, but the 
 reality of a murder. — There has been a righteous King brought to the 
 scaffold, — slain by his own subjects, — before his own palace, — before the face of 
 day ! — In the name of Freedom, — in the name of Justice, — in the name of 
 Eehgion, — the " Military Saints" have destroyed an amiable and pious man,' 
 against whom they could produce no accusation, but infirmity of purpose. 
 Against whom they could lay no crime, to extenuate and absolve them from 
 their abhorrent deed ! Upon the sanguinary character of the last scene in the 
 direful tragedy, our chronicles take no note. A King is murdered. — The 
 cherished institutions of an ancient country are disrupted. — Church and State 
 are degraded and overthrown. The event has astounded all Christendom 
 and paralysed the land; but the tale in our records is unwrit. We only 
 behold upon the open page that a mighty power has been at work, — that an 
 
 1 In considering the character of Charles I. we must endeavour to distinguish between the 
 Sovereign and the man ; the latter was what Heaven and a thoughtful youth had made him, grave, 
 temperate, kindhearted, leanjed, and brave ; the former what King James and his vile Court had 
 rendered him, despotic, wilful, subtle, and insincere. — Prince Rwpert, I., 140. 
 
1649.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 147 
 
 important change has been effected,' — that stern fanatic men reign in the 
 Council, — that the laws are more intolerant, — the military more unbearable, 
 and cant and hypocrisy supreme. But wherefore the time-honoured name of 
 King, dear to English hearts and associated with England's glory, had been 
 erased from the municipal scroll, the pen of the recording scribe passeth silently. 
 And had the memory of a meek and patient Sovereign, sublimely triumphing 
 in his redeeming death, depended upon the archives of our City, the guilt of 
 rampant fanaticism, and unscrupulous ambition had been unknown ! 
 
 1 The oath of the Common Council, 1649. — ~We give the orthography and phrases according to 
 their ancient usage, where they are not of douhtful signification or otherwise Uahle to misconstruc- 
 tion. — "Tou shall sweare that you shall he true and faithfuU to the Comon "Wealth of England, 
 as it is now established without King or House of Lords,^ and to the Maior and Cominalty of this Citty 
 and their successors. Tou shall come att the Maior's somons to the GmldhaU, CounseU House, and 
 to aU other places within the franchises of the same, unlesse you shall have lawfull cause to the 
 contrary. You shall give good and holsome counseU, and advise, according to the host of your skill, 
 knowledge, and power, in all matters wherein you shall he required for the good and comon profitt 
 of this Citty. And noe partial! counseU or advise shall give for any favour or affection concerning 
 any matter touching the Maior and Cominaltie or comon profitt of the same Citty. And you shall 
 secretly keepe aU such matters as shall he secrethe communed of in the CounseU House, and which 
 ought to be kept secretly. And you shaU whoUy uphould and stand with the henifitt, comon profitt, 
 and Kherties of this Citty to your power, and truly and indifferently, without favour or partiality, 
 give your advise and counseU concerning the saine according to your skill and knowledge, soe helpe 
 you God." b 
 
 " This portion is evidently an interpolation wliicli took place after tlie passing of the act declaring the 
 Constitution a Commonwealtli. 
 
 l> Wednesday, the 7 th day of May, 1651. The former manner of expressing the assembling of the Corporation 
 in its classic diction, is suspended, and is rendered in plain English, " the calling of the House" varied sometimes 
 to " the calling of the Common CounseU of Bristoll." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Proclamation against Royalty read by command of the Mayor — Visit of Cromwell — Distinctions conferred by 
 the Corporation on Cromwell's Favourites — Life's Contrasts — Observance of Christmas day abolished — 
 Cromwell's Parliaments — Persecutions of the Quakers — Eestrictions for the Observance of the Sabbath — 
 Alarms — Conspiracies — General Desborow orders the Removal of three Aldermen — Destruction of the 
 Castle and Royal Port— Distress of the Labouiing Classes — Public and Private Pasts— Mr. Arthur Parmer 
 appointed Minister of the Chamber — Cromwell's Anxiety for the Safety of the City — His Letters to the 
 Corporation — Meeting of the Council — Visit of Richard Cromwell — Official Announcement of the Death of 
 the Protector — Proclamation and brief Reign of Richard Cromwell — Doddridge, the Recorder — The Soldiers 
 paid to prevent Plundering the City — Insurrection of the Apprentices — Admiral Penn — Last Meeting of 
 the Commonwealth Council — How Employed — ^Restoration of Monarchy. 
 
 The " glorious reign of freedom" had commenced. — An act was passed for 
 abolishing Monarchy. — A Proclamation issued declaring there was no King 
 in England, and the successors of Charles I. traitors to the State ! This the 
 Lord Mayor of London would not permit to be read; but the Mayor of 
 Bristol [William Cann] would. He was either more subservient, or fearfully 
 cringed before the dominant power. Or it may have been he had no scruples 
 of conscience upon the subject, — but considered it time all ancient institutions, 
 all ancestral predilections should be swept away. Acting therefore in this 
 spirit, he rendered himself notorious by taking the precedence of the whole 
 country. He ordered the Proclamation to be read according to the act. 
 The defacing and tearing down of the E.oyal arms and mottoes in all public 
 buildings followed. Every semblance of Monarchical Government was destroyed. 
 The 29th of May, an act was passed declaring and constituting the people of 
 England a Commonwealth and Free State. The triumph of Democracy was 
 complete.^ 
 
 Our City, which a few years past entertained a Sovereign and his train, 
 was now to extend its hospitality to one who had been instrumental in sealing 
 that Sovereign's doom. Oliver's presence was demanded in Ireland ; he was 
 to embark from Bristol. The Koyalists were making rapid progress in that 
 
 1 Seyer. 
 
1649.J EDWARD COLSTON, HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 149 
 
 unhappy land, under the command of the Duke of Ormond. The Eoman 
 Catholics everywhere predominated. Decisive measures were required to 
 support the Protestant cause, and stay the advance of the Eoyal forces. To 
 Cromwell the task was given, who with ruthless cruelties reduced the country 
 by almost exterminating the people.' 
 
 Assuredly the great local event of the year was the visit of Cromwell 
 on his way to Ireland.^ "This evening" [July 10th] runs the newspaper 
 paragraph of the day,^ " about five of the clock, the Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland began his journey by the way of Windsor, and so to Bristol, He 
 went forth in that state and equipage as the like hath hardly been seen, 
 himself in a coach with six gallant Flanders mares, whitish grey ; divers 
 coaches accompanying, and very many great officers of the army ; his life- 
 guard, consisting of eighty gallant men, the meanest whereof a commander or 
 esquire, in stately habit, with trumpets sounding almost to the shaking of 
 Charingcross had it been now standing ; of his life-guard many are colonels, 
 and I believe it is such a guard as is hardly to be parelleled in the world ; the 
 Lord Lieutenant's colours are white." The Perfect Diurnal, of July 16th to 
 the 23rd, says, "By letters from Bristol, we are certified that the Lord 
 Lieutenant came thither on Saturday night last, where he was royally enter- 
 tained by the soldiers, and officers in armes, and others who held offices by 
 order of Parliament. The citizens likewise expressed much joy at his coming, 
 and entertained him with great respect." 
 
 The Corporation had been apprised of the intended visit of Cromwell. 
 July 10th. " It is thought meet by the House, that convenient lodging 
 be provided for Lieutenant - General Cromwell, against his coming to 
 
 1 " Cromwell's murderous hand soon smote them to the earth. He slaughtered with a ruthlessness 
 only to he paralleled hy his prototypes, the chiefe of Israel, and with much the same object and 
 intention ; but he made Ireland pay a still more bitter penalty for opposition to his rule — he flung 
 her back a century in civilization, and perhaps for ever, in that hopeftd spirit so essential to the 
 prosperity of a nation." In an " Act for settling Ireland" occur these words, " that the people of 
 Ireland may know it is not the intention of the Parliament to extirpate that whole nation." — 
 WAEBTiaiON's Prince Rwpert, III., Appendix G. 
 
 2 4th July. The Parliament informed the House that sixteen hundred and sixty barrels of beer, 
 with other proportionable provisions, were ready in the City for the soldiers destiaed to that 
 country. 
 
 3 Moderate Intelligencer, July 5th to 12th. 
 
150 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 towne, being daily expected, for which cause 'Mr. Alderman Jackson's house* 
 is appointed for his entertainment and provision ; this to bee at the City's charge."- 
 Alderman Jackson's house is situated in Small Street, within a retired and 
 gloomy court. Its rooms are partitioned and set apart for oflSces, but traces 
 of their antiquity remain, in highly decorated chimney pieces, where, amidst 
 lavish ornament, the heraldic distinctions of the Jacksons are preserved. 
 CromweU, however, would not be much here. He would more probably be 
 at the Castle, issuing his orders, and energetically preparing for his embarka- 
 tion. His domestic affections are the only gentle thought united with his 
 memory; we may, therefore, picture him, — the day's business over, — as retiring 
 from the stern companions of the Garrison, to the quiet house, in the quiet 
 court, where the welcome of Mrs. Cromwell awaited his coming. In a letter 
 to his "loving brother-in-law," Richard Mayor, at Hursley, dated Bristol, 
 19th July, 1649, CromweU writes, " my wife, I trust, will be with you before 
 it be long, in her way toward Bristol." Though it was " thought meet" that the 
 Lieutenant-General should be entertained at the City's charge, there is no 
 payment in the Treasurer's accounts for that purpose. No civic banquet 
 honoured his advent. No municipal address congratulated, flattered, and 
 exalted him. He had great work to perform. No leisure for feasting and 
 ceremonies. The little leisure he had, was probably passed with Mrs. Cromwell 
 in the homely discussion of family affairs. 
 
 The extract above, is all our Corporation records contain, having reference 
 to this visit. It is not significant of any very joyous demonstrations, or 
 extraordinary preparations, as usual on the reception of royalty. Had 
 the Corporation issued forth in great pomp to escort the Lord-Lieutenant 
 to his lodgings, it would have scarcely passed unnoticed in our annals. We 
 may surmise, therefore, that the Civic Body, played second to the Military, by 
 whom the honours were performed. 
 
 1 "July Vth, 1651, a letter -was received by tie Parliament, stating that the house of Alderman 
 Jackson, near Bristol, had been burnt, with his children in it." — Evans. Alderman Joseph Jackson 
 was at this time Mayor. 
 
 2 At the same time Alderman Vickris " is content to provide a lodging for the Lord Chief Baron, 
 and it is agreed that the House shall be at the charges of his entertainment, for one swpjper or more." 
 The Alderman resided at the comer of High Street and the shambles, within St. Mcholas 
 Gate. — EvAus. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 151 
 
 It is remarkable, though Cromwell made some stay here, we should 
 have no particulars of his movements. In " The Perfect Occurrences" from 
 July 20th to the 27th, we are informed " The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland is 
 yet at Bristol, money is sent him, and under God, his Lordship will some 
 seven days hence, meet it at the water side ; and about a week after launch 
 for Ireland." 
 
 To which of the churches, Oliver repaired during the three Sundays he 
 was domesticated here, we have no mention; nor of the "Godly minister" 
 he favoured. It would, perhaps, be the most " savoury" in his discourse — 
 the most strict in his military discipline. There was the Lieutenant who 
 " preached in a scarlet coat with silver lace, and with a sword by his side." 
 There was Major Kem, and others among the Garrison, that attracted 
 great congregations. Again, amongst the civilians there was Sir John Horner's 
 butler, and a self-consecrated tailor. There was no lack of preachers, not 
 learned, nor othodox certainly, but that was no disparagement. We can 
 only grope through the dark obscurity surrounding him, and conjecture 
 him at other times " fuU of business, regimenting, discharging, enlisting, 
 new-modelling," and settling the affairs of the City. At the end of July he 
 quitted Bristol, moving westward, by Tenby and Pembroke, towards Milford 
 Haven. August 15th, accompanied by his son-in-law, Ireton, he landed near 
 Dublin with an army of 15,000 men.' 
 
 One notice, and only one occurs during Cromwell's visit, wherein his 
 name appears ; and even this does not imply his presence here. The 23rd 
 of July " Upon Lieutenant-General Cromwell's recommendation, it is agreed 
 that Eichard Allen, surgeon, be upon his petition made a freeman of this 
 City, paying the ordinary fees, who hath promised to keep no open shop for 
 exercising his art of surgery, to infringe the ordinance of the barber surgeons 
 without compounding with them, and upon that condition is to be made free." 
 The privileges of the barber surgeons, who clumsily wrenched out teeth, and 
 ignorantly prescribed drugs, must have been great indeed ; when a regularly 
 educated practitioner, whom we may suppose well qualified, could not be 
 allowed to follow his profession without compounding with his brethren of 
 
 1 During Cromwell's stay here, the "gallant and devoted "Will. Legge," Prince Eupert's valued 
 and esteemed Mend, -was ordered to be committed in Bristol for high treason. The Colonel was 
 therefore a "pruoner as usual" 
 
152 EDWABD COLSTON, 
 
 the pole, — who not only wielded the lancet, but had other qualifications, 
 extending to the clipping of hair, and the use of the razor.' 
 
 Bristol rejoiced in conferring its civic honours on Cromwell's favourites.^ 
 Perhaps the Commonwealth was grateful, and granted many privileges to the 
 Corporation, who had assisted so vigorously in its establishment. February 
 4th, the Chamber is so well pleased with Major-General Skippon, that it 
 elects him, and Major-General Harrison, the regicide, [afterwards executed,] 
 freemen of the City, and ordered that a letter of thanks be written to each. 
 What their thanks were for, not discoverable. Furthermore, the compliment 
 of electing them free burgesses of the Society of Merchants, was subsequently 
 bestowed, but with limitations ; " not privileged," so the record runs, " to 
 make their sons, servants, or apprentices, free of this society.^ A letter to be 
 written to them of admission, in thankfulness for their favours." * 
 
 Cromwell, whose services were now required in Scotland, left Ireton to 
 conclude the war in Ireland, — embarked for Bristol, — and arrived here in May, 
 " after a boisterous passage." He was received with a thrice repeated volley 
 of " great guns," and other demonstrations of joy. The Mayor [Myles Jackson,] 
 presented him with a "butt of sack:" the cost £20. And Mr. Mayor was 
 paid £10, " for entertaining the Lord General." Not a sumptuous entertain- 
 ment certainly, for so great a personage. Humble indeed, in comparison with 
 
 1 A complaint was made in 1663, by the Master "Warden, and Company of Barber Surgeons, 
 that persons unduly qualified had been taking apprentices, to the great prejudice of the Company. 
 This produced the following ordinance : — " Whereas, for the better government, and more flourishing 
 estate of the society and fellowship of the Master "Wardens and Company of Barber Chinirgions, 
 care hath been taken for the preventing of the multitude of apprentices belonging to the said trade 
 and mystery, which if exceeded the due number and proportion limited to each respective freeman 
 and member thereof, as in times past, would very much decay and impoverish the same, an unli- 
 mited number not being able to maintain themselves and families in any comfortable measure within 
 this City." The Master "Warden of the Company was restricted to three apprentices, the 'Wardens 
 to two, and the Members to one only at one time, under a penalty of 40«. 
 
 2 " June 2nd, 1657. — The Town Clerk and Chamberlain to present such gratuities to persons of 
 honour as are friends to the Corporation. 
 
 3 Harrison was originally a butcher, — did the merchants anticipate that he would become weary 
 of butchering men, and desire to set up again in his former trade, that they excluded any apprentices 
 he might take from the privilege they had bestowed upon himself? 
 
 * On March 9th, in the following year. Col. Adrian Scroops, Governor of the Castle, was also 
 presented with the freedom of the City. 
 
1650-1.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 153 
 
 the immense sums lavished on courtiers and nohles, for which the Corporation 
 had become famous. This expenditure, however, comprises the whole visible 
 cost consequent upon Cromwell's transit. His stay was brief. After a 
 triumphant journey to London, he. May 21st, took up his residence in the 
 palace of Whitehall. 
 
 Meanwhile, the apprehensions of greater evils, than even the desolation left 
 in the track of civil carnage, made the season one of anxiety and dread. In 
 the ominous order issued by the Parliament, is indicated the awful advent of 
 the Great Plague, — the lifting up of the chastening hand of the Omnipotent ! 
 And though not known in its dread and dire significance, yet the vague and 
 shapeless sense of the coming calamity, darkens the prophetic soul, — ■ 
 
 June 18th, it is directed, " One month's contribution be levied upon the inhabitants, 
 after the rate of £60,000 per month, throughout all England and Wales, for 
 the Plague. The Aldermen in each ward to appoint assistants, to aid them in 
 collecting. The Constables to have warrants for collecting." 
 
 " Tuesday next is thought a meet day for a private fast to be kept in this City, to 
 implore God's favour and mercy towards us in ceasing the sicknes now begunn ; and 
 Mr. Mayor is desired to speak with the Ministers of this City to that purpose ; and 
 that they give notice of it in the churches the Sunday before." 
 
 From a domestic humiliation, we turn to a national rejoicing. Cromwell 
 had, September 3rd, obtained a most complete victory over the Scots, at Dunbar. 
 " It was ordered that two copies of the Act of Parliament for a Day of Thanks- 
 giving, the 29th of this month, [September,] be sent to the churches, and 
 sixpence to the drummer Mr. Mayor sent about to proclaim the same." 
 
 The absorbing event of this year, [1651,] that annihilated the hopes of the 
 Royalists, — secured the dominion, and increased the fame of Cromwell, — was 
 the Battle of Worcester, — his " crowning mercy," as he was pleased to call it. 
 It took place on the anniversary of the Adctory of Dunbar, the 3rd of September, 
 Cromwell's fortunate day. At the close of the year, the vessel which conveyed 
 the body of the Lord Deputy Ireton, who had died of the plague, at Limerick, 
 came into Kingroad, — " Notice of which being forwarded to the Mayor of 
 Bristol, he sent a boat, covered with black, in which the corpse was brought 
 to the City. When the body was landed, a velvet paU was put over the coffin, 
 and the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, in their formalities, and the 
 Governor and his officers, with a multitude of citizens, attended the body. 
 
 X 
 
154 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 "On this occasion, the great guns were fired from the Castle and Fort."' 
 Nearly coincident with the above, a horseman, with his mistress seated behind 
 him on a pillion, entered Bristol at Lawford's Gate. He was unknown, unno- 
 ticed. But between him, and the ashes, that with gloomy solemnity were 
 paraded, there was a connecting link, — connecting, yet repulsive. — They were 
 the ashes of a fallen foe, — the mortal remains of an enemy, — of one, who had 
 sentenced to a traitor's doom, the august sire of the apparent menial, that now 
 journeyed through a City, whose allegiance to him and his cause had been 
 severed, — where there was no security, — where there awaited a thousand arms 
 to deliver him to captivity, — perhaps to death. — The place is evidently familiar 
 to the rider. He made no inquiries, but conducted his horse unheede.d through 
 the streets. He arrives in view of the lofty bulwarks of the Castle, its towers 
 and gigantic Keep. Their sight may have called forth latent memories ; for 
 here the horse was stayed, — turned aside, as though the travellers would take a 
 passing survey of the stately pile. But this was all — they halted not to rest at 
 inn nor hostelry — nor dismounted to refresh the steed. But quietly and leisurely 
 continued their course, through a narrow gloomy street, over the Bridge. And 
 thus in safety passed from out the ancient town, unsuspected, unchallenged, 
 and unknown. How strange are life's vicissitudes, its uncertainties, its contrasts ! 
 A King, disguised, passing obscurely through a half hostile City. — The mortal 
 remains of the son-in-law of the usurper of his kingdom, received with military 
 honours, and royal etiquette. — -In one quarter, pomp and state following the 
 ashes, as would befit a Monarch's obsequies ; — in another, a deserted, crownless. 
 Sovereign, in lowly garb, eludes the pursuit of his enemies, and passes in safety 
 to a less doubtful shelter, from the City of which he was the lawful Lord. In 
 after years, all its quaint and gorgeous pomp will be displayed, to welcome the 
 fugitive, — and he will be escorted triumphantly through its lately hostile bosom.^ 
 
 1 Cony's History of Bristol, I., 467. 
 
 2 Lord Clarendon, who lias given a circumstantial account of the escape of Charles after the 
 battle of Worcester, says, " There was no resting in any place tiR they came to Mr. Norton's [at 
 Abbot's Leigh] ; nor anything extraordiaary happened in. the way, save that they met many people 
 every day ui the way, who were weU known to the King ; and the day that they went to Mr. 
 Norton's, they were necessitated to ride quite through the City of Bristol, a place and people the 
 King had been so weU acquainted with, that he could not hut send his eyes abroad, to view the 
 great alterations that had been made there ; and when he rode near the place where the great Fort 
 
1651-2.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 155 
 
 One or two notices of local transactions for this year, to which the reader 
 need not pay more heed than they merit ; and we pass over a year dubious, 
 vague, and dim. Edmund Prideaux, Esq., who was Attorney General for the 
 Commonwealth, resigned the Eecordership, and Mr. Serjeant Whitelocke, 
 one of the Lords Commissioners for the great seal was chosen, September 
 llth.^ November 11th, James Powell was chosen Chamberlain, by the 
 recommendation of Oliver Cromwell, vice Chetwind. 
 
 It was at this time, that the festivities of Christmas were driven out of the 
 land by proclamation of Parliament. Its good cheer, — our old acquaintances, 
 mince pie and plum pudding, were persecuted and stigmatized as " carnal 
 abominations," — its amusements, "pollutions of religion," — its customs, "idola- 
 trous rites," — its church ceremonies, " Popish absurdities." A newspaper 
 paragraph informs us, that 24th December, 1652, " The House spent 
 some time this day about the business of the Navy, for settling the affairs at 
 sea, and before they rose were presented with a terrible remonstrance against 
 Christmas day, grounded upon divine scriptures,^ in which Christmas is called 
 Anti-Christ's masse, and those masse-mongers and Papists, who observe it, &c. 
 In consequence of which. Parliament spent some time in consultation about 
 the abolition of Christmas day, passed orders to that effect, and resolved to sit 
 on the following day which was commonly called Christmas day." ^ 
 
 had stood, lie could not forbear puttmg his horse out of the way, and rode, with his mistress behind 
 him, around it." — III., 419. Clarendon is here anticipating changes that did not happen until 
 four years after this escape. By the route Charles probably took, there could have been no obvious 
 difference since his last presence here. He approached the City, riding on a " double horse," before 
 Mrs. Lane, it is conjectured by the old Gloucester road, through "Winterboume and Stapleton; and 
 from thence to Lawford's Gate. Entering at Newgate, he passed along the "Weir, by the lofty 
 bulwarks of the Castle, and through the City, by the regular road, to the Eridge. 
 
 1 " September 27th, 1653. The House agreed that a letter be written to the Lord Commissioner 
 Whitelocke, to petition Ms Lordship to resign his place of Eecorder, in regard of his Embass"'' to 
 the Queen of Sweden, that a Eecorder may be chosen for despatch of the emergent necessities of the 
 Citty." October 10th, 1654. Mr. Eobert Cann entertained Lord "Whitelocke, at his mansion at the 
 bottom of Small Street. There is a charge upon the City fund of £20 : 14 : 8, for the cost of his 
 entertainment. 
 
 2 2 Cor. V. 16; 1 Cor. xv. 14 — 17; and, in honour of the Lord's day, grounded upon these 
 scriptures, John xxii. 1; Eev. i. 10; Psalm csvui. 24; Lev. xsiii. 7 — 11; Mark xvi. 8; 
 Psalm Lxxxiv. 10. — " Flying Eagle." 
 
 3 The long Parliament gave orders, in 1654, that the twenty-fifth of December should be strictly 
 
156 ED WARD COLSTON, 
 
 Great was the respect and fear of the nations of Europe for the power of 
 
 the Commonwealth. Never had the name of England been more formidable. 
 
 Cromwell had obtained and asserted its naval supremacy, by the victories of 
 
 Blake, the Puritan Admiral, over the Dutch fleet, commanded by the renowned 
 
 Van Tromp. Eobert Eicart says, referring to Blake's great victory, February 
 
 1653:^— 
 
 " It is to be remembered, that the Mayor and some of the Aldermen, assisted with 
 
 other honest citizens, upon the report of this good newes, made a collection through 
 
 the Citie for the wounded men, and gathered £200, in money, besides much good 
 
 old lynninge : all of which was sent and distributed at Weymouth and other 
 
 ports to the wounded seamen, which charitable act being taken notice of by the 
 
 Parliament, was so well received by them, that they sent the Citie the thanks of 
 
 the House in a letter from the Speaker." ^ 
 
 Eicart omits to notify another charitable act of our citizens, that took place 
 in the preceding year. We give the extract in its own language, as a specimen 
 of the manner of journeying in that age. It evidences, too, the safety of the 
 roads under the strict surveillance of the Commonwealth, which but a few 
 years before, had been so infested with bands of disorderly men, that communi- 
 cation between towns was so far unsafe as to put a stop to traffic. Now, 
 travellers without a guard could carry money in safety through a wild part of 
 the country : — 
 
 " Horsehire to Col. Popham, with Alderman Jackson, 2s. ; paid for a port- 
 mantle and pillion to carry money to Marlborough, 85. ; paid for horsehire for 
 myself (the Chamberlain), the Sword-bearer, and a Serjeant, and for expenses 
 in carrying the £227 to Marlborough, the City's " benevolence," three days 
 out, £2 : 12 : 6." What the " benevolence" was for, we may conjecture in 
 the absence of positive information, to be one of the secrets that the House, 
 on pain of forfeiture, was forbidden to divulge.^ 
 
 observed as a fast, and that all men should pass it, ia humbly bemoaning the great national sin 
 which they and their fathers had so often conuaitted on that day, by romping under the misletoe, 
 eating boar's head, and drinking ale flavoured with roasted apples. — Macaitiat's History, I., 162-3. 
 
 1 An entry ia 1652, has reference to the raising of men for this contest for naval supremacy. 
 Jan. 11th. " The charge for impressing one hundred seamen, to be sent to Portsmouth, by order of 
 the Council of State, to be reimbursed by the Mayor." 
 
 2 Seyer II., 470. 
 
 3 March 4th, 1652. " It was resolved that Members divulgmg the secrets of the House, to be 
 fined £10." 
 
1653.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 157 
 
 Although humanity unfolded the banner of Charity, and pleaded its cause 
 in a City where its appeals had never been heard in vain, — although signs 
 of returning prosperity were daily manifested, — yet the inhabitants had not so 
 far recovered from their late onerous burthens, as immediately to raise the small 
 sum of £200, for the wounded seamen. April 14th. " Settled by the Chamber 
 £12 should be paid Mr. Sheriff Blackwell and Col. Tyson, to make up the 
 £200, given the wounded seamen at Weymouth, who were wounded in the 
 fight with the Dutch." 
 
 Fifty of the Dutch prisoners were brought to this City. " The Castle with 
 its dungeons had been destroyed, as we shall presently see, and the crypt of 
 Eedcliff Church was converted into a prison. The 30th December, there was 
 " paid by order of the Mayor and Aldermen for thirty large bed matts, and 
 twenty more for the Dutch prisoners under Eedchff Church, at Is. 4:d. per 
 matt, £3:6: 8." The prisoners were removed hence, at the close of 1655, 
 bound together with cords, and conveyed in trows to Chepstow Castle. The 
 Sexton was paid 5s. " for cleaning the vault after them." 
 
 Cromwell having dissolved, with a just but rude hand, the Long Parliament, 
 summoned one hundred and thirty nine " known persons, fearing God and of 
 approved integrity," in whom, under himself, he would vest the supreme power. 
 One hundred and twenty of the individuals he had selected, met at Whitehall 
 July 4th. It was " the most intensely Puritanical of our political assemblies." 
 A more extraordinary collection of enthusiasts, visionaries, fanatics, and bigots, 
 can scarcely be conceived. A few, were of good family and of military 
 distinction, — a few, were persons of fortune and knowledge. Some, were 
 recommended by their lofty religious enthusiasm, — some, by their spiritual 
 ffifts, or the unctuous nature of their discourse. Others, were in the middling, 
 and humbler ranks of life, — low mechanics, fifth-monarchy men, Anabaptists, 
 Antinomians, " the very dregs of the fanatics." These extreme specimens of 
 their various sects, elevated to an assembly of such high dignity, were familiarly 
 known as the " Praise-God-Barebones" Parliament, a name commonly affixed 
 to it from a noted sectarian member, one Barbone,^ a leather seller, in London, 
 
 1 " Nearly all the ridiculous names giyen to the Independents at this time, as " Eedeemed 
 Compton" — " Pight-the-good-fight-of- Faith White" — " If-Christ-had-not-died-thou-hadst-heen- 
 damned Barebones," are pure iaTentions made fifty years after, by a clergyman of the Established 
 
158 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 much admired for his long prayers, sermons, and harangues. Another common 
 appellation of this assemblage was, " The Little Parliament." To this sancti- 
 monious gathering, Dennis HoUister, a grocer, residing in High Street, " an 
 Anabaptist elder and preacher,"^ was summoned to represent the intelligence of 
 our City. Dennis had already been captivated by the eccentricities of the 
 Quakers, and had gone over to that body. He was therefore qualified to do 
 credit to Cromwell's discrimination. One of the first resolutions adopted by 
 this Parliament was, " that no person should be admitted into the public 
 service till the House should be satisfied of his real godliness."^ These godly 
 agents were for abolishing the clergy, the tithes, the Universities, the 
 Court of Chancery, and the common law, — in the room of which they intended 
 to substitute the Mosaical institution as the sole system of English jurisprudence. 
 They entertained other projects alike retrograding, but had not leisure to adopt 
 any, except that which established the legal solemnization of marriage by the 
 civil Magistrate alone.^ Cromwell became ashamed and dissatisfied with his 
 preposterous legislators, and in little more than five months after their first 
 meeting, they were prevailed upon to dissolve themselves.* And thus ended the 
 legislative career of Dennis HoUister, and with it all trace of our favoured citizen; 
 
 Chiirch. Sir Anttony AsMey Cooper, afterwards so celebrated as Earl of Staftesbiiry, was of tMs 
 Parliament. — Pictorial History of England, III., 412. » 
 
 1 WiLiam Grigg [of wbom more hereafter] says that Dennis HoUister had asserted at their 
 meeting, that " the Scripture was the greatest blind and plague to men's souls this day in 
 England."— Sbyue, II., 500. 
 
 2 " What were then considered as the signs of real godliness, the sad coloured dress, the sour look, 
 the straight hair, the nasal whine, the speech iuterspersed with quaint texts, the abhorrence of 
 comedies, cards, and hawking, were easily counterfeited by men to whom all religions were the 
 same." — Macatjlat's History, I., 165. 
 
 3 An act was passed August 16th, for solemnizing marriages by Justices of the Peace ; September 
 4th, the following year, " Mr. James Eead, Clerk, was to find sureties for his good behaviour for 
 having married John Bradley and Sarah Bannister, according to the old form as he hath confessed." 
 
 The solemnization of marriage was any thing but solemn. It was a civil contraot ; the ceremony 
 was performed in the office of the Magistrate's Clerk or before the Bench. It had been discarded 
 from the church, and the bans were proclaimed in the high places of resort. An example, 
 STovember 23rd, 1655 : — " Samuel Beacham made oath, that a contract and intention of marriage 
 between John Hardiner, of Christ Church parish, in Bristol, Taylor, and Erances CounceU, of St. 
 Peter's, hath been published three market days, in three several weeks within this City." 
 * Macaulay — Pictorial History of England — ^Hume — Whitelocke — Bernard. 
 
 » Mr. Mayor, Oliver's brotlier-in-law, was also a member of this assembly. 
 
1654.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 159 
 
 who, although our records are silent respecting him, must have possessed no 
 common character, to have been distinguished by Cromwell's patronage. 
 Cromwell's next Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster, September 
 3rd, 1654. The representatives chosen for this City, were Myles Jackson and 
 Richard Aldworth.^ Among the instructions sent them from the Council, are 
 some which place the disposition, intelligence, and religious zeal of its 
 members in a favourable view. They were to endeavour " to promote the 
 spreading of the gospel in all the dark corners of the land, — to encourage 
 learning by settling the maintenance of the ministers, by tithes and otherwise, — 
 and to settle order in the church, and to ease the people of this land of their 
 burthens and taxes." "Building of hospitals," writes Cromwell, "provides for 
 men's bodies ; to buUd material temples is judged a work of piety ; but they 
 that procure spiritual food, they that build up spiritual temples, they are the 
 men truly charitable, truly pious." The same religious fervour that influenced 
 their great ruler, gave a tone to the Councils of the Chamber ; from the same 
 fervour emanates their directions to their representatives in Parliament; 
 more especially in their desire that the testaments of the pious and charitable 
 should be faithfully administered. 
 
 4th September, 1655. " Whereas several gift sermons, by Mr. Alderman Kitchen, Dr. 
 White, Mr. Alderman Whitson, and several others, have been given to this City, 
 it is ordered that these gift sermons be preached on the days appointed by the 
 donors, and the Aldermen and Common Councilmen to attend with the Mayor in 
 their go^vns, at such times as they are summoned, otherwise every one of them 
 forfeit 6s. ?>d. for not appearing, having no reasonable excuse for their absence. 
 And for the better perpetuating the memories of such henceforth, it is further 
 ordained that the Mayor, send to the Churchwardens and Clerks of the several 
 parishes, for a perfect list of all gift sermons, and the days whereon they are to be 
 preached, and by whose gift. And that the Mayor give direction to the Church- 
 wardens in every parish to put up a table of gift sermons in the churches, and the 
 Clerks of each parish to give notice on the Lord's day before any sermon is to be 
 
 1 April Srd, 1655. "Alderman Joseph Jackson, Alderman Hellier, Mr. Young, Mr. Eobert 
 Viokris, or any three of them, to consider of the charges and expenses of those gentlemen which 
 rode up to London to mainetaine and justifie the election of the Bm'gesses at the last Parhament, 
 and that such noates of disbursements and charges which they shall approve of, the Chamberlain is 
 to repay the same." 
 
160 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 preached, and at what Church, and, in whose gift, by which means all the inhabitants 
 will have notice of such opportunities of hearing the word of God."' 
 There were many excellent and high minded men amongst the Puritans, of 
 whose private life could be recorded some of the noblest virtues which adorn 
 humanity. These were of the real, the earnest, the resolute band who had 
 struggled and maintained their creed through fiery persecution. But when 
 privileges and power belonged to them, the corrupt mass of society dissem- 
 bled, — they assumed their tone, and manner, and became Puritans in externals 
 only,^ without that inward spirit that quickeneth and exalteth the mind, to the 
 attainment of all that is great, and to be revered in moral, social, and religious 
 life ! From the distorted piety of the dissemblers, — from the iniquities of the 
 hypocrite and depraved, came that suspicion, repugnance, and vituperation, 
 which have been heaped on the actions of the really pious, the really just, and 
 the really good !^ " It was the villany of these very dissemblers that brought 
 
 • The intellectual growth, of the City was also a subject of consideration. Instance an attempt 
 made for the establishment of a library at this period. 1st April, 1657. " Whereas there is a very 
 small Church and parish, situated in the centre of the Citty, called St. Ewens, or St. Adoens, con- 
 sisting but of twenty and twoe famihes, and in distance from two other Churches but the breadth 
 of a streete, there not being any maintenance for a preaching minister belonging thereimto, and may 
 with conveniency be united to another parish ; and whereas there is a great want of a hbrarya 
 within this Citty for pubHque use and propagation of learning, it is ordered that Mr. Aldworth, 
 now Burgesse in Parliam''- be desired to use his best endeavour in ParUam'*' that the said Chiuch 
 with the appurtenances, may be given to the Mayor and Commonalty of this Citty, to be imploied 
 to that use or other pubhque uses." This never took effect. St. Ewens was consoHdated with 
 Christ Church, in 1787. 
 
 2 " "When a sect becomes powerful, when its favour is the road to riches and dignities, worldly 
 and ambitious men crowd into it, talk its language, conform strictly to its ritual, mimic its peculia- 
 rities, and frequently go beyond its honest members in all the outward indications of zeal." — 
 Macaulat's History, I., 165. 
 
 3 ITumerous entries of their favourable disposition as a body to works of utUity might be 
 adduced. Not to multiply instances, and weary the reader, we wiU extract but one more. 14th 
 September, 1654. ""Was read the petition of the feoffees of Mrs. AHce Cole, wife of Alderman 
 Cole, deceased, and sister to Mr. John Carr, deceased, desiring to have granted them soe many foote 
 of ground, in fee farme as may serve for their building thereupon an EngHsh free school, and a 
 house for the master thereof, upon part of the City's waste, upon St. James' Back, this House being 
 willing to further so pious a work doth order that the Surveyors do lay out ground in the waste, 
 according to the petitioner's desire." 
 
 a Our first notice of a library is an agreement of the Corporation -with Robert Redwood, 1603. In 1613 
 Robert Redwood had given by will, his lodge which adjoined the Town wall, near the Marsh, for conversion 
 into a library. The library was " erected and built" 1615. In 1634, Richard Vickris gave a parcel oi 
 ground for the purpose of enlarging it. 
 
1656.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 161 
 
 disgrace on the Puritan name." Amongst the excellent, we may mention 
 Joseph Jackson, whose sincerity is made manifest in that solemn testament, 
 where the voice of deceit is vain. We have an extract of his WUl before us, 
 which, as a specimen of the genuine Puritan, may here find place. His two 
 children, Joseph and Sarah, he desires should " be educated in the fear of God, 
 and kept from the fashions of the world, especially from gaudy apparel, and 
 naked necks ; and is anxious that they should live in mutual love without 
 jarring, but with all lowliness and meekness, submitting themselves to the 
 ruling hand of God, in what condition they might be ; and not to entertain 
 thoughts that might occasion division among them, or cool their affections to 
 each other, but professing Christianity, to endeavour to adorn their profession." 
 Cromwell's second Parliament was not composed of the most tractable 
 materials. Things were said in its debates, offensive to him, and his CouncU. 
 In a word, after a session of five months it was dissolved. The Protector's 
 third and last Parliament met on the ITth Sept., 1656. Eobert Aldworth, 
 was again chosen for Bristol. His colleague, was John Doddridge, Recorder, 
 an estimable man, but no fanatic. Therefore Major-General Desborow, who 
 desired the seat for himself, petitioned Parliament against Doddridge, who 
 was displaced by Cromwell, and the Major-General sat with Aldworth. Two 
 notations of the services of the latter in this Parliament occur.^ The Chamber 
 is much occupied with the spiritual condition of the City. There was formerly 
 an act of Parliament for the maintenance of " preaching ministers in Bristol, 
 that had fallen into disuse and become impracticable." 7th Jan., 1656, 
 Aldworth was directed, "with the advice and assistance of Alderman Joseph 
 Jackson," then in London, to obtain a renewal of the act. This he did. In 
 consequence, the 22nd Sept., 1658, it was ordered that "during the pleasure 
 of the House, the Chamberlain should pay £100 a year out of the City 
 revenues, towards the better maintainance and encouragement of the ministers 
 
 1 At a meeting of the Council, Sept. 2nd, 1656, we are informed, "That the House haying heard 
 that several proposals had heen made to the Lord Protector for making the river navigable between 
 Bristol and London, and the inhabitants of Bath intended petitioning Parliament to make the same 
 navigable from that City to Bristol." It was resolved to refer the same to a Committee, to report if 
 it were desirable or not. Sept. 29th, The Committee reported it would prejudice the City ; a letter 
 to be written to Mr. Aldworth, M.P. for the City, to attend in Parliament, and oppose the "making 
 the river navigable between London, Bath, and Bristol." 
 
 Y 
 
162 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " within, this City. And that what should be so disbursed, be again repaid out 
 of such monies as should be raised by virtue of the late act of Parliament." 
 The £100 per annum was distributed in sums of £25 to each of the following 
 clergymen, favourites of the Corporation: — Mr. John Paul, minister of St. 
 James ; Mr. Henry Jones, of St. Stephen ; Mr. Ealph Farmer, of St. Nicholas ; 
 and Mr. Edward Hancock, of St. Philip. Farmer, we know, was a violent 
 and bigoted Presbyterian. Hancock, formerly acting in the capacity of butler, 
 could not have received the most favourable education for the ministry, but 
 must have depended on inspiration. With the others we are unacquainted, 
 but suppose they were selected for similar qualifications, as special objects 
 of the care and regard of the Corporation. 
 
 It is a time of heresy and schism. — Some indications of a new sect rise 
 before us. Tracing it through its dimness by some obscure courses, we have a 
 glimmering of strange scenes of which this City was the theatre. This religi- 
 ous order was commonly called Quakers.^ They meet with much opposition, 
 and are severely treated by all classes. Not surprising, when we read their 
 peculiar manner of introducing their doctrines, and their extravagant behaviour. 
 Especially, when the intolerant bigotry of the age is considered. So general 
 indeed was the persecution under which this people suffered, that scarcely one 
 of them, whose services to the Society are recorded, escaped personal insult, 
 cruel imprisonment, or more barbarous punishment. They visited this City in 
 1654, and made many proselytes. Their extravagance kept the people in a 
 state of fermentation for some months. The Magistrates, bewildered by their 
 contempt of all reasonable authority in Church and State,^ provoked by their 
 inflexible obstinacy, resigned them to the tender mercies of a coarse and brutal 
 mob ; who, excited by persons, whose position should have instructed them 
 better, hunted with sticks and stones the blunt but simple visionaries from 
 house to house, and assailed them, with every species of contumely and 
 reproach. So far were the Magistrates from interfering, that the sport was 
 rather countenanced by their presence, — amused spectators of the chase ! 
 
 Seyer, speaks of a book entitled the "Cry of Blood, and Herod, Pontius 
 Pilate, &c., being a Declaration of the Lord arising in those people of the City 
 
 1 George Eox began his wanderings in 1644, years before tlie word represented a sect in England. 
 
 2 June eth, 1655. ""Wm. Foord to find sureties for his unmannerly CEtrriage in the Tolzey, by 
 keeping on his hat, though commanded to take it off." 
 
1654-5.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 163 
 
 of Bristol who are scornfully called Quakers, &c., during the Mayoralty of 
 John Gonning, subscribed by Geo. Bishop, Thomas Gouldney, Henry Eoe, 
 Edward Pyott, and Dennis HoUister." It was pubhshed in London, in 1656, 
 and is evidently the production of one of the brethren. From this we learn 
 that being " moved by the Spirit" they delivered the word of the Lord here, the 
 12th July, 1654, and the following day departed for Plymouth, One of them, 
 John Audland, came here again in September, with John Camm, and spake 
 publicly " as the Spirit gave them utterance." Prynne says, on the 10th and 
 13th September, they had meetings at the Fort, and Red Lodge, at which 
 were present hundreds of people. October 30th, some of them were exam- 
 ined in the Council Chamber, and held disputations with the priests. Aldermen 
 Richard Aldworth, Joseph Jackson, and George Hellier, were especially 
 enraged with them. They were ordered to quit the City, which they refused 
 to do, and preached as before, though subject to the violence and indignity of 
 the inhabitants — " Insomuch," says the writer of the aforesaid pamphlet, 
 " that there appeared not the face of civihty in the Town, and a stranger 
 would have doubted whether any such thing as government were in it, or 
 religion." 
 
 The Quakers were allowed a little respite. The arm of civic power, though 
 it did not defend, was not raised against them. January, 1655, information 
 was given to the Chamber, that certain persons of the Franciscan order had 
 arrived from Rome, who, " under the notion of Quakers" were suspected to be 
 Jesuits. Alderman Richard Vickris, Deputy Mayor, in Mr. Gonning's absence, 
 granted a search warrant for the apprehension^ of " strangers come to this 
 City and can give no good account of being here." It was accordingly put 
 into execution, — and the Constables entered the house in Corn Street, where 
 the Quakers usually assembled, and turned them into the street. Here they 
 were violently assaulted and knocked about by the mob. Alderman Joseph 
 
 1 " City of Bristol. To all Constables witldn tHs City and to every of tliem : — For as mucli as 
 information liatL. been given us that John Canun, and John Audland, two strangers, that were 
 conunanded to depart this City, have in contempt of authority come to this City again, to the 
 disturbance of the public peace, these are, therefore to wiU. and require you to apprehend them, 
 and bring them before us to be examined and dealt with according to the law ; hereof fail you not. 
 Given this 22nd day of January, 1655. Eichard Vickris, Deputy Mayor, &o. ; John Locke, Gabriel 
 Sherman, "WiUiam Cann, Joseph Jackson, Henry Gibbs." 
 
164 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Jackson, and other members of the Council, and John KnoUes, Priest, are 
 described as beholding the outrages from the Tolzey, and openly " enjoying 
 the fun "^ 
 
 The Protector, under the delusion that the Quakers were disguised Jesuits, 
 addressed a letter cautioning the Corporation, and desiring them to use 
 vigilance for the apprehension of all such persons. This drew from the 
 Magistrates the following directions to the Constables of the respective 
 parishes : — 
 
 " Forasmuch as information hath been given us upon oath, that certain persons of the 
 Franciscan order in Rome, have of late come over into England, and under the 
 notion of Quakers have drawn together several multitudes of people in London, 
 and whereas certain strangers going under the names of John Camm, John Audland, 
 George Fox, James Naylor, Francis Howgell, Edward Burroughes, and others 
 unknown, have lately resorted to this City, and in like manner, under the same 
 notion of Quakers drawn multitudes of people after them, and occasioned very 
 great disturbances amongst us, and forasmuch by the said information it appeareth 
 to us to be very probable, and much to be suspected, that the said persons so lately 
 come hither are some of those that came from Rome, as aforesaid. These are 
 therefore, in the name of His Highness the Lord Protector, to wiU and require you 
 to make diligent search through your wards for the aforesaid strangers, or any of 
 them, and all other suspected persons, and to apprehend and bring them before us, 
 or some of us, to be dealt with and examined according to law. Hereof fail you 
 not. Given this 24th January, 1654-5, John Gonning Mayor; WiUiam Cann, 
 Henry Gibbs, John Locke, Richard Vickris." 
 
 Extraordinary was the manner in which the primitive members or founders 
 of this sect endeavoured to promulgate their doctrines. They intrenched on 
 all ideas of etiquette, — they discarded all honoured customs and observances, — 
 they renounced all ancient and hallowed usages ; and shocked the feelings and 
 prejudices of the learned as much by their rudeness, as did the Puritan vulgar 
 by their coarseness. So strange and original were their performances, that we 
 cannot wonder at the ridicule they received ; but the severe treatment bestowed 
 upon the actors, no voice can attempt to palliate or justify. They lived midst a 
 nation of enthusiasts. Many of them had been soldiers and preachers in the 
 armies of the Commonwealth, and at the worst were but deluded simpletons. 
 
 1 The curious observer of Tninute history will find some interesting details on this subject, in 
 the pages of Seyer, from which the substance of our narration has been drawn. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 165 
 
 Therewere others, however, whose names are remembered with gladness for their 
 goodness and tenderness, — 'for their gospel meekness and their spiritual peace. 
 Against even these, horrid cruelties were perpetrated, " in the name of Him 
 who was all beneficence, and love, and mercy, — by professed believers, with the 
 book that is all light and truth in their possession." The Puritans were apt 
 scholars in the art of persecution ; they had suffered much themselves for 
 opinion's sake, and they were desirous others should suffer likewise. Not 
 admitting of any display of enthusiasm but their own, they considered the 
 exhibitions of the Quakers, their novel peculiarities and independent bearing, 
 as little short of insanity ; a conclusion the very odd demeanour of these new 
 performers on the polemic stage rendered somewhat feasible. But however 
 absurd and defiant they were of established customs, there can be no apology 
 for the inhumanity and sectarian hatred of their persecutors, whether Eoyalist 
 or Puritan. No provocation can excuse their barbarity, — no apology can 
 extenuate their guilt, nor wipe away the opprobrium. The same intolerant 
 spirit was maintained when the persecuted victims had cast aside all obtrusive 
 singularity, — and had sobered to a calm and rigid rule of self discipline, — 
 suffering afflictions, indignities, and imprisonments, with a heroic fortitude and 
 a sublime resignation, that the malice and vengeance of their enemies, could 
 neither weaken nor subdue ! 
 
 Dismissing altogether the report of their being Romish priests, or Franciscan 
 friars as unworthy of consideration, although to this belief Alderman Jackson 
 seriously inclined,^ — we cannot otherwise regard them, than in a kind of religious 
 delirium, ~a result produced by thewild and heating rhapsodies of the uneducated 
 Puritans, who had now for the most part possession of the pulpits. " "When 
 the human mind dwells long and attentively on any subject, the passions are 
 apt to grow warm, interested, and enthusiastic, and often force into their 
 service the understanding which they ought to obey." The " Cry of Blood," 
 a partial statement, contains numerous instances of the absence, we should 
 say, of all true religious sentiment ; evinced by this people in their disturbance 
 of congregations ; whUe at their devotions in the " steeple houses," as the new 
 sect denominated the churches. From a right mind, though but little affected 
 
 1 When information was given before the Magistrates that Mass was actually celebrated by the 
 supposed Quakers, in Back Street, they refused to grant a warrant for their apprehension, "although 
 Alderman Joseph Jackson confessed he believed it to be true." — Setek, II., 478. 
 
166 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 with the beauty of religious impressions, the solemnity of worship in a Temple 
 sacred by its consecration to the honour and glory of Almighty God, whether 
 it be Church, Conventicle, or Synagogue, wUl ever command an instinctive 
 reverence ; — and, although nothing can be advanced in favour of the uneducated 
 men, for whom the regular ministry had been ejected ; yet, the sanctity of their 
 office should have protected them from insult, and hallowed veneration for 
 the courts of God, should have driven from their precincts all scenes of tumults 
 and contentions. But it was not so. We read that Ralph Farmer of St. 
 Nicholas, an austere sectary, who had made himself obnoxious by his violent 
 persecution of the new fraternity, was repeatedly interrupted by them when 
 preaching or praying ; and even at the most solemn observance of the 
 sacrament. Some would keep their hats on during divine service, — others, 
 would admonish him, — women would bring him messages from the Lord 
 "openly spoken," and riots and cpnfusion would ensue. The Magistrates even 
 when present not interfering to keep the peace.^ 
 
 Though St. Nicholas was the favoured theatre of these performers, similar 
 disturbances happened in other churches ; for which the offenders, after having 
 been beaten by the mob, were imprisoned by the Magistrates. There were other 
 eccentricities, in which this body exhibited to what extremes religious sin- 
 gularity could proceed, when unchecked by the hand of reason. One mourned 
 
 1 The loth. Decemher, when he was about to administer the sacrament ia St. Nicholas' Church, 
 one Elizabeth Marshall being moyed by the Lord to deliver a message to him, cried out " this is the 
 word of the Lord to thee, Parmer : wo, wo, wo, from the Lord to them who take the word of the 
 Lord in their mouths and the Lord never sent them." The congregation endeavoured to sUence 
 her, but she continued " this is the mighty day of the Lord, the Lord is coming to pull his people 
 out of the mouths of all dumb shepherds." She was hurried out of the church into the streets, 
 where a crowd followed her with dirt and stones. John Gonning, Mayor, who was present, was 
 openly called to by Ealph Eai-mer, that course might be taken with her. The Mayor's son was the 
 first to seize her. Again, the same day an outrage occurred at St. Philip's Church : — "Captain 
 Grimes, one of Cromwell's preaching officers, afterwards minister of St Philip, was holding forth 
 from the pulpit, when he was interrupted by one Henry Gonning, and one John "Worring, where- 
 .upon the congregation abused and beat them, assisted by the Churchwarden and Clerk; the 
 Constables present not keeping the peace. John Smith wa,s to find securities for his good behaviour, 
 for wearing his hat on the Lord's day, in St. Nicholas Church ; Mr. Farmer being in prayers. 
 Catherine Hude, was to find securities for assaulting Ealph Farmer, teUing him in a letter "the 
 plague of God would pursue him, and that he was a murderer, and an oppressor of prisoners, and 
 that he thirsted after blood." — City Records. 
 
1655. J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 167 
 
 for the sins of the people, as he said, " hy the command of the Lord, in sackcloth 
 and ashes ; and the ashes flew from his head when his hat was removed." 
 Another is set down in our records as follows: — "May 5th, 1655, Sarah 
 Goldsmith, for being in a disguised manner, having only upon her body a 
 long hairy coat, bare legged, with her hair about her ears, and accompanied 
 by Margaret Woodward, and Ann Gauntcliffe, went up and down the streets 
 on a market day, to the injury of those who sold. To be sent to Bridewell, 
 there to remain until delivered by due course of time." " Had Sarah Goldsmith," 
 seriously observes the writer of the " Cry of Blood," " appeared in \he fantastic 
 dress of this vain and wanton age, or in a spirit of lightness and haughtiness, 
 she had received enough of friendship from this generation ; but being through 
 the cross to her own will, made obedient for their sakes, to passt hrough the 
 City in hair cloth next her skin, and ashes, as a testimony against their pride, 
 which never was at that height as at this day, she hath received that hard 
 measure aforementioned." 
 
 It is a wet afternoon in the month of October, 1655. Rain is falling heavily. 
 A dreary wind, with a low, sullen sough, sweeps over the moistened earth. 
 With the dreary wind there cometh to the ear, aearer and more near, a 
 " buzzing, mel-oiDious noyse." A sad, unworldly sound, strange, unnatural, 
 and undefined. It is audible now, — and we can distinguish the words, " Holy, 
 holy, holy. Lord God of Sabaoth !" and we can perceive in the midst of the 
 swampy road, in the pouring rain, splashing and toiling through the knee-deep 
 mud, as day light fails upon that wet and gloomy afternoon, a procession of 
 eight persons, entering the City by Bedminster Causeway. It is a novel and 
 a startling sight, even in that day of religious delirium. One man there is on 
 horseback, riding singly, " a raw-boned figure, with lank hair reaching below 
 his cheeks ; beard in form common to the pictures of our Saviour ; hat drawn 
 close over his brows; nose rising slightly in the middle; of obtuse look, and 
 large dangerous jaws, strictly closed. He sings not ; sits there covered, and is 
 sung to by the others, bare. A young man also, bare headed, leads the horse 
 of the single rider, — and by the bridle, splashes, and walks two women, on 
 either side the horse. The other men and women, partly riding double, partly on 
 foot, in the puddled miry road, with the water streaming from their clothes, 
 answer to all questions but in song, 'Holy, holy, holy. Lord God of Sabaoth !' " 
 This strange development of the " spiritualism of England," this sad spectacle 
 
168 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 of monstrous fanaticism, advances through Redcliff Gate, winding through the 
 long, narrow, muddy street, — with the heavenly words from the ancient hymn 
 that angels sing, adventing its approach. The procession augments. The 
 benighted followers of the man who sits so placid there, spread garments, 
 aprons, scarfs, and handkerchiefs before him, in the dirty way, for the animal 
 on which he rode to tread. Still singing, they come to the High Cross, — thence 
 to the White Hart, — thence the idol is conveyed by the authorities to prison !^ 
 The principal performer in this fantastic scene, was one of the most extraor- 
 dinary of fanatics, James Naylor, — extraordinary for his insanity and for his 
 punishment. Though largely entered upon by Seyer, this passing notice of one 
 so blended with the impress of his times could not be omitted ; however painful 
 the subject, and depressing the contemplation of so much human absurdity, folly, 
 and deplorable ignorance. Naylor's insanity was the superstition of the age, 
 nurtured by persecution; — his punishment, an ignominious blot, an ineffaceable 
 stain upon the administration of its laws. His followers, mad as himself, had 
 reached the utmost height of absurdity and impiety. They called him " the 
 Everlasting Son of Righteousness, and Prince of Peace, &c." But we will not 
 profane our pages by writing and printing more of the blasphemy. He was 
 examined before the Magistrates — magnified into importance by his removal to 
 London — subsequently examined by a Committee of the House of Commons — 
 pronounced, after thirteen days' debate, "A Grand Impostor," and, conformable 
 to the prevailing feeling of mildness and humanity, imposed the following 
 sentence, which was literally executed ! 
 
 " Resolved, that J. N. be set on the pillory, with his head in the pillory, in the Palace 
 Yard, Westminster, during the space of two hours, on Thursday next ; and shall be 
 whipt by the hangman through the streets, from Westminster to the Old Exchange, 
 London ; and there likewise be set on the pillory, with his head in the piUory, for 
 the space of two hours, between the hours of eleven and one on Saturday next, in 
 each place wearing a paper containing an inscription of his crimes ; and that he be 
 there also stigmatized in the forehead with the letter B. And that he be afterwards 
 sent to Bristol, and be conveyed into and through the said City on horseback, bare- 
 ridged, with his face backward, and there also publicly whipt, the next market day 
 after he comes thither. And that from thence he be committed to prison in Bride- 
 well, London, and there restrained from the society of all people, and there to labour 
 
 I Carlyle's Cromwell. Seyer. Hume. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 169 
 
 hard till he shall be released by Parliament ; and during that time be debarred the 
 use of pen, ink, and paper ; and shall have no relief, but what he earns by his daily 
 labours." 
 The following inhuman sentence was inflicted in Bristol, according to order: — 
 " Cause James Nailer to ride in at Lawford's Gate, upon a horse, bare ridged, 
 with his face backward ; from thence along Wine Street, to the Tolzey ; thence 
 down High Street, over the Bridge, and out of Eackly Gate; there let him 
 alight, and bring him into Saint Thomas Street, and cause him to be stript and made 
 fast to the cart horse ; and there in the Market first whipt ; from thence to the 
 foot of the Bridge, there whipt ; thence to the end of the Bridge, there whipt ; 
 thence to the middle of High Street, there whipt ; thence to the Tolzey, there 
 whipt; thence to the middle of Broad Street, there whipt; and then turn into 
 Taylor's Hall, thence release him from the cart horse, and let him put on his deaths, 
 and carry him from thence to Newgate, by Tower Lane, the back way."' 
 
 Instead of the authorities endeavouring, by clemency and mildness, to 
 assuage the frenzy, which the unbounded license given to raving maniacs had 
 created amongst this sect, and which persecution had increased ; they, on the 
 contrary, let loose upon them the vengeance of intolerant power, and inflicted 
 every severity and restraint. 
 
 The order of the Magistrates, issued in 1654, was followed by the apprehen- 
 sion of several Quakers, who refused to quit the City, alleging it was contrary 
 to law. These were accordingly sent up to London, — there to be further 
 examined; some, bound together on horseback; — exposed to every vile and igno- 
 minious treatment that could be devised by the bigotry of an ignorant mob, 
 misguided by the approval of their superiors. Sometimes, they were huddled 
 together in carts like sheep, and thus conveyed through towns and villages, 
 amidst the hootings and execrations of the people ; who, provoked by the calm 
 bearing of their victims, — often proceeded from verbal abuse to more substantial 
 proofs of their resentment. In reference to the mode of conducting these 
 
 1 To the credit of the Commonwealth Chamber, it petitioned against the barbarity. — November 
 4th, 1656. "A remonstrance now read in the name of the Mayor, Aid"-, and Common Council of 
 this City, in reference to James ITaylor, and the Quakers, is refered to the consideration of Aid"' 
 Joseph Jackson, Aid"' Henry Gibbs, the two Sheriffs, [Eob'- Viokris and Jn"- Harper,] Mr. Young, 
 Mr. George White, Mr. Timothy Parker, and Mr. PoweU, and that then the same be subscribed by 
 Mr. Mayor, and sent up to Mr. AJdworth, now Burgess in Parliament, to present to the ParUament." 
 Expenses ia London, to make good the remonstrance, £5. 
 
 z 
 
170 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 journeys, an extract or two will suffice for the general treatment of this 
 part of our subject: — 
 
 " 1656, Nov. 10th. Paid a messenger that was sent from the Court of Parliament to 
 
 fetch up the Quakers, 20s." 
 " Paid the two SheriiFs' officers for horse hire to ride along with the Quakers, 6s." 
 " Paid Mr. W"' Grigg, by order of the Mayor and Ald"^- for his expense to London 
 
 against the Quakers, and for a former journey about Burgesses, £10." 
 
 Mr. William Grigg, tanner, living in St. James's parish, near the Quakers' 
 meeting-house in Broadmead, was a member of the Common Council, 
 more noticeable as the author of a book entitled " The Quakers' Jesus." Mr. 
 Grigg had an opponent ; ^ not extraordinary in that age of sectarian contro- 
 versy. He says, Mr. Grigg would not set forth on this journey, until he had 
 five pounds advanced towards his expenses ; and expresses a very contemptuous 
 opinion of him. His own words are — " without reflecting on the Magistrates 
 of Bristol, their wisdom, let me say it ; it was not their master-piece to send 
 such a busie pragmatical person as thou art to London, there to make a speech 
 to a Committee of Parliament, which had in it neither head nor taile, no good 
 sense, nor reason, but for the greatest part composed of fawning, falsehood, 
 and pitiful, lame complements, crying Sir, Gentlemen, and your Honours, but 
 speaking nothing of weight or importance, relating to the matter then in 
 debate. Reader, thou must know that this envious person is a great speech 
 maker in the Common Council of Bristol : and if he had so high an esteem of 
 this which he made in the Painted Chamber, as to judge it polite aud learned 
 enough to merit the public view, thou mayest easily judge, what sad oratory 
 do serve the turn within the walls of that Council." ^ 
 
 The members of this Society supported themselves under their severe perse- 
 cutions, with great resignation. While exposed to hatred and contempt from 
 without, brotherly kindness and unfeigned charity increased, and more strongly 
 united them. The prisons were soon filled. The unjust sufferings in which 
 this harassed people were involved by the sentence of the Magistrates, were 
 augmented by the severity of the jailers, who did not extend to them, even 
 
 1 Author of " Eabshekeh's outrage reproved, or a whip for "WiUiam Grigg of Bristol, tanner, 
 to scourge him for his many notorious has, &c." 
 
 2 Seyer II., 489. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 171 
 
 the cold pity and forbearance, which the condemned felon received at their 
 hands. Were we otherwise than incidentally introducing this subject, we could 
 instance numberless cases of cruelty, which are a reproach to the legisla- 
 ture, and an ineffaceable stain upon the prejudices of the age. 
 
 For a few years England enjoyed the stimulus of an imaginary freedom. 
 How far the actual liberty of the subject was infringed upon, — and how far 
 the people suffered from the restrictions imposed by their ascetic Governors, — 
 will be seen in part, from their straitened rule during the cheerless reign of 
 " repellent professors, with dark garments, and dark looks." 
 
 Excited and influenced by the fanatical enthusiasm, and wild ravings of 
 uneducated men, who had usu]*ped the pulpits of the regular clergy; a vehement 
 and exaggerated spirit of devotion had been raised amongst the people, which 
 they mistook for the tranquillizing manifestations of Christianity. The 
 restrictions upon them by the Ordinances, in force for the observance of the 
 Sabbath, were carried out with a gloomy asperity. During the hours of 
 divine service no sound, of wheel, or rider, or footfall was heard, — a holy still- 
 ness pervaded the City. The mirth of childhood was hushed — the gay 
 converse and innocent laugh were checked, — the look of happy and grateful 
 thankfulness for the day of rest, was unseen. With grave, forbidding and 
 reproachful aspect, the frigid Puritans stalked in melancholy austerity, to and 
 from their conventicles. They were unmindful that not as a penance, but as 
 a mercy, was given the hallowed rest, — that the freed spirit might find repose ; 
 and in the ftilness of its joy, rejoice and sing a new song of praise and thanks- 
 giving to the Lord, who had blessed the day and hallowed it ! To be out 
 walking, was a desecration of the Sabbath. Numerous instances occur in our 
 annals of persons fined for this "profane exercise." The churches were 
 crowded with numerous and attentive hearers ; while the ofiicers of the peace 
 patrolled the streets, and closed all the public-houses. There was no walking 
 in the fields, or travelling on the roads, except in cases of absolute necessity. 
 In the evening, religious exercises were maintained, and introduced in private 
 families, — which the apprentices and servants of the household attended. The 
 scriptures were read,— prayers offered, — sermons repeated, — and psalms sung. 
 So general was the observance, that the City appeared one great conventicle ; 
 no unholy disturbance, — no discordant noise was heard to mar the worship, — 
 and no disorderly persons interrupted the cloistered tranquillity. 
 
172 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 As evasions of the ordinances were sometimes ocurring, the Parliament 
 about this time ordained, that: — 
 
 " The Sabbath should be deemed to extend from twelve of the clock on Saturday night, 
 to twelve of the clock on the Lord's day night, and within that compass of time, they 
 prohibited all kinds of business and diversion, except works of necessity and mercy. 
 No election of Magistrates is to be on the Lord's day;i no holding of Camps, but 
 if according to their charters they fall upon the Lord's day, they are to be deferred 
 to Monday. It is further enacted that all persons, not having a reasonable excuse 
 to be allowed by Justice of the Peace, shall resort to some church or chapel, where the 
 worship of God is performed, or to some meeting place of Christians not differing in 
 matters of, faith from the public profession of the nation, on penalty of 2s. 6d. for 
 every offence. It is furthered ordered, that no Minister shall be molested or 
 disturbed in the discharge of his office on the Lord's day, or any other day when 
 he is performing his duty, or in going and coming from the place of public worship, 
 nor shall any wilful disturbance be given to the congregation, on penalty of £5, or 
 being sent to the workhouse for six months, provided the information be within one 
 month after the offence is committed." This ordinance was read in every church 
 and chapel the first Lord's day in every month. 
 
 It must be observed, that the latter clause of the ordinance was introduced, 
 to prevent a continuance of the recent interruptions by the Quakers, to the 
 solemnities of Divine worship. The tenour of the whole was approved by the 
 Magistrates, who expressed their opinion in the following instructions addressed 
 to the Clergy of this City : — 
 
 " Being very sensible of that duty which is upon the Christian Magistrate, commanded 
 in the word of God, in reference to the sanctifying of the Lord's day and the laws 
 of the land, seconding the same by strict injunctions for the observation thereof, and 
 having the advantage of the present opportunity, (by reason of those places of 
 Government to which Providence hath called us) to further the holy and solemn 
 keeping of it. It is our earnest desire, and we do recommend to all and every 
 Minister within this City, that the next Lord's day, either by themselves or the 
 
 1 Eestriotions relating to sucli secular affairs as Mtmicipal elections sound strange, — but the 
 Eternal commands had Mtherto been but lightly regarded, even CromweU himself had opened a 
 Parliament [September 3rd, 1654] on the Lord's day. Sunday diversions, though stiU iadulged, 
 were not practised to the extent they had been in the days of EUzabeth, — then, eight theatres were 
 opened in London on the Sabbath day, " when the bell tolled to lecture, the trumpet sounded for 
 the stage. It sometimes happened during the service, that the village church was surrounded by 
 Morris-dancers, jumping in. nets." 
 
1656-7.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. . 173 
 
 Clerks of the parishes, the act of Parliament, for the better observance of it be 
 publicly read in their respective congregations, and that upon the same Sabbath, both 
 in the morning and afternoon, and other Lord's day following, as they shall judge 
 meet, they would choose some suitable text, from whence they may make it the 
 subject matter of their sermons, as well to inform the people of the sacred institution 
 of that day, as also to exhort them to th^ sanctification of it, which being done, and 
 so by these means the inhabitants of the City come to be minded as well out of God's 
 word, as from the laws of man, how that the same day ought to be wholly employed 
 in the service and worship of God publicly, and religious exercises in private 
 families. If after this warning and notice, they or any of them, be found profaning 
 of the Sabbath, we shall, through the presence and assistance of the Lord of the 
 Sabbath, endeavour conscientiously to perform our respective duties ia making a 
 more strict enquiry after such offenders than formerly hath been, and without 
 partiality inflict the punishment of the laws upon them." 
 
 There were however, no bye laws that embraced the full scope and meaning 
 of the profanations indicated by the ordinances of the Parliament. The 
 Magistrates after numerous meetings, produced a code of laws that will 
 aghast people in more enlightened times. Of these we incorporate a few of 
 the intermediate passages, from the instructions issued to the Aldermen's 
 Deputies : — 
 
 " That each Deputy in his ward do of his uttermost care, and endeavour for the sanctify- 
 ing the Lord's day hy walking about his ward, upon that day, observing disorders 
 either in the streets, houses, or other places, by children, or others, by directing the 
 Constables to make their walks and searches both at sermon and other convenient 
 times." They are particularly vigilant against children, and the Constables are 
 strictly required " to observe boys, children, and others, and to take notice of the 
 names of the parents or masters of such boys and children who may be playing, 
 sitting, vainly or profanely walking or idling on the Tolzey, under Christ Church, 
 or about the High Cross, or in the streets at Tarthing Pitt, in the Marsh, or Castle 
 fields, or elsewhere within the City, which are usually the receptacles for such 
 disorderly persons." An account was also to be taken of all vessels going up and 
 down the river, and the persons who employed them. And no persons were allowed 
 to pass over the ferry at Limekiln slip. The Deputies were further ordered " to 
 present such which sit or drink in Taverns, Inns, or Ale-houses, or which sell any 
 sort of ware or commodities; to inform themselves of all Travellers, Barbers, which 
 use their trade, and of all Tailors and Shoemakers, which carry any wares or goods 
 to any inhabitant's house upon any part of that day, and of all Vintners, Innkeepers, 
 or Ale-housekeepers, that open their door save for the passing in and out of their 
 
174 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 families, and such which lodge therein upon any part of that day." Another order 
 is issued that " the oiEcials exercise due vigilance, and mark all those who do not 
 regularly attend public worship, that they may be reprimanded accordingly." This 
 is followed by a startling prohibition, " That all Conduits be shutt and kept fast, and 
 the keepers of the same presume not to suffer any water to be drawne from ye pipes 
 on y'' day," and the Constables are to present to the authorities the names of any 
 persons so offending or seen carrying a " payle, stand, or other vessell through the 
 streete. [That such offenders be presented] on the following Monday morning to 
 the effect they may be punished according to the law."* 
 
 To keep the public houses entirely closed — and prevent the drinking of 
 intoxicating liquors, — deserves the highest praise ; but when we find the Con- 
 duits are also forbidden to yield their accustomed supply of water, we are pre- 
 pared to expect any species of absurdity that misguided zeal could suggest.^ 
 The cold and cheerless religious afi'ections of the pragmatical Corporation, were 
 too often arrayed against the simple requirements, and harmless recreations of 
 the people. Their bigotry presents a formidable aspect. Had it been in the 
 power of the Magistracy, by unreasonable and hitherto unheard of restrictions, 
 to drill the minds of the people into conformity with their Pharisaical views of 
 
 1 Butchers and others frequenting the Market were ordered to leave every Saturday by two 
 o'clock in the afternoon, from Michaelmas to Lady day, and by three o'clock from Lady day to 
 Michaelmas. Bakers to draw their ovens for bread for the inhabitants, so that the same may be 
 fetched or sent home by eight o'clock on the evening of Saturday, — and every Baker offending to 
 forfeit 10s. and every inhabitant or servant carrying home any loaf or loaves on the Lord's day to 
 forfeit 3s. 4(?." The 6th October, 1657, the Churchwardens and Constables were directed to bring 
 before the Magistrates all persons found violating the above orders, and for their neglect to perform 
 the same were to be themselves fined in the sum of £5. 
 
 2 Straitened as were these regulations, we have a parallel some forty years later, which we 
 append. — "Queen Mary requested her Council, at an early period of her regnal labours, to assist her 
 iu framing regulations for the better observance of the Sabbath. All hackney carriages and horses 
 were forbidden to work on that day, or their drivers to ply for customers. The humanity of this 
 regulation was, however, neutralized by the absurdity of other acts. She had Constables stationed 
 at the comers of streets, who were charged to capture aU puddings and pies, on their progress to 
 bakers' ovens on Sundays ; and such ridiculous scenes iu the streets took place, in consequence of 
 the owners fighting fiercely for their dinners, that her laws were suspended amid universal laughter. 
 Perhaps some of her Council, [thought] her own Sunday evening gambhngs, both in England and 
 Holland, considered she might have had mercy on the less culpable Sunday puddings and pies of the 
 hungry poor, belonging to persons, too often destitute of fire and conveniences for preparing their 
 humble meal." — Miss Stbioklahd's Life of Queen Mary II. 
 
1658.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 175 
 
 Sabbath observance ; assuredly a lofty spiritual sanctification of the day would 
 have ensued, — a dim foretaste of our hoped-for rest, in a spiritual and heavenly 
 home! 
 
 These infringements on the liberty of the subject were not in all cases 
 passively submitted to, — and the measures ordained were accordingly put into 
 execution against the offenders. Our annals relate many cases of oppression. 
 
 March 27th, two apprentices were taken up, about three o'clock in the 
 afternoon, as they were going to Eedland ; where, they said, they were sent on 
 an errand by their mistress. This constituted a charge of Sabbath breaking, 
 and a fine of 10s. each was imposed; upon refusing to pay, they were com- 
 mitted to prison tiU they should find securities to answer for their appearance 
 at the Sessions. 
 
 Three persons appear upon a Presentment against them, for walking upon 
 the Lord's day ; but upon their examination, they pleaded to the Court, " that 
 they went to Clifton to church that day, and that was the occasion of their 
 travelling." The Court discharged them. 
 
 " Thos. Dowle and John Ridge, appeared to an Indictment against them, for 
 profanely walking upon the Lord's day, " and for that it is pretended by them 
 that they went upon a case of necessity to a friend of theirs, that then lay very 
 sicke, like to dye, and that they have witnes and proofe thereof, that now is 
 not in readiness. This Court doth appoint them to appeare on the 18th of 
 Feb., to make good the proof." Two others pleaded not guilty to the like 
 charge, were bound to His Highness the Lord Protector, in £20 each, " upon 
 condition, that either of them prosecute their Traverse at the next general 
 Sessions.",^ 
 
 How would these frigid Puritans be astonished at the present systematic 
 course of Sunday trading ! Without going to the extreme lengths, with these 
 harsh precisians, — there is much in our day offensive and disheartening to 
 the Christian in the abuses of the Sabbath, which cries aloud for removal. — It 
 
 1 1657. Thos. Forde, Grocer, and Eichard GrramweU, appear to an indictment against them for 
 ■walking on a Sunday, and confessed the same, fined 10«. each. June 14th, 1658, two men, William 
 "Wilkes, and John Barnes, apprehended for walking in the Marsh, about six o'clock, on the Sabbath 
 day, refused to pay the fine, [lOs.J and were in like manner committed. Again, a journeyman 
 Tailor was apprehended by the Constables of St. James's "Ward, for walking on a Sunday, "in time 
 of sermon ;" the usual fine was inflicted, and resisted, and the result imprisonment. Of occurrences 
 so trite it is unnecessary to catalogue instances. 
 
176 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 is proverbial, that the first step in many a course of sin, which has terminated 
 in the violation of all laws, civil and divine, — is a disregard and a 
 profanation of this holy day to secular uses. One cannot be too zealous in 
 upholding its sacredness — too earnest in estimating its privileges — too constant 
 in enjoining God's ancient injunction, " Eemember the Sabbath day to keep 
 it holy." 
 
 We nowhere learn that strict laws, and coercive measures improved the 
 moral and religious condition of the citizens — that desirable consummation was 
 not, we fear, obtained. There were heavy penalties very properly iniiicted for 
 wanton swearing and evil speaking. " February 4th, 1656, JohnVaughan, of 
 Alscott, in the County of Somerset, Clerk, made oath, that on Wednesday last, 
 at night, he did hear Mr. Barcroft, of the Parish of St. Nicholas, in Bristol, 
 prophanely swear four oaths in the said Parish." November 11th, T. Istley 
 was to be placed in the stocks for three hours, " for refusing to pay 3*. M. for 
 two oaths, according to act of Parliament." " March. William Hobson, 
 Merchant, for having said the act of drunkenness may be committed without 
 sin, [was] to find securities for his good behaviour for twelve months, or be 
 committed to prison for six months, in pursuance of an act of Parliament." 
 Our annals state he was committed to prison for six months, besides the having 
 to find security for the twelve months.' One of the national sports, more 
 especially of the apprentices, was about this time ordered to be discontinued. 
 A cruel and inhuman pastime, whose condemnation is to the praise of the 
 legislature. Kesolved by the Chamber, 26th February, that " All persons 
 assembling in the streets, under pretence of throwing at Cocks, and tossing of 
 Dogs, do from henceforth forbear, as disturbers of the public peace ; and the 
 Sheriff-at-Mace to bring such ofi'enders before the Magistrates." But there 
 
 1 1657. " WiUiam Hobson is ordered to finds new sureties for his appearance at the next sessions, 
 and in the meane tyme to be of the good behavioTjr,a himselfe bound in £40, Thos. Colston and 
 GiLes Woodward, in £20 a' peece." William Hobson, who married Margaret, daughter of William 
 Colston, was introduced to the reader at the christening party in our first chapter. Margaret, his 
 first wife, died in 1647. "Ann Hobson, widow, [1657,] appeareth on her recognizance for ye good 
 behaviour; and several new articles and indictments are exhibited against her, and is ordered to find 
 sureties for her appearance at the next sessions, and in the meane tyme to be of y« good behaviour, 
 herself bound in £40, Thos. Colston and Giles Woodward, in £20 a' peece." 
 
 ~ By an error in Barrett, he is made to appear amongst the dead in St. James' Church three years before the 
 date of this transaction. 
 
1654.] , HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 177 
 
 were other amusements, though innocent in themselves, that also ceased, — 
 congealed beneath the gloomy ban of the Puritans. Bowling, a favourite 
 recreation of our ancestors, a game of which King Charles was particularly 
 fond — a game played in the Marsh by the principal residents of our City, who 
 had a bowling green there — fell under displeasure, and the bowls were still. 
 They were set in motion again at the Restoration, and the bowling green con- 
 tinued in the Marsh till the ground was appropriated for building.^ Also "the 
 Constables in the several Wards [were ordered] to take down and remove all May 
 Poles, which produce tumultuous meetings, especially on the Lord's day, to the 
 high profanation thereof, the use of which being originally heathenish [and] 
 deemed under the Gospel as scandalous. The Constables to make a return of all 
 persons who may oppose them, that they may be dealt with according to law."^ 
 The severe execution of the ordinances, absolutely and absurdly restricted the 
 natural and necessary relaxations of the people, — producing, when the adminis- 
 tration of the Puritans was over, a reaction of feeling, wherein the wildest 
 and most unbounded licentiousness and immorality had reign; encouraged, not 
 checked, by the evil example of a dissolute Monarch and his profligate Court. 
 We have seen the spiritual welfare of our citizens strictly regarded, with 
 good and hopeful purpose. This has carried us in advance of our narrative. 
 We return to 1654, when their social welfare may be glanced at through the 
 gloomy vista of the past. Oliver at this period had his hands full. His 
 authority, if not his life, was threatened by the discontented Republicans, and 
 subdued Royalists, or " delinquents," as they were styled by the enemy. A 
 proclamation, dated 3rd of May, 1654, had been issued by the exiled King, in 
 which he promised "an annuity of £500, to any person soever, and that 
 person's heirs, as well as Knighthood, to such person and his heirs, for ever, 
 and other advantages, who would take away the life of the Usurper."^ Crom- 
 well had just dismissed the Long Parliament, and had had scarcely time to 
 look about him, before he received information of a design for a general 
 insurrection of the Royalists. March 11th, Sunday, — "Peaceful Salisbury is 
 awakened from its slumbers by a real advent of Cavaliers." This emeute was 
 speedily settled, by Cromwell cutting to pieces one half the conspirators, and 
 
 1 " 27tli October, 1699. Mr. Mayor acquainted the House ttat Dr. Eeede had made a proposal 
 to build an house on the Marsh, and he hears several other citizens are mUing to buUd there." 
 
 2 Corporation Eecords. ^ Jesse's Court of the Stuarts. 
 
 A A 
 
178 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 imprisoning the other half. The prisons in those parts were full of Royalists.' 
 Every hour brought its excitement, its tidings. — Every line teems with uncer- 
 tainty, agitations, dissensions, alarms and precautions. " Paid a messenger 
 for bringing news of the routing of the Eebels at Salisbury, Is. Mr. Dorney 
 what he paid a scout to Sarum, and for carrying a letter to the Lord Protector 
 205." Three days after the insurrection at Salisbury, a Committee of safety is 
 appointed for the preservation of the peace of the City and " prevention of 
 all public disturbances in this time of public danger." April 3rd. — the train- 
 bands were called out — and the following citizens generally notorious for their 
 anti-monarchical principles were selected and appointed officers : — Mr. Robert 
 Aldworth, Town Clerk ; James Powell, Chamberlain ; Nehemiah Collins, 
 William Grrigg, John Pope, Robert Vickris, John Blackwell, and John Bowen. 
 Ensigns, drums, and halberds, were to be provided by the Chamberlain. The 
 25th, a Mr. Titan, a messenger is paid 20s., " who brought a letter from the 
 Lord Protector to secure the City against the enemy." Another 20s. is paid 
 to another messenger with a summons for the militia. Orders to prevent dis- 
 turbances in the streets were at the same time issued by the Mayor. The 
 Clerk of St. Nicholas was paid 5s. for warning the parish to appear in arms. 
 A proclamation was received in the name of the Lord Protector, " requiring 
 all apprentices to forbear shutting down of any shop which standeth open." 
 Such trifling facts are interesting and have their value. They afford irrefrag- 
 able proof of the disquietude, and unrest of the people when possessed of the 
 
 1 As a Eoyalist [Alderman Locke was open to suspicion] and Ms name appears associated with 
 this conspiracy. Nov. 26th. Edward Flower was brought before the Magistrates " for abusing 
 Aid"' Locke by saying he lodged the Duke of York in his house at the time of the last rising at 
 Salisbury. To find securities for his good behaviour or be committed." Nor were the puritanical 
 Corporation exempted from abuse or threatenings. In July of the same year " Benj°' Moseley 
 [was] to find securities for saying Aid"' Vickris had spoken nonsense, and if he did not hold his 
 talking, there would be a course taken vsath him and some of the rest of the Justices in a short 
 time." One George Salter, has also been giving expression to his sentiments, and is brought before 
 the Magistrates for saying " Aid"' Jackson was a cross high spirited man, and that he would hold 
 the Aid"'' nose to the grindstone, that the Aid"- was a man of influence and no friend to the King." 
 However true may have been the assertion of Salter, it did not prevent his punishment. " One 
 Charles Evans was taken about 20 nules from this City, and brought hither under suspicion of 
 being the Elng of Soots. He was kept prisoner at 'The Feathers,' in "Wine Street.''^ 
 
 - In 1629 and in 1656 deeds mention this house as bearing the " Prince's Arms." The repubKcan modifi- 
 cation of " the Feathers" was soon hereafter changed for the " City of Bristol Arms," the dining-room having 
 ,the Ship and Castle carved over the fire-place."^ — Evans. 
 
1654.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 179 
 
 misnamed freedom, for which so many lives had been sacrificed. The 
 apprehension was extreme. Cromwell secured obedience by means of the 
 Garrison alone; whose chief officers hy commission had commando/ the City, Fort, 
 mid Castle. There was a riot on Bristol Bridge. — Some Quakers were there. The 
 officers were alarmed fearing a design against the Commonwealth. They had just 
 grounds of suspicion and jealousy. Weary of military bondage, the people 
 yearned for the old Regime. Next day another riot. — Great excitement. — 
 About 1500, crying out for Charles Stuart, one and all. The Mayor and 
 Aldermen with the Sword, — and the Sheriffs protected by a guard of musque- 
 teers, require the people to depart. But to no purpose. The riot is at its 
 height. Proclamation is made at the High Cross in the name of the Lord 
 Protector. — Some of the rioters will not hear of a Lord Protector, they desire 
 King Charles. Many amongst them had been Cavaliers. They stand their 
 ground, and do not " budge one foot." The soldiers are dared to advance, hats 
 are waved at them in defiance. — Not a Constable to keep the peace. Riots 
 again in the evening. Some boasting of raising thousands. Mutterings of 
 enlisting of men. The whole City in "great affrightment." — Ancestral predi- 
 lections are returning. The Mayor and Aldermen, and Robert Aldworth ' the 
 " Godly Town-Clerk" are accused by a contemporary " of being friends to 
 Royalty." " Charles Stuart will enjoy his own again." ^ The excitement of 
 the citizens was increased by a report, that a general rising of the Royalists 
 was intended, the 12th of February in the coming year. 
 
 But it was not alone the Royalists that revolted against military despotism ; 
 and called into vigilant action the wonderful machinery of Oliver's govern- 
 ment. A daring attempt was made "this same year by some of the Republican 
 party, instigated by John Wildman, who had been expelled the House of 
 Commons by the Protector. " A stirring man ; very flamy, and very fuligi- 
 nous, — chief of the frantic Anabaptist party — he was seized at Exton, near 
 Marlborough, in Wilts, in a furnished lodging : — in a room up stairs, his door 
 stood open, — stepping softly up, the troopers found him leaning on his elbow 
 dictating to his clerk,^ a declaration oj the free and well-affected people of 
 
 1 Chosen Town-Clerk in 1653 — loyally disposed — not to be confounded witli Alderman Kictard 
 Aldworth, a man of very opposite principles. 
 
 2 Pamphlet quoted by Seyer. 
 
 3 Carlyle's Cromwell. — Life of Cromwell, Anonymous. 
 
180 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 England now in arms against the tyrant Oliver Cromwell, Esquire." The detec- 
 tion of these and other conspiracies, served as a plausible pretence for keeping 
 up the army ; and for exacting from the Eoyalists the expense of its main- 
 tenance. With the consent of the Council, Oliver issued an edict, " That 
 all who had borne arms for the King, and declared themselves of his party, 
 should be decimated, or pay a tenth part of their estates, to support the charge 
 of such extraordinary forces, as their seditious practices obliged him to keep 
 up." This edict was principally enforced against the harassed Eoyalists, who 
 without regard to former oppressions, were obliged again to redeem themselves. 
 Even the disaffected and those open to suspicion suffered. In order to carry 
 out this imposition, Oliver perfected his system of military despotism, by the 
 institution of ten Majoe-Generals.' These men had exorbitant power. 
 Assisted by Commissioners, they subjected whom they pleased to decimation. 
 They inspected inferior Magistrates — imprisoned suspected persons, and exer- 
 cised arbitrary authority over the person and property of the subject. Desbo- 
 row is Major-General over six counties — Gloucester, Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, 
 Devon, Cornwall. He is therefore all powerful at Bristol. " He coerces 
 Royalists; questions, commits to custody suspected persons; keeps down 
 disturbance by such methods as, on the spot, he finds wisest." The Major- 
 General gives the Corporation notice that he intends to honour the City with 
 a visit. December 18th, — a Committee is appointed " to consider of some 
 proposal to be made to him, and to make some provision for his entertainment." 
 He comes December 28th. Some wine and sugar given him. Some commu- 
 nications are made — and he is gone. The Mayor receives a letter from him. 
 — Another, imperative — peremptory : — 
 
 1 By this scheme all England is divided into Ten Districts ; a Major-General for each. Let 
 him be a man most carefully chosen, a man of real wisdom, valour, and veracity, a man fearing 
 God and hating covetousness ; for his powers are great. He looks after the good of the Common- 
 wealth, spiritual and temporal, as he finds wisest; ejects, or aids in ejecting, scandalous ministers; 
 sunnnons disaffected, suspected persons before him ; — and there is no appeal, except to the Protector 
 in Council. His force is the militia of his counties, horse and foot, levied and kept itt readiness for 
 the occasion, especially troops of horse, involving, of coiu-se, new expense, — which we decide that 
 the plotting EoyaUsts who occasion it shall pay. On all Royalist disaffected persons, the Major- 
 General therefore, as his first duty, is to lay an income tax of ten per cent. ; let them pay it quietly, 
 or it may be worse for them. They pay it very quietly.— Caeltie's Cromwell, II., 366. 
 
1656.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 181 
 
 " Mr. Mayor, — At my last being with you at Bristol, I acquainted you with an informa- 
 tion I received against Mr. Sherman, Mr. Locke, and Mr. Knight, members of your 
 Corporation, that they are not in any measure quaHfied or spirited for government, 
 and being sensible that the bringing of them upon a public stage, could not tend to 
 the reputation nor the honour of your City, I did therefore adjudge it fit to speak 
 with you, that you might advise them to make it their request to withdraw them- 
 selves ; which, as I understand, is not yet done. I must therefore renew my request 
 to you, to send for them, and to signify as much unto them, that if they will not 
 tacitly resign, but stand upon their justification, I must take that course as will not 
 stand with their credit ; for, according to his Highness' declaration there are no 
 persons that are scandalous in their lives, or enemies to the government of the Com- 
 monwealth, that will be sufiered in places of Magistracy or trust. I shall expect 
 your answer to this speedily ; and I do hope your zeal will carry you out to so 
 public a work ; which, that you may do, is the desire of 
 
 " Devizes, 13th Feb., 1655-6. " Your affectionate friend, 
 
 " For Mr. Mayor of Bristol." " Jno. Desbkowe. 
 
 Upon receipt of the above, a meeting of the Mayor and Aldermen was con- 
 vened for the 18th February, at vi^hich, were present Walter Deyos, Mayor ; 
 Alderman John Gonning, Richard Vickris, Wm. Cann, Myles Jackson, and 
 Henry Gibbs. When, " in pursuance of the aforesaid letter, Alderman Geo. 
 Knight, Alderman John Locke, Alderman Gabriel Sherman, did by writing 
 under their hands and seals, actually resign their several and respective places of 
 Aldermen, and members of the Common Council in the words following, viz. 
 
 ' Gentlemen, — For as much through age and weakness of body, and other infirmities, 
 we are now unable to give that attention to perform the duty of our several respective 
 places as Aldermen and members of the Common Council, for the good of the Cor- 
 poration as we ought to perform ; we do now desire to make it our joint and several 
 request that we may be discharged from our said places, and do hereby severally 
 and actually resign the same. Witness our hands and seals this 18th Feb., 1655-6. 
 ' To the Et. Worshipful the Mayor, ' George Knight, 
 
 Aldermen, and Common Council ' John Locke. 
 
 of the City of Bristol.' ' Gabriel Sherman. 
 
 ' We, the aforesaid Mayor and Aldermen, taking the same into consideration, do 
 accordingly accept of the said several resignations.' " 
 
 The obsequiousness with which the imperative mandate of the Major- 
 General is obeyed, is an apt illustration of the arbitrary character of the 
 Government. The suspected members are supposed to entertain monarchical 
 
182 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 principles ; and to prevent expulsion, tender their resignations on the plea of 
 " age, bodily weakness, and other infirmities ;" though however, speciously 
 they endeavoured to clothe the fact, the ostensible cause was notorious to all. 
 The reason advanced for resigning on account of old age and bodily infirmities, 
 could only be consistently brought forward in the case of Knight, who had 
 attained the patriarchal age of eighty-six years. Locke was twenty years 
 younger, and Sherman was only forty-six. 
 
 The Mayor informs the General that his orders have been obeyed : — 
 
 " May it please your Lordship, — According to your honour's first direction in reference 
 to Alderman Knight, Alderman Locke, and Alderman Sherman, of this City, I hinted 
 to them in private what your Lordship had given me in charge concerning them, 
 which being communicated; they presently, in obedience thereunto, desisted and 
 forbore the execution of their several places, not so much as appearing to act therein. 
 This being complied with, and they expressing their readiness to resign, and receiv- 
 ing your Lordship's intimation from Bath, not to make too much haste, in the new 
 election of others, caused me for the present not to be more pressing and urgent for 
 their actual resignation. But now having received your Lordship's further com- 
 mands from Devizes, about them, in performance thereof, I summoned those three 
 gentlemen, who having heard your Lordship's letter read ; they under their hands 
 and seals have actually made their several resignations, which being done as in this, 
 so in what else your honour shall be pleased to entrust me, towards the promoting 
 of any public service, shall be faithfully performed by 
 
 " Bristol, 20th Feb., 1655-6. " Your Lordship's most humble Servant, 
 
 To the Et. Hon. General, Walter Detos, Mayor." 
 
 Jno. Desbrowe, Major-General, &c." 
 
 Of the Major-General's exercise of his enlarged power, this is all that can 
 be elucidated here. From a master mind, an able advocate of Cromwell, a 
 graphic and forcible picture has emanated. " Major-Generals fleecing their 
 districts; soldiers revelling on the spoils of a ruined peasantry; upstarts 
 enriched by the jjublic plunder, taking possession of the hospitable firesides 
 and hereditary trees of the old gentry ; boys smashing the painted windows of 
 cathedrals; fifth-monarchy men shouting for King Jesus; Quakers riding 
 naked through the market-place ; agitators lecturing from tubs on the fate of 
 Agag, &c."' 
 
 In dread and uncertainty have the citizens lived, from the commencement of 
 
 1 Macaulay's Essays. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 183 
 
 the Civil War. After the sweeping hurricane of human passions, which had 
 stormed and devastated the City ; to end in military tyranny, was an issue, 
 whose bare contemplation would have cooled, however inflamed, the heated 
 passions of the Republicans. But when the intrinsic value of the Government 
 was presented to them in its unmasked despotism, they began to appreciate 
 Monarchy, and desire its re-establishment ; and to such an extent had they 
 given expression to their feelings, — that the presence of soldiers, and the main- 
 taining in readiness the trainbands, was deemed necessary for the subjection of 
 the disaff'ected. The chief officers of the Garrison had command over the City, 
 and over the Fort and Castle; and after the destruction of the latter, the 
 soldiers were quartered on the inhabitants, and were sometimes ungovernable, 
 as we shall presently see. We look in vain for that repose and domestic 
 security that an able partizan has discovered. Neither life nor property was 
 safe, and the City was continually distracted with the bitterness of factions. 
 This, and more is dimly shadowed in our records. 
 
 No announcement of any ceremonies is to be found amongst our archives, 
 on the Proclamation of Cromwell as Lord Protector. This occurred in London, 
 December 16th, 1653. But our Corporation appear tardily to acknowledge him 
 as their ruler. The House did not assemble to digest the propriety of presenting 
 him with an address of recognition tiU the 2nd of May following. The address 
 was decided upon, and prepared^ by the Tth, when the Chamber directed 
 " that Mr. Alderman Myles Jackson, the two Sheriff's, with the Town Clerk 
 and Chamberlain, do present the address of recognition to the Lord Protector 
 for the Mayor, and Aldermen, and Common CouncU of this City."^ 
 
 The economical regard for the public money exhibited, speaks plainly that 
 
 1 " The undermentioiLed to prepare a recognitioii to he made to his Highness the Lord Protector ; — 
 Alderman Aldworth, Myles Jackson, Joseph Jackson, Kiohard Vickris, William Yeamans, Mr 
 BlackweH, Mr, Sheriff Buhb, Col. Haggit." 
 
 2 The expenses of the journey are set down in our audits thus: — "August 23rd, 1634, paid 
 Alderman Myles Jackson so much he disbursed at London to deliver the recognition to the Lord 
 
 Protector £4 1 6 
 
 " Paid my own expenses [the Chamberlaiii] 5 
 
 " Paid for a dinner and other charges for those that went up 1 8 
 
 £10 9 6" 
 
184 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the finances of the Corporation were at a very low ebh. The journey to 
 London must have been humbly performed, without state or ceremony, — in a 
 simple primitive style. We may suppose a similar plainness was observed on 
 presenting the address. Such would accord with the views of men who were 
 considered to have " renounced the pomps and vanities of the world," and to 
 lead holy and religious lives. In after years, when vices and luxuries stained 
 the body politic, — when Avhat remained of good, of pure, of holy, — was almost 
 submerged in the general licentiousness, — it was not wont to confine its 
 expenses within such moderate limits. 
 
 In these difficult and trying times, the office of first Magistrate was attended 
 with anxiety and danger. Able men were not always ready and desirous to 
 fill the local dignity. This may account why John Gonning the ci-devant 
 Eoyalist, is chosen for the second time.^ John Lawford, and Christopher 
 Griffiths are his Sheriff's. Gonning's previous loyalty is not forgotten, and is 
 spoken of accordingly. In the August of the following year, " one Richard 
 Jones, coppersmith was to be sent to Newgate, to be tried at the Sessions for 
 saying the Mayor of Bristol [Gonning] was more like a horse, or an ass, than 
 a Mayor, and that he was a Cavalier and not fit to be a Mayor, and upon the 
 warrant being served, he drew his sword and endeavoured to wound the 
 officers." 
 
 A very thin attendance on the House at this period.^ To such an extent 
 
 1 During the Mayoralty of Mr. Taylor [1640] the salary of Mayor was augmented from £52 
 per annum to £104, and in the instance of a reappointment of the same officer it was increased 
 to £208. 
 
 2 " 6th September, 1650. Mr. Thomas "Woodward upon his petition is dismissed and 
 exempted paying £50 to the Chamberlain. 10th September. Mr. Pinney also dismissed and 
 exempted from being elected Sheriff on paying £50. Mr. Warren dismissed on payment of £100. 
 January, 1652-3. The fynes imposed upon Alderman Gonning and Mr. Griffith for their non- 
 appearance att the election day of Mr. Maior and officers, shall be taken into consideration next 
 House. 25th August, 1654. It is agreed at this House, that a letter be written by the Mayor and 
 Aldermen, to Mr. Luke Hodges, a member of this House, to desire his company and residence, or 
 to leave the Common Council, to elect another in his place." The House called the 29th September, 
 1657, but no business was transacted, and the leaf of the book put into mourning, having a black 
 border aU round. 23rd September, 1658. The Common Council called to assemble at the Gaunts' 
 Hospital, — " nothing done for want of a fiill appearance of the House, sixteen only out of the forty 
 were present." The Chamber met here when busiaess relating to the Hospital only, had to be 
 considered. 
 
1656.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 185 
 
 had its numbers diminished, that a measure of a temporary character was 
 rendered requisite by the extraordinary circumstances of the times, April 3rd, 
 1653 :— 
 
 A former act rendering it necessary that twenty-six of the members of the Chamber 
 must be present " for the making of any orders, laws, and ordinances," and it being 
 found that at several meetings " soe great a number of twenty-six persons doe with very 
 greate difficulty come together, and in consequence of the frequent absence of many 
 from various lawful causes," being often productive of disappointment and delay, 
 in despatching public affairs some of which were urgent; it was enacted that in future 
 four and twenty should be considered a sufficient number " to all intents and 
 purposes," for making any act of Common Council. 
 
 Josias Clutterbuck at the annual election [1656] was chosen Sheriff. He 
 was a staunch Royalist, and conscientiously and resolutely refused to serve. 
 The sum of £300, was declared the forfeiture, " to be levied by the Chamberlain 
 by distress, and sale of his goods, restoring to him the overplus." October 
 14th, Mr. Clutterbuck came before the House in a " submissive manner 
 engaging to satisfy the sum of £300, or such part of it as the House should 
 then order." The fine was consequently reduced to £150, of which he 
 paid a portion and gave security for the remainder. Thus the matter remained 
 till 1659, September 15th, when Mr. Clutterbuck " sent into the assembly 
 the whole £150, in ready money, and by a very humble petition did rest 
 himself on the judgment of the House, expressing that his forbearance to 
 serve, or — 
 
 " Hitherto to pay the fine, was not out of any refractiveness to the commands of the 
 House, or in the least to be an example of disrespect to the Government of the City; — 
 but rather from sad losses he had received in his estate, and some troubles fallen 
 upon him from some of his near relations. All which the House taking into 
 consideration, did enact and ordain that the fine of £150, should be moderated to 
 one moiety thereof, and he to pay no more but £75, which Mr. Clutterbuck, with 
 many expressions of thankfulness, did very cheerfully and readily perform." 
 
 In harmony with the prevalence of religious feeling, — the Chamber of Bristol 
 resume their ancient form of prayer, preliminary to the transaction of public 
 business. September 4th, was passed the following resolution : — 
 
 " Whereas it appears by the Records of this City, that heretofore at the assemblies of 
 the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, before they began to debate and 
 
 B B 
 
186 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 consult of any business; — supplications and prayers were made to Almighty God for 
 a blessing upon their Council, which of late years having been discontinued, and 
 being very desirous to revive a matter of so great concernment, knowing that with- 
 out the Lord's presence and assistance, no Council or Consultations can prosper, or 
 be to any good purpose." 
 " It is this day agreed and ordered, that Mr. Farmer, a godly, able Minister of the 
 Gospel, be desired to pray at every assembly with the Mayor, Aldermen, and Com- 
 mon Council, in their place of meeting ; to implore God's presence with them, his 
 directions in all their debates, and blessing upon all their Councils, that their 
 resolutions and determinations may be for his glory, and the good and welfare of 
 this City. And the said Mr. Farmer to have £10 a year for his pains. "^ 
 
 A Mr. Ralph Farmer we have seen unsuccessfully applying for the office of 
 Chamberlain, with Royalty for his patron. Again there rises before us a Mr. 
 Ralph Farmer, possessor of the living of St. Nicholas — mingled with a chaos 
 of ideas in which Quakers untimely moved, — and disturbed congregations, are 
 predominant. Mr. Ralph is favoured with the countenance of the Corpora- 
 tion. It bestows its gifts upon him, and appoints him Minister. It is fortunate 
 for Mr. Ralph he has a brother, who will be Mayor next year. But where is 
 the rejected Chamberlain? Does he hold possession of the pulpit of St. 
 Nicholas % Is he the man who persecutes the Quakers % The similarity of 
 names causes no little confusion, in an attempt at separate identification. 
 
 The example of London was taken as a precedent in other matters besides 
 devotional exercises. It led sometimes to the introduction of expensive addi- 
 tions, to the furniture of our civic pomp. Even at this time, although bankrupt 
 in estate, security, and peace, — the Corporation could dismiss from their minds 
 all anxiety ; and sedately issue instructions on a matter of display ; — when 
 fierce passions raged around, — ^when deadly contention was but checked, — and 
 unemployed poor were clamorous in the streets for food. 
 
 1 Some of the rules of the House read this year, and ordered "to be -written on a table and 
 hiuig up," have sufficient quaintness to deserve place in a note. Eule 2nd orders, " that the oath 
 of a Common Council-man he read at every meeting of the House." Eule 4th, — " When any member 
 hath a desire to speak, he shall devoutly stand up, keeping his place, with his hat off, and shall 
 address his speech to Mr. Mayor, and not to any other person." Rule 9th, — " That the usual time 
 of meeting for the members of this House be at nine of the clock in the forenoon ; and Mr. Mayor 
 to set up an half-hour glass, and those that come in after the glass is out, to forfeit the sum of 
 twelve pence." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 187 
 
 26th August, 1658. " It is this day ordered and ordained, that a handsome 
 Barge be rowed with eight or ten oars, after the manner of those Barges used 
 by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, or other Companies there; to be 
 built at the City's charge; — and a convenient place be also built for keeping of 
 the same. And the Chamberlain is to take care for providing the same 
 accordingly.'"^ 
 
 In conformity with the felicitous diction in which so many of our records 
 are penned, the Barge is first ordered to be rowed, and afterwards built. 
 
 Cromwell, whose policy was to concentrate his forces, did not in the issue 
 of a revolt feel quite secure of Bristol's Castle ; — therefore, with his peculiar 
 idiosyncrasy, — what he could not secure, he willed to destroy. Instead of 
 strengthening the Garrison, which must have been done at the risk of scat- 
 tering his army, he took the most eflfectual means of preventing so important 
 a fortress from becoming the possession of his enemy. With his wonted 
 decision, he decrees its fall ! 
 
 "Oliver P.— 
 
 " These are to authorise you forthwith to dismantle and demolish 
 the Castle within the City of Bristol ; and for so doing this shall be your 
 warrant. " Given at Whitehall, 28th December, 1654. 
 
 " To the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of Bristol." 
 
 Upon the destruction of its walls, that had played so important a part in 
 English history, an able and philosophical writer thus remarks. — " Every one 
 knows the story of their demolition who knows the least of our civic memorials. 
 Cromwell had a hand in that business, as indeed he had in most others which 
 required an aptitude for summary vengeance. He was the executioner of the 
 dynastic regime, the queller of its champions, the ravisher of its strongholds ; 
 and whatever he seized in his iron grasp was not only bruised, but if needful, 
 confounded. The purpose which shattered Goderich and Ragland, was least 
 of aU mitigated in the case of Bristol. Like stately Basing, the trouble it had 
 given made it in his eyes a rock of offence. Its surrender by Fiennes, and 
 occupation by Eupert, — the immense advantage it had rendered to his foes in 
 upholding the cause of the King in the west, — the effort required for its final 
 investment, — the expenditure of prayers, powder, and tobacco smoke, — with 
 
 1 "January 31, 1661. Mioliael Deyos, "Water Bailiff, was paid £20, towards building of a 
 Barge for the Mayor and Aldermen." 
 
188 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the last ' two hours at push of pike,' when he was ' standing on the palisadoes, 
 hut could not enter,' — all these circumstances combined together were not the 
 most calculated to mollify his proceeding. What his policy suggested, his 
 inclination approved. The pickaxe and crowbar were lustily plied to loosen 
 stones and dislocate stanchions ; and when they ceased, and the dust dis- 
 appeared, the site was vacant — the Castle was gone!"^ 
 
 But between Cromwell's order "and the disappearance of the Castle, there 
 occurs a brief interval. How the cumbrous heap was razed. How the site 
 vacated. How the daily labour progressed. How Bristol Castle was " carted 
 away," is minutely detailed. Though dull and wearying, some gleanings are 
 introduced, — not, we think, without their sentiment. 
 
 First, we have the permission of Eichard Watson, whom we suppose the 
 contractor or agent, appointed to superintend the removal of the Castle. It 
 directs — 
 
 " The Mayor and Commonaltyj or such as they shall appoint, shall have liberty tomorrow 
 morning to begin the dismantling of the Castle, according to the conclusion had and 
 made between myself and Mr. Aldworth. 
 
 " Witness my hand this 3rd of January, 1654-5. Richard Watson." 
 
 This is followed by a declaration from the Chamberlain : — 
 
 " By virtue of an act of Common Council, bearing date the 3rd of January instant, I 
 do hereby engage myself, and successors, to discharge and save harmless the several 
 inhabitants of the Castle, there now dwelling, from all arrears of Fee-farm rent due 
 from the said Castle houses and grounds therein. 
 
 " Witness my hand the 4th of January, 1654-5. 
 
 James Powell, Chamberlain."'^ 
 
 The work of removal does not appear to have been seriously undertaken till 
 March 10th, " When the Mayor and Aldermen, directed the Castle to be dis- 
 mantled ; and towards defraying the expense, every person who was assessed 
 
 1 Illustrations of Bristol History, by Samuel Lucas, Esq. 
 
 2 Until the year 1629, the Castle Precincts had been a kind of " Alsatia," affording a sanctuary 
 which the civic power could not reach. .By his Majesty's Charter of Incorporation, dated 13th of 
 April, the Preciaots were then added to the City; and on the same, day, in compensation for the 
 privileges of which the inhabitants residing within the Precincts were deprived, thirty-seven were 
 admitted to the freedom of the City. 
 
1655.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 189 
 
 in the monthly contributions for personal estate, shall work in person once 
 every week, or pay Is. for the hire of a labourer." ^ 
 
 A description of the fall of this ancient Castle, lately published, under the 
 title of " Pictures in Bristol History,"^ may not inappropriately relieve the 
 business details of the contractors. 
 
 The pale grey davs^n of a winter's morning begins to gleam upon the narrow 
 streets. Fantastic gables, twisted chimneys, and every bold projection, — stand 
 out in strong relief against the cold drear sky, with dark serrated clouds 
 divided. Hark ! the uneven tramp of many men breaks through the stillness, — 
 as, borne on the early breeze, it startles the watchful ear ; and, following the 
 sound, a band of labourers appear with spade and pickaxe armed, who halt 
 before the sullen walls of a mighty fortress, — half ruined, old, and grey. There 
 are solid towers rising in stately grandeur, and gateways of lofty arch — there 
 are royal halls and princely chambers — there are hallowed chapels and 
 accursed dungeons, — and, frowning over all, the stout and massive Keep, — 
 whose huge form, indistinctly looming, seems, in its solitary might, to bid 
 defiance to the band of men, who, with bare and sinewy arm, do stand in the 
 grey light beneath ! But the mandate of its destroyer is writ — the order for 
 its overthrow is gone forth. At the magic of a name, traced on a sheet of 
 paper which a " baby hand might tear," the monstrous pile that, for six 
 centuries, had braved storm, and siege, and elemental strife, and the silent 
 workings of insidious decay, — comes toppling to the earth, — and vanishes 
 from off its face, — leaving to after ages but a memory of its greatness — but a 
 relic of its state ! 
 
 The work of destruction has commenced, — and pennon and standard will 
 float on high no more! Tower and bastion — intrenched battlement and moated 
 waU — rapidly shrink, disappear, and become a portion of the things that 
 
 1 "Tte Constables to receive the rate of those who do not work in person; the amount to be 
 paid the Sword Bearer. A ticket to be given every evening to receive the wages from, the Sword 
 Bearer." The Mayor and Aldermen directed "that a street or streets be erected on the site of the 
 Castle. No person to carry away any stone. Persons claiming to any of the tenements within 
 and about the said Castle, are on Monday, the 2nd of April next, to bring their writings before the 
 Surveyors of the lands, at Mr. Benfield's house within the Castle, that allowance may be made of 
 all lawful titles." " October 19th, Mr. Eiohard Benfield was appointed Superiatendent for the 
 demolishing, at such salary as the Mayor and Aldermen may think proper." 
 
 2 Bristol Mirror. 
 
190 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 were. — The rude barbaric hall, where Kings and Princes have in gay festivity 
 caroused — the gilded chambers, vphere noble dames have lived in magnificent 
 constraint, — St. Martin's costly chapel, with its jewelled shrine, and sumptuous 
 altars, — whence their orisons in chaunted hymns arose, — where remained the 
 cunning work of artizans of old, in elaborate corbels, in groined roofs, and in 
 sculptured forms of curious imagery displayed. Alike the sacred and profane — 
 the warlike and the peaceful — the hall of rejoicing and of crime — the sanctuary 
 of confession and of prayer — the cell of the Priest and the den of the Gaoler, 
 alike are rent beneath the arms of that laborious band, whose serf-bound 
 ancestors, long generations back, piled up the solid fabric that was to insure 
 their thraldom. 
 
 And now, all is levelled to the dust ; and light — bright, joyous light — glares 
 into the horrors of the dungeon, and scares away its darkness — into the dun- 
 geon's deep, beneath the river's bed, the piercing ray doth shine, and searches 
 the gloomy corners of each prison house. All glorious was that light streaming 
 into hidden cells, revealing mournful signs of despairing misery scratched on 
 humid stones ! All glorious was the sunlight penetrating into those living 
 sepulchres, where so many wretched victims of tyranny and oppression had 
 perished, and whose silent walls had often echoed to the gasping cry of tortured 
 agony! All glorious was the day's bright light, pouring on those dumb 
 witnesses of fearful horrors, whose dread secrets are known to Omnipotence 
 alone ! All glorious ! — it proclaimed the extinction of the last relics of feudal 
 power, — the advance of civilisation, — and the onward progress of an eman- 
 cipated people ! 
 
 On the site where warlike despots ruled, Peace has made its home,^ — and 
 the hand of industry plies its daily toil. Where the trumpet's blast, the clash 
 of arms, the battle's cry rent through the air, is heard the hoarse murmur of 
 a commercial City. With the crowded images that people the past — with the 
 varied scenes that mark the spirit and pressure of its times — with the dull 
 silent decay that chronicled itself in dismantled roofs, — in moss, lichen, and 
 ivy covered walls, — in their final fall and extinction — are bound up animating, 
 elevating. Christianising thoughts, — from which, looking back over gloomy 
 years, we learn to regard the present with a livelier joy, afi'ection, gratitude, — 
 and to value and cherish our matchless Constitution, and maintain it in its 
 honour, dignity, and worth ! 
 
1655.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 191 
 
 An order for the destruction of the Eoyal Fort, on St. Michael's Hill, 
 followed the destruction of the Castle. Henceforth the soldiers would be 
 quartered on the inhabitants ; and we may anticipate complaints of this griev- 
 ance. At the Council held at Whitehall, Tuesday 24th July, 1655, it was — 
 
 " Ordered that all the provisions of war at Bristol, be removed from thence to Chepstow; 
 and that the Fort there, [Bristol] called the Eoyal Fort, be forthwith demolished ; 
 and that a letter be written to the Mayor and Aldermen of that Corporation to cause 
 the same to be demolished accordingly. 
 
 " W. Jessop, Clerk of the CouncH." 
 
 This notice was accompanied by an order, in which it will be remarked no direction is 
 given for the manner of the removal of the provisions of war. 
 
 " Gent., — His Highness and the Council having determined that the Fort at Bristol, 
 called the Eoyal Fort, shall be demolished, they do hereby commend it to your care, 
 that the same be forthwith done accordingly. 
 
 " Signed in the name and by the order of his Highness and Council, 
 " Whitehall, 24th July, 1655. " H. Lawrence, President. 
 
 " To the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Bristol, these — " 
 
 The instructions for the removal of the provisions of war omitted in the 
 foregoing order, were not delayed many days, ith August, the Clerk of the 
 Council writes to the Mayor, — 
 
 " Sir, — I send enclosed an order from his Highness and the Council, concerning the 
 provisions of war at Bristol, a duplicate whereof I have sent to the Governor of 
 Chepstow, [the Hon. Lieut.-Col. Nicholas] from whom I suppose you wiU hear 
 about the manner of removal, the not giving particular directions wherein, hath 
 occasioned the Council's letter (which comes herewith) to be staid some days 
 longer than was intended. " I rest your very affectionate friend and servant, 
 
 « Whitehall, 4th Aug., 1 655." " W. Jessop. 
 
 Not hearing from Col. Nicholas, and naturally desirous that the provisions 
 of war might be safely kept for the use of the Commonwealth, the Corporation 
 wrote to him, to know his commands. In reply he informs them that it was 
 ordered that the Captain of the City Militia should convey the provisions to his 
 [the Governor's] Garrison. To this the Corporation objected. They had received 
 no such order, [they write] the order being for dismantling the Fort only, and 
 request him to send for the provisions of war. The result not known. But 
 
192 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 in lieu thereof, there is ample detail as to the manner the Chamber was 
 employed in executing its more direct instructions.' 
 
 This was the preliminary step to the final overthrow of the Eoyal Fort. 
 "We may suppose the bare walls alone remain ; when on the following year, 
 February 28th, the order was given " that without further delay, the Great 
 Fort be proceeded to be fully demolished, and that one ward in turn, be 
 summoned to appear with pickaxes, shovels, baskets, and other materials for 
 slighting the walls, and banks, and filling up all the grafts and trenches."^ 
 
 Thus stone by stone were the solid walls levelled to the earth, — and the last 
 remaining fortification of the old City disappeared.^ Looking beyond the 
 immediate occasion of their removal; — Time has not yet solved the question, 
 whether cases might not still occur in which their utility would be acknowledged, 
 — whether the leaving unprotected our large towns and cities, be not a 
 grievous error. 
 
 Frequent mention is made of a Great House in the Fort.* At the time of 
 the destruction of the latter, the house was inhabited by Capt. Thomas 
 
 1 " Sept. 6th. An order was signed by several of the Aldermen to the Constables of the several 
 parishes to go from house to house, and receive from every house-keeper, the pay of one labourer for 
 one day, to be employed in the said work of dismantling the Fort, and also to make a return of such 
 who refase, that proceedings may be taken against them. — Sept. 20th. Mr. Beniield was directed 
 to sell the stones of the Fort, toward defraying the charges of demolishing.'' A month passed; 
 probably employed in removing the ammunition, stores, &c. ; and " October 10th, a Mr. Hopkins 
 was appointed by the Mayor and Aldermen to superintend the dismantling of the Fort at such 
 salary as they may think proper." 
 
 2 Each Alderman or his deputy was directed to be preeent to encourage the work. The ward 
 of St. Mcholas to be first summoned. "The Constables of the Ward to warn every family for the 
 purpose. Two masons to be employed to oversee the work, and aU the Marshalls to be in attend- 
 ance every day, until the work be done. The first part to be worked upon to be that which faces 
 the City, and the Great Gate to be taken down." 
 
 3 "January 1656-6. Upon the petition of the parish of St. Mcholas, it is ordered that there 
 shall be allowed unto them the round Tower of the towne wall, and the stones thereof, which shall 
 be added to the plot of ground lately allotted to them for the erecting an almshouse, for the same 
 term as the same is granted; provided that if any private persons claim any interest in the said 
 Tower, then such persons to be agreed withaU for ^w propriety" [property]. 
 
 * " There is a tradition that Prince Kupert inhabited one of the present five or six houses that 
 surround the Fort yard. — Seyhe." A windmill stood in the centre of the Great Fort, which, while 
 the works were constructing, by order of the Lord Commissioner Fiennes, was taken down. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 193 
 
 Beale,^ who held command of the Garrison. In a lease dated 2nd October, 
 1658, it is called the " Court of Guard House," and was let conditionally, with 
 a garden and one acre of ground, for £8, per annum, to one Daniel Breton. 
 The conditions were introduced by an act of the Common Council, and 
 appointed that the house should not be let as a tavern or ale-house ; and this 
 clause was inserted in the lease : " that in case it should please God, that at 
 any time or times the City of Bristol should be visited with the Plague ; that 
 then, under a certain penalty, upon three days warning ; the said Mr. Breton, 
 his executors, administrators, or tenants, should depart out of the said house 
 or messuage, and permit the same to be employed as a pest-housefor entertainment 
 of sick people."^ 
 
 Our readers will pardon a slight digression, if we stay our narrative, to 
 notice a little incident connected with the Great House on St. Augustine's 
 Back, now so identified with Colston's memory. In the adjudication arising 
 thereupon, from the lawful decision of the Magistrates ; great offence was given 
 to an imperious and excitable personage, whom we shall see again : — 
 
 The 25th August, 1654, upon a complaint from the parishioners of St. John's parish con- 
 cerning great scarcity of water in the pipe at St. John's Gate, to the extraordinary- 
 prejudice of the inhabitants, " in respect of their family occasions," and also the 
 danger which may ensue in case of fire ; a view was ordered to be made, to discover 
 the obstruction, which prevented a fuU flow of water from the fountain head, to the 
 aforesaid pipe. — On examination it was discovered that " part of the pipe of lead" 
 which served to convey "water from the conduit in the^Park near College Green to 
 the pipe at St. John's Gate, a feather or derivation of water was drawn into the 
 Great House on St. Augustine's Back," [then in possession of John Knight the 
 younger ;] and the main pipe of lead was raised from the level, it ought to run in 
 ''five foot or thereabouts in one end of the wall at the higher end of Frog Lane, 
 which wall belongs to the Great House," — consequently, when the fountain did not 
 yield a plentiful supply, the "derivative pipe" in the wall deprived the City of aU, 
 or most part of the water from the fountain head, and especially that the water 
 of the " derivative pipe" is seldom stopped, but kept running " for the advantage of 
 a sugar work lately set up in the aforesaid house ;" and the feather of water, if any 
 
 1 Probably the same wboin "Warburton calls Beane, see page 107 of this work. 
 
 2 JSTovember 13tb. " The three ranges of houses in the Great Fort to be let, the tenants to 
 have a week's notice in case at any time of sickness, so that the same may be made pest-houses." 
 It was afterwards ordered, " that the act formerly made that the houses in the Fort shoidd be made 
 pest-houses, be repealed, for it's conceived they are too near the highway, and the Surveyors are to 
 let the same, and to treat with persons for a place for a pest-house elsewhere." 
 
 c c 
 
194 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 were granted, was so much only as would serve for the use of a private family, and 
 not for the " convenience or benefit of works for refining of sugars." And as all 
 fountains, pipes, and conduits, are Corporation property ; and it was part of their 
 duty to see they were kept clear and in due order for the public use, — it commands 
 that " the main pipe shall be cut oif from the pipe raised in the wall of the Great 
 House" and be again laid level, and persons are authorised to continue from time to 
 time to enter and examine any grounds, closes, or places, which could be iised to 
 convey water from the fountain head. 
 
 Probably Knigbt took umbrage at the decision of the Corporation, or 
 more probable his political sentiments influenced his conduct. — But this is 
 unimportant. Whatever may have been the cause, we find that a few days 
 after, he refused the " execution of his duty" as a member of the Common 
 Council, and was fined the sum of £100. This he refused to pay, and the 
 Chamberlain is ordered to take the accustomed course. The 13th October an 
 instrument passed under the City Seal for collecting the imposed fine. Knight 
 was not the only one who had been elected ; who refused to serve, and was there- 
 upon fined. — Such was the policy of the Chamber, that they elected many 
 whom they knew would not serve, that they might have the pleasure of expend- 
 ing their enmity against them, either by fine or imprisonment ; thereby 
 gratifying the bitterness of party feeling, and in many instances repairing the 
 resources of the Treasury. If this be the Sir John Knight, who comes before 
 us hereafter as a most intolerant persecutor — it will be borne in mind the 
 influence of example, in the school in which he had been reared. 
 
 There was at the same time another sugar manufactory in St. Peter's 
 churchyard. The house had been the residence of Robert Aldworth, a muni- 
 flcent merchant who died there in 1634. It was visited this year [1654] by 
 Evelyn, who describes his entertainment. " Here [he says] I first saw the 
 manner of refining sugar, and casting it into loaves where we had a collation 
 of eggs fried in the sugar furnace, together with excellent Spanish wine." 
 
 Seyer says, the City was at this time, a very hot bed of religious dissension. 
 Besides the Quakers, whose doctrines particularly prevailed, there were the 
 Presbyterians, the Anabaptists, and the Independents ; all in violent hostility to 
 each other.^ The Church of England that had been abolished by .the ordi- 
 nance of Parliament in 1645, was so entirely subdued, as apparently to be 
 
 1 Mr. "WiUiam Grigg, the tamier, exclaims with great violence against liberty of consoience, 
 and what he calls a "wicked toleration," which Cromwell had recommended and granted, whereby 
 Eristol was become the "receptacle of blasphemers." — Seyer, II., 600. 
 
1656.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 195 
 
 forgotten. The Independents had gained the ascendency, and most of the 
 churches were occupied by their ministers. But in the midst of bitterness and 
 animosity, there was much outward sanctity ; — much preaching and praying, 
 — 'general fasts ordered by the government, and local fasts and humiliations, 
 instituted by the Chamber. The observance of the Sabbath was strictly 
 maintained — the accustomed sports and amusements of the people were 
 denied — their holiday games forbidden — the immoral and corrupt punished — 
 and the ordinances carried into execution with a severity, but little in accord- 
 ance with the mild teaching of the Christian law. If restraint and persecution 
 for religion's sake, could have imbued the minds of the people with a love and 
 reverence for divine things, — this desideratum would surely now have been 
 achieved ; and the elevating and purifying influences of the pious administra- 
 tion of the Commonwealth, would have manifested itself. 
 
 Here we have a trait of the manners of the times. Instructions for a 
 general fast are communicated in a letter sent by the Government to the 
 Mayor [Richard Balman] — 
 
 " Sir, — His Highness the Lord Protector of this Commonwealth have agreed upon a 
 declaration for a general fast to be holden in all places within England, Scotland, 
 and Ireland, upon Thursday, the 30th October next — whereof the ministers and 
 preachers of the respective parishes and congregations are by the tenor thereof to 
 take notice. We have therefore, sent you several copies of the said declaration 
 which you are strictly required carefully to send abroad and disperse to the several 
 parishes and congregations within your City. In proving your utmost endeavour 
 and diligence, that the same be done with effect, and returning a speedy account to 
 the Council of your receipt hereof, and proceeding thereupon.' 
 
 "Signed in the name and by the order of the Council, 
 " Whitehall, Sept., 1656." for the Mayor of the City of Bristol— These." 
 
 The Mayor replies — 
 " Eight Honourable, — 
 
 " Your letter, together with the copies of the declaration, for the fast to be kept 
 on the 30th day of October inst. I received, and immediately sent abroad and 
 dispersed the said copies, to the several parishes and congregations within this City, 
 and shall endeavour in what I can to maintain a due observation of the day, from only 
 at present, " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "Bristol, 18th October, 1656. "Eichaed Balman, Mayor. 
 
 " To the Right Hon. the Lord President Lawrence, at Whitehall, London. These — " 
 
 1 This one may stand as an example of many, the grammar might have been improved, and 
 the conclusion have been rendered less obscure. 
 
196 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 An instance of a local fast appointed by the Corporation, occurs June 19tli, 
 1657. — " It is voted by the whole House, that Wednesday, 1st of July, be 
 set apart as a day of public humiliation within this City ; and that the members 
 of the several congregations be desired to give notice hereof the next Lord's 
 day before, — and that Alderman Vickris, Myles Jackson, Alderman Gibbs, 
 Joseph Jackson, Mr. Sheriffs,^ and Mr. Jackson, or any four of them, form a 
 Committee, and be desired to draw up a remonstrance of the reasons of the 
 said Fast, and to speak with the Ministers touching the same." The reasons 
 have not descended to our time. 
 
 It will give some idea how the Puritan divines were engaged on these fast 
 days, if we quote Howe's own account, as related by Dr. Calamy. 
 
 " He told me," says the Doctor, " it was upon these occasions, his common way to begin 
 about nine in the morning with a prayer for about a quarter of an hour, in which he 
 begged a blessing on the work of the day ; and afterwards read or expounded a 
 chapter or a Psalm, in which he spent about three quarters of an hour; then prayed 
 for an hour, preached for another hour, and prayed for half an hour. After this, he 
 retired and took some little refreshment, for about a quarter of an hour or more, (the 
 people singing all the time,) and then came into the pulpit, prayed for another hour, 
 and gave them another sermon of an hour's length. And so concluded the service 
 of the day, at about four o'clock ia the evening, with about half an hour or more in 
 prayer." Thus seven hours were occupied in pubHc praying on these days, in 
 addition to the ordinary pulpit and pastoral work of the Sabbath, and other 
 occasions. 
 
 WofuUy had the people drawn comparisons between the expenditure of 
 monarchy, and the oppressive taxation of the Commonwealth. The poor 
 suffered in a manner never before experienced. Never during the period of 
 our research, do our records shadow forth so many images of privation and 
 distress. The necessities of the poor frequently occupy the attention of the 
 Chamber. 
 
 The 25th of April, 1654, the " Mayor and Aldermen, with the consent and approbation of 
 the Common Council, resolved, by the assistance of Almighty God, to prosecute the 
 speedy relief and employment of the poor, and prevention of vagrants and other 
 disorderly persons from begging within this City." The Corporation, " out of their 
 earnest desire to give their furtherance to so pious a work," advanced a considerable 
 
 1 " May 23rd, 1656. Mr. Sheriff Vickris was endeavoured to he stabbed by one Scarlett, while 
 preventing the latter from beating Ms mother." 
 
1658-9.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 197 
 
 sum of money for providing a stock, and likewise called in the assistance of several 
 parishes, " for the better carrying on and promoting so good a service. And to the 
 end that it may be publicly known where the workhouse shall be kept," 
 notice is given that the " Smith's HaU is the place appointed, under the care and 
 oversight of Robert Massinger, MilHner. All such men, women, and children who 
 are fit to be employed and trained up in work," are to be searched for, " that they may 
 add to their maintenance, and be kept from idleness ; and that such orderly courses 
 be taken, both for the willing and unwilling poor, as may best conduce for the better 
 government of the workhouse. Work to be delivered to such parish poor as cannot 
 without inconvenience absent themselves from their famihes, on their giving security 
 for the return of the same." " All importers of wood for fuel were ordered to wait 
 upon the Mayor, and acquaint him with the price, before landing." This was for 
 the purpose of regulating the price within the means of the poor. Also resolved, 
 " that no imported butter should be exported, until offered in the market at three 
 pence per pound ; and for the relief of the poor, that eight pence per pound be paid 
 out of every kilderkin exported." 
 
 Neither had the condition of the labouring classes improved during the 
 Protectorate. It became worse after the death of the Usurper, and had reached 
 its climax before the Eestoration. The subject will carry us a few years in 
 advance of our narrative. But to substantiate our observation, we cannot find 
 a more appropriate place to introduce another extract, touching the distress of 
 the community. 
 
 " 4th January, 1658-9. The House this day taking into consideration the manifold and 
 extraordinary necessities of the poor at this time, agreed that a collection should be 
 made throughout the City, from door to door, towards the reHef and comfort of those 
 that are in much want, and out of a deep sense of the miseries that many now lye 
 under." The Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, liberally headed the collec- 
 tion list, and the absentees were requested to forward such sums as they may feel 
 disposed to contribute for this laudable purpose. Monday, 17th instant, " these 
 particular persons for the several wards be desired to goe from doore to doore, and 
 to gather and receave such sums of money as the Lord shall stirr up their hearts to 
 give, towardes so charitable a worke in such a tyme of extremity.''^ And the Ministers 
 were requested on the next Lord's day, by an order from the Mayor, to signify to 
 their several congregations of the time and manner of this collection, and that they 
 " stir up y^ people to a free and large contribution." Then foUow the names. 
 
 CromweU, though he had reluctantly refused the proffered crown, was 
 nevertheless not free from the cares that lie beneath the royal mantle. 
 
198 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 These he could not elude. They followed his ascent to power, — abode with him 
 in his exaltation, — and overcast with inquietude his daring spirit. In 1657, 
 the famous pamphlet entitled, " Killing no Murder," recommending all persons 
 to assassinate Cromwell, excited him with painful apprehensions. He lived 
 in ceaseless dread of the secret assassin ; and continual plots, and attempted 
 insurrections, kept his powerful mind ever watchful and vigilant. This year 
 Oliver discovered and frustrated another plot, laid for a general insurrection ; 
 which the Marquis of Ormond came over from Ireland to forward, and 
 narrowly escaped being taken. The anxiety of the Protector's mind regarding 
 the safety of his Government, is indubitably proved from his letters addressed 
 to the Corporation : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, — 
 
 " We have certain intelligence that the old Cavalier party, and those who 
 favour their interest on these nations, do design a sudden insurrection in this nation, 
 and are to be encouraged therein by the Spaniards, who, together with Charles 
 Stuart, intend an Invasion, and we are informed that your City is particularly 
 designed upon, and that some of their agents are sent down privately to prepare 
 both persons and things against the time they shall be ready. ^ 
 
 " Wherefore we have thought it necessary to give you timely notice thereof, to the end 
 you may be upon your guard, and be in a posture to defend yourselves either 
 against open force or secret undermining, and we shall be ready, as you shall let us 
 understand your condition, to give you assistance as it shall be necessary for your 
 preservation of the peace of the City. 
 
 " We rest 
 
 " Your very loving Friend, 
 " WhitehaU, March 16th, 1657-8.2 « Olivbe P. 
 
 " For the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of our City of Bristol." 
 
 Upon the perusal of this stirring epistle, the Corporation " resolved that the superior 
 officers of the Trained bands and Militia, do immediately meet and consider what is 
 best to be done, and also what quantity of powder and other ammunition should be 
 provided, and such officers and captains as are members of this House, to prepare a 
 letter to the Lord Protector, which is to be signed by the Mayor in the name of the 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of this City." It was further resolved 
 
 1 Clayton, Pyle, and others were to act in the seizing of Bristol and Crloucester, which with other 
 places, were to be the beginning of a general iasurrection. 
 
 2 In the 17th century the year began on the 25th of March; for instance, — 1657-8, the last 
 figure is always the modem one, 1657-8 means 1658, for our calendar. 
 
1657.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 199 
 
 " that the City be put into a state of defence, and that the following members of the 
 House be appointed a Committee for that purpose." ^ 
 
 Another letter expressive of the continued apprehensions of Cromwell, is 
 occupying the serious consideration of the Council. — 
 
 "Oliver P.— 
 
 " Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Remembering well the late expres- 
 sions of love that I have had from you, I cannot omit any opportunity to express 
 my care of you. I do hear on all hands that the Cavalier party are designing to put 
 us into blood. We are I hope taking the best care we can, by the blessing of God, 
 to obviate this danger ; but our intelligence on all hands being that they have a 
 design on your City, we could not but warn you thereof, and give you authority 
 (as we do hereby) to put yourself into the best posture you can for your own defence, 
 by raising your Militia and putting them in readiness for the purpose aforesaid ; 
 letting you also know that for your better encouragement herein, you shall have a 
 troop of horse sent you to quarter in or near your town. We desire you to let us 
 hear from time to time touching the malignant party, and so we bid you farewell." 
 
 "Whitehall, 2nd December, 1657." 
 
 The Common Council, in pursuance of this command, the 8th of December 
 following, again directed the City to be placed in the best posture of defence, by 
 raising the Militia, "and that the officers of which, formerly approved by this 
 House, do forthwith undertake the charge of their respective companies, 
 according to their several divisions, formerly appointed them, and that a 
 committee answer the Protector's letter." 
 
 June 6th, 1657, Oliver Cromwell was inaugurated at Westminster Abbey, 
 as Lord Protector, with great pomp. No rejoicings appear to have taken 
 place in this City, — or, if any, too trivial for notice. It is stated that he was 
 proclaimed here the 11th of July in the following year, — but notwithstanding 
 a careful search, no order for the purpose is discoverable. That a proclamation 
 of some kind did take place, we infer from the lone fact, — that there is a 
 
 1 The Mayor, [Arthur Farmer] a Alderman Viokris, Alderman Myles Jackson, Alderman Joseph 
 Jackson, Capt. William Grigg, Jere Holwey, Alderman "W". Carm, Sheriff John Willoughhy, Alderman 
 Henry Gibbs, Alderman Edward Tyson, Capt. BlackweU, Capt. John Pope, Capt. Kobert Viokris, 
 Major Harper, Major CoUins, SheriiF Appleton, Mr. John Young, Mr. George White, Mr. Eobert 
 Tate, Mr. George Hart, Mr. Thomas Bubb, Mr. John Bowen, Mr. Arthur Parker. 
 
 a August 12tli, 1658, the Bristol-men born, held a feast at the Great House at Bridge end, over against the 
 Bear Tavern. Mr. Arthur Farmer, the Mayor, being born in Bristol, was Treasurer. They paid for the dinner 
 five shillings a piece. — Evans. 
 
200 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 payment of £2 : 10 made "to the Trumpeters and Waits for attending at the 
 Proclamation;" but as to the form and observance, — the object and intent 
 of the same, we know nothing. A • meeting of the Corporation was also 
 convoked on that day ; and what is unusual, appear to have met for no purpose 
 they thought worthy of record. There are the names of the members who 
 were present, but no word of any business transacted. Probably a holiday. 
 Lord Eichard Cromwell, for the purpose of rendering himself popular, was 
 sent by his father, in 1658, to make a progress through the kingdom. His 
 approach to this City produced some commotion amongst the Corporation. A 
 meeting was summoned, June 8th, for the purpose of consulting how its 
 members could best testify their fealty, and obsequiousness. 
 
 " The House left it to the Mayor and Aldermen to present the Lord Eichard Cromwell, 
 and General Desborow, who are now expected in Bath, as ail expression of their love 
 and respect, unto them, with such wine, sugar, and other things as they shall think 
 fit, and give them an invitation to this City, and make such provision and entertain- 
 ment for them and their retiaue, as shall be agreeable to their honours, and laudable 
 custom of this City in former times, upon like occasions." 
 
 " It is also referred to them to provide a handsome house for the entertainment of them 
 at this present time, and for the future reception of persons of honour, Judges of 
 the assize, &c., as shall resort unto the City."' 
 
 A circumstantial account of the pompous reception of the Lord Eichard, 
 was published at the time in the " Mercurius. Politicus," in which the venal 
 eulogium, and gross adulation of the press, afford another mournful instance, 
 how the frank and outspoken spirit of the nation had been corrupted and 
 subdued. 
 
 " On Thursday last, [3rd July] the most illustrious Lord, the Lord Eichard Cromwell, 
 (having received two or three invitations, in the name of this City) set forward from 
 Bath hither, attended by a numerous train of gentry, and was met three miles from 
 the town by the Sheriffs, accompanied with at least two hundred horse ; whence, 
 after their salutation and compliment in the name of the City, they conducted his 
 Lordship, with his Lady, and the Hon. William Cromwell, Mr. Dunche, &c., into 
 Bristol, waited on by near four hundred horse, at whose entry the artillery was fired 
 
 1 'So particiilar house was provided for the purpose specified. The Judges and persons of honour, 
 generally lodged with the most distinguished citizens. Those who kept the best table, and had the 
 most spacious, or best appointed mansions. During the lives of Aldworth and Alderman Joseph 
 Jackson, they shared the honour, and profit, of feasting illustrious visitants to the City. 
 
1658.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 201 
 
 " from the Marsh, and the ships that lay in the road ; and his Lordship, riding 
 forward, was encountered by the Mayor and Aldermen, and was by them waited on 
 to a house provided for his Lordship,.at Col. Aldworth's,in Broad Street; and there 
 received with hearty demonstrations of their affection to their highnesses, (whom 
 they said they had formerly the honour to see there) and particularly to his Lord- 
 ship. The next day his Lordship rode out to be witness to the beauty of the place, — 
 and was at his return entertained with a noble dinner, at which it is observable, that 
 (although there were plenty of wine, &c.) yet there was so much respect paid to 
 their prudent orders and civil decorum, that that great entertainment was void of 
 that rudeness, and excess, and noyse, into which the liberty of feasts, in these our 
 days, doe often betray their guests." 
 " The same evening his Lordship passing thro' another part of the City, round the 
 Town Marsh, was complimented with the discharge of the great guns upon the 
 place ; and in his way forth treated particularly by the Mayor with a banquet, &c., 
 and returned safe to Bath. Throughout this whole entertainment, there appeared 
 as clear a fare of duty and good affection, as ever was seen at any time upon the like 
 occasion ; yet it is no more than what is paid to that noble Lord in every place, — by 
 such as have had the honour to observe his great humanity, joyned with so great 
 hopes, and the noblest inclinations of a virtuous mind." 
 
 The Lord Eichard's attempt to obtain popularity, put the City to a 
 considerable expense ; the more especially felt at this time, when its exchequer 
 was not only exhausted, but the Chamber had recently been obliged to dispose 
 of some of its estates to meet its responsibilities. January 5th. " The Manor 
 Farm and Prebend of Tolerton, in the county of Gloucester; — the manors of 
 Westhatch and North Weston, in the county of Somerset; — to be sold in fee to 
 meet the many thousand founds the Chamber are in debt." 
 
 There are a few details of the expense consequent upon the Lord Eichard's 
 visit. They teU us the cost of these civic entertainments. It wUl be observed 
 that the charge for the wine consumed at Mr. Aldworth's, with that presented, 
 amounts to a considerable item, — approaching to one half of the whole 
 expenditure.^ 
 
 1 " 1658, June 17th. The Chamberlain's expenses to Bath, with his man to deliver the present 
 to the Lord Eiohard Cromwell, 8s. id." He also waited upon him at Bath, with a letter from the 
 Mayor and Aldermen, to know what day he would visit the City, — expense, 12s. %i. Eichard 
 CromweU. fixed the day, and forwarded a present to the Mayor of two bucks. " Paid a waggoner for 
 carrying a tmi of wine to Bath, to the Lord Eichard CromweU, £1. Paid the Town Clerk 
 [Eobert Aldworth] for entertaining the Lord Eiohard CromweU in fuU of his note, £70 : 9. 
 
 D D 
 
202 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 It must be admitted that during Cromwell's sway, England never had been 
 held in higher respect among nations ; or had exerted her influence for better 
 purposes. To use the words of Milton, she appeared " as a noble and puissant 
 nation, rousing herself as a strong man after sleep, or as an eagle nursing her 
 mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at full mid-day beam." Of this 
 consummate statesman, our annals speak no more, until we have judicial tidings 
 of that event common to all. No letter from the Council of State, or from 
 the Long Parliament, announced to the Corporation the death of Charles. It 
 would have been somewhat odd, to have read in courtly style " that it had 
 pleased the Almighty Providence to deliver his sacred Majesty into the hands 
 of his rebellious subjects." It was an awkward tale to come from usurped 
 authority. It was difficult to acquit the conscience. The guilt would penetrate 
 through the gloss of words, — and the unmitigated, painful, startling fact of the 
 august martyrdom, would be revealed upon the official page. And so it was 
 left undone, — and rumour bruited it abroad. It was otherwise when the master 
 mind departed. — He had died midst the voices of the hurricane, the warfare 
 of the elements;^ but he had died upon his bed, and by no rugged way. 
 No mortal's daring hand had hastened the dart of death ! This event has had 
 its history eloquently and forcibly related. The official fact calculated to 
 elicit deep reflection, with some of the adjoining circumstances, are preserved 
 amongst our civic lore. We will print both here. 
 
 There was a solemn convention of the Council, September 6th. Serious and 
 momentous the occasion. The Mayor, [Arthur Farmer] seven Aldermen ; John 
 Willoughby and Henry Appleton, Sherifis ; and fifteen Common CouncUmen 
 composed the Chamber, before whom the following important letter from the 
 Privy Council was read : — 
 
 Michael Deyos, "Water Bailiff, for powder used at the entertainment, £14 : 16. Paid the Ringers 
 of St. Thomas and St. Nicholas, lis. Eobert ChaUoner for 103lbs. of ikie loaf sugar sent to him 
 [Lord Eichard] at Bath, and also for a cask, £8 : 15 : 6. John BlaokweU., for wiae sent to him 
 [Lord Eichard] at Bath, and spent at Mr. Aldworth's, and given the Eecorder at Bath, £72 : 19 : 2." 
 July 24th. It was ordered that the Chamherlaiu " present the Eecorder [John Doddridge^] now at 
 Bath, with three dozen bottles of wine and two sugar loaves." 
 
 1 On his "beloved and victorious" 3rd of September, CromweU closed his eyes upon the world. 
 " The greatest storm of mnd, that ever had been baovm, which overthrew trees, houses, and made 
 great wrecks at sea, ragiag for some hours before and after his decease." — Claeendon. 
 
 a " 1655, May 4th. John Doddridge was chosen Recorder vice Whitelocke, and on the 29th he was presented 
 with the freedom of the City." 
 
1658.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 203 
 
 " After our very hearty commendations, — whereas it hath pleased the most wise God in 
 his providence, yesterday about 4 of the clock in the afternoon, to take out of this 
 world the most serene and renowned Oliver, late Lord Protector of this Common- 
 wealth, to the unspeakable grief of our hearts, and the invaluable loss of these 
 nations. But in this sore aiHiction it doth much relieve our spirits, that his said 
 late Highness in his life time according to the humble petition and advice, did 
 appoint and declare the most noble and illustrious Lord, the Lord Richard, eldest 
 son of his late Highness to succeed him in the government of these nations. A 
 person who hath given such eminent testimony of his faithfulness, and great affection 
 to the cause of God and the public interest of these nations ; as giveth us abundant 
 cause of rejoicing that the Lord hath provided such a successor to undertake the 
 government, in whose prudence and moderation we may acquiesce, and under whom 
 we have not only hopes, but much confidence that the Lord will make these nations 
 happy." 
 " We therefore of the Privy Council, together with the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and 
 Citizens of London, the Officers of the Army, with numbers of principal gentlemen, 
 have with one fuU voice and consent of tongue and heart, this day pubUshed and 
 proclaimed the said noble and illustrious Lord Richard to be rightfully Protector of 
 the Common Wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions and 
 territories thereto belonging. To whom we acknowledge aU fidelity and constant 
 obedience according to the law, and the humble petition and advice, with all hearty 
 and humble affections. And therefore have thought fit to signify the same unto 
 you, willing and requiring you to assemble the Magistrates of your City immediately 
 on receipt hereof, and to cause his said Highness to be proclaimed according to the 
 form here inclosed. Mutatis Mutandis, with such solemnity as becomes a business of 
 such a nature, and to take all due care for the preservation of the peace, and securing 
 the same against aU insurrections and disturbances that may be made by evil-minded 
 men upon this change. 
 
 " Signed in the name and by order of the Council, 
 " Whitehall, 4th Sept., 1658. " H. Laweence, President. 
 
 " To the Mayor of the City of Bristol, these—" 
 " Upon the reading all of which it is ordered, ordained, and enacted, that according to the 
 purport of the same, his highness shaU be this day proclaimed by one of the Sheriffs 
 in the High Cross, and the manner of the solemnity to be this." 
 " That the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council shall forthwith meet at the Gmld- 
 
 hall, in their scarlet gowns." 
 " That warning be presently given to all the several companies of the liveries within 
 
 the City, for to attend at the Guildhall also." 
 "That all the superior Officers of the trained bands, and their Sergeants and Drummers 
 
204 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " be there, and here likewise, with the City musicians and all other civil officers 
 belonging to the corps also." 
 " That directions be given for Bonfires, Trumpets, ringing of Bells, firing of great Guns 
 in the Marsh, at the City's charge, as also for discharging all the great guns in the 
 several ships at the Key, Hungroad, and Kingroad." 
 
 The Lord Eichard was proclaimed as directed. The citizens made pomp 
 after their accustomed manner. There was a great concourse of people. 
 They swarm in the streets shouting with loud zeal. There was a continued 
 ringing of bells, — firing of cannon, — beating of drums, — and blowing of trum- 
 pets. The City was sonorous with the confusion of bells — guns, drums, 
 trumpets, and human voices. Surrounding the High Cross are the municipal 
 authorities, in full official costume. The trumpets are sounding — the drums 
 beating — the Waits playing. The Sheriffs in scarlet have "gone up into" the 
 Cross. There is silence. — The first Sheriff is reading the Proclamation : — 
 
 " Whereas it hath pleased Almighty God, in his ^vise and ever-ruling providence, to 
 take into his mercy the most serene and renowned OHver, late Lord Protector of 
 this Common Wealth. And whereas his said late Highness, did in his life time, 
 according to the humble petition and advice, appoint and declare the most noble and 
 illustrious Lord, the Lord Richard, eldest son of his said late Highness, to succeed 
 him in the government of these nations. We therefore, the Mayor and the other 
 Magistrates of this City of Bristol, in the name, and •with, the consent and concurrence 
 of the Commonalty of the said City, do with one full voice, and consent of tongue 
 and heart, publish and proclaim the said most noble and illustrious Lord Richard to 
 be the Rightful Lord Protector of this Common Wealth of England, Scotland, and 
 Ireland, and the dominions and territories, thereunto belonging. To whom we 
 acknowledge all fidelity and constant obedience, according to the law, and the same 
 humble petition and advice : with all heart and humble aifections, beseeching the 
 Lord, by whom Princes rule, to bless him with long life, and these nations with 
 peace and happiness under his government." 
 
 It is over. — The silver trumpets sound clear and shrill, — the bands strike 
 up, — the drums beat, — the cannons fire, — the bells ring, — and the shouts and 
 acclamations of the populace rend the air ! It is over. — The livery companies 
 in their gowns with their banners, the City regiments with their drums, the 
 sergeants with their halberts, the militia ofiicers, the civil officers, the 
 musicians, the Common Council in scarlet, the whole company conduct the 
 Mayor to his own house; where, after many formalities, they separate. — In the 
 
1658.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 205 
 
 evening bonfires and noise.^ Such is the visuality that rises before us, as we 
 read on the old page, of the doings in the old City at that distant day.^ 
 
 And all this ceremony and display, the exciting music — the blazing bonfires 
 — the cannons' loud report — were in honour of one, who a few months after, 
 humbly and quietly retired from public view — leaving the supreme authority 
 in the hands of a few ambitious adventurers — humble imitators of the great 
 spirit, who had so lately guided its affairs with almost superhuman skill ! 
 
 It was no pleasant prospect of easy government that presented itself to the 
 Lord Richard on his accession to the Protectorate. The pay to the troops 
 was in arrear. — The militia betrayed symptoms of discontent, and the coffers 
 of the state were empty. Richard Cromwell, only twenty-eight years of age, 
 shrunk from the responsibility of that exaltation, the untiring energies of his 
 father, had erected on the ruins of monarchy. The power which the father 
 had grasped so tenaciously, the son passively allowed to slip from his hands ; 
 and the lofty eminence that had been raised for him, unresistingly to crumble 
 to the dust. He peacefully passed from his conspicuous sphere, to the retire- 
 ment and amenities of private life, — wiser and happier thus, than in authority, 
 with the cares, anxieties, and disquietudes that filled up the measure of his 
 father's days. — The brief Protectorate of Richard Cromwell occupies but a 
 line in the volume of English History. — So brief, that while our tardy unde- 
 cided Corporation is meeting, consulting, and digesting an " address of 
 recognition," his government was expiring. Regardless of the rumour of 
 coming events, the Chamber is still considering, consulting, and digesting. 
 It was not till the 25th October, it was resolved that " an address by way of 
 recognition be presented his Highness from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
 Council of this City." The address is prepared, — ordered to be presented 
 
 1 We have tte cost, — "Paid tte Drummers and Sergeants for their attendance, and also the 
 
 Trumpeters, at the proclaiming of the Lord Eiohard Cromwell, Protector £2 10 
 
 Paid the Seamen for firing the guns 12 6 
 
 Michael Deyos, for 3 Barrels of powder, amd other charges, in shootuig of the 
 
 Great Guns in several ships at the Key 16 6 2 
 
 for a Butt of Sack given away by order of the Mayor and Aldermen 28 
 
 the Trumpeters and "Waits at the proclamation 2 10 0" 
 
 2 " The solemnity was performed the best that ever was in this place upon such an occasion. 
 Indeed aU was carried on .and done in the best manner, and with the highest affection that could 
 possibly be." — Newspaper Paragraph. 
 
206 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the 20th November. — The last notice of our City's allegiance to Richard 
 Cromwell. 
 
 In the beginning of this year, 1659, we find noted the death of Doddridge, the 
 Recorder. He is remembered by two elegant, much admired articles of plate 
 in the possession of the Corporation.' Shortly after [29th March] the House 
 met and put in nomination several gentlemen to fill the vacant office. A Mr. 
 John Stephens is unanimously elected, and in " pursuance thereof" the Mayor 
 and Aldermen write to their new choice the following flattering eflfusion ; which 
 we give in its own language. Its concluding feature is subject for commentary. 
 • — How far it may be trusted as a sample of the religious veracity of the age, or 
 be merely regarded as a specimen of the style of epistolary correspondence, to 
 which Cromwell's letters had given a prevalent tone and spirit, is not for us 
 to decide : — 
 
 " Mr. Doddridge our late Recorder ;being deceased, and having had in consideration 
 the supply of his place, — amongst many others in nomination before us, none of their 
 names or qualifications was of such account, or had so great an estimation with us 
 as your own, who are our worthy neighbour. God's providence therefore having 
 directed the judgments of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of this City, 
 in their election of yourself to be Recorder of this Corporation which was on 
 Tuesday the £9th instant, we hereby signify the same unto you, and do let you 
 know that with much affection we have made this free choice, hoping you will 
 clearly see the footsteps of a divine appointment ia this your call, and thereby take 
 encouragement to a ready acceptance thereof, which will very much engage, 
 " Your very loving friends and Servants." 
 
 Equally characteristic is the reply. — Though somewhat lengthy, — for the 
 matter it contains we are tempted to introduce it — 
 
 " Middle Temple, April 5th, 1659. 
 " Gentlemen, — I received your kind letter by the hands of Mr. Alderman Jackson, 
 whereby you give me to understand that you have chosen me to be your Recorder, 
 
 1 31st of May. — " This day the gift of Mr. Doddridge, the late Recorder, being 2 gilt Flagons 
 weighing 152 oz. 8 dwts. — were presented to the Corporation for the use and hono-ur of the City — 
 and the Chamberlaia was ordered to pay Aid. Joseph Jackson £5, being so much expended by hiim 
 above the £40 bequeathed by his [Doddridge's] will, for purchasing the said Plagons." The 
 £40 was paid by his widow Judith, whom he made his executrix, the 7th May, 1659. Doddridge 
 was held in high esteem by the Corporation, and marked respect was invariably paid him on his 
 attending to perform his duties. 
 
1659.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 207 
 
 " in the room of that worthy gentleman deceased, Mr. Doddridge. I know yon might 
 have pitched on many more able to serve you in that place then myself, who am 
 as yet but a stranger to you and to the place; but it being done without any know- 
 ledge or privity of myself, or any desire of any other in my behalf that you know 
 of; I look upon it, as you intimate in your letter, as the footsteps of a divine appoint- 
 ment, and therefore desire to let you know that as I do with much thankfulness 
 acknowledge and accept your good respects and affections to me, so I will through 
 God's assistance endeavour to do you the most faithful service I can in that place, 
 and as soon as I can be dispensed with from my public employment in Parliament, 
 shall take a convenient time to wait upon you, and in the mean time desiring your 
 prayers, assure you that I am. 
 
 Your faithful Friend and humble Servant, 
 
 John Stephens." 
 
 The disorder of this time may be imagined. — Distraction and uncertainty 
 everywhere. — England on the verge of anarchy. " No quiet was enjoyed by 
 any : all were at work, and the King's party Very active, and every man guided 
 by his fancy or interest. Many wished themselves out of their daily hazards, 
 but knew not how to get free of them."^ Bristol was not exempt from anxiety 
 and alarm! At the close of the year the inhabitants were made unpleasantly 
 sensible of the presence of the military quartered in the City. The soldiers 
 had shown for some time past a strong tendency to turbulence and rapine. 
 Their open violence was dreaded. A result easily foreseen from an imbecile 
 divided government, no longer directed by one energetic will. December 
 20th, the Mayor and Aldermen were directed by a resolution of the Council, 
 " to treat with Lieut. Col. Mainwaring to prevent his soldiers taking free 
 quarters unless one week's pay was made them in advance." An agreement 
 was entered into that on payment of a certain sum of money by the 
 Corporation, the soldiers should be prevented from helping themselves to the 
 property of the citizens. December 25th " Paid certain officers and soldiers 
 of Mainwaring's regiment, by order of the Mayor and Aldermen to prevent 
 plundering £50."^ 
 
 The state was now in such confusion that it was evident nothing but the 
 restoration of monarchy could produce peace and order. That the alarm and 
 anxiety of so exciting and bewildering a time, extended to our City, the above 
 
 1 "WHtelocke. 
 
 2 "January 16th. Edward Tyson, the Mayor, agreed to advance the poor housekeepers who 
 entertained them [the soldiers] £105, to be repaid Mm out of the contribution money. 
 
208 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and subsequent extracts abundantly show. January 6tli, Ammunition was 
 ordered " to be provided, and satisfaction to drummers and sergeants, a guard 
 to he kept night and day — the expense to he raised upon the inhahitants." Nor 
 did they omit in their hour of calamity and dread, to look for hope and strength 
 to that Omnipotent power, from whence alone support can be derived. The 
 Chamber " ordered that some time be set apart by this assembly to seek the 
 Lord solemnly and publicly, by fasting and prayer in respect of the nation ; 
 and a Committee be appointed to draw up a declaration holding forth the 
 grounds thereof, — and to appoint days, and times, and churches, where it is to 
 be observed." 
 
 Amid the great world transactions, the manner in which our Chamber was 
 occupied may be read in its own history with but little commentary. Its 
 pages disclose to us its meetings and resolutions ; and though somewhat indis- 
 tinguishable in the old books, we must borrow a glimpse from this obscure 
 source, to guide us through the few remaining months of the Interregnum. 
 Another House the 9th of January — a letter from the Council of State, not 
 preserved. Another, — from James Powell, Chamberlain in London, " upon 
 affairs of the City," also vanished. " Referred to a Committee, with full power to 
 answer, and the Mayor to subscribe to the answer, in the name of this assembly." 
 The answer is before us. Introduced upon the civic page, 19th inst., thus: — 
 
 " It is agreed that the letter in these words following hereafter expressed, shall be directed 
 and sent to the Council of State, and Mr. Mayor is desired to sign and subscribe 
 the same, in the name of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common CouncU of this City." 
 
 " Eight Honourable, — 
 
 " So soon as it pleased the Lord, by overruling the late threatening dangers and 
 interruptions of civil powers, to revive our hopes of being as now again under the 
 influence and authority of Parliament, we presently despatched away Mr. Powell, 
 our Agent for the representation of our grievances unto your Honors ; which he 
 having done and rendered an account thereof, Mr. Mayor communicated the same 
 unto us ; whereby we understand the great respect that our humble address by him 
 hath obtained, in your ready hearing our complaints, by removal of the Soldiers, 
 and by the liberty your Honours have admitted us to present to your approbation 
 the names of such as we should think fit to be entrusted with the Militia for us 
 raised in this place ; accordingly to your Honour's order, the Soldiers marching 
 away to London. Mr. Mayor, with the assistance of this assembly, have taken care 
 for the preservation of the peace and safety of this place, by appointing of a con- 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 209 
 
 " siderable guard to be in arms. We are very sensible how much it concerns us that 
 the present government may receive satisfaction in the peaceableness and conformity 
 of this City ; and it shall be therefore our special endeavour so to manage the trust 
 reposed in us, as may most evidence our aifections, and for securing and defending 
 of this place against any the enemies of this Commonwealth, that shall attempt to 
 disturb the peace thereof. The inclosed list of names are such, as we have agreed 
 upon to be Commanders for the Militia and standing Officers for the Regiment, 
 being persons of sober principles, and of a firm affection to the interests of the 
 Commonwealth, and such who have by their moderation much engaged the affection 
 of the Inhabitants of this place unto them ; which are such qualifications as we con- 
 ceive most agreeable to your Honour's expectations, and therefore doubt not of 
 your Honour's approbation concerning them, that Commissions may be granted to 
 them by your Honours. We have, may it please your Honours, one request more 
 at present to make, which is, that those debts the Soldiers have here contracted by 
 their free quartering, may be forthwith satisfied ; for want thereof the poor Inhabit- 
 ants of this City, in these necessitous times, do most sadly groan. By the enclosed 
 account you will find the sum due unto them ; which being aU at present we have 
 to trouble you with, we take leave to subscribe ourselves. Right Honourable, 
 
 Your Honour's most humble and most faithful Servants, Signed in the name 
 
 and by the order of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City 
 
 of Bristol, EoviTAED Tyson, Mayor." 
 
 The persons appointed by the Corporation to command the regiment of foot 
 
 raised in the City on the removal of the soldiers, were, for the most part, 
 
 such as the Commonwealth ParUament, to whom the list was submitted, would 
 
 cordially approve.^ 
 
 1 " Colonel, Eobert Aldworth. — Capt.Grigg's Comp'-' Nicholas Tilly, 1st Lieut., Edward Sweeper, 
 Ensign. — Capt. Pope's Comp^' Henry Eich, 1st Lieut., Edward Yoimg, Ensign. — Capt. Eobert 
 Viokris'a Comp''" Eobert Eadley, 1st Lieut., Edward Young, Ensign. — Capt. BlackweU's Comp'- 
 Alexander Jackson, let Lieut., Thos. "Wall, Ensign. — Capt. Bowen'sl" Comp^- Henry Dighton, 1st 
 Lieut., John Tafiin, Ensign. — ^Major John Harper to be Capt. of the Troop of Horse ; Eichard Win- 
 stone to be his Lieut., and James North to be Comet. — The Capt. Lieut, to Col. Aldworth was Abel 
 KeUy; Col. Aldworth to name the rest of the Officers for his own Company. — Lieut. -Col. Powell to 
 name the Officers of his Company. — Major CoUins' Comp''- Eichard Baugh, 1st Lieut., Eichard Pope, 
 Jim., Ensign. The Mayor to subscribe the several Commissions, and to recommend them in the 
 name of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of this City. For the ease of the Inhabitants, 
 no guard to be kept but at night ; and the Taylor's Hall is appointed for such, if convenient." The 
 before mentioned persons had previously commanded the Trainbands, which were now formed into 
 a Eegiment of Militia. 
 
 a Son of Alderman Richard Vickris. 
 
 l» " Feb. eth. Mr. Wm. Crabb appointed Captain of the Militia, and to mount the Mainguard this night 
 ■with his Company, vice Capt. Bowen, who refuses." 
 
 E E 
 
210 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Meanwhile, — how General Monk, who had long heen in correspondence with 
 the exiled Prince, marched into London with a considerable army, Feb. 3rd. 
 How he did not allow his political opinions to mar his fortunes. How Charles 
 had bid high for his patronage. How Monk had taken his bidding, — and 
 happily for himself and the country, had decided upon restoring monarchy. — 
 All this, — and the subsequent events, tiU the wild carnival in May, the reader 
 can peruse or fancy. Our limits confine us to this old City, whose turbulent 
 scenes have emblemed much of the controversies, ejections, treacheries, con- 
 flagrations, blood, and plague, and misery, that had scathed this unhappy 
 land. While Monk is entering into London, — there is transiently imaged 
 before us a rude revolt, that is startling ancient loyalty from its slumber, — and 
 frightening with tremulous expectation the palpitating citizens. Restless, 
 weary, hopeless, dissatisfied, with the harsh frigid solemnity, and severe ungra- 
 cious deportment of the over righteous Pharisees, — the young blood of Bristol 
 secretly encouraged by the old, made a great political demonstration. The 
 apprentices, — an important body, assembled in the Marsh. Business was 
 suspended — shops closed — labour ceased. The streets were thronged with 
 excited people rudely armed, uttering ruder words, not very harmonious to a 
 Eoundhead ear. Eichard Elsworth, who subsequently receives a testimonial 
 " of his affections to his Majesty's interest," encouraged and quickened the 
 apprentices, and aU others, to petition the House of Commons for the restora- 
 tion of the Koyal family. " And to the end God Almighty might hasten his 
 Eoyall Majestie's return to his Crowne and Kingdomes, he drew up a narra- 
 tive, to persuade his Majestie's loyall subjects to be fervent and frequent in 
 effectual prayers at the throne of God's grace on his behalfe, and sent the 
 same to London for publicke view." It is no wonder therefore that the 
 apprentices, thus stimulated, rose in arms, — and " cryed up for a free Parlia- 
 ment, and some for Charles Stuart." They secured the main-guard before any 
 company could be raised to suppress them. They proclaimed that they should 
 be assisted with numbers of men from the adjacent counties. " They did beat 
 up drums round about the City, made great brags what they would do, and set 
 a guard upon the Mayor in his own house." They also in an orderly manner, 
 set guards in several places, — and in a disorderly manner, forced open the 
 houses of those most attached to the Commonwealth; "the masters of families 
 hatching and fomenting the tumult, and setting them on." A reaction had taken 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 211 
 
 place. The authorities were now for the most part favourably disposed 
 towards Eoyalty. Energetic measures were wanting, — and the apprentices 
 kept the City in a state of alarm for a week. But the Corporation did 
 something. — 
 
 " Wednesday, the eighth day Feb., 1660. 
 
 "The Maior, Aldermen, and Common Councell of this Citty, taking notice of the 
 tumultuous meetings and assemblies of diverse young men, and apprentices, and 
 others within this Citty, have thought fitt that proclamation be made in the Crosse, 
 as foUoweth: — 
 
 "■ The Right "Worshipful the Maior, Aldermen, and Common CounceU of this Citty of 
 Bristol assembled, in the discharge of their trust, haveing in consideration the peace 
 and welfare of this Citty, and being deeply affected with their late tumultuous 
 meetings, and unlawful! assemblies ; of diverse young men, apprentices and others 
 within the same ; and being desirous by all faire waies to prevaUe with them to 
 returne to their obedience, that several! past miscarriages maybe buried in oblivion ; 
 this Citty restored to its former peace and quietude, and the sad and dangerous 
 effects that doe inevitably attend those unwarrantable practices may be prevented ; 
 as they doe with utter abhorrence disowne and declare against all such mutinous 
 actions, — soe they doe hereby streightly charge and command all apprentices and 
 others whatsoever soe assembled and mett together, forthwith peaceably to returne 
 to their masters, and their owne homes ; and what armes they have taken from any 
 person or persons, that they render the same to the right owners. And that as they 
 expect indemnity for what is past, w'^'' we shall in our place labour for. And 
 preventing of farther mischiefe and dainger to the Citty and themselves, they doe 
 imediately submitt to theis our commands, as they wUl answere the contrary at their 
 utmost periU. 
 
 And the Sheriffes are desired to make publication hereof accordingly." ' 
 
 The proclamation failed to pacify. Several of the gentry had arrived from 
 the country, and the apprentices were confident of success. Confusion, anarchy, 
 and bloodshed would probably have ensued, had the Magistrates attempted by 
 the aid of the militia to disperse the insurgents. It was not attempted. Upon 
 the approach of a troop of horse, commanded by Major Izod, the apprentices 
 began to divide, — the ringleaders deserted the multitude, who returned to their 
 homes. In the evening four troops of horse had free entrance. Capt. Vicarage, 
 with a company of the trainbands, entertained the Major at the gate, and Capt. 
 
 1 " Marcli 14tli, paid Eichard Barges and the Drums, for making Proclamation for the Appren- 
 tices to lay down their Arms, 10s." 
 
212 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Kelly, with another company, kept the ground. The Mayor issued a procla- 
 mation, that all who were in the insurrection should bring in their arms. The 
 leaders had fled. February 18th. Col. Twisleton's regiment of two troops of 
 horse entered the comparatively tranquillised City. The soldiers had subdued 
 the insurrection, and that anxiety was over. There arose another, — fear of 
 the soldiers themselves. To ensure relief, the Corporation purchased their 
 absence. " March 22nd, paid, by order of the Mayor and Aid", to the two 
 troops of horse that were in town, to send them going, £20." 
 
 There was also a disturbance on Shrove Tuesday. The apprentices were 
 exasperated, at having their inhuman annual custom of throwing at cocks, 
 and tossing of dogs forbidden. This had been done the preceding evening, by 
 order of the Mayor, — the city bellman reading the proclamation, — "for which he 
 had his bell cut from his back." On the next day therefore, the apprentices, 
 to show their contempt for the Mayor's orders, " tossed dogs and cats, and 
 squailed geese and hens. A goose was squalled in St. Nicholas Street, before 
 the Mayor's door, which brought forth Mr. Timothy Parker, one of the 
 Sheriffs," " a grave and sanctimonious personage, with a lean, sharp, and bald 
 visage, who with odd gestures and perfect nasal twang," harangued the 
 assembly. This, though it might have provoked his auditors to mirth, — failed 
 in dispersing them. On the contrary, they rewarded his interference with a 
 broken head, and then resumed their sport.^ 
 
 There was a general election. Admiral Penn was a candidate to represent 
 Bristol. Not a favourite of the Corporation, this doughty Admiral — John 
 Stephens, the Recorder, was. Therefore John Stephens is elected, and with 
 him John Knight, Sen., whom Seyer describes as of the " High Church" 
 party. Though we must not consider the subsequent actions of Alderman 
 Knight, as significant of the disposition of his party, or meeting its countenance; 
 nevertheless, his election gives indication of a change. A new era and new 
 prospects were about to dawn upon the City, — and the time for which it had 
 so long prayed was at hand. The events of the last few years in weight and 
 importance, had taught the discontented a wholesome lesson ; — and some of 
 the most noisy demagogues were ready to hail with transport, the return to a 
 monarchical government. It is not important to trace its establishment. We 
 
 Seyer. 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 213 
 
 will therefore devote a few strokes of the pen to subjects nearer home. Here all 
 was agitation, confusion, exaggeration, and suspicion. The deliberations of the 
 Council at this crisis are not accurately set forth. A glimpse of their pro- 
 ceedings, all adjoining circumstances omitted, remain matter of conjecture only. 
 This in a note.' That many members were now wavering, and eventually 
 returned to their allegiance, is satisfactorily proved. The greatest efforts had 
 been made by the Corporation, with the strenuous aid of the citizens, to 
 organize the militia. The next step was to address the supreme authority. 
 Here, they waited the guidance of London, and other places. They were 
 fearful of committing themselves. This they avoided by coming to the fol- 
 lowing resolutions,^ which are inserted in the Council Book, March 15th, 1660. 
 
 1 " February 6th, Upon reading of a certain paper presented to this House hy Mr. John Knight, 
 Sen. and Mr. John Knight, Jun., and Major Yeamans, iutitled, 'The Declaration of the City and 
 County of the City of Bristol.' " It is ordered and agreed that the Members of this House do meet this 
 afternoon, at 4 of the Clock, in the Council Chamber, as a Committee to consider thereof, and 
 accordingly to make report at the next House ; and the said two Mr. Knights and Major Yeamans 
 are desired to he here Hkewise." 27 Members present. 
 
 " March 6. A Letter from Sir Chas. Coote,* and other Officers in Ireland, with this direction, 
 ' To our Honourable Friends, the Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of 
 Bristol.' A Letter of thanks to be written to them by Aid"' Myles Jackson, Aid"' Jos. Jackson, 
 Aid"- Gibbs, Sheriff Parker, Mr. BlackweU, Mr. Collins, and Mr. Holwey. And Aid"- Myles Jackson 
 is to take care that the Commee. do meet to Morrow Morning, at 8 o'Clock, in the Councel House. 
 The Letter to be syned by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs." 
 
 2 " The House this day taking into consideration what is necessary and convenient to be done 
 by the Government of the City at this juncture of time, under the present authority of Parliament, 
 do enact, ordain, and resolve as foUoweth : — " 
 
 1st " That the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Coimcil of this City do recognise the present 
 authority of Parliament, and by way of petition or address express their good affections to the 
 same." 
 
 2nd " That a petition be presented in the name of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council 
 of this City, (if the City of London and other places do the lihej, for the continuation of this present 
 Parliament, and filling up the vacant places of deceased Members by new election." 
 
 3rd " That there being 600 and odd pounds owiag to the City and iohabitants thereof, especially 
 poor Alehouse-keepers, Inn-keepers, &c., for the late quartering of soldiers here, under the com- 
 mand of Col. Manwaring, that some speedy and effectual course be taken forthwith for the recovery 
 of the same,!' and full satisfaction thereof." 
 
 » Lord President of Connaught. Besieged Carrickfergus, in conjunction with. Colonel Venables, under 
 Crom-well, during his campaign in Ireland. 
 
 b 23rd June, 1660, an order of the Common Council to reimburse the poor housekeepers for quartering 
 soldiers under Lieut.-Col. Main-waring." 
 
214 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Lord General Monk^ is in correspondence with the Corporation, — his letters 
 have disappeared, but the matter of negotiation can be surmised. March 
 27th. " This day several letters Vi^ere read, one from the Lord General Monk, 
 another from Vice-Admiral Penn." When, " it was resolved that the same be 
 referred to a Committee to consider of both ; and of what answers requisite 
 to be returned thereunto, and to report their opinions to the House." The 
 Committee was so long deliberating, that it was saved the trouble of deciding. 
 It was compelled to resign itself to royalty — while waiting the guidance of 
 other places, money was voted by the new Parliament, for the purpose of 
 bringing over the Royal family; and the answers of the Committee were 
 rendered unnecessary. What its resolutions were, and what its actions were to 
 have been in pursuance thereof, we do not know. We have little more to say, the 
 history of the Chamber does not form itself into a picture. — While attending 
 events, the civic functionaries were amusing themselves with a trifling affair, 
 but made a serious matter by the Corporation. In the official book there still 
 stands in legible but fading ink, a resolution thus : — 
 
 " That taking into consideration the freedom of General William Penn, the House have 
 thereupon ordered, ordained, and enacted, that it be referred to Mr. Eobert Vickris, 
 Mr. William Grigg, and Mr. Chamberlain to search the records of this City for the 
 freedom of his [Penn's] late father deceased, and if it appears that the said father 
 was admitted as a free burgess of this City ; that then they make report thereof 
 unto the Mayor and Aldermen, who are hereby authorised and empowered, not- 
 withstanding any acts or ordinances of the Mayor, and Aldermen, and Common 
 Council to the contrary, to direct and appoint the Chamberlain according to custom, 
 to admit the said General Penn, as the son of a freeman, into the liberties of the 
 City." 
 
 4tli " It is enacted and resolved that apphoation be made and endeavours used for the vindica- 
 tion of the Government of this City, and the Members thereof heretofore agreed on by this House 
 to be Commanders of the Militia, from any aspersions cast either upon the one or other, and that 
 there may be an addition of those gentlemen's names to be Commanders of the Mihtia within this 
 City heretofore approved of by this House, and are not passed and inserted in the new Act of 
 Parliament for the Militia, and that aU the Commanders of the Militia may be added and 
 empowered to be Commissioners of Assessment withia this City." 
 
 5th " And lastly, that it be referred to the Mayor, and Aldermen, to take care that these acts and 
 resolves of the House be forthwith put in eflfectual execution." 
 
 1 An estate granted to George Monk, Duke of Albemarle, for restoring the monarchy, was, by 
 intermarriage, eventually vested in OHver Cromwell, Esq., of Cheshimt, who died ia 1821 — ^being 
 then the last male descendant of the Protector. 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 215 
 
 A prejudice, which at this distant period we are unable to trace to its 
 origin, existed among the authorities against the General. They did not 
 present him with the freedom of the City; — as previously and subsequently, they 
 had been wont to do to distinguished men whose services merited a nation's 
 honour.^ But if it were discovered to be his due, they would graciously grant 
 what he by birthright could demand. The research if made, was unsuccessful — 
 and the great Admiral did not obtain from his native City the privilege he had 
 sought. 
 
 This was the last meeting of the Commonwealth-appointed Corporation ; ^ 
 who appear more interested in ascertaining the right of Sir William Penn to 
 the freedom of the City, — than, in the all-important change taking place in 
 the Government of a great nation. 
 
 How far restraint upon the people had improved their moral condition, — how 
 much of the religious feeling that pervaded the land, was assumed, — how 
 little was beyond the surface, — how little the doctrines of our Saviour, — the 
 peaceful, pure, and holy, had entered into the heart of the nation ; a few days 
 made manifest, — and the hopeful vision of a whole people walking in God's 
 path and ways, speedily dissolved before a prevailing scepticism, and a strong 
 dissent from all religion. When in the prophetic words of the First Charles the 
 " hand of that cloud which was soon after to overspread the whole kingdome 
 
 J Such, ia modem times as Rodney, Nelson, CoEiagwood and others, whose autograph letters 
 are to be seen round the walls of the Council Chamber. 
 
 2 Their names are thus set down upon the civic journal at the last general election of municipal 
 officers. — "The calling of the Common CounceU on the fiveteenth day of September,^ 1659. — 
 "Walter Sandy, Maior ; — ^Aldermen John Gronning, Eichard Vickris, Myles Jackson, Joseph Jackson, 
 Henry Gibbs, Eichtird Balman, Arthur Farmer, Edward Tyson, George White, and Eobert Yate ; — 
 Edward Morgan, Nehemiah Collins, Sheriffs ; — ^William Yeamans, James Crofts, George Lane, 
 Eobert Cann, Thomas Amory, Jonathan Blackwell, John Pope, John Lawford, Christopher 
 Griffith, Thomas Harris, John Bowen, Eobert Vickris, John Harper, John Willoughby, Henry 
 Appleton, "William Grigg, Jeremy Holwey, Anthony Gay, Erancis Gleed, George Atwood, Timothy 
 Parker, Henry Rich, Andrew Hooke, Thomas Stephens, "Walter Stephens, Gabriel Deane, Eichard 
 Baugh, Edward Bovey, "William Crabb, Eobert Aldworth, ch. and swome. Alderman Tyson chosen 
 Maior for the yeere ensuinge. Mr. Jeremy Holwey and Mr. "William Grigg were upon their humble 
 desire, excused accepting the office of Sheriff. Mr. William Crabb and Mr. Erancis Gleed, were 
 put in election, Mr Gleed chosen to be eldest Sheriff. Mr. Mayor elect, according to an ancient 
 privilege, desired Mr. Timothy Parker myght be chosen second Sheriff." 
 
 " The Corporation year commences the loth September, old style. 
 
216 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and cast all in disorder and darknesse'" — was but dimly discernible, an 
 active and energetic enemy of that unhappy monarch, was a great man in our 
 City, training forces to be used against his King and Government. He is in 
 exile now, with other dreamers of the Commonwealth. He shall tell us how 
 its glorious promises have been fulfilled. — His own pen condemns his former 
 associates. " They oppressed the liberties of the people in general ; broke in sunder 
 all bands and ties of religion, conscience, faith, duty, loyalty, and good 
 manners ; cast off all fear of God and man ; and now lord it over the persons 
 and estates of all sorts and ranks of men, from the King upon his throne, to 
 the beggar in his cottage ; making their wills their law ; their power their 
 rule ; their hair-brained, giddy, and fanatical visions, and the setting up of a 
 Babel of confusion, the end of all their actions."^ 
 
 1 Icon BasiHcon, Charles I. 2 Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holies. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Enthusiasm of tte people on the Restoration — Proclamation of Charles II. — The Corporation vote his Majesty 
 a present of Money — Day of Thanksgiving — ^The Corporation and Society of Merchants go ia State to the 
 Cathedral — Changes in the Council Chamher — Letter from Charles to the Corporation, requiring the dismis- 
 sion of refractory members — Popular Amusements — Motion Show — Rope Dancing — Lighting the City in 
 1660 — Quo Warranto — Petitions prepared for Presentation to the King — Knighthood bestowed on several 
 Members of the Corporation — State of the River — Nathaniel Cale remodels the Town Council — Charles's 
 Letter — ^Heavy inflictions on disaffected Members — Visit of Charles and his Queen — John Pope fined 
 £1,000, for refusing the office of Mayor — Disputes as to Precedency — Sir John Knight's Persecution 
 of the Quakers — Legalised] barbarous Punishments — The Ducking Stool — Leaves from the Justices' Book 
 — Letter from the Lord of the CouncU — Charles's Letter directiag the Mayor to be elected from the Court 
 of Aldermen — Hearth Tax — Entertainment of the Duke of Ormond — The Great Plague — Dutch "War, 
 Restrictions on Poreigners — Visit of the Duchess of Monmouth^Present to Lord Arlington — Puneral of 
 Sir Wm. Penn — Dissensions and Animosities of the Citizens — Presentments of the Grand Jury — Sir Robert 
 Yeamans committed to the Tower of London — Present to James Millard for his Plan of the City — Appli- 
 cation of the Test Act — Entertainment of the Marquis of Worcester — Disputes between the Dean and 
 Chapter and the Corporation — Visit of Queen Catharine — The Popish Plot — Bedloe sent by the Mayor 
 to London — Letter of the Mayor to the Secretary of State — Bedloe's return to Bristol, is visited by Lord 
 North — Death of Bedloe. 
 
 Experience had taught the nation a severe lesson, and it had gathered 
 wisdom from the teaching. The ancient loyal feeling that had been pent up 
 in the hearts of the people, burst forth in the most extravagant manner. The 
 wildest enthusiasm prevailed. — The reaction was great, the revulsion startling. 
 Suspense, and anxious hope, had given place to the utmost effusions of joy 
 and exultation. The entire unanimity of the nation was marvellous. Before 
 it, opposition fled. — Before it, republicanism died. — Before it, the last branch of 
 Cromwell's Government disappeared. — Folly, extravagance, and absurdity were 
 rampant everywhere. " The whole country," says an old writer, " flocked in, 
 and cutting down palms, and strewing the ways with all sort of fragrant 
 flowers; and decking the lanes and passages with the greatest variety of 
 country pomps, garlands beset with rings, ribands and the like ; the air echoing 
 all along, and redoubling the perpetually iterated Hozannas, he [Charles] 
 came to London ^" There, the streets were railed in, — The windows and 
 balconies were hung with tapestry, — flowers were scattered in his path. All 
 
 1 Walker's History of Independency. 
 F F 
 
218 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 was a wild confusion, — a delirious jubilee, — a whirling saturnalia. Bonfires 
 blazed — church, bells rung, — and the acclamations of the frensied rabble rent 
 the air! "Eumps were paraded in derision, and afterwards, providentially 
 roasted and eat." The health of the King was drank in the streets by the 
 people on their knees. — The windows of Praise-God-Barebones were smashed. 
 The military " saviours," Monk's soldiers, were happy in daily intoxication. 
 — The reign of the saints was over. — Had the reign of the righteous com- 
 menced'? There is a dark shadow to the picture. Reason, moderation, 
 prudence, and piety fled before the national frenzy. An almost universal 
 dissoluteness of manners prevailed ; leading rapidly from fanaticism to the 
 opposite extreme of licentiousness and immorality. And for a long season 
 the heart of honest England was unseen, and the virtues and decencies 
 of life disregarded.^"^ 
 
 In our City, Charles's return was hailed with delight by all classes — so that 
 one might well wonder what had become of the Commonwealth men. — The 
 citizens made pomp after their fashion. — There was a " Gratulation of hearts 
 and an illumination of tallow candles." — Mauy who had proclaimed Cromwell, 
 and devoutly received his son with regal state, and great rejoicings, — now, 
 blended their voices in the general uproar. — Many tired of uncertainty and 
 anarchy, sighed for security and peace, — and cared not under what title, 
 whether Emperor, Prince, or King, so it brought repose to the distracted 
 realm. Many therefore had gone with the stream, and with plaudits rent the 
 air, for the recovery of the Government they had laboured to overthrow. 
 
 Somewhere about the 8th of May, either before or after, our annals are not 
 agreed as to any specified day, " Charles the Second was solemnly proclaimed 
 in Bristol, by Francis Gleed, one of the Sheriff's, the Mayor and Aldermen 
 being then present in their scarlet robes." The day was celebrated with the 
 customary indications of public rejoicings. Cannon were discharged in the 
 Marsh, — wine sent to the several conduits. The Corporation had issued their 
 instructions for the guidance of the people ; had furnished the powder and the 
 wine ; and the venal multitude rejoiced, as they would have rejoiced had it 
 
 1 Pict. Hist. — ^Hume — Barnard. 
 
 2 " The Eestoration, brought with it the throwing off the very professions of virtue and piety : 
 and all ended in entertainments and drunkenness, which overrun the three Kingdoms." — Bishop 
 Btienett. 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 219 
 
 been for the inauguration of another usurper. Then the Corporation, whose 
 conversion was sudden and laudable ; met, to consider the expediency of ten- 
 dering Charles some more substantial proof of their allegiance, and " resolved 
 that £500, in gold, should be presented to his Majesty as a token of their 
 loyalty and affection." Twenty members voted for the £500. John Pope, 
 Christopher Griffiths, and Robert Cann, voted for £1000. Their vote was 
 negatived ; otherwise, their exuberant loyalty would have placed the Chamber 
 in a considerable difficulty. At the best it was straitened enough, and had to 
 look about, to obtain even the lesser sum. It was compelled to negotiate, at 
 an enormous interest, for the accommodation. The record of the proceedings 
 of the Council on the ensuing day, show that " the Corporation not having the 
 means to pay the amount. Alderman Joseph Jackson, and Alderman Arthur 
 Farmer, agreed to lend the sum of £550," — the £50 was the cost of exchanging 
 the same into gold, — "to be lent for six months, at six per cent., and a bond to 
 be given for the amount.'" " The money, with a congratulatory address^ from 
 the Corporation, testifying their loyalty, [was] to be presented by the Members 
 in Parliament for the City,^ with Aldermen Aldworth and Vickris ; Eobert 
 Vickris, and Nehemiah Collins, then in London ; including Mr. Sheriff Gleed 
 and Mr. Pope, whom the House agreed to send up for the purpose.'"' It could 
 not have been with the best grace, nor without a blush at the part they had 
 played, that Alderman Aldworth, and Alderman Vickris, his pious coadjutor ; 
 whose energies had been devoted to hurl the father from the throne, attended 
 with a congratulatory address the audience of the son. However that may 
 have been, the " loyalty and affection" of his good Corporation of Bristol, was 
 graciously welcomed and accepted by the Sovereign, in its tangible form of 
 bags of gold, containing five hundred and thirty-one pieces, which were 
 
 1 November 27th, Jackson and Farmer were paid tlae £500, with. £66 : 10 in addition, for the 
 value of the accommodation. — ^An illustration of the scarcity of gold in this City. 
 
 2 The Congratulatory Address to "he drawn up by Mr. Alderman Myles Jackson, Mr. Alderman 
 Joseph Jackson, Mr. Sheriff Parker, Mr. Teamans, Mr. Cann, Mr. BlaokweU, Mr. Pope, Mr. Harper, 
 Mr. "WOloughhy, Mr. Appleton, and Mr. Morgan. 
 
 3 J. Stephens, Esq., Eecorder, and J. Knight, Sen., Merchant. 
 
 * Furthermore, the House assembled again on the 8th, ia order to consider of some fee-farm 
 rents the Corporation had purchased of the Commonwealth ; when, making a virtue of necessity, " It 
 was resolved that certain fee-farm rents belonging to the Crown, amounting to £67 : 6 : 11 per 
 annum, be surrendered to the King, at the time the present was made him." 
 
220 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 « 
 
 presented, June 23rd, to the " King's Majesty, by Mr. Recorder, Mr. SheriiF 
 Gleed, and others." 
 
 While the deputation is before his Majesty, in London, — a meeting of the 
 Common Council was taking place in Bristol, — when the following Thursday 
 was appointed to be observed as a " Day of Thanksgiving for his Majesty's 
 happy Restoration." The Recorder had enclosed to the Mayor one proclama- 
 tion only, but he intimated " that he supposed several such proclamations 
 would be sent him." We extract and condense : — 
 
 " There being none yet come, it is resolved that the Chamberlain doe buy as many as 
 he can, sufficient for every Minister to read in their several congregations." And 
 in case a sufficient number could not be purchased, copies were to be fairly written 
 out, and disposed of to the several Ministers. And further, that the College " be 
 the Church whereunto the Mayor and Corporation, &c. &c., will goe, in their 
 formalities, to heare a sermon on the said thanksgiving day." The Chamberlain 
 and Water Bailiff are hereby ordered to take care that " great gunns be prepared 
 and charged to be shot off on ye said day." And the Mayor, by his officers, [are] 
 desired to give notice to the Masters and Wardens of the various Companies, that 
 themselves and their societies " doe attend, in their formalities, by 9 of y^ clock in 
 ye morning, y^ said day of Thanksgiving, to wait on the Mayor, &c. &c., to sermon, 
 and that none of them faile, as they will answer the forfeitures expressed in their 
 ordinances." 
 Arrayed in their ever-recorded scarlet, with what pomp they could assume, — 
 the Corporation, attended by their Officers and Gownsmen,^ set forth on the 
 appointed morning from the Tolzey — silver trumpets sounding. The City 
 regalia, as much as could be hastily collected, was restored to its honoured 
 place again.^ And it was with something of its old state, the procession 
 
 1 " 1655. Six Marshalls were appointed as Constables to attend the Mayor, in long gowns, with, 
 the City arms on their staves. The Sheriffs' Yeomen to wear their coats, basket-hilted swords, and 
 daggers, without their cloak, on paiae to be dismissed." 
 
 13th March, 1656-7. Ordered, that immediately the stanALug of the Stocking-sellers be removed 
 from im.der Christ Church ; and that for the time to come noe one presume to sell stockings, or other 
 things there, on payment to forfeit five shillings for every time offending. And that the place be 
 preserved for the officers to stand, that soe they may he in readLness to attend the pleasure of the 
 Mayor and Aldermen upon meeting days." 
 
 2 Symbols of royal authority were now restored in the churches, and puhhc buildings, from which, 
 some twelve years before, they had been wrenched. " The King's statue was carved by one John 
 Thome, a cunning sculptor of his day, for which the Chamber rewarded Tiim with £13. It was 
 placed, amongst a goodly company of precediag Monarchs, in the High Cross, The statue was also 
 painted, which, with the arms, cost an additional sum of £5 : 10." 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 221 
 
 entered the shattered walls of the mutilated Cathedral, — whose symmetry the 
 rude hand of spoliation, anticipating the work of Time, had defaced, and 
 wrought havoc to its stateliness. 
 
 Thoughts of the convulsive past would recal to that assembly, the dark day 
 when monarchy last entered there. Not alone the perishing of youthful hopes. 
 Not alone atfliction's hard harsh hand. Not alone misery, disappointment, and 
 distrust, had eaten into their very souls, — ^but the common sorrow sat heavy on 
 their hearts. A regicidal Oligarchy — a Master Tyrant gloomed the harrowing 
 past. Pestilence and war had left them bereaved and lorn; and the funereal train 
 of slow years, each darkened by the loss of parent, brother, friend — had closed 
 and seared upon their memory. There pass before us dull, care-worn, saddened 
 men, — on whose furrowed brow are traced time-marks of troubled thought, 
 suffering prolonged, — and mind o'erladen. Many had witnessed the sanctified 
 abode in which they worshipped, desecrated, and defiled. They had seen their 
 brethren perish on the scaffold. They had seen them fall in fatal conflict. 
 They had seen youth and age and beauty, suddenly carried to the tomb, — and all 
 the mournful memories of their untimely end had bowed their spirit down. But 
 now the knell of oligarchy has been sounded, — and in deep, holy, joyful song, 
 they hymned forth the language of the grateful heart, — and with renewed hopes 
 of peaceful times, led by the venerable minister who had been the pastor of 
 their youth, thus in fervent thanksgiving to God on High they celebrated the 
 auspicious day: — 
 
 " We yield unto thee unfeigned thanks and praise, as for thy many other great and 
 public mercies, so especially for that signal and wonderful Deliverance, by thy wise 
 and good Providence completed and vouchsafed to our most gracious sovereign King 
 Charles II., and all the Royal family, and in them to this whole Church and State, 
 and all orders and degrees of men in both from the unnatural Rebellion, Usurpation, 
 and Tyranny of ungodly and cruel men — and from the said confusions and ruin 
 thereupon ensuing. — From all these Oh Gracious and Merciful Lord God, not our 
 merit, but thy mercy ; not our foresight, but thy providence ; not our own arm, but 
 thy right hand and thine arm did rescue and deliver us. — And therefore ; not 
 unto us Oh Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name be ascribed all Honour, and Glory, 
 and Praise, with most humble and hearty thanks in all Churches of the Saints." &c. ' 
 We shall not be trenching on the bounds of probability, in supposing that 
 William Colston would be present, accompanied by Edward and his other 
 
 1 Book of Common Prayer. 
 
222 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 sons. — Edward, the subject of this memoir, was now twenty-four years of age. — 
 If in Bristol, he would have witnessed the solemn thanksgiving. — And we 
 know not how a scene whose pervading sentiment was so particularly and 
 peculiarly impressive, may have influenced his youthful mind ; and supplied 
 serious but pleasing retrospection, in days of settled peace and soft security ; 
 of which this seemed the happy presage. Great and merciful had been the 
 preservation of his father, — and none in that earnest assemblage, had more 
 cause for the outpouring of the spirit, in fervent gratitude, towards that power 
 which had sheltered his venerable sire from the storm, and shielded him from 
 the malice and persecution of his enemies. — And in that Cathedral, before a 
 century had spread the thickening darkness of its years, annually would as- 
 semble a congregation to celebrate the nativity of one, who, if then present, 
 was unknown beyond his domestic circle. — In that Cathedral would gather 
 youth, full of hope for this life, — age, fuU of trust for the next ; — both depend- 
 ent upon him for their spiritual and temporal necessities. And he, from whom 
 was to proceed this great and gracious boon, — had yet to toil and strive in 
 the world's crowded mart, and to lay the foundation of that prosperity, from 
 which he could dispense his bounty, and accomplish his benign mission. 
 
 The reader may anticipate the changes that occurred in the Corporate 
 body. Many of the Royalists, whose names we have lost sight of, who had 
 survived the reign of anarchy, come forward to resume their ancient places. 
 The spirit of these men had been embittered by persecution, and they were 
 not wanting in retaUation. Penalties and imprisonments, were inflicted by the 
 reformed Chamber on all who refused to serve. To some good easy men, it 
 mattered not, — they took the oath of allegiance to Charles as they had to the 
 Protector. But there were others with less accommodating consciences, and 
 these suffered accordingly, as wiU be seen in the sequel. 
 
 June 19th a Mandamus was read in the House for restoring to their dignity 
 as Aldermen, John Locke and Gabriel Sherman, who, with George Knight, 
 deceased, had been removed by General Desborow. The Chamber in the face 
 of the evidence that these three Aldermen were compelled to resign voluntarily, 
 endeavours to justify itself, and orders an answer to be returned that the said 
 Aldermen " never were removed, hut resigned."^ 
 
 1 The same day another Mandamus was read for restoring Hemy Creswicke, Nathaniel Gale, 
 Eiohard Gregson, John Knight, Senr. who were unanimously elected. 
 
1660.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 223 
 
 Alderman Locke's return to office did not immediately follow the reading of 
 the Mandamus of June 19th. His political opinions are dubious, rather 
 equivocal. Apparently the Chamber were of a similar opinion, as it did not 
 obey the writ ; and when another was produced by the Mayor, September 10th 
 for the restoring of the Alderman under a penalty of £40, his re-assumption 
 of the City dignity, was even then postponed untU the arrival of the Recorder. 
 It is evident the suspected Alderman was no favourite. Though professedly a 
 Royalist, yet from the circumstance of his allowing the transportation of cannon 
 during his Mayoralty in 1641, knowing its intent to be employed against the 
 King, and from his refusal to admit his Majesty's troops ; he lost the confidence 
 of his party, which he never after regained. The little esteem entertained for 
 him, is evinced in the reluctance of the Chamber to again admit him a member 
 of their body. He eventually took his seat 6th November. 
 
 Edward Tyson, the Mayor, was allowed to enjoy the municipal chair until 
 his year of office expired. He appears to have been a mild, inoffensive man, 
 with no very decided political tendency, — hence his retention of office. At the 
 annual meeting, ^ September 15th, the choice of Mayor fell on Henry Cres- 
 wicke, a man of unquestioned loyalty. He had been Sheriff in 1643, when the 
 
 1 The last day the call of the House is expressed in English, is 25th July, 1660. — No business 
 done, beittg St. James' Fair day. Wo assembling again until 15th Septemljer, when the classic 
 heading is restored ; the Corporation oaths remain the same, with the exception of the substitution 
 of King, for Commonwealth. The Mayor's oath is somewhat lengthy, but we think has sufficient 
 interest to obtaia its insertion in a note : — 
 
 " This heare you Mr. , my predecessor, and all my brethren of the CounseU, and all others, 
 
 as well Burgesses of the King's Majesty's Citty of BristoL. as others, the inhabitants of the same now 
 here present. That I shall be faithfull imto my most deare and Soveraigne Lord Charles, by the 
 grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Eing, Defender of the Faith, and to his 
 heires and successors, and truly with aU my might and power shall save, teepe, and defend this 
 his Highness' Citty of BristoU to him, his heires, and successors. 
 
 " Moreover that I shall endeavour myselfe to keep the peace of our said Soveraigne Lord the Eing, 
 within this his said Citty of BristoU, vdth aU dUigenoe and power, and shall reprove, chastise, and 
 correct, the unruly and disordered persons of the same, as law and reason shall require, to the 
 uttermost of my power and knowledge. The franchises and free liberties within this Citty, which 
 are good and lawfuU, I shall maintaine and defend as much as in me may lye, and aU iU. customes 
 and wrongs, I shall and will put away and suppress to my power and knowledge. And I shall 
 further keepe, maintaine, and defend the vsddows and orphans of this Citty in their rights to the 
 uttermost of my power. And well and truly shall serve the King's Majesty in the office of 
 Escheatorship, in this his Highues' Citty and County of BristoU. And take mine Enquests by virtue 
 
224 EDWAED COLSTON, 
 
 royal party held possession of the City. His Sheriffs were Richard Grigson 
 Vintner, and Thomas Langton. Thomas Stephens refused to serve. — Fined 
 £200, and committed to Newgate. At the same meeting a letter from the 
 King was read, in which he says : — 
 
 " We have received good information of the sufferings and loyal affection of Alexander 
 Gray, of our City of Bristol, Merchant ; and being given to understand that the 
 office of Chamberlain is executed by one James Powell, who is said to have been 
 put into the said place by Oliver Cromwell, and as Alexander Gray is represented to 
 be fit and able, we recommend him unto you, to be by you chosen Chamberlain. 
 Whitehall, 31st August, 1660." 
 
 The Corporation, in reply, to the King, " that on the death of Chetwind, there were 
 several Burgesses in competition for the place, and that they elected James Powell, 
 an ancient Burgess to the office, and that the representation made to his Majesty by 
 Alexander Gray, a native of Scotland, that the said James Powell was put in by 
 Oliver Cromwell was not true, and that they should be allowed to continue in office 
 the said James Powell, he having executed the office with care and fidelity." 
 
 This un veracious statement of the Corporation, is made in opposition to the 
 notorious fact, that Powell was appointed by Cromwell, and was a staunch 
 supporter of Cromwell's government on every occasion. It did not however 
 deceive the King, whom it failed to satisfy; and his Majesty, though he could 
 
 of mine oiSoe of Escheatorship, in open and not ia private places, according to the form of the 
 statute on that behalfe made. And I shall doe the King's profits in all things that appertaineth to 
 me to be done. And further I shaU keepe and maintaiae the King's Eights that belongeth to his 
 Crown, and shall not willingly assent to destroys or conoeale any of his Majesty's Eights, and Fran- 
 chises. And where I shall know any of his Majesty's Eights, franchises, or Suites concealed, with- 
 drawen, or diminished, I shall doe my best endeavour with all diligence to reform it ; and if I may not 
 doe it of myseKe, then I shall shew it to the King's Highnes, or to some of his Majesty's most honourable 
 Privey CounseU, who I trust shaU. truly inform his Highnes thereof. And I shall truly and 
 indifferently, with right and good conscience, intreate the people of the Citty, by virtue of mine 
 oifice of MaioraUity, and doe to every man right, as well to the rich as to the poore, in that which 
 shall be by mee to bee done, to the uttermost of my power and knowledge, and neither for gifte nor 
 for love, affection, or hatred, shall doe to any man wi-ong. I shall take nothing whereby 
 his Majesty may loose any proflS.tt, or that his Highnes' right may be disturbed or concealed. 
 And all good, laudable, reasonable, and lawfuU ordinances which have bin made by my predecessors 
 the Maior, Aldermen, and Common Cownsell of this Citty being unrevoked, and unrepealed, I shall 
 holde, keepe, and maintains ; and all other things belonging, as well to the office of Maior, as to the 
 office of Esoheator of this Citty I shall duly and dihgently doe, and performe, as neere as God shall 
 give mee Grace, Soe helpe mee God.'* 
 
1660.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 225 
 
 not obtain the post for Alexander Gray, was determined that it should not be 
 occupied by James Powell, a reputed enemy to Eoyal authority. Accordingly, 
 we find April 22nd, 1662, " The Common Council, in pursuance of the 
 order of his Majesty's Commissioners under the Great Seal, displaced James 
 Powell from the office of Chamberlain, and John Thurston, was chosen, 
 recommended by the Commissioners authorized under the Great Seal.^ 
 
 There is something amiable in the tone of Charles's letter, wherein his 
 faithful servants are restored to their honoured places in the Chamber. Had 
 the same spirit always animated this Monarch's conduct, how diff'erently would 
 his memory be regarded. It is the next meeting after the annual one for the 
 election of officers. The Town Clerk reads : — 
 
 " Charles R. 
 
 " Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. 
 
 " It having pleased God of his mercy to Us and this nation, to restore Us to our just 
 Eights again, we have done on our part in remitting and pardoning what hath been 
 amiss, and our earnest endeavour is, to remove aU marks of difference and distinction 
 between our good Subjects for the future, that they all performing their duty towards 
 Us, may likewise be happy and reconciled in their affections to each other. 
 
 " Whereas many of our good subjects of that our City, having during the late troubles 
 been removed from their places of Magistracy and trust in that Corporation, for 
 their known zeal and affection to our service, to the advancement whereof we doubt 
 not you do aU at this time, and will henceforward concur. 
 
 " Our will and pleasure is, that the surviving Aldermen, and those members of the 
 Common Council who were so put out may be forthwith restored to their respective 
 places, and that they with such well affected persons as are yet remaining in place, 
 and which were chosen before the said illegal proceedings, may be empowered to 
 fill up their numbers of 43 by a free and legal election ; and that those persons who 
 have been unduly brought in may be displaced, to the end our good people of that 
 Corporation may enjoy the benefit and freedom of their Charter and ancient customs. 
 And we do assure you, that we shall lay hold on all occasions to express our favour 
 
 1 Another instance of the working of the Commissioners, for pacifying the Corporation by the 
 removal of all Cromwell's supporters, is before us. September 8th, 1662, at a meeting of the 
 Common Council, " The Mayor reported to the House that John Hagget, late Steward of the Tokey 
 Court, had been removed by his Majesty's Commissioners under the Great Seal, and that John 
 Eobins, Esq., of the County of Gloucester, was appointed. The Chamberlain ordered to admit the 
 latter a freeman." This was accordingly done on the same day. 
 
 G G 
 
226 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 "to that our City, as a place whereof lue have a particular knowledge, having so long 
 resided there, and which we remember with kindness, and so we bid you farewell. 
 " Given at our Court at "Whitehall, the 24th September, in the 12th year of our Reign. 
 
 '^By His Majesty's command, " Edw"- Nicholas. 
 
 " To our Trusty and well-beloved, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
 Council of our City of Bristol for thp time being." 
 
 A tributary wreath has been placed by royal hands, to adorn the memory of 
 Eichard Ellsworth, a respected merchant of this City ; as " a very signall testi- 
 mony of his affection to his Majestie's interest, government, and service on 
 severall occasions to him presentinge."^ The names subscribed to this testi- 
 monial are : — 
 
 " Henry Creswicke, Mayor ; Richard Gregson, Sheriff; Rob. Poyntz ; Nather, late 
 Lieut.-CoU. ; Wm. Colston, Dep. -Lieut. ; Ric. March, John Locke, Aldermen; 
 Alex. James ; Walter Sandy, Alderman." 
 
 The father of the subject of our memoir here reappears. Also Alexander 
 James, Mayor in 1644. For some years we have had no sign of their existence. 
 Suffering from fines, imprisonments, sequestrations, and the insults and indig- 
 nities heaped upon them by the partisans of the Commonwealth, they had 
 refrained from taking any active part in the affairs of the City ; till such time 
 as they could follow unfettered, the dictates of their conscience, judgment, and 
 experience. Walter Sandy and John Locke, whose names we unexpectedly 
 find enrolled amongst this little band of honourable and devoted loyalists, were 
 composed of more ductile materials. The former, had filled the office of 
 Sheriff, under the government of the Parliament, in 1646 ; and in 1658, 
 during the Commonwealth, he had accepted the supreme dignity of the City. 
 Two years later, the pressure of the times worked a wonderful revolution in 
 his political opinions ; and he attaches his signature to a certificate, laudatory 
 of those very principles, which the high offices he had previously held, must 
 have directly led him to oppose. We have no intimate acquaintance with this 
 time-serving Alderman ; the little we have, does not exalt his character for 
 consistency. He, without doubt, possessed a shrewd discernment of the rise 
 and fall of governments, and did not desert the cause he had supported, till 
 the moment it was universally believed to be desperate. 
 
 During the Interregnum, shrinking beneath the grim and solemn gloom of 
 
 1 See Seyer II., 507 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 227 
 
 Puritan dominion, the popular sports and pastimes had contracted within a 
 very narrow circle, — saturnine professors had enacted laws, which their humble 
 imitators executed. The fortunate sectarians were enabled to give free scope 
 to their prejudices; whether founded in Christian charity, or in a less noble 
 feeling. They adjudicated against bear baiting, and cock-fighting, — not so 
 much on account of its cruelty to the animals, but because it yielded entertain- 
 ment to the beholders.^ There were other amusements comparatively 
 inoffensive, — some indeed innocent and harmless, which they regarded with 
 no friendly eye. Horse-racing, rope-dancing, bowls, maypoles, and even 
 puppet, and " motion shows" fell under the ban of their displeasure. We have 
 but one instance of a show of any kind during their dreary reign. 
 
 1655. A model of Audley End House, in Essex, was exhibited in this City, by 
 Patrick Anderson, under a licence of the Eight Honourable Lieut. -General 
 Lambert. Audley End House, was at the time of the Revolution, the largest 
 Royal Palace in the kingdom. The expense of building it amounted to 
 £90,000. The mere model in wood here exhibited, is said to have cost 
 £500.^ We have other attractions at the Restoration. — -The people sought 
 amusements any how, any where, and in any thing. In foUy or vice the gilded 
 time of the parasites glided by, — and the enervating pursuit of pleasure pervaded 
 aU the land. Prom a puppet-show to the grimaces of a clown, — from the 
 oddities of Punch to the pathetic adventures of Patient Grizzle, — from rope 
 dancing and juggling, to the dignity of plays and dramas ; all was acceptable.^ 
 Our records give an instance or two of the form of licence granted to travelling 
 shows — which will suffice as exemplifications : — 
 
 1 " Tte Puritan tated bear baiting, not because it gave paia to the bear, but because it gave 
 pleasure to tbe spectators. Indeed be generally contrived to enjoy the double pleasure of tormenting 
 botb spectators and bear." — ^Maoaitlat's History, I., 61. 
 
 2 "Audley House, in the county of Essex, about a nule south of Saffron "Walden, or as it is more 
 frequently called, Audley End, was hmlt by Thomas Lord Audley, of Walden, who was created 
 Earl of Suffolk by James the first, to whom he was Treasurer. The Earl designed it as a palace for 
 his Majesty, and when it was finished presented it to bim ; when the King saw its vast extent and 
 magnificence, he said 'that it would suit very weU a Lord Treasurer, but was too much for a King.' 
 It remained in the possession of the Earls of Suffolk during that and the succeeding reign. It 
 consisted of two courts, one of which and part of the other, includiug a gaUery 226 feet long, 32 
 wide, and 24 high, were taken down, by Henry Earl of Suffolk, about the end of the 17th century." 
 — A New Display of the Beauties of Migland, 1776. 
 
 3 Pictorial History of England. 
 
228 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " To all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of the peace. Bailiffs, Constables, Head-boroughs, 
 and all other his Majesty's oiEcers, true Liege-men, loving subjects, and to every 
 of them greeting. Know ye that whereas William Coldfex hath desired licence of 
 me to make show of a motion-show, called St. George. These are by virtue of a 
 grant made unto me under the great seal of England to authorise and licence 
 you, the said "William Coldfex, to make show of the said motion-show, called St. 
 George, with four servants, which are of the company, and to call the said show with 
 Music, Drum, or Trumpet, which he or they shall think fitting, *** provided they do 
 not act anything offensive against the laws of God or of the land, and make show at 
 lawful times, with exception of the Lord's day, or on any other day in the time of 
 Divine service, or on any other day prohibited by Proclamation or other lawful 
 authority, and the licence to continue for one whole year from the day of the date 
 hereof, and to serve throughout the realm of England. Given at his Majesty's oiEce 
 of the Eevills, under my hand and the seal of the said ofE.ce, 15th June, in the 
 twelfth year of the reign of our most Gracious Sovereign Lord Charles by the Grace 
 of God, &c., &c. Anno Domini, 1660." 
 
 Not to tire the reader we omit the preamble. 
 
 " To all Maiors, Sec, Sec. — Know yee that whereas, M'- Rich*' Lancashier hath desired 
 authoritie from his Maj""' office of the Revills to make show of dancing on y° Eopes 
 with Agillity of body. These are therefore by vertue of a grant made unto me 
 under the great seale of England, to authorize and licence the s^ M'* Lancashier, to 
 make show of dancing on a low Rope, Vaulting on a high Rope, with Agillity of 
 body on y^ ground w* Musick, and eight servants, requiring you the s* Maior, &c,, 
 &c., to permitt the persons hereby licenced to passe quietly w^out any of yo'" letts 
 or molestations, and to be ayding and assisting unto them, and every of them, if 
 any wrong or injury be offered them, you affording them some convenient place to 
 make show in, and to continue in any place sixty dayes, and what company so ever. 
 Stage Players, Musicians, Mountebankes, or such as goe w" Blanke bookes. Motions, 
 and Strang sights, — shall repaire to any of y"' Citties, Universities, Towns, Corporate 
 Hamlets, or Villages, haveing an authority directed immediately from me, or con- 
 firmed by me, under my hande the present seale of the s* office whereon is Ingraven 
 the Sheafe of Arrowes.*** This licence Given att his Maj*^"' office of the Revills 
 under my hande and y° seale of the s'* office this first day of May, 1667. 
 
 Henry HEE^eEEX." 
 
 The real and earnest of the Puritans, unmoved at the ridicule they now 
 received— steadfast to their creed, though it was no longer the path to honour 
 and distinction — stiU regarded vidth a grim displeasure, aU amusements, unless 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 229 
 
 of a grave character ; such as the exhibition of a model, — or a doctrinal 
 discussion on " election and probation." Plays, players, and mountebanks they 
 especially abominated, — and even carried their prejudice so far, as to engage in 
 the wilful destruction of temporary stages or theatres. — They assembled in 
 secret and darkness to do their work. An example, condensed and direct, we 
 print here. 1669, February 24th : — 
 
 Upon information on oath of one Tamberlaine Harvey, of London, Chirurgion, — 
 against several apprentices and servants who had tumultuously assembled and 
 committed some outrages the night before. On the examination of Henry Dyer, 
 with many others, of whom we know nothing, — deposed that " last night there came 
 to him [Tamberlaine Harvey] at his lodgings on the Back, a person unknown, who 
 told him that there were several persons in the Back Lanes consulting together, 
 but what they particularly talked about he could not tell," but he understood this 
 much, " that they intend to take down the stage whereupon Dr. Ponteus and his 
 servants did use to be, and would throw it over the Back, threatening that aU those 
 who should oppose them they would serve Hkewise." About ten o'clock at night as 
 Harvey was standing at his door he observed seven persons come out of the 
 Marsh with clubs in their hands, and approach towards the stage ; after recon ■ 
 noitering, they send two out as scouts, and conceiving all was safe for attack, they 
 commenced ripping up the stage, carrying off certain portions of it; during 
 the progress of destruction, Harvey desired them to desist, — when they all made 
 towards him, — but he escaped within his lodgings, and as they could not reach him 
 with their clubs, they threatened to pelt him with stones. Others now joined them, 
 — the tumult increased, — and by the time the watch arrived, the said Harvey was 
 in considerable danger of his life. The mob was then dispersed, several of the 
 offenders escaped, others were apprehended. Harvey pleaded with them, [the mob] 
 that he had a right to the stage, as he had the approbation of the Mayor, as well as a 
 license firom his Majesty, to which some of them replied that they did " not care 
 either for the King or the Mayor" Those taken were committed to Newgate ; and 
 warrants were issued for the other offenders. 
 
 A curious feature of the domestic condition of our ancestors, glimmers 
 through the haze of nearly two centuries. — Like the Metropolis, the nocturnal 
 darkness of the streets was a serious inconvenience to the honest citizen. 
 We can imagine him groping through the dark profound, falling into yawning 
 gutters, — or stumbling over heaps of animal, and vegetable filth, — accumulated 
 in the unpaved districts. Thankful for the friendly aid emitted from the 
 
230 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 lights that " few and far between," hang at the residences of the opulent, and 
 guide him to a knowledge of his locality. The streets were otherwise 
 perfect pits of darkness; except when relieved by casual gleams from the 
 houses, — or by the passing lantern of the humble burgher, — or occasionally 
 reddened by the flaming torches, that attended the progress of citizens of 
 distinction. As yet, no compulsory measures had been adopted to remedy the 
 inconvenience ; but prior to the Eestoration, the subject had obtained some 
 consideration. Wherefore, and to what end our extract will explain: — 
 
 Michaelmas, 1655. "It having been formerly presented to this Court by former Grand 
 Juries, y' severall mischiefs and inconveniences that have happened by y" darkness 
 of severall parties of this Cittie in y winter evenings, for want of lanterns and candles 
 being hung forth att y° Inhabitants doors ; this Court taking the same into consi- 
 deration have thought fitt to recommend the same to the Maior, Aldermen, and 
 Common Councell, not doubtiag but they will give a suitable redresse thereunto." 
 
 The Magistrates accordingly, took the subject into their consideration, and 
 did nothing more at that time. The "mischiefs and inconveniences" still 
 continued, — ^and so did the Magistrates, we suppose, continue to sit and 
 deliberate on the best manner to remedy the grievance. They came to a 
 decision in little more than five years what plan to adopt. On the page of the 
 official record appears the following order : — 
 
 " CiviTAs Bkistol. 
 
 " You are hereby required to give notice, to all and every the persons whose 
 names are under written,^ that they and every of them do hang out a lantern and 
 candle lighted at their respective doors during this winter season, from sis till nine 
 of the o'clock every night upon pain of forfeiting for every default 3s. 4d, of 
 
 1 Redcliff 34 persons. 
 
 St. Ewen 12 „ Castle 17 persons. 
 
 St. Maryport 23 „ St. Leonard 12 „ 
 
 St. Augustine 27 „ St. Jolm 40 „ 
 
 St. Thomas 52 „ St. Nicholas 51 „ 
 
 Temple 38 „ Christ Church 31 „ 
 
 St. Peter 47 „ St. Stephen 43 „ 
 
 St. Werhurgh 13 „ AU Saints 23 „ 
 
 St. Philip 25 „ St. Michael 13 „ 
 
 St. James 25 „ 
 
1660.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 231 
 
 " which defaults you are every night to take notice and give an account thereof at the 
 Tolzey the next morning. 
 
 " Hereof see you fail not. Dated 22nd December, 1660. 
 
 " To Roger Small, Thos. Keene, Ed. Hopkins, Marshalls." ^ 
 
 From the foregoing list -we learn that St. Nicholas, Thomas, and Peter, were 
 the largest parishes, and St. Leonards, Ewens, and Werburgh the smallest, 
 and that five hundred and twenty-six twinkling candles, was made sufficient 
 for the light of the City. As the list also affords us the means of ascertaining 
 in what parishes our wealthy and leading citizens dwelt nearly two centuries 
 ago, — we will so far avail ourselves of its contents, as to indicate the locality of 
 the parties, who occupy, or may hereafter occupy, a place in our annals. The 
 names of many old and honourable families, whose members at this period 
 were filling stations of trust and influence, have disappeared, — and are heard 
 of no more. It will be seen in St. Werburgh's, St. Leonard's and St. Ewen's 
 parishes, which we transcribe without omission, the great bulk of the magnates 
 of the City resided.^ 
 
 The list from which we have made our selection is supposed to comprise 
 all the respectable inhabitants of the City. It was not considered necessary 
 [it will be observed] that the public should be accommodated with light after 
 nine o'clock. At that hour, all sober citizens were supposed to retire, leaving 
 the deserted streets in the possession of their nightly guardians.^ In the interval 
 after sunset till six o'clock, as dark in mid-winter as in the succeeding hours, 
 the lighting of the streets is not considered. Probably some passing rays 
 from the shops would gladden the neighbourhood, and render unnecessary the 
 grand illumination, till most of the business of the day was over, and all adven- 
 titious aid withdrawn. The contrast from the glowworm lights to the 
 brilliant gas of modern days will suggest itself to all — " Such are the changes 
 fleeting time procureth." 
 
 1 In this instance Bristol appears in advance of the Metropolis. TiU the last year of the reign 
 of Charles most of the streets in London were left in profound darkness. They were then brihi- 
 antly iUnminated by an ingenious projector named Edward Heming, who obtained letters patent 
 conveying to him for a term of years, the exclusive right of hghting up London. He undertook 
 for a moderate consideration, to place a Ught before every tenth door on moonless nights, from 
 Michaelmas to Lady-day, from sis to twelve of the clock." — Macaulat's Sistory, I. 362. 
 
 2 Appendix A. 
 
 3 We have seen how the City was Hghted — we wiLL devote a hne to tell the manner in which 
 it was watched at this time. " Every citizen to attend the nightly watch, or provide a substitute," 
 which faiUng to perform, he was fined sixpence in summer, and eightpence in winter, for each neglect. 
 
232 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 At Christmas, the people returned to the mistletoe and hollies, — their mince 
 pies and plum puddings. The repressed feelings of years, hurst forth in a 
 wild demoralizing carnival. Eelieved from the restrictions of the past, they 
 carried their excesses to a feverish and painful extent, — and the healthy vigour 
 of this festival, gave place to a fierce excitement, that had no companionship 
 with the warm-hearted hospitalities, and kindling humanities of old. — Much 
 of the expanded heart — the extended love, — the awakened charity — had heen 
 subdued through long disuse ; and never again in their original plenitude, 
 simplicity, and beauty, — were they destined to be regenerated. — Vice and 
 luxurious dissipation were infectious. The nation had rushed from the 
 severe grimness of fanaticism, to the opposite extreme, — and given itself up 
 to ignoble and degrading sensuality, immorality, and licentiousness ! 
 
 There were many in the Chamber, still strongly imbued with the old leaven 
 of Puritanism ; who were not alert to obey the pleasure of his Majesty, as 
 expressed in his letter of the 24th September last. Nothing was done. The 
 House resorted to no measures to restore the discarded members, or to dismiss 
 the disaffected, and to occupy their places with supporters of the throne. In 
 this inert state it appears to have remained, till the following March ; when, on 
 the 12th inst., it w;as awoke from its placid somnolency to a state of alacrity, — 
 by the Eecorder, John Stephens, Esq., communicating to the Mayor a letter, 
 concerning the Quo Warranto, brought against the City. April 9th, the Quo 
 Warranto, was read to the House ; when an instrument under the City Seal 
 was ordered to be prepared, and an attorney appointed to appear for the Corpo- 
 ration the day of the return. "It was [also] resolved, that an humble address be 
 presented to the King, for delaying proceedings, and for renewing the Charter, 
 that the same may be conferred under the Great Seal, and the Committee to 
 consider what further grants it would be convenient to be petitioned for, that 
 they might be added thereunto. That the Mayor [Henry Creswicke] do 
 proceed to London to petition the King, taking the advice of the Recorder 
 and Town Clerk of this City." Two petitions struggled into form, to be 
 admired as curious specimens of involved writing and elegance of diction. It 
 was left to the discretion of the Mayor, which, according to his instructions 
 should be presented.^ 
 
 1 " Instructions for the Mayor. — To present eitier of tte petitions to the King as he may be 
 advised hy the Recorder, Town Clerk, and the Burgesses in Parliament for the City, to leave out 
 
1661.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 233 
 
 " TO THE king's MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 
 
 " The humble petition of your Majesty's most loyal and obedient Subjects, 
 the Mayor, Burgesses, and Commonalty of your Majesty's City of Bristol, 
 In all submission Sheweth, 
 
 " That soon after your Majesty's most happy return to your Eoyal palace at Whitehall, 
 your Petitioners by their Eecorder, and others by them deputed ; there humbly 
 tendered the acknowledgement of their duties, with all the cheerfulness of heart they 
 could express, which your Majesty was pleased to accept as the earnest of their 
 loyalty. Since which, while they have been under consideration of making their 
 humble address to your Majesty, for the confirmation of all the privileges and 
 charters granted to this City by your Majesty's Koyal Progenitors, and for the 
 continuance of your Eoyal protection in the enjoyment of them ; but, before the same 
 could be made meet to be presented to your Majesty, there hath been delivered to 
 the Sheriffs of this City, a process of Quo Warranto against your Petitioners, for the 
 using of divers liberties, privileges, and franchises. And although your Petitioners 
 are wholly ignorant of any such errors or defaults, yet the apprehension hereof hath 
 caused a sad reflection with them, fearing least through some misinformation, they 
 may be fallen under your Majesty's displeasure ; and therefore, the sense of such a 
 suffering, and of the reproach the consequence thereof, together with the frequent 
 affironts on the Government itself, and those in power, by obstinate and irregular 
 persons, hath constrained them for relief to fly to your sacred Majesty, as sanctuary, 
 to succour upon this confidence, that they are able, with an humble boldness, to 
 compare their loyalty with the zeal of any such informers. 
 
 " They therefore humbly pray your Majesty would be graciously pleased, to give 
 directions for the stay of any further proceedings in the said Quo Warranto, and to 
 issue out your Eoyal warrant for the confirmation of the charters and privileges of 
 this City, with these further additional grants of grace and favor hereunder written, 
 and they shall ever pray." 
 
 The second petition, from the power hereafter conferred on the loyal 
 members of the Chamber, was, probably, the one presented and granted. — 
 
 " May it please your Majesty, 
 
 " Whilst the subjects of your kingdom in general in these latter years of destraction, 
 
 " the clauses concerning the Society of Merchants, to alter amy expression into letter phrase or style, 
 retaining the true substance. The Mayor to sign his name to either of the petitions as may be 
 thought necessary. The particulars to be petitioned for, viz. : The Corporation to have power to 
 fine any Burgess not exceeding £400, who shall be elected a Common CounoU Man, Sheriff, 
 Alderman, or Mayor, who shall refuse to serve, and to swear he is not worth £1500, and the fines 
 if not paid, the same to be distrained for. All fines and penalties of any bye-law to be levied by 
 way of distress. That a market for horses be held once a week in the City." 
 
 H H 
 
234 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " were deprived of the happy influence of your royal authority, this City more than 
 others have experienced the want thereof; and with sorrow, your Petitioners cannot 
 but sadly represent before your Majesty, that the Government of this place, in 
 the managemt of the Mayor, Ald°, and Common Coimcil, hath been exceedingly 
 divested of its ancient lustre and authority ; through the refusal of able and 
 sufficient persons, when elected to public places under your Majesty, through 
 the obstinacy of bold and irregular persons, and their frequent confronting and 
 reproaching of those in power. And the City itself much decayed in its flourishing 
 and prosperous state, by their many late losses at sea, deadness of trade, interloping 
 of artificers and others, by trading into foreign parts, not having been bound 
 apprentices to the arts and mystery of a merch* to the loss of your Majesty's customs, 
 and discouragem* of those which would be most able upon occasion to contribute to 
 your Majesty's service, with many other invasions on their ancient liberties and 
 franchises. Your Petitioners do therefore humbly pray, for the better redress of aU 
 the aforesaid grievances, your Majesty would be graciously pleased to issue out your 
 royal warrant, for the confirmation of the ancient charters and privileges of the 
 City in general, and of the charters to the Society of Merchant Adventurers in 
 particular, with such further grants of grace and favour to be added unto both, as are 
 hereinafter humbly presented and implored. And they shall ever pray." 
 
 There was no money in the Treasury, — and to meet the expense which the 
 Mayor's visit to London on this business would necessarily occasion, the required 
 sum was advanced by the Mayor, and two Aldermen, John Gonning, and Joseph 
 Jackson ; to whom a bond was given, — and also the Farm of Hampe, in the 
 County of Somerset, was made over to them as security for the re-payment. ^ 
 
 The Mayor was attended to London by his officers in new liveries had for the 
 occasion. ^ The result of this visit can only be inferred. We may suppose it was 
 satisfactory to the Mayor, who returned with the additional dignity of Knight- 
 hood. The honour of Knighthood was prodigally showered by Charles upon 
 the members of the London Corporation, and the principal ofl&cers of the City 
 MUitia. This was done with the intent of keeping them in good humour, and 
 loyally disposed. It was " an honour," says Clarendon, " the City had been 
 
 1 Alderman Jackson was paid £2, for transmitting £300, to London for the Mayor, the bond 
 cost 16s. 
 
 2 Among other expenses we find in our Audits, there was "paid for cloth £4 : 16«., lace, and trim- 
 ming, two cloaks, when he [the Mayor] went to London on City business, £5 : 18s : 6(?., and making 
 tlie same 12s." 
 
1661.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 235 
 
 without near eighteen years, and therefore abundantly welcome to their hus- 
 bands and their wives." It must have been equally so, to the worthy Corpo- 
 ration of our City, who obtained a fair sprinkling from the shower. ^ 
 
 The 29th May was set apart by act of Parliament, as a " Day of Thanks- 
 giving, henceforth to be observed in honour of his Majesty's Birth, and Happy 
 Restoration." The Mayor gave orders for " the ringing of bells, making of 
 bonfires, and discharging of great guns. The provision of powder to be at the 
 charge of the Chamber." The Chamber, though poor, could not omit the 
 bells, the bonfires, or the great guns. Ancestral predilections in favour of this 
 ancient signification of public joy, pleaded for them. The bells and bonfires, 
 would not cost much. There was only the consideration of the powder ; and 
 this cost was lessened by the Chamber granting certain privileges to the 
 master of a vessel, on condition that he proclaimed the Loyalty of the City, in 
 a succession of heavy noises. Many inconveniences had happened to the river, 
 by the coming up of ships out of Hungroad. There was a bye-law in force, to 
 restrict vessels, above one hundred tons coming to the City, under a penalty of 
 ten pounds.^ To the existence of this law our extract refers. — 19th April. 
 " The Ship ' Eobert,' of Bristol, is permitted to be brought to the Key, on 
 consideration that the owner do expend the value of the fine he ought to pay, 
 in discharge of guns on Tuesday next, being the King's Coronation day." 
 
 1 The following members of the Corporation were thus distinguished during the reigns of 
 Charles II. and his brother. Sir Henry Cres-wicke, Sir Eobert Cann, Knight and Bart., Sir Eobert 
 Teamans, Knight and Bart., Sir Eiohard Cnimpe, Sir Eiohard Hart, Sir Thomas Earl, Sir "WiQiam 
 Clutterbuck, Sir "William Hayman, Sir "William Merrick, Sir Thomas Langton, Sir John Lloyd. 
 
 2 "18th August, 1654. It is decreed that noe ship above the burden of one hundred tons, either 
 laden or not, shall at any time hereafter be brought up to the Key or Back of Bristol, without 
 special license in writing imder the hands of the Mayor and two Aldermen. And if any Master of 
 any ship, pilot, or other person, shall bring up any ship to the said Back or Key, contrary to this 
 ordinance, those so offending shall pay the sum of ten pounds, to the use of the Mayor, &c." 
 
 " At a meeting of the Mayor and Aldermen, 12th June, 1661. Upon consideration of the many 
 and great annoyances done to the river, by the coming up of ships and vessels, and lyinge betwixt 
 Frome Bridge and Gibbtaylor, to the extraordinary prejudice of the Port of Hungrode, and coming 
 in and going -out of other ships or vessels to or from the Key ; which, if not timely prevented, may 
 tend to the utter spoiling of this Port and Harbour, and impoverishing this City and the inhabitants 
 thereof. It is therefore ordered, according to an Act of Common Council, made 15th November, 
 1629, in the Mayoralty of Humphrey Hooke, Esq., in the fifth of Charles Eirst, that the Water 
 Bayliffe, and Key Keeper, or either of them, do forthwith give warning to the owner or owners. 
 
236 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 From glimpses dim and obscure, we are enabled to imagine something of 
 the condition of the river ; up which, vessels beyond one hundred tons burthen 
 were not permitted. In 1672 the House was informed, " that a bark, by the 
 name of ' William and Thomas,' belonging to foreigners, had for several 
 yeares lay sunke behind Sir Humphrey Hooke's house, and over against 
 Cannons' Marsh, full of holes, and almost decayed; had created thereby a great 
 bank of mud, which was likely to choke up the river, to the hinderance of 
 passing upp and downe of shipps and vessells, to the great prejudice of the 
 City, if the nuisance be not speedily removed." The House considered of the 
 information, as it had done on every prior occasion, when its attention was 
 called to the subject. The difficulty was, how the expense of removal 
 was to be defrayed, and the meeting ended in the formation of a Committee to 
 consider the best method how to rid themselves of the nuisance. In a subsequent 
 Sessions, the subject is brought before the Grand Jury ; when, no ovraers of 
 the ship being found, " nor any person whatsoever that claims the same," they 
 
 Ordered the ship " soe sunke," to be ripped up, or otherwise, for the preserving of the 
 river, and the mud and dirt to be removed, and " the Water Bayliffe, the Sword 
 Bearer, and the Key Keeper, or any of them, to take speedy and effectual care for 
 putting the same in execution; and according to the law of this Court, they shall be 
 held sacred, harmless, and indemnified." - 
 
 master or masters, — of all ships or vessels about three score tons, that within fourteen days after such 
 
 notice, aU the said ships he removed from the respective places where they now He, and faU down 
 
 to Hungrode, on pain to forfeit twenty pounds, for each ship or vessel that shall not be removed 
 
 accordingly. " Henet Cbeswicee, Mayor. 
 
 Mixes Jackson, John Locke, 
 
 Aeihtjb Fakmeb, 
 
 "Waitee Saudt, Geo. "White. 
 " To the Water Bayliffe, Key Keeper, or either of them." 
 
 " 16th September, 1666. Whereas the coming of ships to the Key, proves very prejudicial to the 
 Harbour ; and may be dangerous ia respect of fixe, it is ordered that the like engagement as hath 
 been formerly upon the conung up of ships, shall be hereafter given for their falling down within 
 twenty days after." 
 
 1 Another entry touching the interests of the citizens, as connected with the Port, is before us, 
 which it is difficult to render iuteresting, and which we do not hke altogether to omit. — " Whereas 
 we are informed, that the Sheriffs of the Citie of Bristol have lately demanded from some Burgesses 
 of the Towne trading hence by sea to the Citie, a certain summe of money, for and in lieu of 
 Keelage of such vessells at this place, as he at the Back or Key of BristoU aforesaid, whereof wee 
 have beene ever free, paying only four pence for moorage of each vessel there. Theis are to certify, 
 
1661.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 237 
 
 The members of the Common Council, though mostly favourable to the 
 principles of the Commonwealth, had remained till this time undisturbed. 
 They would seem to have been schooling themselves, — and endeavouring to 
 accommodate their consciences, to carry out the intentions of the restored 
 Government. As yet but little progress had been made in obedience to the 
 commands of his Majesty. The reformation of the Chamber can scarcely be 
 said to have commenced. August 23rd it held a meeting, and advanced a step. 
 Alderman James, Alderman Sherman, Mr. Wm. Fitzherbert, and Mr. Wm. 
 Colston, were unanimously desired to take their places in the House, " as 
 members thereof, as formerly they were." At the same time were chosen, 
 John Knight, Jun., John Bradway, John Hix, and Wm. Stephens. 
 
 Greater changes were at hand. The Corporation Act,^ for excluding dis- 
 affected persons from municipal offices, had passed. Unlimited power had 
 been given to Commissioners for turning out all members averse to high 
 monarchical principles. The act petitioned for by the Corporation, that 
 penalties might be inflicted on burgesses refusing to serve, — a part of 
 Creswicke's mission to London, — was obtained. Nathaniel Cale, a Soap 
 Boiler, — who received the civic sceptre from Creswicke, prided himself upon 
 carrying it into effectual execution. A manuscript calendar, dated 1662, says, 
 " Mr. Nathaniel Cale, Mayor, new modelled the Common Council, turning 
 out aU that he supposed to be any ways disaffected to the King, and which 
 did adhere to the Eump Parliament."^ 
 
 It is a morning of the 10th October. The " Quarter Boys" at Christ Church 
 have not yet warned the hour of nine. Mr. Cale, expanding with official 
 intelligence, pompously enters the Tolzey. A rather important personage at 
 this moment is the newly elected Mayor. He is in correspondence with the 
 
 all persons whom it shall or may oonceme, that time out of mind, there hath heene paid, and still 
 is paid out of this Borough, unto our Soveraigne Lord the King a considerable yearly rent, for and 
 in lieu of our freedoms, granted us by Charter. In witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our 
 hands and the Common Seale of this Burrough, this 23rd of Oct., Anno 20th Charles 2nd, 1668." 
 
 1 " Corporation Act, passed A.D. 1661, which required all persons holding office in any Corpora- 
 tion, to take the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the rites of the EstabKshed Chui-ch, 
 to subscribe the declaration abjuring the solemn league and covenant, and the lawfulness of taking 
 up arms, upon any pretence whatever, against the King. This act prevented Dissenters from serving 
 their country in the lowest ofiices of trust." 
 
 2 Seyer. 
 
238 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Government. His situation entails great responsibilities, and he knows it. 
 He has a great duty to perform. With a grave and dignified demeanour he 
 hands over a letter sealed with the Eoyal Arms to the Town Clerk, who opens 
 it and reads : — 
 
 " Charles K. 
 
 " Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas several of our good 
 subjects were removed from the Magistracy, and other places of trust in that our 
 City, during the late distractions, for their known affections to us, and to the ancient 
 established laws of this nation, and persons of contrary principles settled in their 
 room. Our will and pleasure is, that having first displaced aU such Burgesses, 
 Common Council Men, and other OiEcers, as have been so unduly brought in, and 
 all others who have been notoriously disaffected to our Government. You wiU 
 cause to be restored such Aldermen, Burgesses, Common Council Men, and other 
 Ofiicers as were during the late ill times put out. And that they with such persons 
 of integrity, as yet remain may be empowered to fill up their numbers by a free and 
 legal election ; that so the good people of that our Corporation may with all freedom 
 enjoy the benefit of their Charter and ancient customs. Your compliance herein 
 will be of no less advantage to that our City, than of satisfaction to us, and will give 
 us cause to be mindful of you on any occasion whereby we may assure you of our 
 favor. And so we bid you farewell. 
 
 " Given at our Court, at Whitehall, October 4, 1661, on the 13th of our Eeign, 
 
 By His Majesty's command, 
 
 " Edwaed Nicholas. 
 " To our trusty and well beloved, the Mayor of our City of Bristol." 
 
 Cale distinguished himself by acting up to the intent and spirit of this 
 letter. The 30th October, at a meeting of the Corporation, the following 
 members were chosen, and ordered to attend the ensuing evening to be sworn.-^ 
 They did so, were sworn, and took their seats in the House, excepting the 
 five last named. 
 
 August 5th, 1662, the following members of the Council were requested to 
 take their places as formerly, pursuant to his Majesty's orders : — ^Mr. Eobert 
 Yeamans, Alexander Jackson, Thomas Moore, Michael Pittman, Richard 
 Hart, John Knight, Jun. 
 
 1 "John Knight, Sen., Eohert Cann, John Pope, Christopher Griffiths, Eobert Vickris, John 
 Willoughby, Henry Appleton, Edward Morgan, Thomas Langton, Edward Bovey, "William Crabb, 
 John Lawford, Henry Eich, William Teamans, John Bowen, Andrew Hook." 
 
1662-3.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES, 239 
 
 Hart and Knight were no friends to his Majesty, and were little disposed 
 to obey his mandate. They refused to resume their places. Then, the House 
 impregnated with an arbitrary spirit, — the legacy of the Puritans ; and having 
 perhaps in view the low state of their finances ; rose in the strength of its 
 recovered power, and inflicted upon them a heavy penalty. — Upon Hart, 
 £300, Knight, £400 — and in case of their objecting to pay, an action was to 
 be brought against them, and their names returned to the Privy Council. 
 
 At the same meeting, Thomas Day, and Edward Young, were each fined 
 £200, for not becoming members. They preferred, however, accepting 
 office to paying the fine, and on the 13th of August, were accordingly sworn. 
 The 3rd of September, Michael Pittman, who appears to have taken nearly 
 a month to consider what he should do, refused to accept office, and was 
 fined £200, which he paid. A similar penalty was also exacted from 
 Gerrard Lane. 
 
 Again we have evidence of the existence of the strong party feeling that 
 influenced the members of the Reformed Chamber. August 8th, 1663, 
 warrants of imprisonment were ordered to be issued against the following^ 
 formerly chosen members, who now refuse to serve. Amongst them will 
 be found the names of Knight and Pittman, on whom it has been seen penal- 
 ties were recently inflicted, which they could not have satisfactorily discharged, 
 or they would have purchased exemption from other proceedings. 
 
 Aldworth, the Town Clerk, signed a Warrant for sending Michael 
 Pittman to Newgate. This was communicated to the refractory member, who 
 hereupon addressed the House, praying for dismissal, which was conditionally 
 granted on his payment of another fine of £100. 
 
 But an event of some importance now claimed the attention of the Corpo- 
 ration, and caUed them from the inflictions of fines — the issuing of warrants, — 
 and other favourite legalized means for convincing, and punishing obstinate, 
 and prejudiced citizens. It had been rumoured abroad that his Majesty and 
 the Queen were coming to Bath. — It had been whispered in the Council 
 Chamber. — Reported in the Tolzey — and conversed of in the streets. — Their 
 Majesties arrive. — From Bath they would probably come to Bristol. The 
 
 1 John Kniglit, Jun., Shershaw Caiy, Thomas Moore, Alexander Jackson, William 'Willet, 
 Eobert Hurls, Joseph Teamans, Eichard Stubs, Michael Pittman, Nicholas TiUey, Thomas Cale, 
 Thomas Goldsmith. 
 
240 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 prospect of the royal visit created great excitement, and feverish expectation 
 in the minds of the loyal portion of the inhabitants. Especially increased 
 when they ascertained that the probability, was approaching to a certainty. 
 The Corporation had decided to send their Majesties an invitation. But 
 experience had taught that royal visits, were invariably attended with royal 
 expenses. The City treasury was empty. — Gold or silver, there was none. 
 In this pecuniary emergency the Corporation bethought them, that they would 
 appeal to the good faith and loyalty of the citizens, for the means of supporting 
 the renowned hospitality of the City. The people's former attachment to a 
 settled constitution was beginning to revive. The appeal was amply responded 
 to by all parties, of whatever shade of opinion. A natural result consi- 
 dering it involved no personal sacrifice. The first official notice of the 
 intention of the Chamber is 24th August, when it was agreed that " An 
 invitation be sent to their Majesties on their arrival at Bath, to visit the City," 
 and the following " members of the House have voluntary subscribed to lend 
 the particular sumes of money written at their names, on the credit of the 
 Citty, Seale towards the entertainment of their Maj*^ to bee paid them the 
 first of March, w**" interest."^ To the annexed list may be added Thos. 
 
 1 " At a general sealeing, Saturday tte 29t]i of August, 1663, ajm°- : 15°- Car. 2^'" — R'^ in 
 St. George's Chappel. 
 
 Theis severaU seales following were then past, for moneys lent by tte persons underwritten, in 
 order to the reception and entertainm' of their Maj"" payable with interest, the first of March 
 following — * 
 
 A Seale A Seale 
 
 To Wm. Cann, sonne of Sir Eobt. To Thos. Langton for £50 
 
 Cann, in trust for Sir Eobt £180 Thos. Stephens ,, 30 
 
 John Locke for 25 Jno. Hickes „ 30 
 
 Eichd. Bahnan ,, 50 Jno. Bradway ,, 30 
 
 Henry Creswicke ,, 60 Jno. Knight, son of Aldn. Jno. 
 
 Nathl. Gale „ 25 Knight „ 100 
 
 Henry Gough „ 30 John Pope ,, 25 
 
 Jno. Lloyd „ 30 Jno. Lawford „ 60 
 
 Ealph OUive „ 30 Jno. Wright „ 30 
 
 Humphrey Little , 25 Eobt. Teamans „ 60 
 
 Chas. PoweH „ 30 Christr. Griffith „ 30 
 
 Edward Langley „ 30 Jno. WiUoughby „ 40 
 
 "Walter Sandy „ 25 Edwd. Morgan „ 30 
 
1663.J 
 
 HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 241 
 
 Speed and George Bishop, two highly respected members of the Society of 
 Friends ; who, notwithstanding the very severe persecutions which they as a 
 body had experienced, — and while great numbers of their brethren were still 
 languishing in prison, — presented in the name of the society a loan of £100, for 
 the purpose of augmenting the fund, " that their Majesties might be entertained 
 in a style and manner becoming their dignity, and the proverbial hospitality of 
 the City in its most palmy days." 
 
 The Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs " to take care in all respects for their [Majesties] 
 honourable reception and entertainment here, and to give directions in all things 
 they judge fit," also "the Mayor and Aldermen to treat with the inhabitants for 
 their voluntary subscriptions and gifts, — Alderman John Knight, Alderman John 
 Pope, and John Lawford, to be Treasurers." " The Mayor and Aldermen to provide 
 such quantity of wine and sugar as they shall think fit, to be sent to Bath, and there 
 presented to his Majesty. 
 
 " Considering the expense that it would cost in entertaining their Majesties, the House 
 agreed to waive the giving of any sum of money which at a former meeting they 
 had subscribed to give, and do resolve that the sums which they formerly subscribed, 
 shall be added to the sums they have this day agreed to lend. 
 
 " No monies to be paid to any one person that shall lend on the City Seal before another, 
 and that an equal distribution shall be made amongst all, and that every one who 
 lends, shall be paid in proportion to what he advances, 
 
 " And that the charges and fees which shall be bestowed or paid for any extraordinary 
 entertainment of the Lords, Ladies, or any of their Majesties' servants or followers, 
 or to any of their officer or officers, during their Majesties abode in Bristol or Bath, 
 shall be defrayed out of the monies now advanced on the credit of the City Seal." 
 
 A Seale 
 .for £30 
 30 
 
 A Seals 
 Mcholas TiUy for £30 
 
 To "Wm. Crabb 
 
 Ed. Streamer „ 30 Wm. Hasell „ 30 
 
 Ed. Crmnpe „ 30 Wm. Gibbons „ 30 
 
 SamL. Tippet ,, 25 Jos. Teamans „ 30 
 
 Edwd. Hume „ 30 Abm. Berkin „ 30 
 
 Thos. Day „ 30 Jno. Cicell „ 30 
 
 Edwd. Young „ 30 Thos. Prigg „ 20 
 
 Garrard Lane „ 30 Thos. Tovey „ 30 
 
 Thos. Godman „ 30 
 
 > This was not performed. " 29th Sept. 1664. Whereas the members of this House did lend and advance 
 several stuns of money upon the City Seal, towards the entertainment of their Majesties the last year ; it i« 
 ordered that untU. the principal sums be paid upon each Seale, the interest thereof shall be paid by the Cham- 
 berlain, after the rate of £5 per cent." 
 
 I I 
 
242 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 From a perusal of the above extracts, we are led to infer that the Chamber 
 was confident their Majesties would visit the City ; for it must be remembered 
 that the arrangements herein set forth, actually transpired before the invitation 
 had been proflfered to their Majesties. But no farther time was lost, in 
 presenting the civility with all due ceremonial; — it was most graciously accepted, 
 and the day appointed for the royal visit. The pecuniary difficulties removed, 
 we may suppose, for we are not admitted behind the scenes, the bustle and 
 hurry of preparation to have commenced. Such a choosing of committees, — such 
 an ordering of provisions, — such a tasting of wines, — such a polishing of plate, 
 and burnishing of pewter, — such a collecting of tables and chairs, — such a tur- . 
 moil, press, and drive to get ready for the auspicious day, that the quiet walls of 
 the ancient City had not witnessed for many a long year. Seyer transcribes 
 the visit from a manuscript calendar. — Though wordy, it is a little bit of 
 visible history, and quaintly told : — 
 
 " Saturday, September 5tli, 1663. King Charles II. with his Queen Katherine, came 
 from Bath to Bristol, and with them came James Duke of York, and his Duchess ; 
 the Duke of Monmouth, Prince Eupert, and a greate traine of nobUity. They came 
 in by way of Lawford's Gate, where the Maior, Sir Robert Cann, and the Aldermen 
 riding in their scarlet robes, and all the Council of the City, and all their companies 
 in their order attended; and when the Maior kneeling down to reverence his 
 Majesty, had delivered the sword and ensignes of his authority to the King, and 
 received them again ; Sir Robert Atkins, the Recorder, made an oration ; which 
 ended, the Maior rode in before the King bare-headed, carrying the sword, the 
 trained soldiers guarding the way, — and in that order they conducted the King and 
 all his traine to the house of Sir Richard Rogers ; commonly called the Great House 
 at the Bridge-end, where they were splendidly entertained at a dinner. After dinner 
 the King made four knights, viz : — Mr. John Knight, of Temple Street, then a 
 Burgess of Parliament for Bristol, and shortly after sworn Maior; Mr. Henry 
 Creswicke ; Mr. William Cann, son of Sir Robert Cann the Maior, and Mr. Robert 
 Atkins the Recorder's son. And the next week following, Mr. Robert Yeamans, 
 then Sheriff, attending his Majesty at Bath, did likewise receive the honour of 
 knighthood. When his Majestic came to Bristoll, aU the streets from Lawford's 
 Gate to the Bridge, as the Old Markett, through the Castle into Wine Street, and 
 the Bridge were all sanded ; and about 150 pieces of ordnance in the Marsh gave 
 three vollies, — one when his Majestie came to the Bridge-end, another when he had 
 dined, and the third at his departure. After dinner the King rode in his coach with 
 his Queen to Bath again. His Majesty and the Queene (to use the bath) lay at 
 Bath about a month, and then by the way of Oxford returned to London." 
 
1663.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 243 
 
 There is no mention that Charles re-visited the house, where he had passed 
 so many months of his youth, — whose roof had been his shelter and his 
 refuge, in those troublous times when he had no abiding place nor home — 
 and which he had left, to be pursued and hunted, till he found in another 
 land that asylum which was denied him here. After the sentiments expressed 
 in his letter, we should have thought there would have remained some lingering 
 associations, — some early memories, that would have induced him to bend his 
 steps towards that portion of the City where he had sojourned, when his pros- 
 pect of a throne was dim and uncertain, and an empire seemed fading from 
 his view. But Charles was not of meditative mind, — neither his own provi- 
 dential escapes, nor the tragical termination of his father's life, had left any 
 impression, calculated to check or sadden the thoughtless gaiety, with which 
 he dissipated the passing hours. 
 
 At the preliminary meeting, — the Corporation, in sober thought, discuss the 
 important cost of the regal entertainment, and decide no present shall be 
 given. They did not however, act in accordance with this prudent decision. 
 They became evidently excited, and reckless of expense, when a Monarch and 
 his Court were to be their guests ; and the cold dictates of prudential economy, 
 melted before the presence of Royalty. Forgetting in their momentary 
 enthusiasm and exultation of feeling, the debts of the Chamber, — its responsi- 
 bilities — its heavy obligations — and its empty coffers, — they purchase with 
 the borrowed money, a seven-and-six-penny purse, and one hundred gold 
 pieces, at a cost of twenty-two shillings each, which they present to her 
 Majesty the Queen, " who was graciously pleased to accept the same." There 
 are other incidental expenses that were indispensable. Francis Brown, Esq., 
 one of her Majesty's Servants, for fees due to them, received £36 : 6. " Sir 
 Robert Cann, on his going to Bath was paid £160." We should like to have 
 been favoured with the separate items of this gentleman's little bill, that we 
 might see in what particulars, the journey was rendered so costly. Altogether, 
 brief as was the visit of Charles and his train, it cost the City £1273 : 12 : 1, 
 leaving a balance over and above the subscription money, of £276 : 7 : 11. 
 
 Splendid were the rejoicings that took place. We wish we could tell of 
 the. good things that were provided for the feast — and entrusted to the careful 
 superintendence of the " eight cooks," whose services were engaged for the 
 occasion. We are informed only, that there was " bacon, sturgeons, and 
 
244 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 artichokes" for which. Sir John Knight, the Mayor, whom we suppose was a 
 provision merchant, was paid £16 : 5 : 8, as though bacon, sturgeons, and 
 artichokes, were delicacies holding so paramount a place in the royal repast, 
 that the allusion to any others were superfluous. From Ralph 01ifi"e, the 
 Vintner, having been paid £120, for the wine, it is a fair assumption that 
 the goblet circulated with considerable freedom' — ^and that the pleasures of 
 the table were prolonged after the merry Monarch, and his dissolute Court 
 had departed.^ We may imagine the City had put on its best. We may 
 imagine coloured cloths gay and bright, hanging from the balconies and 
 windows ; flags from the towers and steeples ; and garlands and streamers 
 suspended across the streets. We may imagine a scene of wild uproarious 
 revelry, — the eating and drinking, the dancing and singing, the music playing, 
 the bells ringing, and the people capering and shouting, — with all the rude 
 noises of an intoxicated mob, echoing through the narrow overhanging 
 streets, that had long been strangers to the unb. idled license of popular 
 demonstration. This prodigal display of loyalty, made by the good citizens, 
 could not have been without its efi'ect upon the careless Monarch ; it would be 
 remembered by him when he should be driven hard for the means to supply 
 his unbounded extravagance. We do not hear that there was any solid 
 foundation for all these rejoicings. We do not hear that Charles graced 
 his visit, by exercising his royal attribute of mercy, — in releasing the innocent 
 Nonconformists, wasting and perishing in his gaol. We do not hear that for 
 any boon conferred, or favour granted, the citizens had cause to be grateful, — 
 and to make the day as red lettered in their calendar. Oh, King ! whom 
 neither misfortune nor prosperity could instruct! There were innocent 
 persecuted men, languishing within the prison walls your gorgeous train 
 had passed. Why, Oh, King ! was the brightest jewel in your crown 
 unseen, your most blessed prerogative unused] 
 
 The following year Charles granted a confirmation of the Charters of his 
 father, by which the site of the Castle, together with the houses and gardens 
 within the Castle Precincts, were separated from the County of Gloucester, 
 and were made part of the City and County of Bristol. To present a visible 
 
 1 A few years later, Evelyn says, "Leaving Euston I lodged at Newmarket, where I found tie 
 jolly blades, racing, dancing, feasting, and revelling. More resembling a luxiirious and abandoned 
 rout, than a Christian Court." Mem. I. 446. 
 
1663.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 245 
 
 token of their gratitude, the Citizens caused a statue of their Eoyal benefactor 
 to be made, and placed in a conspicuous situation. This was done in 1666. — 
 We learn from our Audits, that October 8th, there was "paid John Harvey, 
 stone-cutter, by order of the Mayor and Aldermen, for putting up the King's 
 effigy at the Tolzey, £1, and for work upon it £2 : 5. To Eobert Wilkinson, 
 plumber, for work about the said effigy, 18s." 
 
 From the amount expended, we cannot suppose the " effigy" as a favourable 
 specimen of the art at this period. Nell Gwyn, whose attention was directed 
 to this same figure in 1674, as a compliment to her Royal lover, — does not 
 appear to have been particularly captivated by any fidelity of resemblance ; 
 nor to have flattered the taste of the Corporation, to whom she said, "it 
 looked more like a great clumsy porter, placed there to keep the entrance." 
 At her persuasion it was removed to a less prominent situation.' 
 
 Further encouragement was given to the fine arts. Further respect out- 
 wardly manifested for the King. The Chamber ordered his portrait. Nov. 
 30th, 1667, there was "paid Wm. Starre, Arms Painter, by order of the 
 Mayor and Aldermen, for his Majesty's picture, put up in the Council House, 
 four pounds ten." This choice specimen of, in all probability, native talent, 
 is still to be seen adorning the walls of the Council Chamber. As the amateur, 
 therefore, can by inspection satisfy himself of its artistic beauties, observations 
 of ours would be superfluous. More than ten years later, we see a remunera- 
 tion of eight pounds, awarded to one John Bevill, painter, " for gilding the 
 King's picture," — almost double its original cost. 
 
 Not many days after the royal visit, came the annual election of Mayor, 
 which fell on John Pope ; but he refusing to serve. Sir John Knight was 
 chosen. The Corporation, we may suppose, did not let Pope escape. They 
 put in execution their recently obtained power. They inflicted upon him the 
 heaviest penalty the nature of the misdemeanour would allow. Sept. 29th, 
 for not accepting the " office of Mayor, he was to be fined £1000, — to be 
 dismissed from the Council, — and to be reputed in all respects as a foreigner." 
 Had the last clause been carried into effect, it must have resulted in the ruin 
 of Pope, as far as his commercial dealings with our City were concerned. 
 This wUl be evident, if we take into consideration, that the limited views of 
 our ancestors, rendered their treatment of foreigners particularly severe. Some 
 
 1 Evans. 
 
246 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 instances will presently occur. They were not only excluded from all the 
 privileges of a citizen, but also subject to the most arbitrary restrictions. By 
 the tradesman and mechanic they were regarded with a narrow-minded 
 jealousy ; — a feeling in which the authorities participated. To be " reputed 
 as a foreigner," therefore, almost amounted to absolute banishment ; and we 
 cannot wonder that Pope, petitioned the Chamber to mitigate the rigour of his 
 sentence. October 13th, his petition was referred to several members, who 
 were " to report to the House." November 3rd, they did so, and the House 
 agreed to abate £900, of the £1000 ; and in answer to the prayer of his petition, 
 he was to be made free, as the gift of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
 Council. There is something trifling in all this. The Chamber would seem 
 to have aimed at striking terror into the breast of the unfortunate member, — 
 that on his submission, it may overcome him with its lenity, and call from 
 him endless expressions of grateful thanks. 
 
 Much disquietude and heart burnings now exist among the Corporate body. 
 The newly-dubbed Knights are very tenacious of their preferment. They had 
 passed through overshadowed days, when evils real and palpable had occupied 
 their serious thoughts. These had departed, — and like the shadows on the sun- 
 dial, had left no permanent record. Now, that peace, the advent of prosperity, 
 had entered within their gates ; punctilious, inflated, — they raised imaginary 
 evils, — and created amongst themselves a source of irritating annoyance. 
 Wealthy, powerful, and arrogant, — they considered there were privileges 
 attached to their titled names; to which even the graceful and venerated 
 claims of the untitled municipality must succumb. Their imaginary import- 
 ance was kept continually under arms. Strife and enmity were fomented, — 
 because one titled gentleman, wished to take precedence of another titled 
 gentleman, — and both, of the untitled members of the Corporation. The 
 dispute reached its ultimatum. Absurdity and folly could attain no higher 
 pitch. The question could not be settled without application to legal 
 authority. The case was placed in the hands of Sir Eobert Atkins, and Sir 
 John Frederick. The lofty and vaporous character of the chief performers in 
 this drama of etiquette, may be fancied from the correspondence. — 
 
 " London, October 6tli,- 1663. 
 " As to the dispute that happens between Sir Robert Cann and Sir Henry Creswicke, I 
 \i&Ye formerly delivered my opinion ia it, and my own practice and example has 
 
1663.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 247 
 
 " ever been conformable to my judgement. They are both very worthy friends, from 
 whom I have had very great civilities ; yet I must need say, that to me there seems 
 no difficulty at all in it ; but it is most clear the precedency is due to Sir Henry 
 Creswicke, in all places and meetings where they are met together about the busi- 
 ness and service of the City, or according to the customs of the City ; but were they 
 merely in their private capacities, then. Sir Robert Cann, having the superior dignity, 
 has, as clear a right to the precedency. And this, I am told, is constantly observed 
 by the City of London ; and I do assure you we go by the same rule in our Inns of 
 Court. And in my particular, the Order of the Bath gained me no precedency 
 above my ancients, either at the Bar in Westminster Hall, or on the Circuit, or at 
 our table, or ia the Chapel at Lincoln's Inn ; nor had I any privilege or precedency, 
 given me above ancients, tiU I had the honour to be his Majesty's Sergeant ; which 
 has the privilege, because it relates to our profession, and merely upon that account. 
 I think Sir Kobert Cann is very ill advised, if he come up to London to have the 
 controversy decided here by the Heralds or Council table ; for it will but expose us 
 to the merriment and contempt of them that hear it. The ordering and marshalling 
 the members of a Corporation, is most proper for those that have the government of 
 the Corporation, and there should be no appeal tiU their judgment had been desired 
 in it. In the first place, I must therefore again advise you, to do the duty of your 
 place with courage, and to let the world know, that the name of a Mayor is not an 
 empty title, hut carries power and authority with it, and either invites or commands 
 reverence. 
 " Sir, by the Grace of God, I shall be most ready to stand by you in it, being by the 
 relation I have to the City obliged to be. 
 
 " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "RoDBET Atkins." 
 
 Sir John Frederick's letter has this opinion : — 
 
 "And now, to satisfy your desire concerning our customs here in London, as to the 
 Court of Aid"- and Common Council Men ;— first, as touching the Ald°- in London, 
 of Knighthood or Kn' Baronet, or any other dignity given ; no Junior Aid"- takes 
 precedency of his Senior Aid"- in any Court, place, or occasion of the City, but the 
 Senior Alderman keeps his place as before, notwithstanding any such addition of 
 honour — and likewise a Sheriff that is no Knight, hath the precedency of any 
 Commoner, dignified with that or any other honour. 
 
 " John Fredekick." 
 
 Deep and agitating were the interests of the Council Chamber. After 
 anxious and earnest deliberations it was " ordered and agreed that an act of 
 Common Council be drawn concerning the matter of precedency," which was 
 
248 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 done and laid before the House, 5th January, 1663-4. The disputes and iE- 
 feeling arising from this subject, were not confined to the parties already- 
 named, — Sir Robert Yeamans is also engaged as one of the principal performers. 
 Sir Robert, is especially distinguished as an irritable, testy, contumacious 
 personage, always in difficulties. He has been insulting the Mayor. — Audacious 
 and refractory, he is committed to prison. 
 
 The report states, that, February 9th, " Sir Robert Yeamans, for his contempt 
 and uncivil language to Mr. Mayor [Sir John Knight] and refusing to find 
 securities for his good behaviour, is committed to his Majesty's gaol of Newgate 
 within the said City." The transaction is obscure. — ^We know not the 
 particulars of the case, nor the origin of the quarrel that resulted in the newly- 
 created Knight, being incarcerated in the common gaol. Neither are we 
 informed how long Sir Robert was confined. There is simply nothing more 
 than the above statement of the fact, with no adjoining circumstance. We 
 may conjecture that it was connected with the subject of precedency, which 
 had turned the heads of some. Subjects involving the vital interests of the City 
 frequently remain blanks on the journal of the Corporation, — while matters 
 frivolous and absurd, are solemnly recorded as of grave import, whose preser- 
 vation is indispensable. Hence we can again trace the folly of these punctilious 
 gentlemen. The 5th March, 1664-5, the Corporation was convened, when a 
 copy of the petition of Sir Robert Cann and Sir Robert Yeamans to the King, 
 was read to the House as follows: — 
 
 " The humble and Royal representation and petition of Sir Eob'' Cann, Kn'" and 
 Bar'' who was lately Mayor, when your Majesty was graciously pleased to honour 
 the City of Bristol with your Eoyal presence and Sir Hob'' Yeamans, Kn*- who 
 was then Sheriff, 
 
 "Humbly Sheweth, 
 
 " That your excellent Majesty having out of your princely favour conferred 
 several honours and dignities upon us. But so it is, that by a late act of the Mayor, 
 and Aid" and Common Council of your Majesty's City of Bristol, it being decreed 
 and ordained to this effect, that the Aid"' and their wives, shall have precedency and 
 place of all Knights and Baronets and their wives in Bristol, contrary to the usage 
 and custom that is and hath been in that City. 
 
 " Your Majestie's most humble Petitioners thought them obliged in bounded duty and 
 loyalty to your Majesty, to give your most excellent Majesty notice thereof, that 
 so nothing on their part may be concealed whereby your Majesty's honour may 
 
1^663.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 249 
 
 " seem to be eclipsed ; and your Royal prerogative intrenched upon, by any of your 
 Majesty's subjects upon any pretence in these your Majesty's dominions, least in so 
 doing your Majesty's Petitioners, shall become guilty of concealing anything that 
 might turn to the prejudice of your Majesty's most Eoyal person, the crown, and 
 dignity ; and because the matters aforesaid may also occasion some controversy in 
 that your Majesty's City, where your Petitioners have residence. 
 "Your Majesty'sPetitioners, do most humbly pray, that their most humble representation 
 and petition being in your Majesty's most Eoyal heart; such consideration may be 
 had therein, that your Petitioners and others upon whom your Majesty hath been 
 pleased to confer honours, may peaceably and quietly enjoy their places and 
 precedency, and that such order may be taken thereupon as your Majesty shall 
 think fit, and your Majesty's Petitioners shall ever pray. 
 
 "RoB^- Cann, 
 Rob''- Yeamans." 
 
 In answer — Secretary Bennet's letter to the Mayor, expressing his Majesty's 
 determination thereon, was read — 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I have forborne to answer yours of the 13th and 17th current, tiU his Majesty 
 had given some hearing to the complaints therein, against Sir Robt. Cann, and Sir 
 Robert Yeamans, — who have on their parts pressed us much to be heard, and accord- 
 ingly were so by his Majesty yesterday, many of the Council being present ; 
 and as to their point of precedency which they pretended to, by virtue of their 
 Knighthood, received this determination, — that in all places where the body or 
 Jun''"- of the City is under any form, their Knighthood is not to avail them any thing, 
 but they are to take their places according to their seniority ; the same to be observed 
 also by their wives, if there be any ceremonies or meetings of them, — as it is here 
 when my Lady Mayoress goes to the Spittle, — the wives, then do take place according 
 to the seniority of their husbands, but in all indifierent places, whether within or 
 without the churches, in secret or private places, where there is no solemn represen- 
 tation of the body or Jun"' of the City, — there, the Knights and their wives, are to 
 take place of all that are not so. 
 
 " As to the other point of their withdrawing themselves from the public duties of the 
 City, and countenancing factious and disaffected persons, there they had both of them 
 very severe reprehension given them ; with a command presently to return home, and 
 submit themselves there to yourself the Mayor, for any disrespect done to you or the 
 dignity of your office, — which being passed. His Majesty thought fit to have them 
 admonished, that they doing what they are enjoined, you should receive them with 
 all courtesy, and reconcile them to yourself and yovir Brethren. 
 
 K K 
 
250 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " As for Mr. Kniglit the matter passed not so fairly with him ; he had very severe 
 reproof for his misbehaviour to the Sheriff, and order given him speedily to return 
 to Bristol, and there submit himself to the process of the law, which had yet passed 
 worse for him, if my Lord General had not interposed some good words, remem- 
 bering his activity at the time of his Majesty's restoration. Mr. Streamer, [the Sheriff,] 
 had not the good fortune to he present at his mortification of Mr. Knight, which 
 certainly would have contributed much to his satisfaction, neither had I seen him 
 to acquaint him with it. 
 
 " In conclusion, his Majesty bade me tell you how much satisfied he is in your care of 
 
 the good government and quiet of that his City ; and to thank you in his name 
 
 for it, with assurance that no other encouragement shall be wanting to you as the 
 
 occasion offers, towards which I shall readily concur with much affection as your, — 
 
 " Very humble Servant, 
 
 "Henkt Bennet. 
 " WhitehaU, February 25, 1663-4." 
 
 From the following entry, it does not appear that the order and reprehen- 
 sion Sir Roht. Yeamans received, had any influence on his future conduct. 
 
 " 1663-4, March 10th. At a meeting this day, the Mayor, Sir Jn°- Knight, desired 
 Sir Robert Yeamans, Knt., to submit, in respect of the affront he had done to his 
 Majesty's grant within this City, according to his Majesty's said order signified 
 by the said Secretary — the said Sir Rob'- Yeamans refused to do the same, but 
 submitted, and took his place in the House according to his seniority." 
 
 We considered, that with this entry had closed all further proceedings, apper- 
 taining to the unfortunate subject of precedency ; and felt no small surprise at 
 the pertinacity of the Corporation in again troubling the King about their 
 trifling difi'erences. If we have not wearied our readers with the corres- 
 pondence, — the Corporation wearied the Secretary with their reiterated com- 
 plaints ; of which we have an instance in his manner of addressing them, read 
 to the House 20th April, 1664. 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I cannot forbear telling you, that / am almost ashamed, as well in my own behalf as 
 yours, to molest His Majesty in the punctilios that are disputed betwixt the Knights, 
 and senior Aldermen of your City ; and, because I am told that some one of the 
 former hath, since his Majesty's determination, contested the precedency with one of 
 the Sheriffs executing his office, "I do again declare to you that his Majesty's 
 pleasure is, that the Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Common Council of that City, shall 
 take their respective places according to their seniorities, when the body and 
 
1664.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 251 
 
 "jurisdiction of the City is under any form, or attending on the Mayor, and also 
 when they are doing their duties in the exercise of their respective offices ; and this 
 preferably to any Knights whose rank and precedency his Majesty declares to be 
 due to them only in indiiferent places, as is expressed in my former letters ; having 
 said this, I hope you are sufficiently directed for all decisions of this kind, and 
 that his Majesty shall hear no more of them. 
 
 " I am your humble Servant, 
 " Whitehall, April 6th, 1664. " Henry Bennet. 
 
 " To Sir John Knight, 
 
 Mayor of the City of Bristol." 
 
 No further letter on this important topic has awaited our research. Hence 
 we conclude the disputants were quieted, — or, if they complained again, they 
 met with no response. Coincident with this punctilious trifling, we shall see 
 Knight and his compeers hunting the Quakers. Barbarous in the midst of 
 civilization. 
 
 Six citizens had, since Charles's restoration, received the honour of 
 Knighthood. They were merchants. They had suffered from losses during 
 the Civil Wars ; but from these they had soon recovered. So great was the 
 elasticity of the commerce of the port, that all signs of its late depression had 
 already disappeared. The activity and enterprise of the citizens had laid a 
 foundation for prosperity. Their possessions daily increased. Sir John 
 Knight, was at this time one of Bristol's most prosperous merchants. 
 Many years since, Temple Street was dignified by a stately mansion. It had 
 a balcony in front, supported by four slender pillars. It stood opposite Water 
 Lane, but vidth it mutation has been busy. We must picture the locality as 
 in days long passed, — when surrounded by more pleasant characteristics, than 
 now meet the eye. We must remove the crazy, dilapidated tenements, that 
 press upon the ancient dwelling, and view it as detached ; with an ample 
 garden and orchard, extending to the banks of the Froom. Here it was, in 
 his ancestral home, dwelt Sir John Knight, Mayor, in 1663-4, and member 
 in Parliament for the City.' He is now about to distinguish himself, and 
 mark his place in our records by his vigilant and continued persecution of the 
 Quakers. He has been transiently visible to us already, and will be from 
 time to time. 
 
 1 The Parliament that had met at "Westminster on the 25th April, 1660, (Stephens and 
 Knight, Eepresentatives for our City,) was dissolved on the 29th of the following November. 
 
252 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 We have seen the restraint put upon Nonconformists, by the Corporation 
 act. It expelled and excluded from all civil otfices ; all, whose conscientious 
 scruples constrained them to refuse conformity to the Episcopal Church. 
 This was the opening of the crusade for the coercion of religious liberty. 
 Next came the memorable statute against the Quakers. They had dreaded 
 the persecution that would follow the ascendency of the Presbyterian Royalists. 
 Not without cause, — their forebodings were more than fulfilled. The Bill of 
 Uniformity passed in 1662,' reinstated the Church in the same condition, in 
 which it had stood before the Civil Wars. Hancock and Evans were dispossessed 
 of their livings, the former of St. Philip, the latter of Christ Church." They 
 have the honour of being placed among the ejected Nonconformists, by the 
 author of the Abridgement." Also John Paul, Minister of St. James, would 
 not conform — he resigned in 1663. There are indications of others, whom 
 we suppose were recommended to the ministry with the above, for like 
 qualifications; either ejected or resigning about this period, but the notations 
 are obscure and dim. To elucidate them would occupy time, that would 
 necessarily be diverged from subjects of greater interest. We proceed, there- 
 fore to the infamous bill, called the Act against Seditious Conventicles, passed 
 in 1664.^ This was to extirpate all public worship except that by law 
 established. The attempt was irrational, the means barbarous. It failed. 
 All the Acts of Parliament man's ingenuity could devise, could not shut out 
 the omnipotence of God's truth, or stay the conscientious preacher of his 
 Holy Word. The act had passed — life, liberty and property, were in the 
 
 Anotlier Parliament was convened for the Sth. May, 1661, for -wliicli Kniglit was again returned, 
 and an old aoqnaintanoe, Humphrey Hooke, memher ia 1640, comes before us once more honoured by 
 the same flattering distinction. On both these gentlemen, Charles had already conferred the dignity 
 of Knighthood. 
 
 1 The present Book of Common Prayer, with its Eubric, was finally arranged, and aU the 
 excesses and defects of the earlier forms corrected. August 25th, the Act of Uniformity, was 
 enforced in aU its rigour, by which upwards of two thousand Ministers, who refused compliance, 
 were thrust out of their livings. The general term Nonconformist was now adopted, as that 
 of Puritan had been formerly. 
 
 2 Wherever five persons, above those of the same household, should assemble for religious 
 worship, they were liable for the first ofience to be imprisoned three months, or pay £5. Por the second 
 offence to six months' imprisonment, or forfeit £10 : and for the third, to be transported seven 
 years, or pay £100. 
 
1664.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 253 
 
 hands of common informers. It is not many months, since the Society of 
 Friends, contributed conjointly with their fellow citizens, to the entertainment 
 of their Sovereign.^ That Society are now suffering from the most violent 
 persecution. This was conducted under the auspices of Sir John Knight, 
 who obtained an unenviable notoriety from his implacable hatred to all Non- 
 conformists, by which he distinguished the year of his Mayoralty. The 
 citizens generally disapproved of his proceedings, but he appears to have 
 been willingly assisted by some of the re-instated Aldermen. These men 
 belonged to an age of religious intolerance; they had seen their worship 
 despised and degraded : they had suffered loss in wealth, in power, in place, — 
 and had been exposed to every injury, religious rancour and political hatred 
 could inflict. But fortune had changed, and they now rehearsed the part the 
 descendants of the Lollards had performed. They were no sooner re-possessed 
 of power than they affected to be infallible, — and refused to others, that liberty 
 of conscience, which they had claimed for themselves. Dissent became a 
 crime under the legitimate, as under the illegitimate government. Persecu- 
 tion was the spirit of the age. Stimulated by a remembrance of the sufferings 
 of the past, — gratified in the exercise of recovered authority, — they executed 
 to a merciless extent, the laws against Nonconformists. They even sacrificed 
 their Sabbath duties, for what they considered of higher import, — destroyed its 
 peace, and neglected their devotions, that they might interrupt the devotions 
 of others, — who met for prayer according to the dictates of conscience, but 
 not in the form the law prescribed. The first act against Seditious Conventicles 
 has passed. Sir John Knight is in office. Mayor. He is alert and prompt. 
 He loses no time — his first exploit the 28th February, 1664, is thus set forth, 
 " Be it remembered that upon this instant, eight-and-twentieth day of 
 February, 1664, being Sunday, we Sir John Knight, Kn*' Maior, of the 
 Citty of Bristoll, Sir Henry Creswicke, Kn*' and Nathaniel Cale, Esq., three 
 of his Ma*^""'- Justices of the Peace in the said Citty, and John Bradway, Esq., 
 one of the Sherrives of the said Citty, did about the hour of two of the 
 
 1 Thomas Speed, wlio had unsolicited, graciously advanced his money to aid the Corpo- 
 ration to receive their Sovereign, with becoming hospitality and respect; was, vsrithin one month after 
 immured in Newgate, for his religious opinions ; and in December following. Bishop, who had acted 
 with the same noble liberality, shared the same fate. They were tried at the Sessions m January, 
 1663-4, and acquitted. 
 
254 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 clock in the afternoone of the s**- day, with sundry Oflicers in our company, 
 goe into a streete called Broadmead, within y^ s*- Citty, into a house belonging 
 to one Simon Tovey,^ where wee did see about the number of three hundred 
 Quakers at y° s''- time, and during divine service, unlawfully mett and 
 assembled together ; the names of a great number of them are hereunder 
 mentioned. And wee doe certify that according to the Statute made in that 
 behalfe, wee made Proclamacion three times in his Ma*""^'- name, commanding 
 all of them to keep the King's peace, and to dissolve themselves and dep*- 
 from so unlawful assembly and Conventicle, but they did notwithstanding 
 disobey the same and would not depart; although wee there continued 
 requiring them soe to doe for about the space of halfe an hour together, but 
 the greatest p'- of y™- still disobeyed and contemned the said commands and 
 staid there, of which those persons undernamed were sent to prison, in witness 
 whereof wee have herewith sett our hande. 
 
 " John Knight, Maior, 1663, 
 Nathaniel Cale." 
 
 Eight persons only left at once. Some were committed to Bridewell, — 
 others, to Newgate. Richard Sneed, Roland Dole, and Thos. Callowhill, were 
 the most refractory. Many present, were well known to the executive power, 
 for having peremptorily refused to take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance 
 when tendered, according to the form of the Statute.^ 
 
 Another meeting of the Quakers, or " Conventicle Assembly," was disturbed 
 
 1 " 19tli August, 1661. Simon Tovey committed for refusing to take the oaths of supremacy 
 and allegiance." 
 
 "^ " 19tli of August, 1661. Jolm Jolins, and Ms wife, committed for refusing to take the oaths 
 of supremacy and allegiance." 
 
 " 30th November, 1663. Be it remembered, that whereas Sir John Knight, K"'- Mayor of the 
 City of Bristol, and John Locke, Esq., Alderman, and two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, 
 did tender the oath of allegiance, to eight persons [of whom we know nothing] who severally 
 refused to take the oath." 
 
 In December, Thos. Speede, with many others, refuse to subscribe to the oath when tendered. 
 
 " 19th August, 1667. — Thos. Page to find sureties for the good behaviour, for making a soorne 
 and dare at the oath of allegiance, tendered to him by the Mayor, and Aldermen, and for his uncwill 
 carriadge and behaviour towards them-" 
 
 " 31st March, 1668. "WUliam Tovey appeared upon his E«cogmzance, and discharged upon his 
 submission." 
 
1664.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 255 
 
 at the same house, by Sir John, July 3rd, 1664, when about two hundred per- 
 sons were present — who were proceeded against, as in the foregoing instance. 
 Some under sixteen years of age were imprisoned ;^ which the Statute forbade, 
 and orders are given by the Magistrates for their release. 
 
 Again, — one hundred of these injured people were interrupted in their 
 prayers, 17th of July, at the same house, in Broadmead. Sir John was lessen- 
 ing their numbers, and fast filling the prisons. This gave him encouragement 
 to proceed. Sunday, the 31st, he repaired with his brother Magistrates, 
 and Ojfhcers, to the usual " Conventicle Assembly," where he found their num- 
 bers reduced to sixty. But the persecutions of Sir John were unavailing. 
 The Quakers persisted in meeting, — and Sir John in breaking in upon their 
 meetings.^ Sunday, 7th August, — two hundred were again congregated, whom 
 he dispersed. Next Sabbath day, they were reduced to forty. Not to multiply 
 instances, — we ascertain from evidence before us, that during his Mayoralty, 
 upwards of nine hundred and twenty persons, male and female, were either 
 fined or committed to prison, for indulging in liberty of conscience. But the 
 persecutions did not cease with his Mayoralty, they were continued by his 
 successor, John Lawford. We find him at a meeting in the Pithay, on Sunday, 
 9th October, — and, as though possessed of ubiquity, interrupting another 
 assembly at the same time, at the usual place in Broadmead. Occasionally 
 the incarcerated were treated with some show of humanity. An exception to 
 their general ill usage is now before us. They were not, when security could 
 be found, allowed to die in gaol. 
 
 " 7th December, 1664, John Weare, a prisoner now in Bridewell, the third time, 
 for being at a ConTcnticle, being very sick in the said prison, and William White, 
 tailor, undertaking for his forthcoming, the keeper of the said prison is to set him 
 at liberty till he be recovered again." 
 
 Assembling for " religious worship, except according to the usage of the 
 
 1 '" 
 
 ■ The 6th July, 1664. It being averred by Bridget Jones, that "Wm. "Williams, a prisoner in 
 Bridewell (for being at an tmlawful assembly on Sunday, 3rd July last), is under the age of sixteen 
 years, — ^it is ordered, that he be forthwith released from his imprisonment. — Present, Sir John 
 Khight, Mayor." 
 
 2 By the second Act, persons preaching, or teaching, m a Conventicle, or suffering an assembly in 
 their houses, — were fined £20, for the first offence, and £40, for every subsequent derehction. 
 Justices were empowered to break open their doors. 
 
256 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Established Church," more than five persons beside the family present, for 
 the third oflfence punishable mth Transportation. So runs the act. Incredible! 
 Yet true, — and literally carried into execution in our own City ; sanctioned by 
 enlightened legislators, — encouraged by a Christian government, — favoured 
 by a Protestant priesthood, not two hundred years ago. One instance shall 
 relate the mournful fact. A bit of domestic history, real, visible, startling 
 and humiliating, — At the general gaol delivery, on the 13th September, 
 1665— 
 
 Nine persons, six male and three female, indicted for being at Conventicles ;, and this 
 being their third offence, were committed to Newgate ; and proceeded against by 
 indictment for such their third offence ; they pleaded not guilty, and upon their trial 
 were lawfully convicted by verdict, when judgment was severally entered against 
 them in these words following : — " That they and every of them should he transported 
 beyond the seas to the Island of Barbadoes, one of his Majesty's foreign plantations, 
 there to remain for the space of seven years ; and if they shall escape before or after 
 their transportation, and shall return into England without his Majesty's special 
 license, they are to suffer as felons without benefit of clergy, and lose all their goods 
 for ever and lands for life if they have any, unless they shall before the said sessions 
 of Gaol Delivery be ended, pay down the sum of £100 apeece of lawful money of 
 England, in pursuance of the said act and by authority thereof. These are in his 
 Majesty's name to will and require you forthwith on sight hereof to imbarque the 
 said several persons to be safely transported from this port to his said Majesty's 
 Plantation of Barbadoes aforesaid, and for so doing this shall be your warrant; 
 whereof you are not to fail, as you will answer the penalty in the aforesaid act for 
 your neglect therein. Given under our hands and seals, this 16th day of September, 
 1665. " John Lawfokd, Mayor, 
 
 Egbert Atkins, Recorder, 
 John Willoughby, Henry Ceeswicke, 
 John Locke, "Walter Sandy, 
 Edward Morgan, John Knight." 
 " To the Sheriffs of the County of the City of Bristol." 
 
 The Quakers, or those members of their body, who concientiously refused to 
 take the oath of allegiance, and who endured with noble magnanimity the 
 sufferings they would not by any mental reservation evade, still filled the gaols. 
 But in 1672, some pretence of mitigating the evils of their condition seems 
 to have been " got up." That it was but a show of justice and humanity, we 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES, 257 
 
 assert on the ground that after the execution of the following instructions, no 
 cessation to the rigours of their cruel captivity ensued. 
 
 " After our hearty commendations j whereas request hath been made unto his Majesty on 
 behalf of the Quakers, who remain at present in several gaols and prisons of this 
 kingdom, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend his mercy towards them, and 
 give orders for their release ; which his Majesty taking into consideration, has thought 
 fit to order to his clearer information, before he resolve any thing therein, to command 
 us to write these our letters unto you. We do hereby, wlU and require you to pro- 
 cure a perfect Hst, or calendar of the names, time, and causes of commitment of aU 
 such persons called Quakers,' as are remaining in prison within the City and County, 
 of the City of Bristol, and to return the same forthwith to the Board ; and so, nothing 
 doubting of your ready performance of this his Majesty's command, we bid you 
 heartily farewell. From the Court at Whitehall, the 29th day of March, 1672. 
 " Your loving Friends, 
 
 " OssoEY, C. Ceaven, T. Tkevok, 
 
 Bathe, Holles, Thos. Chicheley, 
 
 C. Carlisle, Arlington, John Nicholas. 
 
 " To our loving Friends, the Mayor and Justices of the 
 City and County of the City of Bristol." 
 
 It is certain that in their day of power, the Puritans had given cause for 
 provocation ; and equally certain, that their orthodox successors retaliated when 
 their turn came. But the now inoffensive Quakers, vpho had been subdued 
 from their frantic enthusiasm and singularity, — to a patient and enduring 
 tranquillity, had never possessed power, — had never declared themselves 
 enemies to the King's authority ; they still suffered, nevertheless, from perse- 
 cutions the most vile and atrocious. We find, July 3rd, 1675, there is this 
 charge on the City fund. — " Paid for watching four Quakers' shops, vphen 
 their windows was shut and nayled down, £8:11: 6." From the amount, we 
 may suppose the watching to have been of some duration. Its object, (for as 
 the sentence runs, though concise, it is not explanatory,) we infer, was to 
 prevent the unfortunate Quakers, from obtaining an honest livelihood by the 
 exercise of their calling. We can scarcely conceive, that when the authorities 
 shut their shops, they went so far as to shut up the Quakers also, — and kept 
 watch to prevent their going abroad, as they would infected houses where the 
 plague had entered. The intent of nailing the vsandows down, was evidently 
 to prevent the transaction of any business, and thus starve the Nonconformist 
 into submission. 
 
 L L 
 
258 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Painfully our attention has been called to signs of unmitigated, cruel, 
 and merciless punishments, that in their coarseness and brutality, disclose, 
 that laws belonging to a rude age, were put in force by Magistrates, who 
 ranked amongst the enlightened and refined. We have described Naylor's 
 punishment, ordered by a Parliament as fanatical as himself. 
 
 " To be whipped," was a favourite sentence of the " sad and worshipful" 
 men, who, clad in scarlet and fine linen, presided at the seat of justice. 
 Humanity recoils at the thought, that this sentence was even extended to 
 females, who were publicly whipped at the cart's tail, through the principal 
 streets of the City. The merciful feeling of the Bench, constrained them to 
 mitigate the severity of the punishment ; females especially, were only to be 
 whipped until the " blood doth come ;" how much they suffered before that 
 happy crisis arrived, must be left to the sympathising reader to conceive. — We 
 may fancy the Sheriff regarding with peculiar zest the critical moment. 
 
 Whipping was the grand panacea for all disorderly characters. — One or 
 two illustrative orders from the Magistrates, we print here. — A few, may be 
 collected in a note.^ 
 
 1 loth October, 1637. "Elinor Thomas, convicted for a coinmon soould., and a brawler, 
 defamer and disturber of her neigtbonrs, ordered to sit in the stocks with, a paper on hir hed testy- 
 fying the cause." 
 
 At the Gaol Delivery, \2th August, 1657. "Elizabeth Sweete, indicted for kUUng one James 
 Browne, found not guilty — Elizabeth Burley, for kOling her illegitimate child, likewise found not 
 guilty, are ordered to be whipped as vagrant disorderly persons." Many others, both male and female, 
 for all sorts of offences and misdemeanours, are tried, found not guLLty, yet punished, some ia the 
 Pillory, some by burning, others, by burning and whipping. 
 
 February 13th, 1662. " It is ordered that Catharine Osborne, and EUinor Jones, now appre- 
 hended as common vagrants, and having been formerly taken upon the same accoimt, be this day 
 whipped according to law. " Sir Eobeet Cajsot, Mayor." 
 
 1666. "Whereas Margaret Jones, of Abergavenny, was apprehended for steaUng glass from 
 Matilda Stephens, of this City, and Alice Sparks, of Pencoid, in the County of Monmouth, was 
 likewise taken for stealing of a pair of shoes, the which offences they confessed, have for awhile 
 remained in BrideweU. It is now ordered according to the custom of the City, they being idle 
 vagrant people, be openly whipped through the City, and sent to their homes with a pass. 
 
 " John Willottghbt, Mayor." 
 19th March, 1669. " One Susanna Gibson, was apprehended endeavouring to pilfer in the Market, 
 and that ' shee and her children goes up and downe wandering from place to place begging, and 
 refusing to give account either of her name or place of dwelling,' ordered that she be whipped as a 
 vagrant, according to law, and sent to Brougham vrith a passe. 
 
 "EoBEEi Teamahts, Mayor." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 259 
 
 " Easter Sessions, 1656. Ann Hind, indicted for killing her child, found not 
 guilty, and is ordered to be whipped as a vagrant." 
 
 "August, 1672. Evan Thomas, felon, ordered that he be stripped naked in 
 the cart, and severely Vfhipped till the blood comes, carted and lashed next 
 market day." 
 
 "24th August, 1679. A bill found against Elizabeth HovpeU, who is 
 ordered to be vphipped at the whipping post at the High Cross, tUl the blood 
 doth come." 
 
 Another favourite punishment affording amusement to the spectators, though 
 unpleasant and disagreeable enough to the gasping victims, was that of the 
 " Cooking" alias " Ducking Stool," a machine for the correction of scoldiag 
 women. Its application was considered so beneficial, from its success in 
 subduing termagants, after all mUder treatment had failed ; that the inhabitants 
 of Edgeware, Middlesex, in the year 1552, were actually presented, for not having 
 one. — Bristol, in its manner of dispensing justice, and executing the laws, 
 was not in advance of the times, — it boasted its " ducking stool," and it was 
 even now at the Eestoration in full operation.^ Indeed, John WiUoughby, when 
 Mayor, had as great a penchant for ducking women, as Sir John Knight had 
 for persecuting Quakers. The ducking stool, which appears to have been 
 a chair, is thus described : " A post was set up in the water of the Froom, at 
 the mouth of the ditch, under the awful frown of the Castle walls. Across 
 this post was placed a transverse beam, turning on a swivel, with a chair at 
 one end of it : in which, when the culprit was properly placed, that end was 
 turned to the stream, and let down into it, — once, twice, or thrice, according 
 to the tender mercy, gallantry, or auricular sensibility of the operators."^ 
 From the frequent examples which are recorded, more particularly at this time, 
 a necessity seemed to exist, that some more impressive measure than admo- 
 nition, should be resorted to — for quieting the noisy tongue of the domestic 
 brawler. We advance a few that are sufficiently palpable without further 
 observation.^ 
 
 1 There is a charge on the City fund in this year, of £2 : 12 : 10, "cost of a new Cooking 
 Stool at the "Weir." 
 
 2 ETans. 
 
 3 The 7th May, 1666. It this day appearing, and being proved before us y'- Barbara Hall, wife 
 of James Hall, is a common disturber of her neighbours. It is therefore ordered that the s^- Barbara 
 
260 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 The form of expression varies but little in any of the orders, which are 
 numerous ; two o'clock is the invariable time when the exhibition " came off," 
 and three " ducks " was the invariable dose prescribed. But this does not in 
 all cases appear to have been efficacious. Some termagants for the second 
 time, brought before the Magistrates, are sentenced to a repetition of the 
 dose. 
 
 " 1st September, 1666. Whereas, Lettice Evansj wife of John Evans, of the parish of 
 Temple, have been formerly ducked for a common scolde, and it being this day 
 proved, that she still continues as a common disturber of her neighbours. It is this 
 day ordered, that the said Lettice Evans, bee this afternoon ducked three times at 
 the usual place, according to custom.^ " John Willoughby, Mayor." 
 
 At the close of the 17th century, society was still debased by the same 
 revolting exhibitions, that from recorded time have stained our Legislature. 
 Spectacles such as we have decribed on the verity of our chronicles, were 
 familiar. The attention of each Government had been so occupied with curb- 
 ing the factious and discontented; that the dark blot upon the national 
 escutcheon, — the barbarous cruelty of the criminal laws, was stUl maintained ; — 
 as though no sacred temples decked the land, whose thousand listeners heard of 
 
 Hall bee carried to Bride-well, and at 2 of the clock tomorrow, in the afternoon, bee carried to the 
 ducking stool, and there ducked 3 times, 
 
 "John "Willotj&hbt, Mayof." 
 10th May, "It this day appearing and being proved before us y' Elizabeth Jones, wife 
 of John Jones, of Temple parish, weaver, is a common scold and disturber of her neighbours. It 
 is therefore ordered y' the s'' Elizabeth Jones bee carried to Bridewell, and at 2 of the clock 
 tomorrow, ia the afternoon, be carried to the ducking stool, and ducked 3 times, 
 
 "John WuiotraHBT, Mayor," 
 19th of June, 1666, " It appeareth to us that Margaret Adams is a common scold, and disturber 
 of her neighbours. It is ordered y' the said Margaret Adams be sent to Bridewell, and from thence 
 carryed to y* Weare, and according to custom, ducked three times. 
 
 "John "WilIiOitghbt, Mayor." 
 1 The last instance of the virtues of this valuable stool is in "Edward Mountjoy, Mayor. 1718. 
 In this Mayoralty, the dMching-stool on the "Weir was used as a cure for scolding, in one particidarly 
 inveterate instance ; but the husband of the lady whose 'evil spirit ' was ' so laid,' when the year of 
 civic supremacy expired, brought his action of battery in behalf of his peaceful rib, before Sir Peter 
 King, at the GrXuldhaU, ' and the man (says our authority) recovered such damages, that the ex- 
 Mayor could not endure the mention of cold-duck any more.' " The venerable remains of the post 
 were visible about the year 1786. — Evans. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 261 
 
 the sublime virtues of forgiveness, and compassion, — as though no light to 
 man had been revealed from the glory of eternal mercy and eternal love ! 
 
 " 1698, May 19th. Dorothy Kogers, for " counterfeiting a certificate of marriage," was 
 ordered to be " publicly whipped from the Tolzey down the Quay, and to be turned 
 out of Town." " Rich*' Carter to stand in the Pillory on Saturday next, for three 
 hours, with an inscription of his crime upon his breast, and to be whipped three times, 
 viz'- on Wednesday next, from Newgate, along S'' Augustine's Back to S*- Mark's 
 Lane, on Saturday following from Newgate to the great Sun Dial on the Key, and 
 on Wednesday follow^ to Trinity Hospital, at Lawford's Gate, and so back." 
 
 The Sheriffs for this year, whose duty it was to see that the punishments 
 were duly inflicted, and in whipping cases, to see " that the blood doth come," 
 were in advance of their age. They were culpable for their humanity, — 
 guUty of compassion ; they were too lenient, and did not, in every case, carry 
 out the sentence to the merciless extreme the laws required. For this they 
 had to pay. In August, a fine of five marks, for not burning Isaac 
 Tucker according to sentence ; and in the following year, forty shillings, " for 
 that the Gaoler did not cause Mary Penny, and Mary Down, to be well burnt." 
 
 A leaf from the Justices' Book may appropriately follow. It is quaint, 
 curious, and amusing. There were great privileges belonging to freemen, 
 and to the possessors of children. Eather confusing to the Justices' Clerk, 
 whose writing is involved. He makes it appear that persons without children 
 are not fit to sell ale. In fact, fathers of numerous families, obtained 
 advantages not accorded in our days. 
 
 " 1677. The Eev''- Rich. Penwarne, Minister of S*" Stephen, on his petition, admitted to 
 the freedom of the City without paym', having resided in the City many years, and 
 having many children, with the probability of having many more, to whom the free- 
 dom may be beneficial." " Feb" 19. Eev* Tho'- Palmer, Min' of S*- Werburgh, 
 Rev*' Emanuel Heath, Minister of S'- Augustine, admitted to the freedom for the 
 same reasons as stated by Penwarne." 
 
 The leaf from the Justice Book, between which this above pecuUar extract, 
 of a few years later has slipped in, is so characteristic of the times, that we 
 give it in its original orthography and verbiage, just as it was left by the 
 recording scribe. 
 
 "The presentments of the Constables of the Ward of St. Stephen, at the 
 Special Sessions of the Peace, held for the said Ward, the 5th day of December, 
 1670, at the Merchants' Hall :"— 
 
262 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Wee doe present Thomas Speede, a seaman, for selling Ale without licence. — Mr. 
 
 John Lloyd his Brewer. 
 " John Keemis Cooper, nott fitt to sell ale, having noe child, he keeps a 
 
 Tapster which is noe freeman, that have a wife and child. 
 
 " Philip Fonds, noe freeman, and sells ale, Mr. Hawkins sells him ale. 
 
 " ■ Rich^' Eook, Shipwrite, not fitt to sell ale having noe child, and brews 
 
 themselves. 
 John Holland, noe freeman, and hath a family, lives att the Ball on the Key, 
 
 and draws ale under Mr. "Woodward. 
 Henry Wilkes, a Barber Surgeon, not fitt to sell ale, having noe child and 
 
 also for entertaining a strange maide in his house, which is sick. 
 
 W"' Turner, in Fisher Lane, noe freeman, and keepes open shop, and 
 
 entertains Elizabeth Holland, att her pwne handes. 
 
 Ezekiell Fogg, noe freeman, on the Key, for entertaining one Widow 
 
 Wyatt, a foreigner. 
 
 These undermentioned are the annoyances : — 
 
 " Wee present the Chamberlain for not mending the sink before the Henn and 
 Chicken. — For not cleansing the Law Ditch, which causeth the water to stop up the 
 way in Glastonbury Court, and stinketh to the greate annoyance of the inhabitants, 
 and for not repairing the Conduit. 
 
 " Wee present Bob*- Bond for saying [sawing] timber on the Key." 
 
 We have transcribed the above, as giving a picture of the life of the humbler 
 classes, a few more entries of similar character may be thrown together in a 
 
 note.' 
 
 1 " 13th May, 1661. — Oath was given by John Eooh and John "Webb, that Thomas Chambers, 
 the person now in the presence of the Mayor and Justices, on Saturday night last was drunk, and 
 swore then and yesterday last at least twenty oaths, and that he was not a good subject that would 
 not swear G — d d — n him, and that the Earl of Pembroke in his discharges, every third word was an 
 oath. The said Thomas Chambers refused to pay the penalties of the statute and was set in the 
 stocks." 
 
 " 1666. An indictment found ag*- Eobert Burkett,'.Baker, for baking a dogg iu a pie, and giving 
 it to several persons to eat, upon certain information to the Court that y« persons who eat of the 
 same are not at all hwte by it, and upon Burkett's confession and submission, this Court doth order 
 his discharge, payiug the fine of forty shilHngs." "We nowhere learn that dog pie being considered 
 harmless, became m consequence a favourite dish. At a Sessions held for St. Stephen's "Ward, 
 3rd March, 1677, in the Merchants' HaU, some of the orders given are very contradictory and novel, 
 for instance : "that Elizabeth Pope go to service in three weeks, or to be sent to the House of 
 Correction /o/- living at her own hands." At the Sessions for St. Thomas' "Ward, held at the "Wooll 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 263 
 
 Bristol at this period had a considerable foreign trade. The education of 
 mercantile men was not then as it now is ; hence the frequent allusion to the 
 presence of "Translators." A class of men who earned a Hvelihood, by 
 translating Spanish letters, and Italian biUs of lading, for traders who were 
 ignorant of foreign languages.^ The supply was great. The Magistrates, 
 fearing they would become burdensome, kept them under strict surveillance. 
 Notations as the following occur in abundance : — " 1660. Griffin Brown, a 
 Translator at St. James' Back being a stranger, to depart the City in six days, 
 or to be punished according to law." " Benjamin Bartlett, a Translator, of 
 Temple parish, being a stranger, hath a fortnight's time given him to get 
 work as &. foreign man." " July, 1666. Ordered, that John Hunchman, Trans- 
 lator, being no free Burgess, do not keep any open shop, or bulk to work or 
 mend shoes, do depart the City iu a month's time." Another is more fortunate. 
 " 1st December, 1663. It is ordered, that Henry Baker, Translator, bee 
 admitted into the freedome of the Citty, paying the fine of forty shillings." 
 
 Objections to the oath of allegiance continue numerous. The remains of 
 the Commonwealth faction are troublesome. The first petition to the King 
 has been successful, but it does not go far enough. The Chamber required a 
 law that would coerce persons refusing to serve; and another petition to that 
 effect was written, to be presented by the Chamber, August 5th. In reply, 
 was received the following letter, from the Lords of the Council, read as 
 directed, in the Guildhall, September 12th, to a large meeting of the citizens: — 
 
 " After our hearty commendations, whereas we have rec''' information that several per- 
 sons of quality and ability, as some Aid"' and others, as Common Council Men, of that 
 City; have denied, and refused to do his Majesty service in the places into which 
 they have been elected and chosen in the Corporation, to the great prejudice of the 
 Government of that City; and whereas also, it is to be presumed that at the 
 approaching annual election of Oificers for that City, divers will absent themselves 
 on purpose to avoid being elected, as heretofore they have done, — which his Majesty 
 having well weighed, and considered together with the consequences which this evU 
 example must necessarily produce, towards the subversion of the Government of 
 that Corporation, if not speedily remedied, was pleased to direct this board to write 
 
 Hall, in October, it is " ordered that Eobert Cotteny doe remove Hs masty dogg within this two 
 
 dayes, or else he louni to the good leJuvmi/r." The orders for removing " masty" dogs are frequent. 
 
 1 The Editor is indebted for this solution to the courtesy of the Hon. T. Babington Maoaulay. 
 
264 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " these our letters unto you, to let you know his Majesty is yery sensible of such 
 neglect and contempt; and that it is his express pleasure and command, that no person 
 whatsoever, being of the body of the Corporation, do presume to absent himself from 
 the next election of Officers, on the 15th ins' for the ensuing year ; especially at this 
 time, when there .ought to be more than ordinary care used in the choice of persons 
 of known integrity and ability, to do his Majesty service. And it is his further 
 pleasure and command, that such as shall be duly elected to serve either as Alder- 
 men, or Common Council Men, in the Magistracy of that City ; do not fail to take 
 the oaths usually administered at the entering into their Offices, and likewise 
 effectually to execute the said places, into which they shaU be chosen, upon pain of 
 his Majesty's high displeasure; and because, that no man may pretend ignorance of 
 his Majesty's pleasure herein, — we do hereby require and command you in his 
 Majesty's name, forthwith upon the receipt hereof, to cause these our letters to be 
 openly read in the Guildhall, whither you are to summon all who are of the body 
 of that City to appear ; and if, after this admonition any shall wilfully neglect, or 
 refuse to assist at the said election, or to take upon him the Magistracy being 
 elected thereunto, — you are hereby willed and commanded to return the names of 
 all such persons up to the Board, whereupon his Majesty will give farther directions 
 for reducing them to conformity. And so expecting aU due obedience, to be given 
 to these his Majesty's commands, and the directions of this Board, we bid you 
 heartily farewell. From the Court, at Whitehall, the 8th day of September, 1664, 
 
 " Your very loving Priends, 
 " Clarendon, Manchester, Will Morris, Glarbevel, 
 
 Anglesey, St. Alban, Hugh Pollard, John Nicholas. 
 
 Ch. Berkley, Henry Bbnnet, Bathe, 
 " To our very loving Friends, the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the City of 
 
 Bristol." 
 
 In pursuance of the instructions contained in the above letter, warrants 
 were issued and sent to the following persons, requiring their attendance at 
 the Guildhall to be sworn: — Alexander James, *John Knight [son of the 
 Mayor,] * William Willet, Thomas Moore, * Alexander Jackson, *E,ichard 
 Hart, Thomas Cale, Shershaw Carey, Thomas Goldsmith, *Richard Stubbs, 
 *John Aldworth, Joseph Creswicke.^ Thomas Cale was excused and 
 dismissed for certain reasons. Moore, Carey, and Creswicke also attended, 
 but the two former refused to take the oath when tendered, and Creswicke, 
 excused himself on the ground of not being a freeman. To overcome his 
 
 1 * Indicates those who attended and were sworn. 
 
1664-5.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 265 
 
 scruples the freedom was offered him, notwithstanding which, he refused to 
 take the oath. 
 
 The choice of Mayor fell on William Lawford. The John Knight above- 
 named was one of his Sheriffs, the other was Ralph Olliffe, Vintner, a man 
 " given to much wine," and hereafter notorious for his strenuous efforts to 
 crush the Dissenters. The same day as the election, on the motion of Sir 
 Robert Atkins, Recorder; Walter Sandy, Esq., and Windsor Sandy, his son, 
 were admitted to the freedom of the City, "for the many good services 
 rendered by the said Walter Sandy to the City." The nature of these services 
 we are not informed. The following day Edward Morgan, was deprived 
 of his Alderman's gown, for refusing to take the oath. Thomas Langton, late 
 Sheriff, was chosen in his place. 
 
 Another municipal change commanding the attention of the Chamber, 
 arose from the following letter, written by order of his Majesty, directing the 
 Mayor to be elected out of the Court of Aldermen. In pursuance of which. 
 Alderman John Willoughby, at the next annual meeting, a few days after the 
 receipt of the instructions, was elected Mayor. 
 
 " Charles R. — 
 
 " Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Having understood, with much 
 displeasure, the practices and contrivances laid by disaffected persons, to disturb the 
 quiet and unity in the government of that our City, and to prevent the growing 
 thereof in the future ; reflecting upon the elections you are within a few days to 
 make of new ofiicers, — we have thought fit to recommend, in a more especial manner 
 to you, — the electing and choosing of such for whose good affection, prudence, and 
 fidelity to our service, you will be answerable to Us, and the good government of 
 that our City ; following therein, the ancient manner used in such elections, and 
 especially taking care that the Mayor, being the principal Officer there, be chosen 
 out of the Court of Aldermen, and not of the Common Council ; lest it should fall 
 on such a one as were not well qualified as aforesaid, for the discharge of so good a 
 trust. Wherein, not doubting of your care and readiness to comply entirely with 
 our desire herein, we bid you farewell. Given at our Court at Sarum, the 4th day 
 of September, 1665. 
 
 " By His Majesty's command, 
 
 " Arlington. 
 " To our trusty and weU-beloved, the Mayor and 
 Aldermen of our City of Bristol." 
 
 M M 
 
266 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Assuredly, hospitality was one of the Cardinal virtues of the Corporation ; 
 and we may add, from the many beautiful traits we have seen, and from the 
 many that wiU follow in the track of after years. Charity was another. It is 
 of the former we have now to speak. A great man is about to visit the City, — 
 great, and good, and blameless, — one of his Majesty's most faithful servants, — 
 the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, — the noble Duke of Ormond. The post had 
 been declined by the Duke of Albemarle, on account of the jarring interests 
 of the different parties. But the Duke of Ormond's entire submission to the 
 will of his master, prevailed upon him to enter upon an employment, the 
 inconvenience of which he well foresaw. His amiable character, would have 
 prompted the loyal citizens to have shown him marked respect,' — ^beyond here- 
 ditary predilections for giving entertainments indiscriminately to great men, 
 regardless of their worth. The Duke was a familiar visitor ; the neighbouring 
 residence of his uncle had brought him often to the City. Now, in his public 
 capacity, he is to be received with becoming respect due to his exalted 
 dignity. The entry shall tell us after what fashion. 
 
 " 17th March, 1664-5. The House being this day informed that His Grace the Duke 
 of Ormond intends to take this City in his way, as he goes for Ireland, it is ordered 
 that Sir Henry Creswicke be desired to lodge and entertain in his house his said 
 Grace, — he being Lord High Steward, and Lord Lieutenant of this City, as also 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, — at the charges of the City ; and that a Committee be 
 chosen, of all circumstances, as to the manner of his reception and entertainment. 
 The Committee, the Maior, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and all the Gent. Members of the 
 Common Councel y* have been Sherr., or any five of them ; and every member of 
 the House is to have notice of their meetings, and such of them as are present to 
 have voyces." 
 
 Due notice had been given the Corporation. It was enabled to make its 
 arrangements slowly and tranquilly. These, after a deliberation of nearly six 
 months, were completed. " 21st August, 1665, The Committee resolved, 
 that the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, should attend in their 
 gownes, at the Tolzey, in scarlet, and there receive the s"* Duke, and y* at his 
 coming in, one and twenty great guns should be discharged." But this was 
 not all. Eatables awaited the coming of his Grace, in the shape of bacon and 
 tongues, which our audits gravely inform us, were sent for from London, "/or 
 the reception of the Duke of Ormond." Their cost was £10 : 7. The whole of 
 
1665.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 267 
 
 the charge for this entertainment was £163 : 7 ; of which Sir Henry Creswicke, 
 was paid £4 < .3 : 11. The Duke is arrived. — Feasted with all the ceremonies 
 pertaining to a royal state banquet. After four days' stay, another exhibition 
 of scarlet — a repetition of the ancient formalities that welcomed his coming, 
 and he graciously departs. Wine and sugar not given him. He receives 
 some, however, in London, 1671-2 ; presented from our Corporation, byEobert 
 Aldworth — cost, £50. 
 
 It is expedient to notice in this place another visit of the Duke, in July, 
 1676. His Grace is again on his way to Ireland; he has been declared Lord 
 Lieutenant of that country, for the third time. St. George's Chapel has been 
 prepared for the entertainment. It had not the magnificence of the preceding 
 banquet. We do not read that bacon and tongues, or any other luxuries, 
 came from the London market. The most extravagant articles noted, are 
 mulberries and sweetmeats ; for which Monsieur Dupont, who will hereafter 
 frequently be introduced to us as the " French cook," was paid £9:13: 8. The 
 expense of the civic feast was limited to £32 : 10 : 9. 
 
 The Court is at Oxford. Driven there by the Plague. Last day of 
 November, 1665, an official document is despatched from thence, "For our 
 very loving friends, the Justices of the Peace, of the County of Somerset, and 
 the City and County of the City of Bristol," from their " very loving friends, 
 T. Southampton and Ashly," part of his Majesty's Council of State. The 
 communication concerns another plague, that causes much grumbling and 
 murmuring from the poor. " The Hearth Money. The tax which is wholly 
 employed for the support of the public"^ has been negligently collected. This 
 is made a matter of complaint against the Magistrates. A wordy aff"air. In 
 substance it amounts to this: — They have not been strict in collecting the 
 "Hearth Money." They have favourites whom they exempt. The Exchequer 
 suffers, and they are told of it. His Majesty is made to say, — 
 
 " That he hath observed such a compliance in many of the Justices of the Peace, with 
 those who upon any pretence soever dispute this duty, — that if he permit them to 
 
 1 The Hearth tax was mortgaged to the Earls of Suffolk, by Charles II., as a security for the 
 money on his purchase of Audley End House, his Majesty not being able to pay for it. This tax 
 was taken off soon after the Eevolution ; but the State not being then in a condition to pay the 
 money for which it had been pledged, the House was granted back agaiu to the famUy. — A New 
 Dis^play of the Bemties of Englmi, 1776. 
 
268 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " cancel the payments, lie conceives it will soon be reduced to very little. Many, by 
 private certificates to gratify their neighbours, taking off the duty ; which from the 
 Bench they had before certified as due unto the Exchequer; herewith his Majesty 
 hath great reason to be dissatisfied." The Justices purchase popularity, at the expense 
 of his Majesty, by diminishing his revenue. His Majesty requests, in future, a due 
 regard in this branch of his revenue. Oificers have directions to conduct themselves 
 justly and prudently therein. Any exemptions, unless duly certified to the Exche- 
 quer, to be punished as a misdemeanour. His Majesty will not resolve, " whether 
 the Constables, by the last act, are obliged to arrest the receivers, (the Sheriffs) in 
 collecting the money, yet finding their salary is still continued, he thinks the Bench 
 might reasonably direct them thereunto. Since it is visible that the neglect thereof 
 may soon wear out his officers, who else must attend at every house an hour before 
 they are paid, and how many officers this way must make a necessity of, and how 
 much it must increase the charge and trouble of those who pay it, every one that is 
 not ill affected may soon perceive." 
 
 Of all the taxes, that occasioned most murmuring, was that of Hearth 
 Money. ^ It subjected the people to domiciliary visits. It was farmed, — 
 gathered by insolent collectors, — ^who distrained the poor without mercy. It 
 is said "that, as soon as they appeared at the threshold of a cottage, the 
 children began to wail, and the old women ran to hide their earthenware. 
 Nay, the single bed of a poor family had sometimes been carried away and 
 sold."^ Such was the injustice and rapacity of the Farmer in this City, that we 
 find the Magistrates take the poor into consideration, and petition the Council 
 
 1 Resolutions to Queries concerning JEemrth Money : — 
 
 1. Ovens only are exempted from charge; but all chimneys and hearths, although they have 
 ovens in them, are to pay. 
 
 2. AH houses that have above two chimneys, are to pay; and though ^a pers dwell in them, no 
 exemption being allowed to such houses. 
 
 3. If such house stand empty, and the owner not a pauper, he must pay as occupier ; (and if no 
 distress there) he to be returned iato the Exchequer, and the duty levyable upon process from them. 
 
 4. In case of stopping up chimneys, proceed to demand and levy the duty, or return them into 
 the Exchequer, with the whole case and circumstance. 
 
 5. Smiths, Braziers, and Pewterers, if they have hearths for other uses, though in the same 
 chimney with their furnace, or forge, those hearths to pay. 
 
 6. His Majesty's Garrisons, and Castles, farmed out, and the Lodges m his Parks, Forests, and 
 Chases, are likewise to pay. 
 
 7. Eree schools and mills are likewise to pay. 
 2 Macaulay's England. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 269 
 
 of State in their behalf. The petition is long; but as a bit of veracious 
 history, we print it, before we dismiss this subject. 
 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 " According to our duty, as his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in this City and 
 County, we have given our utmost assistance that his Majesty's revenue, arising by 
 hearths and stoves, might be duly paid according to law ; yet so it is, that the present 
 Farmer, and his Officers, have here exacted the same, and taken away the goods of 
 poor people that receive alms, and doe goe about begging from doore to doore ,■ 
 and whereas, such who by reason of their poverty, are exempted from the usual 
 payments of Church and poore, and doe live in houses that have only two fire 
 hearths or stoves ; are, as we are advised, still exempted by the statutes from pay- 
 ment of the said duty ; yet the Farmer and Officers, enter their houses and take away 
 their household stuffe, and working tooles, to the utter ruine and undoeing of 
 them, and their wives and children, — insomuch, that we have daily complaints from 
 these poor people ; and though we have acquainted the said Farmer that he ought 
 to restore what he hath already taken from them, and to forbear to levy the same 
 upon such for the future, yet he refiiseth to obey our orders." In consequence 
 of the continuance of these unjust exactions, the Magistrates proceed to sug- 
 gest a system which they deem necessary for the prevention of such cruel 
 persecutions of his Majesty's poorer subjects, and yet not to interfere with the just 
 collecting of his Maj'''' revenue arising from the chimney tax. They submit the 
 necessity of ascertaining and bringing in, in a written account, the number of fire 
 hearths and stoves that are in each house in this City, and to make therein two 
 distinct columns, the one, of all such as are chargeable, — and the other of all such as 
 dwell in houses that have two fire hearths only ; and are exempted by their poverty 
 from Church and poor rates. "Yet the Officers refuse tojoin with the Constables, and 
 to bring in a list, that so duplicates might be sent up into his Majesty's Exchequer, — 
 and instead thereof, have brought in a list without observing the said method, or giving 
 in the same upon oath ; and would have us subscribe the same, which account being 
 imperfect, and charging all without distinction, they would have the Clerk of the Peace 
 return the same to the Exchequer ; and do menace him for not doing it, when the 
 same is not yet allowed by us, — the cry of the poor is so great that we are inforced 
 to lay their complaintbefore your Honours." The Justices intreat for directions how 
 to proceed with the Farmer, and for instructions how to proceed with the Officers, in 
 case they percist illegally in collecting thereof; " wee being very loath, in this tender 
 point of his Majesty's revenue, to interpose or punish them, without your Honours' 
 order had, and their refusal to obey the same," — they point out with much feeling the 
 absolute necessity of their Honours' interposition for the " quieting the minds of his 
 Majesty's poor distressed subjects." — There are verymany persons who live as inmates 
 
270 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 in houses that have above two fire hearths, consequently by law are not exempted from 
 payment of the duty ; " these " they go on to state, " are daily making grievous 
 complaints, — their cases are sad;" they therefore desire that such favours as are 
 shewed to the poor in other places from his Majesty, or from their Honours, or the 
 Exchequer, "that the same pity and compassion might be extended to such also in 
 this City; and that your Honours would give us some directions therein accordingly, 
 and we shall use our utmost care for the due payment of the said duty, and for 
 preventing all disturbances that may arise from these poor people, in the levying 
 thereof, according to his Majesty's laws. "We take leave and remain, 
 
 " Eight Hon^^ 
 
 " Yo' Lordspp' most humble servants." 
 
 From the Civil Wars unto this period, vre have had but little notice of the 
 Plague in our City; the directions for precautionary measures have been few; and 
 these few appear to have altogether ceased. But now, that terrible calamity 
 raged in London, — and spread terror, dismay, and desolation through the devoted 
 City, — exaggerated accounts, if exaggeration were possible, served to increase 
 even the awful reality. The dark speech of rumour, filled the hearts of our 
 citizens with dread. The fiat has gone forth. London is plague-smitten ! 
 The course of the unseen agent, is visible in the huge pits, — wherein, no sad 
 rites are said, poor mortality unshrined, and unannealed, promiscuously are 
 fiung. The question of precedency, was seen in its true value, at the 
 approach of a power that took precedency of all. Solemn was the meeting 
 of the Council. The Fair was at hand, — it would attract many Londoners. 
 This must be prevented, but the power was not with them. Sir Eobert 
 Atkins is written to, of the danger and apprehension of the City from this 
 cause. Sir Eobert issues his instructions, to " the High Constable of the 
 Hundred of Barton, in the County of Gloucester," forbidding the holding of 
 St. Paul's Fair, for the present year. 
 
 The members of the Corporation occasioned the Fair to be forbidden, 
 and their fears abated. Thus they remained tiU June 1, when the prospect of 
 another Fair, again darkened their spirits. The 19th, a meeting was held, 
 when it was resolved that, — 
 
 " Whereas the Plague doth now very much increase in Lend"' and the 
 Louder'- with their goods are daily resorting hither, in order to the keeping of 
 St. James's fair, and his Ma*'^- and Council upon a humble application having 
 given orders for the drawing up and publishing of a proclamation for the 
 
1666.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 271 
 
 putting off, and restraint of the said fair, for the better preservation of this 
 City, from the said infection, if the Lord shall so please." ^ 
 
 Now followed the adoption of those precautionary measures, which in 
 warding off the calamity, had hitherto signally failed. But so well satisfied 
 are the Corporation with the former restrictions and provisions, that they deepa 
 them incapable of amendment. These measures were so perfected by the 
 profound wisdom of their predecessors that they did not attempt to extend, or 
 in the least to intermeddle with them. Precisely in the same words, were 
 issued the same instructions as their records taught had been done, years and 
 years before. No improvements were suggested. No evidence of advancing 
 intelligence disclosed. No stricter attention paid to the cleanliness of the 
 streets — the state of the drainage — the removal of refuse, mud and filth. 
 Such was the position and preparation of our City. Let us take a graphic, 
 forcible description by an eye witness, of what was the condition of London 
 at this time. 
 
 " Death rode triumphant through every street, as if it would have given no 
 quarter to any of mankind, and ravaged as if it would have swallowed all 
 mortality. It was a grievous sight to see in that great emporium, nothing 
 vendible, or merchantable, but Coffins. You should see no faces but such as 
 were covered with terrors and horrors, — many walking the streets with their 
 sores running, and many dropping down dead at your very feet, while 
 discoursing with them. All the music in the night was the sad sound, ' bring 
 out your dead,' which like dung, were thrown out into a cart, and tumbled into 
 a pit, without numbering. The day was always summoning to our grave, with 
 knells and toUing of bells ; and if we looked abroad, there was nothing but 
 cries out of houses to pray for them. It was their last request ; every house 
 marked with a ' Lord have mercy on us. ' I cannot write this without tears, 
 much less could I see it, as I did all the time, without the greatest grief and 
 horror ; seldom did we meet friends but it was, as it were, the last parting in 
 this world. In one house you might hear them roaring under the pangs of 
 
 1 The only variation from tlie orders issued in. 1637, is contained ia the 4tli Clause. " That 
 the inhabitants of this Citty doe hy turns in person -with Holbeards, keepe watch and ward, att the 
 severaU gates and places within this Citty appointed, to examine all persons y'" come from London, 
 or other infected places, and alsoe as to the goods y'' shall be brought." The orders issued in 1637, 
 were similar to those enforced in 1625. 
 
272 
 
 death ; in the next tippling, and belching out blasphemies against God ; one 
 house shut up with a red cross, and Lord have mercy on us ; the next open to 
 all uncleanness and impiety, being senseless of the anger of God ; in the 
 very Pest houses such wickednesses committed, as is not to be named." 
 
 From a visitation so terrific our City escaped — comparatively harmless 
 passed the fatal breath. A contemporary manuscript informs us : — 
 
 1665. " This year the City of London was most grievously visited with a pestilence, 
 the contagion whereof spread as far as BristoU. It began at Bedminster, where it 
 raged much, and soe likewise at Barton Regis. Yea, it came within Lawford's 
 Gate. Some houses in Haulier's Lane and Redcliff Street, were infected, and some 
 other places, as at the Mermaid on the Back ; and when it was believed it would 
 overspread the whole City, as it had done in London, it pleased God of his won- 
 derful mercy, to restraine it, soe that it went noe further." ^ 
 
 June 20th, the following year, 1666, a proclamation from the Privy Council, 
 for preventing the increase of the plague, was ordered to be read at the High 
 Cross, St. Thomas' Pipe, Key Pipe, and the Castle. The plague had entered 
 the City. Pest houses were erected covered with sails, whither the infected 
 were sent, and supplied with bread. Among other items, we find one Thomas 
 Shuter, Apothecary, was paid £9, for necessaries furnished the Pest houses — 
 and £44, was paid Drs. James Harding, and John Dunbar, for attending the 
 infected.^ 
 
 The English fleet under the command of the Duke of York, obtained a 
 victory over the Dutch fleet, June 3rd, 1665.* This misfortune of the Dutch 
 called their allies to their assistance. France declared war against England, 
 which brought into energetic action all the vigour of the country to man our 
 fleet. Bristol receives his Majesty's commands. 
 
 1 Dr. Grumble, Chaplain to General Mont. Quoted in Jesse's Court of the Stuarts. 
 
 2 Alderman Haythom's MS. Cal. Seyer. 
 
 3 15th January, 1666-7. " John Dunbar, Gentleman Practitioner of Physic, to be paid for his 
 services at the Pest houses, during the late infeetion, such sums of money as the Mayor and Alder- 
 men shall allow." At the same time he petitioned the House for his freedom, which was granted 
 him "for his faithful services at the Pest houses, during the late infection, to the great hazard of 
 his life." 
 
 * Some of the prisoners taken on this occasion, were sent to Bristol: — "22 Sept. 1665. The 
 Mayor and Aid"' ordered that the 80 Soldiers who had arrived, with 200 Dutch prisoners, should 
 be quartered, viz. — 30 in EedcHff Parish, — 30 in St. Thomas, — 20 ia Temple." 
 
1666.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 273 
 
 " After our hearty commendations, these are to acquaint you that the care and burthen 
 of carrying on the war against the Dutch, being now by the conjunction of the 
 French, with those our enemies much increased. And the importance of his 
 Majesties service, for the defence and security of the nation, requiring powerful and 
 speedy supplies of able seamen and marines, to man out the fleets now preparing 
 for this year's expedition." This introduction is followed by orders ; " that the 
 Magistrates direct all Officers, and strictly command them, without connivance or 
 partiality to take the names of all persons within their several precincts, who 
 formerly used to go to sea; and are capable to serve in his Majesty's fleets."*** 
 " And to such Vice- Admirals, and Prest Masters, as shall be empowered with 
 Commissions from his B-oyal Highness the Duke of York, Lord High Admiral of 
 England, you are desired to deliver perfect copies of those lists of Seamen and 
 Mariners, to the end that when the said Constables, or Prest Masters, shall at the 
 dwelling house of every Seaman so listed leave 12<f., the person so listed, and 
 impressed, although absent, — be as absolutely obliged to serve, as if he himself had been 
 present to receive the said impress money." Persons absenting themselves from 
 being impressed, at their return home, or as soon as they can otherwise be taken, 
 be secured till further orders. " From the Court at Whitehall, this 8th day of 
 Feb"- 1665-6. " Your very lov^- Friends, 
 
 " Gill. Cant, "W. Coventry, 
 
 St. Alban, Buckingham, 
 
 Aelington, Lauderdale, 
 
 Geo. Beckeley, Henry London. 
 " To our very lo. Friends the Mayor, Aid"", Justices 
 of Peace at the City of Bristol." 
 
 A letter direct to the Mayor, places before us tte favour and estimation in 
 w^hich Bristol was regarded by the Government. 
 
 " Sir 
 
 " I have received your letter of the fifth, with the enclosed information, for 
 
 which I return you thanks ; and so desire that as any intelligence shall come to your 
 
 ears, which may be of use to the King's service for me to know, that you will give 
 
 me an account of it;— we are taking all the care that may be, to get out frigates 
 
 unto the several stations for securing the return of our merchant ships ; amongst 
 
 which, a particular regard will be had to those belonging to Bristol, when we know 
 
 how many ships are suddenly expected home from the plantations. 
 
 "lam 
 
 " For his Majesty's service, " Your afi"ectionate Friend and Servant, 
 
 for the Mayor of Bristol. " W. Coventry. 
 
 « Whitehall, 8th March, 1665-6." 
 
 N N 
 
274 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Two entries, also appertaining to the Dutch war, though somewhat later, it 
 is better to dispose of here. Feb. 13th, 1671-2. The Mayor [John Hickes] 
 received an order, for " impressing 500 Seamen for the Navy — the Comm''^- 
 to pay for the same, and any loss to be borne by the Chamber. The men 
 impressed for the Navy, to be placed in the Guildhall under a Guard of Soldiers." 
 
 Among the prejudices of the times, may be included the antipathy of the 
 citizens to foreigners ; this, a national feeling, was increased locally, by their 
 mercantile transactions interfering with the privileges, and rights of the free- 
 men. Their relative positions will be best elucidated, by condensing certain 
 passages, from an act of appalling lengthy wordiness, called into vigour by the 
 increase of foreigners to our port in 1666. 
 
 According to ancient custom, no person not free of the City; could sell within its liberties, 
 any merchandise by retail, — or keep any shop for display of his goods, — or pursue 
 any " occupation, mystery, or handicraft." Particularly by the charter of King 
 John and Henry, no man was to be received within the walls, "against the wills 
 and minds of the Burgesses." No foreign merchant was to buy within the town of 
 a stranger, but of the Burgesses only. No " Alien or Stranger, to keep any 
 tavern, or to utter his wines but in his ship, to cut no cloth but in open faires, 
 nor tarry or abide in the said town with his merchandises to make sale above forty 
 days. And whereas also, Edward sometime King of England, of famous memory, 
 the third of that name, by his charter granted to the Burgesses * * and confirmed 
 also in Parliament, that if there be any diificulty or defecte, for which a remedy 
 hath not been provided," the Mayor and Sheriffs, and their successors, with the 
 assent of the Commonalty, " may elect successively from time to time, forty of the 
 better and graver sort of men of the said towne, who should have the power of 
 ordayning and establishing a competent remedy, * * * agreeable to reason and 
 profitable to the community." 
 
 The Common Council, the 14th of Henry the Eighth — " as a course thought fitt and 
 agreeable to that time " — enacted, that no Burgess should receive into his house the 
 " merchandizes of any stranger, as well of London as of the parts of Ireland, or of 
 any other place. But the same merchandizes be brought into the Back Hall, there 
 to be openly put to sale upon paine of discommuning every such Burgess, soe 
 doeing contrary, or paying a good fine." 
 
 But " diverse strangers and foreigners " do not mind the " said antient Customs, and 
 wholly intending their* private profiitt, have of late years devised and practised, by aU 
 sinister and subtiU means, to defraud the said Customs,*** and, to that end do now 
 immediately in privatt and secrett places, usually **** sell their merchandizes, and 
 use arts, trades, occupations, misteryes, and handycraftes, within the said Citty."**** 
 
1666.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 275 
 
 To the great detriment of the freemen, " who beare scott and lott,' beare offices, and 
 undergoe other charges, which strangers and others not free, are chargeable 
 withall.** For avoyding such prejudice and danger as thereby groweth,** and is now 
 more of late used than was at any time heretofore suffered," it is ordered by the 
 Corporation in Common Council assembled, "that noe person whatsoever, not being 
 free of the Citty, shall at any time after the feast of St. Michael, now next ensuing, — 
 by any means whatsoever, either directly or indirectly, by himself or any other; 
 shew, or sell any merchandizes by retaile within the City,*** upon paine to forfeitt 
 to the Chamberlain for the time being," to the use of the City, " the summe of 
 twenty pounds of lawful money of England, for every time such person shall offend, 
 contrary to the true intent and meaning hereof." By the same Act, strangers were 
 prohibited from keeping any shop, or pursuing any calling, under a like penalty for 
 each offence. 
 The forfeitures to be " recovered by action of debte,*** prosecuted in the name of the 
 Chamberlaine of the Citty in the King's Maj*' Courtes, to be holden in the Guild- 
 hall."*** No action of law to be admitted or allowed for the defend'' who in all cases 
 is to pay the costs. One part of all forfeitures " to be employed towards the reliefe 
 of the poor children, to be brought up and maintayned in Queen Elizabeth's 
 Hospitall, in the Greene. Another part to the informer, and the third part to the 
 use of the children in the Maids' Hospitall, of the guifte of Aid"- Whitsun, 
 deceased." The ordinance not to extend to persons bringing victuals, or wood, 
 which are to be sold in St. Thomas Street, " as hath beene accustomed." 
 
 The Act was not dormant. Instances of its activity, watchfulness, and 
 vigour, occur in abundance. Not confining ourselves to one year, we will 
 extend our extracts through many. 
 
 " 3rd November, 1660. John Simons, of Christ Church Parish, being a stranger, is 
 
 limited to depart the City, within fourteen days next, or to be proceeded against, 
 
 according to law." 
 " 11th October, 1662. It is ordered, that James Anderson, Phillip Clarke, and Francis 
 
 Kay, being all strangers, doe in fourteen days departe the Citty ; or else severally 
 
 bring testimonialls according to law." 
 " 18th February, 1666. Whereas, there are several parcells of molasses and sugar, 
 
 bought by one Thos. Clayton, a Londoner, of several strangers here in this Citty ; and, 
 
 upon information before us, it appearing that the same, a foreigner bought and sold. 
 
 It is resolved, and the Sheriffs are desired, that the same molasses and sugar being 
 
 1 " 15tli Jime, 1672. Abel Adams, being bid by M'- Mayor, to give back the money lie bad of a 
 woman, be said be would not, — for I pay scott and lott, and wee tradesmen are valued no more 
 than Turkes." 
 
276 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " now aboard the barque called ' The Talent of Swansy,' be presently seized upon ; 
 and that the sharers of y« suite, in case any shall be, disbursed and allowed out of 
 the sale upon the account to be given in. 
 
 " Thos. Langton, Mayor." 
 
 December, 1674. "Peter Young, Soapboiler, living on the Bridge, James Fry and Samuel 
 Hollister, Grocers, living in Wine Street, for opening their shops and selling goods 
 not being freemen, their shops to be shut down and their goods to be seized upon 
 as foreign bought, — and sold according to custom until they shall severally take the 
 oaths of a freeman." Fry, prevented the execution of the order by immediately 
 taking the oath, and was admitted to his freedom. The others, opposed the 
 authorities for a time, but were necessitated to yield, and took the oaths in 1676. 
 A few others in a note.i 
 
 Perhaps the most accurate impression of the signs of the times, is conveyed 
 in the Presentments of the Grand Juries. Many of the passages reveal a 
 remarkable difference in the customs of England. Many instruct us of the 
 domestic condition of the City; of the spiritual, political, and social life 
 agitating its bosom. We draw from them conclusions favourable to the 
 expansion of the public mind — we learn the vast changes in all that contri- 
 butes to the comforts, and necessities of life, which have been made ; and the 
 beautiful vision we fondly dote over, of the " good old times," is scared and 
 dissipated before the advance of Truth. These Presentments, contain so many 
 exponents relative to the City, it would be inexcusable to suffer them to 
 perish. Sometimes meagre, sometimes prolix, sometimes obscure, sometimes 
 quaint, and sometimes combining all. We have preferred to give only the 
 
 1 Same date. " That Edmund Hyman, Hooper, being examined touching the buying of some 
 hoopes of a stranger, has then confessed before the Mayor and Aldermen, that he did buy the s<i 
 quoil of hoopes for "Wm. Swift, and y* Swift spoke to the s^ Hyman to buy them for him, as he 
 was noe freeman, and that Swift was to give him halfe penny in the bundle for his paines, and it did 
 then clearly appeare that Hyman bought them under color, aad noe otherwise." 
 
 " Upon ye complaint y* DanieU Gibbons, Smith, doth under color keepe shopp, orders that y* sd 
 DanieU Gibbons shopp be shutt downe, and his name putt out of y° InroLLment of Apprentices, 
 except he shew cause to the contrary the next adjournment of the Court." 
 
 " 1st Dec. 1669. It is ordered that John Aldridge, who works vdth Jonathan Arnold, shal be no 
 longer entertained by the said Arnold, and that for the fatiu-e the said Arnold being noe freeman, 
 shaU. not work at the trade of worsted combing withiu this Citie, or entertaiu any other person ; 
 and further, that noe persons being freemen, and using the art of worsted combing, shall entertain 
 or sett any journeymen on work, unles they bring a testimoniall according to law." 
 
1669.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 277 
 
 more informing, and more expressive passages. In this instance, we give 
 the preface common to each. 
 
 " To the "Worshipful Sir Robert Yeamans, Knight and Baronet, Mayor — and the Alder- 
 men, his Brethren, his Majesty's Justices of the Peace of the City and County of 
 Bristol, at the Quarter Sessions, held at the Guildhall of this said City, the 18th day 
 of October, in the 21st year of Charles II, 1669." 
 
 " The humble Presentment of the Grand Inquest. We being by your Worship's 
 summons called into this service, lying under the sacred obligation of an oath, for 
 performance of our duty ; being desirous faithfully to discharge the trust committed 
 unto us in all humility and reverence to your Worship, — without troubling you with 
 prolixity and tediousness, do humbly present the particulars underwritten." 
 
 Then follow fifteen elaborated statements of grievances ; the pith of which 
 we will endeavour to extract. Among subjects most enlarged upon " is the 
 horrid impiety of the observance of the Sabbath day." On the gross and 
 increasing immoralities within the " liberties of the City," — loud complaints 
 on the abuse of weights and measures, and on the negligence of those whose 
 duty it is to inspect these evils. " Of undue fees extorted by the Mayor's and 
 Sheriffs' Officers." " The untoward unrulinesse and heedlesse rashnesse of 
 Halliers," in carelessly driving their horses through the streets, &c. A list of 
 neglects (not very complimentary to the habits of our ancestors) on the want 
 and due observance of decent cleanliness before their doors, and in many of 
 the streets, &c. Also, " the necessarinesse of putting up lights in the darkest 
 nights, especially in many darke places and passages." " The want of 
 employing several sums of money according to the wills of donors, benefactors 
 to this City; whereof we understand much hath been given to the use of the 
 poor, to buy corn for store at the best hand, and to be delivered unto them 
 for their money at the first cost, and to keep them at work." They say they 
 are " given to understand, that sundry considerable sums of money were given 
 and bequeathed for the use of clothiers, and clothworkers, and principally to 
 be preferred to persons of that trade by way of loan for several years gratis, 
 which might be very available for the advancing of that famous trade in this 
 City, much wanted, if they were disposed of to the uses for which they were 
 devised." The Chamberlain does not escape censure from this inquisitorial 
 body, — for his many neglects of not repairing certain roads, streets, slips, and 
 holes, particularly " a greate hole in the Eiver, at the Back, by reason whereof 
 
278 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 a barque laden with corne did oversett," whereby the corn was spoiled, " since 
 lastt fair this happened." They express themselves with much warmth on 
 " the greate damage" to freemen by the dealing of " one foreigner with 
 another" in this City, " a thinge very much complained of as a greate 
 grievance unto divers tradesmen." 
 
 " The unsufferable rudenesse and extortion of Porters in exacteing what they please 
 for landing and shipping of goods, without complying with whome, persons are 
 suffered scurrilously to be abused." They conclude with the nuisance arising from the 
 unnecessary number of ale houses, and the abuses of taverns, inns, and victualling 
 houses, &c., &c." 
 
 The leading feature in our next Presentment, is devoted to a flattering 
 eulogium on the virtues of John Knight, Jun.^ Its sentiment, strangely 
 marks the character of the age. There were more than one family of the 
 Knights, who rose to municipal distinction. It is a task, as their names glide 
 through the official pages, to recognise, under the rapid changes of principles 
 usual at this period, their separate identity. The John Knight, here before 
 us, we suppose a nephew of Sir John, the unrelenting enemy of the Society 
 of Friends. 
 
 " To the Eight Worshipful John Knight, Mayor, and to the Worshipful the Aldermen, 
 his Majesty's Justices for the City and County of the City of Bristol. The humble 
 presentment of the Grand Jury, at the General Sessions of the Peace, begun the 
 11th day of October, 1670. We, the Grand Inquest for the said City and County, 
 
 1 "1670. March 6tli. The House resolved that a remonstrance be made in the names of the 
 Corporation of Mr. Mayor's qualifications, course of life, deportment, as well before as since his 
 election of being Mayor." 
 
 " These are to certify and declare, that John EJnight, Esq., now Mayor of the City of Bristol; 
 hath from time to time given clear evidence of his serious, and sober life ; of his peaceable dispo- 
 sition, and judgment in promoting the reconciliation of others ; and by his earnest desire for 
 composing diflferences wherein himself hath been concerned ; — hath likewise given signal testimo- 
 nies of his great loyalty to his Majesty and Government, to the hazard of life and estate, in the 
 worst of times, and for the restoration of his Majesty — ^is orthodox, in his judgment, as to 
 doctrine, conformable in his practice to the Litm-gy and Government of the Chiu'ch of England — 
 and no frequenter or approver of seditious Conventicles — and further, since his elevation, to be 
 Mayor of the City, hath also manifested his unquestionable ability, faithfulness, and wisdom, in the 
 service of his Majesty, in his place, by his prudent management of pnbHc affairs, and by a carefi4 
 execution of his Majesty's laws, relating either to matters ecclesiastical or civil." 
 
 The above remonstrance was forwarded to his Majesty. Sir John Knight was absent at the 
 presentation, but Sir Eobert Teamans was present. 
 
1670.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 279 
 
 " seriously considering the great advantages redounding to such humane societies ; 
 where, due encouragements are given to the virtuous, — and where just restraints are 
 laid upon the exorbitant and dishonest practises of bad men ; and that the piety and 
 policy of present and former ages, have expounded many wholesome and good laws 
 to this purpose, the execution whereof as it is the grand concernment of this 
 honourable Court, — so we esteem it our bounden duty, according to our present trust, 
 to be, in what we can, subservient and ministerial thereunto. And also gratefully 
 to acknowledge, in behalf of the City, the vigilant endeavours of the Worshipful 
 Bench therein ; and more particularly, the prudent choice of that worthy person, 
 before whom the chief ensigns of authority in this place are now borne ; who hath 
 deserved so well of this City, that we judge ourselves obliged (having this opportu- 
 nity,) thereof publicly to make this thankful acknowledgement ; he, being a person 
 of known loyalty, who adventured himself in the times of the greatest difSculty and 
 danger in the service of his sacred Majesty, and his country ; and who hath on all 
 occasions, manifested a tender regard to the preservation of the liberties and fran- 
 chises of this City. And considering that nothing renders a City more flourishing, 
 than when it is governed by good laws, — and those are duly executed, we cannot but 
 humbly lay before your Worships, such things in order thereunto, as fall under our 
 present observation ; some, whereof are of great importance to this Corporation, 
 being very confident that in a work that tends to the general good of this place, 
 your utmost endeavours will not be wanting." 
 
 They then present the usual amount of grievances, nuisances, and annoyances. 
 A dread of the infringement of their charter of privileges, franchises, &c., as they 
 have reason to suspect that apparent violation " have been lately ofiered thereunto." 
 An open disregard of the Lord's day, by neglect of all religious observances, also in 
 cursing and swearing, and many other gross violations. Against " seditious, riotous, 
 tumultuous, and therefore unlawful meetings," which are of frequent occurrence, 
 desiring their suppression. Their attention is particularly called to the " odious 
 and loathsome sin of drunkenness ; and the evils arising from alehouses, taverns, 
 victualing houses, kept by persons who from want of integrity, honesty, and 
 decorum, are not qualified for such callings." 
 
 Then follow some minor inconveniences ; and in clause twelve, they complain that the 
 Key Pipe, "though heretofore presented, remains unrepaired, — whereby the water is 
 in danger utterly to be lost, to the great distress of that part of the City, (although, 
 as we are informed) there be a considerable sum of money intrusted in the City's 
 hands for the constant performing of it. And likewise, that the Back Pipe or 
 Conduit is very defective, there having been no water of late." They courteously 
 conclude their list of complaints by a hint, that the several Aldermen should 
 frequently visit in their several Wards, which would greatly conduce to the 
 amelioration of many of the evils above cited. 
 
280 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 In explanation of the eulogium of the Grand Jury, on the character of 
 John Knight, — and the further testimonial of the Corporation, which was 
 forwarded to his Majesty, — Seyer, informs us of a transaction, that will serve 
 to elucidate what otherwise, — all' adjacent circumstances being obliterated, — 
 must have remained only conjectural. Sir John Knight, whom he describes 
 as a busy, clamorous, insolent, and abusive Tory ; the great object of whose 
 vast ambition was to be principal man in the Common Council ; a man who 
 expected every thing to give way before him ; a man obstinate, opinionated, 
 without feeling, without shame. This said Sir John, allowing the rancour of 
 religious and political animosity, to carry him beyond the bounds of modera- 
 tion ; informed his Majesty, in 1669, that the newly-elected Mayor, Sir Eobert 
 Yeamans, and most of the Council, were fanatics. They did not probably^ 
 with Sir John, believe in the " Divine right of Kings ;" hence, the grounds of 
 his accusation. But this is insignificant. Whatever the aspersion, Mr. Mayor 
 was in consequence invited to London, by his Majesty's Government; an 
 invitation he felt constrained to accept. Arrived there, to use the choice 
 expression of the second Mary, he was clapt into prison, — committed to the 
 Tower. It was also communicated in a very ofiicial and stringent little docu- 
 ment to John Knight, the succeeding Mayor, that his presence was likewise 
 required in London. In order, therefore, to oppose his calumniators, and to 
 place his character before his Majesty in its true colours, was produced the 
 testimonial from the Corporation we have just perused. Knight was examined 
 and honourably acquitted. In the words of the Calendar, — 
 
 " But it was soon found to the contrary, and the informer was forced to fall on his knees 
 to his Majesty and crave pardon. Sir Robert Yeamans, returned the 21st of 
 February, and was honourably brought into Bristol, with 220, horse : and Mr. John 
 Knight, the then Mayor, returned the 20th April, and was honourably brought into 
 Bristol, with 235, horse, — but the said informer. Sir John Knight, came to Lawford's 
 Gate, and privately passed over the water to his own house in Temple Street.'" 
 
 Herefrom, we learn that the same divisions and animosities, that had eaten 
 into the heart of home during the Civil Wars — still infected the citizens; and 
 even led to more serious results, than stormy discussions in the Council 
 Chamber. — Hatred, bigotry, and intolerance had descended from sire to son. 
 
 1 Seyer II., 514. 
 
1673.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 281 
 
 Education had not enlightened, security not contented them, and the flames 
 of Dissent kindled and blazed as fiercely as ever ! 
 
 The local antiquary is acquainted with a curious plan of the City, published 
 in 1673, entitled " An exact delineation of the famous Citty of BristoU, and 
 suburbs thereof, (engraved and published in 4 sheets,) by J. A. Millerd, 
 cittizen and inhabitant there." He vras a mercer. The Corporation, to 
 whom it was dedicated, thought so highly of the performance, and perhaps 
 flattered by the novelty of having a work of art dedicated to them, 
 returned him a vote of thanks, — with a more solid testimony of their 
 approbation, in the shape of a sUver tankard, at a cost of £10 : 7 : 8. 
 The words of the record are — " The thanks of the House, with a piece of 
 plate of the value of £10, with the City Arms engraved thereon, be presented 
 to M''- James Millerd, for his present of a Map of the City, being the largest, 
 exactest, and handsomest that was ever- yet drawn of this City."^ This induced 
 Millerd to further eff'orts, and he subsequently engraved and published an 
 oblong perspective view of " The Citty of BristoU."^ But he calculated too 
 liberally on the disposition of the Corporate body to patronise art, if he 
 expected a repetition of the gratifying result that had attended his previous 
 exertions. A late painstaking antiquary^ says — " There was a dedication of this 
 print, but which was afterwards rendered illegible by the addition of curtains, 
 partially drawn over it. There is a tradition that the dedication was also to 
 the Corporation, and that the quaint rebuke of the curtains, resulted from 
 Millerd's disappointment at his succeeding efforts receiving no farther recog- 
 nition." Millerd was also patronised by the Society of Merchants. November 
 20th. They gave him a vote of thanks for his " ground plan " of the City, on 
 that day presented them ; and ordered " M''- Treasurer to provide a piece of 
 plate, of the value of £5, with the Arms of the Society thereon to be engraven, 
 
 1 "MUlerd's maps are coarsely and un-artisticaUy executed; but the large four-steet delmeation 
 is now become exceedingly rare and valuable ; nothing being known of the original plate, which 
 probably has long since been destroyed. It is [the maps are] surrounded on all sides with repre- 
 sentations of the principal public buUdings, some of which were copied by the Eev. Samuel 
 Seyer, as illustrations of his Historical Memoirs, and who intended to re-engrave more of them, 
 had he lived to complete the topographical portion of his work." 
 
 2 The original copper-plate is still preserved. 
 
 3 " Com Street Perambulated," a series of papers by Mr. Tyson, published in the Bristol 
 
 O 
 
282 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 and to present the said M'^- Millard therewith." In the same month, the Society 
 of Merchants ordered £10, to be presented Richard Bloome,^ " for his civility 
 and respects," says the record, " in presenting us with two vols, of his works, 
 viz. — a volume of Geography and Traffic; and a volume of Britannia, beautified 
 with Sculptures, and dedicated to our Society, with our coat of Arms in the 
 front of each volume." The liberality of the Society of Merchants probably, 
 subjected them to numerous presents, of a similar expensive character. 
 These, they eventually resolved to decline accepting. The last notice we have 
 on this subject, is June 18th, 1678, when Eichard Wallis, was presented with 
 £o, for a " Map of the Arms of Trades. In future," the entry adds, " no 
 present of like nature to be accepted, where a gratuity is expected." 
 
 " In the month of January, 1672-3, there fell such a rain, that on the 17th 
 day the meads about the City were overflowed four feet and a half upright ; it 
 drowned abundance of cattle, carried away a great deal of hay, and did much 
 damage to the corn. And this year, 1673, wheat was very scarce and dear, so 
 that we had supplies from foreign parts."^ Two elucidatory notations, 
 concerning this flood and dearth, and we pass on. — The first from the 
 Council Chamber : — 
 
 " Upon consideration of the inundation of the late overflowing of the waters within the 
 parish of St. James, it is ordered that it be referred to any four of the Aldermen to 
 examine by all ways and means, the grounds and causes thereof; whether the same 
 was by the hand of God occasioned, by the great snow and rain; or occasioned by 
 the unsound neglect, defaults, and annoyances of any other person or persons what- 
 soever, and they report their opinion at the next meeting of the House." 
 
 The poor would have greatly suffered in this City from the scarcity of corn, 
 had not the Chamber with its usual benevolent consideration advanced £1000, 
 for the purchasing a supply, and retailing it to them at the wholesale price. 
 By an order of the Quarter Sessions, the poor rates for two months were 
 directed to be doubled. 
 
 1 October 20th, 1674. The Chamber voted Eichard Bloome £5 " for Ms present of two books 
 of Maps and Anns." 
 
 2 " 19th January, 1673. The Court this day taking into consideration the great necessity and 
 wants of the poor at this present time, corn being at such an excessive high rate, do order that the 
 rates for the poor in the several parishes of this City, shall be doubled for the space of two months, 
 
1673.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 283 
 
 While the Protestant Dissenters were harassed in all parts of the kingdom, 
 the Eoman Catholics were tacitly encouraged and protected by the Court. 
 A growing and increasing feeling of discontent prevailed. With Popery, and 
 slavery at the door ; the triple cord snapped ; the Protestant powers ravaging 
 each other ; with the exchequer closed ; the Heir Apparent of the crown, an 
 open Papist ; and an army encamped near London under Popish officers ; the 
 discontented people could not close their eyes upon the foreboding indications 
 of an approaching crisis.^ The Parliament, to avert the threatening convulsion, 
 attempted a remedy, and passed an act commonly called the " Test Act," for 
 preventing dangers which may happen from Popish recusants, whereby " every 
 person is incapacitated from holding a place of trust under the Government, 
 without taking the sacrament according to the rites of the Church of England." 
 To consider of this, there was a meeting of the Common Council, May 13th, 
 1673, when the Act was read. Part of the consequent entry we transcribe. 
 
 " The House being of opinion, that every member thereof is concerned in what is 
 required by the said Act to be done and performed. It is resolved, that the Mayor 
 (Chris"' Griffiths), Aid"- Sheriffs, and Common Council, do meet together on Trinity 
 Sunday, at the Tolzey, and to go there hence to such parish Church, as Mr. Dean 
 Towgood shall think meet ; and then and there, to be present at Divine service and 
 sermon, and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the said 
 Act ; and Mr. Dean is desired to preach that day, and to administer the Sacrament 
 to every member of the House." 
 
 Another invitation. The Lord Marquis of Worcester, Lord-Lieutenant 
 of the City, is coming to Bristol. His purpose to settle the Militia. 
 Intimation has been given to the House. August 7th, a meeting is convened. 
 The Marquis is forthwith to be invited, " and entertained in all respects at 
 the charge of the City." Sir Eobert Cann, and Sir John Knight, are to ride 
 to Badminton, on the following morning, and present the invitation in the 
 name of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council. It was further ordered 
 that the Mayor and Aldermen, do " consider and resolve in all circumstances 
 whatever, as to the manner of his reception and entertainment, and that an 
 
 "to begin on Saturday next, and the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poor of the respective 
 parishes are to take notice thereof, and to colleot the same accordingly, and to make a just distribution 
 of the same to the impotent and the necessitous poor." 
 
 1 Hume. — Bernard. — Piet. England. — Neale's Hist. Puritans. 
 
284 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 humble address be made to him for the appointing such Lord Deputy- 
 Lieutenants, that are citizens, and not country gentlemen." ^~^ 
 
 Of the manner in which the Marquis was received, no relation has been 
 given. We infer that he accepted the invitation, and was hospitably 
 entertained, from there being a charge on the City fund of £247 : 4 : 11, 
 for that purpose. Of this sum £122 : 1 : 4, was paid the Mayor, Eichard 
 Streamer, £3 : 18 : 9, to Capt. Jos. Creswicke, and £121 : 4 : 10, to Nicholas 
 Dupont, a French cook; a rather important personage, whose services are 
 in requisition on all state banquetings. 
 
 Two or three courtly visits in the following year, may appropriately, while on 
 this subject, be inserted in this place. Seyer, quoting from a MS. Calendar,^ 
 says that Queen Catherine, accompanied by the Duchess of Cleveland, came 
 to this City, Sept. 11th, 1674, and was honourably entertained at Sir Henry 
 Creswicke's. Eecords are silent, and point not to any form, nor scarlet. The 
 visit was probably private, and at the gallant Knight's expense. The audits 
 have not the most remote allusion to this entertainment. 
 
 " On the 11th September, the same year, the Countesse of Castlemaine [one of Charles's 
 Mistresses] rode into this Cittie in her coach, in pompe, attended by Sir John 
 Churchill, of Churchill, together with Sir Thomas Bridges, of Cainsham, and their 
 ladies, with their retinue of servants ; and rode by the Tolzey, and downe Broade 
 Street, and so along the Key, where the great guns fired as she passed by. She 
 alighted at Alderman Olive's, at the Three Tuns, in Wine Street, and was there 
 entertained at the cost and chardges of the said Sir John ChurchiU."* 
 
 The Corporation, with a just sense of propriety, did not extend their 
 respect for the King, to his royal mistresses. Many of the Corporation were men 
 
 1 " The country party included aU the public men who leaned towards Puritanism, and 
 EepubHoanism." — Macatjxat I., 203. 
 
 2 " The coimtry groaned under this pressure [taxes] and began to be dissatisfied ; which having an 
 influence on some gentlemen of both Houses, gave birth to two parties ; the one for the country, the 
 other for the Court. The former, pretended in an impartial manner to espoiise the cause of the 
 people ia their liberties and properties, and whatever is dear to Englishmen ; to assist the reHgion 
 and Government by law estabhshed. The latter, pretended to the same, but thought the King 
 was to have a competent income, and be invested with due power for the exercise of his regal 
 o&ee, without having too great a dependence on the people, a cause which had been of such perni- 
 cious effects to his royal father." — Eeeesby's Mem. 177. 
 
 3 II., 514. 4 Seyer II., 515. 
 
1667.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 285 
 
 of sound moral and religious principles, — who were, probably, shocked at the 
 licentiousness of their Monarch ; and though generally lavish of their enter- 
 tainments, — did not, as in this instance, bestow them upon titled paramours. 
 They went to no expense to do honour to the Countess, unless the firing of 
 the guns were by their order. They gave her no reception, nor entertainment ; 
 and although the royal mistress and her party rode by the Tolzey, no civic 
 dignities assembled to bid the lady welcome, and for lack of their wonted 
 hospitality the Countess and her party were compelled to seek refreshment at 
 an inn. Sir John Churchill courteously paying the bill. 
 
 Another illustrious visitor we would not overlook, — more especially, when, at 
 this moment, he is entrusted with the chief direction of affairs. — The Earl of 
 Danby, Lord Treasurer, comes to Bristol. He is, no doubt, received with 
 proper formalities by the Corporation, but their records make no revelation, 
 except that the City paid for feasting him : — " July 23rd, Nicholas Dupont, 
 the French cook, received for wine and other provisions for the entertainment 
 of the Lord Treasurer, £17 : 9 : 9." The Corporation could not test great 
 men by any standard of morality. It was sufficient they were in power, to 
 merit the civic compliment. — Danby for instance, was " greedy of wealth 
 and honours, corrupt himself, and a corrupter of others."^ His business in 
 this City, if any other than gracing the entertainment, not discoverable. 
 
 The sound of hostile cannon is heard on England's shores ! A Dutch 
 fleet is sailing unopposed up the stately Thames ! The renowned Admiral 
 De Euyter, Commander. Not for centuries had a hostile force dared to 
 approach its coasts. Not for centuries had so great a humiliation fallen upon 
 the nation. A few burnings of ships, — a general terrifying of the people, — 
 and the enemy prudently retired. So great an indignity to a brave country, 
 does not fall within the compass of our local transactions, more especially as 
 our chroniclers are mute. They relate some coincident circumstances, — 
 amongst others, that the Duchess of Monmouth, " one of the wisest and 
 craftiest of her sex," ^~^ came privately to Bristol, and dined at the house of 
 Edward Hurne, vintner, on St. Michael's Hill, [he was Sheriff in 1669,] 
 
 1 Macaulay. 2 Evelyn. 
 
 3 " She is very assuming and witty, but tath little sincerity; she governed the Duke, and made 
 him do several things, which he repents of." — Diary of the Times of Charles II., Edited by E. 
 W. Blencowe, Esq., A.M., I., 460. 
 
286 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 where she was visited by the Mayor, [Edward Morgan, "upholder"], and some 
 of the Council. What political intrigue was going on that called for this 
 private visit, and the attention of the Corporation, is unwritten. The Duchess 
 was afterwards entertained at the house of Richard Streamer [Sheriff in 1663] 
 in St. Werburgh's parish ; where, a banquet was prepared for herself and 
 retinue, — and where, she was visited by Mrs. Mayoress. She was conducted 
 on her departure, as far as the Castle.^ March 8th, 1668. There was paid 
 Eliza Wells, for sweetmeats, delivered towards the entertainment of the 
 Duchess, £3 : 18:8. AUovdng the Duchess had a numerous retinue, they 
 were considerably refreshed, if they consumed all the wine for which the City 
 paid on this occasion. The Chamberlain has a charge of twenty pounds for 
 this item alone. 
 
 We do not know when, or wherefore, originated the custom, of our good 
 Corporation, in making presents of wine and sugar. The period is so remote 
 that our records do not reach it. It is sufficient to observe, Bristol had a 
 celebrity for boundless liberality in these luxurious gifts. So proud, indeed, 
 was the Corporation of its fame, that it did not suffer any distinguished per- 
 sonage, of whatever creed, or party, to visit the City or neighbourhood, 
 without presenting him with a sample of these delicacies. These observations 
 have arisen from the perusal of the following entry, not remarkable for its 
 perspicuity. — Common Council, 18th July. 
 
 " Several letters from London directed to Sir John Knight, from Walter 
 Sandy, Esq., giving of him notice of the coming of the Lord Arlington,^ one 
 of his Majesty's Privy Council, and Principal Secretary of State, with other 
 persons of honour. And therein with his service to the Mayor and Aldermen, 
 tendering it as his advice, that a present of sack, claret, and white wine, should 
 be sent unto Bath, unto him, as a testimony of the acknowledgment and 
 service of the City."^ 
 
 Lord Arlington, one of the secret Council of Charles, that went by the 
 name of the Cabal, — was, with several persons of distinction, at this time at 
 Bath. He was in heart a Catholic, and is described as a man " of learning, 
 of elegant taste, and polished manners, but specious and unprincipled."^ He 
 had not received any of the Corporation's favourite medium of conveying 
 respect to official dignitaries, whose word might be useful. Neither the 
 
 1 Evans. 2 Lord Chamberlain, 1671, resided at Euston HaU, in Suffolk. 3 Macaulay. 
 
1669.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 287 
 
 freedom of the City which he would not value, — nor wine and sugar, which he 
 would, had been presented him ; and he might have departed from the neigh- 
 bourhood unhonoured, and unthought of by the worthy Corporation, had not 
 the propriety of grafting themselves upon his memory, been suggested to them 
 by Mr. Sandy. The Chamber lost no time in deliberation; and on the 
 impulse of the moment, " ordered and agreed that the Chamberlain should 
 forthwith provide a hogshead of sack, a hogshead of claret, and a hogshead 
 of white wine, and to take care the same be sent to Bath the same evening, 
 and that Mr. Chamberlain do go along with the same, and present to his 
 Lordship accordingly." The Chamberlain, accordingly waited on the prin- 
 cipal Secretary of State, by whom the wine is graciously accepted. The sum 
 of £39, appears in the Treasurer's accounts as the cost of the compliment. 
 But this was riot all, the Corporation had invited persons of less distinction 
 and influence to dine with them — and the fame of their hospitality was 
 bruited about. Therefore it was moved by the inflexible loyalists, that he 
 should be invited to a dinner. But a majority of the Chamber, knowing that 
 he belonged to a ministry noted for its dangerous and pernicious counsels, and 
 his tendency to Popery, negatived the motion. 
 
 There have been solemn preparations at the old Guildhall, — its walls are 
 hung with dark funereal pomp, — and black grim splendour surrounds the 
 silent form of departed greatness ! Death has asserted his sable dominion, — 
 dismal trappings, and banners of the grave gloomily proclaim his victory ! 
 For three days the citizens throng the Hall, — where, in gorgeous solemnity 
 is laid a form of clay, — the mortal remains of the Great Captain, Commander 
 of the Navy, Sir William Penn. His life-work done, — to his native City 
 brought, — ^for a stately funeral, befitting his reputation and renown! The 
 trainbands line the street on either side. — The chief dignitaries of the City, 
 swell the dark procession to the tomb— and with such military observance as 
 denote respect for departed greatness, — in Eedcliff Church they left him to 
 his rest ! His monument is there, — and tells the story of his life. Three 
 long pennons and a suit of armour are suspended over his memorial, — a 
 portion of the armour remains, — and the shattered shreds of two faded 
 pennons, — passing sUently away. 
 
 Were we to recapitulate year by year, the persecutions the Nonconformists 
 endured, we should but weary the attention. Therefore we have allowed an 
 
288 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 act passed in 1666, under the plausible pretence of defending Monarchy from 
 the encroachments of Dissenters, to remain unnoticed, till called for by the 
 introduction of any event on which our narrative might touch. From the cruel 
 hatred, and rigorous treatment the Nonconformists received throughout the 
 greater part of England, Bristol is not exempt. But before entering again 
 on the exploits of our civic authorities, we will steal a few words from that 
 "quaint old gossip, Pepys," — he is alluding to the "five mile act,"' when 
 he says, " this law against Conventicles is very severe, as Greed or Creed, 
 whom I meet here do tell me; that it being named that Papists' meetings 
 might be included, the House was divided upon it, and it was carried in the 
 negative, which will give great disgust to the people I doubt — and this 
 business of religion do disgust every body, the Parliament being vehement 
 against the Nonconformists, while the King seems to be willing to countenance 
 them; we are all poor and in pieces — God help us." 
 
 1674. Ealph Olliffe's Mayoralty, even in that bigoted age, — was especially 
 distinguished by an exercise of the authority, with which the proclamations of 
 the Government against sectaries had endowed him. He is said to have 
 entered upon his ofiicial career, with the understanding that he would use his 
 most strenuous efi'orts to back dissent, — ^for which reason he himself declared, 
 he had accepted the civic sceptre. He was a vintner and publican, landlord 
 of a noted tavern in Corn Street ; of which the " Three Tuns," the Vintner's 
 Arms, was the sign. Here, with other convivial members of the fraternity he 
 indulged himself as freely in vdne, then scarcely deemed a fault, as he did in 
 putting into execution the stringent and unhealthy laws against Nonconform- 
 ists. Here, with his creatures around him, as ignorant and besotted as 
 himself, the chief Magistrate of the City, held his domestic empire ; diversi- 
 fying the afternoons' carouse, by concocting measures with his boon compa- 
 nions, for hunting Conventicles the following morning. The Baptists' 
 Pecords, with great minuteness, and somewhat verbose phraseology, enlarge 
 freely on the persecutions endured at this season, by its early members. 
 
 1 "It was enacted that no Dissenting minister, who refused to take the non-resistance oath, 
 should, except [when passing] upon the road, come within iive miles of any Corporation, or of any- 
 place where he had preached after the act of ohUTion. The penalty was a fine of £50, and six 
 months imprisonment. — Under colour of removing them from places where their influence might 
 he dangerous, an expedient was fallen upon to deprive them of aU means of suhsistence." — Hotee. 
 
1674.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 289 
 
 Of these the substance, and a few of the more noticeable passages may be 
 ingrafted in these pages. ^ 
 
 In October, "began the eighth persecution" under the new Bishop, 
 Guy Charlton, " a violent man against good people who had separated from 
 the church." He resolved not to " leave the track of a meeting." In 
 Bristol " there were now six separate churches settled in this City, viz : three 
 baptised congregations, two Independent congregations, and one Presbyterian 
 congregation, viz : Mr. Hardcastle's, being our meeting, most part baptised ; 
 Mr. Gifford's, all baptised; and Mr. Kitchen's, all baptised. And Mr. 
 Thompson's and Mr. Troughton's congregations were Independents, and Mr. 
 Weeks' congregation were Presbyterians." Three were in St. James' parish, 
 and the remainder in the Castle Precincts ; the most of them consisting of many 
 hundred hearers and members. " Thus the Lord, having settled us for 
 several years before, in order, as armies with banners ; yet, but like little flocks 
 of kids in comparison with the multitudes from the many synagogues of the 
 Philistines of our days. Their Goliath, Guy, the Bishop, being come, and he 
 having now got a Mayor, within a month after he came, fit for his purpose, — 
 one greatly in his favour, Ealph Olive by name, a vintner, and a great drinker, 
 a man given to much wine, — being now newly-elected and sworn, that would 
 do what the Bishop would have him. And not only were these two [the 
 Bishop and the Mayor] bad instruments risen up as formidable enemies against 
 us ; but the Lord suffered to be raised up another wicked instrument to be a 
 scourge and trial to us, his poor people ; justly, for our sins of unthankfulness 
 and unsuitable walking to our gracious Father, and not rendering according 
 to former benefits received. Which third, and pestilent adversary against us, 
 which did the drudgery of the work for them, was one John Hellier, an 
 attorney-at-law, of this City, and had been bred up here. And he was one 
 very crafty and subtle in the law ; that, through craft prospering in his hand, 
 had gotten an estate of about £200, per annum. This was the Mayor's 
 landlord," who turned informer, and attended the meetings for the purpose of 
 laying informations against them. " The Bishop also sent three, and some- 
 times more, of his own clergy, namely, Parson Pledwell, of Peter's ; Heath, of 
 Austin's, and Godwin, of Philip's, that would come up in our meetings in the 
 midst of sermon, and stay some time, and take notice of as many as they could 
 
 1 In part quoted from " Com Street Perambulated," in the Bristol Mirror. 
 
 P P 
 
290 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 know, then go to the Mayor, and give information against us. Thus when 
 they should be preaching to their own flocks in their parishes, they left them, 
 and would so audaciously come to devour us, in the attire of foolish shepherds, 
 but inwardly were ravening wolves." The licences that had been granted by 
 the King to the Bristol separatists, and others to hold meetings, were recalled 
 in February, 1675. Whereat " the Bishop and his clergy greatly rejoiced, and 
 began vigorously to bestir themselves." They lost no time. — " The very same 
 week this Proclamation came down to make void the licences, the Bishop, with 
 divers of his clergy, got some of the Aldermen and some of the Military Officers 
 together, and goes to Mr. Thompson's meeting, in the Castle, upon the fourth 
 day of the week; his lecture in the middle of the week, being the tenth day of 
 the twelfth month, February, 1674 ; where, finding of him preaching, they, 
 after search, met with him where the people had conveyed him away in another 
 part of the house, against the freeness of his own mind. And so they laid 
 hands on him and brought him before the Mayor, to his mansion house; where, 
 after long examination and discourse, about nine of the clock at night, the 
 Mayor, Bishop, and some Aldermen commit Mr. Thompson to Newgate prison 
 for six months." In the same manner were the other Ministers committed. 
 " And when Sheriff Fielding, about ten at night, had brought them to the 
 prison door, he deridingly bid Mr. Weeks, take his leave of all his holy 
 brethren." The noisomeness of the place was intolerable, and Mr. Thompson 
 was soon seized with fever. A physician who attended, counselled his removal ; 
 the application was refused. A bond of £500, was offered in vain to the 
 Sheriff for his security, and an appeal to the Bishop was equally futile. — The 
 Bishop was inflexible. But nothing could move the indomitable spirit of his 
 incarcerated victim. Mr. Thompson declared, that if he had known at the time, 
 when he was thrust into prison that he should die there, he would have done 
 no otherwise than he had done. He did die there. — In a few weeks his 
 sufferings terminated, and he bade adieu to Time. Though one minister had 
 attested his sincerity by the sacrifice of his life, — though the others had been 
 imprisoned, — it did not intimidate. There were not wanting godly men to 
 carry on the work. But the leaders of the congregations, consulted and 
 adopted precautionary measures, — 
 
 " In order to -which," the record states, " at our own meeting, to prevent spies that 
 might come in the room as hearers, and yet that no strangers, or persons we know 
 
1674.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 291 
 
 " not, might not be hindered from coming into our meeting, whether good or bad, to 
 hear the gospel, we contrived a curtain, to be hung in the meeting place, that did 
 inclose as much room as above fifty might sit within it ; and among those men, he 
 that preached should stand ; that so, if any informer was privately in the room as a 
 hearer, he might hear him that spake, but could not see him, and thereby not know 
 him. And there were brethren without the curtain, that would hinder any from 
 going within the curtain that they did not know to be friends ; and so, let whoso 
 would come into our meeting to hear, without the curtain. And when our company 
 and time were come to begin the meeting, we drew the curtain, and filled up the 
 stairs with women and maids, that sat in it, that the informers could not quickly run 
 up. And when we had notice that the informers, or ofiicers, were coming, we 
 caused the minister or brother that preached, to forbear, and sit down. Then we 
 drew back the curtain, laying the whole room open, that they might see us all. And 
 so all the people would begin to sing a psalm; that, at the beginning of the meeting, 
 we did always name what psalm we would sing, if the informers, or the Mayor or 
 his officers, come in. Thus still when they came in we were singing, [so] that they 
 could not find any one preaching, but all singing. And, at our meeting we ordered 
 it so, that none read the psalm after the first line, but every one brought their Bibles, 
 and so read for themselves : that they might not lay hold of any one for preaching, 
 or as much as reading the psalm, and so to imprison any more for that, as they had 
 our Ministers. AVhich means the Lord blessed, that many times when the Mayor 
 came, they were all singing, that he knew not who to take away more than another. 
 And so when the Mayor, Hellier, or the other informers, had taken our names, and 
 done what they would, and carried away whom they pleased, and when they were 
 gone down out of our rooms, then we ceased singing, and drew the curtain again, — 
 and the Minister or brother would go on with the sermon, until they came again, — 
 which sometimes they would thrice in one meeting disturb us, — or until our time 
 was expired. This was our constant manner during this persecution, in Olive's 
 Mayoralty ; and we were by the Lord helped, that we were in a good measure 
 edified, and our enemies often disappointed. Laus Deo." 
 
 The Magistrates had so much to do with granting of warrants, sending 
 their Sergeants, and raising Constables, to suppress the meetings in the 
 evening ; and the next morning receiving informations and trials, that they 
 " grew much weary," and appoint but one day in the week to hear matters 
 about meetings. When disturbing a Conventicle, his Worship and Ofiicers 
 must have felt their insignificance, before a congregation all singing ; who, in 
 answer to their commands, and in reply to their threats, only sung with louder 
 voice. The Chief Magistrate, indignant at the perseverance of the separatists, 
 loses his dignity. Here he appears in a ridiculous attitude: — 
 
292 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Upon the 25tli of the second month, [April,] 1675. as brother Terrill was speaking, 
 about two of the clock, or near it, two of the Bishop's men coming in, find us then 
 singing ; then they go away ; and half an hour after, the Mayor of the City and 
 Alderman Streamer, with several officers, come up into our meeting ; and the Mayor 
 finding us only singing, and none read the Psalm, in great rage and passion he 
 strikes one man's Bible out of his hands, so fierce, that the book fled over the 
 people's heads, three or four yards from him, among the people. Then, in said 
 rage, the Mayor commands us, in the King's name, to depart ; but the people keep 
 on singing, looking on their books ; which the Mayor perceiving that none departed, 
 he fell on us by threats, that he had given us warning. Then the Mayor went down 
 to the door, and commanded it to be kept, and suffered none to go forth, but as they 
 gave their names. And as they came forth, the Mayor sent three, namely, brother 
 Simpon, that aged disciple, and Mr. Hill, with Matthew Price, to Newgate prison, 
 where he had sent six of Mr. Weeks's meeting the same day, as they met in the 
 street, before their door, because they kept them out, and charged them as persons 
 guilty of a riot, and broke into the man's house, out of whose window the Minister 
 preached to the people ; but the Minister escaped when the Sheriff broke in. This 
 day, "Whiting, [a desperate fellow,] the Bishop's man, broke our pulpit ; and thus 
 they trampled upon us." 
 
 Alderman Hickes, sanctioned the proceedings of his Chief, and though not 
 introduced in the above transactions, was also one of the clique. 
 
 " The 13th Lord's day, being the lith day of the 9th month, 1675, we had 
 again great trouble in the morning ; for Hellier, the day before, had got one of 
 the Aldermen, Sir Robert Yeamans, a great wine drinker, to the Three Tuns 
 Tavern, in Corn Street, where Alderman Olive dwelt ; there they were most 
 part of the afternoon, filling themselves, and preparing who should give us 
 disturbance the next day." 
 
 Mr. Eobins, Steward of the Sheritf's Court, had received information that 
 himself and HeUier were to be sent for to London, for belying the Parliament; 
 which rather alarmed and quieted them for the time. " This," says the record, 
 " put them in some fear, that it was observed, that Hellier and Eobins, and 
 some others, went to the Tuns Tavern, to their instrument. Alderman Olive, 
 and plodded what to do, drinking themselves drunk. So, through this fear, 
 some judged we were let alone this day." These legalized interruptions to 
 the solemnity of divine worship, were continued by Alderman OUiffe, after the 
 expiration of his Mayoralty. Sanctioned and promoted by the head of the 
 church, ostensibly in the name of a religion which has for its fundamental 
 principles, peace, good will, and charity. How strange the anomaly ! 
 
1676.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 293 
 
 An attempt was this year made by the Dean and Chapter, instigated by 
 Guy Charlton, the Bishop, to obtain certain privileges, and impose an inquisi- 
 tion upon the citizens. The attempt was met with the determined opposition 
 of the Corporation, as will be seen by the perusal of their correspondence. 
 When Independents, Presbyterians, Baptists, Quakers, Papists, and Dissent, 
 in its endless variety, repudiated the Established Church ; it was no season for 
 its members to loosen their bonds of union, by ill-judged aggressions upon 
 ancient rites and immunities. Our first intimation of their proceedings, is from 
 a letter written by Mr. Crabb, Mayor, to the City Eepresentatives in Parlia- 
 ment, dated April 9th. Mr. Crabb may have performed his municipal duties 
 with credit to himself, and have reflected honour upon the City. But Mr. 
 Crabb is a very poor hand at a letter. We have a specimen of his style of 
 composition before us ; but it is so prolix, and intricate, that our rapidly- 
 contracting limits, induce us to spare its infliction upon the reader. The 
 information the Mayor is endeavouring to convey, may be told in a few words. 
 He suspects some of the Clergy, — and other important personages suspect them 
 also, — are surreptitiously seeking, vidthout the privity of the Corporation, to 
 procure " a clause to be inserted in the Bill for the Endowment of Poor Vicar- 
 ages, or some other act now passing" [Mr. Crabb has not a very lucid idea of 
 the business,] " which would be a preliminary to something worse, that might 
 be hereafter tendered to the Parliament," and advises the Members, " such 
 designing, if there be any" to their " sudden inspection therein, that the City 
 might not be surprised," in an affair of such magnitude. This, with his 
 " humble service, is all at present," from the nervous Mayor. 
 
 The replies of the Representatives, " the Worshipful Sir John Knight, and 
 Sir Humphrey Hooke," are not extant. But the correspondence of the Corpo- 
 ration has been preserved, — and is so far interesting, as proving the origin of 
 that offence, which eventually induced the civic authorities, after a slight 
 intermission of apparent conciliation, — to provide for themselves, a place of 
 worship. For this purpose St. Mark's Church, — now used as the Mayor's 
 Chapel, and distinguished as a sumptuous architectural gem, was fitted up after 
 the debased fashion of the age. The letters of the Corporation it would be 
 inexcusable to omit. The reader can spread them into significance. With 
 but little commentary we print them word for word. More than a month has 
 elapsed since the Mayor's communication. A Committee has been appointed. 
 
294 EDWABD COLSTON, 
 
 The 12th May a letter is indited, « To the Hon"' Sir Bob*- Atkins, one of the 
 Justices of his Majesty's Court of Common Pleas," — 
 
 " Mt Lord, 
 
 " We have desired Sir John Knight, to deliver you a copy of a paper given in 
 to us by the Dean, and Prebendaries of the Church of Bristol. The purport 
 whereof is to exempt themselves, not only from the jurisdiction of the City, but in 
 truth from all temporal jurisdiction whatsoever ; which, in our opinion, will not only 
 be a great infringement of the liberties, and privileges of this City; but, also of very 
 ill consequence, and pernicious to the Government. The particular transaction, 
 whereof we refer to the relation of Sir J°°' Knight. In a case of this moment, and 
 difficulty, we make it our request to you, that you will be pleased to afford us your 
 advice, and .assistance with Sir John Knight, to support our rights and undoubted 
 immunities ; and the frequent experience we have^ of your readiness to promote all 
 good acts for the weal and preservation of this City, assures us of your granting the 
 request of, 
 
 " My Lord, your Lordship's most humble Servants, 
 
 "W""- Crabb, Mayor, Tho^- Stevens, 
 
 EoB''- Cann, R°- Streamer." 
 
 J""- Lawford, 
 
 We do not know what course Atkins recommended. He probably desired, 
 if proceedings were still continued, to hear further from the Corporation. 
 The 18th of June, another letter is addressed to him, wherein their grievances 
 are described. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " We make bold to acquaint your Lordship, that the Dean and Chapter, per- 
 severe in the contest with the City, — with unseeming rigour and severity ; as by 
 arresting of the Mayor, — by endeavouring to obtain a commission of charitable uses, 
 in which they nominate none but creatures of their own to be Commissioners. We 
 humbly beg your Lordship's opinion, whether we are not exempt by the statute, 
 from the inquisition of such commission, — and, if your Lordship happen to see 
 my Lord Chancellor, that you would please acquaint his Lordship with these 
 proceedings of theirs ; and then we are sure they will receive very slender 
 encouragement from his Lordship, to proceed in this severe manner ; and to make 
 so great a breach between the Church in the City, and the Government of it. 
 
 "W- Crabb, Mayor, Jo'- Lawford, 
 
 EoB'^- Cann, Rich"- Crumpe." 
 
 jso. Xnight, 
 
1676.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 295 
 
 From a subsequent letter, we suppose that Sir Robert did not " happen 
 to see my Lord Chancellor," and that he, Sir Robert, recommended the Cor- 
 poration themselves to inform that important functionary, of the treatment 
 they were receiving. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " There has of late begun unhappy differences between the Dean and Chapter^ 
 of the Church of Bristol, and the City. The ground of this contest is, immunities 
 lately set up and claimed by the Church, much in derogation of the privileges, and 
 undoubted rights of the City ; and not only so, but they have endeavoured to 
 shorten the jurisdiction and extent of the City, — by depriving us of almost an whole 
 parish claimed by them as a distinct and separate jurisdiction. How far they have 
 been aggressors in this contest, and with what unbeseeming heat and ardour they 
 have prosecuted this affair, by the instigation of the Bishop, will be too tedious to 
 give your Lordship the trouble of knowing. Nor, my Lord, as we are informed, 
 are they contented witb. that only, but are labouring to obtain a commission of 
 charitable uses in which they do not stick to declare, that they principally aim at an 
 inquisition into the Arcana of the City ; and have not nominated any members 
 hereof, nor any person but such who are creatures of their own to be Commissioners. 
 We hope, my Lord, that the City is exempt by the Statute from any such inquisition, — 
 however, our humble address to your Lordship is, that if any such inquisition be 
 to be issued forth, that the names herewith to be dehvered to your Lordship might 
 be inserted. It is not without a great sense we have of the misfortune of this place, 
 to be thus engaged where the Church has so many enemies ; that they will so 
 industriously endeavour to make so loyal a Magistracy, at a necessary variance with 
 them ; and of what ill consequences it may be, that they should intermeddle with 
 the Government of the City, and interrupt the current of justice, in a great part of 
 it — your Lordship we are sure is very apprehensible, and we are confident will not 
 find countenance from so great an example of wisdom and justice as your Lordship. 
 Thus begging your Lordship's pardon, we remain, 
 
 " My Lord, your most humble Servants, 
 
 " William Ceabb, Mayor, John Lawford, 
 Egbert Cann, Richard Crumpe. 
 
 John Knight, 
 
 " To the Right Honourable Heneage, Lord Finch, Baron of Daventry, 
 Lord High Chancellor of England." 
 
 The tender eulogium on the character of the Lord Chancellor, with which 
 the Corporation conclude their letter will not be overlooked. Though with 
 
296 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 that beautiful ambiguity, for which records and correspondence of bye-gone 
 days are famous, — it is left uncertain, whether for this expression ; or, for what 
 other passage in the letter they beg his Lordship's pardon. This concludes 
 all notable matter we can extract. An entry will furnish the sequel : — 
 
 " Sir Thomas Jones, Judge of Assize, made it his request that Sir John ChurchilV 
 would endeavour to accommodate the controversy between the City, and the 
 Bishop and Dean and Chapter, if permitted, which was agreed to ; and a report to 
 be made to the House for its final determination. ' This order to be kept secret,' 
 it being by vote of the House, agreed to bee secretly communed of, and that no 
 person presume to discourse of it under severe penalties." 
 
 While this dispute continued, the Corporation did not as customary, on the 
 5th November, go to the Cathedral, — but, attended service at Eedcliff Church ; 
 where a sermon was preached by the Rev. Nicholas Penwarne.^ In the 
 preceding month, " he preached a sermon in the Gaunts' Church, before the 
 Corporation, when some difference happened between the City, and our 
 Bishop."^ The dispute did not long continue. An entry in 1679-80, is 
 significant of a temporary reconciliation. " Paid £21 : 9., for a cushion, and 
 a cloth of state, both fringed, — and a unicorn gilded, put up in the College to 
 hold the sword." * 
 
 1 On the 6th there was paid Sir John, £15 : 4 : 6., "for charges about a Commission for chari- 
 table uses sued out by the Bishop." No item of any other expenses occurs in our Audits. 
 
 2 " Sib, — This day our Town Clerk went with Mr. Penwarne to the Bishop's Court, and by the 
 Attorney, gives me the great thing expected from him, in conformity to the Canon, in that point of 
 prayers wherein he is to prefer the dignified Clergy, before the civil Magistrates, and bis comphance 
 is expected to-morrow sevennight. And if you think it worth our while to contest it, I hope you 
 will give MS, some countenance, before the time is fixed, otherwise it will be unreasonable in us to 
 expose the Ministers to the fwy of the Bishop, for a cause we cannot justify, and desire your 
 answer, and am, 
 
 " Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant, 
 
 " ElCHAED CeTJMPE. 
 
 " To Sir Robert Cann, Knight and Bart., a Member of Parhament, at the Parliament House, 
 22nd June, 1678 ; another of the same to Sir John Knight." 
 
 3 For these two discourses the Eev. Gentlemen was paid £2, each. 
 
 * 1681. "August 18th. The Mayor acquainted the House that the Dean and Chapter were 
 willing to allot a place in the quire for the Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council, to hear Divine 
 Service there in a body, — a Committee appointed from the Dean and Prebends, and to have the seats 
 made convenient.'' 
 
1677.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 297 
 
 Indications are on the civic page, that old Bristol, will speedily be astir 
 again, with bells and bonfires. Her Majesty the Queen, is about to 
 honour the City with her presence. The Council meet. It resolves that the 
 manner of receiving and entertaining the royal visiter, should be left to the 
 judgment of a Committee.' The Committee decide upon the gentlemen to 
 attend upon the Queen.^ It orders, " Notice be given to the several Church- 
 wardens, to ring the bells of the several Churches, on her Majesty's arrival. 
 It directs, "that the way of her Majesty's entrance shall be through the Castle 
 Green, Wine Street, and that the streets be sanded, where her Majesty is to 
 be entertained." That, " All the House appear in black clothes," and that, 
 " the Sheriff order the keeper of the Gaol, to keep the prisoners from the 
 grate." ^ 
 
 High festival in the City. It is the 20th July, the day announced for her 
 Majesty'svisit. There is a repetition of the usual rejoicings, — acclamations, bells, 
 guns and trumpets, — that the faithful chroniclers of old, so lovingly delight to 
 tell. Queen Katherine has arrived from Bath, escorted by the Earl of Ossory 
 and his troop. The Mayor and Aldermen in their scarlet, "who did ride two 
 by two in their foote cloathes on horsebacke," with the Council, " all in black 
 clothes, and chief of the Citty receive her Majesty at Lawford's gate, where 
 the Town Clerk, very gravely utters a learned oration." This ceremony over, 
 to the great comfort of her Majesty. " The Magistrates tooke horse again, 
 and the procession advanced. The Mayor did ride bareheaded before the 
 coach where the Queene was," — from Lawford's Gate to the residence of Sir 
 Henry Creswicke's, in Small Street. She was guarded by the trainbands. 
 They announce her Majesty's arrival by " a volley of shott, and presently after 
 the great guns fired, — these ceremonies were followed by a most noble and 
 honourable treat,'"^ a masterpiece, probably of Monsieur Dupont's. After the 
 
 1 " The Mayor (William Crabb,) Sir Eobert Cann, Sir John EJnight, Alderman Hiokes, Alderman 
 OUiffe, Alderman Crumpe, Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Creswicke, Mr. Day, Mr. Earl, or any five." 
 
 2 "Sir John Knight, the two Sheriffs, Henry GUsson, and Henry Merrit, Sir Eobert Cann, 
 Mr. Earl, and the Town Clerk, to attend them." 
 
 3 The gaol was in "Wiae Street, and the grating to which the prisoners ordiaarily had access, 
 communicated with the street. 
 
 * 1676. Cost of entertaining the Queen Katharine at Mr. Creswicke's house, Small Street, 
 nth July, £446: 2: 8. 
 
 Q Q 
 
298 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 treat, the Earl of Ossory, and other nobles, together with Sir John Knight," 
 that locally conspicuous personage, of more importance than the Mayor, — 
 attended on the Queen, who rode in her coach to the Hotwells, where she 
 remained some time, refreshing herself with the then celebrated water. Her 
 Majesty returned to her Court in Small Street, where she took a "little 
 repose," and her leave, and so left the City for Bath the same day. ^ 
 
 Attracted by an entry we have dragged into light from its dusky lurking place, 
 where, probably, it has lain from the day the silent pen traced the tortuous 
 characters. We are again, bewildered and confused by the numerous family of 
 the Knights, — whose names at the same period are constantly perceptible to us. 
 We have vainly endeavoured to hew down the mass of obstructions, and to 
 simplify the matted perplexities, that like a maze, entangle us in our research, — ■ 
 and have resigned the hope of giving to each member of the various families 
 so called, his separate position and identity. The owners of this common 
 cognomen, are of humbler grade in society, than those we have hitherto 
 introduced. They are connected with an incident, frequent at that time in 
 sea-faring life, which we pause to relate before entering upon an extraordinary 
 period in England's history ; when a fearful epidemic of suspicion, mistrust, 
 and terror, infected the minds of the people, — from which our City did not 
 escape. In 1668, Henry Knight, brother of John Knight, cooper, sailed from 
 this port in the " good ship ' Matthew and Sarah,' of Bristol, Thos. Sparks then 
 Master." The " good ship" was taken by the Turks, — and Knight was "carried 
 captive into Sallee, and from thence to Fez ; where, he became a slave to the 
 Emperor of Morocco. He had continued in miserable bondage above six 
 years, — when his brother, October 21st, 1674, petitions the Court to procure 
 his freedom ; stating there was a probability of obtaining it for £130. " The 
 Court upon consideration of the s* petitioner, having a tender regard to so 
 real an object of charity, do make it their request to the inhabitants * * * 
 that they would shew their readiness to assist the petitioner by their charitable 
 contributions, towards the relief of the poor brother, who hath been so long 
 in that slavish captivity ; and do order that the Churchwardens of each parish, 
 (by and with the consent of the Right Eev. Father in God, Lord Bishop of 
 this Diocese,^ now present in Court,) do on the petitioner's behalf, — ask, take, 
 and receive the charity and benevolence of all well-disposed persons, living 
 
 > MSS. Cal. Seyer. 2 Gilbert Ironside. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 299 
 
 *' in the respective parishes, for that end and purpose. And all such sums as 
 shall be by them received, towards the poor captive's ransom, be paid into the 
 hands of Robert Yate, of this City, merchant ; who, is hereby desired to take 
 care for remitting the same towards the redemption of the petitioner's 
 brother." Whether the sympathies of the good people of Bristol, were 
 aroused by this appeal, and the unfortunate man was emancipated, is not 
 related. A few years after, 1699, the slavery of the Christians to the 
 Infidels, moved the heart of a Mr. Barker, residing at Fairford. In a letter 
 written to him by the Corporation, occurs this pleasing passage : — " Mr. 
 Fitzherbert did this day acquaint us with a very kind inclination of yours 
 towards this City, — which was, that a relation of yours having left £1000, the 
 profit thereof, for ever to be employed in the redemption of captives from 
 slavery ; you were pleased to make this place the object of that charity, and 
 so to receive the benefit of it." 
 
 Amongst many of the privileges possessed by the supreme municipal dignity, 
 was that of nominating a person for the freedom of the City, with the concur- 
 rence of the House. — This freedom, it has been seen, was not only necessary, 
 but indispensable, for all commercial purposes. We have not had to relate 
 that it was otherwise regarded. — But a case occurs, that astonishes the Mayor 
 and the whole House. The proffered boon is disdainfully, and contemptuously 
 rejected. The ancient privilege guarded with hereditary prejudice, is loaded 
 with scorn, and flung aside as a worthless, useless toy. The highest honour 
 the City could bestow, is cast with contumely at the feet of its authorities. 
 We cannot improve upon the quaint diction of the civic record, so as to 
 render the transaction clearer, or more interesting : — 
 
 1676. " August 29th, Mr. Mayor, [Sir Eobert Cann] proposed Mr. Robert Bagnell, to 
 be made a freeman on his nomination. Carried by a majority." 
 
 " September 12th. Mr. Mayor, this day represented to the House, that whereas they 
 were pleased at the last meeting, upon his motion, to grant the favor unto Mr. 
 Eobert Bagnell, to be admitted into the freedom of this City, which Mr. Mayor 
 acquainted the said Mr. Bagnell with ; but the said Mr. Bagnell, instead of being 
 sensible of the great honour that was done to him by Mr. Mayor and this House, 
 and making suitable returns therefore, did in a saucy and impertinent language, seem 
 to contemn and despise the honour which was conferred upon him, and this House 
 highly resenting the aifront, did order that the last order be utterly expunged from 
 the Council book, and Mr. Bagnell to have no advantage thereby ; and to testify 
 
300 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " their further sense and displeasure against him, they think him for ever incapable 
 of any such favour, and the Mayor to have power to nominate another person ,• all 
 which was granted to Mr. Mayor, out of the great sense this House has, of the great 
 honour and service, Mr. Mayor has done this City this last year." 
 
 The atrocious fiction, commonly called the great Popish plot, now filled the 
 minds of the people with indignation and alarm. The hereditary hatred, and 
 animosity to Roman Catholics was revived, — and there was nothing too mon- 
 strous and exaggerated, that the foul fabricators could conceive, but found 
 implicit credence. Yet gross and palpaple as was the imposition, " so 
 widely had the panic spread, that all Protestants, clergy or laity. Conformists 
 or Nonconformists, Royalists or Republicans, of the Court party, or of 
 the Country party, — considered their lives in danger, and in many instances 
 adopted the most ridiculous precautions against an unseen enemy." The 
 Parliament declared "that there hath been, and still is, a damnable and hellish 
 plot, contrived and carried on by the Popish recusants, for assassinating the 
 King ; for subverting the Government, and for rooting out and destroying the 
 Protestant religion." The King was necessitated to issue a proclamation,^ 
 directing that Popish recusants, should not go to a greater distance than five 
 miles from their own houses ; another, oflfering a reward to any one who should 
 discover or apprehend a Romish Priest or Jesuit, — and finally, gave his assent to 
 a bill for disquaUfying Papists from sitting in Parliament. The originator of this 
 successful imposition, which had crammed the gaols vidth Papists, and brought 
 many victims to the scaffold, was Titus Gates. But from the dark dens of 
 iniquity, there soon emerged other scoundrels, who sought to be sharers in his 
 good fortune ; and were ready to swear away the lives of all the Roman 
 Catholics in the country. William Bedloe,^ who followed Titus Gates, in his 
 path of infamy, probably made some revelations to the Corporation of Bristol, 
 
 1 A letter was forwarded to Bristol, ordering the conyiction of Popish recusants, wherein his 
 Majesty requests that the "Justices of Peace in the Citty of Bristoll and County of the s^ Citty, do 
 with aU speede oertifle unto the Exchequer such convictions as are perfected, and likewise certifie 
 his Majties Attorney General, what convictions are preparing, and whether any thing hinders the 
 compleating of the same, as alsoe whether any person of quality who are suspected to be Popish 
 recusants, have beene omitted to be presented, and what the obstructions, praying and requiring jou 
 to make signification of the same," &c. &c. 
 
 2 " Bedloe, by his own confession, had sworn falsely; and was told by 'Wyld, a worthy and 
 ancient Judge, that he was a peijured man, and ought to come no more into courts, but to go home 
 and repent.' Indeed, he must have been truly Oates's fellow, if we may credit his own account. 
 
1678.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 301 
 
 who kept him with great care, and forwarded him to London. The worthy 
 Mayor was evidently taken in. He believed in the existence of the plot ; and 
 considered the wild revelations of Bedloe, most important to the safety of the 
 State. 
 
 The credulity of the people was not to be shaken ; there was nothing too 
 monstrous and diabolical to find acceptance. Another Bartholomew massacre 
 was anticipated. Armed and murdering Papists were feared in every shadow. 
 Confusion, panics, clamour, and deadly rumours, interrupted the business of 
 life, and filled the minds of men with dread. But it is needless to dwell upon 
 the state of murderous effervescence society exhibited. Our relation is con- 
 nected with the felon Bedloe, and his subtle attempt to bring Lord North into 
 the conspiracy. The Corporation gave full credence to the " hellish plot," and 
 by some means, of which we are not informed, — obtained possession of the infa- 
 mous Bedloe ; who had, we conjecture from the sequence, disclosed sufiicient of 
 the " hideous romance" to invest him with an awful importance. The Mayor, — 
 a "pompous and inflated Welshman,"' — believed every thing. Believed that "all 
 the leading statesmen and divines in England were to be murdered. That three 
 or four schemes had been formed for assassinating the King. He was to be 
 stabbed. He was to be poisoned in his medicine. He was to be shot with 
 silver bullets."^ There was nothing too monstrous and incredible, for the 
 bewildered Mayor. He had suddenly become a person of supreme consequence. 
 Fortune had brought him in contact with his destined opportunity. The life 
 of the King — ^the safety of the Government — the preservation of aU his 
 Majesty's Protestant subjects, depended upon the exertions of John Lloyd, 
 Mayor of Bristol. It was one of his most important appearances, upon the 
 stage of earthly life. He informs the Secretary of State of the valuable 
 treasure he has obtained. In reply, the Secretary desires him to have a care 
 Bedloe does not escape, and to send him securely guarded to London. The 
 Mayor shall give his own relation of what he has done. From his letters we 
 discern the character of the man. 
 
 In the title page of his ' Narrative of the Plot for biiming and destroying the Cities of London and 
 "Westminster/ he styles himself one of the Popish committee for carrying on such fires." — Haeris's 
 Life of Charles II., II., 142. 
 
 1 "I naver saw or heard any hnman thing speak so lofty as he did, and aU in humour and tags 
 of Latin. He declared for sub and swpra, and much more at that rate." — Lord ITokih. 
 
 2 Macaulay. Piet. Hist. England. Maepherson. 
 
302 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 "Bristol, Nov. 6th, 1678. 
 "Eight Honorable, 
 
 " The last night,.by your directions and order, I sent Bedloe up to you, and in the 
 securest way I could then think of j I loish he may prove as useful to his Majesty by 
 his information, as you apprehended he would. There came here last week li persons, 
 their habit spoke them gentlemen, — their Arms, as Swords, Pistols, and some Guns, 
 as Soldiers, — and their speech to be Irish ; they pretended to have come lately out 
 of the French service, and that they were now going upon his Majesty's service into 
 Ireland ; being in these circumstances, I did not think meet to restrain them, — nor 
 to use much severity in their examination, especially seeing their behaviour was 
 civil, and did not render them obnoxious to any law ; some of them have already 
 got their passage, — and those that remain, as 1 am told, talk as if the number of 
 300, are expected here this week upon the like account. I shall take all care 
 imaginable to secure the peace of this place by the civil power ; so that I hope we 
 need not be apprehensive of much danger from their persons ; but whether any of 
 them by this course fly examination above, or are engaged in this devillish design 
 against his Majesty, and in what method to deal with them or others, in cases of this 
 nature, I beg your speedy advice and order, which shall be exactly followed, and do 
 beg the favour of your correspondence in these difficult times, for the advancement 
 of his Majesty's service. 
 
 " Your Honor's most humble Servant, 
 
 "John Lloyd, Mayor. 
 " To the Eight Honorable Mr. Secretary Coventry." 
 
 The Mayor's next letter is to Mr, Secretary Williamson, — November 9tli, he 
 informs him that he had by the safest method he could think of, sent Mr. 
 Bedloe to Mr. Secretary Coventry, and doubted not " he had appeared." And 
 he adds " I have also sent back to you [Mr. Secretary Williamson] a letter 
 directed to Mr. Bedloe, as believing it improper for me to intrude into, for 
 aught I knovp, ought not to come under my perusal." 
 
 He further desires to know whether they ought to put themselves " in any 
 other posture of defence, or watch, than what has been usual,^ or to make any 
 narrower inspections into strangers, who come for transportation to this City, 
 than has been ordinarily done." In reply, Mr. Secretary Coventry, acknow- 
 
 1 " AH the gaols were filled with Papists. London had the aspect of a city in a state of siege. 
 The trainbands were under arms all night. Preparations were made for barricading the great 
 thoroughfares. Patroles marched up and down the streets. Cannon were planted round Whitehall. 
 No citizen thought himself safe unless he carried under his coat a small flail loaded with lead, to 
 brain the Popish assassins." — Macatjiat, Mist., I., 235. 
 
1678. J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 303 
 
 ledges the safe arrival of Mr. Bedloe, on the evening of the 7th instant, by 
 Mr. Mayor's prudent directions and conduct, for vi^hich the Secretary returned 
 his Majesty's thanks.' Considering that Charles, regarded the vehole affair as 
 a gross imposition, — the thanks are a stretch of the imagination on the part of 
 Mr. Secretary — who next commends the Mayor's discretion in behalf of the 
 fourteen persons going to Ireland ; and desires him, should the three hundred 
 come " to be soe much the more vigilant, in observing their persons and 
 behaviour," and to detain any that he may have probable cause to suspect. — 
 In conclusion, " I shall gladly embrace and entertain a correspondence with 
 you in this tyme of publick danger, and at all tymes shew myselfe very cor- 
 dially, &c." For which condescension the busy Welshman felt grateful, and 
 the dignity of his office, as represented in his person, assumes a more than 
 ordinary importance. — Preceding Mayors, had had their little weaknesses; 
 though Mayors, they were but mortal. — Willoughby had inclined too much 
 to the ungallant uses of the " Ducking Stool;" Sir John Knight's particular 
 antipathy, was Quakers ; Olliffe's prejudice extended to Dissenters of almost 
 every denomination ; and Lloyd's bias was for the discovery of plots. He 
 had a genius that way. He could read a conspiring Papist in the countenance 
 of every stranger, and the affectionate confidence, and cordiality of the 
 Secretary, had increased his vigilance. 
 
 December 18th, he writes to the Marquis of Worcester, detailing a capture 
 he had made of one Turwill, come from Ireland, on " a report of my Lady 
 Rooth and other passengers, that he had spoken dangerous words." — That 
 from Turwill's papers, which he had seized, he finds " only, that he formerly 
 has been related to Mr. Daniel Arthur, a person now in custody, (as is reported,) 
 for being engaged in this plot ag* his Ma**"' and a letter from one Mr. Lums- 
 dale," a copy of which the Mayor incloses, with another paper, which he is 
 inclined " to thinke a character, [probably in cipher,] it not looking like any 
 language that either myself or those concerned with me in taking the exami- 
 nation had been conversant with." This is all the Mayor could " find or pick 
 out of his papers." But two witnesses swore, that " there being a discourse 
 betwixt them and this Turwill, about this plot and conspiracy, he said, " he 
 beheved there was no such thing, and that it was only a talke and report of 
 
 2 The expenses for removing Bedloe to London were probably paid by the Grovemment. There 
 is no charge on the City fund for the same. 
 
304 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 some idle and fantasticall people," — an assertion that must have almost over- 
 whelmed with indignation, the bosom of the superstitious "Welshman. Next, 
 with a few bold touches of his pen, the Mayor depicts the character of Turwill, 
 who owns himself to be a Eoman Catholic ; — " his disposition seems rough 
 and resolute, his stature tall, and his demeanour gentill." Furthermore, he 
 says, " he will not take security for the prisoner's good behaviour, according 
 to the late proclamation, until the case be communicated to the Council, and 
 he has their directions." In conclusion, he tells the Marquis, that he will 
 make no apology for giving him the account. " My office obliging me to give 
 it to some one of the Councell, and my own experience, giving me sufficient 
 assurance, that you do not thinke any thing a trouble which may be of publicke 
 good, or use to his Ma*''^ " A letter to the Lords of the Privy Council, dated 
 June 2nd, 1679, written by Eomsey, the Town Clerk, also shows the activity 
 of the Mayor, during his official career. It incloses some treasonable corres- 
 pondence, discovered by that dignitary, who " traced it to the very authority." 
 In allusion to it, the Town Clerk said, " It seems there has been some such 
 sort of correspondence held before at this Coffee House ;" but he does not give 
 us the locality, or name of the Coffee House. 
 
 Lloyd, during his Mayoralty, received for his services the accolade of 
 knighthood. Bedloe for his crimes was not arraigned before an earthly tribunal. 
 He returned to Bristol where his closing days, which we shall trace, were 
 brief, and oppressed with poverty. But to the last he endeavoured to support 
 the vicious part he had played. In the month of August, 1680, he was seized 
 with a fever, which confined him to his chamber in an obscure dwelling in St. 
 Augustine's parish. Regardless of the deepening shadows that forewarned the 
 coming night, his thoughts yet clung to the dark perjuries that blackened with 
 infamy his name ; and even now, he was planning the destruction of one, as 
 distinguished for his probity, as was the dying schemer for his villany. Allowing 
 our thoughts to follow those of the sick man, we are conducted to a quaint 
 old dwelling in King Street, opposite the Merchants' Hall. Its pointed gable, 
 its curious ornamental and decorative work, called pargetting, that covers 
 the spaces between the diamond-paned windows; and other peculiar and 
 pleasing features of the period, indicate its years and its past importance. 
 What we now see is the back of the house, — the front, faced the Marsh, then a 
 green sward, of which it had an uninterrupted view, terminated by the winding 
 
1680.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 305 
 
 river, and the hill of Eedcliff, crowned with the " pride and glory of the 
 western land." This was the residence of the Town Clerk of Bristol, the noted 
 John Romsey. Within a room whose windows looked on the Marsh, and whose 
 interior decorations, high chimney piece, panelled walls, and traceried ceiling, 
 correspond in character with the exterior of the house; — here, on the afternoon 
 of the 16th of August, while Bedloe is tossing on his feverish couch, are enter- 
 tained the Lord Chief Justice North, and his brother. The former has just 
 returned from opening the Assizes. They have been enjoying the ample provisions 
 the hospitable Corporation had provided, under the presidency of the Town 
 Clerk ;^ seasoned by the confidential discourse of that important functionary; 
 who, to do him justice, took every advantage of the opportunities his ofiicial 
 situation offered, for gleaning and imparting secrets, connected with the State 
 and its policy. They were thus engaged, when one of the Mayor's Sergeants, 
 who had been nodding in the passage, entered the room and announced Sir 
 John Knight. Sir John, was in a high state of excitement, in which the word 
 Popery never failed to throw him. On this occasion, he was more particularly 
 lofty, having come to inform his Lordship, that Mr. Bedloe, who was dangerously 
 ill of a fever, with little hope of recovery, — had something of great consequence 
 that he wished to impart to the Lord Chief Justice. North, habitually and 
 prudently cautious, — promises to pay him a visit that night after supper, at nine 
 o'clock, — if he were previously satisfied that there was no infection in Bedloe's 
 distemper, — and that the time would not be inconvenient for discourse, without 
 prejudice to his condition. This Sir John, who takes an intense interest in 
 the transaction, undertakes to ascertain; and shortly after, two physicians wait 
 upon the Justice, — and assure him there is no danger of infection, and that the 
 time he had appointed for his visit would be most opportune, — ^for commonly 
 Bedloe took his repose in the afternoon, — and that at nine o'clock he would 
 probably be refreshed and fit to discourse. Lord North, thereupon declared 
 his resolution of going ; and desired the company of the two Sheriffs,^ and his 
 brother, Roger North, and appointed his Marshall, Mr. James, to go with him. 
 On their way they were joined by Mr. Crpssman, [one of the Prebends of the 
 Cathedral] who told North, that Bedloe had desired him to accompany the 
 
 1 On the occasion of Justice North, holding the Assizes, 16th August, 1680, Eomsey was paid 
 £54 : 17 for entertaining him. 
 
 2 "WiUiani Hayman, and "WiUiam Swymmer. 
 
 R R 
 
306 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 party/ Whereupon, says Lord North in his narrative, " we went altogether, 
 and being come into the room where Mr. Bedloe lay, — I saluted him, and said 
 I was extreme sorry to find him so ill. I did imagine he had something to 
 impart to me as a Privy Counsellor, and therefore, if he thought fit, the 
 company should withdraw. He told me that needed not yet, for he had much 
 to say which was proper for the company to hear ; and having saluted the 
 Sheriffs and Mr. Grossman, he began to this purpose: — "^ 
 
 The disclosure of a man indurated by many years of viUany, though called 
 a " death-bed confession," can scarcely be taken as any safe authority. If a 
 subtle design of implicating North with the plot existed, his peculiar caution 
 rendered it a failure. " Nothing was more desired," says North's biographer, 
 " than to remove him (who was an inflexible Loyalist) out of their way ; and 
 in order to that, to fasten some trepan upon him, or get some advantage of 
 charging him with matter of discouraging, ridiculing, tampering, or stifling, 
 the plot ; all which were sins in a high degree, and ground enough for an 
 address to remove, &c. &c." 
 
 " The next day," says Lord North, ",Mr. Bedloe's brother came to me, and told me his 
 brother desired a copy of the deposition he had made before me, but I told him I 
 had well considered it, and could not give him a copy without the King's leave, 
 but I would move the King in it; and, if he gave leave, I would take care to send 
 one to him ; and Mr. Bedloe's brother told me, that it was his brother's desire that 
 'I should recommend to his Majesty his condition; that his sickness was very- 
 chargeable, and move his Majesty for some supply of money for his subsistence, 
 which I promised to do. This is all I can recollect of what passed upon this 
 occasion, and is in substance true, but the very words or order I cannot remember." 
 
 Bedloe did not live to receive any further reward for his infamies. Four 
 days after his mock confession, as shallow as the plot it attempted to bolster,— 
 he lay on his bed of death, — there, the cheats and delusions of his life stood con- 
 fessed. On the sixth day, he was buried, as the parish register^ informs us, at the 
 Chapel of the Gaunts. Evans says, but without giving his authority, that " he 
 was buried below the steps, at the entrance to St. Mark's Chapel, (without any 
 memorial or inscription), at the expense of the City Chamber, his goods being 
 all seized for debt." 
 
 Rich in association with pious memories, is that ancient chapel's consecrated 
 ground. Here, far off in the olden ages, were laid two warriors of the Cross, — 
 
 1 Lives of the three Jifoi-tlis. 2 See North's Examen. a " I68O, August 22. William Bedlow." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 307 
 
 chivalric pilgrims to the Holy Land, — munificent founders of the sacred fane, 
 where their bodies find repose. Hude vigorous figures are their efiigies, hewn out 
 in stone, — solemn, and teaching, in the death they emblem. Here coeval lies 
 Sir Henry de Gaunt, "first master of God's Holy House of Mercy at Billeswick," 
 of venerated name. Here too, revered by time, united in the tomb, — are the 
 ashes of the spiritual soldier, the lordly Abbot, and the mitred Bishop ; — 
 behold him imaged forth in hard insensate marble. Here rest the high, the 
 lofty, — illustrious of descent, and of ancient ancestry. Virtuous dames — Lords, 
 brave and blameless — " whom youth could not corrupt." Here too, the heroic 
 and devoted Cavalier, — the enthusiastic and sincere Puritan, — ^lie mouldering 
 side by side. Philanthropic Aldermen, whose proudest monuments are seen in 
 noble schools. Worthy merchants, whose enterprising spirit brought wealth 
 unto our port. All ! the beautiful, the brave, the virtuous, the noble, — the 
 pious, just, and good, — so the ignoble, the base, the worthless, — the convicted 
 felon, the merciless informer, — all crumble cold and low. " They consume in 
 the sepulchre out of their own dwellings." — " Dust to dust, it mingleth well 
 among the sacred soil."^ 
 
 1 A few scraps interpose between us and the current of our narrative. They have no adjacent 
 circumstances. Nor are they elucidatory or confirmatory — except in one or two instances acci- 
 dentally overlooked, till the passage they rendered obvious, or the opinion they strengthened, had 
 passed the press. These we think, the better to avoid confusion and disarrangement, when their 
 place and utility are dubious, not to force into the text ; but, to coUect and chronologically arrange 
 them, — as we have done in the Appendix B. 
 
CHAPTER VIL 
 
 Description of Bristol, time of Charles 11. — The Corporation borrow Money — Colston, one of the Governors of 
 Christ's Hospital — His Pertinacity — His residence at Bristol — Admitted to the Freedom of the City — A 
 Member of the Merchants' Hall — Colston Trades to the West Indies — Extract from the WUl of his Father — 
 Colston proceeds against the Corporation for the recovery of his Loan — His residence at Mortlake— Sir 
 Robert Cann and Sir Robert Yeamans sent Prisoners to the Tower of Loudon, — Mr. Roe, Sword Bearer of 
 Bristol — Parliamentary Election, 1680. Grand Jury Presentment — The "Blazing Star" — Sir Robert 
 Atkins indicted for neglecting the Duties of his Office — His Resignation — Entertainment to the Marquis of 
 Worcester — Letter from Sir Robert Sawyer — Instruction from the Bishop of Bristol to the Ministry for 
 compelling Attendance on the Established Church — The Bye House Plot — An Address from the 
 Corporation to his Majesty — Quo Warranto brought against the City^-Surrender of the Charter to the 
 King — The Duke of Beaufort instrumental in obtaining another — Letter from the Members of the 
 Society of Friends in Bristol Gaol — Dismissal of Sir John Knight from the Council — Proclamation 
 of James II. — Servile Address of our Corporation — Preparations against the coming of the Duke of 
 Monmouth — Arrival of the Duke of Beaufort — Letter from the Duke to the Mayor — Jefferies' outrageous 
 Conduct at the GuUdhall — ^Insolence of the Soldiery to the Inhabitants — The Duke of Beaufort offended, 
 writes plainly to the Corporation — James II. visits Bristol — Progress of Popery — The Queen at Bath — ^I'he 
 Corporation send her an Invitation — Their Majesties visit the City — James's Experiment with the Cor- 
 poration — Singular Letter from the Corporation — The King orders the Freedom of the City to be given to 
 Sixty-eight Persons — Landing of the Prince of Orange — The Duke of Beaufort's hasty Departure from 
 the City. 
 
 Very prosperous was the old City at this period, — and very proud, arrogant, 
 and pompous were its " Merchant Princes." ' We discern their wealth, and 
 lavishment, in the costly nature of their apparel, — in the trains of servants, 
 with showy liveries, that attend them, when they parade the streets, — too 
 narrow to admit a display of opulence, in sumptuous equipages. We also 
 discern their wealth, in ostentatious christenings, — in splendid marriages, — 
 in the gloomy magnificence of their funereal processions,' — in luxurious enter- 
 tainments, in costly banquetings, and far-famed hospitalities. Their luxury 
 was maintained, by advantageous commerce with Spain, the West Indies, and 
 with the North American plantations. In this old City, there was not a shop- 
 keeper, but launched in mercantile adventure. Keen was the spirit of 
 enterprise, and large their returns. Some of the richest burghers, inhabited the 
 
 1 " A man who dies worth three hundred pounds, will order two hundred of it to be laid out in 
 his funeral procession." — Loed Noeth. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 309 
 
 Bridge ; as their fathers did when this narrative commenced. Some in 
 Redcliff, Thomas, and Temple Street, resided, and kept dusky shops. Content 
 to live and toil, and accumulate their golden stores, in the heart of the over- 
 crowded City ;' till their day's work done, they are laid in calm repose, beneath 
 the hallowed roof where sleep their sires. Contemporary descriptions are rare. 
 They are to be valued, not on account of their scarcity, but for their reality. 
 One, though incorrect in some of its details, and somewhat rambling and 
 intricate in its construction, is worthy of favourable notice. It places before 
 us the old City, as it appeared to the observant traveller. Though his blunders, 
 as to locality and distances, are too palpable to escape detection, and may 
 somewhat weaken credulity, yet they do not diminish our interest. 
 
 " Most of the towns in England, situated in the internal parts of the country, are almost 
 without walls or defences, which are to be met with only about those on the sea- 
 coasts. Bristol does not derive much strength from its walls, except the side towards 
 Bedminster, which the River Avon separates from the town. On this side, there 
 are three great streets, wherein are some rich merchants, and a very handsome 
 church of our Lady of Eedcliff, built with a red stone, and ornamented round about 
 with the figures of saints and has relievos. Its bell and tower is high, and very 
 well finished. One may walk on the top of the church, there being a platform, 
 surrounded by a balustrade. These three streets, begin at the bridge over this river ; 
 it is covered with houses and shops, and here dwell the richest merchants of the 
 Town. Near this place is a pleasant walk, in a beautifal meadow by the river-side. 
 Having passed the bridge, you come to a great arcade, supporting a little church, 
 with a clock and tower on it,^ which makes the entry into several handsome streets, 
 leading to all parts of the Town ; that in the middle is the principal, and forms an 
 open area, or Market-place, wherein stand the Town-house, and Exchange. The 
 street called Monis^ Street is of equal magnitude ; it passes by an area, where some 
 markets are held, and wherein are some covered market-houses ; this crosses another 
 street, which runs behind the grand Port and Quay. I lodged in the house of a 
 Fleming, where I was pretty well entertained, both man and horse, for two shillings. 
 Indeed, aU over England living is very reasonable, provided you drink but little 
 wine, which in this country is very dear. The little river, which makes the great 
 Port, separates a small part of the Town, to which the way lies over a stone bridge ;* 
 it is situated on the declivity of a mountain, where formerly stood a strong castle, 
 commanding the whole Town : at present its place is occupied by the Cathedral 
 Church of St. Augustiae, ornamented with a high tower. 
 
 1 Macaulay — Lord Forth — M. Jorevin. 2 gt. Nicholas Church, and gateway. 
 
 3 Hio-h Street. ^ Froom, alias Christmas Street, Bridge. 
 
310 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " I walked from thence to the port of ConqueroV in the village Depill,^ where those 
 large vessels stop, that for want of water cannot come up to the town, from which 
 it is distant three miles. By the way, on the banks of the river, I found a medical 
 spring, near a small house, in which dwelt a man, who explained to us its wonders 
 and qualities ; which made me recollect those at Bath, a town only six miles from 
 Bristol, and situated on the same river, where are baths, whose waters are hot in 
 some places, and cold in others. The King has a place there, appropriated for his 
 bathing, round about which are several admirable pieces of sculpture. The metro- 
 politan church, in the same City, is among the finest in England ; it is represented 
 in the ybr^y wonders of this kingdom. The ordinary walk of the people of Bristol is 
 in a meadow, at the end of the peninsula of the town, where the two ports join, on 
 account of many fine rows of trees, and its being a place proper for ship-huilding. 
 
 " The Fleming at whose house I lodged long, kept a priest, who secretly said mass in 
 his house ; but it having been discovered, he was forbidden to do it ; so that at 
 present one cannot hear mass at Bristol, although it is a port frequented by many 
 Catholics, — Flemish, French, Spanish, and Portuguese. At Bristol one may pro- 
 cure a passage to Ireland ; vessels loaded with coal or iron frequently sailing from 
 that place to Cork, or Kin sale, which are good sea-ports in Ireland. I was desirous 
 of seeing, before I went thither, all that part of England watered by that beautiful 
 river Severn, — which passes through some of the most considerable towns in the 
 kingdom. I left Bristol to go to Glochester ; the way lay through meadows, by the 
 side of a smaU. river ; whence I entered into the mountains? where I found Stebleton,* 
 Embrok, lerenton, Stoon, Nieuport, Kemlrig, and Estminster ; and from thence I 
 arrived, through meadows, at Glochester."^ 
 
 Thus faintly we discern the general features of the City. One who lived in 
 that old time, — with silent penmanship has noticed the mutations in its moral 
 life. Though his sentiment be tinctured with a strong Nonconformist flavour, 
 we extract a passage, the more especially as the opinions of the writer are 
 reflected by other contemporary authorities. " Vice, profligacy, and a disre- 
 gard of civil and moral obligations, had entered the City; and taken possession 
 of her high places. The sacred fount of Justice was polluted; her laws 
 
 1 Himgroad. 2 piU. 
 
 •' The writer, of whom we are not cognizant, designating hills as momitains, indicates him 
 accustomed to reside in a flat country, probably Holland. 
 
 * Stapleton, Hambrook, Iron- Acton, Stone, Newport. 
 
 5 Description of the City in the reign of Charles II., by M. Jorevin. Corry, Hist, of Bristol. 
 Appendix No, 2. 
 
1682.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 311 
 
 violated ; and Eeligion herself, in her holiness and purity, was degraded to an 
 instrument of cruelty, oppression, and wrong. In their abundance, the people 
 had forgotten the God, they had acknowledged in their extremity. In their 
 elevation, pride and the lust of power had supplanted the meekness and 
 humility, with Avhich they were clothed in their adversity. They cared not to 
 traffic with the bodies and souls of men, so that they supported their state, and 
 maintained their rule. They heeded not the groans that resounded from tlie 
 prison walls, so that the banquet was spread, and assembled guests brought 
 joy to the repast."^ To this may be added the extraordinary words of Sir 
 Robert Atkins, when, in arrest of judgment, arguing his own cause in the 
 Court of King's Bench. He had been Recorder of Bristol one and twenty 
 years. He had sworn all the Aldermen then upon the Bench. He had done 
 all he could to join them together, and unite them. But " ever since they greiv 
 rich, and full of trade, and Knighthood, — too much sail, and too little ballast, — 
 they have been miserably divided."^ The Recorder's emphatic expression is 
 strengthened by the opinion of a shrewd observer. Lord North, who says, 
 " Pride and ostentation are publicly professed." 
 
 A morning in June, the 15th ; the year 1682. Fancy has carried us to the 
 centre of the old City. — We are near the Tolzey. — There is the High Cross 
 painted and gilded. It has another statue since we beheld it last. There is 
 the long Arcade, supporting the little church with a clock and spire over it, 
 and gigantic boys, with ever-ready hammers to note the flight of Time. 
 Beneath the Arcade, the Corporation's officers are lounging, — Marshalls in 
 long gowns, with the City' Arms on their staves, — Sheriffs, — Yeomen, in their 
 municipal costume, with basket-hilted swords, and daggers. Pass and repass 
 stately dames, and worthy Aldermen, — real Knights, sumptuously clad, tenacious 
 of their dignity. Servants in gaudy liveries, — solid, sober tradesmen, humble 
 artizans, rough labourers, and translators in " rugged coats of frieze." Gilded 
 carriages, trucks drawn by dogs, — drays laden with rich merchandise, 
 " Bristol milk," and sugar, — moving to and fro we image them — vaguely as in a 
 dream, — shifting, changing, disappearing, — till the broad current of human life 
 shall cease to flow. Dimly visible in that old scene, is a form of noble and 
 majestic bearing; butof mild and courteous demeanour. That haughty personage 
 
 1 JIS. Cal. 2 Seyer, II., 520. 
 
312 EDWARD COISTON, 
 
 who passed, has bowed to him with a marked deference of respect. He 
 receives salutation from the ostentatious and the humble ; and with a gentle- 
 manly feeling he gracefully acknowledges to each. His age would seem be- 
 tween forty and fifty ; but he is about to enter the Tolzey, we will detain him a 
 moment while we cast a glance at his dress. It is as plain as the fashion will 
 admit. A doublet or coat with buttons, and button holes all down the front — 
 close petticoat breeches, — stockings drawn up to meet them, tied above 
 the knee with ribbons, — high heeled shoes with rosettes ; which had not then 
 been generally superseded by the buckles, before which they shortly dis- 
 appeared. He wore the absurd and monstrous peruke, that, " in that day, 
 lodged upon the heads and shoulders of all the gentlemen of England, under 
 the corrupted appellation of a periwig."^ This was covered by a low-crowned 
 hat, with turned-up brim, — the transition state, from the sugar loaf hats or 
 chivalric " Spanish sombrero," to the cocked hats of the 18th century. His 
 neckcloth is plain, not of the usual Brussels or Flanders lace, — tied in a knot, as 
 was the fashion, under his chin, the ends hanging loosely down.^ Such, by the 
 aid of old books, old prints, and paintings, we can dimly trace the general per- 
 sonal character, of him who now with a grave, serious aspect enters the Council 
 Chamber. He is evidently of importance, — more than one pompous personage 
 who had figured in the precedency farce, rise and greet him with profound 
 respect. Formal introductions, ceremonies, courtesies, and compliments, that 
 mean nothing, may be imagined — the same then as now — the same probably 
 in far off years to come. The follies of the world seem not to have occupied 
 the thoughts of the new comer. Upon his brow "there sits a look of care. 
 His words are few. To business. He is very calm, very slow, very methodical 
 in examining the deed that the Chamberlain has placed before him. After 
 an attentive perusal he is apparently satisfied with its correctness. The bond is 
 signed.' The business ended, with gracious ceremonies he departs. We follow 
 him. Not many steps, ere he enters the house where dwells Sir Wm. Hayman, 
 in Small Street, and here for awhile our trace is lost. We will return to the 
 
 ' " The tasteless fashion of ringlet periwigs, of Marlborough wigs— endless barbarism of 
 perukes, bag-wigs, tie-wigs, cannon-wigs, and bob-wigs, caricatured the countenances of English 
 gentlemen for more than a century and a quarter." 
 
 2 Knight's British Costume. 
 
 3 The bond was sealed 28th September. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 313 
 
 Council Chamber, — and, availing ourselves of our privilege, see what the 
 Chamberlain has M^rit upon the official page. 
 
 " 1682. June 15th, Rec^ of Mr. Edward Colston, of London, M' chant, 
 £1800, for which he is to have a Citie Scale, next sealeing day, at b ^ Cent. ; 
 this money was to pay off a Scale of Ann Lysons : ...£1800." 
 
 Once before, we have read that name, and only once. — An infant's baptism, 
 the record. Vainly through following years we trace his footprints. They 
 are not in the Chamber of the Council, — nor in the Hall of the Merchant. — 
 Not in the House of his sire, — nor in the City of his birth. His name 
 is not written on the Freeman's page. — It is not enrolled amongst the 
 loyal. — It is not preserved amongst the factious. For forty and five 
 years, there is neither scrip nor scroll to testify his presence in the City, — 
 which by his noble benevolence he subsequently so enriched. And now we 
 behold the man — a pecuniary loan the record. And what a huge dark void 
 between. — No illumination. — No ray of light, — ^not the faintest gleam cast on 
 the deep profound that has shadowed each intervening circumstance, and 
 eventually obliterated all. 
 
 But it is not here we first behold him, whom the gloom of gathered years 
 has so long concealed from view. — Not here. — But in the great mart of 
 commerce. — In one of its most noble establishments for Charity's most holy 
 cause. Interested in its management — presiding at its councils — directing its 
 afiairs, sits in the prime and vigour of life, the long-sought Edward Colston, — 
 one of the Governors of Christ Church Hospital, one of London's wealthy, 
 respected, and honoured Merchants ! 
 
 "A General Court in Christ's Hospital, — the 25th October, 1681," we read 
 the following report : — 
 
 "At a Committee in Christ's Hospital the 4th day of October, 1681 : — In pursuance of 
 an order of Court of the 26th day of March, 1680, and the 9th day of June, 1680, 
 this committee took into consideration such persons as they conceived were fit to be 
 chosen Governors of this Hospital in the room of some lately deceased, and 
 thereupon did proceed to nominate by the ballotting box, the persons following 
 to be presented to the Court for their confirmation, viz: — The Right Reverend 
 Father in God Henry L^ B^ of Lond., Geo. Dashwood, Esq., Mr. Tho. Browne, 
 Scrivener, Mr. Abr. DowUings, S'- Rich. Lloyd, Mr. Edward Colston, Mr. 
 Nath. Litton, Mr. Fran. Chamberlen, Mr. Dan. Morse, Mr. Gilbert Upton, Mr. 
 
 John Berry, Mr, Xopher Hawkes." 
 
 s s 
 
314 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Now this Court again by the ballotting box, chose the aforesaid persons to be Governors 
 of this House, and ordered that staves ^ should be sent them forthwith, and that if 
 any refuse to receive the staff, the Court to have notice thereof." 
 
 The next notice of Colston, connected with this Hospital, is from the 
 "Benefactors' Book," in 1684: — "Mr. Edward Colston, of London, Merchant, 
 and one of the Governors, /or his henevolence gave £100." 
 
 It is plain from the above extracts, that Colston resided in London, or the 
 neighbourhood, and had obtained a distinguished position in society. At the 
 date of our first entry, he was forty-five years of age ; and we may suppose had 
 been prosperous in his commercial speculations. That he was opulent, the 
 large amounts he expended in the establishment of his various charities, 
 subsequently to our coming upon his path, sufficiently evince. 
 
 From the pages of Silas Told, we extract an anecdote, which he makes to 
 occur in 1676, five years earlier than any recorded evidence, we possess of 
 Colston's existence in any place. Wesley, regards Told as a man of unquestion- 
 able veracity, but unpolished and uneducated, as wUl appear from his narrative. 
 "When he writes from observation, as an eye witness, he is no doubt accurate. 
 But he has incautiously introduced statements that have somewhat impaired 
 our credulity. Told, who was one of the first hundred boys, admitted into 
 Colston's School, writes of the founder, that — " He was the son of Edward 
 Colson, a journeyman soap-boiler, whose wages did not exceed ten shillings a 
 week." After the character we have had of Silas Told, this account is some- 
 what startling. No doubt it was the current tale, circulated throughout the 
 school. The gossip of the boys, savouring of the marvellous. What reliance 
 may be placed upon it, the reader will judge from another statement, founded 
 on no better authority, and which we know to be incorrect. " I have been 
 likewise informed," he adds, " that he built at his own expense the whole church 
 and tower of All Saints, near the Tolzey, Bristol." After this specimen, we 
 leave the reader to credit as much as pleaseth him, in what followeth. 
 But as the small estincident or circumstance, regarding our subject and his 
 affairs, where materials are so scanty, is to be eagerly embraced ; — though the 
 authority be dubious, we transcribe Told's anecdote word for word. — 
 
 1 A green wand or staff about six feet long, sent to each newly- appointed Governor as an insignia 
 of office. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 315 
 
 Attention need scarcely be directed to its absurdity, and especially to its 
 inconsistency, with the whole tenour of Colston's character ; with his prudence, 
 his sense of justice, and his good sterling common understanding; as we 
 know him, from his letters and his deeds. 
 
 " A singular instance of his tender consciensciousness for charity was at the age of 
 forty, when he entertained some thoughts of changing his condition. He paid his 
 addresses to a lady, but being very timorous, lest he should be hindered in his pious 
 and charitable designs, he was determined to make a christian trial of her temper 
 and disposition, and therefore having filled his pockets full of gold and silver, in 
 order that if any object presented itself in the course of their tour over London 
 Bridge, he might satisfy his intention." 
 
 " While they were walking near St. Agnes' Church, a woman in extreme misery, with 
 twins in her lap sat begging, and as he and his intended lady came arm and arm, he 
 beheld the wretched object, — put his hand in his pocket, and took out a handful of 
 gold and silver, casting it into the poor woman's lap. The lady being greatly 
 alarmed at such profuse generosity, coloured prodigiously ; so that when they were 
 gone a little farther towards the bridge foot, she turned to him and said, " Sir, do 
 you know what you did a short time ago ?" " Madam," repUed Colston, " I never 
 let my right hand know what my left hand doth." He then took leave of her, and 
 for this reason, never married, although he lived to the age of 83." 
 
 The only notice we have obfeined of Colston in London, is from the 
 records of Christ's Hospital. As we have nothing appendant, they may 
 be disposed of in this place. Resolute as we shall ever find him in aU bene- 
 volent endeavours; he here appears in a somewhat anomalous character. His' 
 desire to befriend a poor boy, has carried him so far, as even to induce a 
 relaxation of the laws of the Hospital in his favour. The circumstance tends 
 to show with what determination of purpose Colston could act, when that 
 purpose was to benefit another. And how he broke through regulations, that 
 constituted the harmony, and well-being of an establishment, to efiect his 
 good intent. The character of Colston as we read it in after years, is so pecu- 
 liarly distinguished by a rigid sense of high principle, that we regard with 
 surprise his tolerating an infringement, he would himself have been the most 
 ready to condemn. The transaction places before us, the great consideration 
 in which his patronage was held. 
 
 March 31st, 1684. At a meeting of the Court of Governors, Colston 
 desired to present for admission a poor boy, although the boy's father 
 
316 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 was not a freeman of London. His request was made to the Court 
 of Governors for their permission. But the Court, which had refused a 
 similar favour to Sir Stephen Fox,^ deputed six governors (or any two of 
 them) to wait on Colston and " desire him not to insist upon the business, but 
 to comply with the rules." 
 
 Colston, was however, much displeased with this result to his application. 
 He became importunate. Thereupon the Court, at a meeting on the following 
 fourth of May, considering " he hath been, and may be a very great Bene- 
 factor to this Hospital, agreed to admit such a child, if he shall insist upon it." 
 
 The following year Colston gave another £100, as his " Benevolence" to 
 the Hospital; and at a general Court, held the 12th February, to consider the 
 great privilege of presentations for children — the minute thereto relating 
 informs us, that " the Court proceeded to nominate such as the Hospital is 
 obliged this year to gratify as Benefactors."^ At the same Court, the following 
 resolution was passed : — " This Court, for several reasons thereunto moving, 
 added Mr. Edward Colston to all Com*^"'" 
 
 Colston, was therefore held in high esteem. He was one of the most 
 influential of the Governors. We see, that out of the eleven gentlemen 
 named to have the privilege of presenting children, he is allowed to present 
 two, a distinction only accorded to one other.- And that the Court, also accede 
 to a request contrary to its rules, which it had previously refused to Sir Stephen 
 Fox. Its estimate of Colston must have been great, and his subsequent bene- 
 iactions commensurate with its hopes. Colston's pertinacity, had not lessened 
 the confidence of the Court, nor the value of his services. May 1st, 1686, a 
 Committee deputed him " with the Treasurer and two other Governors, to go 
 to Ware and Hertford, and send up children as they may find fit ; also at 
 Ware to consider the houseing lately purchased, and give order for repairs or 
 anything else, that may improve the same for the good of the Hospital." 
 Again, at a Committee, 10th June, 168T. It was fully agreed by all parties 
 to refer the " examination and determination" of the Hospital accounts, to 
 Colston and Mr. Midgley ; and they were " to certify as to the interest 
 
 1 "Sir Stephen Fox, from a poor foot-boy, and then a singing boy, has, through Court places and 
 appointments, realised £150,000 ; now Clerk of the green cloth." — Haekis's Charles II., II., 297. 
 
 2 Mr. Edward Colston, 2 ; "William Moses, Esq., 1 ; Mr. Pennyman, 2 ; Erasmus Smith, 
 Esq., 1 ; Sir Eobert Clayton, 1 ; Sir Matthew Andrew, 1 ; Mr. James Pauls, 1 ; Mr. Robert 
 Eaworth, 1 ; Mr. Charles Bearer, 1 ; Mr. Eobert Siderfin, 1 ; Daniel Colwall, Esq., 1. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 317 
 
 received on the principle sums received of Mr. Sketchley's Estate." This 
 year, as on the preceding, Colston gave one hundred pounds for his " Bene- 
 volence" to the Hospital, and another hundred in 1689, making £500, in the 
 space of five years. 
 
 Once again, and only once, is the name of Colston visible in the records of 
 the Hospital. Hope brightens when we behold it. It advents a donation. 
 It augurs the good that follows. " 1693-4. 18th February. Received of the 
 Worp" Edwd. Colston, Esq., one of the Governors (at several times) being his 
 free gift towards completely furnishing the new buildings at Hertford, without 
 any charge to y° Hosp^- £500." This is the last notice ; his name appears 
 not here again, till his immortal spirit had finished its earthly course. 
 
 We have had a glimpse of Colston in his own City, — let us return thither, 
 where a little light begins to gleam into the darkness. He was perceptible 
 June, 1682, lending money to the Corporation. The previous November, the 
 days of his father were brought unto their close. Darkness in the interval, 
 impenetrable, — all trace expunged and gone. That Colston received the 
 blessing of his honoured sire, — directed the impressive solemnities of the season 
 of afiiiction — may be assumed without the direct authority of documentary 
 evidence. That his widowed mother, more nearly claimed his affection, and 
 engaged his filial attentions from this period, indications of his frequent and 
 protracted visits, naturally lead us to infer. As far as we can ascertain, Colston, 
 had not yet embarked in any commercial enterprise from this Port. He 
 had not even taken up his freedom, to which by birth he was entitled. 
 Now circumstances influence him to secure its privileges. 
 
 December 10th, 1683. " Edward Colston, merchant, was admitted to the 
 freedom of the City, being son o/" William Colston, deceased." 
 
 He is discernible a few days after as a member of the Merchants' Hall. 
 
 " 1683, December 17th, M'' Edward Colston, being a free Burgess of Bristol, and a 
 
 meire merchant, son of William Colston, merchant, dec*' a late member of this Society, 
 
 was admitted into the liberties of the same Society." Then follows his declaration.— 
 
 " / do promise to be obedient to the rules and constitutions of this Hall, and will pay to 
 M^- Treasurer, and the Clerk and Beadle, the accustomed fees. 
 
 " Edward Colston." 
 On this occasion, he took the customary oaths of allegiance, and supremacy, 
 
318 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 before the Mayor, Sir Wm. Clutterbuck; and that of a Burgess, before 
 John Cook, Esq., Chamberlain. In virtue thereof, he presented himself 
 before the Master of the Society of Merchants, claiming his right to be 
 admitted a member, — and on his admission, was appointed one of a Committee 
 for managing the affairs of Clifton. This he attended the 7th and 21st of 
 June, 1684. Proving his temporary abode here, — a fact further evident, from 
 his having, on the preceding April, been chosen one of the Vestry of St. 
 Werburgh's parish. He does not, however, appear to have been a Church- 
 warden, nor to have filled any other parish office, nor do we find him attending 
 the parish meetings. 
 
 From the record of Colston's enrolment as a member of the Society of 
 Merchants ; we learn that he was a West India merchant, meire signifying the 
 ancient name of the Island of St. Christopher, — or, as commonly abbreviated, 
 St. Kits. Bristol held an important position in the commercial world at this 
 period. Its trade, more especially with the West Indies, was fiourishing,' its 
 prosperity was increasing, and its merchants were rich. These considerations 
 probably influenced Colston to embark here. There was another, higher, in 
 which the voice of nature was heard. Duty commanded, affection prompted 
 him, to adminster to the affairs of his widowed parent ; and endeavour to 
 console, by his presence, and his sympathy, the first dark hours of her 
 bereavement. Probably, his obtaining the privileges of the City, had reference 
 to commercial transactions in which his departed parent had been engaged. 
 Some glimmerings on this subject may have issued from the records of the 
 Custom House. But these have been consumed by fire, — and nothing is 
 known. 
 
 In the house whence his honoured father had been called to his rest, Colston 
 now for a time resided. We may picture a family group, consisting of his 
 mother, sister, and Sir William Hayman, husband of the latter; who, upon the 
 death of his father-in-law, had removed his establishment to this house. This 
 stately dwelling, where sovereigns, princes, and nobles had been entertained, 
 we identified in our opening chapter. In a few brief words it may be 
 described. Externally, it has a gabled front, with square-headed, muUioned, 
 
 1 "Commerce with the "West Indies had been considerable. In 1649, the Mayor of GaJlo-way, 
 wiiting to Prince Eupert concerning the supply of his Majesty's fleet, complains of great scarcity 
 of ships, from the large numbers sent to St. Eatts." — WAjaBTJETOif's Prince JRtipert, Index. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 319 
 
 and transomed windows. Internally, the hand of innovation and mutation is 
 impressively visible. But there still remains the debris of a lofty hall, and 
 indications of the domestic architecture of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
 centuries, that have not entirely yielded to all subduing Time, — mutilated 
 fragments, favourable witnesses of the wealth and taste of our ancestors. 
 Without derogating from the interest attached to the mouldering ruins of 
 magnificent castles, abbeys, or priories, — suggestive as they are of wholesome, 
 though melancholy reflections, — as much, or more, is associated with the 
 departed dignity of ancestral homes, whose ancient habitants are dwelling in 
 the dust. No object comes to the heart with more power. No object has a 
 sadder tale, nor teaches a graver moral ! And this long-honoured abode, 
 enriched with treasured thoughts, and images of Colston, and his sire, — more 
 especially connects the reality of the present with our visions of the past ! 
 
 Fortune had smiled upon Colston, and he was affluent. This much the 
 page of old Time reveals. We do not hear that he became suddenly 
 enriched by legacies, — or from any other adventitious source. To his precise 
 business habits, his judgment, management, and economy, may be attributed 
 the secret of his wealth. In the subjoined extract from his father's WUI, it 
 is clear that Colston's inheritance was comparatively trifling; and which did not 
 come into his possession until he had expended far more in public charities. — 
 
 " 1676. Item. I give, devise, and bequeath unto my Sonne, Edward Colston, his heires 
 and assignees for ever, after the decease of my wife, all that messuage or tenement 
 and cottage, now used as one tenement, called and known by the name or names of 
 Chaunters' Place, also Knaphall, with all and singular the appurtenances, lands, &c. 
 situate, lying, and being in Hambrook, in the parish of Winterbourn, in the county 
 of Gloucester, to hold to him, his heires, and assignees for ever. Item. — I give and 
 bequeath unto my said Sonne, Edward Colston, his heires or assignees for ever, 
 after the decease of my said wife, all that messuage or tenement and three farundeUs 
 or three quarters of one yard land, with all and singular the appurtenances, lands, 
 &c., situate, lying, and being in Hambrook aforesaid, in the parish of Winterbourn, 
 in the county of Gloucester. To hold to him, his heirs, or assignees for ever. 
 Item. — I further give and bequeath unto my said Sonne, Edward Colston, one 
 thousand pounds of lawful money of England." 
 
 He also gave to Colston a third part of the rents and profits of two houses, 
 and a warehouse lying in St. Peter's parish, held on lease from the Dean and 
 Chapter of Bristol, and a third part of his Goods and Chattels after the death 
 
320 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 of his wife, and appointed Colston his executor. The remaining two parts 
 were di\dded between his sons, Richard and Thomas. Colston will be found 
 hereafter renewing the lease of the last-named property, of which he eventually 
 became the sole possessor. 
 
 Thus have we come upon the long-sought footprints of our Philanthropist, — 
 and have traced them to his early home. He is now before us, — ^happy or 
 miserable, in the fearful responsibility of great riches. "We prize and value 
 that on which the energies of the mind, and the patient labour of years have 
 been employed to purchase. Had Colston set his heart here, where his 
 treasure was 1 Did he find his joy in counting his stores, — forgetful of the 
 moth and the rust that corrupt, — and of his sacred and hallowed stewardship 1 
 There is, in 1684, a solitary entry of £100, in his name, on the benefaction- 
 book of Christ's Hospital. But there is no record of any contribution from 
 him, to any of the charitable institutions, in his native City, Whether any 
 incident awoke his soul to an awful impression of his important trust, cannot 
 now be ascertained. From all that has descended to us, we see at this period 
 no sign of that beautiful pervading spirit of philanthropy and benevolence, 
 that guided all his future ways, and accompanied his pilgrimage, blessing and 
 blessed to its peaceful and happy close. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1684, Colston is before us in connection with 
 the pecuniary transaction from which, it will be remembered, arose our first 
 notice of him in our records. His name is aflB.xed to a receipt, for a portion 
 of the interest of money lent the Corporation. Here is the receipt: — 
 
 " / doe acknowledge to have reed, of John Cooke, Chamberlaine, of tf Citty of Bristol, 
 one hundred and sixteen pounds, heing so much due for interest ofy' eighteen hundred 
 pounds, lent the said Chambl' Michaelmas 1683, ^ifno other receipt appeare before, 
 this, may serve for one. 
 
 " Witnesse my hand in London, \Oth Decern., 1684. 
 
 " Edward Colston." 
 
 Suppressing the Eebellion, headed by the Duke of Monmouth, and other 
 contingencies had involved the Corporation to a considerable amount. Bur- 
 dened with debt, they were obliged to borrow to meet their liabilities. In this 
 emergency, they were assisted by Colston with the loan of £2000. 
 
 " Ordered that the two seals dated 28th Sep. 1685, to Mrs. Ann Colston, for £1100, 
 & 900, be cancelled, they having been given up at Mr. Edward Colston's desire ; in 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 321 
 
 "lieu of -two former bonds given him for £2000, one for £1800, the other for £200, 
 both still in Mr. Colston's custody." 
 
 Another receipt appertaining is before us. 
 
 " Reed, y' 5th Octoler, 1685, of Mr. John Cooke, Chatnberlaine,the sums of one hundred 
 pounds, heing so much due to me y' ^'dth Septemb. last, for interest of two thousand 
 pounds Lent y' Citty on their Seale, I say reed. ^ me. 
 
 "Edward Colston." 
 Colston, in 1686, made application to be repaid. A Committee was 
 appointed to make the necessary arrangements. These were not satisfactory 
 to him. He was as fully determined to have his money from the Corpo- 
 ration, as he had been to exact the admission of the boy into Christ's Hospital. 
 Apparently, the Corporation had annoyed him, at which he had taken 
 umbrage. He resorted to legal measures : — 
 
 " Oct. 13th, 1687. The Mayor, Sir Eichard Lane, recommends to the House the 
 business of Ijklr. Colston, ' that an extent is issued against the City.' It being 
 proposed that the Quit Rents of the Castle and Stockland, be security to such person, 
 who shall advance the money to Mr. Colston, or to Mr. Colston himself; and Mr. 
 Town Cleric, to take care of the conveyances for the Mortgagee to accept of £200, 
 at any time in discharge of the principle, and that Mr. Eomsey, Town Clerk, and 
 Mr. Yate take care to see to this."^ 
 
 In 1686, April 19th, £400, was paid to him, and in 1687, November 5th, the balance 
 was settled, including legal charges, which he had incurred, to Mr. Thomas Edwards. 
 
 Colston's determination to enforce the payment of his bond, would seem 
 to indicate a mercenary disposition. But, with no other evidence than the 
 simple statement of facts, as entered in the Corporation records, we cannot 
 justly arrive at any conclusion as to the motive by which he was actuated. 
 We know not the provocation he received. Even at this time, he may have 
 contemplated those noble monuments of his Benevolence that adorn our City; 
 on one of which alone — but a few years subsequently to the date of this trans- 
 action, he expended much more than the sum he was so resolute in recovering. 
 No sordid feeling, therefore, could have prompted this peremptory settlement 
 of his loan. 
 
 "We have found Colston in an honoured and distinguished position, without 
 being able to assign to him a local habitation. We have found him influential, 
 
 1 The Corporation directed the Manor of Hiaton, in Gloucestershire, should be sold. 
 
 T T 
 
322 
 
 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 respected, and affluent ; but we cannot point unto the spot where he abode. — 
 We cannot identify the dwelling that he called his home. Without further 
 information, than we have obtained up to this period, we have a feeble idea of 
 a restless, self-willed, eccentric man of business, who resided where his business 
 called him, whether at Bristol or London, — who lent out his money on 
 interest, and perversely insisted on being repaid, when it was not convenient 
 to the accommodated parties. And who, by annual fits of benevolence, left 
 bright lights relieving the darkness of a parsimonious life. It is probable, that 
 till this period he kept no establishment, — residing in lodgings when in London, 
 and with his mother when duty, engagements, or affection called him to his 
 native City. But we have now to associate him with a mansion still 
 remaining, though time-worn, dilapidated, and deserted. The retreat where, 
 
 while yet actively engaged in the pursuit of commerce, he occasionally sought 
 retirement from the bustle, the strife, and turmoil of the world. 
 
 Lysons, in his " Environs of London," pubUshed in 1792. writes, "An ancient 
 
1689.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 323 
 
 house at Mortlake,' now on lease to the Miss Aynscomhes, is said to have been 
 the residence of Cromwell ; during the present century it was the residence of 
 a more amiable, though a less elevated man, the benevolent Edward Colston, 
 the great benefactor to the City of Bristol." 
 
 Tradition has, however, so taken possession of the old house in the name of 
 Cromwell,^ that there is left no nook nor corner on which to found a gossip's 
 tale, for his amiable successor. It is, as though Cromwell had been its last 
 occupant, — as though the image of the stern fanatic excluded all others, — and 
 intruded itself into the peaceful chambers where the spirit of philanthropy 
 had dwelt. Leaving the apocryphal tradition, of the old mansion's former 
 habitancy, to the investigation of the antiquary, we turn to a passage of more 
 immediate interest to ourselves, — its certain possession by Colston. This must 
 have been somewhere about the spring of 1689, as on April 1st, at a vestry 
 meeting in the parish of Mortlake, he is nominated with others, and chosen 
 Auditor of the parish accounts. Whether he abode here previously to 
 engaging himself in parochial business, we have no means of ascertaining. 
 From this date, however, he appears to have been very regular in his attendance 
 at the meetings of the vestry. The first meeting, when his autograph signifies 
 his presence, is on May the 20th of this year. 
 
 At Mortlake, Colston lived without ostentation. His establishment was 
 limited to two male servants, " Arthur and John;" and two female, "Alice 
 and black Mary." He kept his carriage, chariot, and horses; which, from his 
 frequent journey ings to London and his native City, were in constant requisi- 
 tion. His style of Uving was simple ; conformable to his position as a private 
 gentleman. Economy, the habit of his hfe, regulated his expenditiire. If he 
 had any pursuit, beyond that to which the energies of his declining years were 
 devoted, it was the indulgence of a taste for ornamental gardening. Choice 
 shrubs and evergreens were cultivated in his grounds. The walks were grace- 
 fully laid out, carefully maintained, and decorated with statuary. 
 
 1 The village of Mortlake, in Surrey, is situated upon the banks of the Thames, about seven miles 
 from Hyde Park Corner. The name of the place is supposed by Lysons, to be derived from Mortuus 
 Imcus, or the Dead Lake. In Doomsday Book it is called Mortlage. In 1619, at tie &st introduction 
 of tapestry in this country, a manufactory was established here. 
 
 2 "By the assessments made during the Protectorate, it appears that Lord Park, Lord Tichboume, 
 and Sir John Ireton, Cromwell's City friends, had houses at Mortlake, but it is not believed that 
 Cromwell actually resided at Miss Aynscombe's house." — ^Ltsons. 
 
324 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Amidst the throes and convulsions of a great nation, — the warring elements 
 of political discord, — -amidst the iron rule of military despotism, — amidst sedi- 
 tion, persecution, and corruption, — amidst distracting controversies, plundering 
 ejections, atrocious plots, — ^murder, misery, blood, and plague, had Colston's 
 character been formed. We behold him in the prime and vigour of his years, 
 enriched by merchandise, respected, honoured, esteemed. With riches almost 
 boundless, and length of days, what might he not accomplish ? How did he 
 purpose to employ his possessions ■? The nearer ties of kindred he had none. 
 It was not for these he had accumulated. He had not ravened for wealth, 
 from avarice's deadly sin, — or he would not voluntarily have parted with his 
 treasure, to the extent we have already seen. Enough has been discerned, 
 to denote that Colston was impressed with the conviction, that a "• man's life 
 consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth ;" and that he 
 walked not i^i the smooth beaten path, — but in the rough, less-trodden road, — 
 whose end is happiness and glory. Colston sought this end, not by adding 
 coin to coin — acre to acre. Not in the pride of place, nor pomp of power. 
 Not in sumptuous equipage, nor fashion's vain pursuits. Not in ambition's 
 struggles, nor in dissipation's coils. Not in these did he seek happiness, — 
 but in the quiet calmness of a soul devoted to good intents. In soothing 
 the sigh of misery, — in drying the tears of affliction, — in feeding the hungry, — 
 in clothing the naked, — in his love to man, — ^he sought to glorify his God, 
 and to obtain that peace which passeth understanding ; — a foretaste of that 
 celestial happiness, that knoweth no end, — that is not for Time, but for 
 Eternity. 
 
 While tracing Colston in his peaceful way, great transactions are enacting. 
 In the kingdom, distracting controversies, uncertainties, and change. In our 
 City, feuds, — and animosities that extinguish religion, and make a people 
 wretched, — mournful emblems of a time of fear, distress and danger, which 
 then was. The pretended popish plot had fixed, as its instigators had desired, — 
 a brand of infamy and ingratitude on the whole body of Roman Catholics ; 
 and produced enmities amongst the Protestants, that did not easily wear 
 out. Suspicion and mistrust alighted on those who did not give full credence 
 to the " hideous romance." One of the best narrators of the event observes,^ 
 
 1 Ealph's History of England during the reigns of King WiUiam, Queen Ann, and King 
 George I. 
 
1680.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES, 325 
 
 " a strong faith in the plot was the test of all political merit ; not to believe 
 was to be a political reprobate ; and according to the zeal, was the cruelty of 
 the times. The terror excited by the plot^ had caused such a thirst of revenge, 
 that nothing but blood could satiate; every supposed criminal, was pre- 
 condemned ; and no sooner did the victim appear, but the people called out 
 for the sacrifice. Pity, was looked upon as not only impertinent, but almost 
 criminal ; and even the great prerogative of mercy, lodged in the Crown, was 
 of no use." Sir Robert Cann, one of the members in . Parliament, and Sir 
 Robert Yeamans, if submitted to the above test, would evidently come under 
 the head of political renegades. They did not possess that ample credence, 
 necessary to ensure them from molestation. Neither prudence nor judgment, 
 checked the expression of their thoughts. The result in times so excitable 
 may be easily foreseen. They became objects of suspicion. They Avere 
 summoned before the High Court of Parliament, to answer for their want of 
 faith. Of this transaction are the following particulars : — 
 
 " 28th October, 1680. An information being given the House, against Sir 
 Robert Yeamans, of Bristol, and against Sir Robert Cann, a member of this 
 House ; that they did in October, 1679, publicly declare that there was no 
 Popish plot, but a Presbyterian plot." 
 
 Mr. Rowe,^ Sword Bearer, of Bristol, (no creditable authority) who subse- 
 
 1 Sir Leoline Jeiikias writing to Mr. Sidney, July 24tli, 1680, says, " Letters from several parts 
 beyond the seas, do tell us that we are represented there as if we were already in a flame. Blessed 
 be God, we are much more quiet than the malicious report of the many, both at home and abroad, 
 would have us to be. — Diary of the Times of Charles II. 
 
 2 " April 12th, 1681. Eowe was presented by the Grand Jury, 'tq be a common sewer of discord 
 and strife, and one of a vicious life and conversation.' — May 31st. Jn" Eoe, Sword Bearer, dismissed 
 from ofloe, a for having borne false witness against several persons of quality in this City, — ^for refusing 
 to come from London when required by the Mayor, — for neglect of duty in refusing to carry the Sword 
 before his worship, 27th October, 1680 ; — and for speaking very opprobrious words of the Magistracy 
 and Government." Eoe was a member of the Society of Merchants, from which he was dismissed, 
 15th Oct., 1683. "He was suspected to have engaged in the late horrid conspiracy against the 
 life of his sacred Majesty, and his only and dearest brother, James Duke of York. He fled to 
 Eotterdam and other parts beyond the seas." — Nov. 15th. The Mayor produced a mandamus for 
 restoring Jno Eowe to the office of Sword Bearer, and of his having retained Mr. Sanders, Mr. 
 Powlett,!' and the Town Clerk, as Counsel; and Mr. Sheriff and Mr. HeUier, as Solicitors." 
 
 a August 12tli, Mr. Daniel Pymn was chosen in Ms place. 
 
 b January, 1682, The salary paid to Mr. Powlett, as standing Counsel for the City, to be withdrawn in 
 future, and he to be relieved. 
 
326 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 quently engaged in the Rye-house Plot, was called to the Bar of the House of 
 Commons, and bore witness to the fact, that Yeamans and Cann, had both 
 publicly declared there " was no Popish plot." This was likewise attested by 
 Sir John Knight. Thereupon, Sir Robert Cann,^ a choleric old gentleman, 
 was called upon to make his defence. Standing in his place, he uttered several 
 reflecting expressions against the busy Knight: — " that as for the credit of Sir 
 John, ia Bristol, it is such, that a jury of twelve men, his neighbours, will not 
 believe his testimony ;" and repeated, with a blasphemous oath, " it is true." 
 Sir Robert Cann, was then ordered to be brought to the Bar of the House, and 
 upon his knees receives a reprehension from Mr. Speaker. This is not all. 
 Sir Robert is found guilty of publicly declaring, in the City of Bristol, October, 
 1679, ^'■that there was no Popish Plot, but a Preslyterian Plot ; and is here- 
 upon committed to the prison of the Tower, and expelled the House. He 
 was then brought to the Bar, and upon his knees, received the judgment of 
 the House; and the Speaker was ordered to issue out his warrant to the 
 Constable of the Tower, to take the body of Sir Robt. Cann into custody, and 
 to detain him during the pleasure of the House." Sir Robert Yeamans was 
 also sent for in custody of the Serjeant at Arms, to answer for his want of 
 faith in the Popish Plot. He was also committed to the Tower. But 
 although a prisoner of State, Sir Robert Cann is soon weary of his bondage ; 
 he speedily becomes discreetly humble and submissive. November 8th, a 
 petition from him is read, " whereby he acknowledges his offence, and begs 
 the pardon of the House ; and to be released from his imprisonment." His 
 
 1 " Sir Eobert Cann was chosen into the 'Westminster Parliament, in the time of Charles II., 
 when the anti-petitioners and abhorrers were mortified. It was found afterwards that a rebellion 
 was then hatching ; and the instnunents were every where active, and particularly Bristol, where one 
 Eowe, the Sword-bearer, was as busy ia mischief as the best ; and being accused in the Eye discovery, 
 he took to his heels. About that time there was in Bristol a loyal party, much superior to the 
 faction, and Sir Eobt. Cann was one of them. They all had found out that this Eowe was a rascal ; 
 and though he was their officer, yet they held him in utter detestation. But ia order to lay hold 
 on some persons, or proceedings in Bristol, on account of abhorring (the history of which is to be 
 found in the Examen,) the factious party caused this Eowe to be brought up to testify against 
 some of his masters. Sir Eobt. Cann, ever violent, passionate, and hasty, was so provoked at such 
 
 his appearing, that in the Parliament-house he swore, "By G— d, he was a d d rogue." For 
 
 this swearing, he was sent to the Tower, where (being a little too stiff to kneel) he lay tUl the 
 Parliament rose. After which, he came out, and was entertained very civilly at his son's house." — 
 Lives of the Three North, III., 137-8. 
 
1680.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 327 
 
 prayer was granted. The Speaker was ordered to issue out his warrant for' 
 Sir Robert's discharge accordingly. Sir Robert Yeamans pursued the same 
 course. " Nov. 12th. He acknowledged the offence by him committed, and 
 humbly begged for pardon; and there kneeling, Mr. Speaker, after giving 
 him the censure of the House, acquainted him that he was discharged, — 
 paying his fees." ' 
 
 Upon the expulsion of Sir Robert Cann from the House of Commons, a 
 Mr. Henley, whose character appears equivocal,^ is brought forward to occupy 
 the vacant seat. He was opposed by the Corporation. A meeting of the 
 House, 6th November, directed a Petition to be presented to the Parliament, 
 against a claim made by that gentleman, " who pretended to be duly elected, 
 who in truth was not so," praying a writ might be issued to elect a new 
 member in the room of Sir Robert Cann; and that Mr. Crumpe, [Mayor in 
 1677] should attend the House of Commons, and present the Petition, with 
 the Mayor, Sir Richard Hart, — and Sir John Knight, then in London, was 
 desired to assist them. December, 20th, Mr. Treby reports from the Com- 
 mittee of elections and privileges, to whom the matter of the election for the 
 City of Bristol was referred : — 
 
 " That the Committee having taken the same into their consideration had agreed that 
 
 the election for the City of Bristol as to Mr. Henley was void." * 
 " Mr. Treby further reports to the House that Sir John Lloyd, late Mayor, WiUiam 
 
 Jackson, and William Clutterbuck, Sheriffs, of the said City of Bristol, did at the 
 
 time of the said election, impose an oath upon the electors before they came to give 
 
 their voices in these words, viz. :" — 
 "- You shall swear that you are a freeman, and that you have not given your voice 
 
 already." 
 
 1 Journal of the House of Commons. 
 
 2 "September, 1679. Ordered, that the thanks of the House be given to Mr. Mayor, for Ms 
 prudent behaviour in the whole management of the matter with Mr. Henley, upon his demand of a 
 certificate of his taking the oath of allegiance in order to his freedom of the City, and that Mr. 
 Mayor be justified and defended in aU things done by him ia that matter ; and that the six seniors 
 of the House, be appoiated a Committee to iaspect iato and enquire of what duties the City, and 
 Sheriffs have beep defrauded, by reason of his trading in this City, he not being free of tJie same, and 
 who has sold and used his goods, and that a report of the matter be made to the next House, 
 in order to a further proceeding against him." 
 
 3 Sir Richard Hart, Mayor, was paid for his charges in London about Mr. Henley's election, 
 £115 : 6 : 8. 
 
328 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Ordered, that the said Sir John Lloyd, William Jackson, and William Clutterbuck, 
 Esqrs.,^ be sent for in custody of the Sergeant at Arms, attending this House, to 
 answer at the bar of this House for the misdemeanours by them committed at the 
 said election." 
 " Ordered, that Mr. Speaker do issue out his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to 
 make out 'a, new writ for the election of a citizen to serve in this present Parliament 
 for the City of Bristol."^ Sir Walter Long, Bart., was elected." 
 The last Parliament the King ever convened, met at Oxford, in March 
 1681. After sitting seven days, it vi^as abruptly dissolved by his Majesty.^ 
 The candidates for Bristol were the Mayor [Sir Richard Hart] a violent Tory, 
 and Sir Thomas Earle, a moderate Whig. Against them, were the Recorder, 
 Sir Robert Atkins, usually considered to be of the low party, and Sir John 
 Knight, a high party man. The two former were returned.* " The meeting 
 at Oxford resembled rather that of a Polish diet, than that of an English 
 Parliament. The Whig members were escorted by great numbers of their 
 armed and mounted tenants and serving men, who exchanged looks of defiance 
 with the royal guards. The slightest provocation might, under such circum- 
 stances, have produced a civil war, but neither side dared to strike the first 
 blow.'"' March, 17th. The Mayor thanked the Corporation for their kindness, 
 in choosing him for their representative in Parliament, signified his intention 
 to go to Oxford on the following morning, and desired the instructions of the 
 House. Several gentlemen of the House declared their satisfaction in the choice. 
 The defeated party did not submit without an eff'ort. March 24th, a petition 
 was presented to Parliament from Sir Robert Atkins, Knight of the Bath ; Sir 
 John Knight, and other burgesses and freeholders touching the election. 
 
 1 "November, 19tli, 1681. Messrs. Jackson and Clutterbuck were paid £90, towards their 
 expenses in a journey to London, touching the return made by them as Sheriffs, in the year 1679, 
 of Sir Eobert Cann, and Sir John KJaight, elected members of Parliament for the City." 
 
 2 Journal of the House of Commons. 
 
 3 The King took the Commons completely by smprise. "By the steps, says Burnet, which the 
 Commons had aheady made ; the King saw what might be expected from them ; so very suddenly, 
 and not very decently, he came to the House of Lords, the Crown being carried between his feet in 
 a sedan, and he put on his robes in haste, without any previous notice, and called up the Commons 
 and dissolved the Parhament, and went with such haste to Windsor, that it looked as if he was 
 afraid of the crowd that this meeting had brought to Oxford." 
 
 * Seyer. 
 
 5 Macaulay's Hist. I, 261. 
 
1680.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 329 
 
 When it was " ordered that the matter of the said Petition be heard at the 
 Bar of this House on next Monday seven night," Further proceedings not 
 related. 
 
 Eeference has been made to the Presentments of the Grand Juries, as 
 exercising a great influence upon the age ; and placing before us a faithful 
 picture of the social, and polemical condition of our City. At this conjuncture 
 of aff'airs, they fill up a hiatus, — and Uluminate a void. Though somev?hat 
 lengthy, they are so characteristic and veracious, that their admission is indis- 
 pensable. We read in them, the warring elements of religious rancour, — 
 indications sad and stern ; gravely ominous of evil days. — The near approach 
 of a Papist to the Crown. — The little effect of the " Test Act." The advance, 
 instead of the retardation of Popery, that had followed the introduction of 
 that act,^ — all conspired to awaken the fears of the people, and to spread 
 before them a long vista of calamities. But the sentiments of the Grand Jury, 
 steadfast believers in the " Hellish plots of Popish adversaries," will best 
 express the feelings of this locality. 
 
 " CiviTAs Beistol, 
 
 "To the Eight Worshipful! Joseph Creswicke, Esq., Mayor, &c., &c.j the 
 humble Presentment of the Grand Inquest, * * * continued by adjournment firom 
 July 13th, 1680. 
 
 "We the Grand Jury, caUed to the service by your Worship ; under the most sacred 
 and solemn engagement to use aU. faithfulness and sincerity herein — Do in the 
 deepest sense of our duty, and with a most hearty zeal for the safety and preser- 
 vation of his Majesty's Royal person, our most gracious sovereign, — the true 
 Protestant religion by law established in this kingdom — and the peace and prosperity 
 thereof, in general, — and of this City in particular— m this time of so apparent danger, 
 from the many hellish plots, both at home and abroad, — from our malicious Popish 
 adversaries, against the life of his sacred Majesty, our religion, and our peace — 
 Humbly crave leave to lay before your Worships, the distracted condition of this 
 City, occasioned by the unhappy dissensions and animosities of late arisen herein ; 
 
 1 This Act intended for security against Papists, comiiig into employment ; had so little effect, 
 that either by dispensations had from Eome, they submitted to those tests and held their offices 
 themselves ; or those put in their plaees, were so favourable to the same iaterests, that Popery 
 itself has rather gained, than lost ground since that Act. A bull was set up in St. James's Chapel, 
 with orders to aU Confessors, to absolve men for taking the oaths, and the test. — Haebis's Life of 
 Charles II., II. 166. 
 
 U U 
 
330 EDWAED COLSTON, 
 
 " to which some men, we fear more in gratification to their own private prejudices, 
 passions and disgusts, — than of any sincere intention to the public good, (whatever 
 may be pretended to the contrary) hath given manifest progress and encouragement. 
 Strange, that when a danger so evident, declared by so many royal proclamations, 
 and by many other open and incontestable proofs ; the wicked designs of the Jesuits, 
 who are the declared enemies both of our Religion and Government ; and that 
 threatens the destruction both of King and people ; at this time more heats and 
 animosities should be fermented amongst us, than hath been since his Majesty's 
 most happy restoration j * * * which gives us just cause to suspect, however such 
 men cover themselves, under the umbrage of great zeal and religion, — that they are 
 inflamed by Jesuitical principles; for the Jesuits have not a fairer prospect of 
 bringing us under the tyranny of Kome, than by continuing and carrying on of 
 differences amongst ourselves. Divide et Impera, is their maxim, from this evil 
 spirit and principle, this City hath been represented as ill inclined to his Majesty's 
 person and Government. Our worthy Mayor, a person of unquestionable loyalty 
 to the King, and of exemplary zeal for the Church, traduced as fanatically disposed ; 
 and all those true sons of the Church of England, who have any moderation to 
 Dissenting Protestants, to be more dangerous to the Church, than the Papists 
 themselves ; when, we cannot but think that an hearty union amongst all Protestants, 
 is now more than ever necessary, to preserve us from our open and avowed enemy. 
 "We have humbly made this representation to your Worships, that you in your great 
 wisdom may take such lawful methods as may vindicate yourselves, this City,i and 
 the Government thereof, from the obloquy and reproach cast on it, and may conduce 
 to the peace, welfare, and tranquillity thereof."^ 
 
 Protestant Dissenters were marked as enemies of the King and Government. 
 We see in this address, that persons behaving with any moderation towards 
 them, were considered more dangerous than the Papists themselves. At this 
 period also, the two powerful parties, — which, till lately, have since divided the 
 nation, began to be distinguished under the names of Whig and Tory.'' The 
 
 1 "1677. October SOtii. The City and the Govemm'' thereof, having been aspersed by persons 
 in London, — The Mayor, Sir John Knight, or either of them now going to London, are desired to 
 remove the aspersions as much as they can." 
 
 2 Signed by — John Hine, George Mason, Eiohard Codrington, Edward Bright, Pranois 
 Fisher, Abraham Weare, WiUiam Browne, James Msher, Arthur Grant, Eobert Bound, Eiohard 
 Taylor, "William Lewis, "William Scott, John Hawkins, John Chesheire, Eichard "Wastfield, John 
 "Wolver, John Harris, "Wm. Bethe. 
 
 3 When four Indian kings visited this country, about 1710, they had two interpreters, one 
 Tory, one "Whig. " The Tory told them, that this island was very much infested with a monstrous 
 
1680.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 331 
 
 Whigs, or low churclimen, were the more zealous Protestants, and declared 
 enemies of Popery. The Tories, or high churchmen, stood on the other side of 
 the prerogative, and were for advancing the honour of the King. They inclined 
 more to a coalition with the Papists, than with the Presbyterians.' 
 
 Somewhere about this period, — our citizens are a little diverted from their 
 continued dissensions, by the appearance of an enormous star, of unequalled 
 lustre. Conjecture is filled with its presage. Manuscript Calendars^ note the 
 year 1682, as distinguished " by a wonderful comet, or blazing star, which 
 continued to be seen many weeks. It rose in the West, and set in the East ; 
 its brush, or tail, at first was of so prodigious length, that it extended almost 
 from the horizon to the mid-heaven ; but it grew shorter and shorter tUl it 
 wholly disappeared." A comet, rising and setting contrary to the motion of 
 other heavenly bodies, is a vulgar error, frequently perpetrated by our old 
 chroniclers. There is probably, an anachronism in the MS. Calendar, unless 
 there was another celebrated comet, of whose later advent we are ignorant. 
 We are inclined to consider this comet of " prodigious length," the same which 
 alarmed the superstitious fears of Evelyn, in 1680. He describes, with gloomy 
 forebodings, its appearance : — 
 
 " This evening, looking out of my chamber window towards the West, I saw a meteor 
 of an obscure colour, very much in shape Hke the blade of a sword ; the rest of the 
 sky very serene and clear. What this mayportend, God only knows, — but such another 
 phenomenon I remember to have seen in 1640, about the trial of the great Earl of 
 StaflFord, preceding our bloody rebellion. I pray God avert his judgments ! We have 
 had of late several comets, — which, though I believe they appear from natural causes, 
 and of themselves operate not, yet I cannot despise them ; they may be warnings 
 from God, as they commonly are animadversions. After many days and nights of 
 snow-clouds, and dark weather, the comet was very much wasted."^ In a letter 
 from Mr. Sidney, at Amsterdam, to Sir LeoHne Jenkins, December 7th, 1680, he 
 says, " The blazing star, I suppose, hath given you an account of itself." Mr. 
 
 kind of animal, in the shape of men, called Whigs ; and that he hoped ' they should meet with 
 none of them in their way, for that if they did, they would be apt to knock them down for being 
 kings.' The other interpreter, ' talked very much of an animal, caUed a Tory, that was as great a 
 monster as the Whig, and would treat them ill for being foreigners.' These two creatures, it seems, 
 are bom with a secret antipathy to one another, and engage, when they meet, as naturally as the 
 elephant and rhinoceros." — ^Aidison. 
 
 1 ISTeale's Hist. Puritans. 2 Quoted by Seyer, II., 516. 3 Evelyn Mem. I., 532. 
 
332 EDTVARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Sidney's Diary, December 12th, 1680. " I was at my Lady Delavall's, and was 
 called out to see the blazing star." Again, December 16th, " The blazing star, or 
 meteor, was seen from five o'clock to half-past six."* 
 
 Much animosity was occasioned by the last election of members in Parlia- 
 ment for this City. Education and refinement had not then subdued the 
 bitter and violent passions, that, like a huge gulph, divided the contending 
 parties ; and produced a scene of discord, in which the amenities of private 
 life, and the courtesies of society, were alike disregarded. This particular 
 contest gave birth to a singular occurrence, in which Sir Robert Atkyns, the 
 Recorder, is the prominent feature. In all the transactions which Sir Robert 
 had had with the City, during his many years of office, he maintained a quiet 
 and stately composure in his intercourse with the Corporation ; treating 
 apparently, with indifference, their petty-minded squabbles, and bickerings on 
 trifles, concerning which he was so frequently pestered. And by his tem- 
 perate, wise counsels, and mediation, — mitigated enmities, subdued the 
 irritation of wounded pride, and softened the rancour of political hatred. As 
 the circumstance we are about to relate, gives us not only an insight into his 
 character, but also into that of some of the leading citizens ; and presents to 
 our notice, the contending parties whose disputes agitated the City, and con- 
 tributed to its unrest, we will add our gleanings on the subject, to the 
 narrative of Seyer; condensed, or transcribed, according as the interest of the 
 information may require. 
 
 Alderman Sir John Lloyd was dead. There was a vacancy on the Bench. 
 The Mayor, Sir Richard Hart, in a spirit of partisanship, refused to call a 
 meeting of the Aldermen for choosing a successor. The majority wished to 
 elect Mr. Thomas Day [Sheriff in 1670]. He stood next in succession ; but 
 the Mayor opposed him,^ and endeavoured to defer the election ; until, by the 
 absence of some of his [Mr. Day's] opponents; particularly of Sir Robert 
 Atkins, he might ensure a majority of his friends. Three several times had 
 the Recorder proposed to the Mayor to hold a meeting for- the election. Three 
 several times had the Mayor refused. Whereupon Sir Robert, as senior 
 Alderman, and five^ others, gave notice of their intention of doing so, the 5th 
 
 1 Diary of the Times of Charles II. The Hon. Henry Sidney was Envoy to the Court of Holland. 
 
 2 The Mayor's prejudice against this gentleman was prohably increased, from Mr. Day voting 
 against him at the election for Parliament. 
 
 s Sir John Knight, John Lawford, Joseph Creswicke, WiUiam Crahh, and John Hickes. 
 
1681.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 333 
 
 March. At the time of the meeting, Sir Richard Hart was standing at the 
 door of the Tolzey. He declined attending, and walked loftily away. Regard- 
 less of his absence, the six Aldermen, unanimously elected Mr. Thomas Day to 
 the vacancy. The Mayor was incensed. He caused the Recorder, and Aldermen 
 Knight, Lawford, and Creswicke, to be indicted for a conspiracy and riot. At 
 the Quarter Sessions, October 4th, the Grand Jury presented, — 
 
 " Sir Robert Atkins, Knt. of the Bath, and Recorder, for withdrawing himself and 
 departing from the Gaol Delivery, by the presentment and indictment at large ; also 
 for his denial to swear Sir Richard Hart,' and Alderman Long, duly elected ; Sir 
 Robt. Atkins, Recorder, Sir John Knight, John Lawford, Esq., and Joseph Creswicke, 
 Esq., Aldermen, for assembling and uniting themselves ; and calling a Court of 
 Aldermen, and electing Mr. Thomas Day an Alderman, without the presence of the 
 Mayor, contrary to law and the Charter of Henry VII." It will be observed that 
 although there were six Aldermen, and all unanimous in their choice, four only were 
 indicted. A prudent and cautious policy. It would have been too gross, and 
 palpable to have indicted six Justices of the Peace, before a lesser number of their 
 brethren. This strange indictment was tried at the Assizes at Bristol, by Nisi 
 Prius. The defendants were found guilty. " And thereupon Sir Robert Atkins, 
 
 1 Sir Eobert's attention is called to Sir Eichard Hart's not being sworn, in the following letter ; 
 in which the cogent reasoning of the worthy Mayor will he admired : — 
 
 " Sir, — By the advice of our Aldermen, whom I called together since I was sworn Mayor of 
 Bristol, I have appointed the 18th day of this inst. October, (and to that day we shall take care to 
 adjourn oiu: Sessions,) for holding a Court of Gaol DeHvery for this City and County, — as the copy of 
 our order on the other side appears. We have three felons to be tried, who have been long in our 
 prison, — and we think it fit they should be deHvered or condenmed, before the next term calls me to 
 London; where fas my predecessors hme done,) I go to take ths oaths hy law required; wherefore, we 
 all expecting it, I desire you not to fail to be here at the time appointed for oiu? G-aol DeHvery, 
 because you Jcnow we cannot deliioer ov/r Gaol without you; and your presence is further necessary here, 
 to swear Sir Eiohard Hart an Alderman of our City, who hath been chosen long since, and cannot he 
 sworn but by the Recorder. 
 
 " I am, your humble Servant, 
 
 " Thomas Eaele, Mayor. 
 "Bristol, prime October, 1681. 
 " To the Honourable Sir Eobert Atkins, Knight of the Bath and Bart., 
 at Sergeant's Inn, in Pleet Street, London." 
 Mr. Hart had been elected an Alderman near twelvemonths, 11th October, 1680. " Eichaxd 
 Hart, Esq. was elected an Alderman of this City, but the swearing of him deferred, by reason the 
 Charter do give authority for Aldermen to be sworn only before the Mayor and Eecorder, except in 
 the case of a Eecorder only." 
 
334 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " one of the defendants in Michaelmas Term, 1682, came into the Court of King's 
 Bench, and in arrest of judgment argued his own case ; not as counsel, not at the 
 bar, but in the Court in his cloak, having a chair set for him, by order of the Lord 
 Chief Justice." He begins by making several legal objections to the indictment ; 
 resting his defence on the ground that the Mayor is not so great a personage as the 
 indictment supposes, and that if he will not do his duty by calling the Aldermen 
 together for an election, the majority are justifiable in assembling for that purpose 
 without him. Several passages in the report of his speech show the extreme 
 violence of the contending factions. In the case of the swearing of an Alderman 
 by the express word of the charter, he says, " it cannot be done but before the 
 Mayor and Recorder both. This Sii- Eichard Hart, was duly chosen an Alderman 
 long ago, but not sworn until the last Gaol Delivery, when we were going to try 
 the felons. I being present, they thought that sufficient to satisfy the Charter ; and 
 in a tumultous manner, with a hideous noise, they cried out to swear him ; and this 
 was not the usual place neither for it. I opposed the swearing of him in, and I 
 will justify it, that he was utterly unfit to be sworn, by something that happened 
 since his being elected an Alderman. They would not hear me, but resolved to 
 proceed to swear him, because I was present with the Mayor. Thereupon I 
 withdrew, and in my absence they went on to swear him, and he now acts as an 
 Alderman, and as a Justice of Peace, under this colour." Sir Robert's conclusion is 
 remarkable. "I have been Recorder of Bristol these one -and -twenty years; 
 longer I think than any man can be remembered. — I have sworn all the Alder- 
 men that are now upon the Bench in my time, and many more who are now dead. 
 I can say it without vanity, — till the time of this unhappy election of members to 
 the Oxford Parliament, which I sought not, — I had the good will of all sides, even of 
 this Mr. Mayor, who was Sir Richard Hart, for I never would join with any party; 
 but did all I could when I came amongst them to join them together and unite 
 them ; for ever since they grew rich and full of trade and knighthood, too much sail, 
 and too little lallast, they have leen miserably divided. And unless this Court, to 
 whom I think it properly belongs, upon complaint in such cases, will examine their 
 disorders, and command peace and order to be observed in our proceedings, I cannot 
 safely attend there any more, nor hold any Gaol Delivery." Whereupon the Court 
 arrested the judgment. 
 
 The Bristol merchants were at this epoch, truly an example of how oft pros- 
 perity changes the heart, — giving to humility the step of arrogance, — and 
 to simplicity, ostentation and parade. They had seen many dark and anxious 
 days. — Their resources had been successively drained by Royalists and Re- 
 publicans. They had struggled hard with adversity, — and in aU the convulsions 
 
1681.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 335 
 
 of faction wliicli had distracted the City, had ever sought the peace and welfare 
 of the community. Now, that riches had increased, and honours were thrust 
 upon them,— instead of turning to the Giver of All, with thankful and 
 grateful minds, — in idle disputes about trifles, inflated with pride, and burning 
 with political hatred, — they banish peace and harmony from their councils, 
 for disquietude of heart, and bitter strife. It is to this change that Sir 
 Robert alludes. 
 
 Sir Robert was yet in the way.^ The Tories desired one of their own party 
 as Recorder. Nothing less than the removal of Sir Robert would satisfy them. 
 No time was lost. Other charges were brought against him. Common Council, 
 15th of the following November. " Sir John Knight, Sherifi", preferred several 
 articles against Sir Robert Atkins, the Recorder of the City." The articles 
 were ordered to be entered in the Council Books. Sir Robert is summoned 
 to appear at the CouncU House, to answer the charges. Appointing the time, 
 was left to the Mayor, Sir Thomas Earle, but " limited to within three months 
 from the day of the meeting. A copy of the articles to be sent Sir Robert 
 Atkins."^ 
 
 Sir Robert did not appear at the CouncU House " to answer the 
 charges." He resigned his Recordership before the year expired ; all that 
 his adversaries required by their indictment. Sir Richard Hart, and the 
 Tories were triumphant. "Modern Reports" does not enter into the motives that 
 actuated Sir Robert to this course. It merely states that he resigned by 
 persuasion of his friends. Our annals inform us " that he was compelled by 
 the King to resign his ofiice, having too much abetted with the fanatics." In 
 his resignation, he does not say by whom, or what were the inducements that 
 influenced him. 
 
 "To all to whom these presents shall come. Sir Kobert Atkins, Knight, of the 
 honourable order of the Bath, sendeth greeting. Know ye that the said Sir Robert 
 
 1 After the dispute with Sir Eobert Atkins, and whUe the Chamber was yet smarting under his 
 reproof, a majority sought to touch biTn on what they considered a vulnerahle point. It was carried 
 August 12th, 1681. " That the City for the future [was] not to he at the expense of maintainiag 
 the Eecorder at the Gaol Delivery." February 6th, 1683, this order was repealed " in considera- 
 tion of the great worth of Sir John Churchill." 
 
 2 1683. " Paid Su- Eichard Hart, Knight, £82 : 9., bemg so much expended by the Committee 
 appointed by the House, to manage the prosecuting of Su- Eobert Atkins, for neglecting the duty of 
 his offices." 
 
336 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Atkins, for divers considerations him thereunto moving ; hath surrendered, required, 
 and yielded up unto the Mayor, Burgesses, and Commonalty, of the City of 
 Bristol, his office of Eecorder of the said City ; and of the place of one of the 
 Aldermen of the said City. In witness whereof, the said Sir Kobert Atkins, hath 
 hereunto set his hand and seal, dated the tenth day of December, in the year of 
 our Lord God, 168£. " Robeet Atkins." 
 
 Sir Robert has resigned. The Corporation are content. Sir John 
 Churchill, of Lincoln's Inn, Attorney General to the Duke of York, occupies 
 his place. Sir John, in 1676, had solicited the freedom of the City, through 
 Aldermen Streamer, and OUiffe. It was presented him on the motion of the 
 Mayor, Sir Robert Cann, " as a testimony of their respect for so worthy a 
 person." The same year he was unanimously elected a member of the Society 
 of Merchants. Such was the strong party feeling prevailing, that his appoint- 
 ment as Recorder was celebrated as a triumph. Bonfires were made on the 
 occasion. 
 
 The execution of Stafford closed the dismal year 1680. Fearful for England's 
 liberty were the following years until the Revolution. The CroAvn with its 
 minions were prepared to do its worst towards establishing its prerogative. 
 What would now be called gross corruption, was practised without disguise, and 
 without reproach. There never was a period in this Christian land in which aU 
 the virtues of life were so little regarded. Tory Sherifis were everywhere thrust 
 into place. Packed Tory juries were organized. All the Corporations in the 
 Kingdom were to be submerged and strangled by means of Quo Warrantos} 
 An exciting feature of the times, was the sham plots contrived by the Tories, 
 and the Warrants issued against the leaders of the Whig party, for seditious 
 language, — as in the case of Sir Robert Cann and Sir Robert Yeamans. The 
 Presentments of theGrand Juries, especially embodythe sentiments and tendency 
 of the Government, and develope the persecuting spirit of the age. Some of 
 these belonging to this important crisis, while they corroborate, add value to 
 general history, and throw light on local events, which the shadow of Time has 
 rendered faint and obscure. Persecution appeared to be synonymous with 
 power, and the Whigs and Nonconformists, were now as much persecuted by 
 the Tories, as in the wildest days of fanaticism the subdued Royalists, had been 
 
 1 Macaulay, Hist. Pictorial England. 
 
1681.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES, 337 
 
 by the Puritans. Sir John Knight, with whose character the reader is ac- 
 quainted, — irritated probably,by his late defeat in contesting the representation 
 of the City in Parliament, gets into a passion with one of his opponents. Sir 
 Eichard Hart, and breaks the peace. In consequence, at the General Quarter 
 Sessions, held the 12th April, 1681, the Grand Jury present him " for affronting 
 and assaulting Mr. Mayor [Sir Eichard Hart] in the execution of his office;" 
 also " for stigmatizing and brandishing his Majesty's subjects with odious and 
 ignominious names of Papists, &c." And the following members of the Corpora- 
 tion were presented for " publishing a writing under the title of a Petition, in 
 which are contained divers reproachful untruths and falsehoods, &c. : — Sir 
 Eobert Atkins, Sir John Knight, John Lawford, Aid"- Henry Merret, Henry 
 Gleson, W™ Dunning, Samuel Hale, Stephen Watts, John Hine, Hump^ 
 Corsley, Charles Plomer." Hale, Watts, and Hine were Nonconformists ; it 
 will be seen that in 1683, they are imprisoned for attending conventicles, 
 and discharged on paying their fees.^ 
 
 About this period, the King published a declaration to his loving 
 subjects, containing a recital of his Majesty's condescensions, for the security 
 of the Protestant religion ; and ordered the same to be read in all churches and 
 chapels throughout England. To support the credit of this declaration, the 
 Court used all its interest among the people. Addresses^ were sent from aU 
 
 1 "The Grand Jury of Bristol made a flaming presentment April 26, 1681. Sir J. Knight, 
 figured in it, for having called those who voted at the last election, 'Papists, Popish dogs, Jesuits, and 
 Popish devils.' Sir Eobert Atkins, was presented for having drawn up a petition to Parliament. 
 Sundry coffee houses and tippling houses are noticed, " which were commonly frequented, as well 
 on the Lord's days as other days, by many sehismatioal and seditious sectaries, and other disloyal per- 
 sons, — ^where, for their encouragement in tippUng, they were usually entertained with false news, lying 
 and scandalous libels, and pamphlets tending to the reproach and dishonour of the estabhshed religion, 
 and of his Majesty's Government, and divers of his great officers, and Ministers of State." The 
 desire to establish a censorship in the City merits attention. — The Jury recommended " that no 
 printed or written news or pamphlet, be suffered to be read there, except such as had been first shown 
 to Mr. Mayor, or the Ald° of the ward for the time being, where such coffee house is situated." 
 — State Paper Office. Sir L. jENsms' Domestic, IV., 86. Eobeets' Monmouth, I., 119. 
 
 2 Bristol Quarter Sessions, 20th February, 1682. The Grand Jury request the Court to joia 
 with them in presenting at his Majesty's feet a declaration of their devoted attachment to himself 
 and Government. To unite their prayers that God might bless his Majesty with a long and pros- 
 perous reign, and that they " may never want one of his Eoyal race to sway the sceptre of this 
 kingdom tiU time shall be no more." They thank the Eight Eev. the Lord Bishop [Wm. Goulson], 
 
 X X 
 
338 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 parts, and from all classes, thanking his Majesty for his declaration, — and 
 promising to protect his person and Government, with their lives and fortunes. 
 In these addresses, the Nonconformists, who did not join, had all the hatred 
 and malevolence of the Court-party directed against them. In a double 
 character, as Whigs and Dissenters, they bore the badge of suffering, and were 
 treated vnth. indignity, contumely, and reproach. Prosecutions were directed 
 against them in all the Courts of Justice in the nation. Many endured 
 long imprisonments. Others, driven wanderers from their habitations, 
 were forced into exile never to return. And numerous, able, and consci- 
 entious ministers, with their families, were reduced to penury and want. 
 The moral world presented a living volcano, vomiting forth the flames of every 
 evil passion, and every harmful thought, — to the destruction of social order, 
 and the corruption and degradation of humanity. " It was a time," says 
 Clarendon, " tvhen all license in discourse, and in actions was spread over the 
 kingdom, to the heart-breaking of many good men, who had terrible appre- 
 hension of the consequence of it." 
 
 Some benefit has been conferred upon the City, by the Lord-Lieutenant, 
 the Marquis of Worcester. The Corporation are solicitous, by a public 
 demonstration of respect, to show him how gratefully they appreciate 
 his services. This was either to be done by presenting him with the freedom 
 of the City, — by the usual offering of wine and sugar, — or, by inviting him to 
 a dinner. The first would not cost much. The second would intrench 
 somewhat upon their funds. The last would be extremely costly ■ — but 
 then the enjoyment of the feast would be participated by themselves. This 
 thought was decisive, and a dinner it was to be : — 
 
 Common Council, September 3rd, 1681. "Mr. Mayor, laid a letter from the Lord 
 Marquis of "Worcester, which was read to the House, when it was resolved, 
 that Alderman Hickes, Alderman Crump, and Mr. Knight should go to 
 
 for the influence of his usual presence ; and also hope that all good subjects will pray " that God 
 may bless the City, and defend it from all pubUc calamities, and its government and privileges from 
 the undermioing designs of all men of what quahty soever." " The Court concurs with this 
 declaration of abhorrence of all combinations, and associations, contrary to law and his Majesty's 
 consent and approbation. In testimony whereof we subscribe our names, this 28th February, 1681-2. 
 Thomas Earle, Mayor ; "William BristoU, Eobert Cann, John Knight, Joseph Creswioke, Eoberfc 
 Yeamans, John Hickes, Ealph OUiffe, WiUiam Crabb, Richard Hart ; Eichard Lane, John Knight, 
 Sheriffs ; John Eomsey, Town Clerk.* 
 
 a " April 15, 1676. Chosen Town Clerk, vice Eobert Ald-\vorth, deceased, rreedom voted liim, and to give 
 security for the faithful discharge of the office." 
 
1681.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 339 
 
 "Badminton, and invite to the City, the Lord Marquis, and Lord Herbert; and that 
 the City not only shall be at the charge of the dinner, but that their Lordships' 
 whole expense during their stay, shall be borne by the City; and the Mayor and 
 Aldermen to direct such reception and entertainment, as shall be suitable to their 
 Honours and quality." 
 
 The Marquis and his two sons, came across the Severn at Aust Passage. 
 While at Bristol, a general muster of the City Militia took place in the Marsh, for 
 three days, -which they attended. The banqueting room in the Merchants' 
 Hall had been prepared, for the great ceremony of the feast. The entertain- 
 ment was sumptuous. It took place September 8th. Among other items of 
 expenditure, that reveal a remarkable difference in the customs of England, is 
 one " for two pounds of tobacco," and another for " a gross of pipes." Too 
 much attention and observance, could not be paid to a person of the exalted 
 rank of the Marquis. Moreover, his services had been important to the City. 
 He was high in authority, and had access to the royal ear. His influence had 
 been beneficially exerted, was acknowledged and appreciated by the Corporation. 
 They thus express themselves at a meeting of the House, September 15th: — 
 
 " Upon the motion of Mr. Mayor, — who, with due sentiments, remembered the many 
 favours the Most Honourble Henry Somerset, Lord Herbert, Baron of Chepstow, 
 Eagland, and Gower, Earl and Marquis of "Worcester, Lord President and Lord 
 Lieutenant of Wales, and the Marches, Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Gloster, 
 Hereford, and the City of Bristol, and County of the same. Knight of the most noble 
 Order of the Garter, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, has been 
 pleased, without intermission, to bestow upon this City, not only by his influence with 
 his most Sacred Majesty,but also by his most happy counsel and conduct in our civil, as 
 well as military affairs; do, as the best return we can make to his Lordship's favours, 
 for the future, — make his Lordship a partaker with us in aU the immunities and 
 privileges granted to this City by his most gracious Majesty, and his royal pro- 
 genitors, — and do therefore order that his Lordship be admitted a Burgess of this 
 City accordingly ; which we most humbly beg his Lordship to honour us, the City 
 in, by accepting of, to the intent this City might never want the favour and patronage 
 of the most noble family of the Somersets, of which the most Honourable Henry 
 Lord Marquis of "Worcester, is now the root and spring, — and that they may also 
 express their respect in that noble line, this House doth order that the Right Hon. 
 Arthur Lord Somerset, second son of the most noble Marquis of "Worcester, be 
 admitted a Burgess of this City." 
 
340 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 With a similar stilted preamble, of which a wearying example has just been 
 given, it is ordered, that the Eight Hon. Charles Lord Herbert, son and heir 
 of the Marquis, " who lately obliged this City with the honour of his presence, 
 and in that space of time gave many instances of his good affection, and 
 inclination to the welfare thereof," be also admitted a Burgess of the City. 
 
 Persecution for liberty of conscience, repugnant as it is to modern times, 
 was still active in our City. 
 
 Common Council, January 12th, 1682. " Sir Richard Hart, communicated a letter from 
 Sir Robert Sawyer, his Majesty's Attorney-General, which takes notice oicertioraries, 
 obtained upon indictments against several persons, for not coming to church accord- 
 ing to the statutes, — and in the letter he had sent precedendoes upon all those 
 indictments, and therein assures us of the like, in case any thing of that nature should 
 happen. The opportune arrival ■whereof, was (besides the service of his sacred 
 Majesty) so signal a favour and encouragement, to aU good men and loyal subjects in 
 this City, and discountenance to all sorts of recusants and separatists from the Church,' 
 that this House do think themselves for ever obliged to this happy instrument 
 thereof, — and do therefore order that their hearty and sincere thanks be returned 
 for his care of us, and his undertaking to secure us in cases of like nature. The 
 Town Clerk, by the next post, to acquaint him with our sentiments." 
 
 Gratified and grateful are the Council at the encouragement granted them to 
 continue their work of persecution. It is their day of triumph. They can give 
 fuU relief to their prejudices, — and pour forth their long restricted feelings of 
 hatred and bigotry against all, who differ from themselves in the form of religious 
 worship. They can track Dissenters to their secret congregations ; get them 
 within the clutches of the law ; inflict pains and penalties ; and drag them like 
 felons to help choke the crowded gaols. The spiritual, also, lent its quickening 
 aid to the civil power. The orthodox, issued instructions for searching inquiries 
 to be made. No recusant, or person, neglecting attendance at church, could weU 
 escape the informer. Sectarianism was a crime that admitted of no palliative, 
 — and liberty of conscience was incompatible with the safety of the Established 
 Church and Government. The instructions of the Bishop ( WOliam Goulson, 
 collated to the Diocese in 1678) are simple, concise, and positive. 
 
 ' " 1682. January 13th. The hearty and sincere thanks of the House voted Sir Eobert Sawyer, 
 Attorney-General, for the great service and kindness he has done this City, in discountenancing aU. 
 sorts of recusants and separatists from the Church." 
 
1682.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 341 
 
 " To all and singular, the Ministers and Churchwardens of the several parishes, within 
 the City of Bristol, — William, by Divine permission Lord Bishop of Bristol, sendeth 
 greeting. Whereas, we are credibly informed and have sufficient reason to believe, 
 that there are divers B-ecusants and Dissenters to the Church of England, of all sorts, 
 inhabiting within your several parishes, who resort not to their respective parish 
 churches on Sundays, and holy days, in time of Divine service, — nor receive the 
 Sacrament of the Lord's Supper there, — as by the laws, canons, and institutions of 
 the Church of England they are obHged, whose names are unknown unto us, — we 
 therefore require you, the said Ministers and Churchwardens, and every of you, to 
 bring or cause to be brought to us under your hands, a true list of the names and 
 surnames of all Recusants, and Dissenters as aforesaid ; of what sort or kind soever 
 they be, — inhabiting within your respective parishes, before the last day of this instant 
 February, in order they may be proceeded against according to law ; fail not herein 
 upon pain of contempt of this our order. Given at our palace at Bristol, under our 
 hands and Seal Manual, this 6th day of February, in the year of our Lord God, 1681-2, 
 according to the computation of the Church of England, in the 3rd year of our 
 consecration. You are likewise to bring in the names and surnames of all School- 
 Masters, and School-Mistresses, within your respective parishes. The Minister to 
 publish this order in his parish church, the first Sunday after the receipt hereof." 
 
 What ensued on the reading of Sir Robert Sawyer's letter, and that of the 
 Bishop, may be fairly arrived at from the reports of the Sessions : — 
 
 " 1682, March 13. Numbers of Quakers fined 5s. each, for unlawfully assembling ; 
 they all pleaded not guilty. — March 15. Sir Thomas Earle produced several sums 
 of money arising from the above fines, which was ordered to be left with the Town 
 Clerk untd further orders. — March 16. Complaint made against the Constables 
 for exorbitant distresses on the above, — and referred to the Mayor, Sir Richard 
 Crumpe, and Sir Richard Hart, to report at the next Sessions several indictments 
 against persons for not going to church for several months ; they pleaded they were 
 not Popish Recusants, which was overruled, and a verdict given for the King. 
 Mr. Richard Vickris, fined 10s. for unlawfully assembling on 27th August, 1682, and 
 7th January, to be discharged on paying the fine and fees." 
 
 Informers frequented the churches, and took the names of those parishioners 
 who did not attend, and who were accordingly fined.^ Not content with this, the 
 informers, to increase the fines, in which they shared, frequently gave false 
 information. Eespectable church-goers, were summoned before the magis- 
 
 1 The Statute of the first of Elizabeth, and third of King James, was put in execution for the 
 levying twelve-pence per Sunday, upon such persons who repaired not to divine service and sermons, 
 at their parish or some other pubHc church. 
 
342 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 trates, and compelled by the affirmation of credible witnesses, to prove their 
 attendance and behaviour there, or failing this to pay the fine. As 
 examples : — 
 
 " 1683. April 17th. Mr. Eobert Tate, and Mr. John Wallis, testify that Mrs. Martha 
 Tate and Hester Tate have been several times to their parish church, St. Werburgh, 
 since Christmas last, and particularly the said Martha, on 25th March last, and the 
 said Hester, on the Sunday following, and behaved themselves decently. — April 17. 
 Nathaniel Pinney swore he had seen Joseph Jackson, merchant, at church, within 
 this half year. Mrs. Margaret Stokes and Mrs. Mary Grant, swore they had seen 
 Mary Whitehead at Temple Church. Mr. Alderman Hickes swore his having seen 
 Richard King, mercer, of All Saints at his parish church, where he behaved him- 
 self decently. — August 6th. Sir Thomas Earle brought into Court the monies 
 levied on persons convicted for conventicles, the amount to be dehvered the 
 Sheriffs ; a third part £20, to be paid out to the informers. — 'November 7th. Mr. 
 Stephen Watts,* John Hine,* Thomas Scrope, Symon Hall, William Whitchard, 
 Ichabod Channey, Samuel Hale* Samuel Clarke. These latter were discharged on 
 paying their fees for attending Conventicles. Several women fined Is. and 5s., for 
 attending as above. Ann Redman having promised not to go to meeting, her fine 
 to be remitted." 
 
 Charles is possessed of arbitrary power. The Whigs are subdued, and the 
 Tory party are fast increasing throughout the country. Laws against Non- 
 conformists, dormant under the Whig Administration, are now to be effec- 
 tually executed. The Presbyterians are to be humbled, however unjustifiable 
 the means. All conventicles and unlawful meetings, both in City and country 
 are to be suppressed at the express pleasure of his Majesty. Informers of the 
 vilest description are countenanced and encouraged, — rewarded with money 
 extorted from the industrious and conscientious. Worthy, blameless, men cast 
 into gaols, already crowded with the vagrant and the felon, there to languish 
 out their useful lives. Almost everywhere the King nominated the Sheriffs, 
 and the Sheriffs nominated the juries. This must have been the case in our 
 City, from the temper of the address delivered at the Easter Sessions, in 1682. 
 With corrupt judges, with corrupt juries, what hope of justice — what chance 
 of escape for any one prosecuted by the Government 1 ^ 
 
 1 " Charles's ParUaments made him Hheral concessions, yet he grasped at more, and endeavoured 
 to set up a dispensiag power. He suUied the Bench of Bishops, with a set of temporising syco- 
 phants ; and filled the Courts of Justice, with men to serve his own purpose. He aimed at absolute 
 power, and was suspected of inclimng to Popery." — Macatjlat's Hist. * Members of Corporation. 
 
1682.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 343 
 
 Easter Sessions, 1682. — The attention of the Eight Worshipful body is called to 
 "several infamous, scandalous, and seditious libels published here," one entitled 
 " the Sad and Lamentable Cry of Oppression and Cruelty in the City of Bristol ;" — 
 another, " a More Sad and Lamentable Cry ;" — another, the " Devouring Informers of 
 Bristol;" — and others, amongst them, "the Protestant Courant," "purporting itself, 
 written by Richard Baldwyn." These they present for the most part, as " utterly 
 false," and their few truths as " most maliciously represented." They deem the 
 libels "to be the contrivance of factious and disaffected persons to his Majesty * * * 
 Church and State ; " who have endeavoured by all means to calumniate among others, 
 the Right Rev. Father in God, our Lord Bishop ; the Right Worshipful Sir John 
 Knight, one of our Sheriffs ; John Romsey, Esq., our Town Clerk ; John Hellier, 
 Gent., Chief Constable of the Ward of St. James ; and several others," * » » 
 "who have been active and industrious in putting the laws into execution." 
 They recommend that the " authors of the libels may be severely proceeded against 
 and punished,"' and that "the libels themselves may pass under some public and 
 exemplary mark of the displeasure and detestation of the Court." 
 
 The Jurors are glad to observe, that executing the laws against Dissenters, have been 
 productive oi " good fruits , in order to the reconciling of his Majesty's subjects here 
 to the Government, both in Church and State. Especially they congratulate 
 Erasmus Dole, a Quaker, for taking the oath of allegiance, which he had refused to 
 take the previous Sessions." They are so far from vaunting " any insolent triumph 
 over him," that they think themselves, and " all legal men, obliged, in Christian 
 charity, to encourage and cherish him, and all others who return to their loyalty, 
 and become reconciled to the Church." 
 
 Baldwyn's libel, charges partiality in the execution of the laws here towards Papists. 
 This the Jury repudiate. In vindication, they afErm there has not been for seven 
 vears above two families of Papists within the City. One had removed, to escape 
 persecution ; the common sanctuary of recusants, the Castle Precincts, sheltered the 
 other.^ In conclusion, they say, " that although they are not so tame as to wear 
 
 1 January 7th, 1676. "Proclamation was published, for discovering and punishing malicious 
 and disaffected persons, who did daily devise and publish, * * * sundry false, infamous, and scan- 
 dalous libels; endeavomTng thereby not only to traduce and reproach the ecclesiastical and temporal 
 government of this kingdom, and the public ■ministry of the same ; hut also to stir and dispose the 
 minds of his Majesty's subjects, to sedition and rebellion." By an act, the 14th Charles II., 
 " Offenders were, for the first offence, to be disabled from exercising their trades for the space of 
 three years ; and for the second, they were for ever incapacitated, and to be further punished by 
 fine, imprisonment, &o." — HAjaas's Charles II. 
 
 2 "We present the Castle, being extra parochial, to be a receptacle of Papists and Fanatics, and 
 desire the Court to find expedients whereby to bring the inhabitants thereof, to be liable to the law 
 as well as other parts of this City." — Grand Jury Presentment. 
 
344 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " chains, or worship the Host, they are willing to bear the easy yoke of obedience, and 
 subjection due to his Majesty, * * * and to the laws as now established. And shall 
 account it to their interest as well as their duty, according to their sworn allegiance, 
 to maintain and defend his Majesty, and the laws, against all damnable associations 
 and confederacy whatsoever." 
 
 From Erasmus Dole, mentioned in the Presentment, goods had been taken 
 by the Magistrates, in 1681, worth £20; and in 1682, he was returned into 
 the Exchequer, on the Statute,^ of £20 per month, for absence from the 
 national worship ; making, for eleven months, the sum of £220. A pamphlet 
 printed shortly after, contain a very scandalous reflection on the Magistrates 
 of this City, particularly on the Mayor and the Court, in the case of Erasmus 
 Dole. It states, — 
 
 " That their "Worships, in giving him the Oath of Allegiance, did permit him to use his 
 own words, and not those appointed by the Statute ; that he did not take the said 
 Oath, or kiss the book, though it is entered in the record of this Court that he did 
 so. Whether he did take it or not, the aspersion that lays against your "Worships 
 is the same. Now if he did not take it, then it is still necessary that he take it ; the 
 law had obliged him to. But if he did take it, he can then, if called to it, take it 
 again, which is a necessary expedient, to give satisfaction, and remove the said scan- 
 dal ; and when this is done, we humbly desire it may be made public in the Gazette, 
 or otherwise, for the just vindication of this Court, and consequently of this City. 
 Not but that we ourselves, and all others that are acquainted with the method of 
 judicial proceedings within this City, are so well satisfied of your "Worships great 
 care in the due and rightful administration of justice, that we can challenge all the 
 world to produce one instance of the contrary thereof ; yet this cannot be supposed 
 sufficient to obviate the above said reflection, no more than it can put a stop to the 
 clamour of such, whose frequent offences render them obnoxious to this Court, — and 
 who, instead of reformation, are wont, with the wolf, to bark at the moon, for laying 
 restraint on their disorderly practices. "^ 
 
 It appears, from a narrative of the Quakers, published by them of their 
 sufferings since the Restoration, that great numbers had been fined by the 
 Bishop's courts, robbed of their substance, and perished in prison. Many 
 had been so beaten and wounded for attending meetings, that it was no 
 unusual thing for them to die of their wounds. An account was also pub- 
 lished of the unjust proceedings of the informers, shewing that at their 
 
 1 23rd Elizabeth. i Grand Jury Presentment, September, 1682, 
 
1682.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 345 
 
 instance, many of the Quakers had been plundered without a judicial process, 
 and that seven hundred of them were in prison in several parts of England, 
 especially about Bristol. These outrages were enacted by a civiUsed people, 
 who called themselves Christians, and professed to be guided by a Christian 
 spirit, and therefore remonstrances and complaints, were unavailing. William 
 Penn, in his preface [addressed to the higher powers] to a treatise, entitled 
 " England's Present Interest Considered," exhibits a pathetic representation of 
 the severities of the times, when he says " to see the imprisoned, was crime 
 enough for a jail ; to visit the sick, to make a conventicle ; when whole barns 
 of corn were seized, thrashed, and carried away, — parents left without their 
 children, — children without their parents; and both without subsistence. 
 But that [he adds] which aggravates the cruelty is, the widow's mite hath 
 not escaped their hands; they have made her cow the forfeiture of her 
 conscience ; not leaving her a bed to lie on, nor a blanket to cover her ; and 
 what is yet more barbarous, and helps to make up this tragedy, the poor 
 orphans' milk, boiling over the fire, hath been flung to the dogs ; and the 
 skillet made part of the prize : so that had not nature in neighbours, been 
 stronger than cruelty in such informers, to open their bowels for their relief 
 and subsistence, they must have utterly perished." 
 
 In September, Charles Harford,* Senior, is presented " for being the Author 
 and dispenser of a libel entitled, " The Distressed Cause of the People called 
 Quakers, in the City of Bristol, and their Inhuman Usage for their Religious 
 Peaceable Assemblies."^ Charles Harford was a soap-maker; his case is 
 
 1 "August 1679. Forasmuch as Charles Harford, "William Taylor, and John Hale, — being 
 formerly, seTeraUy indicted at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, held for this City and 
 County; for keeping open their shops, and exercising their trades, on the 30th day of January last 
 past, being an anniversary day of fasting and humiliation, to be observed and kept in detestation and 
 abhorrence of the most villanous and abominable fact, of the execrable murder committed upon his 
 most serene Majesty, King Charles I., the 30th January, 1648-9, contrary to the statute in that 
 case made and provided. The which indictment the said persons having thereto severally pleaded 
 not guilty, and put themselves upon the trial of their country, who have found them guilty, — 
 This Court doth therefore lay and impose on the said Charles Harford, Wm. Taylor, and John Hale, 
 — the several fines of five marks a piece, for their respective offences, and doth order that they 
 stand committed, and remain in the common gaol of Newgate, in this City, till they shall severally 
 pay their respective fines, together with the usual Court fees and charges, in defence of the said 
 several indictments. — And until they shall be severally thence discharged by due course of law." 
 
 2 See Appendix C. 
 
 T T 
 
346 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 another example of the severity with which the laws against Nonconformists 
 were administered in this City. In 1681, goods for fines, valued at £25 : 15, 
 were taken from him. The following year he was sent to Newgate. He was 
 again fined in 1683, for absence from the National Worship, the sum of £60, 
 being at the rate of £20, a month for three months : and although ^dded 
 to this extortion, he was compelled to pay £220, for eleven months, yet 
 neither imprisonment, nor the loss of his worldly substance, could induce him 
 to act contrary to his avowed principles ; and take the oath of allegiance, or 
 attend the Established Church. The Grand. Jury present in October "that 
 want of holding a Court of Oyer and Terminer, and general Gaol Delivery 
 within this City, for near two years last past, the gaol being now filled with 
 more than the usual number of criminals ; is a great grievance to the inhabi- 
 tants, — a failure of justice in those that occasion it ; — and a manifest encourage- 
 ment unto notorious offenders, — and do therefore entreat their Worships that 
 the best and speediest course may be taken for redressing this, and preventing 
 the like occasion of complaint for the future.'" At the same time, they state 
 " there is no conventicle publicly frequented within this City, and they hope 
 that their Worships' care will continue to be such, that for the future 
 there shall be none ; and if at any time it should happen to be otherwise, their 
 Worships' late proceedings drawn into precedent, is an approved remedy 
 always at hand to reduce them [the Dissenters] to obedience."^"^ 
 
 Two actual plots now aghast the nation. One, concocted by unscru- 
 pulous and hot-headed nobles. Their object, a simultaneous insurrection. 
 The other, by an inferior order of conspirators, — men, fierce, unrestrained by 
 principle, maddened by fanaticism. Their object, butchering the King and 
 his Eoyal brother, as the shortest way of vindicating the liberties of England. 
 The premature return of his Majesty to London, by the accidental burning of 
 his palace at Newmarket, prevented the butchering. " This," says Burnet, 
 
 1 October 19. "A petition from the prisoners in Newgate, who have lain in gaol for two years, 
 for want of a Gaol Delivery — referred to a Committee to prepare an address to his Majesty, to seek 
 redress by aU ways in the particular complained of. The Committee consisted of the Mayor, Thomas 
 Eston, Sir Eichard Crumpe, Sir Eichard Hart, and Sir John EJnight, aU. three or two of them, who 
 were directed to go with the Mayor to London, and present the same to his Majesty." 
 
 2 " The Dissenters of Bristol, were met 20th April, 1683, in the bottom of a Common, when their 
 field conventicle was disturbed. The Avon had to be crossed. In the frightful confusion, the 
 preacher was nearly drowned, — a fate which one poor man did not escape." — Eobeeis' Monmouth. 
 
 3 See Appendix D. 
 
1683.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 347 
 
 " seemed to be so eminent a providence, that the whole nation was struck with 
 it, and both preachers and poets, had a noble subject to enlarge on ; and to 
 show how much the King and the Duke, were under the watchful care of 
 Providence." Both plots were soon discovered. The lesser, or Rye-House' 
 plot, extended its ramifications to this City. A party of these desperate 
 conspirators, are said to have held their meetings in a summer house of a 
 garden in Baldwin Street. The names of three only are distinguishable. 
 Nathaniel Wade,^ a lawyer, — HoUoway, a linen manufacturer, — and Eoe,^ the 
 Sword Bearer. Wade and Eoe, purchased their lives with infamy. We shall 
 shortly see Wade again. Eoger North, "a vigilant observer of all those 
 minute circumstances, which throw light on the dispositions of men,"* 
 attending the Sessions at Bristol, 1680, vsdth his brother, Lord Guildford 
 North, writes : — " There was one Eow, in office of Sword Bearer ; which in 
 that town, is pronounced sorberer. I thought it sounded like Cerberus ; and 
 not amiss, for the fellow was deep in the Eye-plot, for which he fled. He 
 was strangely saucy and impertinent in his office. And once the Judge 
 looked back for one of his servants, and he comes forward, and " I'll wait on 
 your lordship," said he. " You wait on my lord, sirrah V said the Mayor, — 
 " you shall wait upon me, and I'll wait upon my lord." 
 
 Holloway had been an apprentice of Walter Stephens, one of the fanatical 
 leaders of the Puritans in this City, — who headed the mob that destroyed 
 the Virgin-Mary Chapel, on the Bridge. From his connection with Stephens, 
 Holloway probably imbibed those extreme opinions, which led him to embark 
 in the desperate enterprise, Avhich eventually brought him to a violent and 
 ignominious death. In 1679. — He made proposals to the House for keeping 
 five hundred poor of the City at work, by the establishment of a Unen 
 
 1 " The Eye House is situated on one of the pleasantest parts of the pleasant river Lea [so dear 
 to Isaac Walton and London anglers] a little above Broxhoum Bridge, and Hoddesdon. It is now 
 an ran and fishing house." — Pictorial Unglcmd. 
 
 2 It appears from the evidence of Josiah Keeliag, the informer, that "Wade kept £200, or £300, 
 ia town towards the purchase of arms. — Pictorial England. 
 
 3 " Eoe, being asked concerning the design of assassinating the King, — said, that measures were 
 taken for killing the King and the Duke of York ; and that Eumsey was for kiUing the Duke of 
 Monmouth also, and for leaving no branch of the family aUve." — Ibid.. 
 
 * Macaulay, Hist. Pict. England. Hume. Evans. 
 
348 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 manufactory/ The proposals were accepted. But before the project was 
 carried into execution, it came to the ear of Sir John Knight, who was attend- 
 ing Parliament at Westminster. Sir John, takes another view of the matter. 
 In his letter of the 24th May, 1679, he judiciously writes — " That as the 
 Chamber is already in a very deplorable condition, and the linen manufactory 
 project must come to nothing, — for that the act against French linens will 
 expire in March, come twelvemonth ; and then, the French trade wUl be open 
 again as ever." He therefore begs them to delay the execution of the City 
 seals, " till it shall please God to send Sir Eobert Cann, and himself home to 
 Bristol to be heard." Sir John's representations had the effect he desired, 
 and the scheme was abandoned. 
 
 Hume says, " HoUoway, merchant of Bristol, one of the conspirators, fled 
 to the West Indies, and was now [December] brought over. He had been 
 outlawed, — but the year allowed him for surrendering himself had not expired. 
 A trial was therefore offered him ; but, as he had at first confessed having been 
 engaged in a conspiracy for an insurrection, and even allowed that he had 
 heard some discourse of an assassination, though he had not approved of it; 
 he thought it more expedient to throw himself on the King's mercy. He was 
 executed, persisting in the same confession." HoUoway^ and others, were to 
 have surprised Bristol, on which account his body was sent here, and his head 
 and quarters afiixed on the gates. 
 
 1 May 8th. It was agreed to lend £2000, for the purpose to the Company of Linen Drapers ; 
 £1000, to a Mr. John King, to remain in his hands three years, interest free; and £1000, for ten 
 years. Security to be given for the repayment, and if the undertaking be not proceeded with, the 
 money to be returned in nine months. The east end of Bridewell, was to be fitted up as a work- 
 house at the Chambers' expense, under Mr. King's direction. The conditions were, that five 
 hundred spinners, inhabitants of the City, and none other, should be employed, — 2^d. to be paid to 
 every person spinning 600 yards, and never less than 2d. The spinning and weaving, to be taught 
 by 12 men and 12 women, to be brought into the City. £1000, was to be lent by the Chamber, 
 and £1000, to be borrowed on City Seals. May 25th. It was agreed the £800, of the gift money, 
 now in the custody of the Chamberlain, be deposited as part of the £2000 " It being the opinion 
 of the House that the appropriating it to the use aforesaid, would be consistent with the intention 
 of the pious donors." 
 
 2 " Two others of the Eye-House plotters, HoUoway, a merchant of Bristol, and Sir Thomas 
 Armstrong, were condemned to death by Jeffreys, in defiance, not of one, but of many laws, and 
 were executed." — Pici. England. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 349 
 
 "Charles E. 
 
 " Whereas, we have directed that the head and quarters of James Holloway, 
 
 lately executed for Jiigh treason, should be carried to that our City, and delivered 
 
 to you. 
 " Our will and pleasure is that, upon receipt hereof, you forthwith cause the said head 
 
 and quarters to be affixed upon poles, on the gates of our said City, for which this 
 
 shall be your warrant. 
 " Given at our Court, at Windsor, the 5th day of May, 1684, in the thirty-sixth year 
 
 of our reign, by his Majesty's command. " Sunderland. 
 
 " To our trusty and well-beloved, the Mayor of our City of Bristol, and to the Sheriffs 
 
 of the same." 
 
 The odium and hatred the Papists suffered from the contrivance of the 
 " sham plots," was now extended to the Dissenters. Great was the indignation 
 of the Court. Great its apprehension on the discovery of an actual plot. 
 The Dissenters must be crushed. They were not only branded as " express 
 rebels and villains," in multitudes of congratulatory addresses from all parts of 
 the kingdom;^ but were severely arraigned by the King himself; in a 
 " declaration to all his loving subjects, read in all churches, Sunday, September 
 9th, 1682. This day was also appointed for a general thanksgiving ; which 
 was solemnised after an extraordinary manner, with unwonted pomp and 
 magnificence." September 18th, the Corporation agreed to an address, which 
 was presented to his Majesty, at Winchester, by the Mayor^ (Thomas Eston), 
 Sir Eichard Crumpe, Sir Eichard Hart, and Mr. Sheriff Hart.^ 
 
 " To the King's most excellent Majesty, the humble Petition and Address of the Mayor, 
 Aldermen, and Commonalty of your Majesty's Loyal City of Bristol. 
 
 " In all humility we present this testimony of our exceeding great joy and satis- 
 faction, for the deliverance of the persons of your sacred Majesty, and your royal 
 brother ; and the whole Government in general, from the ruin and confusion which 
 was caused by the late wicked and damnable conspiracy ; in the discovery whereof, 
 
 1 " The Middlesex Justices calculated that his Majesty's life was worth just a hund/red million of 
 theirs. London and Middlesex had the honour of taking the lead; but almost every Corporation ia 
 the kingdom took their turn to manifest the extravagance of their loyalty, and to heap reproaches 
 on all the enemies of the Court."— Pi'ct Eng., note, 756, III. 
 
 2 In this Mayoralty, occurs the first notice of the piscatory amusements of the Corporation. 
 Turning from the distractions of Government, they became quiet disciples of Izaak Walton, aad 
 annuaUy angled m Earl's Mead. The fish (if any) were presented to the Mayor. 
 
 3 Cost of the journey, £27. 
 
350 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " the favour and protection of Divine Providence was so conspicuous, that we doubt not 
 but the hands and hearts of those who durst be, and appear loyal, when in doubtful 
 times, will be thereby greatly strengthened, — your mistaken subjects, reduced to an 
 unalterable obedience and submission to your Government, — and that all stubborn 
 malcontents may be either curbed by the awe of your laws, or fall under the stroke 
 of your justice.'^ 
 
 " We are weU satisfied, that we can no more merit by any acts of loyalty towards our 
 Sovereign, than we can by acts of religion towards God, — both being our bounden 
 duty; and we humbly hope that your Majesty has been graciously pleased to accept 
 our constant care, of preserving the government of this City in loyal hands, in these 
 doubtful and dangerous times ; by not depending upon our own judgment, but 
 taking the measures of electing our Mayor the last year, by the intimation of His 
 Grace the Duke of Beaufort (Lord Lieutenant of the City,) and this year, of our 
 Mayor and SherifiS, from your sacred Majesty's directions by your royal letter under 
 your sign manual. And though there has happened several disputes amongst us, 
 upon occasion of the Quo Warranto , issued against our Charter, by your Majesty's 
 Attorney General, yet all our debates thereupon are untiring in loyalty. We there- 
 fore in all humble manner, do beg your gracious Majesty, to confirm to this your 
 loyal City, aU the rights, privileges, and customs, in such manner as we now do, 
 have, or might enjoy them ; and so to order the governing part of this City, as may 
 be most agreeable to your royal inclinations, which will encourage us in the faithful 
 discharge of our respective trusts. — And we shall ever pray." 
 
 "September 25th. The Mayor reported to the House his Majesty's gracious reception 
 of the address, and read the very words uttered hy his Majesty." 
 
 Complete subservience and devotion to the Crown is expressed by the Cor- 
 poration. This might proceed from the forlorn hope, that by their ready 
 acquiescence in his Majesty's commands, they might yet save the few privi- 
 leges that remained to them. The Quo Warranto, or enquiring into the 
 
 ' Ab a pendant, we will extract the sentiment of the Tory Jury, in their Presentment, 
 September, 1682. While they are proclaiming his Majesty's clemency, there were 120 Quakers in 
 Newgate, with the smaU-pox and spotted fever raging amongst them. " For it is very creditable, 
 that this is one of the first instances that ever was, that a yoke must be broke, because it is easy, — 
 or a Grovermnent disturbed, because it is good, — or a Prince privately conspired against, or 
 publicly affronted, because he is bountiful, and gracious. And it must needs seem strange, that 
 all nations, how barbarous soever in manners, and how differing soever in religion from us, among 
 themselves, should be conquered by his Majesty's goodness and clemency, — and his own subjects 
 dissenting, at least, six manner of ways from him, and from one another, — shoidd all agree, as if 
 inspfred by the same principle of ingratitude, to reject his authority, and to return his favour (in 
 which they live) with disloyalty and contempt." 
 
1683.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 351 
 
 validity of their Charter, had been brought against the City, in the Court of 
 King's Bench, by Sir Robert Sawyer,"^ Attorney-General, — about the same 
 time that the Corporation of London' had been frightened into submission, and 
 into a voluntary surrender of their Charter.^ Common Council, April 28th, 
 1683. Notice was given that a Quo Warranto, had been brought against the 
 Corporation. It was agreed that an appearance should be entered by the Town 
 Clerk, who was to appoint an Attorney for that purpose, and during his stay 
 in London, to give an account of all proceedings in the business. From the 
 following letter, which was read to the House, we learn the ostensible cause 
 of the issuing of the writ. The real cause was the desire of Charles to 
 govern absolutely by dint of prerogative : — 
 
 " Me. Romsey, 
 
 " When you were with me about the business of the Quo Warranto, I told you 
 I should not be over hasty in proceeding therein ; and it seems something to that 
 purpose hath been signified to your citizens by Sir John Churchill ; but instead of 
 taking it to be an act of grace of his Majesty to your City, — I am told it is become 
 matter of triumph, as if the writ had unwarUy issued, or that I was afraid to proceed 
 therein, and would enter a nolle prosequi. Deceive not yourselves, for this return is 
 so unsuitable, that I entertain no other thought but of proceeding according to a 
 strict course of law ; and that you may not be surprized in your defence, I give you 
 notice that you prepare for your plea the next term ; and it will concern your City, 
 to consider the consequence of being called to an account for their supernumerary 
 Common Council,^ — -for the omission of keeping Gaol Delivery, — and divers other 
 miscarriages and forfeitures, which I am ready to charge them with, whereby it will 
 
 1 Su- Eobert Sawyer is described as one of the apostate patriots "bought off." Marvel, speaks 
 of him as "a lawyer as of ill reputation as his. father, has had for Ms attendance this Sessions, 
 [1678] £1000, and is promised (as he insinuates) to be Attorney General, and Speaker of the House 
 of Commons." 
 
 2 "In Trinity term, when the Court was making as much of the Rye-house Plot, as ever its 
 opponents had made of the Popish Plot, — -judgment was given against the City of London on the 
 Quo Warranto; and, in the following month of September, the Eing was allowed to regulate the 
 government of the City ; changing the old Aldermen and officers, and appointing new ones at his 
 pleasure. Eight Aldermen, were deprived at once of the honours they had received by election of 
 their fellow citizens; and 'were aU turned out for lying under the horrid suspicion, of loving their 
 country better than then- King.' "—Fiot. England,, 751. 
 
 3 The Common Council, which, according to their Charter, should have been composed of forty- 
 two members only, at this time consisted of fifty. 
 
352 EDWARB COLSTON, 
 
 " appear that the issuing fourth of the Quo "Warranto was upon good grounds, and 
 considerations first had. " I rest, your loving Friend and Servant, 
 
 " For John Komsey, Esq., Town Clerk of Bristol, " R. Savfyek. 
 
 at his house there." 
 
 The Chamber's reply : — 
 
 "Sir, — I yesterday received your letter, which I did immediately communicate to 
 Mr. Mayor, who thought fit to call a Common Council thereupon ; and I have 
 commands from them to return you thanks for your letter in general, and particu- 
 larly for the intimation that some should make ill use of the King's favour, and 
 make it matter of triumph which was utterly denied by them ; and hope that the 
 indiscretion of some, (if any such were,) shall not be laid to their charge. They 
 also have directed me, in their name, to beg your good opinion; and that you would 
 not hasten proceedings in the Quo Warranto, it being impossible for them to make 
 a just defence, in so short a time as this term. 
 
 " To Sir Robert Sawyer, His Majesty's Attorney General." 
 
 The Quo Warranto, vras proceeded with. September 25th, the House 
 appointed a Committee, to correspond with the Attorney General. " No 
 member of the House, to presume to meddle with them, without order and 
 having the authority of the House. All letters to be entered in the Council 
 books." After much debating, the Common Council agreed to surrender their 
 charter, as far as related to the election of officers, and to throw themselves on 
 the King's mercy. October 31st, an instrument of surrender,^ with a letter 
 from the Attorney General, was read to the House. Whereupon it was 
 agreed, that the surrender be sealed, and a committee be appointed to attend 
 the King with it.^ His Majesty retained the liberties of the City till June 
 2nd, 1684, when he granted another Charter.^ In this he reserves to the 
 Crown " the right of removing any member of the Common Council, or other 
 officers of the Corporation." 
 
 1 The iustrument is dated 9th November, 1683 ; but the Corporation had resigned their power 
 before Michaelmas. The Mayor, Ealph Olliffe, and Sheriffs ]S"athaniel Driver, and John Arundle, 
 were particularly nominated by the King. 
 
 2 " The Common CouncU, in consequence, surrendered the offices. The persons who presented 
 the same to the King, were, — Sir "Wm. Clutterbuok, Mayor ; Sir John Churchill, Eecorder ; Sir 
 Eichard Hart, Alderman; Mr. John Knight, Jun. ; Sir Eobert Cann, Alderman ; Sir Eichard Crump, 
 Alderman ; Mr, Thomas Eston, Alderman ; John Eomsey, Esq., Town Clerk." — Setbe's Charters, 
 243. 
 
 3 Paid towards perfecting the new Grant by the King, £544 : 13:6. The Town Clerk's balance 
 of account, for expenses of the new Charter, amounted to £172. He was ordered to be paid £200, 
 " as a token of the House's thanks for his services." 
 
1683.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 353 
 
 While these transactions ■were pending, Ralph OUiffe, nominated by his 
 Majesty; recommended, we suppose, for his active persecutions of the Noncon- 
 formists ; was, for the second time, chosen Mayor. Our annals say, he " was 
 carried in a sedan to the Guildhall, to be sworn, being sick, — and the next 
 morning, being 8unday, he died; and no other Mayor was sworn tiU the 10th 
 October, when the King named Sir William Clutterbuck." Ealph OUiffe, 
 possessed many valuable qualities, — which, as often occurs, were not discovered 
 till after his decease. " In him," thus eulogises our annals, " the King lost a 
 steady loyal subject ; the City, the best of Magistrates ; his son, a very good 
 father and relation ; and all his acquaintances, an excellent neighbour ; and 
 the Church, a true son." The letter containing the King's commands, to elect 
 a successor to the vacant municipal chair, will serve to show that his Majesty 
 took the Corporation at their word. 
 
 "Charles E.. 
 
 " Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, having understood that Alderman 
 Oliffe, late Mayor of that our City, is deceased, — whereby that City lost a worthy 
 Magistrate, and ourself a dutiful subject; and having advised with our right trusty, 
 right entirely beloved Cousin, Henry Duke of Beaufort, our Lieutenant of that our 
 City, of a fit person to succeed the deceased, we have thought fit to recommend unto 
 you, our trusty and well beloved William Clutterbuck, Esq., as and every way 
 qualified for the discharge of that Trust ; and we therefore interpose the rather, 
 because we would prevent the heats that may happen at this time in such an election ; 
 and that you yourselves in your late address delivered to us at Winchester, did express 
 a desire, that we should so order the governing part of that our City for the future, 
 as might he most agreeable to our Royal inclination, and so not doubting of your ready 
 compliance with this our recommendation, we bid you farewell. Given at our 
 Court at Whitehall, the 6th day of October, 1683, in the five and thirtieth year of 
 our reign. " By his Majesty's command, 
 
 "L. Jenkins."! 
 
 Grateful were the citizens to the Duke of Beaufort, who had been instru- 
 mental in obtaining the new Charter. He had had several interviews with 
 the King on the subject. The Duke seemed, indeed, interested in the welfare 
 
 1 1683. " Sir Lyonel Jenkins presented with wine, cost £37 : 9 : 11 ; 40 doz. of marked quart 
 bottles, and 4 large crates, £6:4: 0." Sir Lyonel, Secretary of State, " affirmed ia the House of 
 Commons, that upon necessity, the King might raise moneys without Act of ParUament. He was a 
 great asserter of the Diviae right of Monarchy, and was for carrying the prerogative high."— Btomi. 
 
 z z 
 
354 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 of the City. His opinions influenced the proceedings of the Corporation ; and 
 they seldom acted in any business of moment, without previously obtaining his 
 advice, and ascertaining his inclinations. The Council are now deliberating. 
 They decide that a letter be written to the Duke for " his services in the new 
 Charter." The oaths of allegiance and supremacy, are to be taken by the forty- 
 two members of the Corporation. An entertainment wiU be given to the 
 noble administrators. A Committee is formed. While its members are dis- 
 cussing as to treating the Duke, they think it necessary to treat themselves. 
 Refreshment is sent for, — and its cost is formally entered in the audits. " Paid 
 Mr. Stringer for two quarts of sack, sent for by the Committee to the Council 
 House Chambers, when they were together, concerning treating the Duke of 
 Beaufort to Bristol, 2*." July 10th, the oaths of allegiance were administered in 
 the Guildhall to the Corporation,^ — by Charles, Marquis of Worcester, Sir John 
 Smythe, Bart., Sir James Herbert, Knt., and John Fitzherbert, Esq. They 
 were afterwards entertained by Sir Robert Cann, at the cost of the Chamber.^ 
 
 1 " Paid Joseph Mason, for reading the Charter, and swearing the Corporation, for the Lord 
 Marquis, £2. The Judges dined with the Town-Clerk." 
 
 2 The Corporation were, in 1680, directed hy the Privy CounoU, to he strictly regardful that the 
 oaths should be taken. Their reply may appropriately he iatroduoed, while the subject is before us. 
 
 "May it please your Lordships, " Bristol, March 27th, 1680. 
 
 " Tour Lordships of the 24th inst., came to us, and immediately on the receipt thereof, 
 in obedience to your Honours' commands, as much as the shortness of the time would permit, we 
 have examined the books of our Town Clerks, — and, for several years past, do not find any person 
 admitted iato any ofSoe of Magistracy, place of trust, or other employment relating to, or concerning 
 the government of this City, who hath not taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy, — and the oath 
 believing and declaring it unlawful to take arms against the King ; and who have not pubUcly 
 subscribed the declaration against the solemn league and covenant, a according to the Act of 
 Parliament, entitled, an Act for weU-goveming and regulating Cities and Corporations.*** Nor have 
 we heard of any relating to the government of this City, who had not, wi,thin the space of twelve 
 months before their election, received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the rights 
 of the Church of England. But in obedience to your Lordships' commands shall make a more strict 
 scrutiny, &c. &o., which, with the tender of our most humble duty to your Honours, is from 
 " My Lords, your Lordships' most humble and most obedient Servants, 
 
 " Jos. Ckeswicke, Mayor, Jno. Lawpobd, 
 
 EoBT. Cmot, Eich. Ceumpe." 
 
 a "I doe declare that I hold, that there lyes npe obligation upon mee, or any other person, jfrom the oath 
 called the solemn league and covenant, — as the same was in it selfe an imlawfull oath, and imposed upon the 
 subjects of this realme against the knowne lawes and libertye of the kingdome." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 355 
 
 Meanwhile, the Government had made the most of the Eye-House Plot. The 
 King triumphed, and pursued unrestricted his arbitrary career. The Whigs 
 were discomfited, and the persecutions against Dissenters, were maintained 
 with increased rigour and severity. A profitable harvest was obtained by the 
 informers. Dissenters were numerous, — and the fines were most rigidly 
 exacted. When the informers traced a conventicle, they came upon the 
 members in full congregation, and fined or imprisoned all present. The 
 proceeds of a single conventicle will be read in the following statement : — 
 "August 23rd, the Mayor (Sir William Clutterbuck) paid into Court £42 : 10, 
 in a bag sealed, being moneys lately levied on Mr. Michael Pope, and others, 
 upon the conviction of a conventicle on the 4th of May last, at John Tucker's 
 house, in Lewin's Mead. The money was counted in the Court. A third 
 part, £14 : 3 : 4, was paid to the Sherifis, for the use of the King, — and the 
 remainder returned to the Mayor, to be disposed of as the Act directs." 
 
 A few words, ere we part with an intolerant personage whose actions have 
 much engaged our attention. For more than twenty years, he has made 
 himself conspicuous, as a " conventicle detecter." Those years have brought 
 Sir John Knight from the prime of life, to the sere and yellow leaf, — when 
 the hopes and prospects of this world recede, and those of another advance. 
 Whether this was the case with Sir John, we are not prepared to say. Our 
 thoughts have been directed to this end, through glancing at a letter from the 
 Corporation. We can only aff'ord space to give the reader the substance. It is 
 addressed to Mr. George Daggett, Sion College, London, September 18th, 
 1680 ; they communicate " that Sir John Knight, by reason of his infirmity 
 has desired the City, to nominate some other persons to take care of that affaire 
 for the future." Eich. Hart and Thomas Earle, Esqs., are recommended. A 
 few words in a letter from John Eomsey, November 23rd, 1681, to " Thomas 
 Earle, Esq., Mayor," and we pass on. The Town Clerk informs the Mayor, 
 that there has been no business of moment, — except that on Sunday, the con- 
 stables disturbed three conventicles, and have given information upon which 
 convictions are made. That Sir John Knight, came to him and taxed him 
 " with quashing that presentment which was against him,*** and according 
 to his usual method of talk was very high, and told me I should answer it at 
 the King's Bench, and at the Parhament." The next letter in which Sir 
 John is the theme we give entire, although the noble writer, like poor Mr. 
 Crabb, appears to revel in redundancy of words. 
 
356 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Mk. Mayor, " Chelsea, 27t]i December, 1684. 
 
 " The relation to, and kindness I have for the City, makes one always mindful of 
 your concerns, and therefore there being a vacancy in the Common Council, by the 
 dismission of Sir John Knight, by order of his Majesty in Council, upon his earnest 
 request — the King declaring himself at the same time extremely well satisfied with 
 him — I thought it not improper, to put you in mind of choosing another in his 
 room, and though it need not, I am sure, with you and a great many more, nor I 
 hope with any, yet out of my zeal to his Majesty's service, and concern for your 
 City, to exhort you all to take care to fill his place as near as may be, with one as 
 full of zeal for his Majesty's service, and the established Government in Church and 
 State as he was, that so neither his Majesty nor you, may find amiss of him ia that 
 station, and so I bid you heartily farewell, remaining your afiectionate friend, 
 
 " Beatjfokt. 
 
 " For WiUiam Hayman, Esq., Mayor of the City of Bristol." 
 
 In pursuance of the Duke's directions, the House proceeded to the election 
 of a member in the place of Sir John Knight. This was the first election 
 since the new Charter. Mr. Brookhouse, a mercer, was elected, and sworn ; 
 " but," says the record, " it being suspected that he intends to avoid it ; it 
 was ordered that the fine of £200, be laid upon him ; and that he be impri- 
 soned, and all other courses be taken until that fine be satisfied." Such is the 
 copiousness, and such the felicity of diction, used by our chronicler, that it 
 would appear Mr. Brookhouse was fined, not for actually avoiding to serve the 
 office, but merely for " being suspected" that he intended to resign. August 
 21st, Mr. Brookhouse petitioned the House to be allowed to rehnquish the 
 honour, which was complied with on his paying £100. 
 
 Neither age nor infirmity could subdue the ruling passion of the pragma- 
 tical Sir John. He has vanished from our official page, — but, from another 
 quarter,' we find that he has been meddling, and laying information as usual. 
 We give the extract, and leave Sir John unto his rest. Sunderland, " the 
 subtillest, workinest villain that is on the face of the earth," ^ wrote to the 
 Duke of Beaufort, May 1st, 1686, " to let the Mayor and Magistrates of Bristol 
 know that he is displeased at their having committed a Priest, who was offici- 
 ating with seven others, and that Sir John Knight was the informer, with 
 
 1 State Paper Office. Eoberts' Momnouth. 
 
 2 letter from the Princess Aim, to the Princess of Orange, dated, Cook Pit, March 20th, 1687. 
 Blenooe's Correspondence of the Times of James II., and 'William III., ii. 265. 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 357 
 
 whose carriage he has been displeased on many occasions ; and to beg them 
 not to let Sir John Knight, draw them into these inconveniences." 
 
 There is nothing more in Charles's reign of sufficient interest, to stay the 
 turning of our local page, or to add to our brief record of an sera when corruption 
 walked in the broad light of day, — bidding defiance to honour, virtue, and the 
 common decencies and Avell being of society, — when the standard of honour 
 and virtue among public men was very low, and the example of the Sovereign 
 had infected all. Probably there was no Monarch, who more despised, or was 
 more insensible to, those higher qualities of human nature, in which he was 
 himself, so lamentably deficient. 
 
 Charles is dead, and James reigns.^ The public voice eulogised the 
 Monarch while living. Before his body is laid in the dust, the eulogy is 
 transferred to his successor. James's address at the first meeting of the Privy 
 Council augured well for civil and religious liberty. He said, " as he would 
 never depart fi:om any branch of the prerogative ; so, he would not evade any 
 man's property, but would preserve the Government as by law established in 
 Church and State." This was hopeful. The pulpits throughout the land 
 resounded with thanksgivings. Numerous flattering addresses were ofi'ered 
 to the Throne.^ " Even the capital was profoundly obsequious, — and Bristol, 
 the second City in the island, echoed the voice of London." February 7th, 
 
 1 "He was proclaimed in Bristol by Giles Merrick, the Sheriff, the trumpets soimding; and 
 every place in Bristol, where he was proclaimed, was hnng with Scarlet." — MS. Cal. Setek, 523. 
 
 2 There is one attributed to the "Society of Friends," very curious, if genuuie : — "We are 
 come," (say they) "to testify our sorrow for the death of o%(/r good friend Charles, and uxajoy for thy 
 being made our governor. "We are told thou art not of the persuasion of the Church of England, 
 no more than we, therefore we hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty, which thou aUowest 
 thyself; which doing, we wish thee all manner of happiaess." This is blunt and honest certainly. But 
 considering that the Quakers were not in the habit of making complimentary, or flattering addresses 
 to any one, however exalted his position ; considering their strict regard to truth, we have Uttle 
 faith in the authenticity of this document. As a body, their consistency would not admit of their 
 styling Charles their " good friend," who had ever been their evil enemy — who had never heeded their 
 petitions ; who had never, by a merciful exercise of his prerogative, pretended a claim to their 
 affections ; and when he died, left nearly fifteen hundred of their Society in bondage, on various 
 prosecutions. Admitting the address as genuine, they probably rested upon the hope, that therein 
 was a mutual bond of interest between themselves and James, both differing from the Church 
 of England; and naturally looking to the Monarch, to protect them from public antipathies, 
 departed from their rigid and lofty principle, in their endeavour to obtain his favour. 
 
358 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the Corporation agreed that "An address be presented the King, on the death 
 of his brother Charles II., by the Mayor, Sir Wm, Hayman; and that he joins 
 with the Recorder, Sir John ChurchUl, and to apply themselves to his Grace 
 the Duke of Beaufort." The address intended for such a character as James, 
 is a choice specimen of the time-serving temper of the King-selected Corpo- 
 ration. After the usual stereotyped preHminary, it says, — 
 
 " We cannot approach your sacred Majesty, without expressing our sorrow for the 
 decease of our late most gracious Sovereign, and your Majesty's most entirely 
 beloved brother. King Charles the Second ; which had been insupportable, had not 
 yo"" Ma*'*^ eminent virtues, and undoubted title to the Crown, alleviated our griefs, 
 and secured us from all danger j by having one of the same blood, endued with 
 admirable sagacity in government, with entire affection to the welfare of all yo^ 
 good subjects, and the happy state of y Kingdom, succeeded in his Throne, which 
 is most plain by your Ma^es adventuring yo' Koyall blood to defend those heretofore, 
 you are now by right to govern; and by those gracious expressions of yo"" Matie to 
 yo"" Hon^'i* Privy Council, at the first sitting amongst them, and many other instances 
 that give us entire confidence of happiuess luider your Mat'^s government. Nor is 
 this a new opinion taken up by us, upon yo"" Ma*'^^ ascending the Throne, but was 
 our former sentiment declared in many addresses from us, to his late sacred Matie of 
 Blessed Memory. We do therefore, in confirmation of our Loyalty, and as farther 
 demonstration of affection, duty, and allegiance, assure yor Ma*^* that we will stand 
 by, and assist yor Matie in the support of yor Crown and Government, in all honour 
 and safety, with our lives and fortunes ; and shall duly pray for your Ma*ies long 
 and happy reign. 
 " Given under the Corporation Seal of the City, by fiiU and free consent, this 17th day 
 of February, in the first year of your Majesty's reign." 
 
 March 27th. The Mayor reported the King's gracious reception of the 
 address,' and of the Duke of Beaufort's letter, particularly recommending the 
 Recorder : whereupon " the House, considering the great honour and regard 
 for the Master of the Rolls, resolved to improve their interest to elect him 
 M.P. for the City in the ensuing Parhament, a thing that vnU be both for 
 the honour and security of the City." The Chamberlain was ordered to 
 take care to have the King's picture put up in the CouncU House. This he 
 
 1 1685. Paid the Mayor's [Sir "W. Hayman] expenses to London, to present an address to the 
 King, £30. 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 359 
 
 did as directed, and April 7th, 1686, John Hoskins, was paid for the " King's 
 picture" £11:5.; " and for gilding frame, 13s. "^ 
 
 April 18th. Meeting of the Corporation. " Mr. Mayor proposed the method of 
 celebrating the day of the coronation of our King, that the Mayor, Aldermen, 
 Sheriffs, and Comon CounceU attend at the Tolzey, at nine of the cloche in scarlett. 
 That all the Companyes of the Citty doe alsoe attend at that tyme, and goe -w* Mr. 
 Mayor to the Colledge to hear a sermon. Mr. Mayor to appoint the Preacher, and 
 that all the solemnity that can be performed, be used in the procession. 
 " That the Chamberlaine provide powder sufficient to fire 114 greate gunnes, to befir'd 
 
 in such manner as Mr. Mayor shall direct." 
 " That two hoggsheads of clarrett be bought by Mr. Sherriffe Merricke, to cause the 
 four Conduits to run w"* wyne.^ Two greate bonfires, one att the High Crosse, and 
 the other att Mr. Mayor's door. That as many of this House as can, are desired to 
 attend Mr. Mayor, to dine at the Three Tunnes, and there to expresse those other 
 demonstrations of joy, as may be suitable to the day. 
 " That all the Churchwardens, cause the beUs to ringe, and that all inhabitants in 
 the Citty shutt theyre shoppes, and show other expressions of joy. The cost of 
 the dinner to be borne by the persons dining." 
 One might have supposed from the general demonstrations of joy, and 
 thanksgivings on the accession of James, — that a wise, merciful, and beneficent, 
 Sovereign had been given the nation, — and that an evil and corrupt adminis- 
 tration would no longer exercise its baneful influence upon the moral and 
 social condition of the people. One might have supposed that a new era, 
 new prospects, — prosperity, freedom, glory, and happiness, were about to dawn 
 upon the country, that had so long pined, and prayed, and waited for the 
 " good time ;" and that now at last it had come ! 
 
 While the enmities of faction were dividing the City ; and before the 
 delusion that James would perform his promises had been dispelled, — before 
 his arbitrary disposition, and his unconstitutional measures, had alienated 
 from him the affections of the great body of the people, a most mo- 
 mentous event occurred. Another crisis in this unhappy monarch's life. — 
 The Duke of Monmouth was in arms.^ When the report reached this City, 
 
 1 1685. Paid for paiating the King's arms over Froom Grate, £2. 
 
 2 1685-6. Abraham Saunders, for 2 Hhds. of claret, put into the Conduits, at coronation of James 
 II., £12 : 5. 
 
 3 The Duke landed at Lyme Eegis, ia the County of Dorset, June 11th. He fell on his knoes 
 on the sand ; an act of devotion which all his followers imitated. — Eobeets' Monmouth. 
 
360 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 all was confusion. Hope, fear, anxiety, and alarm, agitated every 
 breast. — There were no regular troops here, and it was known that amongst 
 the disaffected, Monmouth had many friends. The authorities immediately 
 assembled. The militia were ordered to watch ; two companies each night, 
 one at the Guildhall, and the other in Thomas Street. The King, who had 
 been informed that Monmouth's views were directed towards this City, of 
 whose importance he thought much, ordered Lord Churchill to post himself 
 between it and the rebels. — Directions were sent to the Duke of Beaufort,^ 
 Lord- Lieutenant of the City, to secure its allegiance with " such part of the 
 Gloucester, Monmouth, and Hereford militia, as he shall think fit." His 
 Grace marched into the City the 16th June, ^ and taking the supreme 
 command, placed it in an attitude of defence. — Two ships were ordered to be 
 prepared to apprehend vessels coming into the Severn ; and with the consent 
 of Sir John Bury, and the rest of the owners, it was determined to employ 
 the " Mediterranean," Captain Barnaby, then lying at Bristol, in readi- 
 ness to sail for Newfoundland ; and another, to be commanded by Sir 
 William Poole, and Captain Matthew Aylmer. Several Dissenters, and 
 suspected persons had their houses searched for arms; and several others, 
 whom it was supposed were devoted to Monmouth, were sent for up to 
 the Guildhall, and ordered to be kept in custody. To the forces already 
 assembled, were joined those under the command of the Duke of Somerset, 
 who arrived here on the 20th, with six companies of foot and a troop of horse ; 
 they drew up in the Marsh, and on the same day were reviewed by the Duke 
 of Beaufort.^ 
 
 Zealously supporting the best interests of Bristol ; the Duke of Beaufort 
 was held in high estimation by the civic authorities. Known as generous, 
 judicious, and self-possessed, they were unwilling, without having recourse to 
 his superior judgment, to take any decisive measure. On this occasion, when 
 the enmities of faction divided the City, — when rebellion strove to usurp 
 the throne, — when the property and lives of the citizens depended on the 
 wisdom of his counsels, he distinguished himself by the admirable pre- 
 parations he made for its defence, and the calm dispassionate manner in 
 which he exercised his important command. 
 
 1 Late Marquis of "Worcester, created Duke of Beaufort in 1682. 2 Xhe Duke lodged at Sir 
 Wm. Hayman' 8 house, in Small Street. 3 geyer. MS. Calendars. State Papers. Eoberts' Monmouth. 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 361 
 
 It is the Sabbath — the day ensuing the review, — the Dukes of Beaufort and 
 Somerset, with their officers, attended by the Mayor and Corporation, in their 
 civic liveries, go to the Cathedral. The procession is imposing. There is all 
 the splendour of military parade. There is all the ancient municipal pomp 
 and regalia. Since the day when the first Charles, and his two sons had knelt 
 beneath the hallowed roof, its walls had not beheld so goodly a spectacle. A 
 sermon on " passive obedience" was preached by the Very Eev. the Dean 
 (Dr. Thompson) who had been Chaplain in Ordinary to his late Majesty. 
 The sermon was published, with a dedicatory epistle, addressed to the Duke of 
 Beaufort, wherein the Doctor asks the question : — 
 
 " What is in this discourse," referring to the sermon, " that should move your Grace 
 to order its being thus publick ?" — and continues in answer, " that it was designed 
 to promote loyalty ; the same loyalty which now stands the top and comble of your 
 Grace's most illustrious titles and characters ; — in short, the same loyalty which 
 brought your Grace now down to Bristol, by your vigilance and resolution to secure 
 this City for his Majesty's service, at a time when the Mock-King of Lyme, had 
 assured his adherents, that the City was most certainly his own." 
 
 In the remainder of the epistle, the Doctor magnifies and lauds the services of the Duke. 
 " But your Grace hath so eifectuaUy succeeded in your undertaking, that the daring 
 rebels had ordy so much courage as to look upon the City, at four miles, and wish it 
 theirs. The only assault which they made upon your Grace, was a volley of lyes. 
 (For having scarce laid it, they raised the siege, with many bitter cursings and 
 execrations of your wise conduct, — at midnight cowardly running away.") 
 
 " No wonder, then, that aU honest and loyal hearts within this City, are now blessing 
 God for your Grace, and celebrating your deserved praises, as the only visible means 
 under him, that hath secured to them their estates, their liberties, and their very 
 lives." In conclusion, the Rev. Doctor says, that the " remembrance of his own 
 escape will always live fresh in his mind, — and that he wiU not fail to teU the Duke 
 so on all occasions." 
 
 The whole sermon was addressed to the military, and was well adapted to 
 the circumstances of the times. Its singular feature is, that the pedigree of 
 the King, showing his most undoubted right of blood to the possession of the 
 throne, — and his lawful descent, both by father and mother, from King Henry 
 VII. and the "Great Elizabeth," is traced with genealogical accuracy, and 
 emphatically insisted upon, 
 
 ' A 
 
362 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 But from the grateful solemnities, and tranquillising influence of Divine 
 worship, we must turn to scenes that far differently affect the mind. The 
 24th of June, the Duke ordered twenty-one companies of foot, to be mustered 
 in Kedcliff Mead, and six companies of horse at the Lamb Ground, at Law- 
 ford's Gate ; on the same day, a troop of horse voluntarily appeared, composed 
 of several citizens and country gentlemen. Although there was a party in the 
 City, composed of some of the most bigoted of the Whigs, who secretly 
 favoured Monmouth, — yet the Duke of Beaufort, by his military disci- 
 pline, — ^keeping his troops constantly on guard, maintained the allegiance of the 
 wavering. All whom he suspected of disaffection to the Government, and 
 plotters in the conspiracy, were arrested. Meanwhile, the Duke of Monmouth, 
 advised by Wade and Rowe,^ and other Bristol men, — who had taken up arms 
 for the Duke ; marched over the Mendip to Keynsham, where he arrived on 
 the evening of the 25th, with the intention of attacking Bristol the next 
 morning. The bridge had been broken, to prevent Monmouth from crossing 
 over to the Gloucester side of Bristol, — and Capt. Tyley, a mercer of the City, 
 who had joined Monmouth at Exeter, — was sent at night with a troop of horse, 
 to seize Keynsham, and repair the bridge. Here the Captain " engaged a 
 troop of the Gloucester militia horse, and caused them to retire, leaving 
 behind two horses and a prisoner." ^ 
 
 Intelligence of Monmouth's near approach has been received. Fear, palpi- 
 tation, and tremulous expectation have entered the hearts of the people. The 
 more active and accredited citizens are assembled in the Council House. It 
 is evening. A storm, that has been agitating the sky all day is stiU raging. 
 Night approaches blackly, — and a cold dreary wind moans through the troubled 
 streets. The agitating and deep gravity of the emergency is felt by all. No 
 where more so, than in the old apartment of the Tolzey, where the magnates 
 of the place deliberate. Amongst them, free, chivalrous, and high spirited, — 
 firm, earnest, and self-possessed, is the noble Duke of Beaufort. Of great 
 power, influence, and judgment, — he speaks gravely and temperately, and the 
 loyally-disposed gain hope and courage, from his words. He had marshalled 
 his soldiers round the far-famed church of Redcliffe. He had manned the walls, 
 
 1 Both proscribed on account of the Eye-House conspiracy. Wade was afterwards appointed 
 Town-Clerk of Bristol, by James II. Eowe was the dismissed Sword Bearer. 
 
 2 "Wade's Confession. Eoberts' Monmouth. 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 363 
 
 — had prepared for the anticipated danger. He had done his duty to the King he 
 reverenced. But he could not conceal from the Council, that he apprehended 
 more from sedition within,^ — than from the attack of the foe without. Bristol 
 abounded in riches, arms and stores, — should these fall into the possession of 
 the insurgents, it would be fatal to the King's cause, and lead to all the 
 horrors of a protracted civil war. Eather than such a calamity should ensue, 
 the Duke expressed his solemn determination to fire the City, on the least symp- 
 toms of disloyalty. While he yet spake, a dull red hght glowed in the 
 heavens towards the quay. It increased, and quickened with lurid flames, 
 that reflected and sparkled on the diamond-shaped panes, of the casemented 
 windows. The greatest commotion prevailed. The streets were crowded 
 with excited people, mouthing seditious cries, " A Monmouth ! A Monmouth ! 
 The Protestant Religion." And over all, the muttering of the elemental 
 warfare sounded audibly. It was an anxious time for citizen and Duke, who 
 feared the riot had grown into a rebellion, — that Monmouth and his army had 
 arrived. Wherefore the fire soon appeared,^"^ and the Duke's resolution was 
 not put to the test. The lurid light that now reddens the walls of the Council 
 Chamber, is seen by Monmouth and his army at Pensford. He had heard of 
 Beaufort's menace, and considered it was put into execution. With neither 
 
 1 Judge Jeffreys, in Ms celebrated cliarge to tte jury, alludes to encouragement given to Mon- 
 mouth, from his friends, -witMn the City. 
 
 2 A manuscript calendar says, " hut a sad accident happened this evening, viz., a ship, (the 
 Williani and Mary) at the Kay, took fire, (which way, unknown) which put the City in great con- 
 sternation: but, by God's blessing it was soon quenched, doing no other damage ; for it happened 
 to be high water at the Kay, by which means the other ships sailed off." Tradition teUs us, that 
 the Duke of Beaufort's menace was carried to Monmouth, at the instant the ship was fired in the 
 river ; upon which, taking it for certaia that the experiment was already making on those who 
 were deemed most devoted to his cause, and being touched with a quicker sense of compassion than 
 is consistent with the purposes of ambition, and the trade of wax ; he said, " God forbid that I 
 should be necessary to the ruin of my friends, or that for any consideration I should subject so 
 great a City, to the double calamity of sword and fire ! and gave immediate orders for his troops to 
 face about and take the road to Bath."— Se-tee, p. 526. 
 
 3 "It was afterwards asserted both by Whigs and by Tories, that the fire had been kindled by 
 the friends of Monmouth, in the hope that the trainbands would be busied in preventing the confla- 
 gration from spreading, and that in the meantime the rebel army would make a bold push, and 
 enter the City on the Somersetshire side." — MAOAuniT's History. Jeffreys also lays to the 
 citizens' disloyalty, the burning of the ship, which he says " was a signal to the rebels, and accuses 
 them as willing to believe it an accident." 
 
364 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 vigour of mind, nor capacity requisite for his perilous undertaking, Monmouth 
 falsely advised, and vpilling to spare the City, retreated, and sealed his doom.* 
 
 Monmouth's feebly conducted enterprise was approaching its close. — The 
 City maintained its military discipline. About sixty persons, who had 
 been secured in the " Marshalsea," were conveyed in a vessel to Gloucester. 
 They were taken on board at Eownham, and sent prisoners to and from 
 Newgate, without any mittimus, or having been taken before a Justice of the 
 Peace. Amongst them were Tyley's mother and sisters.^ A proclamation 
 was issued July 2nd, " That aU who were gone after Monmouth, should 
 be pardoned, provided they left him in four days ; and came and surrendered 
 themselves to a Justice of the Peace, and took a certificate ; in which procla- 
 mation some were excepted." The same day, the "Duke of Beaufort's 
 eldest son came here, and the 4th " a drum was beat, to enlist soldiers 
 under the Duke." 
 
 Mighty demonstrations of gladness took place on the arrival of the news of 
 the defeat of Monmouth at Sedgemoor, July 5th. The before-quoted 
 manuscript says, " The news came, while the greatest part of the militia were 
 in Eedcliff Mead ; upon which they marched back again, and the beUs rung, 
 and great rejoicings were made ; several horses were brought hither, and some 
 men committed to gaol." The latter is frequently the result of a tumult, but 
 certainly a novel contribution- to the general joy. — Further demonstrations 
 followed on the 8th of August, when the news arrived that Monmouth was 
 captured. The rejoicings were repeated, " but the stable at the White Lion, 
 (in Broad Street,) taking fire, spoiled the mirth. The Duke of Beaufort had 
 two horses burnt in it ; but by God's providence it went not much further, 
 and the next morning the Duke went to London."^ The fire was supposed 
 the act of an incendiary, and to have originated from the " malice and envy 
 of the fanatics." It may not be uninteresting to notice, that for many years 
 previously to this period, the White Lion had been, as it stUl continues 
 to be, patronised by the Beaufort family. The same day, at a meeting 
 of the Society of Merchants, it was ordered " that his Grace the Duke of 
 Beaufort, and his son the Marquis of Worcester, members of this society, 
 
 1 City Eeoords. Seyer. Roberts' Monmouth. Maoaulay's History. 
 
 2 MS. Cal. Seyer, II.,526. " 3 Ibid., II., 529, 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 365 
 
 now here with the militia of the adjacent counties, for our defence against the 
 late Duke of Monmouth, and the rebels in arms with and for him, be invited to, 
 and treated with a dinner in our common HaU ; and the management to be 
 left to the Master Wardens, Assistants, and Treasurer, or the major part of 
 them." Our chronicler is not happy in his diction. He has left it dubious 
 whether the rebels in arms were to be invited to the dinner also. 
 
 The Duke has left the City. The Mayor is again the important personage. 
 But Mr. Mayor is nothing without the Lord-Lieutenant. He has received 
 information which he considers of moment. And away goes a letter to the 
 Duke. Then he had a quantity of gunpowder, that he did not know how to 
 dispose of. Then there were sixty persons who had been sent prisoners 
 to Gloucester, without a mittimus or examination before a Justice of the 
 Peace. These naturally desired to be emancipated. What could the Mayor 
 do 1 He wrote again to the Duke for instructions, and his Grace thus replies 
 from Beaufort House,^ July 17th, — 
 
 "Me. Mayok, 
 
 " I thank you for your letters by the two last posts, the information I have 
 shewed the King, and given to Lord Sunderland. The powder I desire you would 
 keep safe tiU farther orders, with the rest which was sent down. The prisoners 
 you writ about, I moved the King for, as soon as I came up, — and yesterday had a 
 letter impowering me to release them ; but it came not time enough for me to write 
 by the post. I now do, and because it is not a night for Gloucester ; desire you 
 would do your townsmen the kindness to send it to Gloucester, and if any remain 
 with you, against whom there is no particular accusation, I desire you would release 
 them. And for Mr. Herdey^ and Mr. Clerk, against whom there is, I desire you 
 would let them out upon bail. 
 
 " I am, your very loving friend, 
 
 " Beaufort. 
 " For Sir "Wm. Hayman, Mayor of the City of Bristol." 
 
 1 " About the year 1520, Sir Thomas More purchased an estate at Chelsea, and built himself a 
 hou.se as Erasmus describes it, neither mean, nor subject to envy, yet magnificent, and commodious 
 enough. This House was afterwards in the possession of George Digby, Earl of Bristol, who 
 bequeathed it to his widow; who, in January 1682, sold it to Henry, Marquis of "Worcester, created 
 >Duke of Beaufort. Erom 1683, it was known by the appellation of Beaufort House, and continued 
 to be the occasional residence of that noble family tiU about the year 1720." 
 
 2 Mr. Henley the would-be member for Bristol, has already been visible to us. Mr. Clerk is 
 probably Romsey, the Town Clerk, of whom more hereafter. 
 
366 EDWAED COLSTON, 
 
 Martial law followed the rebellion, — and the darkest and most hideout 
 passions of mankind, — ^born of ignorance, cruelty, and hate, were let loose to 
 pillage and destroy. Eevolting were the summary executions, committed 
 without compunction by Colonel Kirke, one of the savage instruments of the 
 Government.'^ But greater far were the atrocities, committed by Jeffreys, the 
 most sanguinary monster, on whom the execration of humanity has ever 
 affixed the brand of enduring infamy. And yet this relentless and inhuman 
 judge, was not only sanctioned by James, but approved and honoured; and 
 his abhorrent butcheries, were even made the subject of jest and pleasantry, by 
 this most Christian monarch. In Somersetshire, the centre of the late insur- 
 rection, the fierce nature of the Lord Chief Justice, revelled in his lust for 
 blood. Executions took place with frightftd rapidity. " The dripping heads 
 and limbs of the dead were affixed in the most conspicuous places. In the 
 streets, — by the highways, — over the town-halls, — and over the very churches 
 devoted to a merciful God. All the high-roads of the country were no longer 
 to be •travelled, while the horrors of so many quarters of men, and the offensive 
 stench of them lasted."^ " Nothing could be liker hell than these parts; cauldrons 
 hissing, carcasses boUing, pitch and tar sparkling and glowing, bloody limbs 
 boiling, and tearing, and mangling."^ The preceding descriptions of scenic 
 horrors are from the pens of eye-witnesses, — prone, perhaps, to exaggeration, — 
 though too nearly approaching the truth, to be altogether excluded as 
 authority. Another writer says, "England was now an Aceldama; the country 
 for sixty miles together, from Bristol to Exeter, had a new and terrible sort of 
 sign-posts and signs, — gibbets, and heads, and quarters, of its slaughtered 
 inhabitants. Every soul was sunk in anguish and terror, — sighing by day and 
 night for deliverance, but shut out of all hope by despair."* Any attempt to 
 enlarge on this awful subject, would betray a morbid taste, and but weaken the 
 powerful pictures contemporary writers have drawn. 
 
 Not less merciful was the treatment of those, whom the avarice of Jeffreys 
 saved from sudden execution. Their sufferings were protracted in the West 
 India Islands, or terminated in premature death. The King wished to 
 
 1 Kirke was censured by Sunderland, for setting some rebels at liberty, but never for putting 
 innocent persons to death. 
 
 2 Pictorial England, III., 782. Lord Lonsdale's Memoirs. 
 
 3 Shirley. * Oldmixon. 
 
1685.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 367 
 
 present some of his courtiers with a thousand of them ; and a hundred or two, 
 to one of his mistresses. Jeffreys remonstrates with his Majesty on this costly 
 liberality, and writes him they are worth fifteen pounds a piece ; but after 
 acquainting him with their marketable value, yields to his Majesty's pleasure. 
 Never, from royal commission, had death reaped so great a harvest; for 
 never had one, so callous to pity, so unmoved to mercy, been intrusted with 
 so solemn an authority. Suitable servant for a Monarch, who could gloat over 
 torments that would scare the most hardened. Jeffreys' gory progress, 
 heralded by fear, marked by gibbets, by corrupting fragments of mortality, 
 and closed by mourning, lamentations, and woe, brought him to Bristol. He 
 entered the City on the 23rd of September ; and after refreshing himself at 
 the house of the Town Clerk, in the Marsh,^ went to the Tolzey, and from 
 thence to the Guildhall. Here, he made an extraordinary coarse and vindic- 
 tive speech, so commonly known, that we forbear transcribing it. Habitually 
 intemperate, he probably had indulged too freely, in the choice wine of the 
 Corporation, with which he had refreshed himself at the Town Clerk's. 
 Excited, inflamed, and maddened, he could not check the passionate torrent of 
 abuse, to which he gave rageful utterance against the Mayor and Magistrates. 
 He accused them of kidnapping,^ and working himself into a frenzy, was 
 guilty of the most extravagant and outrageous behaviour. He knew there 
 were many suspected Whigs among the Aldermen, and the charge of kidnap- 
 ping, was but the pretended cause of his fiery animosity. The Town Clerk, 
 who laid the information, was, as is supposed, actuated more by subserviency 
 to the Court, than by a love of justice. It was at his house, Jeffreys was 
 entertained ; and it may be assumed, that in the hope of advancement from the 
 Court, he availed himself of the opportunity, to whisper his impressions to the 
 great man; and, that to Eomsey's suggestions, the Mayor and Aldermen, were 
 
 1 There is no charge upon the City fund for entertaining Jeffreys, the cost was probably paid by 
 the Town Clerk. The Chamberlain's accounts have only the foUowiag items: — "Paid, 22nd Sept., 
 1685, for fruit this day, when the Judges dined with the Town Clerk, £0:17: 6. Sept. 28th, 
 Paid Lord Chief Justice Jeffries his Serjt, by a verbal order of the Mayor and Aldermen, £4:0: 0." 
 
 2 " Eoger North has assisted to disseminate the calumny. He writes that a poor shopkeeper 
 will have a bale of stockings, or a piece of stuff, ready for Nevis or Virginia, &c. &c. ; and rather 
 than fail, they trade in men; as when they sentence small rogues, taught to prey, and who, accord- 
 ingly received actual transportation, even before any indictment found against them ; for which my 
 Lord Jefferies scoured them." — Li/oes of the Three Norths. 
 
368 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 indebted for the humiliating scene, in which they were the astonished per- 
 formers. The Lord Chief Justice, in a letter from Bristol, triumphantly relates 
 this exploit, — boasts of his victory over this most factious City, — " and pledges 
 his life, and that which was dearer to him, his loyalty; that 'Taunton and 
 Bristol, and the County of Somerset too, should know their duty both to God 
 and their King, before he leaves them.' "^ 
 
 Our search among the archives, has not brought to light any instance of the 
 kidnapping propensities of the Corporation. Perhaps the offence was rare ; 
 perhaps the recording pen unfaithful ; perhaps concealed beneath the specious 
 clothing of "suffering" and "permitting," there might be flagrant crimes, — 
 to check which, were a merciful and gracious act. The only cases that have 
 come under our observation, rather relate to the endeavour on the part of the 
 Magistrates to prevent such outrages, — unless we may suppose they desired to 
 keep the trade entirely to themselves.^ 
 
 However slight the evidence on which the Town Clerk had laid his 
 information, it was sufficient for Jeffreys, who ordered the Mayor and Aldermen 
 concerned, to go from the Bench to the Bar, and plead to the indictment. In 
 a word, Sir William Hayman, Mayor, was fined £1000, for " suffering a boy 
 committed to Bridewell to go beyond the sea." The mild expression by which 
 
 1 Pict. England. 
 
 2 September 29th.. "Whereas many complaints have been oftentimes made to the Mayor and 
 Aldermen, , of the inveigling, purloining, carrying, and stealing away boyes, maides, and other 
 persons, and transporting them beyond seas ; and there selling them, or otherwise disposing of them, 
 for private gain and profit ; and it being a time of much vilanony, to have children and others in such 
 a barbarous and wicked manner, to be so carried, stolen, and sold, without any knowledge of the 
 parents or others that have the care and oversight of them, — ^it was ordained, for the prevention of 
 such 'mischiefs,' that aU persons for the future, who should be leaving as servants, should, before 
 going on board ship, ' have their covenants or indentures of apprenticeship enrolled in the Tolzey 
 Book;' — and that any master of any ship or vessel acting contrary to this enactment, were to be 
 fined for ' every such offence twenty pounds.' And further it was decreed that the "Water-bayliffe 
 should, from time to time, make diligent search in aU ships and vessels 'transporting persons as 
 servants beyond the seas,' — and should find any on board who had not enrolled their names in the 
 Tolzey Eook, notice was to be given to the Mayor." The 21st March, 1661, — " Information having 
 been given by one Thos. Durban and his father, against one Thos. Povy, for assaulting the said 
 Thos. Durban in the highway, taking money from him, and stealing of him away, without the 
 consent of his father, to go to the West Indies, and he being known to be a common manstealer, 
 and spirit that enticeth away people ; it is therefore ordered that he find security to appear at the 
 next GuildhaU Session, on the year to be holden for the City and County. — Nath. Cale, Mayor." 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 369 
 
 a heinous crime is softened. Sir "William, was also with Sir Robert Cann, 
 Mr. Alderman Lawford, Mr. John Napper, Mr. William Swymmer, and Mr. 
 Robert Kirke, to enter into recognizances " with sufficient sureties, the principal 
 in £10,000, and the sureties in £5,000 each, to appear to answer an indictment 
 in the King's Bench, for kidnapping." This extraordinary scene is described 
 by an amusing writer: — ^ 
 
 " His Lordship came upon the bench, and examined this matter, — he found all the 
 Aldermen and Justices, concerned in this kidnapping trade, more or less, and the 
 Mayor himself as bad as any. He thereupon turns to the Mayor, accoutred with his 
 scarlet and furs, and gave him all the ill names, that scolding eloquence could supply ; 
 and so, with rating and staring, as his way was, never left till he made him quit the 
 bench and go down to the criminals' post at the bar ; and there he pleaded for 
 himself, as a common rogue or thief must have done; and when the Mayor 
 hesitated a little, or slackened his pace, — he bawled at him, and stamping, called for 
 his guards, for he was general by commission. Thus the citizens saw their scarlet 
 chief Magistrate at the bar, to their infinite terror and amazement. He then took 
 security of them to answer informations ; and so left them to ponder their cases 
 amongst themselves. At London Sir Robert Cann, appUed by friends, to appease 
 him, — and to get from under the prosecution, and at last he granted it, saying, ' go 
 thy way, sin no more lest a worse thing come unto thee.' The prosecutions depended 
 tiU the Revolution, which made an amnesty ; and the fright only, which was no 
 small one, was all the punishment these juridical kidnappers underwent, and the 
 gains acquired by so wicked a trade, rested peacefully in their pockets." 
 
 Six men were condemned for high treason by Jeflfreys, on the occasion of 
 this dreaded visit ; three only suffered death. — Edward Tippot, a shoe-maker 
 of this City ; one Philip Cambridge, of Sodbury, a fish-monger ; and some 
 countryman said to be a grocer. They were hanged, drawn, and quartered at 
 Bedminster, on November 6th. Three persons were also executed at the 
 village of Wrington, — and about two hundred concerned in the rebellion, were 
 brought here in order to be transported. Wade, — one of the chiefs of the 
 rebellion, who had no right to expect clemency, — fled from the field of 
 Sedgemoor, and reached the coast in safety ; but before he could embark in a 
 frigate, by which he hoped to escape, — was discovered and taken to London. 
 Deeply as he had been implicated in the Rye-House plot, — conspicuous as he 
 had been among the chiefs of the western insurrection, he was suffered to live. 
 
 1 Eoger North. 
 
 3 T, 
 
370 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 He had it in his power to give information, which enabled the King to 
 slaughter and plunder some persons whom he hated, but whom he otherwise 
 could not criminate.' 
 
 Meanwhile one of the ramifications of the Whig plot, having extended to 
 this City; and from the fact that many of its chief inhabitants were Whigs, 
 the Governmeiit deemed it advisable to hold the City to its allegiance by the 
 awe of a military force. At the close of this year, and commencement of the 
 next ; a regiment of soldiers, under the command of Col. Charles Trelawney, 
 the Bishop's brother, was quartered here. They were loose, disorderly, over- 
 bearing, — and committed many excesses from which the people severely suffered. 
 The subject was brought before the Chamber, when upon consideration it was 
 resolved that the following address, " shewing the grievances of the citizens 
 from the insolence of the soldiers," should be presented to the Duke of Beaufort, 
 who was, if he thought fit, to present it to his Majesty. — 
 
 " May it please yotjk Grace, " October 23rd, 1685. 
 
 " There are so many complaints daily crowded in upon us, of the extravagancy of 
 the soldiers here ; that we are under great apprehension of the consequence thereof, — 
 and therefore do make our humble address to your Grace, laying before you some 
 of the most criminal facts that they have committed, — beseeching your Grace to direct 
 us in this great exigent. AU the inhabitants groan under their oppression. We have 
 ordered our Town -Clerk to attend with the information, and pray your Grace to take 
 your own measures, either by presenting them before the King and Council, or any 
 other way that may preserve our peace ; that our burgesses may not be in danger of 
 their persons, and discouraged in prosecuting their trades. The accustomed care of 
 us in this extremity is implored by, 
 
 " Your Grace's most obedient Servants, 
 "Abraham Sanders, Mayor, Richard Crtjmpe, 
 
 Egbert Yeamans, Joseph Creswicke, 
 
 John Hickes, Richard Hart. 
 
 William Crabb, 
 " To his Grace the Duke of Beaufort." 
 
 Hitherto the Duke had been so gracious in all his replies to the Corporation, 
 when soliciting his interest or counsel, — that they must have been rather 
 mortified at the result of their address ; at which we shaU arrive, after hastily 
 glancing at the intervening transactions. It may have been noticed, that most 
 
 • Pictorial England. Seyer. 
 
1685.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 371 
 
 of the parties whose names are subscribed to this letter, were suspected to be 
 tainted with "Whigism,"— and that, at a time when the enthusiasm of the Tory 
 party had just reached its meridian, was rather unfavourable to their cause.^ 
 However, before the answer came, they had sent another little commission 
 to the Duke. They had heard that an Act of Parliament, had provided a supply 
 to his Majesty, for payment of the expenses incurred in the suppression of the 
 late rebellion; and at a meeting of the Corporation, the 6th November, "The 
 House being made acquainted that £470, or thereabouts, was lately disbursed 
 on that account; it was then put to the vote whether a letter should be 
 written to his Grace the Duke of Beaufort, desiring him to procure an allow- 
 ance thereof from his Majesty." Carried in the affirmative. "And therefore the 
 House desired Eichard Hart, and the two Sheriffs, to pen a letter accordingly." 
 The letter was penned, and inclosed in another to Sir Richard Crumpe, one of 
 their representatives in Parliament. In it, the Corporation evince a desire to 
 make Sir Eichard feel duly sensible of the honour conferred upon him by his 
 election. They tell him what they expect, and wherefore they do so, — and 
 are rather unreasonable in their expectations, as is proved in the sequel. 
 
 " Sir, " 7th November, 1 685. 
 
 " Inclosed is a letter to his Grace the Duke of Beaufort, and we desire you to 
 present it to him, and as you are posted in an eminent station by the City, so we 
 cannot but expect you make it your business, to discharge that trust reposed in you, 
 by a sedulous care of its concerns. And therefore, we more particularly recommend 
 to you the soliciting this affair, until you have obtained an order for the £470 to he 
 paid, which will satisfy the persons, and ease us of those daily clamours which assail 
 us. We likewise recommend to you the order for restoring the keys of the City to 
 Mr. Mayor, — ^for that, by woeful experience, we find evil consequences have attended 
 the want of our City watch, you are sensible thereof; so we refer it to your prudent 
 management, and subscribe, 
 
 " Your affectionate friends, 
 "Abeaham Saundees, Mayor, Joseph Ckeswicke, 
 John Lawfoed, Eichaed Haet. 
 
 John Hickes, 
 « To Sir Eichard Crumpe." 
 
 1 " The Tories were loud in profession of attachment to their new master. The hatred of the 
 "Whigs was kept down by fear. The reaction which had followed the dissolution of the Oxford 
 Parliament, had not yet spent its force. The mass of the people were on the Tory side." — 
 Macatjiay's Hist. 
 
372 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 In the letter that was inclosed to his Grace, the Corporation beg the Duke 
 will exert himself in obtaining the money, they had expended in the late 
 rebellion. But the Duke was angry. His Grace wished to have been consulted 
 in filling the seat in Parliament, vacant by the death of Sir John Churchill, 
 soon after he was chosen. He had written on the subject, declaring for the 
 Town-Clerk. No attention had been paid to his desire. No acknowledgment 
 had been made, on the receipt of his letter, which excited the anger of the Duke, 
 and therefore did he order his Secretary to write thus to the Mayor. 
 
 Beaufort House, 17th November, 1685. 
 
 " I am commanded by my Lord, to acquaint you that he has received the two 
 letters you sent him, signed by yourself and some of the Aldermen ; the first of 
 which he showed his Majesty, together with the informations concerning the soldiers 
 at Bristol. As to the second, he is not so much a stranger to transactions at Bristol, 
 as not to know who they are that drove it on ; who penned the letter, and what use 
 is intended to be made of my Lord's favour in it, — who, as he hath been always 
 ready to shew his kindness to the City in general, so he is not for serving particular 
 men's terms, especially such as have not had that deference for him j nor that com- 
 pliance with his just desires, that he might have expected ; nor so much as owned 
 the receipt of a letter I writ by his command relating to your election. I mean Sir 
 B,ichard Hart, — to whom, upon his application to his Grace, my Lord bid me write 
 word he had already declared himself for Mr. Town Clerk : and I must tell you in 
 general, that my Lord wonders he should be put upon all your commands, when 
 any favour is to be obtained for you ; and that he is not thought fit to be consulted, 
 when you are to do a thing of that consequence, as choosing a member to serve you 
 in Parliament. He being a freeman of your town, and one that ventured himself 
 so frankly for the preservation of it at the time of need, and who have procured so 
 considerable advantages to your City ; and one who by his so much kindness, and 
 indeed, partiality to you, hath rendered himself the less proper to intercede, at 
 least to prevail for you, being liable to be answered as he was in the business of the 
 soldiers. That he not having checked you enough {though some of you thought it too 
 much) in the business of his officer, encouraged you to make such frivolous complaints, 
 and now to ask the keys of the Town, when the King has forces in it, a thing not 
 asked in any other quarter. "I am. Sir, 
 
 " Your very humble servant, 
 " To the "Worshipful Abraham Saunders, Esq., " H. Crow. 
 
 " Mayor of the City of Bristol." i 
 
 1 On the death of Sir Jolm Churchill, the Eecorder, the Corporation immediately consulted with 
 the Duke of Beaufort, as to the appointment of a successor. The Duke recommended the Hon. 
 
1686.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 373 
 
 James's first act of regal authority affecting our Corporation, was exhibited 
 in his arbitrary dismissal of a "Whig member. A letter dated Whitehall, 
 June 17th, 1686, addressed to the Mayor, enclosed the following order. The 
 receipt of which he is desired to acknowledge, and to write " what is done in 
 the matter that the King may have an account thereof." 
 
 " At the Court at Windsor, the 13th June, 1686. 
 
 " By the King's most excellent Ma'''- and the Lords of his most hon"'* Privy 
 Counsell, whereas, by the Charter lately granted to the City of Bristol, a power 
 is reserved to his Majesty, by his order in Council, to remove from his employment 
 any Officer in the said Corporation, and his Majesty having rec''' information of the 
 misbehaviour of Sir R* Hart, Kn'" one of the Ald°- of the said City, hath thought 
 fit this day in Council, to declare his pleasure, and doth accordingly order that the 
 said Sir R*- Hart be, and he is hereby displaced from his said office of Aid"-, and that 
 the said City proceed to the election of another Alderman in his room, according to 
 the method prescribed in their said Charter, whereof they are to take notice and 
 govern themselves accordingly. " William Bkidgeman. 
 
 " For his Majesty's service, to Mr. Mayor of Bristol, at Bristol." 
 
 In consequence of the above order, a meeting of the Corporation took 
 place the 21st, when " the Court proceeded to the election of an Alderman, in 
 the place of Sir Richard Hart, removed by order of his Majesty in Council." 
 Mr. John Combes, and Mr. John Moore, were " put into election, whereupon it 
 was put to the vote, and Mr. Moore was chosen by the majority." 
 
 At this time James's intentions were believed to be conformable to his 
 expressions. He had commenced his administration with a view to the public 
 good. The current of public favour inclined towards his Court. His arbi- 
 trary disposition, and the bigotry of his principles, had yet to become manifest. 
 His violent and unconstitutional exercise of the Eoyal authority, had yet to 
 alarm the nation. — Strike terror into the church, — and fiU the minds of his 
 Protestant subjects with dismay. While yet his weak and intolerant character 
 was undeveloped ; although his affection for Popery had been openly declared, 
 he made a tour through the country, to ingratiate himself with his people. In 
 expectation that he would honour this City with a visit, the subservient 
 
 Eoger Ifortli, son of Dudley Lord North, who was unanimously chosen a freemaii in November 1685, 
 and subsequently Eecorder, which was confirmed by the King, in June 1686, who stated his being 
 " well satisfied -with the loyalty of the said Eoger North, and of his ability to discharge the said 
 office of Eecorder of that our City." 
 
3 74 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Corporation, whom he had appointed, — met August 20th, for the purpose of 
 making the prehminary arrangements, when it was agreed " that Sir William 
 Hayman's house [in Small Street,] be for the King's reception, hy reason of 
 the conveniency of the Street for entertaining the nohility." 
 
 All was prepared. The King duly arrived. Seyer shall inform us the 
 manner of his reception. — " On Wednesday the 25th August, 1686, King 
 James came hither accompanied by George, Prince of Denmark, — the Dukes 
 of Beaufort, Somerset, and Grafton, — Lord Peterborough, and many other 
 nobles and great persons of this realm. ^ The King was received at Lawford's 
 Gate by the Mayor and Aldermen, with the usual ceremonies, — and conducted 
 to the house of Sir William Hayman, in Small Street ; when he was honoura- 
 bly entertained at the charge of the City. Next day, the King went on 
 horseback into the Marsh, and reviewed the soldiers who had pitched their 
 tents. From thence, he went along the Key, up St. Michael's Hill, and rode 
 along the hill to Prior's Hill, thence down to the Barton, into St. James's, up 
 Newgate, and so to his lodgings. He touched several for the evil. After 
 dinner he went to Redcliff Gate, and thence to Portshead Point, attended by 
 several nobles. And in the evening Mr. William Merrick, one of the Sheriffs, 
 was knighted, and also Mr. Charles Winter, High Sheriff for the County of 
 Gloucester. Next morning early, the King went to Bridgewater, and thence 
 to Sedgemoor, to view the place where his army overthrew the Duke of 
 Monmouth.'" 
 
 His Majesty again visits the City. Late in the summer, accompanied by his 
 Queen, he set out on a splendid progress, attended by a great train of his nobility. 
 He left Windsor the 16th of August; and after visiting Portsmouth and 
 Southampton, arrived at Bath, where he remained a few days, and where he left 
 the Queen. " When he departed, he was attended by the High Sheriff of 
 Somersetshire, and by a large body of gentlemen, to the frontier of the County; 
 
 1 "It miglit have been at this time, that the King turned out of the direct road from Bath, 
 and paid a visit to Hanham Court. Mr. Creswicke, the owner of that house, in 1817, sho-wed a 
 spot, where once stood a tree, under which his grandfather, entertained King James II., as he was 
 informed by Hugh Brain, who lately died, at the age of 102, whose father was then present." 
 
 2 The cost of this entertainment, we learn from the accounts of the Chamberlain, was "£573 : : 1 ; 
 Cooks, £77 : 9 ; Confectioners, £63 ; Viatners, Stephen Stringer, and John OUiffe, £146 ; Butchers, 
 £27 : 17 ; the Chamberlain, for sundries, £119 : 8 : 3 ; paid the Mayor, for the loss of a silver 
 fork, 10s., and for diaper napkins, 10s.," &c., &c. 
 
1687.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 375 
 
 where the High Sheriff of Gloucestershire, with a not less splendid retinue, 
 was in attendance. The Duke of Beaufort soon met the royal coaches, and 
 conducted them to Badminton ; where a banquet worthy of the fame which 
 his splendid housekeeping had won for him, was prepared.'" The civic 
 authorities at Bristol, hearing of the Queen's intention to remain at Bath, 
 during the King's progress, — held a meeting, for the purpose of consulting on 
 the propriety of showing her Majesty some little attention. Although they 
 neither respected James nor his Queen ; yet they deemed it necessary for their 
 interest, to conduct themselves as though they did. Accordingly, says the 
 report, " It being then put to the question, whether the Queen Regnant, now 
 at the Bath, shall be invited here, and entertained at the City charge or no, it 
 was carried in the affirmative by the majority." They were therefore not 
 unanimous ; probably consideration of the expense, and an exhausted treasury, 
 influenced the dissentients. Experience had taught them, that to entertain a 
 Sovereign in a manner becoming a large, loyal, and important City, — would 
 make a considerable inroad on their diminished resources. 
 
 It was " orderedj that Sir Kichard Crumpe, Sir William Clutterbuck, and the two 
 Sheriffs, go to Bath and invite her." The latter, with " Mr. Richard Lane, Mr. 
 George Hart, and the Chamberlain, are appointed a Committee, to consider of and 
 manage the entertainment." From our finding no charge, we conclude her Majesty 
 did not accept the compliment. Neither has the scribe informed us of the result 
 of the deputation, — or we may have read that "the invitation was graciously acknow- 
 ledged; but that her Majesty could not think of visiting without the King." 
 
 When the infatuated Monarch rejoined his Queen at Bath, he had just been 
 defeated and mortified by the Fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford. He 
 had placed himself in an embarrassing condition, from which he could see no 
 retreat, but by the sacrifice of his dignity. Eage, at the opposition offered to 
 his commands, — regret, for his own violence, — and a fierce, vindictive desire 
 for revenge, swayed and governed him alternately. While in this mood, the 
 deputation from the Corporation of Bristol arrived, " to congratulate him on 
 his return from his new progress," and to convey to him the wish of the 
 Chamber, that he would honour the City with his presence. Had they known 
 the passions that were gnawing and tearing the heart of James, they might 
 have been suspected of irony in their congratulations. In happy ignorance, 
 
 1 Macaulay's Hist. Eng., II., 295. 
 
376 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 they approached with the utmost humility the exasperated Monarch ; who, 
 appeased for the time, it may be, by their urbanity, suffered his passion 
 against the Magdalen College to have a brief repose ; and to relieve his mind, 
 accepted the proffered courtesy. 
 
 Then the deputation returned to the City ; and the next day, August 9th, 
 a meeting was held, to consider the manner of receiving their Majesties. 
 When it was " ordered, that his Majesty and Queen be received at Lawford's 
 Gate, by the Mayor and Aldermen in their scarlet gowns, and by the Council 
 in black, all on horseback. And that the several companies of the City be 
 ordered to attend in their formalities. That a present of one hundred broad 
 pieces be made to her Majesty, by Mr. Mayor, at Lawford's Gate.'" 
 
 On the King's return from his progress, he began to change the magistracy 
 of the several Corporations in England, according to the powers reserved to 
 the Crown in the new charters. He had found the Tory Corporations un- 
 manageable. They did not enter into his policy as he expected they would 
 have done. They did not partake of his infatuation, and lend their aid to 
 his frantic endeavours to render the Pope dominant in the kingdom. He had 
 reserved to himself the right of dismissing any objectional member, and 
 replacing him by another. He exercised this right in the case of Sir Richard 
 Hart. He would now make a more effectual use of his prerogative, by a 
 wholesale removal of the Tories ; and fill their places with Dissenters ; who 
 owed him a great debt of gratitude for his late indulgence. These, he fondly 
 hoped would be subservient to his interest. The worthy instrument he 
 employed to effect his purpose in Bristol, was none other than Nathaniel 
 Wade ; whom we have seen engaged in the Eye-House Plot ; and subse- 
 quently in arms for Monmouth. This " crafty, and intriguing man,"^ had not 
 only received a pardon, but had also obtained a reward for his infamy ; and 
 had so far ingratiated himself into the favour of James, that he was made the 
 bearer of the " Corporation purge," — and was given the office of Town-Clerk ; 
 which, the execution of the Special Commission he produced, rendered vacant. 
 
 1 " Their Majesties were received with the accustomed ceremonies, and had a splendid entertain- 
 ment provided for them and their retinue, at Mr. Lane's great house, on St. Augustine's Back. They 
 returned to Bath the same evening." — Settee. Entertaining King James, and his Queen, September 
 1687, £703 : 1 : 5. ITo particulars rendered, as to the items of the banquet. 
 
 2 Seyer. 
 
1688.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 377 
 
 Great was the excitement, and expectation of the Chamber. February 4th, 
 
 1687-8. 
 
 " The House being this day met, Mr. Nathaniel Wade [who had previously acquainted 
 Mr. Mayor that he had something to communicate to him from the 'King's 
 Majesty'] was called in, who then delivered to Eichard Lane, Esq., Mayor, the 
 order of his Majesty in Council, under seal of the Privy Council; for displacing the 
 several persons therein mentioned ; which order being read, the persons present were 
 thereby displaced ; delivered up their authority in submission to his said Majesty's 
 order in Council, and withdrew.^ Then the said Mr. Wade, delivered to John 
 Lawford, Esq., Senior Alderman, the mandate under his said Majesty's Privy Seal, 
 for electing and admitting the several persons therein mentioned to their respective 
 offices therein specified ; which election, was by the remaining Aldermen, and 
 Common Councilmen then present, accordingly made, and the said mandate obeyed 
 and executed." * 
 
 Another letter followed from the " King's Ma*^ for removal of certain 
 members, and adding others," which was done. " It was then, after debate, 
 ordered that this House do address the King." Whereupon the annexed 
 choice specimen of fulsome adulation, struggled into form. And the record 
 assures us it was considered so good, as to be incapable of amendment: — 
 
 " To the King's most excellent Majesty. 
 " Deead Soveeeigne, 
 
 " Wee, your Mats Loyall Subjects, — the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Councill 
 of your City of Bristoll, doe, in all humility, lay ourselves att yo^ Ma'^ feett, and 
 make the offering of our humble and hearty thanks for the great blessings and 
 happinesse wee enjoy under your Mats -yj^se and prudent Governem*; and particu- 
 larly seeing yo'' Matie have been pleased to intrust us with the Governemt of this 
 your City ; that you have, by your gratious declaration for liberty of conscience, 
 suspended the means of contention, and instruments of trouble and disturbance ; 
 whereby you have made the exercise of Governement pleasant to your Ministers 
 and easy to your people ; our buisinesse now being only to punish evildoers, and to 
 shelter and support those that doe weU — being not lyable to the summons of every 
 Informer, — whose Loyalty, and Eeligion, consists only in vexing and tormenting his 
 peaceable neighbours for their Religion and conscience. Wee already find the 
 happy effects of your Mats most benign Governemt, a blessed peace, and tranquilitie, — 
 and doe think it our duty, on all occasions, to the utmost of our power, to be further- 
 
 1 The Mayor, Sheriffs, six Aldermen, the Town-Clerk, and eighteen Common-Councilmen, were 
 displaced. 2 gee Seyer, II., 534. 
 
 ' c 
 
378 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " inge your Mats gratious intentions of liberty to all your Subjects, by promoting the 
 repeal of all laws contrary thereunto ; and unanimously beseech Almightie God to 
 prolong yo^ Mats reigne over us, that you may be the protection of your people, — 
 and that they may all make yo^ Matie the just returns of duty and obedience as 
 Loyall Subjects. And that when it shall please Him by whome Kings reigne, to 
 take yC Matie from this earthly to a Heavenly crowne in Glory, — Wee may be 
 blessed with a Successor to reigne over us, descending from yC Matti«, whoe may 
 inheritt as weU. your princely vertues and goodness, as your Kingdomes and 
 Dominions. 
 " In Witnes whereof, wee have caused the Common Seale of our Corporation, to be 
 hereunto affixed, this 20th day of April, in the fowerth yeare of yo"" Mats most 
 happy reigne." 
 
 We may almost imagine a tone of sarcasm pervading the above address ; 
 and if written in that spirit, it would have been a successful composition. The 
 idea is however, dispelled by the commencement, — wherein we learn the awe 
 James had inspired by the exercise of his prerogative, which had filled the 
 minds of the Corporation with wonder and dismay. They were, in fact, 
 mere ciphers, shifted about at the dictates of his arbitrary will. A stroke of 
 his pen, and where was their authority] The peculiar "blessings" and 
 "happiness" the country enjoyed, was a wild stretch of the imagination. In 
 their own experience, — continued dissensions, plottings, and conspiracies, had 
 produced cares and anxieties that must have eaten into a considerable share 
 of that happiness. And very pleasant, certainly, must James's Ministers have 
 found the task of following his policy, and very permanent the "blessed peace 
 and tranquillity." Especially blessed to the Corporation of Bristol, who were 
 so charmed with the " happy effects " of James's wise and prudent administra- 
 tion, that they made no efforts for the preservation of their hereditary King ; 
 but surrendered their City without a struggle. 
 
 Never was England more agitated than before the Eevolution of 1688. 
 James had broken through aU the laws at once, to make his way to Popery 
 and tyranny ; and the discontent of the people was great and increasing.^ 
 
 1 "At Bristol, the rabble, countenaiiced it was said, by the Magistrates, — ^performed a profane 
 and indecent pageant, in which the Yirgin Mary was represented by a bufFoon, and in which a 
 mock host was carried in procession. The garrison was called out to disperse the mob. The mob, 
 then and ever since one of the fiercest in the kingdom, resisted. Blows were exchanged, and 
 serious hm-ts inflicted." — Macauxat's Hist., II., 101. 
 
1688.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 379 
 
 Gloomy was the political horizon, and fearful to contemplate was the dread 
 calamities of a religious warfare. — In this desperate conjuncture of affairs, 
 when men in great perturbation began to look around for help, — the name of 
 the Prince of Orange was heard. A formidable party had invited him to 
 rescue the country from the raging abuse of the power and authority of James. 
 Of this, we may suppose our Corporation were not ignorant, though at present 
 our annalists have not ventured to touch upon the subject. At this crisis, if 
 we turn to their records, we shall find our Corporation, (no unusual thing) in 
 serious deliberation, on making a present, and giving a dinner invitation.^ 
 
 This was not all. Anne might one day be Queen. — The Corporation would 
 show her additional attention ; were it only to uphold the fair name for 
 hospitality, the City had so long maintained. Accordingly they sent her in 
 addition, 20 doz. of sack, the same quantity of claret, and of white wine ; a 
 highly suitable present for a Princess. The expense of forwarding which to 
 Bath for presentation, was £3 : 8. The sugar was forgotten till Anne had left 
 for London, — whither she went in a great hurry, on the news of the premature 
 birth of the infant f who subsequently made so melancholy a figure as the 
 " Pretender." But the Corporation did not neglect to forward it. — An entry 
 informs us that one " Tobias Luton, for carriage of a Hhd. of sugar to London, 
 which was a present to the Prince and Princess of Denmark," was paid 16*. 
 
 James was at this time endeavouring to obtain a Parliament,' that would 
 sanction his unscrupulous measures. The manner in which he set about it, 
 
 1 1688, May 23rd. Tlie Mayor acquainted tlie House, of tte arrival of tlie Princess Aime of 
 Denmark, at BatH. Eesolved that — "The Mayor, (Thos. Day,) Sir E. Crumpe, Sir "Wm. Hayman, 
 Alderman Jackson, Alderman Browne, two Sheriffs, Mr. Dinning, Mr. Tate, Mr. White, Mr. Black- 
 well, Mr. Pope, do proceed on Priday next to Bath, to congratulate her on her arrival ; and either 
 to invite her Highness and the Prince hither, — or make them some present in the name of the City. 
 The Committee report they had met with a gracious reception, but their Highnesses intended not 
 to stir abroad, and cannot visit the City. It was thereupon " ordered that a butt of sack, a Hhd. 
 of claret, ditto of white wine, be presented to them." 
 
 2 " Guns fired on the 17th inst., (June, 1688) on the occasion of the birth of a Prince 
 of "Wales. July 1. Day of thanksgiving for the same. Trumpeters and "Wait Players, were paid 
 for their services, £2 : 4. Bonfires made, cost 2s." 
 
 3 "After proroguing the [preceding] Parliament, the King feU immediately to the supporting 
 the dispensing power, the most chimerical thing that ever was thought of, and must be so, till the 
 Government here is as absolute as in Turkey; all power being included in that one." — Blencowe's 
 Diary of the Times of Charles II., II. Appendix C. 372. 
 
380 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 will be seen, in the extraordinary and violent exercise of his power, in his 
 deahngs with the Corporation of Bristol. They had addressed him so obse- 
 quiously ; they had obeyed him so promptly, he felt he could rely upon 
 them at this exigency. The 10th October, he sends a mandamus, which was 
 read to the House, wherein he says, " having received a good character of the 
 loyalty of our well-beloved subjects" [whose names follow to the number of 
 sixty eight,] " we have thought fit hereby to require you forthwith to make all 
 and every the persons mentioned, freemen of the City of Bristol, — with all the 
 rights and privileges thereunto belonging, without administering unto them any 
 oath, or oaths whatsoever, with which we are graciously pleased to dispense in their 
 behalf." 
 
 This was rather a startling assumption of the prerogative. Such a whole- 
 sale proceeding took the Corporation by surprise. The report states they did 
 not act immediately upon the order. " It being debated whether the persons 
 mentioned in the said mandamus, be made free according to the said man- 
 damus, it was deferred until the next House." Before the next House met, 
 events had arisen, whereby all further considerations on the subject was 
 rendered nugatory. James had become sensible of the threatened danger of 
 the coming of the Prince of Orange ; ^ and when the House was again con- 
 vened, it was to read the proclamation of his Majesty, for restoring the ancient 
 Charter, and the mandamus was thrust aside. 
 
 James did not find the present Corporations more manageable than the past ; 
 and although many of the old Puritans were as much astonished, as the public 
 at their return to oflB.ce ; they were not composed of that plastic material 
 requisite for their Sovereign's purpose. Men who had taken up arms against 
 royalty, and been staunch supporters of the Commonwealth, — were not to be 
 moved by any concessions, or acts of indulgence, to support the policy of a 
 despot. Their oflftcial career was brief. Indiscreet and unpopular measures, 
 
 1 The Earl of Sunderland in a letter to a friend, upon the first thought of his [the Prince's] 
 coming, writes " I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to do several things -which I would 
 have had done sooner, the chief of which were to restore Magdalen College, and all other ecclesiastical 
 preferments, which had been diverted from what they were intended for ; to take off my Lord 
 Bishop of London's suspension ; to put the counties into the same hands they were in some time 
 before ; to annul the Ecclesiastical Court; and to restore entirely aU Corporations of England." — 
 Diary of the Times of Charles II., Appendix. 
 
1688.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 381 
 
 followed each other in rapid succession. Discontent steadily increased till 
 the whole Protestant nation was prepared to rise in one mass, to repel the 
 aggression. Still James, impelled and blinded by religious zeal, persisted in 
 his rash and violent measures. Unheedful of warnings, unsuspicious of 
 danger, till it was too late. The civil concessions he made, when the truth 
 broke in upon him, could no longer conciliate the estranged aifections of his 
 people. The Corporation Charters were restored, and the deposed members 
 replaced. The third of October, another change was effected in the Chamber, 
 that rendered the intrigues and manoeuvrings of Wade, of none effect. On 
 that day an anxious meeting of the Chamber was held, — when, " his most 
 gracious Majesty's proclamation, for restoring Corporations to their ancient 
 Charters, liberties, rights and franchises, — and the several orders of Privy 
 Seal, and Privy Council, thereupon being read, it was proposed whether the 
 House should proceed to elect officers for the remainder of this year to Mich- 
 aelmas next, which was carried in the affirmative nemine contradicente." 
 
 Shortly after, the Prince of Orange landed at Torbay, and all England was 
 in commotion.^ The 22nd October, the Duke of Beaufort arrived, — probably 
 sent here with the proclamation for restoring the Charter, and to maintain the 
 allegiance of the City to James, to whom his Grace was most devoted. Sir 
 John Guise, of Gloucestershire, — who had been exiled in Holland, for defama- 
 tion of the Duke of Beaufort, — was sent with Charles, Earl of Shrewsbury, who 
 came over with the Prince, to secure Bristol. His regiment marched into the 
 City, December 1st, together with two troops of dragoons ; one Dutch, the 
 other English. They were favourably received. The inclination of the 
 inhabitants was adverse to the cause of James ; and the Duke of Beaufort, 
 hearing of their coming, and finding resistance hopeless, — departed with all 
 speed, " not staying," says the calendar, " to dine." 
 
 WiUiam is on the Throne, — the Protestant religion is secured, — bigotry is 
 powerless, — persecution checked. And now, when freedom of conscience, — 
 when liberty of worship, — when all for which magnificent minds have lived, 
 and noble martyrs died, — have been attained, we pause in our narrative of local 
 transactions. Though the jarring enmities of Whig and Tory, still agitate our 
 City and the land ; yet the peaceful proceedings, and calm employments of 
 
 1 " 1688-9. Cost of keeps guard in tte City, when tlie Prince of Orange landed in the "West 
 Country, £9 : 15 : 0." 
 
382 EDWARD COLSTON, HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 civilised society are pursued with a quiet and uninterrupted security, unknown 
 since the days when Elizabeth's wise Counsellors discreetly governed the 
 happy and prosperous realm. The good time has come, — the dawning of those 
 many blessings that descend upon us now. It is a favourable sera for resum- 
 ing the simple story of one, whose later years upon life's stage, may be 
 comprised in the few words, "he went about doing good." 
 
CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Colston's first Public Benefaction to tMs City— His Correspondence— Proposes to maintain Six Sailors in the 
 Merchants' Almshouse— His Conscientiousness — Purchase of the Sugar House in St. Peter's Churchyard by 
 theCorporationofthePoor— HisDonations— Decease of his Mother— His Gift of £1000 to Whitechapel Church 
 — His residence in Bristol — "Works dedicated to Colston — His proposal to Increase the number of Boys in the 
 Hospital of Queen Elizabeth, and Donation towards Re-building the School-house — His Letter to the 
 Society of Merchants, containing a munificent offer — Proceedings thereupon — Purchase of the Great House 
 on St. Augustine's Back — Colston's Endowment for One Hundred Boys — The Merchants accept the Trust — 
 Nominees appointed by Colston — He superintends the Progress of the Alterations at the Great House — 
 Incidental Anecdotes — Opening of the School — Summary of Local Transactions. — Colston M.P. for Bristol. 
 
 Ascend St. Michael's Hill, and notice on the right, a quaint building, 
 extending three sides of a quadrangle ; with muUioned and transomed win- 
 dows, — and a little chapel in the centre, over which is a small bell-turret. The 
 area is divided into formal grass plots, planted with cypress trees, — as the 
 times fashioned it, so it is. The whole is preserved with a neatness and order, 
 which can scarcely fail to arrest the attention of the passer-by. Through each 
 varying season of the year, it retains the same verdant aspect, — the same 
 method, — the same repose ; and thankful should be the aged, and the desti- 
 tute, who here find an asylum in the winter of their days. Here, after the 
 storms and tempests of the sea of life, free from care and solicitude, — free from 
 all anxious thought for the morrow's sustenance, they can dedicate their lives 
 to God, and prepare their souls for an immortal rest. It is a quiet and 
 pleasing spot in the midst of a great City. It has no visible change. The 
 discords and revolutions of the world affect it not; empires may have fallen, — 
 new dynasties arisen, — but here is no note of the mighty burthen of events, — 
 the same soothing, uninterrupted calm exists, — the ever-reviving freshness of the 
 grass, — the ever-enduring verdure of the shrubs. There are many such tran- 
 quUlising spots, devoted to benevolence in this highly favoured land, — ^and it is 
 pleasing to behold it thus. But this has its peculiar charm ; and greater 
 becomes its interest, and more gratifying its contemplation, when we know it 
 to be ihe first of the many institutions founded by the venerated Colston.^ 
 
 1 " September 2iid, 1690, Colston made application to the Corporation to pm-oliase two acres, 
 three quarters, and thirty-seven perches of pasture ground, on St. Michael's Hill, just above the site 
 
384 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 And here, watching the progress of this future asylum for aged poverty, 
 prescribing rules for its government, and settling its endowment, had Colston 
 been employed since we beheld him last. He is now engaged in seeking deserving 
 objects on whom to bestow shelter and support ; — not unmindful, when 
 relieving them from the harsh necessities of this transitory world, — of providing 
 for their path to that holy land, where life will be permanent and eternal.' This 
 was the happiness Colston had pictured, — This was the pleasure for which he 
 had toiled. — For this was his wealth valued. And when his purpose had 
 assumed a reality, and the almshouses were erected and occupied, — fancy strives 
 to conceive him, conducting his aged parent to view the good work her son 
 had done, — and in the little chapel unite with the humble objects of his 
 bounty, in an offering of praise and thanksgiving to the God, for whose 
 glory and honour he had laboured. 
 
 In his proceedings against the Corporation, for the recovery of the money 
 he had lent them, — Colston must have been influenced by circumstances to 
 which our knowledge does not extend. It was probably while under 
 this influence, that he was induced to make the Society of Merchants the 
 
 " of St. Mary Magdalene's Nunnery, called tlie Turtles, or Jonas Leaze, to erect thereon an almshouse 
 and chapel, and three other messuages. The appUcation was referred to the Surveyors of City 
 Lands to contract with him. The 10th September foUowing, the Corporation agreed to sell him 
 the same for £100, which he paid on the ensuing November. The charge of building and finishing 
 this house amounted to about £2500." " January 24th, 1696. He conveyed to Sir Eichard Hart, 
 and twenty-seven other persons of the City of Bristol, a piece of land, called the Turtles, or Jonas 
 Leaze, which he had purchased of the Corporation, on part of which he had built an almshouse, 
 and that the same should he caUed Colston's Almshouse, and be for ever employed for an almshouse, 
 or abiding place for twenty- four poor persons, (twelve men, and twelve women), the said Edward 
 Colston to appoint during his Ufe, and afterwards by the Master "Wardens, Assistants, and Com- 
 monalty of the Merchant Adventurers." — Merchants' Hall Proceedings. 
 
 1 " His exalted love of the beauty of holiness m the established Liturgy of the Chui-ch of England, 
 and the zealous care for the glory of God, soon engaged him to provide, that the daily service of the 
 Church and catechizing should be performed in his hospitals and almshouses." » — De. Hahcotjet's 
 Funeral Sermon. 
 
 - Eules "for the better government and ordering of the ahnshouse on St. Michael's Hill." 1. "That 
 Common Prayer, as it is now established by law, be read in the chapel-room of the almshouse, every morning 
 and evening in the year, by one in holy orders, lawfully ordained ; except only Sundays, and Wednesday morn- 
 ings, and Friday mornings ; when there are prayers read at the parish church of St. Michael, in Bristol." 4. 
 " That all the almsmen and ahnswomen shall constantly come to the said prayers, at the aforesaid times, and 
 shall behave themselves decently and reverently at them, by kneeling when the prayers are read, and answer to 
 the several responses." — Colston's Settlements, 
 
1695.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 385 
 
 administrators of his charity on St. Michael's Hill. To them he consigned the 
 sacred trust ; which has ever been religiously, and faithfully discharged by the 
 honourable successors of that ancient body.' The report of the proceedings of 
 the Merchants' Hall, will therefore be our authority for the remaining notices 
 of this almshouse. At a meeting September 17th, 1695, Colston's proposal for 
 its endowment was read, and a committee, consisting of the Master Wardens, 
 Sir John Knight, Mr. Arthur Hart, Mr. Eobert Tate, and Mr. Edward 
 Tocknell were appointed to consult him upon the subject, and conclude the 
 arrangements ; which they did on the 20th instant, and the next day delivered 
 their sentiments to him. At the date of this assembly, Colston was in Bristol, 
 but on the 20th of the following month, we find him at Mortlake, attending a 
 vestry. 
 
 We now arrive at an important period in our Memoir, — when, from the 
 correspondence of Colston, we can more immediately place his character before 
 the reader. Here the spirit of charity may be truly said to have its record ; and 
 it is remarkable, that of the letters of Colston preserved in our archives, all 
 appertain to the same subject, — and are all written with the one single, earnest, 
 philanthropic end. Simple, concise, expressed with judgment and knowledge of 
 the world ; they exhibit more forcibly the heart and mind of the man, than 
 aught bequeathed by contemporary biographers. The precise habits of the 
 man of business are perceptible throughout ; and the direct manner in which he 
 enters into the details of his subject, without any prefatory observations, cannot 
 escape notice ; nor can the care, forethought, and anxiety he evinces to check 
 every unnecessary expenditure, and to render the property he had parted from 
 as productive as possible, — feeling as much interest in its economic manage- 
 ment, as though he himself were selfishly concerned in its prosperity. The 
 letters have clearness of expression, and are good of their kind. Without 
 eloquence, without elegance, — they are written because indispensable for the 
 just administration of his affairs. They are written with far higher than 
 literary aims. They are written with the pen of one, occupied only in the 
 
 1 The Society of Merchants, was incorporated by Edward VI., ISth DecemlDer, in the first year 
 of his reign. Edward Prynne, Master,— Thomas Hickes and Eobert Butler, Wardens; and was 
 confirmed by Ehzabeth, 8th July, in the eighth year of her reign. Theii arms was granted them 
 by Eobert Cooke, King of Arms, dated 24th August, 11th Elizabeth, Dominyk Chester, Master, 
 Thomas Eowland and John Carr, 'Wardens. 
 
 'd 
 
386 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 great business he had to perform, as a faithful steward of his Divine Lord and 
 Master. The earliest we possess, discloses many of the characteristics we have 
 briefly indicated. Without courteous prelude or formal wordiness, it com- 
 mences direct upon the purpose for which it was written : — 
 
 " December Sth, 1695. The almshouse on St. Michael's Hill wants some men to fill it ; 
 if you, or any of your body, know of any persons that are fit to go into it, I would 
 gladly have them put in. I would willingly, that they should be such that have 
 lived in some sort of decency ; but that a more especial regard should be had that 
 none be admitted that are drunkards,^ nor of a vicious life, or turbulant spirit, — least 
 the quiet and order of the inhabitants at present live in, be thereby interrupted. If 
 a fit man could be found out that should succeed Mr. Ham, he might be presently 
 admitted, and his allowance should be 12d. per week more than the rest, till he comes 
 into his station ; for in truth, when he [Mr. Ham] dyeth, the house will be under a 
 very great want of a prudent overseer, to preserve the good order that is among 
 them. One of those houses which I built, adjoining to the almshouse, and is made 
 over as part of its maintenance, wants a tenant, — I recommend it to the care of all 
 the gentlemen of the Merchants' Hall to find out one, and when that is done I make 
 it my request to them, that he may be put in at such rent and terms, as they shall 
 think fit ; and further, that they would please to appoint a committee to visit the 
 house once every three or six months at longest, for I leave it whoUy under their 
 care and management, and shall in a little time send them down all the writings 
 relating to it. " I am. Sir, 
 
 " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "Edwakd Colston." 
 
 The above may be considered as a type of the general tenour of his 
 correspondence. Not one word tending to a desire of his own glorification is 
 to be found throughout. In no instance does he take merit to himself for his 
 labours ; but in a plain though earnest manner, he does what he considers a 
 paramount duty, and writes as though he desired not the commendation of 
 his feUow-men. What a marked contrast is revealed at this period, — then, 
 population did not press so heavily upon the means of subsistence, or we 
 should not find Colston anxious about obtaining recipients of his bounty ; — 
 
 1 In his rules for the governance of the ahnshouse, he " dothe heartily recommend it to the care 
 of the governors, that they will choose none that are known to he vicious persons, or drunkards, or 
 of turbulent spirit. And that they would always endeavour to find out such as have Uved well, and 
 in good fashion, and always give preference to such, if their other qualifications he answerable." — 
 Colston's Settlements. 
 
1696.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 387 
 
 then vacancies were waiting for applicants ; not as now, applicants waiting 
 in vain for vacancies. 
 
 A continuation of the correspondence on the management of this alms- 
 house, is before us. From the following letter it will appear that Colston, 
 after his retirement from business, could have led no idle life, — the affairs of 
 this and subsequent charities, must have fully occupied that leisure, which is 
 frequently dissipated by the affluent, in the little pursuits of fashion. "We see 
 how thoroughly he is acquainted with every minute particular of the subject 
 on which he writes ; and at the same time with what tender cautiousness he 
 offers his advice. The foresight and judgment exercised in the rules he 
 drew up for the government of the almshouse, have been made manifest by 
 the continued prosperous condition of the object of his solicitude. This letter 
 is long. Many readers, perhaps, may think it heavy, and pass on. — But we 
 cannot excuse ourselves, where so little permanent record is left, for omitting 
 the most minute fact, especially if authentic, regarding Colston. We give 
 the letter, therefore, as it left his pen, although it is impossible to render it 
 
 generally interesting — 
 
 « Mortlake, the Gth October, 1696. 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " I think in this month or the ensuing, you constantly hold a general Court, for 
 the stating your yearly accounts ; at which time I make it my request unto you, that 
 the account relating to my almshouse, on St. Michael's Hill, may likewise be audited, 
 to prevent a farther meeting thereabouts. The trouble, thereof, I cannot appre- 
 hend, can be so much as to obstruct your other affairs that are appointed for that 
 day, because it will not consist of many articles. As for the debtor part, the 
 weekly allowances may be all comprised in one sum. The coal money in another, 
 which is £12, being for twenty-four sacks to each inhabitant, half to be delivered 
 before, and the other after Christmas; the soap and candle money being £12 more, 
 namely, lOs. to each of them. In a third article, the reading of prayers. In a fourth, 
 which comprehends all the charges of the House, when there shall be any casual 
 ones, as repairs, they may be also added, and for the creditor side of the account, 
 the fee farm rents (when they are received by you, which I intended should have 
 been this year, but that the scarcity of money hath obstructed the regular payment 
 of them,) may be made good in one article ; the rent of Lansdown's House, in a 
 second ; John Short in a third, and the rest of the ground behind the almshouse, in 
 a fourth ; and the forfeitures for any omissions about prayers (if any shall be) in a 
 fifth. Although I have mentioned this method, yet I shall submit to such an one 
 as you shall judge more proper to be used, whatsoever it be that you shall agree 
 
388 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " upon. I desire that it may be made up once in a year, and that the balance that 
 shall be due thereupon, may be brought to the account for the year following, which 
 balance is designed shall be kept as a stock for repairs, against such time as they 
 shall be needful. The rents appropriated for the maintenance of the House, 
 exceeding the constant charge, by about £10, per annum; since you have not 
 received this year the fee-farm rents (which God willing shall be paid you this next, 
 please to credit the House for such sums as have been paid to your Treasurer by 
 Mr. Thomas Hort, and Mr. Richard Baily, which last, hath my directions to pay 
 you any further sum that shall be needful to defray the expenses till Michaelmas) ; 
 and likewise for £15, due from Walter Lansdown, for one year's rent of his house, 
 to Michaelmas last ; and also for £2 : 5, for six months' rent of ground he held to 
 our Lady-day last ; and likewise for £2 : 5, due from John Short, for the other 
 half-year, for said ground ; and farther, for £7, one year's rent of his house he now 
 lives in, due at Michaelmas. I desire the said rent may be demanded and received from 
 them before your audit ; because I would willingly then have them made good in 
 account, — forasmuch as it would be more facile and clear, if all the income of the 
 year could be received before, and made good at that time ; but notwithstanding, 
 this account is not to be audited before your general Court sit; I judge it conve- 
 nient, that the yearly expense be not carried beyond Michaelmas, and from that time 
 a new account to commence. Towards the carrying on of this new charge, I have 
 further desired Mr. Richard Baily, to pay your Treasurer £50 ; I am forced to pay 
 it in by such small sums, because I find money with you at Bristol, is also received 
 with a great deal of difficulty. One of the houses adjoining to the two above- 
 named, is yet unlet. I should be glad if a tenant could be procured for it, by any 
 of the members of your Society ; but if that cannot be done, then to encourage the 
 present reader of the prayers to live therein. I shall be willing that he be for the 
 future allowed £10, per annum, — whereas he hath hitherto been paid but £8, for 
 reading the prayers ; neither shall I give more, unless it be upon the said condition ; 
 for the rent of the house, he shall pay but £8 per year, which I judge to be moderate ; 
 however, if it should be thought too much you may please to do therein as you find 
 convenient. Herewith, I inclose you a scheme of the rules,' which I would have 
 observed in the almshouse ; if after perusal you shall find it needful to have a further 
 addition, pray favor me with sentiments thereabouts, and you wiU oblige, 
 
 " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "Edward Colston. 
 
 " When your Court is over, pray favor me with a copy of the account as it stands in the 
 book, and likewise with the names of such FeofiFees that are dead, since the parti- 
 culars I had from Mr. Yeamans, which may be two years past. 
 
 " To Captain Samuel Price, Master of the Merchants' HaU, in Bristol." 
 
 1 Eules for the government of the almshouse. 
 
1696.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 389 
 
 Displaying a thorough acquaintance with the expenditure and receipts of 
 the almshouse, Colston expresses with clearness his purposed arrangements. 
 He does not consider the mere act of giving ; careless whether the gift 
 be misapplied,- as constituting Charity. To make his wealth the instrument 
 of alleviating the bitterness of human misery, and of increasing the glory 
 of God in the highest, — it was accompanied with actual exertion for its 
 faithful dissemination. He laboured that his " talent" might be productive. 
 He endeavoured to place the almshouse in such order and condition, that at 
 his decease there might be no interruption to its regularity. Can we imagine 
 a more exalted state of earthly happiness, than the reflections of Colston, 
 when gazing on this his work, — the first great purpose — ^perhaps the hopes 
 and desires of years, thus substantially realized. He had in the most effec- 
 tual manner shown his love to his fellow creatures, and at the same time 
 endeavoured to promote the Divine glory. In connexion with this letter, we 
 have the following entry " October 8th, 1696. The letter from Mr. Colston, 
 and his heads of rules, for governing of his almshouse being read, the Hall 
 nominates the Master (Samuel Price) Sir WiUiam Hayman, Mr. Hart, Mr. 
 Tate, Sir John Duddlestone, and Mr. Tocknell, to consider the same, and 
 correspond with Mr. Colston about it." They did consider of it, and after 
 four days' deliberation, their combined efforts produced the following acknow- 
 ledgment : — 
 
 " Bristol, 12th October, 1696. 
 
 " Worthy Sir, 
 
 " On Thursday last, your letter of the 6th current, and Schedule of rules and 
 directions for ordering of your almshouse were read in our Hall, — and 'twas unani- 
 mously approved of by them ; and I am ordered to give you their reports and 
 thanks, and to acquaint you that they are of opinion, there needs no alteration nor 
 addition to them,— only that the person to come in, give Bond to save St. Michael's 
 Parish harmless before admission. At our audit, which will be sometime the next 
 month, or the beginning of December,— we shall, as you desire, examine the accounts 
 tin Michaelmas last, as we do the Halls, and so continue that course de anno in 
 annum afterwards. " I am, sir, your humble servant, 
 
 " Samuel Price. 
 
 " To Mr. Edward Colston, Merchant, at his house in Mortlake, near London." 
 
 Incidental to this almshouse, occurred a circumstance of no moment in 
 itself, but as developing Colston's strict and rigid sense of justice, it finds 
 
390 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 place here. J. Jenkins, Esq., who was the receiver of the rents in Northum- 
 berland, appropriated to St. Michael's almshouse, became a defaulter, to the 
 amount of £486 : 19 : 5., of which £400, was secured by a mortgage. For the 
 purpose of coming to some arrangement, it was necessary that a journey to 
 York should be performed, — an undertaking at that period of no ordinary con- 
 sideration. On this subject, a letter from Colston, was read to the Hall, 
 March 16th, 1704, and another March 28th, including one, addressed to 
 him from Mr. John Douglas, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. When it was resolved 
 that a letter of attorney be made under the Seal of the HaU, to empower Mr. 
 Douglas, to receive the rents, — that the Committee write to Mr. Colston, and 
 advise him to agree with Mr. Douglas, hut to take care and have his security, 
 for his due accounting with the HaU. The great caution habitually evinced 
 by Colston, as is further evident in the letter occasioning the preceding 
 resolution, would render the advice of the Committee somewhat presumptuous. 
 
 " Gentlemen, " Mortlake, the 25tli March, 1704. 
 
 " My not going to London this week, hath retarded my receipt of yours of the 
 13th past, which came not to my hands till Thursday, in the Evening, when it was 
 brought me by the Waterman,' who I sent to my Lodgings to enquire after it. Had 
 it come directed to me at this place, in Surry, I should have received it on Tuesday 
 Morning, but could not have given answer to it tUl the last post, because Mr. John 
 Douglas' letter (the copy whereof I herewith send you^) came not to me till Thurs- 
 day Morning. You will find that he will undertake the recovery of the Eents, and 
 attend the receipt of your letter of Attorney, to enable him so to do. I wish it had 
 come in your above Letter; as I desired it might, to prevent Mr. Jenkins from 
 receiving any of the Lady-day Eents — ^but since it did not, I have answered him, 
 that he may depend to have it by this day, or Monday, come seavennight, and there- 
 fore have encouraged him in the mean time to send out his summons to all the 
 Tenants to bring in their Rents ; and have also desired him, that when he rec** any, 
 
 1 At tHs time the river was the principal communication with London — the main high-way. 
 
 2 "Sir, — Tours of the 11th inst., with a copy of your Eental, I rec<i and shall undertake the 
 receipt of your Eents on the same terms I do Mr. Noel's and others, and make you due payment in 
 London, and clear the whole every year. You may therefore write to your friends at Bristol, to 
 send in their letter of attorney ; the sooner it comes the better, in respect of the Lady-day Eents. 
 ITcnow yov/r rents are not subject to taxes, and so, with the tender of my humble service, I rest, 
 
 " To Mr. Edward Colston, "Tour most humble Ser*, 
 
 " then at Mortlake, Surrey." "John Dotoslas. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 391 
 
 " that he would first take a view of Mr. Jenkins' last receipt, that so he may not give 
 any of them his discharge, before he be entirely satisfied that there is none of their 
 Rents in arrear. And where he finds there is any, that he receive it from them, 
 keeping a distinct ace* what each man is behind, — the better to enable your Society 
 to settle their acc^^ with Mr. Jenkins ; all which, if you think it convenient, you may 
 please to confirm to himj and also, by your letter of Attorney, to give him power, 
 as well to recover all such arrears, as to sue Mr. Jenkins (if needs shall require) for 
 what he shall be owing of you, — do not suddenly receive his ace's, and likewise the 
 money that is owing. I believe you will judge it necessary not only to put him in 
 mind of it ; but if you find him dilatory therein, to recommend it to Mr. Douglas to 
 hasten him in both. I suppose the several sums which, in his last letter, he men- 
 tioned to be remitted to Mr. Clarke, have been by him made good to Mr. Mayor, 
 your Treasurer ; to whom, with the rest of the Society, I tender my service, and do 
 assure you that I am, " Your loving Friend to serve, 
 
 " Edward Colston." 
 
 The locality of Colston's lodgings is one of those obscure points, upon which 
 neither his correspondence, nor the great discoverer, Time, has yet throvs^n 
 any light. Here his letters, not directed Mortlake, appear to have remained 
 until he came to London, or sent for them, which — as in the above instance — 
 occasioned a delay of some importance. This uncertain communication would 
 seem inconsistent with Colston's business habits ; but from his noticing the 
 delay, and wherefore it occurred, it must have been unusual, — and may be 
 taken rather as the exception than the rule. Colston was not only a cautious, 
 but also a strict man, — one who would exact the fulfilment of his bond to the 
 uttermost farthing. This caution is here exemplified, in his desiring Mr. Douglas 
 to take a view of Mr. Jenkins' last receipts, before he himself signed any. His 
 strictness, in directing proceedings to be promptly taken against Mr. Jenkins, 
 in case he fail in the punctual discharge of his obligation.^ 
 
 Before the necessary business concerning the endowment for the maintenance 
 of the almshouse was completed; before the settlement was confirmed; before the 
 property had passed from Colston into the hands of the trustees, to whom he had 
 
 1 The Seal of the Hall was affixed to the Power of Attorney, on the 28th March. They also 
 wrote Mr. Douglas, requesting him to receive the rents, and pay the same to Mr. Thos. Clarke, 
 Merchant, in Mincing Lane, London; and also desired Mr. Douglas, to be in earnest with Mr. 
 Jenkins. At the same time they apprised the latter of Mr. Douglas' appointment, furthermore 
 demaading the prompt payment of the £486 : 3 : 5, in arrear, or proceedings would be immediately 
 commenced. Whether the Hall recovered from Mr. Jenkins, beyond the £400, the extent of his 
 
392 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 confided the sacred charge, — his active and benevolent mind, ever intent upon 
 the faithful performance of his steM^ardship ; ever conscious of the fearful respon- 
 sibility attached to his position ; ever desirous to contribute to the honour and 
 glory of God, by administering to the necessities of the distressed ; had enter- 
 tained another charitable disposition of his wealth ! To Colston, who meditated 
 deeply and compassionately on the destitution of the improvident, — when the 
 strong arm failed, and the bent frame gave token of waning health, and 
 declining years, — the homeless seafarer, as a worn-out bark stranded on the 
 last sands of life, — would rise appealingly before his mental vision. The 
 experience and observation of his early life, — and his extensive mercantile 
 transactions, must have made him acquainted with the careless habits of this 
 class ; and for years he may have cherished the idea he eventually perfected. 
 He had now the power to perform his good design ; and with the power, had 
 not, alas ! as too often happens, departed the will to execute. Again the 
 Society of Merchants are made the distributers of his bounty. How his 
 merciful acts shone forth, will be manifest from the report of the proceedings 
 of the Hall, and subsequent correspondence : — " October 24th, 1695. That at 
 this Court and Hall, the Master reporting that Mr. Edward Colston, hath 
 proposed to maintain six poor sailors in our Almshouse, in case we will build 
 convenient rooms to receive them. It is voted that his proposal be thankfully 
 accepted, and the Master desired to write him a letter of thanks." 
 
 " Worthy Sir, 
 
 " I this day communicated to our Hall your charitable proposal of providing 6 
 poor sailors for ever, if we would build additional rooms to our present almshouse, 
 for their reception, — the which was unanimously accepted of, and a Committee is 
 chosen to prepare fit buildings accordingly j and they are agreeing with workmen 
 forthwith to sett about it, as well for their six, as for six persons more, intended 
 to be settled there by the ex"" of M'' R'' Jones, dec*' who resolve to follow your good 
 example. And by order of the said Society, their thanks are by these, rendered 
 you by, " Sir, your humble Serv'' 
 
 " To M' Edw'' Colston, Merchant, London. " Samuel Peice, 
 
 " Merchants' Hall, Bristol, 24th Oct., 1695." " Master. 
 
 bond, does not transpire, neither is it material to our purpose. No further notice in reference to 
 the Almshouse occurs until January 16th, 1698. When, "at the Quarter Sessions, it was ordered 
 that the houses of Mr. Colston, adjoining to his Hospital, on St. Michael's TTill, m St. Michael's 
 parish, being appointed for the use of the Hospital, and being charged to the poor in that parish, be 
 discharged from farther payment to the poor in that parish." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 393 
 
 Gratifying to Colston as must have been the information conveyed in the 
 preceding letter, that his " good example " had induced others to follow in his 
 path of usefulness, his humility forbears to give any expression. He does not 
 pretend to any superior virtue, or arrogate to himself any merit for his dona- 
 tion. To vv^rite is obligatory, — but he writes not one word more than the 
 occasion demands. 
 
 " I received yours of the 24th of Oct. in due time, whereby I perceive that the Mer- 
 chants' Hall had resolved upon the building of a new apartment, not only for the 
 reception of the six poor sailors proposed by myself, but for double that number ; I 
 return you my hearty thanks for imparting this said overture unto them, and to 
 request you to render them, in my behalf, to the whole Society, at their first meeting, 
 for their unanimous consenting thereto. When I understand the house is finished, 
 I shall make provision for the maintenance of my quota."^ 
 
 It was not long before the Society fulfilled the condition, on which they had 
 accepted Colston's endowment. In 1699, the eastern win^ of the almshouse 
 was built, the old centre re-built, and both angles united. On the left of the 
 entrance, facing King Street, are the City Arms, with the date 1696, and on 
 the right, the date 1699, with the Arms of the Society of Merchants. The 
 part on the left, was built with the monies of Colston and Jones. Placed 
 against the centre almshouse, in the great quadrangle, painted on a board are 
 these homely, truthful lines : — 
 
 " Freed from all Storms, the Tempest and the rage 
 Of Bniows, here secure we spend our age — 
 Our Weather-beaten Vessels here repair 
 And from the Merchants' kind and generous care 
 Find Harbour here, no more we put to Sea, 
 Untn we launch into Eternity. 
 And lest our Widows whom we leave behind. 
 Should want relief, they too a shelter find. 
 
 1 The conveyance for this purpose, is thus noticed, 24th January, 1696. Merchants' Ahnshouse. 
 "By Indenture of settlement between himself, Sir Kichard Hart, and others, of Bristol, Merchants,-^ 
 he conveyed to them certaia lands ia the county of Somerset, for the maintauung irom time to 
 time of six old poor decayed seamen, iu the almshouse adjoining the Merchants' Hall, Bristol, to 
 every of which should be allowed 2s. per week during his Hfe— the said six seamen to be nommated 
 by the said Edward Colston, during his life, and afterwards by the Society of Merchants." 
 
394: EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Thus all our anxious cares and sorrows cease, 
 Whilst our kind guardians turn our toils to ease ; 
 May they be with an endless Sabbath blest, 
 "Who have afforded unto us this Rest." 
 
 This donation of Colston, for the support of the six seamen, of which the 
 Hall takes the trust ; is said to have arisen from an incident, which Silas Told 
 shall relate : — " One of his (Colston's) ships having been missing for upwards 
 of three years, and having been given up as lost, arrived deeply laden. He 
 said, as he had given her up as totally lost, he would claim no right to her, 
 and ordered the ship and cargoe to be sold, and the produce to be applied 
 towards the relief of the needy, which was immediately carried into execution," 
 Colston, doubtless considered, that as he had resigned himself to the loss, and 
 surrendered it to Him who giveth and taketh away ; he could not conscienti- 
 ously accept the recovered treasure. It belonged by the will of providence 
 to the homeless and destitute. For them he deemed that the good ship was 
 carried in safety over the stormy seas — for them, had the Almighty Word 
 stilled the raging waves, and smoothed its passage to its destined port. A 
 portion of the property thus unexpectedly regained, — it is said, was applied to 
 the maintenance of the six seamen ; and the remainder distributed in the 
 various channels, Colston's ever active benevolence would dictate. It is tradi- 
 tionally related that Colston " never insured a ship, nor ever lost one." ' Such 
 was his implicit reliance upon providence — such the true unwavering lamp of 
 faith that shone on all his ways. 
 
 Could we place confidence in the incident related by Silas Told, — and 
 advance the benefaction to the Merchants' Almshouse as confirmatory of the 
 result ; we might imagine, on the same unstable foundation, that we can trace 
 further evidence of the disposal of another portion of the recovered property, 
 in the following record. — At a meeting of the Common Council, November 
 13th, 1695, it was " ordered that the thanks of this House be returned to Mr, 
 Edward Colston for his gift, in having added six hoys unto Queen Elizabeth's* 
 
 1 Barrett. 
 
 2 "Queen Ellzabetli's Hospital was founded by John Carr, and in 1586 was opened, in the 
 mansion house of the late Hospital of St. Mark, including the site of the cloisters in Orchard Street. 
 The house had been the mansion of the Master of the Gaunt's Hospital, and was purchased by 
 WilHam Bird, Mayor in 1589, and given by him to form an Hospital for Carr's boys, in addition to 
 
1697.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 395 
 
 Hospital ; and that the Mayor [Samuel Wallis J and the Aldermen are desired 
 to write him a letter to that purpose."^ 
 
 An act of Parliament passed in 1697,^ " for supplying some defects in the 
 Laws for the Eelief of the Poor of this Kingdom," led to the entire purchase 
 of Aldworth's fine mansion in St. Peter's Churchyard ; commonly known as 
 the Mint. Colston had a share in the house. He was the principal 
 proprietor of the sugar-refining business, which in 1689 is described as there 
 carried on by " Edward Colston and Co-partners." The partners were, 
 Richard Beachim, Esq., of London, Sir Thomas Day, and Capt. Nathaniel 
 Wade, of Rye-House celebrity. They sold the property the 7th June, 1697,' 
 for £800. In the conveyance it is styled " A mansion house behind St. Peter's 
 Church, heretofore a sugar house.^" To aid in effecting this purchase, money 
 was advanced by Colston and by Eichard Beachim. At a meeting of the 
 Court, held at St. Peter's Hospital, November 22nd, the Mayor, Sir Eobert 
 Yate presiding, they were paid £200, each, " in part of the money due for the 
 purchase of the Mint "Workhouse for the Corporation." 
 
 wMcli lie gave the suin of £500. In one of the mndovs of the chapel are the names of the bene- 
 factors and their arms. The management of the Hospital was formerly entrusted to the Corporation; 
 but it is now in the hands of the Charity Trustees. The original number of the boys was twenty- 
 eight." 
 
 1 Colston, before he purchased the land for the endowment of the additional boys, that his 
 benevolent purpose might not be delayed; paid ia the interval the sum of £70 per annum, as the 
 allowance for the six boys. In 1697-8, he conveyed to the Governors of Queen Elizabeth's Hospital, 
 a house and sixty-eight acres of land, at Tatton, in the County of Somerset ; which he had purchased 
 of "William Dale ; and another messuage, and about thirty-five acres of land, at Congresbury, for the 
 purpose of maintaining and educating the said six boys. The boys to be the sons of free burgesses, 
 
 and each boy to receive £10, as an apprentice fee : the same boys to be over and above the thirty 
 
 belono-ing to the said Hospital. And he further expressly provides, that in case the Governors should 
 at any time lessen the number of thirty-six boys, — and should not fill up that number within three 
 months, after a request in writing by him or the Society of Merchants ; it should be lawful for him 
 or the said Society, to possess themselves of the premises granted ; and apply the profits thereof to 
 the use of his Hospital in the parish of St. Michael, or for the benefit of the Merchants' Almshouse. 
 
 2 Same year, a Committee to report their opinion of the house called Whitehall, for a workhouse 
 for the poor, pursuant to the late act of Parliament. 
 
 3 " 10th February, 1697. It was agreed to purchase the fourth-part of the sugar house, [then 
 used as a Mint,] of Mr. Nath. Day, at the price of £230, to be paid at the end of three, aad six 
 months from this day, without any interest in the mean time." 
 
 * " Yalue about £55, per annum, in fee farm; that is to say, to chief rent,— £6, per annum to 
 St. Peter's Church,— and £3 : 8, to the Chamber of Biistol." 
 
396 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 From the reports of the Corporation of the Poor, we ascertain that Colston 
 frequently attended the Court, in the years 1700, and 1701. As a Philanthro- 
 pist, he would take a deep interest in the economy and management of an 
 asylum, in which the houseless were to be sheltered, and the hungry fed. He 
 would be anxious that something like humanity should be its governing prin- 
 ciple, — that the hard lot of the afflicted should not be made the harder, — and 
 their bread the more bitter, — by the harsh bearing of officials, who coarsely 
 supplied the recipients of his care with their daily crust. On all subjects con- 
 nected with management, Colston could give useful and judicious advice. This 
 is proved by the admirable rules he laid down for the government of his various 
 charities. Thus much may be surmised. Colston's name is not often visible in 
 the books of this Corporation. He is discernible at times as present in Court ; 
 and once, twice, as bestowing a donation. August 8th, 1700, at a meeting of 
 the Court it was ordered he should have the thanks of the Corporate body, " and 
 that his name be put up in the Table of Benefactions ; and that he be elected an 
 honorary Guardian of the Poor of this City." The record beareth testimony 
 why he was thus distinguished. 
 
 " Mr. Treasurer maketh report, that Edward Colston, of London, Esq., present in 
 Court, have paid him one hundred pounds, as his gift to the poor of this City, under 
 the care of the Corporation. Ordered, that he have the thanks of the Court for the 
 same, and that his name be put up in the Table of Benefactors. — (Signed) John 
 DuDDLESTONE, Governor." 
 
 The last notice we have of Colston's attending the Court in 1701, is 
 October 9th. 
 
 And what was the attraction that now called Colston so frequently to this 
 City ; what the motive that induced him to prolong his visits 1 That he was 
 established' here, after his admission as a burgess, and after he was enrolled a 
 member of the Merchants' Hall, is authenticated from the fact of his possessing 
 a share in the sugar manufactory, in St. Peter's Churchyard. And yet till 
 now, that we find him present iii this very house, and read of his attendance 
 at the meetings of the Corporation of the Poor, we have no clue to his visits 
 to our City. But though these be unrecorded, the natural promptings of 
 filial love, must have called him often here. An afiiection, blended with the 
 
 1 1691, he took for an apprentice, Lewis Andrew, son of Charles Andrews, tailor, in the County 
 of Monmouth, who ia right thereof was admitted to his freedom ia 1701. 
 
ITOL] HIS LIFE AND TIMES, 397 
 
 associations of his early years, — an affection the first and best, — the dearest and 
 tenderest, now detained him by the couch of his aged parent, — blessing by his 
 watchful solicitude, the wasting hours of her protracted life. There were 
 hallowed memories of the loved, and lost, that accompanied him in his solemn 
 duty. Fathers, sisters, brothers, had bade adieu to time, — and left him almost 
 alone, of all the objects of afiection that had surrounded the household hearth. 
 Her sand of life has run ! The 22nd December, " in the nightfall of her 
 years, she lay down in her last sleep." 
 
 The ancestral sepulchre of the Colstons is in All Saints' Church, — where, for 
 many successive generations, their mortal remains have been consigned. And 
 now the dreary portals are once more opened to receive another tenant, — and 
 by the side of her husband was Mrs. Colston lain.' Husband, children, had 
 all preceded her to that dark receptacle, — and he that now stood chief mourner 
 in the impressive scene — had to set his house in order, — and to do " his long 
 day's work." Not tiU then would the silence of that tomb be broken. Not 
 till then would the stone which closed over its forbidding entrance be removed. 
 — Not till then, when he had performed his Christian pilgrimage, and fulfilled 
 his mission, would the sepulchre be unsealed ; and the earthly remains of the 
 pious mourner, midst the tributary tears of the gathered City, be surrendered to 
 their rest. 
 
 It is related that Colston attended a funeral sermon preached on the occasion 
 of his mother's decease, by the Eev. George Keith, in Temple Church ; to 
 which parish herself and family had been benefactors.^ While there, it is 
 probable, the dilapidated state of the roof did not escape his observation, from 
 his subsequently oflFering to assist the parish with £100, in " ceiling and 
 beautifying" the church. This was done efi'ectually by adding to his donation 
 £300, out of the parish stock, to which he further contributed £60, for a 
 portal and altar piece.^ 
 
 1 In the Cliurcliwardens' accounts is a receipt "for breaking tlie ground for Madam Colston, 
 
 6s. 8d." 
 
 2 She bequeathed £50, to Temple parish, the iaterest of which she directed should be given to 
 six poor housekeepers not receiving alms. The above sum of £50, was paid to the parish the 12th 
 February, 1704, by Ml-. EzekielLongman. — The iaterest is annually distributed. — M.kuciiEB'aChm'ities. 
 
 3 The Minister, Churchwardens, [Thomas Spering and Thomas HoUister] and Overseers petitioned 
 the Corporation for assistance in the reparation, and the sum of £30, was voted them; they stated in 
 their petition that Colston had given £100. " The four pictures at the altar, Moses and Aaron, 
 
398 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 There are several monuments in All Saints' Church, which we cannot 
 regard without interest from their belonging to the family of Colston ; but 
 our attention is now more especially directed to the one, dedicated by himself 
 to the memory of his parents, — which on the decease of his mother, he caused 
 to be erected, with this inscription : — 
 
 OF HIS FATHEE, "WILLIAM COLSTON, AN"!) OP HIS MOTHBE, SAEAE COLSTON, 
 
 INTEERED NEAE THIS PLACE, 
 
 IN THE SEPTJLCHEE OF HIS ANCESTOESJ 
 
 AXBO, 
 
 THEIK FOTTE SONS, WILLIAM, THOMAS, BOBEET, AND WILLIAM. 
 
 FURTHEE, 
 
 THEIE TWO DAUGHTEES, MABTHA, AND MAETHA, 
 
 WHO WEEE ALL NATIVES, AND INHABITANTS OP THIS CUT. 
 
 WILLIAM, HIS FATHEE, DIED THE 2l8I NOV., 1681, AGED 13 ; AND SAEAH, HIS MOTHEE, 22nii DEC, 1701, 
 
 AGED 93 TEAES. 
 
 EDWAED COLSTON, THEIE ELDEST SON, 
 
 BOEN LIKEWISE IN THIS CITT, BITT AN INHABITANT OF LONDON, 
 
 HATH DEDICATED THIS MONUMENT." 
 
 There is, on a " Benefaction Table," in a dark corner of Whitechapel Church, 
 London, a beautiful evidence of one who did good, not to find it famed, but 
 for the glory of the Great Bestower. 
 
 " 1701. A Worthy Benefactor, unknown, gave £1000, towards the further maintenance 
 of the Poor Children, educated at the School House at Whitechapel, Town End, — 
 erected and built at the proper cost and charge of Mr. Ralph Davenant, late Rector 
 of this Parish; which £1000, purchased £55, per year, at East Tilbury, in the 
 County of Essex, being managed and completed by Mr. Richard Welton, Rector." 
 
 This unknown benefactor, was Edward Colston. He called the poor his 
 brethren, and divided amongst them his inheritance ; the £1000, bequeathed 
 him by his father at the decease of his mother. Of the large sums he gave 
 
 Peter and Paul, were painted by Edward Boucher, a native of Bristol, and elated at Colston's 
 School, being injured, they were restored by Mr. John Milton, a native of this City, and a descendant 
 of the poet of that name. The vestry allowed him for his labours, £12 : 12." The screen in the 
 south aisle, separating it from the vestry, was erected by Colston's grandfather, Mr. Batten, who 
 was Churchwarden; it is dated 1620, and has this inscription: — "Anno. Eemember thy Creator 
 in the Days of thy Youth. 1620." 
 
n02.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 399 
 
 annually to the poor of all sorts, as from an unknown hand, the certain know- 
 ledge is for ever buried with those who received them. Expunged from the 
 tablets of Time, they have their permanent record in Eternity — this is one, out 
 of the few instances that have escaped oblivion. It is pleasing to read, and 
 still more to trace the source from whence the gift was derived. His biogra- 
 phers have made one or two other examples of his princely generosity familiar. 
 Such as his sending £1000, to relieve the poor at Whitechapel ; and at one 
 time by a private hand £3000, to relieve, and free, poor debtors in Ludgate. 
 His yearly releasing those who were confined for small debts in Whitechapel 
 prison, and the Marshalsea — and above all his transmitting by a private hand, 
 during a time of scarcity [1708-9] to the London Committee, the munificent 
 sum of £20,000. ^ 
 
 From the death of his mother, until the August following, Colston's name 
 does not occur in our records — neither do we find that he attended the Easter 
 meeting of the Vestry at Mortlake. The interval was probably passed in this 
 City ; partly, in transacting the necessary business consequent upon his with- 
 drawing from commercial pursuits ; partly, in administering to the estate of his 
 departed parent. In all matters requiring legal advice, Colston had the assist- 
 ance of Mr. Thomas Edwards, an esteemed and valued friend ; now, by the 
 recent marriage of his son with Colston's niece, become a member of the 
 family. It will be remembered our first introduction of Mr. Edwards, was in 
 1686, on the occasion of Colston's proceedings against the Corporation, for the 
 recovery of his loan. Mr. Edwards was a solicitor, — his Chambers, in 
 Broad Street. His residence was at Eedland, — in a historical old house ^ still 
 standing, lately occupied by Oliver Coathupe, Esq. To this dwelling we add 
 an amount of interest to the tale of its years, when we associate its memories 
 and occupy its chambers, with the shadow, — vague, indistinct, and vapourous, as 
 it may be, of the venerated form of the benevolent Colston. Mr. Edwards 
 was a staunch supporter of the Church of England,— and this in itself was a 
 
 1 Dr. Harcourt's Funeral Sermon. Barrett. Chalmers. Phelps' Hist, of SomersetsMi-e. 
 
 2 During tlie national contention of Charles I., it was the residence of Captaia HiH. While 
 partaking of whose hospitality, Colonel Essex was taken prisoner by Fiennes. Subsequently Prince 
 Eupert awaited here the night, for the sound of the beUs of St. John and St. Michael's Churches, 
 that were to announce the rising of the King's friends, headed by the unfortunate Yeamans and 
 Boucher. 
 
400 
 
 bond of union between himself and Colston. Besides, his character stood 
 high for integrity, and honesty of purpose ; he was humane and charitable, 
 and entered with spirit into the plans of the Philanthropist. Upon this basis 
 was founded a lasting friendship. He became the agent for the distribution 
 of Colston's bounties, — and Colston became his visitor and guest, on aU occa- 
 sions that required his presence in this City. 
 
 Looking over the reports of the meetings of the Corporation of the poor, 
 we learn that Colston attended the Court the 13th of August, 1702. Sept. 
 24th, the report states that — 
 
 " The Governor haying given an account to Edward Colston of London, Esq., of the 
 disposing of the one hundred pounds, according to his direction, Mr. Thomas 
 Edwards, doe report that the said Edward Colston, Esq., hath paid into his hands 
 one hundred pounds more, as his gift to the poor of this City, under the care of 
 this Corporation. Ordered that he have the thanks of this Court for the same, and 
 that the one hundred, in the Table of Benefactions, be made two hundred pounds. — 
 Peter Saunders, Deputy Chairman." 
 " The Governor also reported that the said Thomas Edwards, had increased his gift 
 from £50, to £100. The thanks of the Court was voted to him, and that his name 
 be placed on the Table of Benefactors, and that he be elected an honorary guardian." 
 
 Colston had returned to Mortlake. We find him present there at a meeting 
 of the Vestry, held the 26th and 27th of September, this year. In his 
 subsequent visits to Bristol, he does not appear to have again attended the 
 Court, — nor does his name occur in the reports, — otherwise, than in reference 
 to the disposal of a portion of his gift; the manner whereof it comes not within 
 our purpose to transcribe. 
 
 But a few years, had Colston been known as the Philanthropist ; but a few 
 years, had his character been made manifest in his offered support of six 
 sailors, in the Merchants' Almshouse ; but more especially, in the peaceful 
 dwellings that rose at his command on St. Michael's Hill. Here, while the 
 laws of humanity endure, and the solemn testaments of the dead are sacred, — 
 these waUs will ever echo his name, and proclaim his work ; and the daily 
 voice of the chapel-bell, ever summon the thoughts from the creature to the 
 Creator, — for whose honour he laboured, — to whom he gave the glory, — and to 
 whom he willed the praise. Although Colston was directed by a higher and 
 purer hope than the world's applause, yet it is gladdening to know that even 
 while living, his worth was felt and acknowledged, and reverence and homage 
 
1T02.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 401 
 
 paid to his virtues. >This is exhibited in the numerous sermons and tracts 
 which at this period, and for years after, were dedicated to him ; — in these 
 respect and veneration for his character is the predominant sentiment.^ 
 Indeed, so great was the desire to introduce his name, that it was sometimes 
 strangely associated, and the compliment at the best ambiguous. We may 
 take as an instance, that of the Eev. Charles Brett, Rector of Christ Church, — 
 who published, in 1701, a sermon " concerning the nature and guilt of lying" 
 which he gravely dedicates to Colston. 
 
 We have seen that Colston was in Bristol, the 13th August, 1702, when 
 he attended a meeting of the Corporation of the Poor ; and received the thanks 
 of the Court for a second donation. He had given two £100, and his name 
 was to be enrolled on the Table of Benefactions. Simultaneously with these 
 donations, he gave £500, towards rebuilding of the school-house of Queen 
 Elizabeth's Hospital, for the accommodation of one hundred and twenty boys. 
 Colston had an interview with the civic authorities, who were the trustees of 
 this charity. What he purposed for their consideration, and how his advances 
 were received, will be best related in the words of the Minutes of the Common 
 Council, 8th August. " Mr. Edward Colston, being a very great benefactor 
 to this City, by several charities and bounties ; and this day, having made 
 proposal of adding a farther number of boys, to those already settled in the 
 Hospital of Queen Elizabeth, of Bristol ; it is ordered that Sir Thos. Day, 
 Aldermen Jackson, Yate, Lane, and Wallis, attend him, with the thanks of 
 the House." His proposal was probably to add another four boys,^ so as to 
 increase the number to forty-four ; and also to rebuild the school house, to 
 make it capable of containing one hundred and twenty boys. We are 
 led to suppose this, from reading the heading of the subscription list. 
 
 1 In a Treatise publislied in 1720, entitled "Charity, the only Certain Infallible Note of a True 
 Clmroli, &c. &c., by Eobert Griffiths, Eector of "Woolaston, in Gloucestershire," dedicated to "The 
 honoured Edward Colston, Esq.," the Eev. gentleman says, "The eni thereof, of this dedication is, 
 to propose you to tlie world as the most perfect pattern of Ghmity, that these later ages of the Chv/rch hme 
 
 2 Colston had, from 1702-1703, allowed the charity to receive the annual rent of £51, payable 
 by John Porter, for premises at 'Wick Saint Lawrence, for the maintenance of four boys, — making in 
 the whole forty- four in the Hospital ; but he had never conveyed these premises to the governors. 
 The 24th June 1710, having himself established an independent foundation, the following July the 
 boys were reduced to forty. 
 
402 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do promise to pay towards the pulling 
 down the Hospital, and rebuilding it convenient for the accommodation of one 
 hundred and twenty poor boys, the several sums following our respective names. 
 Witness our hands, this 26th day of August, 1702." " I, Edward Colston promise 
 to give £500, for this piirpose," &c.^ 
 Steadfast, and ardent, must have been Colston's attachment to the City of his 
 birth. It was associated v?ith the season of his youth, — with early memories, — 
 lost relatives and friends, — with reverence for the dead, — with aflPection for the 
 living. All that could quicken his sympathy, and fasten his regard to one 
 locality, was here. His race was identified vdth the City. Many generations 
 of his ancestors mouldered in the sepulchre where his parents had been lain ; 
 and in whose silent chamber he vidlled his own repose. But above all, there 
 still remained a sister, and her family, to welcome his coming with tenderness 
 and love. No wonder that the heart of his domestic life was here,^ — and that he 
 often departed from his lonely house, at Mortlake, to grasp the hand of friend- 
 ship, and receive the embrace of sisterly aifection. No wonder that, from the 
 ties of kindred, and of home, Bristol should be especially distinguished by the 
 bestowal of his charity. 
 
 Society at this period was not remarkable for its intelligence. It was stiU 
 begirt with ancient prejudices. Education had made but little advance 
 amongst the many, — and by the many was unappreciated, — by some, perhaps, 
 despised. Men of substance, accredited men, boasting in the multitude of 
 their riches ; whose autographs were crosses, or unsightly blotches,^ — would 
 not regard with a favourable eye, any endeavour to afford that instruction 
 to others, the benefit of which they themselves had had no experience. Such 
 men would have confused ideas as to the utility of a printing press.^ Such 
 
 1 The subscription list received additional names up to the month of March, 1704-5, when it 
 amoimted to £2155, of which twenty members of the Corporation contributed £1400, — £150, of 
 which was never paid. The rebuilding commenced in the early part of 1703. Another house had 
 been taken for the temporary occupation of the boys, till March, 1704-5, when they were removed 
 to the Mint, where they remained till their return to the new Hospital, in CoUege Green, Sept., 
 1706. The entire cost of the building of the "Free Grammar School" was £2471 : 14, of which 
 £2005, was raised by subscription, and the remaining £466 : 14 : was paid out of the Hospital funds. 
 
 2 " August, 1702. Several members of the Common Council are deprived of their places, for not 
 subscribing their names or marlcs to the record, — ^nor taking the prescribed oath, as directed in the 
 act of Parliament, in the 13th of "WiUiam III." 
 
 3 1695. William Bonny petitioned the House for liberty to have a printing-house in this City. 
 After a long debate, and consideration of the petition, it was the opinion of the House that, " the 
 setting up of a printing-house within this City, might be useful in several respects." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 403 
 
 men would have no idea at all as to the utility of schools ; and would shrink 
 with ancestral antipathy, from encouraging any proposal for educating the 
 rising generation. It was owing to the ignorance of such men, that this City 
 nearly lost the establishment of the school, by which Colston's name is so 
 widely known; and his fame extended beyond the limits of his birth-place, and 
 the scene of his munificence. Yes ! the simple condition on which Colston 
 ofiered his princely gift, was eagerly seized upon by the men, who could not 
 write, as an excuse for not acceding to his terms. Enriched by the accidents 
 of fortune, they could see no utility in a school ; some, perhaps, had never been 
 to one, therefore they turned aside the helping hand, therefore they rejected the 
 noble offer, — and self-satisfied, complacently considered they had benefited the 
 City. 
 
 When the rebuilding of Queen Elizabeth's Hospital was commenced, Colston, 
 who had not only contributed largely, but had increased the endowment also, 
 further proposed to give an additional sum ; so that one hundred boys, instead 
 of the forty-four there maintained, and taught, might be admitted, — requiring 
 only, that the City should erect a suitable fabric for their accommodation. 
 This great advantage, to be purchased at so comparatively small an outlay, 
 was ungratefully declined. The poverty of the Chamber was brought forward 
 as the ostensible reason ; the real, that of the inability of the members to 
 appreciate the advantages to society, from the dissemination of religious and 
 moral instruction. Or, perhaps, the citizens, knowing how Colston's heart 
 was fixed upon the establishment of the school, — considered their indifference 
 to accede to his proposal, might induce him to offer the buUding also. 
 If so, they were deceived. The result proves how little they understood the 
 character of the man, the execution of whose noble and benevolent design they 
 retarded, and nearly directed to another quarter, — to which he alludes in 
 his calm and dignified reproof The coldness and indifference vsdth which his 
 magnificent offer had been rejected, — delayed, but did not prevent its fulfil- 
 ment. Striving to do his duty to his Master, as a steward accounting 
 to his Lord, he did not relinquish his lofty purpose. Affection towards 
 mankind, and love towards God, impelled him to complete his appointed task ; 
 that the tender years of the young might be trained to a knowledge of all 
 good, and to walk in the paths of hoUness and truth. Strong in his benign 
 intent, he determined, without assistance, to proceed with the establishment of 
 his school. That he did not act immediately, is in accordance with his usual 
 
404 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 caution and deliberation. It was not till three years after his proposal to 
 the Corporation, that he repeated his munificent offer. This time it was made 
 to the Society of Merchants. 
 
 " Gentlemen,— " Mortlake, March, 1705-6. 
 
 " Altho' my intention of making provision for 50 poor boys have been hardly 
 censured by some of the inhabitants of your City, nay, enen hy some of the Magistrates, 
 if I have not been wrong informed ; yet, the sense of that hath not extinguished those 
 thoughts, but I still retain them ; and I make no doubt but they will meet with far 
 different returris from the Magistrates of the city of London, would I make the 
 offer for the benefit of Christ's Hospital there, than they have from your's. But 
 altho' I have had my education, and spent good part of my days there, — yet since I 
 drew my first hreath in your City, I rather incline that the poor children born there 
 should partake thereof ; therefore, if your society will please to undertake the trust, 
 (and are not of the opinion that gifts of that nature are only a nursery for heggars 
 and sloths, and rather a turthen than a benefit, to the place where they are bestowed) 
 upon the conditions mentioned on the other side, which is a paragraph taken out 
 of my late will ; then it's my desire that you would take it into consideration, whether 
 the place may be proper and convenient ; as also if there be a likelyhood of finding 
 of stone upon the premises, — if not, if it may now be had from the field, that was 
 formerly Mr. Seward's, that lieth on the other side of the road, and from which I 
 was furnished for the building of my Almshouse. When you shall favor me with your 
 sentiments therein, then we will enter more into the further thoughts of the time of 
 beginning the structure, and of the endowments it ought to have. My present 
 ones, are ten pounds per annum for each boy ; which, since I found, was as much as 
 was expended at Queen Elizabeth's Hospital, by the particulars given me out of 
 their books, for ten years following ; and I suppose, may be more than will now cost 
 them at the Mint, — to which, if £100, per annum were added for the master, &c., 
 and for placing them out apprentices at £5, each, which will not be done but once in 
 seven years, and therefore will not come to above £36, per annum ; the whole 
 provision by these propositions, will come to £600, per annum for fifty boys, which 
 is the least number I think of; and the upper part of the field, belonging to my 
 almshouse, fronting to the road, for the building the house if there be room enough 
 for that purpose ; there will be no need of orchard nor garden ; neither will they 
 there want for air ; provided a court be assigned them to play in, which is what 
 occurs to my thoughts at present. I shall attend yours thereabouts if, Sirs, you 
 will obHge your humble servant, " Edward Colston." 
 
 Almost the only instance in which Colston gives us any information con- 
 cerning himself, occurs in this letter, — wherein he says, " he had his education, 
 
I'^OS.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 405 
 
 and spent a good part of his days in London." This fact will account for the 
 silence of our records, and why our research was so unproductive. With the 
 charity and meekness of a true Christian,— calmly and dispassionately, he 
 expresses his sentiments on the rejection of his proffered gift, which had been 
 stigmatized [he is evidently quoting what he had heard] as " only creating a 
 nursery for beggars, and sloths, and as rather a burthen than a benefit, to the 
 place"^ — and rising above the prejudices of the age — above the weaknesses of 
 humanity, as one who had placed his hopes beyond mortahty, — he allowed no 
 thought of self, to interfere with his service to his Maker ; but with a just 
 perception of the benefit he intended to confer, he perseveres in his efforts to 
 accomplish his beneficent purpose. Colston's solid understanding is also more 
 plainly developed in this letter, than in any previously given. His ardent 
 attachment to his native City, and his desire to do it good service, is strikingly 
 manifest. The merchants appreciate Colston's intention, and the confidence 
 he places in their honourable body, and they write him the following reply ; 
 judiciously avoiding any comment on the discouragement, with which his 
 offer had elsewhere been received. 
 
 " Sir, " Merchants' Hall, Bristol, 30th March, 1706. 
 
 " We received yours of the 21st instant, — and yesterday, being as soon after as with 
 
 conveniency it could be, a Hall was called, and your letter being then read ; it was 
 
 voted and ordered nemine contradicente, that the thanks of this Hall should be 
 
 returned to you for your kind offer in your letter, and the Hall agreed to accept of 
 
 1 His provocations are made the subject of comment by Dr. Harooiirt in his funeral sermon. 
 He furnishes the only contemporaneous account we possess of Colston's character. As a Christian 
 divine, performing his sacred functions, on so solemn an occasion iu God's holy temple, bis words 
 would have the immortality of Truth. He says, " that Colston was not exempt from the reproaches 
 of evil tongues, from the difficulties wherewith designing and wicked men are apt to delay and 
 frustrate generous and noble purposes." He complains that those from whom it is expected, both by 
 God and man, that they should assist to support the Charity Schools, have of a sudden withdrawn 
 their subscriptions, which had been continued for a course of years. Colston proposed, for their 
 promotion, — that he would largely contribute to every one, provided that a sum should be raised to 
 make every or any of the schools perpetual. But the offer was iu no way responded to. The Kev. 
 Doctor, draws a shade over other provocations, as "reproaches too low for the notice of the place, 
 and improper for the time; — reproaches which made no other impression on Colston's soul than to 
 grieve that men should so much dehght iu evil ; — reproaches that have always wanted truth, and 
 have consequently been of short continuance ; — reproaches that have descended to such meanness, as 
 to be the impious attempts of the lowest sense, as well as maHce." 
 
406 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 " the trust offered to be reposed in them, — and we were appointed a Committee to 
 return the thanks of the Hall accordingly ; and further, to correspond with you 
 thereabouts. 
 " We do, therefore, in pursuance of such order, return you the hearty thanks of this 
 Hall, for your good and charitable proposals ; and as to the place you mentioned for 
 building the House, some of our members have viewed it, and do find it very 
 convenient, and large enough for the purposes. We are informed that there is not 
 stone on your own ground, — ^but Mr. Holmes, who owns that ground which was 
 Mr. Seward's, having been spoken to, hath offered that we shall have stone there, 
 at the same rate, as we paid for your almshouse. As to the £10, per annum, you 
 propose for the maintenance of the boys, we are of opinion that that sum wOl be 
 very sufficient ; but as to the £5, for binding them out apprentices, we doubt that a 
 boy in this time cannot be placed out to any good master for that sum ; at present 
 we shall not give you any further trouble, but shall attend your further directions, 
 and with all give our utmost assistance to put forward so good a design, who are, 
 sir, your most humble servants, 
 
 " William Clarke, Master, " James Hollidge, 
 
 " John Duddlestone, " Thomas Hoet, 
 
 " Abraham Elton, " Abraham Bieken." 
 
 There are few now so blinded by prejudice, as to be unable to perceive or 
 comprehend, that consideration for the moral and religious culture of the 
 young, — combining all needful and useful instruction, must tend to exalt a 
 nation, and to increase the happiness of a people. On this generally 
 acknowledged truism, and on the extensive and re-productive benefit resulting 
 from the establishment of this school, it is unnecessary to enlarge. We shall 
 therefore enter at once upon the preliminaries consequent upon so vast an 
 undertaking. It is difficult to make these particulars interesting. It is 
 difficult to reconcile our minds to discard them. They inform us how a 
 convenient house was selected, — the particulars of its purchase, — its prepara- 
 tion for the reception of the boys, — and of transactions indispensable, for the 
 due and secure investment of the property for its enduring maintenance. In 
 this there may be little to tempt the eye, or to invite general perusal. Some, 
 may fondly love to linger over the traces of our great Philanthropist, and may 
 find a quiet pleasure in reading how he has marked his place in our Calendars, 
 and left so bright a track. Some, concerned to benefit mankind, may feel 
 pleasure in learning how this noble project was begun and ended; and 
 become encouraged, and more hopeful, as their thoughts travel to that great 
 
l'i'06.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 407 
 
 meeting at the Merchants' Hall, when was deliberated Colston's grand 
 proposal. On the decision of that meeting, the earthly, — the eternal weal 
 of thousands then unborn, would probably depend. Uninfluenced by the 
 narrow perceptions of the age, the Merchants accept the offer. And be it 
 remembered to their enduring fame, — their decision, contributed to the 
 advancement of society, by opening wide the gates of knowledge to the young 
 and ignorant. By their decision, the tender years of youth are guarded, 
 improved, and provided for, and their minds formed to early habits of useful- 
 ness and holiness. By their decision, was secured these blessings for the wants 
 of future generations, — even to the most remote posterity. 
 
 The members of the Merchants' Hall, fully awakened to the importance of 
 the trust about to be committed to them, and instigated by a due sense of their 
 responsibility, zealously exerted themselves to the utmost of their judgment, 
 to bring into speedy operation, the project of their exalted citizen. Colston 
 was desirous of investing his money, intended for the support of his school, 
 in land. Accordingly, March 17th, surveys of several estates were brought 
 to the Master of the Hall ; when, the standing Committee were ordered to 
 survey the same ; ascertain their value, and report on the most advantageous 
 purchase. October 8th, two letters from Colston were read, relating to the 
 maintenance and education of fifty boys, for which he offers £627, per annum. 
 The members agree with him that it would be sufficient, but desire a little 
 more for contingencies ; and resolve that if he would settle £640, per annum, 
 " they would with all gratitude and thankfulness undertake the same, and 
 enter into such covenants as shall be advised for the due performance thereof" 
 
 In the mean time, the Committee had been engaged in ascertaining the 
 most available situation for the erection of the school. November 1st, it was 
 consulted, as to which would be the most favourable % " Mrs. Lane's house on 
 St, Augustine's Back, Colston's ground, on St. Michael's Hill, or the house 
 and garden, late Manning, in Temple Street V The Hall decided upon Mrs. 
 Lane's house, if it could be purchased ; and appointed a committee to view 
 the same. November 6th, they reported, that the house was found substan- 
 tial, and with some alterations, would be well adapted for the purpose. That 
 exclusive of the materials of the sugar trade, still-house, and the hangings of 
 the dwelling-house, — they did not consider £1500, the sum demanded, was 
 unreasonable, which they were desired to communicate to Colston ; who, the 
 
408 
 
 following August, 1707, purchased the house, for £1300, and its conversion 
 and adaptation for the purposes of the school, were immediately proceeded with. 
 
 This stately mansion, designated as the "Great House on St. Augustine's 
 Back," has frequently been noticed in the preceding pages, in connexion with 
 our local records. Afar-oif days, an extensive Friary stood on its site, — but so 
 entirely is the natural mutability of all mortal works, here displayed, — so 
 entirely has the moth of Time consumed, day and night, with no Sabbath for 
 its rest, — that, of this sacred fane there " remaineth not one stone upon another," 
 the verity of its history to attest. The lofty tower, and the lowly crypt, have each 
 aUke disappeared. The tower has crumbled to the dust, and been scattered 
 with the ashes of the crypt. The monuments have ceased to record, — and of 
 the labours of pious artificers in the dark old time, — there is left us but the 
 parchment story. And now, where the good friar with book and bell, — with 
 prayers and tears, fiUed up the measure of his days, — a noble mansion rises to 
 the view; and the peaceful vision of the cloistered cell fades before the warlike 
 Barons' hall, — before Sovereigns and Princes,— before the pride and pomp of 
 earth, — that inflate with rank and state the dignity of history. In one con- 
 tinuous round the ghosts of its departed years before us pass. Births, 
 marriages, and deaths, — rejoicings, sorrowings, — -the banquet and the dance, — 
 the feast and the revel, — darkened chambers, — the mourner's sob, — the funereal 
 wail. Incidents, common to all abodes where the voice of humanity has been 
 heard, make up its narrative from generation to generation. Anon the sleep- 
 ing echoes of the old house are awakened, by strange noises hurtling on the 
 quiet of domestic life. There is wild confusion, and hot haste, — the hurried 
 tramp of many feet, — the clank and clash of arms, — the cannons' roar, — the 
 cries of the wounded, — the groans of the dying. Then in peaceful sequence 
 glide its years, — until the hour that we have seen it purchased for a noble pur- 
 pose ; an hour from which it has been regarded with an importance and 
 attention, to which its proudest historic fortune can furnish us no parallel. 
 And now, for the confused pictures of the past, — the shifting, shadowy, 
 changing scenes visioned before the mental eye, — we have the certain truthful 
 present; full of hope, and full of comfort, — heard and felt in the cheerful voices 
 and merry laughter of young hearts, happy, joyous, light, — that glad the cham- 
 bers of the old house, and make its walls all sunshine, and all its echoes life ! 
 
 Prior to the Reformation, there were numerous religious houses founded in 
 this City, — of which, some scattered and mutilated relics, preserved 'midst the 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 409 
 
 buildings of to-day, attract our attention as a black letter, or olden character, 
 arrests the eye when mingled with modern typography. They recal a period of 
 ecclesiastical supremacy, and are associated with hooded friars, perambulating 
 our streets, — the parade of gorgeous processions, — and with all the garniture 
 of a wealthy and sumptuous priesthood. We connect them with the matin 
 and the vesper, — with prayer and praise, — with superstition and debasement, — 
 with much that charms and haunts the poetic fancy, — with much that 
 enslaves and trammels the enraptured spirit ! Then, at every turn, hallowed 
 institutions met the eye ; — some massy, grave, and sober ; — some, profuse in 
 decoration, with all the beauty of form, and elaborateness of detail, belonging 
 to the most vaunted period of a proud architectural era. Of these, Leland says — 
 " The Priory of the Carmelites was the fairest of all the houses of the frieries 
 in Bristol, and stood on the right ripe of Froom, over against the Key." That 
 he indicates the site subsequently occupied by the " Great House," was con- 
 jectured from the discovery here of several ancient arches; and is confirmed by 
 irrefragable proof from old deeds in the custody of the Merchants' Hall. 
 
 William Wyrcestre gives us the dimensions of the priory, which he took 
 with his usual exactitude, in the year 1480. These, our readers will thank us 
 for omitting. To convey an idea of its extent, it is sufficient to state that it 
 occupied all the ground from the Red Lodge, down the hill to St. Augustine's 
 Back ; and was bounded by Pipe Lane on the west, and Steep Street on the 
 east. In addition to the house and lodgings of the friars, their church was 
 most spacious and elegant, with numerous chapels, containing the ashes of 
 many noble and wealthy families. Amongst its Priors, and belonging to the 
 House, rank several professors and Doctors of Divinity ; men whose piety and 
 learning have obtained for them a more than local reputation.^ To return 
 to the "Great House,"— which strangers, ignorant of the high object to 
 which it is applied, cannot pass without a notice. Its architectural appear- 
 ance recals vanished generations, — and no eye regardful of the past, can behold 
 it without a desire to know the history of so noble and commanding a mansion, 
 thus inclosed within a great City; conveying at once an impression of wealth, 
 
 1 "John MUverton, the author of many exceUent works, was a Prior here. He was committed 
 prisoner for three years to the Castle of St. Angelo, at Eome, for opposing the Bishops. This arose 
 from the quarrel of the Eegulars and Seculars, on wHoh poiat investigation would be interesting." 
 — Baee^it. 
 
410 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 comfort, and security. Not to interrupt our narrative, we have thrown 
 together our gleanings in a note.' 
 
 Though prudent and careful in his expenditure, Colston never withheld 
 what was necessary. He desired to be guided by the knowledge and expe- 
 rience of others, in the carrying out and maturing his benevolent intentions. 
 In answer to his enquiries as to the amount requisite for giving full develop- 
 ment to the projected School, — he is informed by the Hall, that it would require 
 an estate of not less than £850, per annum, to maintain, educate, and 
 apprentice, fifty boys; and that they supposed such an estate would cost 
 £18,000.^ 
 
 1 The site of tMs touse was granted 6tli May, the 33rd of Henry VIII., by the name and title 
 of "aU that house, or site of the late dissolved house of Friers Carmelites, commonly called the 
 White Friers, mthin the said town of Bristol ; and the messuage and house caUed the Hoopers' 
 Hall, ■within the said site, &c. &c." It was purchased at the Dissolution, together with the Gaunts', 
 by the Corporation, who afterwards, in the 10th of Elizabeth, sold the site of the Friary to Thomas 
 Chester, Esq. " The lodge, gardens, orchards, &o., on Stony Hill, belonging to it, were sold to 
 Thomas Eowland, Merchant, — who, for the sum of £26 : 13 : 1, conveyed it in fee the 7th of April, 
 the 20th of Elizabeth, to Sir John Young, whose son and heir, Eobt. Young, of Hazelborough, in 
 the county of "Wilts, built the house." After the demise of Sir John, the house was sold by Dame 
 Joan, his widow, to Nicholas Strangeways, Esq., of Bradley, iu the county of Gloucester. Queen 
 Elizabeth, on coming to Bristol, held her Court and Council here ; and it was the usual residence of 
 the nobility when visiting the City. "We will not tire the reader by naming the various parties uito 
 whose possession the property successively passed. In 1642, it was inhabited by Sir Eerdinando 
 Gorges. From Lady Gorges, who held possession of the mansion, on the decease of her husband, it 
 passed to John Knight, a sugar-baker. He resided there in 1671, and had done so for some time 
 previously. The house was subject to a fee-farm rent of 13s. 4(?., which he purchased of the Cor- 
 poration, 1671, by payment of £12. It next became the property of Eich. Lane, Merchant and 
 Sugar-broker, whose widow, as before stated, sold it to Colston in 1707. 
 
 2 " The 10th June, the Hall agreed to purchase as part of the endowment, an estate of Edward 
 Browyer, Esq., at Beare, in the County of Somerset, for the sum of £9000, and 150 guineas. And 
 the 19th, as another portion of the endowment, accepted Colston's proposed settlement of his 
 manor of Locking, in the same County ; valued by Mr. Stephen Stringer, at £5000. In a letter 
 from Colston, of the 5th July, he states that he considers it would be more convenient to make all 
 purchases in his own name, and then convey them to the HaE in one deed, with which the Hall 
 concurred." A survey and estimate of the estate of the late Sir Thomas Eastcourt, at Norton, in 
 the County of "Wilts, was also made by Mr. Stringer, and sent to Colston as another invesfanent for 
 the remainder of his endowment. December 12th, the same year, [1707,] Sir John Knight, Sir 
 John Duddlestone, Mr. George Mason, and Mr. "Wm. Clark, were requested to wait on Colston, at 
 London, or Mortlake, in order to confer with him concerning the school. They returned with 
 proposals from him in his own hand, relating to the estate agreed to be purchased of Mr. Browyer, 
 and to the Manor of Locking— which proposals were accepted by the HaU. 
 
1708.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 411 
 
 While these negotiations are pending, a letter is received from Colston, 
 dated April 2nd, wherein he proposes to provide for an additional fifty 
 boys ; and desires that a clause should be inserted in the settlement ; obliging 
 the Hall to maintain them upon the terms mentioned ; provided a propor- 
 tionable value of lands should be endowed. To this the Hall agreed 
 conditionally, that they approved of the maintenance.' It is apparent through- 
 out all Colston's transactions, that he was a strict disciplinarian, — a skilful 
 organizer of business arrangements ; and not to be imposed upon in any thing. 
 Though voluntarily granting away large sums, he was especially careful over 
 small ones ; and did not forget any quarter that could be made productive, 
 however trifling the amount. We may suppose the same principle to have 
 influenced and governed his commercial pursuits ; hence originated his vast 
 wealth ; for which, probably, he was not indebted to any caprices of fortune. 
 In the letter that he makes the munificent proposal for supporting another 
 fifty boys — he inquires concerning the cellars under the " great house," 
 and desires to know for what they will let. In reply, he is informed that they 
 will not yield above £20, per annum. 
 
 The draft of Colston's settlement for the maintenance of one hundred boys, 
 legalized by Council, — was approved by the Hall, — who October 14th, con- 
 sented to accept the trust ; and appointed a Committee^ to inspect the progress 
 of the work at the " Great House," that it might be " properly executed 
 according to the directions and scheme (Colston) had laid out." They were 
 also " to let the cellars and warehouses belonging thereto, at most rent, &c." 
 At this period, the names of forty members of the Hall, were sent to 
 Colston, for his selection of feoffees for his intended settlement.^ 
 
 1 The Hall accepted of the lands at Congresbury, lately purchased of Mr. Appleby, and 
 intended to be settled by Colston, at the yearly value of £51. About this time, he sent his 
 scheme to the Merchants, who referred the same to Council's opinion, by whom it was amended. 
 The Committee directed the Master and others to attend upon Colston with it. The expenses of 
 Mr. Mason, Mr. Clark, and Sir John Duddlestone, the members who waited upon Colston with the 
 scheme, to and from London, were £55 : 8 : 9, which was directed to be paid. 
 
 2 Sir John Duddlestone, Mr. "Wm. Clark, Mr. Henry Swymmer, Mr. Wm. Hart., Mr. Alder- 
 man Birken, Mr. John Norman. 
 
 3 The Nominees appelated by Colston himself were : — Francis Colston, Eev. Charles Brent, 
 Eev. Hugh Waterman, Sir John Smyth, Bart., Edward Southwell, Esq., Eichard Haynes, Thomas 
 Hungerford, George Attwood, James Pym, Joseph Edwards, Thomas Oldfield, John Henely. In the 
 
4:12 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Although we have no certain data, from which we may accurately determine 
 the precise periods when Colston visited this City, — yet we may naturally 
 conclude he would not allow a work of such magnitude to pass in its progress 
 wholly uninspected by himself. That he encouraged the labours by his 
 presence, is evident from the following familiar but authentic anecdote : — 
 " During the alterations at the Hospital, one of the labourers in ascending a 
 ladder was observed by Mr. Colston to be without a hat. Mr. Colston went 
 to a shop in the vicinity to purchase one, — his dress and appearance were such 
 as to draw from the woman serving, not very courteous behaviour ; but during 
 the negotiation, Colston was discovered by the master ; who was sitting in an 
 adjoining room at dinner, who immediately came forward and expressed his 
 thanks in having been honoured with his (Colston's) presence. Mr. Colston, 
 having purchased the hat, withdrew with it, and was observed to present it to 
 the labourer." 
 
 Every record and letter, indicates Colston's anxiety to hasten the completion 
 of the necessary alterations of the building, prior to the admission of his boys. 
 The undertaking resolved on, he allowed no impediment to retard its progress, 
 while it was yet' day. He exhibited, what is rarely united in the same person, 
 humility and riches. He inspected and assisted the labourers; and, regardless 
 of every thing but the object of his solicitude, — covered with dust and lime, he 
 receives the uncourteous treatment, that too often befal the wearers of soiled or 
 homely apparel, though just be the heart that beats beneath. 
 
 Another little incident,^ touching upon Colston's fixedness of purpose, is to 
 be preserved with jealous care, as a pendant to the above. One day, a man 
 was called from his work to turn a grindstone, that a Carpenter might sharpen 
 his tools. Whilst thus engaged, Colston, not seeing the man at his usual 
 work, sought for him. Coming to the place where he was, he sent him to his 
 task, saying, " he wanted the school finished, that he might get his boys in;" 
 
 conveyance (dated November, 1708,) of tte property, for the support of tte 100 boys, Colston 
 stipulated tbat be should be allowed tbe nomination of tbe boys, during his Ufe, and after his 
 decease, one half of them should be nominated by the Society of Merchants, the other half by his 
 Executors, and after their demise, by his Nominees. On the death of a Nominee, the survivors 
 were, within three months, to elect some other to fill the vacancy. 
 
 1 Communicated to the late Mr. Eowland's father, Distiller on the Quay, by a Carpenter, who 
 assisted in fitting up the school for Colston. 
 
I'^IO.J HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 413 
 
 and taking the handle of the grindstone, continued turning it as long as was 
 necessary. 
 
 At length the " Great House" is prepared for the reception of its juvenile 
 inhabitants. Every means that the ablest counsel could suggest, to bind 
 generation after generation, in fulfilling the sacred trust of the benevolent 
 founder, has been called into service ; and every deed and settlement is signed 
 and ratified. Colston had consigned to others a solemn obhgation, on the due 
 fulfilment of which, thousands of young hearts would have their guidance 
 heavenwards.' It was not enough that he had estabUshed the School, — it was 
 not enough that he had provided a home, where youth .would be rescued from 
 the temptations incident to want, ignorance, and idleness. A man may have 
 done this without the seal of Charity sanctifying the act. But Colston, guided 
 by a Divine Spirit, extending his regards to posterity, — ceased not to expend his 
 energies, after he had parted with his wealth; that his plan might be perfected, 
 and continue to add to the number of God's kingdom till time should be no 
 more. His philanthropy is visible in the exercise of his judgment in distri- 
 buting the bounty of Providence ; and his light shines forth even from the 
 business records, that relate his prudent management, his economy, and care. 
 Thus we find that, September 13th, with his usual judicious considerations, 
 he directed the Master to inform the Hall, that he had allowed the expenses 
 incurred in repairing the houses and lands to be settled ; but that he expected 
 in future, no money should be charged for common repairs, than that is men- 
 tioned in a schedule affixed to the deed of settlement, — to which the Hall 
 agreed ; and that an abridgment of the settlement should be made, to be read 
 over once a year in the Common Hall, at a meeting of the Society.^ The 
 thanks of the Hall were also voted him for his great charity to the City, and 
 for the trust reposed in the HaU. 
 
 The year 1710, beheld Colston still intent on the furtherance of his great 
 deed. But few years remained to him, in which he could hope to see the 
 maturity of his benevolent purpose ; and he acted as one for whom " Time was 
 
 1 " That tlie Master be one ttat will make it his cliief business to instruct the Children in the 
 Principles of the Christian Eehgion, as they are laid down iu the Church Catechism, and who shall 
 explain to the meanest capacity by some good exposition, to be composed by some of the Ministers 
 of your City, to be done twice a week." — Orders for the Governing of the Hospital. 
 
 2 The Merchants sent Colston annually an account of the expenses of the school. 
 
414 ED-\TAED COLSTON, 
 
 waiting in the antechamber, to throw open the portals of Eternity." April 
 20th, he wrote to the Hall, expressing his intention to furnish the boys 
 intended for the Hospital, " each with a suit of clothes, cap, band, shirt, 
 stockings, shoes, buckles, spoon, and porringer, — one of each. Also brewing 
 utensils, barrels, bedding, sheets, towels, table cloths ; notwithstanding the 
 Hall was bound to provide the same." The clothes, &c., cost £122 : 10 ; for 
 which the thanks of the Hall were voted him July 7th, — " more especially 
 his due, as the charge did not properly belong to him, but to the Hall." 
 
 In matters of business we find Colston scrupulous and exacting, — ^for his 
 money insisting on his. money's worth. In matters of charity, there is no limit 
 to the bestowment of his wealth, but his prudence ; and the necessary obliga- 
 tion he never overlooked, of providing for those who by the ties of kindred 
 were near and dear to him. He never gave lavishly, carelessly, or indifierently; 
 and never, on any occasion that have come before us, without mature con- 
 sideration ; that his gift might be directed aright, and its benefit be permanent. 
 
 In July, 1710, the School was established by the admission of the boys. 
 The auspicious day was observed as one of thanksgiving and rejoicing, and a 
 special service was performed at the Cathedral. Its sacred walls had beheld 
 Sovereigns and Princes, all the boast and pomp of earth parade its aisles 
 with gorgeous state. But never had they witnessed a scene more ennobling 
 to humanity,^ — more fertile with good — more glorious in the present, — 
 more hopeful in the future ! Its principal feature, the venerable Colston 
 leading his little grand-niece by the hand,^ preceded by the long train of happy 
 boys, for whom his bounty had provided. It is many years since we have 
 known him as a faithful steward, — in loving affection to mankind— graciously 
 dispensing from his abundance; and now the great, the grand, one lofty purpose 
 of his soul was completed. A joyous strain of thankful song reverberates 
 through the vaulted aisles, as he passes with his children up the choir, and takes 
 his place in the stall the Dean and Chapter, with a just appreciation of his 
 worth, had appropriated to his use. Many a sad weight had been lifted from a 
 parent's breast, — many a heavy cloud of anxiety removed, and many a breathed 
 prayer and blessing, poured from the overcharged heart spoke forth their fervent 
 gratitude ; and with unity of voice and spirit they swell the glad notes of praise ! 
 
 1 Commiuiicated by Alexander Colston, late Lieutenant-Col. of the 102nd regiment. His grand- 
 mother, was the grand-niece of Colston mentioned in the text. 
 
1711.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 415 
 
 The service is over. Colston's young relative distributes from her loaded 
 basket presents to the boys, — vpho, happy, joyous, precede their gracious 
 benefactor to the School. Such vfas the spectacle that day presented.' — A 
 lovely and a blessed one. — Quickening the purest and the best sensibilities of 
 mankind. — Arousing their divine sympathies, and irradiating the gloom of the 
 desponding, as though a light had been cast upon their mournful way, from the 
 sphere of eternal beneficence. 
 
 There has descended, by oral tradition, a beautiful passage in Colston's life, 
 illustrative of his humility ; and his desire, that not to the servant who did the 
 work of his Master, — but to the Lord he sought to exalt and magnify, be the 
 thanksgivings, the praises, and the glory. Shortly after the opening of the 
 School, while Colston was yet in Bristol, a poor widow waited upon him with 
 her only son, entreating for Colston's aid in obtaining the boy's admission into 
 the School on St. Augustine's Back. After a few enquiries satisfactorily 
 answered, the widow's heart was made glad by Colston removing her anxiety 
 respecting her child's welfare ; graciously adding, that if upon examination he 
 found the circumstances of her case such as she had stated, he himself would 
 be his patron. The poor woman, in the fulness of her gratitude, said she 
 would ever pray that Heaven's blessings might descend on Colston, and that 
 when her son grew up, she would teach him to thank his benefactor. " No," 
 was the mild reproof, " teach him better: we do not thank the clouds for rain, 
 nor the sun for light, but we thank the God who made both the clouds 
 and the sun !" 
 
 Commenced are the duties of the School. The champion of youth had 
 triumphed over the prejudices of the age. — The seeds of piety and virtue would 
 be planted in tender minds, whose flowers would be happiness and glory. 
 The descendants of the first youthful band here trained in the graces of 
 holiness, would still walk in the footsteps of their fathers, and their righteous- 
 ness would increase the halo that surrounds the memory of the good and just 
 through all recorded time. Colston's kindly feeling, and his solicitude for 
 the welfare of his School, and the sacred performance of his trust, is 
 
 expressed in the following letter : — 
 
 " Mortlake, December 8th, 1711. 
 
 " To Mr. Mason, Master of the Society of Merchant Venturers. 
 
 " Your letter was received by me with great satisfaction, because it informs me, 
 
 that the Merchants' Hall have made choice of so deserving a gentleman for their 
 
 Master, by whom I cannot in the least think there will be any neglect of their 
 
416 EDWAKD COLSTON, 
 
 " affairs ; so neither of want of care in seeing my trust reposed in them religiously- 
 performed, because thereon depends the welfare or ruin of so many poor boys, who 
 may in time be made useful, as well to your City as the nation, by their future 
 honest endeavours ; the which that they may be, is what I principally desire and 
 recommend unto you. Sir, and the whole Society. 
 
 " Your humble Servant, " Edward Colston." 
 
 Colston appears to have annually attended the meetings of the Vestry, at 
 Mortlake, since the year 1689, ^and also, for many subsequent years, to have 
 examined the accounts of the overseers of the poor, as his autograph testifies ; 
 and to have been otherwise engaged in the business of the Vestry. Yet, 
 although taking part in their proceedings, and a permanent resident in the 
 place, he did not publicly disseminate his benevolence in any great imder- 
 taking for the good of the parish, as he had done in his native City. His first 
 known benefaction at Mortlake, was the establishment of two Schools,' 1701-2, — 
 another instance of the disposal of his inheritance, on the death of his mother. 
 His next benefaction, after an interval of some years, was his Almshouses,^ 
 of which we learn nothing till we read of their completion. The following 
 is the first notice concerning them, in which his name appears, that has met 
 our research : — 
 
 "October y° 4'^' 1708. At a Vestry then held, whereof notice was given 
 y^ Sunday before, forenoone and afternoone, — it was then ordered y* the house 
 against the Pound, that was lately rebuilt by Edward Coalstone, Esq'- for 
 y" good of this parish, be disposed of as foUoweth," «&;c. Colston was not 
 present at this meeting, — his last attendance was on the 14th November, in 
 the preceding year. 
 
 ' He hequeathed money for their support, limited to twelve years after death, when they were 
 endowed by Lady Dorothy Capel, and are now in a prosperous condition. 
 
 2 The Almshouses are built on the waste of Sheen, and were provided " for the habitation of 
 such poor as stood most ia need, and would most ease the parish, — to be nominated by the Clergy- 
 man, Churchwardens, and a majority of the Yestry.'' They contaiu four rooms below, and four above — 
 each apartment being occupied by an alms-person of the parish of Mortlake, — who, as a vacancy has 
 occurred, has usually been appoiuted by the Churchwarden for the time being. The inmates are 
 generally in the receipt of parish rehef, — and if they happen to have famihes, these families are 
 allowed to reside with them. There is no inscription on the Almshouses, and they are not generally 
 known as Colston's. Since the introduction of the new poor-law, they have been rather an incum- 
 brance than otherwise. There not being any fund for regular repairs, they have been preserved by 
 private subscriptions, — tiU recently that a small endowment has been granted for the purpose. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 417 
 
 From November, 1707, for nearly four years, Colston did not attend any of 
 the meetings of the Vestry, neither did he enter into any of the public business 
 of the parish. This circumstance would lead to the assumption, that the 
 foundation of his School at Bristol ; and other important matters, in which 
 during the interval we find him engaged, called him hence ; and would account 
 for his absence, did not some of his letters, written during the time at 
 Mortlake, prove the contrary. There is a traditionary report, that he took 
 umbrage at some impolitic interference, with his desire to nominate inmates for 
 the Almshouses he had built in that parish. That this had its origin in some 
 misunderstanding between Colston and the parishioners, is more than pro- 
 bable, — especially when. we consider that he did not endow the Almshouses; 
 nor did he otherwise evince any disposition to benefit the place; although 
 so long a resident, excepting only by the amount he bequeathed, for a limited 
 time, to the School he had founded there. 
 
 To connect the period in Colston's life, at which we are now arrived, with 
 the political attitude of our City, it is expedient we rapidly glance at a few of 
 the more prominent intervening transactions. We left the Prince of Orange 
 landed in England. The whole nation welcoming him with open arms, — and 
 the Duke of Beaufort, regardless of his dinner, abruptly departing from the 
 City. What followed belongs to history. Feeling not quite secure as to how 
 events might terminate, there is no journal of the proceedings of our Council 
 from the 6th of November, 1688, to the 5th of August following. The City 
 appears to have been governed by the Mayor and Aldermen solely. The Common 
 Council are not, on any occasion, recorded as present. But it was necessary 
 that there should be a Gaol Delivery, therefore a meeting was convened. One 
 object was to swear the new Recorder [William Pawlett]. Another, the 
 swearing and choosing new Aldermen to fill up vacancies.^ A few days after, 
 there was more swearing, and for-swearing, such as attend all revolutionary 
 changes. The records of subsequent meetings, reveal to us the restless fears, 
 doubts, and misgivings of our citizens, while the agitation consequent on so 
 great a Revolution was subsiding. On this subject, our rapidly-narrowing 
 limits compel us not to dwell. 
 
 1 Mr. Eston [Mayor in 1683], now in prison for debt, and inTolved in difficulties, cannot attend 
 any longer tte duties of Alderman ; his election is declared void. Such are the fluctuations of 
 municipal Hfe. 
 
 ' H 
 
418 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 The nation did not experience that immediate tranquillity, nor the people 
 that complete satisfaction, which the compulsory abdication of James, and the 
 election of his successor, had held out to their sanguine expectations. Dis- 
 tracted by intestine dissensions, with trade languishing, and their burdens 
 increasing, it mattered not that the foundation of the future liberty and 
 prosperity of the country had been laid; the people could not realize the 
 liberty, — they could not grasp the prosperity, — the present was no guarantee of 
 the advent of that bright time. The Bristol citizens who had hailed the arrival 
 of William with so much joy, — now, when they found their fellow tradesmen 
 and merchants imprisoned' upon the slightest suspicion by the Whig Govern- 
 ment, into whose hands the King had thrown almost all the power, — began to 
 doubt whether they had advantaged themselves by the exchange. The 
 majority of the Bristol magistrates, whose Tory principles rendered them 
 obnoxious to the reigning powers ; when they found their position did not 
 protect them from the vituperative and slanderous attacks of their opponents,^ 
 began to fear that the old days of fanatical extreme might return ; and with 
 wonderful consistency made the most of their authority, — by severely treating 
 and putting in rigorous execution, the law against Nonjurors. All classes had 
 coalesced during the common danger. Whigs and Tories, Churchmen and 
 Dissenters, Presbyterian and Independent, bound by one tie, and directed by 
 one impulse, had acted with one heart. But now that the danger was 
 removed, they split asunder into their separate factions, and each returned to 
 his particular bias. There were many who declared for the hereditary right 
 of Kings ; regarded William's possession of the throne as an usurpation, — 
 though called thereto, by the general voice of the Protestant nation. They 
 
 1 1690. Complaints of the Militia are numerous ; the citizens and inhabitants are imprisoned; 
 they do not approve of their liberties being abridged. Moreover, "they hear that several hundred 
 more are Kkewise to be secured." The House is petitioned. Serious charges are brought against 
 Sir Thomas Earle, who is implicated as the origia of the ' ill reports and scandaUs.' " That out of 
 a ' malicious and evil mind/ to bring the Mayor and other good citizens under their Majesty's 
 displeasure, he wrote a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbiuy, principal Secretary of State." All which, 
 or more consequent upon, we are unable to insert. 
 
 2 Mr. Mayor [another Sir John EJnight,] is abused in the execution of his office, and several 
 other Magistrates and worthy citizens are "put under iU characters. Eeflexions by iU. reports 
 and scandals has been laid on them." A Committee appointed to redress for what is past, and to 
 prevent like offences for the future. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 419 
 
 would acknowledge no obedience to a non-hereditary King ; and refusing to 
 take the oath of allegiance, were distinguished by the appellation of Non- 
 jurors. It was in bringing all its power to bear against these refractory 
 members, for " notorious contempt," that the attention of the Chamber was 
 now principally engaged.-^ Mr. John Kowe, the ejected Sword-bearer, is 
 visible again. He brings a writ for restoring himself to office, against Mr. 
 Mayor, which writ the Chamber is to take effectual care to defend. The House 
 is much occupied with this writ. It is also much occupied with a Mr. Cook, 
 whose " Folly" on the lovely banks of the Avon, has over its entrance this 
 inscription, "T. Cook, 1693." Mr. Cook was Sheriff in 1672 — subsequently 
 Chamberlain, from which office he was removed in 1698, for " negligence and 
 unfitness." 
 
 Struggling, embarrassed and perplexed, the Chamber has been contending 
 with debt for many years. Thus was it situated when we beheld it last, and 
 such is its position when we behold it now. It was on this account 
 obliged to borrow £2000, which Colston lent ; and to discharge this debt, 
 ordered the Manor of Hinton, in Gloucestershire, to be sold. It was on 
 this account that the Council agreed in 1686, that the Mayor's salary 
 should be reduced to £52 — the Sessions' dinner, was directed should be 
 discontinued — " and that the salary of all the officers should be reduced 
 to the amounts paid in May, 1661." The official costume of the Corporation 
 was also inspected with a view to dock off all superfluous trappings. 
 The meeting set out with the resolution " that a distinction should be made 
 between the officers' gowns, and those of the Common Council" not previously 
 observed. " That the Mayor's Sergeants' dress be purple gowns, unguarded. 
 The Yeomen's coats to be of the same colour, but of the present fashion, with 
 short swords and hagonetts." The Corporation, however, were not reconciled 
 to the colour of the Sergeants' gowns ; and in a few days determined that they 
 should be black and not purple, and further ordered them " to be unfurred, 
 and without velvet." Having effected this important saving, there were 
 others equally serious waiting their deliberation. But the Chamber, however, 
 does not appear again to display an economic tendency till the next year, 
 when — 
 
 1 At this time it ordered that all absent members who had been summoned, should be fined 
 £10 each. 
 
420 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " It being reported to the House that there had been for several years past, paid unto 
 the parish of Temple, twelve pounds per annum, — and to Eedcliff three pounds per 
 annum, — out of the Chamber towards maintaining their respective poor ; it was 
 thereupon put to the vote whether the same should be paid or discontinued. And 
 thereupon it was upon vote ordered by the majority of this House, that these two 
 payments, and either of them shall from henceforth cease and be no longer paid, 
 unless at the next meeting of this House, good cause shall be, by the said parishes 
 respective, shown to the contrary." 
 
 " It was then also ordered that the Chamber be no farther concerned in repairing the 
 Chancel of Temple Church, unless at next House, good cause be shown to the 
 contrary." "Also, that the Chamber shall not at any time from henceforth pay to 
 the burgesses of the City in Parliament, any salary or other pay for their services 
 there, but that it be paid as the law directs." 
 
 The cause of the foregoing resolutions is obvious. The Treasury vs^as empty. 
 The Chamber objected not to contribute towards the relief of the poor, while 
 they had funds, which failing, their contribution ceases. It needs not to 
 foUow the commanding and countermanding of retrenchments and reductions, 
 — the outward signs or barometer, indicating, during successive years, the 
 fluctuations in the City Treasury. All these may be conceived. It is now 
 the beginning of William's reign. Economy is still the cry of the Corporation. 
 Their embarrassment still continues. They appear at this exigency to have 
 seriously considered of their debts, and to have arrived at the laudable resolu- 
 tion of endeavouring to liquidate them. They were therefore going to enter into 
 a rigid examination of their accounts, and to keep a watchful eye over their 
 expenditure. It was with reference to the proposed retrenchments, "Mr. 
 Mayor acquainted the House of the great expense the City was at ; and par- 
 ticularly acquainted the method how the expensive entertainment of judges 
 was introduced — upon which it was resolved, that they should no longer be 
 entertained at the charge of the City ; and that Mr. Town Clerk draw up the 
 order, so that it may show the Judges the cause of it, that it was not want of 
 respect, but from necessity. Also, that the lodgings to be appointed for the 
 Judge be left to the Mayor and Aldermen, and not to exceed £5." '■ But the 
 
 1 August 29tli, 1693. Without amy reason advanced, this order was repealed, but no sum 
 exceeding £20, was to be allowed "for entertaining the Judges, their retinue and horses." 
 " August 8th, 1702, Mr. Mayor, proposed to the House, whether, notwithstanding a former order 
 made in the year 1691, that the Judges should not be entertained at the pubhe expense of the 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 421 
 
 resolution that most plainly revealed the low ebb of their finances, and most 
 keenly touched upon the hereditary hospitality of the Corporation, was— 
 " That no public entertainments should be given, or presents of wine made, until the City 
 debts were paid." The preceding determinations arising from the stern dictates 
 of necessity, were followed by an instance of self-denial on the part of the newly- 
 elected Mayor, Eichard Lane ; who very considerately " declared that he, being 
 now chosen a second time Mayor, would not insist upon double salary, as is usual 
 in such cases ; neither would he insist on any precedency, [still a great subject of 
 dispute] beyond the place he was in, to be next to Mr. Swymmer." 
 The Mayor also stated, " that he had moved to Mr. Recorder, to stay here till the 
 Quarter Sessions, that he might be sworn, and take the Test ; but the Eecorder 
 declared he could not stay." It was thereupon proposed that a " Gaol Delivery 
 should be held, and the Quarter Sessions adjourned unto it, that the Mayor may be 
 sworn, and his journey and expenses to London may be saved." As this could not 
 be accomplished, " it was ordered that the Mayor may go to London, and have the 
 £30, allowance as usual." Mr. Alderman Crabb to be deputy Mayor. 
 
 Shortly after, the Mayor makes allusion to his having viewed some old iron, 
 which he reported worth about £9 a ton ; but that Alderman Wallis, having 
 told him it was worth more, he thought it better to defer the sale till the 
 Fair. Then some trumpets, we suppose of silver, are produced on the table. 
 They had given note of the advent of many a stately procession ; they were 
 associated with the pomp of the municipality ; with Kingly visits, and Judges' 
 escorts, — but this could not save them, — " they are ordered to be sold by the 
 Sheriffs, and chain costume, who is to bring the money in account, and in the 
 same manner to dispose of the Trumpeters' old coats." ^ This entry is remark- 
 able for its ambiguity. We are left in uncertainty whether the Sheriff, or 
 the chain costume is to have charge of the money ; neither are we further 
 enlightened as to the " manner " of disposal. From the above we infer that 
 the abolishing of the Trumpeters was amongst their proposed retrenchments. 
 The sale of the iron, the trumpets, the chain costume, and the old coats, was 
 followed not long time after, by a return of the observance of an ancient 
 
 City, whether the Judges now coining should be entertaiaed at the public charge. It was carried 
 in the affirmative, that they he entertained at Mr. Alderman Lane's house. It also ordered that 
 Mr. Recorder be entertained at the public charge, and at the House of Mr. Alderman Jackson." 
 
 1 "Reed of John Cossley, Goldsmith, for the Silver Trumpets, and Lace of the Tnunpeters' 
 Coats, £24 : 16 : 0." 
 
422 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 hospitality. August 28th, 1700, it is "ordered that the Judges now coining 
 hither, be entertained at the City's charges, at Sir Thomas Day's house." Also, 
 the 7th August, in the year following, we find they are to be again entertained 
 at the public charge of the City. We may therefore suppose an improvement 
 was taking place in the financial department of the Corporation. 
 
 Return to 1694, December 30th. Dolefully and slowly toll the bells from 
 every tower and spire within the ancient City ; — and solemn and impressive is 
 the mournful sound that, in measured pauses, breaks upon the ear. Every- 
 where signals of distress ; — the flags half-masted ; — the windows closed ; — 
 some one, high in state, has departed! The Mayor, [Thomas Day] with 
 dignified official step, and with grave intelligence overcast, is approaching the 
 Tolzey. Let us follow him and read the record of his business there. — " Mr. 
 Mayor acquainted the House of the death of the Queen, — and then proposed it 
 as expedient, that an address of condolence thereupon, might be made by the 
 City to his Ma*'% whereto the House unanimously agreed, and appointed Mr. 
 Mayor and the Aldermen to be a Committee, and desired them to draw up an 
 address to that purpose, and to affix the City Seal thereto." With this 
 expression of the sympathy of his loyal Corporation of Bristol, his disconsolate 
 Majesty, was no doubt considerably comforted.^ 
 
 Pass over intermediate years, till we arrive at the treaty with Ryswick ; — 
 the termination of an expensive and protracted war vnth France. It 
 was proclaimed in Bristol, the 29th of September, 1697, with great show 
 of rejoicings, though not universal. The Jacobites, refused to join the 
 acclamations on an occasion so destructive to their hopes. William returned 
 to England in the month of November. Congratulatory addresses were 
 presented to him from every part of the kingdom. In our City, November 22nd, 
 
 " Mr. Mayor having proposed that an address should be presented to his Majesty^ to 
 congratulate his Majesty's return, and for our happy peace, it was carried 
 " nemine contradicente." Mr. Mayor, Sir Thomas Day, Mr. Yate, the two Sheriifs, 
 and Mr. Town Clerk, and as many of the Aldermen and members of the House as 
 will attend, are desired to draw up an address proper for the occasion; "which 
 Committee, hereby have power to cause the City seal to be affixed to it. Mr. Mayor 
 
 1 The Queen was not huried until the Sth March following, when "the High-cross was hung 
 with mourning from top to bottom, and all the great bells in the City tolled three distinct hours, 
 from 9 to 10, — from 2 to 3, — and from 4 to 5 o'clock." — Setbe's MS. Col. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 423 
 
 " is desired by the whole House to be one to attend his Maty with this address, still 
 refering the consideration of his health, and his occasions to him wife. Also Mr. 
 Peter Saunders, a member of the House and Master of the Merchants' Hall." 
 
 We regret we cannot produce this address, wherein the intellectual powers 
 of so formidable a Committee were put to their utmost bent. It was without 
 doubt an eloquent composition, worthy of the eight days' labour which had been 
 bestowed upon it. On the ninth day, it was read to the House and approved.' 
 
 Some years pass without event to detain our hasty narrative, till the death 
 of William. Anne's assurances to the Parliament gave general satisfaction. — 
 Congratulatory addresses poured in from all quarters. That from Bristol has 
 been preserved : — 
 
 "To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. — The humble Address of the Mayor, Aldermen, 
 and Commonalty of your Majesty's City of Bristoll in Common Counsell assembled. 
 
 " May it please yo"" Majesty, — 
 
 "Wee, your Majties most dutiful! and loyall subjects, humbly condole our 
 unspeakable loss by the death or demise of his late Maj esty. King William the Third — 
 the constant defender of our religion and liberties, and the grand support of the 
 Protestant interest over aU Europe. Yet at the same time wee adore the Divine 
 Providence, in placing yor Maj*y on the throne of yo' ancestors, acknowledging that 
 your Majty has the only just and lawful! title to these kingdoms, and wee are ready 
 to give aU assurances of our steady resolutions to adhere to, and defend yo' 
 Eoyal! person and rights against the pretended Prince of Wales, and all other 
 opposers of yo'' crown and dignity. And wee rejoice in what yor Majesty has been 
 pleased to signifye to all yo' good subjects, by yC Eoyall Declarations to yo"' Councill 
 and Parliament ; which being no small discouragement to yo"^ Maj*y and the nation's 
 enemies, favours us with a prospect agreable to our loyall wishes, that yor reigne 
 may be long and prosperous, and yor glorious designs for yor people's happiness 
 successfall." 
 
 As usual, the " proclamation came off" with great solemnity.^ But the 
 triumph of the City authorities, was reserved for a grand display of their 
 regalia on the day of Coronation.^ In splendid state did the procession set out 
 
 1 The two Members of Parliament were desired to attend Hs Grace the Lord High Steward, 
 and to present the respects of the House to his Grace, and to " pray him to introduce our Members 
 with that address. If he be not in London, then they are to desire the Lord Dursley, our Lord 
 Lieutenant to introduce them." 
 
 2 " 1701-2. Paid on Proclaiming the Queen, £21 : 5. 
 
 3 " Paid four women, that strewed the way with sweet herbs, before Mrs. Mayoress, to the 
 College, last Coronation day, 10s. 
 
424 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 from the Tolzey, to go "to the College, to hear a sermon;"^ and picturesque 
 must the train have been, as it passed through the motley population that lined 
 the crowded streets. The militia, " bravely armed," — the Hospital boys, in 
 blue gowns and coats, with bonnets on their heads, " very delightful to 
 behold," — tradesmen, vidth their colours and badges, " in comely order," — 
 maidens, dressed in white hoods, carrying fans, — Constables, with staves, — the 
 Mayor and Magistrates, and the Hospital maids, in scarlet, — the Mint maids, 
 in blue, — men, in Holland shirts and blue ribbons, wielding naked swords, — 
 more damsels, in white, bedecked with coloured ribbons, carrying gilt bows 
 and arrows, — Mrs. Mayoress, and the citizens' daughters and wives, sumptu- 
 ously apparelled. Arras, and costly drapery, of several devices, adorning the 
 houses; branches and gilded sprigs, sweet flowers, crowns, and garlands, 
 decking the streets; scarlet cloth hanging from the battlements of the 
 churches, — and crosses, flags, and streamers, waving from the ships and towers ; 
 branches of gilded laurel adorning the conduits; and crowns, mitres, and 
 flowers everywhere. Day wears on. More young women, in white waist- 
 coats and red petticoats, wearing large straw hats. More Holland shirts, 
 more naked swords, more people, — and, borne above all, is an effigy of an old 
 man, — seated, with a long beard, and white straight locks, and a triple crown 
 on his head, — a crosier staff in his hand, and a scarlet mantle on his shoulders. 
 Ghastly-vizarded attendants surround him, bearing crosses and instruments of 
 torture. This is the Pope's effigy. At night, when every house will be 
 illuminated, there will be great bonfires in the streets, — with much rejoicings, 
 the Pope will be consumed. Then, for noise, there is the ringing of bells, 
 — discharging of great ordnance, and small shot, — the " City music, sweetly 
 playing," — the blast of the trumpeters, the roll of the drummers, the huzza- 
 ing, and roar of the multitude. Wine ran freely in many parts of the City, 
 and enthusiasm was at its height. Such are the images associated with the 
 celebration of Queen Anne's Coronation day in this City.^~^ 
 
 Were we to follow the proceedings of the Chamber, it would carry us much 
 
 1 " 20tli April, 1702. Mr. Mayor proposed to tlie House, that something might be done in this 
 City, in honour to her Majesty, Queen Anne's, Coronation on the 23rd April instant ; and the 
 Chamberlain, is ordered to issue out money that the same shall be performed as was at the Coronation 
 of our late Sovereign Eing William — nemine contradicente." 
 
 2 MS. Calender. Seyer. 3 " Paid at the Coronation of Queen Anne, £53 : 2 : 1." 
 
I'^^O^O HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 425 
 
 beyond our prescribed limits. Distinguished, as usual, by the animosity of 
 party, it is no desirable field to enter upon. More inviting, perhaps, to the 
 reader, is the narrative of a Eoyal visit, in which our local chroniclers indulge; 
 we therefore return to the Queen, at whose Coronation so great demonstrations 
 have been displayed. Her Majesty is at Bath,— she will come to Bristol, if 
 invited. It is the 29th August following the Coronation. We are at a special 
 meeting of the House. Mr. Mayor speaks, and says:— 
 
 " That the Queene being in the neighbourhood, that he called the House, to consider 
 what Comp' was fitt to be made to her Ma"° on this occasion. It is ordered, nemine 
 contradicente, that some members of this House attend her Ma'^' with a Congratula- 
 tion of her Ma""' safe coming into the neighbourhood; and to assure her Ma* of the 
 Duty and Loyalty of this her Ma"^' City of BristoU. 
 
 " Itt is also ordered, that if an invitation to her Ma"' to this City, be thought more 
 advisable and proper att that time then afterwards, the s* Gentlemen have authority 
 to make the invitation also."' 
 
 Given was the invitation, and graciously accepted. The Queen, with her 
 husband. Prince George, enters the City at Lawford's Gate. The Mayor 
 [John Hawkins, brewer,]^ and the Corporation receive them. The Eoyal 
 cortege are conducted from Temple Street, through the Long Row, to Sir 
 Thomas Day's house, at the Bridge end. There are a great number of horse- 
 men, including about sixty Captains of ships, distinguished by knots of red 
 ribbon in their hats, — twelve coaches, containing the Queen's suite, each drawn 
 by six horses, — eighteen of the Clergy, bareheaded, — the Common Council 
 and Aldermen, — the Mayor, — the " pearl sword," — part of the Queen's Guards 
 before and behind her carriage, — coaches of the nobility and gentry ; coaches 
 and trappings of the horses, all black ; the Queen in purple, mourning for the 
 late King. Sir George Norton and Sir John Smyth contributed the venison for 
 
 1 " Itt is ordered, that Mr. Mayor and Aldermen, the Sheriffs, Mr. Lewis, Mr. French, Mr. 
 Saunders, Mr. WHtohuroh, and as many of the Common Coimcell as please, are desired to goe with 
 this message upon Tuesday next; and that the Town Clerk doe goe with those who oairy this 
 
 2 " Sir John Hawkins's mansion and brewery were the premises on the east side of Temple 
 Street, the original front of which remains now, [1834,] divided between the Colston's Arms 
 public-house, another tenement, and Mr. Shurmer's waggon warehouse and stables, extending to 
 Temple Back." — Annah of Bristol. 
 
 ' I 
 
426 
 
 the dinner ; all other edibles were provided and paid for by the City.^ The feast 
 is over — the guests are gone. Mr. Mayor is risen a Knight ; and the Marsh, 
 where houses are now building, is to be called Queen Square, in memory of 
 the royal visit. 
 
 Great changes and improvements have been, and are taking place. The High 
 Cross has been repaired, painted, and gilded. — It was thought " very few, if any, 
 such erections in England surpassed it." St. James's Church has been 
 " beautified," at an expense of £600. — The hulks of the houses on the bridge 
 have been taken down. — " A pile of brick buildings" has been erected on the 
 Broad Key ; the first houses of brick in the City. Besides the Almshouses in 
 King Street, the Merchants have rebuilt their Hall. The Merchant Tailors have 
 also rebuilt their Almshouse, in Merchant Street. Foster's Almshouse, and 
 the Council House ^ are re-erecting by the Corporation.^ A Custom House, 
 in Queen Square is in progress, — and in the Square, lime trees are planted. 
 CoUege Green is railed in, and the walks laid out with young trees. 
 
 Some years with no local transactions recorded of sufficient magnitude to 
 detain us, we pass unnoticed; and return to our Philanthropist. While 
 engaged upon the business of his School, an undesired honour awaited him. 
 The intrigues against the Whig ministers, or rather the enlightened experience 
 of the country, influenced it may be, by the increasing estrangement of the 
 Queen, from the party who had so long misdirected the helm of state ; had 
 produced a powerful reaction in favour of the Tories ; to whom the inclination 
 of the Queen now tended. — Throughout the land a popular feeling of aver- 
 
 1 " Disbursements on the Entertainment of Queen Anne, September Srd, 1702, £466 : 4 : 7." 
 
 2 The Tokey was buUt about 1550. Nov. 4th, 1702. A house adjoining it, ordered to be taken 
 down. January 1 8th, 1 703, the Tolzey ' ' ordered to be pulled down, and a building to be erected as may 
 be most honourable and useful to the City. September 13th, 1704. The timberwork and freestone 
 pillars at the Mayor's Tolzey, and so much as shall not be used in adorning the Council House, be 
 given to the parishioners of St. Mcholas, to the intent they be used in making a walk in the nature 
 of a Tolzey, near the Custom House, and Churchyard on the Back." On removing the Chapel of 
 the Fraternity of St. John, which was part of the ancient Church of St. Ewen, in jfront of the 
 building was a portico, supportedby five pillars, — previous to there-erection, of the Tolzey, it had sus- 
 tained considerable injury by a fire in 1666, and there is no doubt that the muniments at that time 
 suffered much damage, as those that escaped bear evident marks of fire. 
 
 3 AprU 26, 1702. " Foster's Almshouse being in very bad repair, it was ordered to be taken 
 down, and to be rebuilt, at the expense of the Chamber, but not to exceed four hundred pounds." 
 
1'710.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 427 
 
 sion was manifested against Dissent.— Such was the political bearing of the 
 nation in 1710, when the Queen, to aid the Tories, dissolved the Whig Parlia- 
 ment. September 26th, a proclamation was issued for calling a new 
 Parliament. The elections, which were everywhere carried on with great 
 warmth, began at Bristol. Here, though opposed to his wishes, Colston was 
 returned by a great majority. A triumphant manifestation of the High 
 Church party.^ — This majority was no doubt increased by many, who would 
 not allow religion or politics to interfere with their expression of the high 
 estimation in which they held the City's benefactor. With Colston was 
 returned Col. Earle, described as " certainly of the low party, but as a moderate 
 man, approved by both." In a newspaper of the day, the election is thus 
 noticed — " Bristol, October 28. On Wednesday last our election came on, 
 and it was generally believed the old members^ would have carry'd it without 
 opposition; for Edward Colston, Esq., who had given fifty thousand pounds to 
 the City, in building of Hospitals, Schools, and other charities, refused to stand, 
 by reason of his age ; but some persons who were well affected, demanded a 
 poll for him and Captain Earle, and after four days' poll, the said Mr. Colston 
 and Captain Earle carried it, the first by near a thousand voices, and the latter 
 by six hundred. It was very surprising to see the joy it occasion 'd in this 
 City, when they carried their member that was present along the City, with 
 the miter and streamers before him, and the whole City was illuminated, and 
 the night concluded with bonfires and ringing of bells. "^ This account is 
 not very perspicuously expressed. It is not easy to define which of the 
 two members was carried. There is an entry in St. Werburgh's parish 
 accounts, at this time, of a payment to the ringers " when Mr. Colston came 
 to Bristol," and as the ringers are not of that class who give credit, we may 
 suppose their payment was not deferred. The little incident of the 
 " miter" borne before the carried member, at a time when opposition to 
 
 1 " The clergy were actuated by a spirit of enthusiasm, which, seemed to spread lite a contagion 
 through all ranks and degrees of people, and had such effect upon the elections for the new Parlia- 
 ment, that very few were returned as members, but such as had distinguished themselves by their 
 zeal against the whig administration." — Htjme IV., 421. 
 
 2 Sir "William Daiues, and Eobert Yates, Esq. 
 
 3 From the Post Boy newspaper : — " With the freshest advices, foreign, and domestick, from 
 Saturday, October 28th, to Tuesday, October 31st, 1710." 
 
428 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Dissent was general, suggests it was not the representative of the low party 
 who sustained so important a part in that day's proceedings. Thus from 
 extraneous sources, we gather rays of light that help to Ulumine the byeways 
 of local history, when records fail. We must suppose in the absence of any 
 recorded statement, that this was Colston's last visit to his native City. We 
 are supported in this supposition, from the fact, that in the preceding year he 
 had excused himself, on account of his age, from attending the annual dinner 
 of the Loyal Society ; which, to mark the high respect and esteem in which 
 he was held by its members, was fixed to take place on his birthday, 
 November 2nd, when he was represented by the most noble Henry, Duke of 
 Beaufort.^ A journey from London was not performed with the ease, speed, 
 and security of modern times ; and Colston would naturally avoid the fatigue 
 and risk, from which no especial benefit to himself or others could accrue. 
 
 Of Colston's parliamentary career, we have no register. He was probably 
 a silent member, his duty confined to voting. Though he may have felt 
 gratified by the distinction conferred upon him by his native City, we are not 
 to suppose that he accepted it from any desire on his part, or from any other 
 feeling than that of extending his sphere of usefulness. He felt the burthen of 
 his years, and as we have just seen, claimed exemption from attendance at a 
 charitable dinner on that plea. We shall not therefore find, in his parliamentary 
 duties any subject for comment ; and in simply reviewing what services were 
 required of him, and his colleague,^ by their constituents ; do so, more for the 
 purpose of unfolding the transactions of the day, than for any new light they 
 reflect upon the character of our Philanthropist.^ His course must have been 
 
 1 "November 2nd, 1713, Mr. Colston's birtliday, tie animal dinner of tlie Loyal Society, Mr. 
 Colston being aged, te was not present, but represented by Henry, Duke of Beaufort." — ^Evaus. 
 
 2 "March 22nd, following the Election, Mr. Mayor, (Christopher Shuter, Esq.) proposed to the 
 House that a present of a gross of bottles of sherry might be made to each of the Members in Parha- 
 ment ; and the like quantity of a gross to Mr. Secy Burchett, as the acknowledgement of the House 
 for their services to the City. The proposition was agreed to unanimously ; and the Mayor and the 
 Aldeimen, or any three of them, whereof the Mayor was to be one, were directed to get the same, 
 and to send it accordingly ; and the Chamberlain was ordered to issue monies as they shall direct, 
 to pay for the same." The account of the Chamberlain shows that the cost of the wine for Colston was 
 £16 : 18 : 6; for Earle, £14 : 8 : 4." 
 
 3 March 7th, 1711, a petition was sent to the House of Commons, praying that certain clauses 
 in a bill then pending in Parliament, for making the river Avon navigable from Bath to Hanham 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 429 
 
 there as everywhere circumspect and honest ; and though unmarked by any 
 oratorical display, yet never have the walls of that House, where all the great 
 spirits of the age do congregate, had within them a better, purer, or more worthy 
 being. But it was not with the active pursuits of this world that, in his 
 
 Mills, miglit not interfere -with tte ancient free navigation between Haaham Mi'lk and the City of 
 Bristol. The petition to be presented by the Members, and they to take care to preserve the rights 
 of the City. The same year an Act was obtained at the expense of the Duke of Beanfort, to complete 
 the navigation from Bristol to Bath. At the same date we have the following : — "Whereas the 
 Clergy of this City are now about petitioning the present Parliament for charging the inhabitants 
 of the said City with certain annual payments, for the use of the said Clergy; if it succeed will, as 
 this House apprehend, very much infringe upon privileges and immunities of the said inhabitants, 
 and occasion many other great inconveniences. Resolved that this House will oppose any bill that 
 may be brought into Parliament on such petition. And it is ordered that the Mayor, Aldermen, 
 and Sheriffs, Mr. Hort, Mr. Henry Whitehead, Mr. Anthony Swymmer, and any gentlemen of the 
 Common Council that will be pleased to attend, be a Committee, to draw up a petition to either 
 House of Parliament, and to vmte to our Members in Parliament, to oppose the passing of any bill 
 for charging the inhabitants of this City with any annual or other payments, for the use of the said 
 Clergy; and that the said Committee have power to employ Counsel and Solicitors ; and to inspect 
 the charters, grants, writings, books, and papers of this City, that may be necessary in or about the 
 same ; and that if occasion shall be, produce and shew them for the Parliament or elsewhere, in 
 reference to the premises. And it is also ordered that this matter be opposed at the charge of the 
 City, and that the Chamberlain issue moneys for that purpose, by order under the hands of any 
 three of the Committee, Mr. Mayor being one. January 7th, 1712, a petition was ordered to be 
 presented to the House of Commons, by the Members in Parliament for this City, praying that the 
 Governor, &c., may raise a further annual sum not exceeding £1200, per annum, for effectually 
 employing, educating, and maintaining the poor of this City. Pebruary 26th, a petition to be pre- 
 sented to the House of Commons, by Col. Earle and Mr. Colston, praying that the trade to Africa 
 might be open to all her Majesty's subjects. December 10th, a representation from the Corporation 
 of the Poor was laid before the House, stating that £3500, annually, was necessary to be raised for 
 the support of the poor ; that at the ensuing sessions three petitions should be presented ; one from 
 the Corporation of the City, one from the Corporation of the Poor, and one from the principal 
 inhabitants. That the Corporation would, at the next meeting, resolve to raise a supply, as the 
 Guardians refused to pay the poor, if they had not assurance of being reimbursed. That the 
 Guardians were under great difllculties for want of rates being made quarterly, which they desired 
 should in future be done, and the money to be paid in ten days, by the Collectors. A Committee was 
 appointed to carry the same into effect. Pebruary 26th, 1713, a petition to be presented to the 
 Members to bring in a bill for power to be granted to the Magistrates, to raise a fui-ther sum for 
 maintaining the poor of this City, than what was granted by the Act of 8th of WUHam III." This 
 was the last occasion on which the services of the Members were required, the Parliament being 
 soon after dissolved. 
 
430 EDWARD COLSTON, HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 advanced years, he souglit to engage. He had fulfilled his mission right nobly; 
 and there was nought left him but to prepare for that final change, towards 
 which his failing and weakened powers warned him he was hastening. 
 The year 1713, terminated his political course, after having borne, for three 
 years, the honours the warm afiections of the citizens of Bristol had thrust 
 upon him. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Colston contributes to the Foundation of a Charity School in Temple Street — Progress of the School — Letter 
 from Sir John Duddlestone — Colston's rupture with the Rev. Arthur Bedford — His Correspondence with the 
 Trustees of the Charity School — His devoted attachment to the Established Church — His Letter to Mr. 
 John Gray — A Complaint against the Society of Friends by the Trustees of Temple Street School — Singular 
 Document — Colston a Corresponding Member for the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge — Letter 
 to Colston from " The Gentlemen of the Grand Inquest" — His Answer — His Donation to the Repairs of 
 the Cathedral — Lent Sermons — Queen Anne's Bounty — Anecdote — His lastRequest to the Merchants' Hall — 
 His Contribution towards Re-building All-Saints' Church — To a School at Chewstoke — Colston's declining 
 years at Mortlake — His Death and Funeral, 
 
 Simultaneously engaging Colston's attention was another charitable School, 
 which, while tracing his larger benefaction, has remained unnoticed. To 
 this, and other passages in his life we return. We are conducted to a crumbling, 
 time-crazed old street, — the main entrance from the west to this great City. 
 On either side are foul passages, leading to dark ill-omened dwellings ; where 
 vice and crime, and heathenish ignorance abound, that would afflict a Christian 
 ministry, could their onerous duties permit them to penetrate these repulsive 
 precincts. Without, the roar of traffic and the ceaseless tide of human life 
 rolls on, — regardless, as unconscious of the dread abodes of vice and woe, that 
 within so short a space disclose a festering mass of sin and discontent, enough 
 to fill the Good of earth with sorrow and despair. Leaving these clouded 
 receptacles, whose saddening features have been graphically described with a 
 melancholy truthfulness,' we will glance at the houses that conceal their dark- 
 some depravity. These are mostly characterised by gabled fronts, of olden 
 aspect, and varied and picturesque outline,— by their squalor and dilapidation. 
 Their former occupiers, weavers and merchants, — hospitable, opulent, and enter- 
 prising, have long since passed to their rest ; and the beggar, the wanderer, 
 and the outcast, now meet and hold their orgies where titled Magistrates, with 
 full ceremonial and regalia have issued forth, to minister justice at the neigh- 
 bouring Tolzey,— or to attend their duties in the Parliament at Westminster. 
 
 1 The Night Side of Bristol.— -BmfoZ Mirror. 
 
432 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 These are passing away, these old-world buildings. With their projecting 
 fronts and shadowy recesses, — with their bold corbels, and grotesque monsters, 
 — with their tottering craziness, and time-stricken features, — perish their 
 dreamy suggestions of days of yore, — their associations, and their memories. 
 Many, prized by the antiquary and the artist, have already fallen, — and the hand 
 of modern innovation has inscribed its progress in uniform red brick fronts, and 
 freestone copings. We have gone nearly half way along this street, when our 
 eye is arrested by a peculiar view of a leaning tower, rising grandly above a 
 picturesque group of old-time houses. A little further, separated by a low 
 wall from the pavement, is a plain building, like a conventicle, which we 
 should pass unheeded, did we not seek it as appertaining to the memory of 
 our Philanthropist. It may be briefly described as having five tall square- 
 headed windows, and two gabled windows ; above which rise two high 
 chimneys that do not contribute to its architectural pretensions. Uninviting 
 as may be its general character, the building, however, assumes an interest 
 when we read the following, inscribed on a tablet over the middle window : — 
 
 "This Charity School, was erected and endowed by Edw°- Colston, 
 Esq''- native of this parish. Anno. Dom. 1711. For the educating in 
 Reading, Writing, Cyphering, and perfecting in the Church Catechism, 
 as it is now established by law, and also for Clothing Forty-four 
 Boys of this parish for ever." 
 
 Here, then, is Colston's good work, and his attachment to the Church, again 
 legible before us. Let us endeavour to trace the history of its foundation. 
 
 Some kind souls had preceded Colston in this benevolent design, which he 
 was afterwards the instrument of more fully extending. One of these well- 
 doers was Mary Gray, — who, by will, dated January 31st, 1699, " gave £50, the 
 profits (less 6s. 8d.) for a sermon, for teaching fatherless children in the parish 
 of Temple." This is the earliest donation we have any account of. The 
 Grays of this parish were related to Colston, — and his attention was, probably, 
 directed to the great necessity of a charity of the kind by his cousin, Mr. John 
 Gray, who took a deep and zealous interest in its establishment. Colston, 
 born in the parish, may have contrasted his position with that of those who 
 had been thrown on the mercy of the world, dragged up 'midst penury and 
 want, to struggle through life, ignorant of all that is good ; and through that 
 ignorance to perish in infamy and guilt. Thoughts, such as these must have 
 
1T09.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 433 
 
 passed within his mind, when he conceived the endowment of this School. 
 And many there are, and many there have been, respectable members of 
 society, — who, but for the instruction here received, had, perchance, passed 
 through a turbulent career of crime, — lost in the deep abyss of sin and shame, 
 and wrested from the humanities of life. When will legislators learn that it 
 costs less to teach the child, than to punish the criminal % 
 
 From the date of our first extract, we hear nothing further of the progress 
 of this School till July, 1709, when the Eev. Arthur Bedford, Vicar of Temple, 
 who, it appears, had in the meantime been materially assisting and aiding 
 Colston in the project, writes to the Society for the Diffusion of Christian 
 Knowledge. 
 
 ''That by Mr. Colston's kindness and Mr. Gray's improvement of such a handle, there 
 was a fair prospect of erecting a church-school in Temple parish ; that the sub- 
 scriptions already amounted to £18 per annum, and the oiFertory is designed to be 
 applied the same way : that the number of poor children ui that parish were now 
 232, and of that number only three were provided for by the Court of Guardians, 
 through the pretence of then- teaching the children, had hitherto hindered all 
 endeavours of this nature at Bristol." In a subsequent letter, August 6th, Mr. 
 Bedford further states, " that the inhabitants of Temple parish had subscribed £23, 
 for a charity school, and that Mr. Colston was pleased to add £10 a year to it with 
 a design to make it perpetual." The 22nd of the same month he again writes, " that 
 the subscriptions in the parish of Temple having increased to £35 per annum, 
 with the oblation of a monthly Sacrament, designed to be applied towards the 
 support of a charity school, the Trustees have resolved to begin with 30 boys, 
 and to open the school the 29th current." 
 
 About this year, it appears a School, not yet bearing the name of 
 Colston, was established and held at the Tucker's Hall, in the parish, for 
 which was paid an annual rent of £4. December 9th, at a meeting of the 
 Trustees, Sir John Hawkins in the chair, the Eev. Arthur Bedford was elected 
 Secretary. The same time a letter from Colston was read, in which he 
 proposed to clothe all the poor children.^ He had, in accordance with his 
 usual prudential economy, inquired as to the cost of the clothing in Bristol. 
 The society in their letter of thanks state that in their opinion " the clothing 
 might be bought cheaper in London than in Bristol." 
 
 1 March, 1710, lie presented the hoy^ each with a suit of clothes, the same as worn by the 
 charity hoys in London. 
 
434 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Colston, in a letter to Sir John Hawkins, expresses himself as well pleased 
 with the boys' improvement, and the care which has been observed in cate- 
 chising them, &c., that. he had determined, God willing, to settle an annuity for 
 the support of the School for ever, of £80, in clothing and educating forty poor 
 hoys." Another letter is shortly after received from Colston, desiring the 
 Trustees would give him their opinion " with whom he was to entrust the 
 execution of his Charity, so as to have it carefully discharged for future ages." ' 
 
 Sir John Duddlestone writes of this School with that simple, earnest enthu- 
 siasm which belonged to his character. There is a warmth of feeling in the 
 letter of the worthy Knight, that bears the impress of a more frank and 
 cordial manner, than that of our more sophisticated and conventional age. 
 There is the " old English gentleman" in every line. We are pleased to 
 behold a distinguished citizen in so favourable a light. And it is not the 
 least of our gratifications thus to be enabled partially to raise the curtain of 
 Time, and reveal some of the every-day transactions in which our ancestors 
 show forth their virtues. 
 
 " Worthy Sir, ' « Bristol July IStli, 1710. 
 
 " I have, with Sir John Hawkins and others, spent some time this day at Temple 
 Church, and at the Charity School of that parish. It did my heart good to see and 
 hear those fatherless and friendless children to spell, read, write, cypher, respond 
 to the catechism, say graces, prayers, and several verses in Scripture, without book. 
 They go on very cheerful with their arithmetic, some are fit to go into the square 
 and cube rule. They sing four psalms very distinctly. There are few who 
 could believe it, but they who saw and heard it. God Almighty prosper you, is the 
 prayers of your most obedient servant, " John Duddlestone." 
 
 In a subsequent letter to Colston, 20th July, the worthy Knight says, 
 " those children have been this evening at St. Wasbery's lecture, and did so 
 sing their psalms that much delighted the congregation." There is no reply 
 
 1 April 1st, 1 710. " The Trustees replied by stating, that they thought the Trustees to be naraed 
 should be the Aldermen of the "Ward [Temple] the minister of the parish, the two Churehwardens, 
 the two Overseers, and a Treasurer; and not the Governor of Dr. "White's Hospital, as suggested by 
 Mr. Colston." The book of orders and acoouats was sent for his perusal, and presented to bim in 
 London, by Mr. Baker, and Mr. Eogers, and when returned "such orders as he may think fit to make 
 shall he put in a method which shall he continued for ever." April 3rd. The Trustees apply to the 
 Corporation for assistance, saying, they had, with Mr. Colston's help, estabUshed the School last year. 
 The Corporation 20th May, 1710, voted them the annual sum of £5. 
 
l'*^10-] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 435 
 
 from Colston ; his answer was verbally communicated by Mr. John Duddlestone, 
 " I am very well pleased with the progress of the boys." 
 
 Not long after, Colston writes to the Trustees :— " As soon as your parish 
 is in cash to build a School, I will take care to order money to pay for the 
 purchase of the ground ;" and requests them to ascertain the cost of building 
 one large enough for forty boys, and whether it would not be better to erect a 
 School only, than to join a house to it for a master. The trustees return him 
 thanks for his offer to buy the ground, which they had lately mentioned to him 
 for the building a Charity School thereon, and crave leave to accquaint him 
 that they think it a very convenient place for such a purpose. In a few days 
 his deed of settlement^ of £80 per annum was received, with the schedule of 
 orders designed to be annexed to it, and a list of the Trustees he had ap- 
 pointed ; all of whom were inhabitants of Temple parish.^ 
 
 Colston's intolerable antipathy to Dissent, it must be acknowledged, 
 approached the confines of bigotry. He sustained a severe trial at the general 
 election, from the conduct of the Eev. Mr. Bedford, — who did not take that direc- 
 tion which might have been expected, from a member of the Church of Eng- 
 land ; from one, in whom Colston had more especially confided, and entrusted 
 with the execution of many of his charitable projects. In the letters of 
 Colston already given, there is nothing to indicate the opinions of the man, 
 beyond his business capabilities, his discretion, judgment, and benevolence. 
 
 1 1715. February 15th. " He conveyed to Sir John Hawkins, and others, an amiiiity, or rent- 
 charge of £80 per ann., charged upon the Manor of Toomer, in the County of Somerset, the rent- 
 charge to he received by the Churchwardens and Overseers of the parish of TemplC; — and to be 
 expended in the clothing of forty poor boys, sons of persons inhabiting the parish ; and for 
 providing to teach them to read, write, cipher, and learn the Church Catechism, — to examine them 
 thereupon, and expound the sense, and to inqiiire iato the good management and proficiency of the 
 School and scholars, — and to take care and rectify all disorders and mismanagements. The School- 
 master to be a member of the Church of England, of good life, and well qualified for teaching. The 
 boys to be catechised once every quarter. That four of the nominees should always be Clergymen 
 of the Church of England, and should visit the school four times in the year." " By a deed 
 poU of the 26th May, 1717, reeitiag the last indenture, — and that the Churchwaxdens and Overseers 
 had neglected or refused the trust, Mr. Colston, therefore, revoked the same, and directed his 
 Trustees to appoint a receiver of the said annuity, and to dispose thereof as the Churchwardens and 
 Overseers were to have done." 
 
 2 This year, Mr. Abraham Sperin "Weaver, a Presbyterian, who had been a subscriber during 
 his life, gave towards this School, the profits of £50, for ever. 
 
436 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 They are calmly and temperately written, and disclose the still composure of 
 his mind. He was somewhat ruffled at the indifference with which his School 
 endowments had, by many, been received ; but he was warmed at the devi- 
 ations of his friend from that Church, of which he should have been the 
 champion. It was Colston's vulnerable^ point, which once touched, his serenity 
 forsook him, and he stood no longer exempt from the weaknesses of human 
 nature. He was evidently much wounded at the conduct of which he com- 
 plains, — and writes with some feeling to the Trustees, expressing his regret that 
 Mr. Bedford, their — 
 
 " Minister, had given the Clergy of the City, that are well affected to the Established 
 Church, an occasion of so much scandal, as was to be found in the Glocester election, 
 heading some of the violent sectaries and enemies to it ; whereby he hath confirmed 
 them in their former opinion, that he is no sound son of the Church, but rather 
 inclined to, and a favourer of, fanaticism ; and I cannot," he concludes, " but be of 
 the same judgment, because this is not the first time that he hath sided with them, 
 but constantly upon the like occasion hath joined with them against those that are 
 triily in the Church interest, — therefore if I decline all future correspondence with 
 him, he may easily guess at the occasion of it." 
 
 An extract from a letter, written by a Clergyman, and friend, reprovingly to 
 Mr. Bedford, acquaints us with the part he acted. 
 
 " I was in Bristol twice in the time of the late election, and expected to have seen you 
 there, not doubting hut your obligations to Mr. Colston, and his exemplary zeal for 
 the Church of England, would have engaged you not only to have given him your 
 vote, but also to have used your utmost interest to have promoted the interest of so 
 excellent a person, — ^but to my great astonishment and surprise, I had an account of 
 all ranks (many of whom I know to be your friends), of your conduct at the election 
 for the County of Gloster, and your wilful absence from that at Bristol, as hath 
 given me no small trouble." 
 
 1 The Church of Grod, as estabUshed in this nation, it was his honour to be in commimion with, 
 and he was the glory of it. In this he was educated, and the faith taught in it he always flrmly 
 believed, and his whole life exemplified that faith, in a constant practice of uniform obedience. In 
 this he was traiaed up, and from a child had known the holy Scriptures, — ^had heen nowished up in the 
 words of f with, and of good doctrine ; so he always held fast the form of sound words ; and that piety, 
 which m his younger years, owed its growth to the example and care of others, distinguished his 
 practice as the result of his own judgment, and resolution of holiness, as soon as he was capable of 
 taking upon himself the obHgation of his baptismal vow. — Dk. Haecoitrt's Funeral Sermon. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 437 
 
 • The account referred to, was to the effect that " Mr. Bedford had joined the 
 Dissenters,— the enemies of the Church, in promoting the election of the same 
 persons, the late members for the County of Gloucester, — and had also with- 
 drawn himself from Bristol that he might not vote for Colston" Mr. Bedford, 
 in his reply, November 10th, 1710, admits he has voted for the two old 
 members for the County of Gloucester, and that he staid out of town until 
 the election for Bristol was over ; but that he had informed Mr. Colston of 
 his intentions, who was satisfied ;" an assertion inconsistent with the fact that 
 Colston did not correspond with him after this period. It appears that in 
 April, 1713, Mr. Alderman Lane also wrote to Mr. Bedford, to induce him to 
 send a conciliatory letter to Colston, thereby to renew their friendship. This 
 solicitation, however, Mr. Bedford, forgetful of his character as a Christian 
 pastor, in no very amiable spirit rejects. He treats the loss of Colston's 
 good opinion and friendship with the utmost indifference, and seems wholly 
 unaffected thereat. He says " I humbly thank you for your advice in refer- 
 ence to Mr. Colston, but as I am to spend my days in a private retirement, / 
 shall have no occasion for his correspondence ; I am only sorry that Mr. 
 Attwood suffers in his interest for Mr. Colston's sake, as being his relation, 
 because the Mayor and Council have different notions of state affairs." The 
 Eev. Arthur Bedford resigned the vicarage in 1713. He took considerable 
 pains in furthering the views of Colston, in establishing the School, until this 
 unfortunate rupture ; and it is much to be regretted a difference of opinion 
 should have been the cause of severing the cordiality of two amiable men, 
 both labourers in the same field of usefulness, and general benevolence. 
 
 If Colston's conduct towards Mr. Bedford, and the principles he has laid down 
 for the education and management of youth, disclose a rooted prejudice against 
 Dissenters, savouring of bigotry of which he has been accused, we must reflect 
 upon the age in which he lived, and the education he had received ; upon the 
 sufferings and vicissitudes of his family, and the narrow escape from death of his 
 father, for his adherence to what he considered the true faith. Colston had had 
 experience of the Puritans when they were in the ascendant, — had witnessed 
 the hypocrisy of the many, and beheld them without their mask. This may 
 have occasioned that deep antipathy toward that body, which he evinced during 
 all his life ; and may have cemented more firmly his attachment to the Church, 
 which influenced all his actions, and is proclaimed in all his works. 
 
438 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Colston, however, who knew and felt that all mankind had need of forgive- 
 ness, bore no enmity in his heart to Mr. Bedford. However great had been 
 the provocation, — ^however deep had been the ingratitude, — all was forgiven. 
 Grievous as was any dereliction from the orthodox creed of the Church of 
 England in Colston's view, yet he could in the moral beauty of a just and 
 exalted life, pass from his heart all memory of wrongs,^ and write to the 
 Trustees approving testimony of the manner in which Mr. Bedford had per- 
 formed the duties of the School. June 13th, 1713, he says — " I am under 
 some apprehension that your boys will not be so well instructed in the 
 catechism, and the other things relating to them, as they were by his prede- 
 cessor."^ Colston's anxiety on this subject, however, was soon removed by the 
 Trustees. In reply, they speak in very high terms of Mr. Carey, and " beg 
 Mr. Colston would favour him (Mr. Carey) with his countenance, and permit 
 him to correspond with him, in all matters relating to his Charity School in 
 this parish," To continue our notations of the School — 
 
 February 13th, 1711. — "A letter of thanks was to be written to Mr. Colston, for his 
 having clothed thirty-four boys, which had enabled the Trustees to add six more. 
 That he would be pleased to fix the number to be chosen out of this charity school 
 after his decease, into the hospital on St. Augustine's Back ; and also the number 
 of aged persons from this parish, into his hospital, on St. Michael's Hill, so that they 
 may put an account thereof on a table to be set up in the charity school, that after 
 ages may have recourse to it, and know what right they have hy his kind benefactions, 
 lest if the numbers be not fixed the Merchants, who generally live in the richest 
 parishes, should after his decease, chiefly regard their own parishioners, and the poor 
 who live in the poorest parishes have the least share of what was intended for them. 
 By this means he would be pleased to prevent the disputes which might otherwise 
 hereafter arise." ^ 
 
 1 " Time would fail me to enumerate his private virtues, as well as private charities ; to speat of 
 his temperance, Ms meekness, the evenness of his temper, his patience, his mortification, and the 
 like, wherein he constantly exercised his soul." — De. Haecotjet's Funeral Sermon. 
 
 2 Mr. Bedford was succeeded by the Eev. John Carey. 
 
 3 Colston attends to this suggestion and directs, "whereas, I have caused to be taken into my 
 Hospital, on St. Augustine's Back, in Bristol, one hundred poor hoys from the several parishes of 
 the City, which I proportioned accorduig to the hsts given to me by the Churchwardens, out of an 
 inclination to be equally assistant to them all, for which reason it's my desire, that said method shall 
 be stiJI continued and perpetuated amongst them, to the end that each parish may be partakers of 
 the said charity, according to the number of their poor as it was at first given by me : but whereas, 
 
I'^ll-] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 439 
 
 Hitherto all had progressed satisfactorily, Colston, slow and methodical as 
 was his wont, required an estimate of costs before he issued orders for the 
 erection of the building, that he might consider thereon, and make his 
 bargain. But the Trustees not possessing his caution, had acted somewhat 
 prematurely, and received from him the following gentle reproof: which 
 conveys at the same time an example of his scrupulous conscientiousness : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, « Mortlake, June 2nd, 1711. 
 
 " I have yours of the thirtieth past, advising that you had sent for Mr. John Davis, and 
 that he is willing to build a school on the terms I mentioned to you. Although in 
 my last letter I acquainted you with the utmost charge I would be at about it j 
 yet I gave you thereby no authority either to send for or agree with Mr. Dams ; 
 neither indeed did it enter into my thoughts, forasmuch as I wrote to him by the 
 same post, to take a view of the ground, and then consider what it would cost me 
 to complete the said building in such a manner as might be fit for the boys to come 
 into it ; and when I had that information from him, then I could have made my 
 proposals to him, and acquainted you with them, — that before I had determined on 
 any agreement, you might consult those who gave you the draught, to know their 
 last resolutions, for / did not judge it fair to exclude them without some reason for 
 your so doing. Let not any thing be done therein, till you hear farther from me, 
 and that there be no after additions, it will be much better to consider what will be 
 needful as well for beauty as strength, before any contract be entered upon. It 
 being also intended that the inside be finished with forms, desks, and what else be 
 needful. " Your friend, to serve you, 
 
 ''Edwaed Colston." 
 
 at the said first admission, they were taken ia fi-om Temple parish but eight boys, and since that time 
 I have been credibly informed, that the mnnber of their poor is much increased by reason of the 
 little trading there is ia the said parish, which makes them want a farther help ; therefore, and also 
 because it was the plase of my natwity, it's my will and desire, that the said parish should enjoy the 
 benefit thereof, in as fuU a degree as any other of the said City, and that in. order thereto, there 
 shoidd at no time be less than the aforesaid number of eight boys [if not ten] in my said Hospital; 
 and that as often as any boy of the said parish shall die, or for any misdemeanor, or according to 
 the establishment be removed, — another, or so many more, shall be taken in continually, and Irom 
 time to time of the poor of the said parish, as shall make up the said number, within the term of 
 thirteen weeks, from his or their death and removal. 
 
 " In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, in the presence of the two subscribed 
 witnesses, this 31st day of December, 1712. 
 
 "Witness. — Thomas Edwards, and Eobert Carr. " Edwaed Colston. 
 
 " To the present and aU future Masters "Wardens, and Assistants of the Society of Merchant 
 Adventurers of the City of Bristol, and to all others that are empowered by my settlement to said 
 Society, to place boys into my Hospital, in the parish of St. Augustine." — Colston's Settlements. 
 
440 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 A letter written in the name of the Trustees, January, 1712, informs 
 Colston that the School he was pleased to build, is finished : " the marble 
 inscription being set up over the door, — the boys have been taught there since 
 the 19th December last.'" That he will receive by Mr. Edwards, the 
 counterpart of his most generous benefactions, signed by all the Feoflfees 
 except two ; and that the Trustees desire to repeat their hearty thanks for all 
 the favours, which he had from time to time shewed them by his ample 
 donations. A copy of the last meeting of the Society, and the minutes of the 
 visitation are also sent, and a copy of the orders which the Trustees think 
 proper to continue in the School for ever, on which the favour of his opinion 
 is desired. — 
 
 " As," continues the letter, " you will see by our visitation, what boys in our charity 
 school are qualified for your hospital, and be exactly informed of their behaviour ; 
 so I hope you will be pleased to consider some of them when a vacancy presents. 
 We all hope that this school will contribute very much to the increase of the Church 
 of England, and I cannot but give you three instances which have happened since 
 in this parish: — In July, 1710, five children of John Jessop, an Annabaptist, 
 were baptized together. In September last, a Quaker in this parish came over to 
 the Church, and had all his children baptized ; and in December last, five children 
 of Peter Healy, an Annabaptist, were baptized at Church, and the father is now a 
 member among us, and we are in expectation of some others to be added to the 
 number. There was never a greater zeal shewn to promote the interest of religion 
 and charity, than is at this time by all the Trustees in general, and I doubt not but it 
 will continue." 
 
 Colston writes in his reply, " I am glad to hear of the success that your care 
 and good example hath met with, in bringing so many to be baptized — God 
 increase the number of them." He encloses his bill for £47 : 12 : 7, the balance 
 of the expenses for building the School, &c., and approves of the rules and the 
 method for teaching the boys, which, he says, will fit them for apprentices, 
 and also qualify them to be staunch sons of the Church, provided such books 
 are procured for them as have no tincture of Whiggism : and he adds, " The 
 care taken by the Trustees for the school boys is very pleasing to me, and which, 
 if constantly pursued, there is no doubt it will answer all our expectations." 
 
 1 "January 31st, 1712, MJr. Colston's coat of arms, with the inscription imderaeath, was set up 
 m the front of the building so as to be seen by all passengers in the street." 
 
1'''12.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 441 
 
 With Colston's religious tenets, his letters have made us familiar : from the 
 same source we learn his political views. Observation and experience had 
 placed before him, a repulsive but true picture, of the evils produced by the 
 growth of extreme sectarianism; and reason and matured reflection had 
 taught him to regard, with distrust and alarm, all innovations that might 
 infringe on the privileges of the subject, as secured by the matchless constitu- 
 tion of King, Lords, and Commons. He had seen the Church in the beauty 
 of holiness, purity, and peace. He had seen Dissent in the deformity of fanati- 
 cism, intolerance, and discord. He had traced reckless, levelling democracy 
 through sanguinary fields, destroying whatever was sacred and venerated in 
 the land. No wonder that he clung to its time-hallowed institutions: no 
 wonder that, in all his views, he sought to preserve, in their stability and per- 
 manency, the Altar and the Throne ! 
 
 The Trustees, in a letter through Mr. Gray, thank Colston for the £47 : 12 : 7, 
 and say that, in order that the books for the Schools shall have no " tincture of 
 Whiggism" they have added this clause, " Provided that such books are composed 
 by sound members of the Church of England, and are first approved of as such 
 by the Trustees, — then by the Bishop, — and also by the Society for Promoting 
 Christian Knowledge." 
 
 The Trustees continue, " That the subscription for the boys' school was increasing, and 
 the School was giving general satisfaction ; that they had commenced a subscription 
 for the girls, which amounted to £20, per ann., and had begun teaching, on Monday 
 last, twenty poor girls ; and that it seems to us that God put it into your heart to 
 promote so good a design among us ; and, as it is so prosperous beyond expectation, 
 so we doubt not but He will reward you hereafter a thousand-fold for the same, 
 which is the prayer of all the trustees, and especially of your most humble and 
 affectionate servant, " John Geat." 
 
 Colston had his reward here, and hereafter ; " Providence, well pleased with 
 the faithful dispensations of so just a steward, graciously smiled upon his 
 endeavours. He exactly fulfilled the character given by Solomon, There is 
 that scattereth, and yet increaseth. The increase of his wealth kept an equal 
 pace with the largeness of his bounty. The love of God was plentifully shed 
 abroad in his heart; and from this principle flowed all his munificence." To 
 the above letter, the Trustees received the following reply from Mr. Colston 
 to Mr. John Gray : — 
 
 'l 
 
442 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 "Mortlake, September 4th, 1712. 
 "Sir, 
 
 " Your letter of the 23rd past, I received and read with great satisfaction, — foras- 
 much as it informed me, that your Trustees of the Charity School have, by their 
 good management thereof, not only procured an augmentation to the subscriptions 
 for it, but also by their great industry and zeal in that undertaking, have got new 
 ones for girls; and have already made so considerable a progress therein, that hath 
 enabled them to place out twenty of them that have been taught j and likewise given 
 them directions for their clothing with upper garments, and are not without hope to 
 do it thoroughly by Easter. Wherein as I heartily wish they may succeed, so I 
 cannot much doubt but they wUl. And not only so, but that, by their good example, 
 other parishes wiU be influenced to imitate them, — so that hy the blessing of God, it 
 may he hoped that the youth of the whole City will he educated in the fear of God, 
 and in the profession of His true religion, as it is set forth, and taught by the Estab- 
 lished Church of England ; which God in his mercy grant, by prospering the 
 endeavours of your worthy Trustees ; to whom be pleased to give my service, with 
 an assurance that I am, " Your humble Servant, 
 
 " Edward Colston." 
 
 It may not be out of place to relate here a little incident, in itself of no 
 weight or importance, — but as tending to show that educating the poor was, by 
 the vulgar, still regarded with a jealous and mistrustful feeling ; and that a 
 grave and worthy body, were even suspected of countenancing, and encourag- 
 ing, disturbers of that holy tranquillity, which should distinguish the Sabbath. 
 
 In 1711, "A complaint was made, that several persons near the Quakers' Meeting 
 House do stand idly in the streets, or play on the Lord's day, in time of Divine 
 service ; and that they do aflront the children belonging to the school, at their return 
 from the church, calling them Colston's hull dogs, and pulling off their caps, with 
 other rude behaviour towards them ; it is ordered that a letter be sent to Benjamin 
 Coole, to be communicated by him to the chief of the Quakers, and to desire that 
 they would take care to prevent it. And a letter was prepared accordingly." 
 
 As previously related, the introduction of this religious body into the City, 
 occasioned some disturbance, which at this period had wholly subsided ; and 
 they were allowed to pursue their form of worship without interference, or 
 deprivation of those privileges, whose denial had stained the character of the 
 past Government, and forms a gloomy page in English history. In Temple 
 Street, at a short distance from Colston's School, was situated their first 
 
I'i'll-] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 443 
 
 Meeting-house. This contiguity led to the occurrence which is the subject 
 of the subjoined correspondence, relating to the violation of the Sabbath; 
 arising in all probability from the inherent desire of teasing, possessed by a 
 large portion of the juvenile population, — and by the ignorant and disorderly of 
 the more advanced in years ; though it is implied to have originated from a 
 more serious and culpable motive. The reasonable, and amicable spirit in 
 which the letters are written, must however have tranquUlised the feelings 
 disturbed from their wonted placidity by the supposed implication. As we 
 have no further notice of the transaction, we may assume that each party 
 endeavoured to repress the grievance which occasioned the complaint. The 
 direct earnestness and formal style in which the letters of the Friends are 
 indited, is truly in accordance with the rectitude and strict principle of that 
 respected body. Without enthusiasm, they have a moral and religious tone, 
 which merits the attention of the reader. 
 
 In the letter to Benjamin Coole, the Trustees state, they feel themselves 
 obliged to lay before him the great profanation of the Lord's Day, occasioned 
 in the parish by the shelter afforded to guilty parties, who run into his Meeting- 
 house to avoid the Constables, and the penalty of the law. The Trustees had 
 previously complained of the abuse, but instead of obtaining redress, the disorder 
 increased : — persons not only standing idle near the congregation, but even 
 playing there in time of divine service, " to the great dishonour of Almighty 
 God, and the publick scandal of all religion." They then refer to the manner 
 in which the children belonging to their School are treated, " as though it were 
 a design to discourage the training of youth in any other principles than those of 
 the Quakers. Thus [they continue] the place, which you and others intend 
 for the worship of God, is as anctuary for this immorality, — and because the 
 sentence against an evU work is hereby avoided, therefore the hearts of so 
 many amongst us are hardened in their wickedness." They are weU assured 
 that he will be ready to prevent the judgments which such practices do justly 
 deserve from God, and therefore desire him to inform the chief of his 
 congregation, and acquaint them that this lies at their door.^ 
 
 During the absence of Benjamin Coole, an answer is written by Alexander 
 Arscott, who says, that the matter had been represented to a meeting of the 
 
 1 The letter is signed by Arthur Bedford, John Hudson, Samuel Whiting, Walter Hawkins, 
 William Lansdon, Henry Phelps, Thomas Warren, and Thomas HoUister. 
 
444 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Friends, who had employed a person to attend the door of the said Meeting- 
 house, in order to prevent any such loose persons from taking shelter there, and 
 to discover their names, if possible. That the meeting would heartily concur 
 in any proper methods for curing the evil, of which they had an equal dislike 
 with the complainants. But as for the abuse offered to the scholars, " as it 
 doth not appear to proceed from any of his friends, he desires the Trustees to 
 forbear any reflections on them as a people, till they have certain evidence it is 
 encouraged by them, — who, with himself, are so far from being opposed to Charity 
 Schools, that they wish there were more of them in this as in other places." 
 
 Benjamin Coole is returned from London, and takes up the subject. He writes, 
 that he shall always be a thorough Conformist, in suppressing a base and vicious 
 practice, and heartily invites others to join in it with himself. But though he 
 expresses his satisfaction at the import of the letter of the Trustees, " in the main," 
 there was one provocation, the implication of his party in the transaction, that he 
 does not fail to mildly argue upon, and ably controvert. "All that our Society can do, 
 shall be done, to prevent a recurrence of the like disorders within our walls for the 
 future ; and yet we cannot warrant a perfect cure, it being out of our power to rule 
 those that do not belong to us ; for such, you allow, shelter themselves sometimes in 
 our Meeting-house, when pursued by the Constables, which is plain they are not 
 lelonging to our Meeting, but only run in there for shelter (which we will take care 
 to prevent) ; but how these idle and impudent people, when playing in the time of 
 Divine Service, — and that pull caps, and call bull dogs, and are pursued by the 
 Constables for the same, even into our Meeting-house, which they have only taken 
 up with for shelter ; — (I say) how these should be for discouraging the training up of 
 youth in the principles of any rehgion except our own, is what, I confess, I do not 
 understand, and should be glad to be informed, by the inditer or writer of your 
 letter, or by any one else, — for till I am satisfied therein, I cannot inform the chief 
 of our congregation (as you desire) that the sin lies at our door, since it doth not 
 appear so from the premises." 
 
 Benjamin Coole, who felt the injustice of the insinuation against his people, 
 concludes by stating, that a free conference on the subject would be very 
 acceptable. This we conclude, from the silence of the records, was judiciously 
 avoided by the Trustees, who had been rather premature in their aspersion. 
 
 Obscure names are worth recording, when they are associated with grateful 
 feelings and virtuous resolves. In the following document, we have an instance 
 of five humble individuals, who, appreciating the lasting benefits of education. 
 
IT'll-] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 445 
 
 pledge themselves, if they obtain the means, to promote the interests of that 
 School, to which they were indebted for their own : — 
 
 " Wee, whose names are hereunto subscribed, having been educated in the Charity- 
 School, in the Parish of Temple, in the City of Bristol, by the yearly contributions 
 of several benefactors for this purpose, do accordingly promise, that if it shall please 
 God to bless our lawful and honest endeavours, and give us a competency of riches 
 in this world ; we will, accordingly, contribute for the future education of others in 
 the same parish. "Witness our hands, the day and year respectively underwritten. 
 
 "RicHAKD Prichaed, James Nurten, 
 
 " Signed, July 6th, 1711, by, Richard Tippett, John Spirin." 
 
 Charles Bartlett, 
 We regret we cannot trace the fortunes of these good-intentioned youths. 
 If any prospered, we have no evidence that they redeemed their pledge.^ 
 What after all are the promises of adversity 1 how easily the mind distributes 
 in good uses, its visionary wealth, — how difficult when the gold is tangible and 
 real. How few that dwell in the midst of abundance, remember the charitable 
 aid that fostered their childhood, and laid the foundation of their gUded fortunes ! 
 Two instances occur, wherein the benevolent intentions of the donors to this 
 charity have been frustrated. Mr. John Gray, whose interest in its advance- 
 ment has been seen, — April 1713, left a house in Temple Street, chargeable 
 with several annuities, to the Trustees of this School, for the purpose of 
 apprenticing some of the boys educated therein ; but as no document can be 
 found to indicate the house, the bequest is lost. The other instance, is in the 
 case of the £50, left by a Mr. Sperring. This money remained at interest in 
 the hands of the Corporation of Bristol, upon their bond till 1783, when the 
 principal was unfortunately entrusted to Mr. WiUiam Eagle, the Treasurer of 
 the charity. Mr. Eagle, who had been Treasurer for forty years, died in the 
 year 1801, insolvent, and the £50, beside a balance of £95 : 13 : 7, which he 
 owed the charity, were thus irretrievably lost.^ 
 
 With Colston the prosperity of the School may be considered to have 
 departed. Its means of usefulness have diminished, not increased with the 
 
 1 " A Mr. Sperring, [Christian name unknown] previous to the year 1713, gave £60, for the use 
 of the School."— Ma^chbb's Charities. It would be satisfactory to identify him with the " John 
 Sph-in," whose autograph is attached to the promise, did not the period assigned to his donation 
 render it somewhat improbable. 
 
 2 "Manchee's Charities." 
 
446 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 lapse of years. The moral influence of his example, — ^his fixedness and 
 earnestness of purpose, in aid of the ignorant poor, fell upon stony ground, — 
 and there sprung up no emulation in the hearts of the opulent, to go and do 
 likewise. Alas ! that we should have to deplore, that although the habitations 
 of the wealthy are more numerous, — their adornments more sumptuous, — 
 their equipages more costly, — their living more luxurious — that this charity, 
 fostered by our great Philanthropist, has not advanced with the increasing 
 afiluence of the age. Many with only a competency, then gave towards its 
 maintenance, — many with abundance, now withhold. No words can give deeper 
 import to the humiliating fact, than that it now educates and clothes, but 
 thirty, instead of the forty boys, for whom the endowment was provided,' 
 
 In our uninterrupted search into the progress of this charity, we have allowed 
 ourselves to be carried over several passages in the life of our Philanthropist, 
 to which we return. July 2nd, 1708, the Rev, Arthur Bedford proposes 
 Colston as a corresponding member of the " Society for Promoting Christian 
 Knowledge," and that Mr, Gray, who had been so instrumental with Colston 
 in establishing the Temple School, should have a letter of thanks in the name 
 of the Society. Thereupon it directs Mr. Bedford to make inquiries of Colston, 
 whether he would be willing to accept of a correspondence with the Society. 
 Mr. Bedford writes, in reply, that Colston is willing to accept of a correspond- 
 ence, provided it don't oblige him to write frequent letters. August 4th, 1709, 
 he is elected a member : the 27th, he writes from Bristol in answer to the 
 Society's first general letter, that his age inclining him to retire from all business, 
 he could be no ways serviceable to the Society as a correspondent ; that he had 
 so good opinion of their designs, that (as he had for some years past) so he 
 should continue, to contribute towards the maintenance of several Charity 
 Schools. His next letter, dated from Mortlake, 17th October, is addressed to 
 Mr. Stubbs, "desiring him to thank the Society for the honour they had done 
 him [Colston] by choosing him a residing member, and to assure them, that 
 though he could not attend their weekly meetings, that he would not be back- 
 ward in giving his assistance to the increase of Charity Schools ; and furthering 
 
 1 " The fund [£80 per annuin, J alttougli originally suffioient for the purpose, has been, by the 
 alteration of the times, for many years iasufficient for the clothing and educating forty boys, as 
 directed by the founder : and the Trustees have for upwards of twenty years past, been obliged to 
 reduce the number of boys to twenty-five or thirty." — Mab-chee's Charities. 
 
nio.j 
 
 HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 447 
 
 anything that relates to them, whenever the Secretary should acquaint him with 
 the occasion." 
 
 We spare the reader many detaUs; but there are a few entries in this 
 Society's records, that command attention, as elucidating the high estimation in 
 which Colston was held; showing that he had earned and deserved the Christian 
 regard of this Society in its early days. They also display the peculiar cha- 
 racter of his benevolence,— working not only for particular objects which he 
 supported,— but leading, by his example, others to acts of Christian philanthropy. 
 They are simple and unadorned, expressive of his character,— that of a good, 
 humble-minded man. Mr. Bedford communicates to Colston, "April 10th, 
 that the Society desires he would let him [Colston], who has laid so 
 many noble foundations, know that posterity cannot more praise his memory 
 than the members of the Society esteem him at present, for all the liberal en- 
 dowments which he is daily settling for the good of mankind : they pray God to 
 raise up more such generous benefactors, and thereby engage the continuance 
 of His blessings on this nation." 
 
 Another extract is valuable and cheering, as declaratory of that impressive 
 truth, that fills the page of social progress from all recorded time, and should never 
 be excluded from the memory. Who is there, from the highest to the lowliest 
 of mankind, whose example, be it good or evil, has not its influence X 
 
 June 14th, Mr. Bedford writes to the Society, " that his charitable friend 
 to the Marshalsea prison, is very much pleased with the addition the Bishop of 
 Winchester, has made to encourage a Chaplain there ; and, if the nomination of 
 the person be left to his Lordship and his successors, it may be a means to 
 perpetuate the charity. He adds, that if a proposal of the same nature were 
 communicated throughout the nation, it may excite other charitable persons 
 to do the like. Mr. Colston's example at Bristol induced his friend ; — his 
 friend's example has occasioned a third ; — and, publishing these by consent, may 
 occasion a thousand more." 
 
 Such were the feelings and sentiments entertained by Mr. Bedford, towards 
 Colston, but a short time before the rupture, at the elections of members for the 
 City, — that, he writes him, " your benefaction at the prison' hath also stirred 
 
 ' "It was no small trouble to Ms soul to tiiiak that any should be destitute of the blessings of 
 religious instruction, and more especially those in prison ; who too commonly, through the neglect of 
 it, have incurred the greatest guilt, by their violation of human as well as Divine laws." — De. 
 Haecotjet's Funeral Sermon. 
 
448 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 up another gentleman of this City, to give another sermon on Good Friday, 
 provided the Minister will give one of his own upon each Fast day, which 
 Mr. Tucker' hath accepted, and began last Wednesday accordingly." 
 
 It is no easy task to portray a character that, as far as human infirmity 
 can discern, approaches the ideal perfection of Christian virtue. Colston is 
 unknown to us until the meridian of life, — when he appears to walk in his 
 own mild sphere, breathing piety, — infusing consolation, — heahng the broken- 
 hearted, — and lifting up those that are down. All is light, — we have no 
 shadows of mortal frailties to darken and relieve the features, — but purified, 
 sublimated, — perhaps for mercies bestowed, — perhaps for dangers escaped, — he 
 walks his blessed path of faith and love ! It is no easy task to portray such 
 a man. This, and the paucity of our materials, must plead our excuse for 
 much that is monotonous in these pages. They recount only the efforts of a 
 humane man, with thoughts intent to benefit his species, — physically, morally, 
 and religiously. Erecting Almshouses for the aged, — Schools for the young, 
 and making provision for their future support ; and as such we delight to 
 follow him. While he was, therefore, assiduously engaged in the active 
 discharge of his charitable duties, he was also endeavouring to promote the 
 inestimable doctrines of the Gospel, as expounded by the Ministers of the 
 Established Church; and with this view, in the year 1710, he instituted a 
 course of Lent Lectures in this City, — which especially met the approbation 
 of the Grand Jury at the Easter Sessions, who send him the following 
 commendatory letter : — 
 
 " To Mr. Edward Colston, 
 
 " Sir, — Your many extraordinary favours to our City, expressed in your adorning 
 our churches, erecting hospitals, and many other public and private charities, demand 
 our hearty thanks,and most solemn acknowledgments, — which we, the Grand Inquest, 
 at our General Quarter Sessons, do now sincerely, and in the name of ourselves and 
 fellow-citizens, present to your acceptance. Your late benefactions, by instituting 
 a course of Lent Sermons, is of such especial advantage to us, that we know not in 
 what terms to express our gratitude, but pray Almighty God to reward your piety 
 in the success of so good a work upon the hearts and consciences of our people, 
 and in such blessings on your own person, as the holy and devout men of old (who 
 
 1 The Eev. Humphrey Tucker was the first Minister for explaining the Church Catechism, and 
 instructing the boys at Colston's Hospital, on St. Augustine's Back. 
 
I'^IO.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 449 
 
 " were the predecessors of your faith and charity) enjoyed in this life, and in the 
 glories of eternity. We herein speak the sentiments of all persons among us, who 
 are touched with a sense of God's glory, and honour; and who own themselves the 
 true sons of our Established Church, of which you are so peculiar an ornamenL We 
 are, by the greatest obligations, 
 
 "^Sir, your most humble Servants, 
 
 " John Hobbs, Freeman, 
 Richard Eagles, &c." 
 
 Colston in his reply, expresses himself gratified by the approbation and 
 commendation his Christian efforts had obtained ; and avails himself of the 
 occasion, slightly to allude to the manner in which his proposal, now acknow- 
 ledged so beneficial, had been originally received. Here, as elsewhere, he 
 omits no opportunity of declaring his warm and zealous attachment to the 
 Church of England. No man more fully appreciated the great advantages to 
 a nation of an Established Church, — no man ever laboured with more sincerity 
 to make those advantages understood ; — and no man ever more earnestly strove, 
 that the piety and peace to be derived from walking through life, under the 
 guidance of its most holy doctrines, — should, with their comforting assurance, 
 and glorious hopes, be disseminated to all.^ His zeal ia its cause may 
 have approached severity, — but when we read the character of the man, 
 whose whole life was modelled to its service, who can say his enthusiasm 
 was too great — or the extent of his attachment irrational \ 
 
 " Mortlake, May 9th, 1710. 
 " Gentlemen of the Grand Inquest, 
 
 " Your obliging letter was gratefully received, and so shall allways be acknow- 
 ledged by me, — because, gentlemen in so considerable a post in your City, are pleased 
 
 1 In Colston's directions for tlie government of his Hospital, it is ordered, that the children be 
 instructed in the principles of religion, as laid down ia the Chnroh Catechism ; that the Master be 
 a member of the Church of England ; that he be approved of by the major part of the beneficed 
 Clergy of the City, and that he be licensed by the Ordinary ; that in case the parents of any boy 
 shall prevail on him to go to any meeting, — or deter the Master from observing the rules of the house, — 
 or any child from attending the Church of England, it shall be the cause of such boy's expulsion ; 
 and that when any boy is to be apprenticed, it shall be to a person in aU respects conformable to 
 the Church of England. Also, if the Master of the Merchants' Hall, shall, by connivance or other- 
 vrise consent to, or encourage the educating of the boys in any principles of religion that are 
 dissenting from the Church, then notice to be given to the Governors of Christ's Hospital. — 
 Colston's Settlements. 
 
 ' M 
 
450 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " to own that to be an advantage to your fellow citizens, which some have formerly, 
 and, peradventure, do still slight. My intentions of doing what I have there done, 
 were only for the public good ; and chiefly by the Lent Sermons, to revive the 
 primitive zeal for the church government as by law established ; and since I under- 
 stand, to my unspeakable comfort, that it hath the success I aimed at, — I bless God 
 for inclining my heart thereto, — and shall pray to Him to increase daily, more and 
 more, the spirit of piety (that at present seems to be among you) and zeal for the 
 best of churches, I mean that of England, as now established by law, — whose holy 
 doctrines, if we follow, wiU teach us obedience to our Governors, as well civil as 
 ecclesiastical, and to support the rights of both, to which that God will incline us 
 all, is the unfeigned desire of, gentlemen, " Your humble Servant, 
 
 " Edward Colston." 
 
 The Eev. Arthur Bedford, writes to Colston, that " the Lent Sermons in this 
 City are punctually preached by the respective Clergy; the churches are 
 extraordinary full, and the sermons are generally very excellent and satisfac- 
 tory, not inferior to any discourses which are printed on those particular 
 subjects." Chalmers says, that Colston appointed the subjects of the sermons 
 himself. They are specified in the following extract from Colston's Will, with 
 the conditions on which they were to be maintained. — 
 
 " Whereas I have ordered sermons to be preached in some of the parish churches, in 
 the City of Bristol, every Wednesday and Friday during Lent, yearly, — upon 
 several subjects relating to the primitive discipline and usage of the Church of 
 England, — such as the Lenten Fast, the Nature and Institution of the CathoHc 
 Church, the Excellency of the present Church of England,' the Censures of the 
 Church, viz: — Excommunication, Pennance and Eestitution, Baptism, Frequenting 
 the Communion, Against the Pope's Supremacy and the Errors of the Romish 
 Church,^ Confirmation, Frequenting the Public Worship, Our Saviour's Meritorious 
 Passion, Confession, Public and Private Absolution, Public and Private Eepentance ; 
 (but because the last of these is a topic very much handled, and the two former may 
 be a subject for one discourse, forasmuch as they are inseparably united) instead of 
 Repentance, — Superstition and Enthusiasm, in the room of Absolution, (if it shall be 
 adjudged by the generality of the Ministers of the said City, who are to preach 
 those sermons, that they will be more beneficial) which I have continued during 
 
 1-2 « jf Tff^ may believe any man to be sincere, — he, all whose actions have been so agreeable to 
 the Christian religion, must be believed by the most -unreasonable gainsayers, to have liv'd the most 
 steadfast m his persuasion of tlw excellence of the CJmreh of England, and in his just dislike to the 
 errors of the Chwrch, of Rome." — De. Haecouet. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 451 
 
 " my life with an allowance of £20, per annum, to such Ministers of the said City as 
 shall preach them, together with a sermon each month in the year to the prisoners 
 in Newgate, and also a yearly sermon, on the 2nd November, at the Cathedral 
 Church, at which my Hospital boys are to be present. The Society of Merchants 
 to pay the £20, per annum for three years, and at the expiration of three years, 
 should his executors and nominees be satisfied that such preaching hath proved 
 beneficial to the inhabitants, by inclining them to a love and good liking of the 
 institutions of the Primitive Church; then the Society of Merchants to pay the same 
 for ever. Should the Ministers neglect their duty, the £20, per annum to be paid 
 to the Churchwardens of Redcliff and St. Thomas Parishes, towards maintaining a 
 Charity School, in each parish for twenty children at least, if the parishioners will 
 raise a fund' sufiicient, to teach the children to read, write, cypher, and the Church 
 Catechism, and in default, the £20 to be given annually to forty poor housekeepers of 
 the said two parishes, who do not receive alms, and who do frequent and conform 
 to the doctrines of the now established Church.^ The Minister, who shall teach 
 his boys their Catechism, to be allowed 20s. per annum, to make up his salary £10, 
 per annum. The boys not only to repeat by heart, but thoroughly to understand 
 the meaning and use of the present Church Catechism." 
 
 Colston, up to the period of his election, had been a frequent visitant to 
 Bristol. He may have wished to inspect the management of his Christian 
 labours, — to know the parties in whom he had confided. Kindly human 
 emotions, cordial confidences, cherished affections, and solemn memories, — may 
 all have influenced and conducted his footsteps to his early home,— where every 
 retrospection was endeared by duty, tenderness, and love. We learn that here, 
 his favourite place of worship was the Cathedral, which he daily attended. On 
 the Sabbath, he would stand at the door, to see his boys arrive ; and, as the 
 long train, with doffed caps, passed their benevolent Patron, he would kindly 
 pat them on their heads, speak encouragingly to all, and foUow them to his 
 accustomed seat within the choir. The Dean and Chapter had exhibited their 
 
 1 " It doubtless was a very great pleasure to him, to foUow in those paths of goodness, where 
 others had gone before; nor is it to he imagined hut that he would have felt an equal satisfaction, 
 whenever he could observe, that by his acts of charity, a spirit of emulation was raised in other 
 breasts. From this principle, he seems sometimes to have confined his generosity, below what the 
 occasion might require to make the action complete and perfect, only with this view, that he might, 
 by this means, engage the charity of others, to join with him."— De. Haecotjrt. 
 
 2 The Lent Sermons were discontinued about the year 1732, and the School situated in Pile 
 Street has, from the year 1747, been in the regular receipt of this annuity of £20. 
 
452 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 respect for his virtues in a manner, such as we believe has been seldom con- 
 ceded to a private individual. A stall, yet distinguished by his crest' and 
 initials, had been appropriated by them to his use. It is now assigned to the 
 Archdeacon of Dorset. 
 
 Here, beneath its antique canopy, — brilliant with honours he had never 
 sought, — happy in hopes fulfilled, — grateful for blessings bestowed, — did the 
 venerable Philanthropist, with the assembled congregation, unite his voice of 
 prayer and praise. Deep, holy, and thankful must have been his thoughts 
 when he looked around upon his youthful family,^ — which, by his Creator's 
 guidance, he had fed and clothed. The beautiful and touching service of the 
 Church, in whose creed he had lived, — its primitive teachings, — the practical 
 good of its sublime faith, was never more truly emblemed forth than in the picture 
 of that aged man, — tranquil, serene, and happy, — worshipping beneath the 
 same roof with the objects of his love. Did his mind ever wander from the 
 present, — from the groups of worshippers around to a far distant time, — and his 
 heart beat with the happy hope, — that there, in that holy pile, when his days 
 would be the old days, — there would still be a juvenile band bearing his 
 cipher, wearing the same garb, and living and learning through his bounty, 
 — as though mutation had ceased, and his benefaction was imperishable, till aU 
 earthly things should be dissolved 1 
 
 A short time previous to Colston's decease, it is said, he had made a contract 
 to pave the whole of the Cathedral choir with white marble, at his own private 
 cost, to the amount of £600. This munificient intention he did not live to 
 perform. He subscribed, however, towards beautifying the choir, and laying 
 the marble about the communion table. Relative to this contribution, a 
 pleasing and simple expression of his feelings, is conveyed in one of his letters 
 to Richard Haynes, Esq., of which the latter so approves, that he introduces 
 the passage in a letter to the Rev. Arthur Bedford, 13th November, 1711 : 
 writing of Colston, he says : — 
 
 1 There is a tradition that Colston chose the dolphin, for his crest, from the following improbable 
 circumstance : — One of his ships returning from the West Indies, richly laden, sprung a leak, -which 
 the crew were unable to stop. The water was rapidly rising in the vessel, when a doIpMn was 
 drawn into the aperture, and thereby saved the vessel and crew. 
 
 2 When urged by a solicitous friend to marry, he is said to have replied, "Every helpless 
 widow is my wife, and her distressed orphans my children." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 453 
 
 '' I cannot conclude without imparting to you his approved readiness to other charities, 
 for having been informed of the subscription, that has of late proceeded towards the 
 encouragement of our Quire, he desired me to transmit the paper to him, and 
 having perused it, he returned it me with the following approbation : — ' Herewith,' 
 saith he, ' you will receive the paper of subscriptions, and I cannot but hope that 
 you will have a considerable number added to it, since the charge is so very easy, and 
 the proposed end will be so much for the honour of that Cathedral, which hath 
 been so long neglected ; since none of the subscriptions do exceed ten-shiUings per 
 annum. I am apprehensive that it may he thought a piece of ostentation in me to 
 under-write more, although I am willing to contribute five — nay ten-pounds, for the 
 term therein limited, rather than the design should miscarry, — I have signed my 
 name, and submit it to you to set down what sum you shall judge most proper, and 
 shall take care to have it complied with.' ' 
 
 " These are the words of that truly, pious, and honourable Gentleman, whom Bristol 
 never produced an equal. I know your curiosity tends you to such, and the like 
 entertainments which I communicate to you for your satisfaction. 
 
 "And am. Sir, 
 
 " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "ElCHARD HaYNES." 
 
 Colston was a Philanthropist in its most comprehensive sense. Benevolence 
 born of Faith and Hope, was a deep-seated principle in his conduct. It 
 extended far and wide, embraced all the known necessities of society, and 
 was prudentially disseminated, with scrupulous care and forethought." There 
 is scarcely a misery incident to human nature which he did not contribute to 
 relieve. The privations of the needy Clergy were not, therefore overlooked.^ 
 Beneath the sable garb of many a worthy Minister of the Established Church, 
 
 1 Mr. Haynes wrote against Colston's autograph the sum of £250. 
 
 2 " Much delicacy and judgment are required to dispose of gratuities so as to make the parties 
 relieved the better for them. Colston seems to have possessed no small share of this judgment ; 
 for among other instances of it, one may he noted iu his not giving anything to common beggars. 
 This he never did ; hut he always ordered that poor housekeepers, sick and decayed persons, should 
 he sought out as the fittest objects of his charity." — Ceaimees. 
 
 3 In aid of the poor Clergy, Queen Anne had, as an augmentation of their maintenance, given 
 her whole revenue, arising our of her first fruits and tenths. The ahenation was made law by the 
 Commons, and a Charter Corporation was created in 1703. "Our late gracious and pious Queen, 
 of blessed memory," says Dr. Harcourt, " has left a monument of everlasting glory to her name.* * 
 A benefaction of such a nature, that the Church of England has not one more glorious to recite 
 amongst all Eoyal favoxns of former reigns." 
 
454 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the heart of the wearer beat dolefully ; as harassed with anxieties and cares, 
 his racked thoughts wandered from his sacred duties to the daily exigencies 
 of life. The benefices of many of the poor Clergy were so small, that their 
 possessors were not only excluded from the comforts of competency which their 
 education and position demanded, — but had scarcely sufficient to exclude the 
 gaunt face of want, from entering their dwellings. To add to their distress, 
 were the urgent appeals of their destitute parishioners, — who looked for 
 creature sustenance from the pastors, who presided over their spiritual 
 weal. To mitigate to any extent the sufferings, and ameliorate the con- 
 dition of so large a body, — was more than the efforts and the wealth of a 
 private individual could accomplish. Colston felt this, — but he also felt that 
 something was demanded from him, as a solid testimony of his attachment to 
 the Church, he had on aU occasions expressed himself so zealously devoted. 
 And his gift was munificent. For the augmentation of sixty small livings, he 
 placed in the hands of the Governors of Queen Anne's Bounty £6000. His 
 intention was communicated to them by Mr. Edwards. In reply, the Governors 
 state that they look upon the charity " as so prudent and well placed," that 
 they desire Mr. Edwards to give the thanks of the Board to the donor. " So 
 large is this benefaction, that after all his other immense sums given in charity, — 
 the name of Mr. Colston does stand highest amongst those who have added 
 to the Queen's Bounty, for augmenting the maintenance of the poorer Clergy."^ 
 With respect to this amount, there is a tradition, which although unauthen- 
 ticated, may be incidentally related. It has, since Colston's time, been applied 
 to many succeeding philanthropists, — as it probably descended to him from 
 some kind soul in ages far remote. It is related that a gentleman waited 
 upon Colston, for the purpose of soliciting aid in the augmentation of several 
 smaU benefices. He explained the requirements, and warmly advocated the 
 cause of the poor Clergy. Colston had just opened a letter, when interrupted, — 
 and deferred its perusal until he had conversed with his visitor. To whom, 
 after expressing his regret that he could not, in justice to the many claims 
 there were upon his purse, do more for so excellent a purpose, he presented a 
 cheque for £3000. While yet speaking, his eye rested on some words in the 
 opened letter, and he begged to be excused while he read. The contents 
 
 1 Dr. Harcourt's Puneral Sermon.. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 455 
 
 informed him of the destruction by fire, of several large warehouses. These, 
 conformable to Colston's views, had not been insured, — and his loss was very 
 considerable. He calmly handed the letter to his companion, saying, " See 
 how the Lord reproves his tardy steward ; I had reserved that property for a 
 charitable endowment after my decease." He then requested the cheque to 
 be returned, which he immediately destroyed ; and writing another, said, as 
 he placed it in the hands of his visitor, " I have still something left, let me 
 endeavour to make atonement while I have to give." He had doubled the 
 amount. 
 
 Colston had now retired to his seat at Mortlake. Whatever was the cause, 
 or, if any, that had induced him to withdraw his attendance at the parish 
 meetings, it was removed, — and he resumed his place the 24:th June, 1711. 
 We find him in attendance during the two following years, and for the last 
 time, the 13th of the same month. From this day, the familiar characters 
 cease from the yeUow pages of the journal. 
 
 If we return to Bristol, we shall find our Corporation records silent also. 
 His name has disappeared. The Chamber's last notice was, on a presentation 
 of wine, as member in Parliament. When Parliament was dissolved, he is 
 referred to no more. We seek therefore for information, from the chartularies 
 of the corporate body, with whom he entrusted the management of his princely 
 charities. Here, although he has described himself as not fond of writing 
 letters, it may be supposed his anxiety would not allow his pen to be entirely 
 laid aside. We are again disappointed. Prom the date of his last corres- 
 pondence, December, ITll, there is a lapse of four years, during which his 
 letters cease ; or, what is more probable, have not been preserved. Our next 
 is an extract conveyed in a letter from the Master of the Hall, wherein 
 Colston's peculiarities of system, and style, and precise business habits 
 prevail.^ Neither a thought, sentiment, nor feeling is expressed, that would 
 create an impression that it was the production of a man, so remarkably dis- 
 tinguished for his philanthropic spirit : — 
 
 1 "In building his Hospitals, and Almshouses, he showed that his judgment could not be imposed 
 upon by the workmen, either as to the quality of their materials, or as to the value of their work ; 
 for as he understood those things very well, he drove what the world would call a hard bargain, 
 and paid all the workmen himself, if present, or else ordered them to be paid every Saturday night. 
 If they worked longer than their customary hour's he paid them proportionally, if otherwise, he 
 deducted, but never allowed any thing for drink."— De. Keppis. BiograpUa Britannica. 
 
456 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " To Mr. Eobert Earl, " Bristol, 26tli December, 171 5. 
 
 « Sir, 
 
 " I have this day a letter from Mr. Colston, dated 22nd of this Month, wherein 
 is the following words, viz : — As to the accounts of both Houses, whensoever the 
 Hall shall think fit to send them, I expect and desire that they come in the same 
 form that the last did, that being agreeable to the covenants between us ; only I 
 judge they ought to be signed by the Master and the other gentlemen, our friends, 
 that audit them, as hath been formerly done. And if the Almshouse accounts, were 
 made debtor for the balance of the Hospital, — and that thereby evened, then at one 
 view it would appear what was owing by the Hall, on both, — but this last I submit 
 to their thoughts, as I also do if the arrears may not be sooner got in. 
 
 " When you shall have duly considered of the placing out of some of the boys appren- 
 tices, and by so doing, paying the money alotted for that purpose, sooner than 
 otherwise they ought to have done, and find that the Hall hath been any ways 
 damaged thereby, I will readily reimburse them of it by ordering the payment of 
 it to them, — for I would not have it charged in their accounts, that it may not be 
 brought into a precedent for the future ^ and for that end it is my desire that no boy 
 be taken in above such an age, as he may tarry in the House full seven years, 
 without being a prejudice to his being bound out an apprentice afterwards, and that 
 his or their parents be acquainted, that no manner of allowance shall be made for 
 that purpose, unless they shall complete the said time there, — the which, peradventure, 
 may make them not to misrepresent their ages, and thereby causing a breaking in 
 on our agreed methods, which its my desire should be punctually observed, 
 
 " Sir, I am your humble servant, 
 
 " Edwakd Colston." 
 
 The accounts kept by the Hall were probably not managed according to Colston's 
 system ; and the worthy Baronet, for the purpose of avoiding differences, and saving 
 trouble, adds suggestively, — " If the account was made up in the manner within 
 mentioned, it wUl please Mr. Colston, and be an ease to the Hall, so is my opinion, 
 that am, your humble servant, " John Dtjddlestone." 
 
 The foUovFing year in October, another letter addressed to Sir John 
 Duddlestone was received from Colston, and read to the Hall. It relates to 
 putting out apprentices from his School ; and in phraseology, partakes of the 
 same business character as the preceding. This, as it does not portray any 
 new feature, we withhold transcribing. It is different however with his next 
 letter. We have ever seen him particularly sensitive on any infringement, or 
 apparent disrespect to his position; or what he might have construed into 
 unsanctioned interference, slight, or neglect. The acting without his counsel 
 
1717.] 
 
 HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 457 
 
 or approbation, displeased and disquieted him, and the wonted tranquiUity of 
 his placid temperament is ruffled. It was under such feelings that he thus 
 expresses himself: — 
 
 " Mortlake, 26th April, 1717. 
 
 " Gentlemen, Governors of the Merchants' Hall, 
 
 " Yours of the 15th past, and 5th present,— I received in due time, and with the 
 latter your Hall's accounts of my Hospital and Almshouse ; which I have passed 
 accordingly, and as to what relates to the former notwithstanding, I have empowered 
 them to make choice of a School Master and other Officers, requisite for my Hos- 
 pital ; yet the common civility that is shewed to all men, especially to those under 
 my circumstances, — would have prevented the surprise you express to have been at, 
 for my resenting your too hasty proceedings in your election of a chief, before you 
 had intimated to me your disapproval of the person recommended by me for 
 that employment. But since my inclinations are rather to close than to widen a 
 hreach, I shall forbear to say any thing further upon that subject ; only I do hereby 
 solemnly declare, that I had not the least knowledge or intimation of Mr. looker, 
 being a Non-juror, at the time I recommended him, — nor yet till after you had made 
 choice of Mr. Samuel Gardner, who I shall hope and not doubt by the discharge of 
 the trust reposed in him, will deserve the character you have given of him. I shall 
 also acquiesce in what you write relating to myself; and lastly, that you will have 
 no objection to direct that this following clause be copied in your Hall book, which 
 I rather desire, because it will remain there upon record.^ 
 
 " That I was not induced to endow my Hospital, only for the bare feeding of the 100 
 boys, that at present and in futurity are to inhabit there, — but chiefly that they should 
 be educated under such Overseers and Masters, as will take care that they shall be 
 bred up in the doctrine of our present Established Churcli of England. Therefore 
 I conjure, as well all the present as future Governors of your Hall,-— that they take 
 effectual care as far as in them Heth, that the boys be so educated as aforesaid ; 
 and that none of them he afterwards placed out as apprentices to any men that are 
 Dissenters from the said communion, as they will be answerable for a breach of 
 their trust, at the last and great tribunal before which we must all appear.^ 
 
 "I am, 
 
 " Your humble Servant, 
 
 "Edward Colston." 
 
 1 1718. July 3rd. The clause was in accordance with Colston's earnest request, ordered to be 
 entered into the Hall books. 
 
 2 Colston, in his Settlements, complains that the members of the Merchants' HaU have neglected 
 visiting his School; and enquires the behaviour of the Master; also if he allowed good and sufficient 
 food for the boys, and of their improvement in their learning. — " Now, forasmuch as it hath been too 
 
458 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 Not without a sad and melancholy feeling, do we peruse this impressive 
 letter. Impressive from its urgent, solemn appeal to the most sanctified 
 obligations of humanity. Sad and melancholy from the thought that it is the last 
 conveyance of his desires that Time has left us, — let it be prized and treasured — 
 and in righteousness obeyed, — imperishably united with his memory, while 
 regard for Christian virtues shall remain among the sons of men. We cannot 
 wonder that Colston should have written in the language of displeasure. 
 It must be admitted that he had not been treated with that deference to his 
 wishes, which was due to his position ; yet slighted as he considered himself, 
 and most certainly had been, his peaceable and forgiving disposition is here 
 beautifully manifested. We seek not to pass over his great prejudice against 
 Dissenters. We profess not to write him as a faultless character. — His life 
 was one of purity and holy endeavour ; but his garments were of the earth, 
 earthy, — and the stain of mortality tarnished the lustre of his high aspirings. 
 Nought could undermine his steadfast adherence to the Church; it breathes 
 forth throughout all his letters, — speaks in all his deeds, — and like a voice from 
 the dead — his appeal to all future Governors, still awfully and solemnly 
 exhorts and conjures the living, by every moral obligation which can bind 
 mankind to the sacred discharge of their duties to their fellow creatures, and 
 to their God. The doctrine and discipline of the Church had been his guide 
 and support ; he had cause to bless the influence of its admirable precepts on 
 
 apparent, tliat for -want of such inspection and care, tlie said boys have been so neglected by the 
 Schoohnaster, that when they were examined, it was found they had made so little improvement in 
 their writing and ciphering, by the often absence of the said Master from his School, that they were 
 not fitly qualified to be put out apprentices ; as likewise, he had not given them sufficient allowance 
 of provisions for comfortable subsistence. Therefore, to prevent as much as in me lyeth, such 
 neglect and abuses for the future, — it is my desire, and I do hereby empower my Executors and 
 Nominees, in my Deed of Trust, that should it at any time hereafter appear to them that the like 
 remissness hath been in my Trustees of the Merchants' Hall, or that by connivance, or otherwise, 
 they have consented or encouragedthe educating the said boys in any principles of religion, contrary 
 to, or dissenting from, our present Established Church, — orhound them out apprentices to Masters dissenting 
 therefrom ; they immediately give notice to them, desiring it be amended : it being wholly contrary 
 to my inclinations and intentions, that they slwuld he Irought up in any principles repugnamt to the 
 Church of England now established hy law. And in case they shall not find any good effect from such 
 admonition, that then they either intimate the same to the Governors of Christ's Hospital, in 
 London, who are made Visitors by my Deed of Settlement on said Hall, — or else take proper remedy 
 therefore, by advice of good Council; the charges thereof to be taken out of my estate.'' 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 459 
 
 himself through a long life of usefulness ; and had become intolerant of all 
 innovation, — of all other forms of worship but that which to him had brought 
 peace and good will towards men, and a hope which went beyond the grave. 
 It was in this spirit he wrote the impressive adjuration we have just read, by 
 which he sought to bind all future generations in maintaining his charity, even 
 as he leaves it ; with due regard not alone to the temporal, but more especially 
 to the spiritual welfare of those whom he had pledged himself to feed and 
 clothe. 
 
 Towards the " seating and beautifying" All Saints' Church, Colston had 
 given, in 1703, through Mr. Thomas Edwards, £100. In 1713, the low 
 freestone tower was taken dovra, and the present dome commenced building. 
 It cost £589 : 10 : 3, raised by voluntary contributions of the citizens. — Colston 
 himself gave £250, and an additional £100, for beautifying the chancel.^ 
 At a meeting of the Common Council, 16th January, 1716, — 
 
 " A Petition was laid before the House ftom Dr. Harcourt, Minister, — Isaac Taylor, and 
 Francis Gythers, Churchwardens of All Saints', stating their having expended several 
 hundred poundsinbuildinga newtower; and that £800, would not be sufficient to mend 
 the side-waUs, seats, inside, and setting up the bells, conduit, and other things to 
 be done to the church ; all which being for the glory and service of God, and for 
 the honour of the City (the church being situate on so eminent and conspicuous a 
 part of it) and praying the consideration of the House, — resolved that £100, be paid 
 the Churchwardens towards accomplishing so pious and good a work." 
 
 On erecting the present tower, under the influence of a grateful feeling 
 towards Colston, his crest of the dolphin, and a pine apple, were placed over the 
 dome as a vane. But with time that feehng appears to have subsided, and 
 to have given way to a sense of disappointment. Colston remained no longer 
 to answer to the call of improvement, or the appeal of charity. — He had left 
 but a small bequest to the church in which his ashes and those of his sires 
 reposed. Therefore, 15th May, 1728, the vestry resolved that the present vane 
 
 1 "Add to this, [his other Charities] his liherahty in giving towards the rebuilding, the repair, 
 and beautifying the places of worship, the churches of God, many of which in this City have 
 received his generous and repeated bounty. It would be impious in me and the inhabitants of this 
 parish [All Saints'] not to mention, with gratitude and reverence, his especial Uberahty to this 
 church m particular, as for the beauty of it, so for the opportunities herem given of weekly 
 prayers." — De. Haecotiet. 
 
460 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 should be taken down, and a ball and cross substituted. The dolphin was 
 of copper, and, with the pine apple, was ordered to be sold in 1729. 
 
 The course of our Memoir now conducts us to Chewstoke, a small hamlet in 
 Somersetshire, situated about seven miles from Bristol. In the account books 
 of the parish, it appears that a correspondence took place between Colston and 
 some person, probably the Rector, coacerning a plan then in contemplation, 
 for the better instruction of the poor. A passage in a letter from Colston, 
 dated 12th April, 1718, in which he repeats the information he has himself 
 received from the party to whom he writes, enables us to understand the 
 object designed to be accomplished. " Yours of the 9th present, informs me 
 that you have been endeavouring for these* last two years past, to set up a 
 School in Chewstoke, — and in order thereto, have got subscriptions to the 
 value of £169, and are in hopes to make them £200, with which sum you 
 propose to purchase £10, per ann. in lands, in perpetuity for the payment of 
 a Master to teach the boys therein, to read, write, cypher, — and also to be 
 thoroughly instructed in our Church Catechism." The letter then proceeds to 
 declare Colston's willingness to assist in so good a work ; but that his incli- 
 nation would be rather to do it by a certain sum for a term of years. In a 
 subsequent letter, dated 13th May, 1718, Colston adverts to a communication, 
 which he had received from the same person, acquainting him with the 
 further progress that had been made towards settling a Charity School, by 
 purchasing a house ; and that subscriptions had been received sufficient to pay 
 for the same, within £5, which Colston offers to contribute. Colston 
 settled the annual sum of £5, on the School during his life, and for twelve 
 years after his decease. 
 
 So passed Colston's years, vdthout adventure. His life had been one of 
 almost spotless purity, — of inexhaustible and untiring charity. For nearly 
 thirty years had his Almshouses on St. Michael's Hill been estabhshed, and 
 in swift succession had his other great endowments followed. He had enacted 
 his good deeds while the body was unfeebled, and the mind undecayed,^ — 
 
 1 " "Wiat adds much to the value of all his good works, that they were all done hy him, 
 wliilst he was yet ahve.*** He well knew, that every good action, which is to take effect after our 
 death, and to be executed after our wills are opened, is giving what we can no longer possess, and 
 doing here what we have but little comfort from, whatever reward we may hope for it 
 hereafter." — Dr. Hakcoitrt. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 461 
 
 while he could rely upon his own judgment, — while he could direct and pro- 
 vide for their continued security. He knew that health of body, and strength 
 of mind must fail, — and he waited not to accomplish his exalted purposes, till 
 weakened faculties, and impaired energies, called his thoughts beyond this 
 transitory scene. His Charity was not an offering for length of days. It was 
 not of repentance, but of benevolence, — not of remorse, but of love, — not of 
 despair, but of piety! Colston felt that to leave the good he could accomplish 
 till the portals of the " dismal banquet hall " had closed upon him, was but to 
 half accomplish the great trust bestowed in him by his Creator. There is a 
 sacredness in his sublime benevolence, thus charitably fulfilling the mandates 
 of the Great Bestower, — that merits, as it has obtained, our venerated love ! 
 
 Length of days, must be held by the tenure of seeing those we most love, 
 drop into the grave before us. Colston stood alone amidst the wreck of former 
 associations. The Great Sorrow had entered his dwelling. ^ Every year had 
 Death's approaching footsteps become more distinct and audible. The fall of 
 so many acquaintances around him,^ — the frequent and touching instances of 
 mortality that had met him on every side, — the conscious infirmities of age, — 
 would, without the Spirit's teaching, have conveyed conviction to his heart 
 that here was not his rest. And in daily thought, and nightly prayer, — in the 
 lone chamber, — in the crowded path, he looked to that rest which alone 
 remaineth for the people of God. 
 
 And now, the Saturday evening of his life is come. The shadows are 
 lengthening, and night hastens on. He had laboured before that darkness 
 Cometh when no man can work. His great pilgrimage was fulfilled, — and he 
 now but tarried till called to render an account of his stewardship. His end 
 was anticipated, and prepared for. " He had everything to hope, and nothing 
 
 1 His sister, Mrs. Ann Colston, who had resided with Mm for some time, at a venerable age 
 passed away. A Table of Benefactions, in Mortlake Cliurcli, is inscribed with a gift of "Mrs. Ann 
 Colston, £10, for apprenticing four children, and paying widows' rents." The Destroyer had mown 
 down the young with the old. His niece, Sarah Colston, ia the bright dawn of Hfe, whom he 
 tenderly loved, and his nephew, Edward Colston, were gone. 
 
 2 A valued friend, the Eev. WHUam Jones, Minister of the parish of Mortlake, died in 1720. 
 He had fulfilled the functions of the sacred office since 1681. For forty years had Colston met him 
 at the vestry. For forty years had he dwelt upon his teaching, . and followed him in prayer within 
 the house of God. They had grown in years together. Both had arrived at the confines of eternity. 
 " One was taken, and the other left." The venerable pastor was called to his reward. 
 
462 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 to fear." Happy were his retrospections, as his thoughts in quiet meditation 
 dwelt, — tranquU, serene, and trustful, — happy was his old age, — happy in 
 the memories of the past, — happy in the promises of the future, he could say 
 with Simeon, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according 
 to thy word !" 
 
 Equally obscure with the foregoing account of Colston's life, are the 
 attendant circumstances of his death. We may picture his departure to have 
 been all that has been written of the good Christian. We can conceive the 
 sublime beauty, the holy tranquillity, the joy, the rapture, of the passing spirit 
 called by the Redeemer to its home ! We might imagine the celestial glories 
 surrounding like the sun at its setting, the death-bed of one who replete with 
 benevolence and Christian love, had passed his days meditating in what 
 manner he might render himself most acceptable to his Creator, by doing 
 most service to His creatures. But we are not permitted to lift the curtain of 
 Time, and to behold the scene, nor adorn the moral which it teaches. We 
 avail ourselves therefore of the description of a modern writer which we 
 partly embody in our narrative.^ 
 
 Life was glimmering weaker and weaker to its final extinction. He com- 
 plained of no pain, but " an inward and daily sinking." " Business," he 
 would observe " is irksome and thought wearies, but prayer is always welcome. 
 I fail in body and mind, but at eighty-four the marvel is that my faculties will 
 any wise serve me." His sight had failed, and when not engaged in prayer, 
 he derived great comfort from having the Collects of the Church read to him, 
 and spoke of them Avith a fervent affection, as containing the " very marrow 
 of godliness." During his illness, he appears to have been unceasingly 
 attended by Mrs. Elizabeth Beavis, a neighbour, whose services he acknow- 
 ledged with grateful feelings, and in his will makes honourable mention of 
 her, with a bequest of £100, "forasmuch as she hath been very helpful 
 and assistant to me in my indisposition." He was also constantly visited by 
 a Clergyman of the name of James, who resided at Mortlake. 
 
 And now, in the hushed stillness of the curtained chamber, upon the couch 
 of death, his pallid form is lain. And while the solemn hours post on, he 
 frequently exclaims, " Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name 
 
 1 Eev. Erskine Neale. 
 
1'721.] ♦ HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 463 
 
 be the praise, for thy loving mercy and for thy truth's sake." Humble, 
 penitent, contrite, yet full of heavenly assurance, his last prayer is uttered, 
 " Pardon thy unworthy servant, good and holy Lord Jesus,— pardon through 
 thy blood ;" and his soul is borne to those realms of joy, where all is pure, and 
 true, and blissful ! 
 
 And he is gone, — his life of usefulness is over. — His gentle and well- 
 timed ministrations have ceased. — In him were beheld the holiness — the 
 sublimity — the commanding sanctity of Christianity, guided by the doctrines 
 of the Church, resting in humility and faith upon the promise of the Eternal 
 "Word ! He has passed to his reward. — Sorrowful and melancholy was the 
 day when the hand that was ever extended to relieve grew rigid, — the eye 
 that ever beamed with benevolence closed, — .and the throbbings • of the heart 
 that ever sympathised where sorrow was, ceased to beat. — Charity drooped 
 her head, and all the virtues that adorn and exalt humanity, mournfully 
 wailed over the prostrate form of their champion and friend. An Almoner 
 of Heaven had been called to the Almighty presence in the skies ! Who 
 would occupy his place 1 Who would fulfil with righteousness his calling "? 
 
 For that silent and certain home, his place of sepulture in the ancestral 
 vault, Colston had long made preparation. He had set his house in order, as 
 one who knew not how soon he might be summoned hence. Nine years before 
 his death, he had written directions for his funeral ; which not only evince his 
 desire that his ashes should repose with those of his kindred, in the City of 
 his birth ; but also attest, that occupied as he was with the things of Time, he 
 was not unmindful of those belonging unto Eternity. In this document, 
 which is copied from the original, written by himself, he desires to avoid any 
 display. Yet how simply and unostentatiously in enumerating those by whom 
 he would be followed, does he direct for himself a more glorious — more hope- 
 ful — more impressive pageant, than that of the renowned Warrior, or the 
 mighty King. A pageant addressed to the poor — displaying the triumph of 
 gospel truth — exhibiting the magnificence of Christian love. 
 
 "As to what relate to my funeral/ I would not have the least pomp used at it, nor any 
 
 1 This request does not appear to have been hterally oompUed with. At the sale of Ed. Hayne's 
 effects, at Wick Court, September, 1831, lot 146, is described m the catalogue as, "Mourning ring 
 of the late Edward Colston, Esq., one of the twelve given to the first nominees of his School, in the 
 City of Bristol, only three of which remain to this day." The ring was purchased by Miss Watts 
 for £4 : 16 : 0. 
 
464 EDWARD COLSTON, * 
 
 " gold rings given ; only that my corpse shall be carried to Bristol in a hearse, and 
 met at Lawford's Gate, and accompanied from thence to All Saints' Church by all 
 the boys in my Hospital on St. Augustine's Back, and by the six boys maintained 
 by me in Queen Elizabeth's Hospital in the College Green. And also by the 
 twenty-four poor men and women (or so many of them that are able) in my Alms- 
 house on St. Michael's Hill ; and only to the church door of All Saints'. Likewise 
 by the six poor old sailors that are kept at my charge in the Merchants' Almshouse in 
 the Marsh. And likewise by the forty boys in Temple parish, that are clothed and 
 otherwise provided for by me. To be drawn directly thither, so as it may be there 
 in the close of the evening, or the first part of the night ; and my further desire is, 
 that at my interment the whole Burial Service of the Church, as it is now appointed, 
 may be decently read and performed. And that the money that might have other- 
 wisb have been expended in gold rings, be laid out in new coats or gowns, stockings, 
 shoes, and caps, for the six sailors ; and the like (except caps) for so many of the 
 men and women in my Almshouse that shall accompany my corpse as above, and 
 are willing to wear them afterwards.^ And to signify that this is my desire, I have 
 hereunto set my hand, this fifteenth day of July, 1712. 
 
 (Signed) " Edward Colston." 
 
 " My sister, Ann Colston's corpse, is interred in Mortlake Church, under the rail on 
 the south side of the communion-table. But since it was her desire that her bones 
 should lie in the same grave where I shall be buried ; and forasmuch as my inten 
 tions are, that my corpse shall be carried into Bristol, and interred in All Saints 
 Church, in the grave that belonged to my ancestors ; my desire is, that my said 
 sister's bones should be taken up (if it be* done by the authority of the minister, 
 without the trouble of applying to the Bishop of the diocese) and put into and 
 carried down in the same coffin with my body ; or if that cannot be conveniently 
 done, then in another small one, to be put into the same hearse, and buried in the 
 same grave with mine, in compliance with her request in that behalf." 
 
 Application was made to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for his consent to 
 remove the remains of Ann Colston, which he granted ; and they were brought 
 to Bristol and interred with Colston, as he had willed it to be. 
 
 Among Colston's papers was found an interesting estimate of the expenses 
 of his funeral. This, from its giving us some idea of the style in which the 
 ceremony was performed, and containing every particular of the dismal para- 
 phernalia, we place, without abbreviation, before our readers : — 
 
 !■ 1 Colston directed that £85, (the number of Ms years) should be given to as many poor men 
 and women in Mortlake, — to be distributed at the time of his decease. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 465 
 PROPOSALS FOR THE FUNERAL OF EDWARD COLSTON, ESQ. 
 
 A Lead Coffin the inside, an Elm Coffin run within, cear'd and lyn'd and 
 
 ruffied with sup'fine Crape £6 
 
 A Sup'fine Crape Shroud, Sheet, Pillow, and Gloves 2 
 
 An Elm Case, Covered with the best Velvet, a double Silver'd Plate with 
 inscription. Coat of Arms, and Flower ; 3 Pair of Silver'd Chaced 
 
 handles, and set off with 2 rows of best Silver* Nails 14 
 
 A Brass Plate Engraved for the Lead Coffin 
 
 A Hearse and 6 horsses, 7 days at 35s. per day. .., , 12 5 
 
 5 Mourning Coaches and 6 horsses, 8 days 36 15 
 
 Mourning Coaches and 6 horsses, to attend the Corps to Brentford 
 
 8 Men in black to Attend to Bristol, with Sadie horsses, 7 days at 10s. per day 28 
 
 2 Rooms hung in deep Mourning 6 
 
 8 Large Silver Candlesticks, round the body 16 
 
 4 dozen of Silver Sconces round the Rooms 2 8 
 
 25 pair Wax Candles for ditto and Tapers, at 2s. 8d. 3 6 8 
 
 A Large Velvet Pall for the Journey 3 10 
 
 Velvet Covering for the hearse and horsses 3 10 
 
 17 Plumes of fine Ostrich feathers for ditto 4 
 
 A Lid with Plumes of ditto on the body for the Journey 2 
 
 A Eayle round the Body, with Plumes of ditto 1 10 
 
 An Atchievement Frame, &c 3 10 
 
 24 Silk Escutcheons for the Pall and Eayle, at 5s 6 
 
 9 dozen of Buckrum Escutcheons for the Boom, 30s 13 10 
 
 48 Buckrum Escutcheons Verged with Silver, 24 Shields, and 12 Chaps for 
 
 the hearse and horsses, being 2 setts 10 10 
 
 12 Banners and 2 sets of Pencils for ditto 12 
 
 3 dozen Buck Escutcheons Verged for the Church 
 
 6 fine Mourning Cloaks for Gent>i 2 14 
 
 16 Mourning Cloaks for Coachmen and horsemen 5 12 
 
 Best Shamy gloves 
 
 New Crape hatbands 
 
 26 Ord. Gloves and hatbands for Coachmen and horsemen, Postilians and 
 
 porters ^ ^ " 
 
 4 Porters at Door in Gowns, Staves, &c 2 
 
 12 Pages in black with Caps and Truncheons to attend the hearse to Brentford 116 
 
 6 men in Black to Attend the Coaches— ditto hatbands 18 6 
 
 A Boom hung in Deep Mourning with Black Cloth on the joad 4 
 
 6 large Silver Candle Sticks and 12 Silver Sconces for ditto 2 6 
 
 ' o 
 
466 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 21 Wax lights and tapers for ditto, at2s. 8d. 3 12 
 
 38 Favers for horssmen, Coachmen, Postilians, Porters, and Pages 2 17 
 
 A sett of Silk Pencils for the Plumes about the Corps 4 4 
 
 65 yards of Superfine Cloath at 18s. per yard., 6 1 
 
 6 yards of Prest bayes for the Type 12 
 
 A Pew hung with black Cloth, Nails, &c 
 
 A Hearse and pair of Horses that brought the lead Coffin, ferrying and 
 
 Servants to help 1 10 
 
 From the above we learn that the funeral procession consisted of a hearse 
 and six horses, covered with plumes and velvet, attended by eight horsemen in 
 black cloaks, and followed by three mourning coaches, with six horses to each. 
 Twelve pages, with caps and truncheons, and additional mourning coaches, 
 accompanied it to Brentford. The dismal parade was a week on its slow and 
 melancholy journey; and where it rested on the road, the rooms were hung 
 with deep mourning. A large velvet pall, edged with silver. Shields and 
 eight large silver candlesticks were placed around the coffin; and a lid 
 with plumes of fine ostrich feathers, surrounded by a rail, enriched with sUk 
 escutcheons and accordant plumes. Upon this solemn garniture, the dark 
 livery of death, a brilliant light was cast from six wax candles in large silver 
 candlesticks, and from four dozen tapers in silver sconces, which, with 
 escutcheons, were arranged around the room. And all this preparation for 
 the tomb that sank cold and dead upon the hearts of the gazers, was for one 
 whose living presence had ever been the herald of comfort, happiness, and 
 peace. Thus, with all the furniture of the grave, which the cunning of man 
 could devise, to give a moral and an impress to the solemnity of death, were the 
 remains of the honoured dead borne from Mortlake. 
 
 The day is dark and gloomy. — A November's day, foggy, heavy, lowering. 
 — From every tower there issues at intervals a measured mufiied dole,' slowly 
 — sadly — impressively. The City is dull and lifeless. Most of the shops are 
 closed, — in many places labour suspended. — Flags are half-masted on the 
 towers and ships, — emblems of sorrow, — signs of woe. — Undertakers are 
 busy in All Saints' Church, — they hang the walls with black funereal drapery 
 
 1 "27th October, 1721. Paid Berry, for the bell at Mr. Colston's funeral, 16 hours, 16s." 
 —St. Werlurgh's Parish, Churchwardens' Accounts. The bells also of St. James' tolled 16 hours, 
 for which was paid a similar sum ; and in the church was placed Colston's coat of arms, which cost 
 £1 : 19. 
 
1721.] HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 467 
 
 — the graves-men are removing their tools.^ — A sepulchre has been unsealed, — 
 its massy gate raised, — the chamber of corruption is exposed to the light of 
 day, — but it cannot penetrate its darkness. In their Hall the Merchants 
 have met. In their Almshouse, grey-haired, weather-beaten men gather, and 
 look rueful in black cloaks. More aged men and women meet and gossip at 
 St. Michael's Almshouse, and shake their heads over more black garments. 
 There is a holiday for the boys at Temple and St. Augustine's Schools ; — they 
 are singing, rehearsing a solemn psalm.^ The day is gone, wearily — drearily. 
 Evening. — Midnight is come. Eain in torrents. The Merchants have left 
 their Hall. — The old sailors their asylum — the aged pensioners their homes. 
 — the boys their Schools, — and all at Lawford's Gate are assembled, to swell the 
 funereal cavalcade that in gloomy parade now enters the City. Silent are the 
 crowded streets. Hushed the din of tongues. — No sound but the deep fore- 
 boding toll that knelled another being across the confines of eternity. — No 
 sound but the chaunted mournful strain that dwells' on the immutability of the 
 Everlasting God, — man's refuge from generation to generation, in whose sight a 
 thousand years are but as yesterday; seeing that is past, as a watch in the nightj — 
 and on the weakness and brief existence of mortality, that flourish and fade like 
 the grass, which in the morning is green, in the evening is cut down, dried up, and 
 withered, — so soon passeth away the labour and sorrow of our years, and we 
 are gone, even as a tale that is told. In the darkness of night's midmost 
 stillness ; the ancient words of everlasting Truth, soared through infinite 
 space, to the holy company of Cherubim and Seraphim. And through the 
 sobbing rain, the solemnizing spectacle slowly advances, visible in the dark- 
 ness, by the lurid light from flaming torches, that glare on the houses, and 
 upon the congregated thousands, that fill the crowded streets — like the glory 
 
 1 "IS'ovember lOtt, 1721. To cash received for breaking tie ground for Mr. Colston, 6«. 8d." 
 — Churchwardens' Accounts, All Saints. 
 
 2 Snas Told now comes to our assistance. — " ProvidentiaUy [he says] I was ia the School at 
 the time of his death, when orders were given to aU the children to leain by heart the 90th psalm, 
 to sing before the corpse as it entered the City; which was at Lawford's Gate, where we joiaed the 
 hearse and sang before it the space of five hours, amidst a most numerous and crowded audience." 
 It is impossible to describe in what manner the houses and streets were lined with ranks of people, 
 and although the rain descended in torrents, none paid any regard thereto, but the whole multitude 
 seemed determined to see the last of so eminent a man. We came at last to All Saints' Church, 
 where he was interred under the communion table." 
 
468 EDWARD COLSTON, HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 that surrounds the good, — like the light that marks their .hlessed course. 
 Even as Colston had willed, was his hody lain,'' — even as he had willed, he 
 slept with those he had loved so well, — even as he desired his example has 
 quickened imitation, — it guides and directs us now, — it is knitted with our 
 hopes of an immortal life, — it is united with every faith on which humanity 
 can build, — sublime, imperishable as the Eternal Word ! 
 
 1 "The "Wortty Mr. Edward Colston, of London, Borne in Bristol, Departed tkLs Life j" llti» 
 October, 1721, ia ye 85* year of Hs age. He was Brought from London to Bristol, Fryday, 
 ye 27*'' October, and Interred at AU Saints' Church. 
 
 Fast Funera Virtui. 
 Southwel, 
 Codrington, 
 
 Harrington, ]■ Esqfs 
 Trye, 
 Haines, 
 and J. Donning, were ye Bearers." 
 
 " 146 Boys Sung before ye Corps. 
 
 18 poor men and 12 poor women were New Clothed. 
 8th PebT 1721, Mrs Sarah Colston, about 16 years of age, was Buried at All Saints' Brought 
 from London, tis s^ her Vncle, Edw. Colston had left her 60 thousand pounds." — Contemporary M8S. 
 
 \ 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Funeral Sermon — Extracts from Colston's Will — Portraits of Colston — Contemporary Narratives — Contribu- 
 tions in Redcliff Parish — School on St. Augustine's Back — Exhumation of Colston — The Colston Societies : 
 — The Colston, The Dolphin, The Anchor, and the Grateful — Visit to Mortlake — Conclusion. 
 
 Two days after the obsequies were paid to Bristol's departed Benefactor, 
 Sunday, October 29th, there is a crowded congregation in All Saints' Church. 
 The chief mourners, — the Master and members of the Merchants' Hall, — the 
 aged inmates of his Almshouses, — the juvenile objects of his care, are assembled 
 with the most respected and accredited of the citizens. Trophies of gloom 
 are hung around. — The affecting sounds of the solemn requiem, swelled, 
 deepened, rolled through the arch of the building, and sank in mournful 
 undulations, — rose and reverberated until the whole house was filled with the 
 solemnizing harmony. The beautiful service of the Liturgy over, the Funeral 
 Sermon was preached by the Vicar, James Harcourt, D. D. " He hath 
 dispersed abroad and given to the poor, and his righteousness remaineth for 
 ever ; his horn shall be exalted with honour." The Eev. Doctor, after 
 recapitulating Colston's various charitable endowments and his many Christian 
 graces, of which the most noticeable passages occupy our preceding pages, 
 says in conclusion, — 
 
 " Health, length of days, riches, and honour, are blessings promised in the word 
 of God, to those who are religious and forget not the law of the Lord. And how 
 largely he shared every one of these, is not necessary to be insisted upon, when it 
 is known to so many how vigorous his strength, — how clear his understanding, — 
 how quick his apprehension — and how sound his judgment continued long beyond 
 the age of man, even to reach to the end almost of his eighty-fifth year without 
 decay in his understanding, — without labour or sorrow. — How plentifully his riches 
 flowed in upon him, when his cup at last overflows ; and what the honours have 
 been, which always have been paid to him by every good man, the testimonies of 
 those who hear me, — excuse my enlarging upon any further, than, that he is 
 gathered to his fathers, full of good works, full of honours, and full of days. 
 
470 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Thus far he enjoyed the whole of his reward in this life ; and surely, as far as man is 
 able to judge, we may, without presumption, believe that he is found acceptable in 
 the sight of God, and has received the comfort of ' Well done thou good and faithful 
 servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things- 
 Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord ; and will, with ineffable pleasure, at the last day 
 hear that blessed sentence which will then be pronounced by the well-beloved Son of 
 God, ' Come thou blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from 
 the foundation of the world.' 
 
 " To conclude, then, may it please Almighty God of his infinite goodness, to grant unto 
 us all that we may learn from his bright pattern, to think, to speak, to act ; that we 
 may learn from him to love, to give, and to forgive. In short, as much as in us 
 hes, that we may learn in the whole course of our lives, to copy so well that which 
 he led, that we may at length hope likewise to die the death of this righteous man, 
 and that our last end may he like his." 
 
 Certain passages from Colston's Will, have been introduced in the course of 
 our memorial. The length of the Will itself precludes our copying it entire, 
 but many portions of interest remain to be noticed. May 26th, 1720. " In 
 the name of God, Amen. I, Edward Colston, of Mortlake, in the county of 
 Surrey, being in good bodily health, and of sound mind and memory, praised 
 be God for it — do make and declare, and publish this my last Will and Testa- 
 ment following : — First, I commit my spirit to God who gave it, and my body 
 to the earth." Then follow directions for the funeral, with which the reader 
 is acquainted, concluding thus " and for the worldly estate wherewith it hath 
 pleased God to bless me, I do dispose thereof as foUoweth." 
 
 The property which he had settled upon his nephew, Edward Colston, on 
 his marriage with Mary Debbert, was to be enjoyed by his male issue, but 
 he dying without an heir, Colston directed it to go to the male issue of 
 his nephew's daughter, Sarah Colston, and should she marry, her husband to 
 take the name of Colston within six months.^ 
 
 We do not purpose to individualize the legacies, excepting those bequests 
 to charitable purposes, which have not come under our notice in the course of 
 the work ; or where they possess an interest from the description of the pro- 
 perty left, or the name or position of the legatee. 
 
 1 Trustees appointed for the said Sarah were : Thos. Edwards, of Bristol, Esq., Thos. Edwards, 
 the younger, of the Middle Temple, Esq., Francis Colston, of Bristol, Merchant, Henry Hoare, of 
 London, Groldsmith, Eohert Carr, late of London, Mercer. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 471 
 
 To Hester Bowman, £30, on condition that she do in all things conform to the Estab- 
 lished Church of England. 
 " To John Colston, who was my servant, £50, and to his father, Thomas, £5, and to 
 his brother, George, £5 per annum, to each for their lives, both of whom are in my 
 Almshouse, on St. Michael's Hill, Bristol." To each of the four servants in his employ 
 at the time of his decease, he left £10 for mourning. 
 
 To his cousin, Charles Brent, Rector of St. Werburgh's, Bristol, £50. 
 To his cousin, Mary Edwards, £500, the interest for her life, and after her decease to 
 her daughter, Sophia. 
 
 He gave to his cousin's daughter Mary, his God-daughter, £8000 ; and he further gave 
 to her daughter Sophia £5000, — provided they marry with the consent of their 
 parents. The Legatees to have their principal and no interest : all the Charities to 
 be paid out of his personal estate. To his niece, Mary Edwards, an India chest ; 
 also, her mother and sisters' pictures, at his house at Mortlake. 
 The house he held by lease ; and in his will he says, " that should the person who may 
 take the house for the remainder of my lease not give a valuable consideration as 
 well for the orange trees, as for the evergreens now growing in the garden, and 
 likewise for the statues, I would have them sold, — as also the hearths and other 
 things set up in the said house, — for the benefit of my grand-niece, Sarah Colston." 
 She was daughter of his nephew, Edward Colston, deceased. To her he also gave the 
 furniture of the house, including his India chest and two India cabinets, with his 
 coach horses, coach, and chariot, and his plate,i a buckle of diamonds, and his gold 
 watch ; but, in the event of her dying before marriage, the whole was to be equally 
 divided between his niece, and Mary Edwards, and his kinsman, Francis Colston. 
 By a codicil to his will, he directs that his furniture, goods, plate, and pictures were to 
 remain in the house until the expiration of his lease, and to be moderately used by 
 Thomas Edwards (the younger), Esq., if he should inhabit therein, — but so as they 
 be not much prejudiced. He was also empowered to sell for his own use all such 
 evergreens and trees, as Colston had planted in the garden, which he should judge 
 may be removed without a breach of the lease. The Executors were directed to pay 
 the rent during the remainder of the term. 
 He directed Ids picture,^ and that of his father, which were in his drawing-room at 
 Mortlake, should, at his death, be sent to Bristol, and set up in the School-room of 
 his Hospital, on St. Augustine's Back. 
 
 1 It is said when the plate of Colston was to be divided among the family, such was the veneration 
 in which he was held, that they sawed parts of it up, and adorned their sidehoards with the fragments. 
 
 2 This portrait was lent to Mr. Francis Colston, who kept it a considerable time. The Society 
 of Merchants, ia 1728, desired that it might be returned. Their request was not compUed with; 
 and, in 1730, they ordered that legal proceedings should be taken against him, unless he re-deUver 
 
472 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " To the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts £300 
 
 To the Governors of the "Workhouse without Bishopsgate 100 
 
 To Christ's Hospital, London 1000^ 
 
 To St. Bartholomew's Hospital 500^ 
 
 To St. Thomas's Hospital 500* 
 
 To Bethlehem Hospital in Moorfields 600"* 
 
 He directed that the monies thus bequeathed, " should be laid out in lands and here- 
 ditaments, in fee simple, not only as an addition to increase the revenues of such 
 Hospitals, but to be subject to the same trusts by which they were founded and 
 governed ; and his will loas, that none of the sums should be paid to their respective 
 Treasurers, till their Governors should have found out, and agreed for, lands, rents, 
 and tenements, to the value of the sums thereby given, and the interest in the mean- 
 time to be applied to his personal estate." 
 
 In consequence of the provision we have marked in the will, the £500, to 
 St. Bartholomew's Hospital, was not paid tiU 1722-3, — and that to Bethlehem, 
 till 1736. In this clause is again evident that prudence presided over the 
 whole course of Colston's actions ; it also shows the anxiety he felt, that what 
 he gave or bequeathed for charitable purposes, should be so firmly secured by 
 every possible means the judgment of man could devise, that nought but the 
 total overthrow of the empire, the trampling upon aU human laws, should 
 
 the pioture. On this intimation, we suppose, the portrait was returned. It now adorns the School 
 on St. Augustine's Back. The features have great beauty of expression, — ^mild and benevolent as 
 we may conceive the great Philanthropist. The portrait of his father has been, although noticed in 
 the will, unaccountably allowed to be lost : it was at this time in Bristol, at his cousin Edwards's. 
 
 1 This legacy appears to have been applied in aid of a purchase made by the Governor in 1722, 
 of the " BeU," or " Blue BeU," with other premises, in the parish of St. Andrew, Holbom. 
 
 2 With which, and £260 more, was purchased a house at the comer of GUtspur Street. He 
 had previously given £2000, to purchase an estate of £100 a-year, to be settled on this Hospital. 
 A "Ward in this Hospital, is still caUed Colston's Ward ; it is one of the largest, and it is therefore 
 impossible to say how many thousands of his afflicted feUow-creatures, from this benefaction, have 
 had cause to bless and revere his name. 
 
 3 This formed part of the sum of £3651, the purchase-money of sundry premises in Paternoster 
 Kow, Mermaid Court, &c., London, now in possession of the Hospital. 
 
 * "We learn that the Governor, 16th May, 1736, purchased of the Coimtess Granville, and three 
 others, a dweUing-house, being part of a large messuage, called the "Four Swans Inn," at"Waltham 
 Cross, Herts, with eighty-five acres of land there. "We allude to this purchase, because we find 
 that an entry, 12th January, 1731, makes mention, that part of the money was composed of this 
 legacy. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 473 
 
 wrench the sacred trust from the hands of its appointed Guardians, or turn 
 the stream of his benevolence from the channel he had willed it should 
 ever flow. 
 
 To the person who shall read prayers every Monday and Tuesday morning in All- 
 Saints' Church, in such a manner as it hath been used for forty years past, by the 
 gift of his brother, Richard Colston, £7 per annum. 
 
 To the Churchwardens of St. Mary Redcliff, towards the building of a gallery, and 
 setting up an organ, £100. 
 
 £100 per ann. for twelve years, to apprentice poor boys, clothed and taught in Temple 
 School. He also gave £10, each to yoUng men, towards setting them up in trades ; 
 none to have any benefit save such as shall conform to the Established Church. 
 
 To the Schools in the following parishes, for twelve years, £10 per ann. each, viz. — 
 St. Philip, St. Thomas, Redcliff, St. James, St. Michael, and St. Augustine. 
 
 To teach the boys and girls to read, write, and sew, — and to be educated in the principles 
 of the Church of England, £5, per ann. for twelve years, — to each of the Charity 
 Schools named in a second schedule to his wiU ; the children to be educated in the 
 principles of the Church of England, and not otherwise. 
 
 To his School at Mortlake he left, " for twelve years, £25, per annum, for teaching 
 twelve boys of the said parish to read, write, cypher, and repeat by heart, and 
 thoroughly to understand the grounds of the Catechism of the Church of England ; 
 and to provide them with books for the purpose ; and to clothe them, as they are 
 now clothed and educated by me. Also, £20, per annum, for the like purpose, for 
 twelve girls. To attend the Church Prayers, as they now do, three times a week." 
 
 And in the event of the children not complying with his directions, he revokes his gift; 
 but recommends and heartily requests the gentlemen of the parish, to inspect their 
 behaviour relating to the premises. 
 
 " To the Mercers' Company of London, £200, in compensation for a fine le-^ded upon 
 me, for not serving the office of "Warden, when they elected me ; but I recommend 
 them to bestow it on some charitable use." 
 
 Date of Will, 26th May, 1720. First Codicil, 1st June ; 2nd Ditto, 20th December ; 
 3rd Ditto, 24th December, all in the year 1720. The will was written on thirty- 
 three sheets of paper. Witnesses — Joseph Edwards, Thomas EUiot, WUHam 
 Dickenson, Edward Booth, and Robert King. 
 
 By a decree of the Court of Chancery, dated 30th June, 8th year of the reign of George 
 the First, it was decreed that Edward Colston's Executors, should come to an 
 account before Mr. Hiccock, one of the Masters of the Court, of aU monies which 
 had come to their hands ; and to produce annually before the said Master, an act 
 touching the disposition of the Testator's property. 
 
 ^ P 
 
474 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 The Executors came before Thomas Bennet;, Esq., (successor to Mr. Hiccock,) who 
 made his report, dated 1st June, 1725, viz. — that he found there came into the 
 hands of the Executors : — 
 
 Of the Personal Estate £83,950 2 10 
 
 In the hands of Thomas Edwards, Sen., to balance his account 
 
 at the time of the Testator's death 769 8 6 
 
 In the hands of Henry Hoare, then deceased 134 6 6 
 
 In the hands of Francis Colston, being money he received of 
 
 Mr. Trye, for Interest 580 
 
 £85,433 17 10 
 Which amount came into the hands of the Executors, besides the South Sea and Bank 
 Stock, and other public securities. The Master also found the Executors had paid 
 and were to pay for the said Testator, debts, funeral expenses, and legacies, the 
 sum of £41,196 : 19 : 8 ; which being deducted from £85,433 : 17 : 10, there would 
 remain the sum of £44,236 : 18 : 2, in the Executor's hands, as the residue of the 
 personal estate, over and above his debts, funeral expenses, and legacies ; besides 
 the South Sea and Bank Stock, and other public securities. 
 
 Colston's munificence was guided by prudence, — controlled by a sense of 
 justice. He had not neglected the care of relatives, nor the demands of 
 friendship. His public and private benefactions had not been made at the 
 expense of those who were near and dear to him. The preceding extracts 
 show, that while doing the great business of his life, it was not at the sacrifice 
 of the interests of kindred, or the claims of affection. 
 
 There are four known Portraits of Colston. The best, that in the School on 
 St. Augustine's Back, hung in his " blue drawing-room," at Mortlake. One in 
 the Council House, that shows the Corporation early appreciated his worth.^ 
 It is painted by J. Richardson, and engraved by Virtue. The inscription, in 
 a comprehensive summary, setteth forth Colston's character and good works. 
 
 " Edward Colston, Esq., the brightest example of Christian liberality that this age has 
 produced, both for the extensiveness of his charities, and the prudent regulation of 
 them. In whose Hospital, School, and Alms-houses, erected and fitted up at Bristol, 
 at y expence of many thousand pounds, and endowed with a very plentiful estate, 
 106 boys are for ever clothed, maintained, educated, and usefully placed out. 40 
 more clothed, and qualified for businesse, by a thorough instruction in writing and 
 
 1 " 1702. Jime 26tli, Paid Aid" Eob* Tate, by order, for Mr. Colston's picture, £17 : 11 : 0. 
 Carriage of tte picture from London, 2s. 6d." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 475 
 
 " anthmetick ; and 30 men and women harboured and competently supported for life. 
 From whom many Charity Schools, in several parts of England, had large donations. 
 Most of the Churches in Bristol, and some elsewhere, obtained great sums towards 
 their rebuilding, repairing, and beautifying. All ye Hospitals and Workhouses in 
 London and Bristol, and the Society for Propagating the Gospel, received very 
 large benefactions; and 60 poor Livings a considerable augmentation, by whom 
 suiEcient provision, in many places, was made for ever, for prayers, sermons, and 
 catechetical lectures; and many other charities bestowed, not here mentioned; 
 besides his private ones, probably not inferior to those known, which will then first 
 he made publick when they meet with their reward." 
 
 " Hie non divitias nigrantibus abdidit antris 
 
 Nee tenebris damnavit opes : sed largior imbre 
 
 Sueverat iimumeras bomiaum ditare eatervas 
 
 Quippe velut densos cuireiitia munera nimbos 
 
 Cemere semper erat ; popuH uadare Penates, 
 
 Assiduos intrare, inopes, remeare beatos." — Clattb. 
 
 There is also a Greek inscription from Isocrates. The print was published the year 
 after Colston's decease. A third Portrait is in the Merchants' Hall ; and the fourth, 
 painted by Kneller, is at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, London, signed " Edward 
 Colston, 1693." 
 
 Immediately following Colston's decease, the local press issued papers 
 proclaiming his virtues. Some of these papers are fanciful, and present a 
 singular mixture of truth and fiction. But they are to be prized, as showing, 
 even at that time, how little was known of the events of his life, and the 
 exalted estimation he had obtained in that most imperishable of records, the 
 hearts of men, more especially, as they constitute the foundation on which 
 successive biographers have gathered the meagre outlines, which we have 
 vainly endeavoured to complete. One before us is so characteristic, that 
 although it repeats many passages in his life, we have not disturbed its entire- 
 ness by omitting them. The paper is so quaint, so genuine, so fuU of the 
 sentiments and gossip of the day, that it would be unpardonable, after its long 
 preservation, to allow it now to perish. 
 
 " The Birth, Life, and Actions of Edward Colston, Esq., who departed this Life, the 
 
 11th day of October, 1721, aged 86 years ; to which is added, his Funeral Elegy :— 
 
 Edward Colston, Esq., was born the 2nd of November, in the year of our Lord, 
 
 1635, of very creditable, as well as Pious Parents ; his father, Mr. WiUiam Colston, 
 
 a Merchant, living in Wine Street, Bristol ; having wedded Councellor Bettin's 
 
476 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 daughter, by whom he had five sons and three daughters, Edward the eldest 
 surviving them all, who is the subject of our ensuing discourse. In his infancy, he 
 was put to nurse to a woman of good repute, then living at Winterborne, in the 
 County of Gloucester, who having carefully discharged her trust, returned him to 
 his parents ; who took a due care (as soon as his minority would admit) to have 
 him instructed, not only in learning fit for business, but also to have him well 
 grounded in the principles of the Christian Religion, according to the purity of the 
 Church of England, as by law established, which he never relinquished to his 
 dying day. 
 
 "He was a youth of a very prompt wit, but somewhat reserved; not given to 
 loquacity, but rather grave and solid ; yet his temper was afiable and courteous, and 
 far from being rigid and sour, like some enthusiasts who place a great part of 
 religion in grimace and an hypocritical countenance. 
 
 " When he grew up to some maturity, his father sent him as a factor to Spain, in which 
 station, for some years, he behaved himself with great diligence, prudence, and 
 care. Providence blessing his industry with continual success ; so that at last he 
 came home loaded with riches, as well as experience, and immediately began to 
 exercise his bounty and generosity in a grateful donation to his nurse, for her ten- 
 derness and kindness to him during his infancy. After the death of his parents, 
 having sufficiently provided for his brothers and sisters, he removed to London, 
 having frequent business there, as weU on his own private afiairs, as the publick, 
 being sometime a Member of Parliament for the City of Bristol. He always 
 afiiected a private life, having a handsome seat by the Thames side, at a place called 
 Mortelack, where he spent most of his Heavenly life in works of piety and charity ; 
 neither could any of his friends or relations ever persuade him to marry, least the 
 incumbrances of a family should take him off from spiritual duties. 
 
 " And though he always endeavoured to conceal his pious and charitable gifts and actions, 
 (like our Lord Christ,) yet some were so pubUc, (like a City on a hiU) they could 
 not be hid. And indeed they ought to be known, that men seeing his good works, 
 may glorify our Father, which is in heaven ; for surely, should men be silent in his 
 praise, the very stone walls he has built, would record his Name, and fame for ever, 
 in spight of envy and ingratitude; but the word of God says, ' the righteous shall he 
 had in everlasting remembrance.^ 
 
 " 0, you Reverend Divines of St. Werburgh's and St. Peter's ! record the virtues of 
 your noble and generous Benefactor, and fail not next Lent at your Lecture, to add 
 to your former subjects the Godly and exemplary life of the Great, the Brave, and 
 Heavenly minded Edward Colston. Is there any Church in your City that stood 
 in need of repair that he did not freely contribute to the building or beautifying of 
 it ? Was there any poor family in need or distress that he has not relieved, if in 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 477 
 
 the least acquainted with it ? and for that purpose gave one hundred pounds yearly 
 to be distributed at the Churchwardens' direction, besides his private allowances ? 
 
 " 0, you hundred pretty boys on St. Awtin's Back ! what cause have you to raise your 
 voices to the skies for him who gave you clothes, food, and learning, and money to 
 begin the world withal ! 
 
 " 'Tis needless to tell the public of the provision he has made for twelve poor old men 
 and as many old women at his Almshouses on St. Michael's Hill (erected 1691,) the 
 endowments being great, noble, and generous, it is so well known to the City 
 already J or to mention the six venerable old men, that subsist by his Christian 
 liberality in the Merchants' Almshouse, with others on the same score; or to 
 enlarge on his goodness, to 40 boys in Temple Street, that owe their well-being 
 (under God) to his extensive Charity. These things are so well known and com- 
 mended by all ranks and degrees, that the repetition would be vain and superfluous ; 
 wherefore I shall take notice of other generous deeds done in London by him, 
 that perhaps has not reached the ears of the common people. 
 
 " His penurious, avaricious Housekeeper, telling him sometimes that he was profuse 
 and over free, he would reply: — "Sweetheart, be not troubled, I only lend it 
 to the Lord, he will restore me fourfold ; riches flow on me surprisingly ; I 
 have it from Christ, to distribute among his poor members ; I neither can, nor will 
 be unfaithful to my trust." When some friends would urge him to marry, he 
 usually replied in a sort of pleasantness : — " Every helpless widow is my wife, and 
 distressed orphans my children." Being once told how the prisoners in Ludgate, 
 London, had drawn a petition for an Act of Grace, to insolvent debtors, and meeting 
 with some demurre, he secretly sends a Gentleman, with three-thousand pounds, 
 and clears all those whose debts were not over large, with strict orders not to discover 
 the donor. 
 
 " Also every year he sent a trusty friend to Whitechapel prison, and the Marshalsea, to 
 discharge all that were there for small debts, and relieve others with food and money. 
 He likewise sent one thousand pounds to Whitechapel Church, to be disposed of 
 to charitable uses ; having heard that many poor indigent people belonged to that 
 parish ; for which public thanks were given to the private Benefactor, in golden 
 letters, on a Table hung up in the aforesaid church for that purpose. 
 
 " He allowed a large quantity of beef and broth to be dressed twice a week, and given 
 to all the poor people round about him. When any poor sailor in his service was 
 cast away, or suffered other misfortunes, he always took care their wives and children 
 should not want ; providing for them in a very noble and charitable manner. In 
 short, nobody ever applied to him in their need, and went away empty handed. 
 He never enquired their country or religion, — being men and Christians was sufficient 
 to his charity. 
 
478 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 " Thus he lived, loving and beloved of all that knew him, till the snowy icicles, or 
 blossoms of the grave, crowned his head with age and honour ; and then, like a 
 lamb, or saint of God, he fell asleep, the 11th of October, 1721, aged eighty-six 
 years, wanting some days ; and was buried at All Saints' Church, in Bristol, the 
 27th of the same month." 
 
 The Elegy is highly imaginative, but it elicits no facts to detain us. Another 
 by a cotemporary writer, rather more fanciful, is so characteristic an example 
 of the style of these compositions that were hawked about the streets, on the 
 day of his funeral, that a few gleanings will be our excuse for not rendering 
 the whole. As a specimen of the typography of the period it is interesting 
 and elegant. It is illustrated with a figure of Time, — underneath is a label 
 with the words " Memento Mori ;" on one side is a skull and cross bones, — an 
 hour glass on the other : — 
 
 " Ye Good Bristohans, who did e'er admire 
 The tuneful Thoughts which Phoebus does inspire, — 
 Attend the Poet's most Harmonious Lays, 
 Fraught with the excellence of Colston's praise." 
 
 In this strain with equal felicity, the poet continues for some lines, we select 
 the most reasonable — 
 
 " 'Twould be an Endless Task t' enumerate 
 Thy liberal Blessings, to a Failing State — " 
 
 " How Beautiously thy Hospitals arise. 
 And raise their heads amidst the Lucid Skies ! 
 Indeed, such Noble Structures must agree 
 With Air, and find with Heav'n Affinity." 
 
 " Ye Hundred Youths, who still enjoy a Bliss, 
 Proceeding from your Patron's good Success — 
 With an Eternal Melody convey 
 His transient Soul, along the Milky- Way." 
 &c., &c. 
 
 Having thus exhausted his powers, the composition is concluded in these 
 words — 
 
 " But Since He's Dead, let us his Loss deplore. 
 And Charm his Friends with our Concordant Lore : 
 Whilst his Triumphant Soul advances High, 
 To meet the Blessings of th' JStherial Sky." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 479 
 
 After this is an " Epitaph," forming an acrostic, which we spare the reader. 
 This choice effusion is signed " Bristol, Printed by Charles Bonny, in Corn 
 Street, 1721." 
 
 In so especial a manner had the parishes of Bristol, felt the benefit of the 
 charities established by Colston throughout his lifetime, that the citizens could 
 not withstand any appeal which was made to them, whereby they might express 
 their regret at his loss. To exhibit a due sense of his excellence, and 
 further to testify the regard and gratitude in which they held his memory, 
 we learn from a Benefaction Table in St. Mary Eedcliff, the following : — 
 
 " 1724. This year by the voluntary contributions of some of the parish was raised the 
 sum of £20, and paid into the vestry, the profit thereof to be paid for ringing the 
 bells in memory of the late Edward Colston, Esq., at the 2nd day of November, 
 yearly, for ever." — The sum of 20s. is annually paid by the vestry, 2nd November, 
 for ringing the bells on that day." 
 
 Our notice of Colston's most munificent endowment, his School on St. 
 Augustine's Back, may be extended beyond the period of his decease. Though 
 near a century and a half has elapsed, since its establishment ; yet each suc- 
 ceeding year has only rendered more admired, the profound wisdom and 
 judgment, Colston has displayed in the rules by which this and his other 
 charities are governed and administered. We are not acquainted with any 
 establishment, public or private, conducted in a more beautiful and healthy 
 spirit ; and did not our limits admonish us, we would look in upon the boys 
 and go over the " Great House," that our readers may share our pleasure in 
 beholding the wishes of Colston so truly carried forward. It is alike honour- 
 able to the Society of Merchants, and creditable to the present Master, Mr. 
 E. Eowlatt, whose influence over the boys is most kind and happy. 
 
 No passage of any interest occurs in the records of this School till 1770, 
 when a meeting of the Nominees,^ was held at the White Lion.^ Until this 
 
 1 See Appendix E. 
 
 2 Present :— Thomas Haynes, Jarrit Smith, Esqrs., Eev. William Smith, Eev. John Gardiaer, 
 Mr. Joseph Lewis, Mr. W. Barrow, Sir John Phillips, Bart.—" Several of the boys were badly 
 apparrel'd, without bands and badges, and Mr. Gardiner, the Master, was at Ms house in the country. 
 —Ordered that for the future Samuel Cumock do give a week's notice to all the Nomiriees previous 
 to the quarterly meeting.— Jarrit Smith, Esq., is desired to report to Mr. Baugh, Master of the 
 Merchants' Hall, of the deficiency in the boys' clothes, shoes, and shirts ; also, the want of bands 
 
480 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 period there is no name of the many here educated, that has outlived the 
 oblivion of the grave. None have stood palpably forth, — the light of their 
 memory reflecting on the scene of their youth. Many may have issued from 
 these portals with high and pure resolve — to contend in vain with " poverty's 
 unconquerable bar." One there was, a hapless, wayward, highly-gifted child, 
 upon whose youthful mind may here have dawned the conception of that delu- 
 sion, which was to mankind a marvel, — to himself destruction ! Here is the 
 first notice of the " sleepless boy of never-dying fame." 
 
 " It appeared that four boys had been admitted since the last visitation, and one bound 
 out. The vacancy having to be filled by the Nominees, they ordered Thomas, son 
 of Thomas and Sarah Chatterton, of St. Mary RedclifF, to be admitted ; recopimended 
 by the Rev. Jn° Gardiner, Vicar of Henbury, in the county of Gloucester." 
 
 We have had occasion to notice the high esteem in which Colston was 
 regarded during his life by the Dean and Chapter. Years have passed, and 
 other men fulfil the duties of the sacred offices, — yet, stUl does his memory 
 retain its impress. 
 
 " July 15th, 1762. 
 " The Dean and Chapter of Bristol, beiag desirous of contributing, as far as in their 
 power, to the great and noble Charity of the late Mr. Colston, oflFer to the gentlemen. 
 Trustees of the said Charity, the following proposals, viz. : — That the Dean and 
 Chapter will, for the future, take their six Choristers, or Singing Boys, out of the 
 number of boys educated and maintained by Mr. Colston's Charity. — That they will 
 pay to the Trustees the annual allowance of four pounds to each Chorister, to be 
 employed by them as they shall think proper, for the advantage of such boys as 
 shall be admitted Choristers. — That they will provide each boy to be admitted with 
 a surplice, hoping that the Trustees will allow another, so that the boys shall always 
 appear clean and decent at divine service. All lesser perquisites, belonging to the 
 Choristers, shall be given to the boys themselves, and some small salary added to 
 encourage them to be diligent. Such boys as shall behave themselves well, and 
 shall make a good proficiency ia music, may expect to succeed in the church as 
 Singing Men, as vacancies shall happen."' 
 
 and badges ; and to desire that he and the other Members of the Hall will cause the same to be 
 remedied, according to the 19th order for the government of the Hospital. — Thomas Haynes, 
 Jarrit Smith, W. Smith, Jos. Lewis, Wm. Barrow, John Grardiner, John Phillips." 
 
 1 " The Master of the School shall be desired to recommend such boys as appear to have good 
 voices, and are capable of learning music, to the Organist of the church; who, after examining them, 
 shah make his report to the Dean and Chapter, who shah then admit them as Choristers, provided 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 481 
 
 Easter-day, March 30th, 1776, the boys for 'the first time, wore a set of 
 silver badges, presented to the Charity by John Furrier, Esq., of London. 
 He also, in 1782, added £5, to Colston's £10, to each boy who should be 
 apprenticed from the Hospital. This payment ceased on Mr. Furrier's death. 
 He had been educated in this School, and left in February, 1760, to be 
 apprenticed to a Mr. Basil Wood. 
 
 Another benefactor, likewise educated here, was the late Fhilip Jones, Esq., 
 who invested £500, in the public funds, about the year 1814, for the use of 
 the boys. To this may be added another bestowment, from the late Mr. 
 Vaughan, the interest of which, as well as that of Mr. Jones's, is distributed 
 annually among the boys on the anniversary of the birth of the Founder.^ 
 
 When we consider the numbers that have been educated at this School, it 
 is rather surprising so few are recorded who have risen to opulence and 
 distinction. Have any in their prosperity forgotten the spring from whence 
 their power of advancement in the world did emanate ■? Unmindful how noble 
 the achievement of having founded their own fortunes, have they shrunk 
 from the disclosure, that in this Hospital was the seed sown, which in its 
 growth and maturity, would reflect credit on themselves, attest the value 
 of the establishment, and add to the lustre of its fame'?' 
 
 ttey submit to the order and discipline of the clmrcli. Sucli boys are to attend every day on the 
 choir service, at eleven o'clock in the morning, and four in the afternoon; and they shall, three or 
 four times in every week, be taught to sing, and iastmcted in musick by the Organist, or some 
 other proper person, for one hour at the least, viz. — ffom twelve o'clock to one. As soon as ever 
 they have done in the church, they shall return to School." 
 
 1 The Society of Merchants, out of their own funds, present each boy on his leaving the School 
 with a bible and prayer-book, handsomely bound, vfith this inscription on the iuside of each book: — 
 " Presented by the Incorporated Society of Merchant Venturers, of the City of Bristol, Trustees of 
 the Hospital fotmded by the late Edward Colston, Esq., in the year 1708, for the education in the 
 principles of the Church of England, schooling, maintenance, clothing, and apprenticing of one 
 hundred boys to *** on his leaving the Hospital, as a testimonial of his general good conduct." 
 Signed by the Master of the Society, and the Head-Master of the Hospital. 
 
 2 " Mr. Eichard Colston, was educated in the School founded by the Great Benefactor of Bristol, 
 where he acquired early, principles of religion and virtue, and habits of industry and integrity ; and 
 it is to these principles, and to these habits, that we are to attribute the respect and estimation in 
 which he is now held by his fellow-citizens. The unwearied exertions which this gentleman has 
 used in promoting various charitable and useful institutions ; and, in particular, the gratitude which 
 he has evinced towards his Benefactor, in devoting so much of his time and talent to forward the 
 
 ' Q 
 
482 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 We now arrive at our own times, and conclude our extract bearing upon 
 the School, with a decision given at the Court of Chancery, "Westminster, 
 whereby the funds of the Charity were considerably increased, so as to admit 
 an augmentation of the number of boys, — 
 
 " Court of Chancery, Westminster, January 28th, 1848. — The Attorney-General ». The 
 Society of Merchant Venturers of Bristol. — Judgment. 
 
 " This was an appeal from a decree of the Master of the Rolls, made under the follow- 
 ing circumstances : — In the year 1706, Edward Colston, an inhabitant of Bristol, 
 was desirous of founding a Charity for maintaining fifty poor boys of that City, 
 and with that view proposed to this Society that if they would find land, he would 
 find the money necessary for the purpose of purchasing it. The amount estimated 
 for supporting the Charity was £750 a-year, but as Mr.' Colston was afterwards 
 desirous of increasing the number of boys to one hundred, the estimated annual 
 income was raised to about £1300. In pursuance of this agreement, land was so 
 purchased, and conveyed by Mr. Colston to the Merchant Venturers absolutely, 
 who were out of the rents to keep up the Charity. Amongst other covenants, 
 however, in the deeds, was one on behalf of Mr. Colston and his Executors, to the 
 effect, that if it at any future period the income of the Charity should be insufficient 
 for the purpose for which it had been founded, they would make up such deficiency; 
 and that if there -should happen to be a surplus, it was to be applied to the use of 
 the Charity. The annual value of the property having considerably increased, being 
 at the present time upwards of £3000 a-year, the question was, whether the Society 
 were beneficially entitled to the excess, or whether they only held it as Trustees for 
 the Charity. The Master of the Rolls decided against the claim of the Society, 
 and they appealed from his decree. 
 
 " The Lord Chancellor this morning gave judgment ; and, after going through the facts, 
 said, that the question turned upon the construction to be placed upon the deeds. 
 It appeared to him that the Society at the time consented to be the Managers of the 
 Charity for Mr. Colston ; and it also seemed that such was the impression of Mr. 
 Colston ; for he continued to receive the rents up to the year 1710. The main 
 point therefore was one of intention. Did Mr. Colston intend to give the property 
 absolutely to the Corporation upon the condition of their keeping up the Charity, or 
 were they to be merely the Trustees of it ? The case of " Jackson v. " (12 CI. 
 
 interests of the Society,^ in wMch he on Saturday presided, have received, in the applause of his 
 fellow-citizens, only the reward they strictly merited, — a reward, however, the true value of which 
 those only can duly appreciate who have deserved and received it. "We cannot omit also to add, 
 that the loyalty of Mr. Colston, and his attachment to Church and State, are equalled only by his 
 utihty and uprightness in every charitable oiSce that he undertakes." 
 
 " Dolphin Society, 1813. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 483 
 
 " and Fin.), was almost the same one ; and, although it was not altogether free from 
 doubt, he (the Lord Chancellor) thought the balance of evidence with the respect to 
 the intention, was in favour of the Charity. The covenant in the deed respecting 
 the surplus, outweighed any doubt that might otherwise have been felt in the matter. 
 The opinion therefore of the Master of the Rolls was the right one, and must be 
 affirmed. The decree would be that the Corporation, after repayment of a mortgage 
 for £2000, on the property paid off by them, were Trustees of the property for the 
 Charity, and must transfer it to that purpose. As the case was not quite clear, the 
 appeal would be dismissed without costs. — Judgment affirmed." — Newspaper 
 Paragraph. 
 
 A most effective mode of doing honour to our Philanthropist is one of which 
 the City has every reason to be proud. One, we believe without a parallel, 
 and one, bearing an affinity to the object he so remarkably pursued. It is a 
 celebration of Charity, and one day in the year beholds the peculiar and 
 gladdening spectacle of a great City engaged in the act of alms-giving ; let us 
 hope with something of the spirit of him to whom the day is dedicated. The 
 Societies formed for this purpose, by their annual commemorations, preserve 
 from one generation to another, in an impressive, striking, and appropriate 
 manner, the memory of Colston and his actions ; and except in one solitary 
 instance, to which we shall refer, no anniversary has passed since their 
 establishment, without this celebration. The members of the Societies attend 
 divine service, when a sermon is preached; and they subsequently dine together. 
 On these occasions, besides our chief citizens, there are frequently assembled 
 many distinguished persons, from all parts of the kingdom ; — and it is the 
 custom for the Chairman of the different Societies, to give any information 
 they may have obtained of their noble exemplar ; each seeking in com- 
 mendation of Colston's immortal memory, to elicit some new feature in a 
 character so justly and highly prized. Thus the influence of his example, owing 
 to the admiration excited by it, and the grateful memory of his many acts 
 of benevolence, so quickeneth and stimulates the sympathies of the banqueters, 
 that large sums are annually collected and applied to humane purposes, — 
 while a knowledge of his excellence is disseminated, and made known to many 
 who have it in their power in some measure " to do like^vise." An able writer 
 remarks: — "Political conflicts have convulsed the kingdom, contending parties 
 have alternately been in the ascendant, interests have been dislocated, or have 
 
484 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 disappeared ; yet the Colston anniversary, as an institution, and the Societies 
 which celebrate it, have lived through, and outlived all the alterations and 
 revolutions that have taken place. Unshaken in the tranquil strength of a 
 powerful, though placid principle, they have stood unaffected by influences 
 that have shaken and destroyed a succession of other Societies ; and have 
 proved, however popular and highly favoured party topics may be for a time, 
 for vitality, and to bear the test of years, charity, as a bond of strength, is that 
 alone upon which we can rely."^ 
 
 The earliest Society established was " The Colston," whose first meeting 
 took place, November 2nd, 1726, when the sum of £34 : 4 was subscribed by 
 twenty-three individuals, " for a sermon to be preached in the Parish Church 
 of St. Mary Eedcliff, on the 2nd November, yearly for ever, and the interest of 
 the surplus money, if any, shall be paid for the use of the Charity School of 
 the said parish for ever." November 2nd, 1729. They met again, " for raising 
 a sum of money to be paid into the Vestry of St. Mary Eedcliff, the profit 
 thereof to be given to the poor in bread, on the 2nd November, for ever." 
 The amount subscribed was £56 : 18. It will be seen from the informa- 
 tion we have gathered respecting this and the brethren Societies, the steady 
 advance they are making, and that many distinguished characters devoted to the 
 Constitution in Church and State, have from time to time been not only sub- 
 scribers to this and the other Societies, but also personal attendants at the 
 anniversaries.^ 
 
 The " Dolphin," was established by the Tories in 1749. The first president 
 was Francis Woodward — eighteen persons dined, but there was no collection. 
 The following year, under the same presidency, there was again no collection, 
 and only twelve persons present. This number was increased in the third 
 year to twenty-seven, when the collections commenced with the sum of 
 £4 : 17, Peter Wells, president. The visitants and contributors to this 
 charity have since progressively increased, and subscriptions have been received 
 exceeding £600. It is remarkable, that in the year 1831, when in con- 
 sequence of the riots, no dinner was given, — the collection was less than it 
 had been for twenty-five years previously, thus showing how the enjoyment of 
 the good things of this world assist in expanding the heart, and awakening 
 the kindlier sympathies towards our necessitous fellow creatures.^ 
 
 Another society was established in 1758; it is called the "Grateful," and 
 
 1 Bristol Times. 2 gee Appendix F. 3 See Appendix Gr. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 485 
 
 differs from the others, in not blending the elements of party feeling with the 
 pure spirit of charity in which it originated.^ 
 
 The " Anchor," was founded by the Whigs in 1769. On the occasion of 
 the presidency of Arthur Palmer, Esq., in 1844, the following account was 
 given of its origin :—" November 28th, 1768, several gentlemen disposed to 
 hand down the memory of Colston, assembled at the Three Tuns, a tavern of 
 some note, that stood on the site of the present Exchange, and then formed 
 this splendid charitable society. Many of the members were men of consi- 
 derable eminence — among whose names that of Henry Cruger, so highly 
 famed in the electioneering annals of Bristol, stood conspicuous. (Their first 
 dinner was at the Three Tuns, in 1760,) when Mr. Gilbert Davies was 
 the first president — twenty-two members assembled, and the sum of twelve 
 guineas was the result. From that period, by great exertion, it had progres- 
 sively increased to its present state." ^ 
 
 Identified with Colston, is an isolated and picturesque mansion at Mortlake, 
 It is seen from the lower road to Hichmond, a field in front, and stately trees 
 surrounding. The sombre, mellowed, indescribable tone, that years impart, is 
 upon it, and a dingy aspect of neglect and decay, has grown on the ancient 
 dwelling. It has a grave old vacancy of aspect, and looks mournful, solitary, 
 and deserted, as it is. "We were in search of Colston's residence, and seeing 
 a peculiar character about this, enquired its name, and were told it was Ohver 
 Cromwell's house. This was the house we sought. We crept through the 
 fence into the field and stood before the grave old pile, — instinctively feeling 
 an involuntary reverence for the abode of departed goodness. On either side 
 tall aspiring poplar trees, of considerable magnitude cast their restless shadows 
 on the walls, and darkened the silent chambers. The building is of irregular 
 construction. A small court is enclosed by the projecting wings, separated 
 from the road by a low wall with wooden rails, and entered through an 
 ornamental iron gate-way, between two square columns supporting globes. In 
 the columns are two semicircular-headed niches, over seats, it may be for the 
 passing wayfarer, or tarrying beggar. Tall, yeUow, sickly grass, and rank 
 luxurious weeds, grow from the crevices of the stones in the paved court. 
 Fissures yawn in the decaying walls. The closed shutters from which the 
 blistering paint has peeled looked sad, blank, and dismal. All was cheerless, 
 hushed, and still, — save the echo of our footsteps, and the creaking of some 
 
 1 See Appendix H. ^ gee Appendix I. 
 
486 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 open casement, that with monotonous and dreary sound grated on the ear. 
 How many associations thronged the imagination, and impressed themselves 
 upon the mind as wrapped in thought ; we turned the key in the hall door, 
 and crossed the threshold. — From hence, Colston had issued when his 
 henevolent schemes, had called his presence to our City, to inspect the 
 progress of his Almshouses, his Hospital, and his Schools. From hence, he 
 had come to be hailed as our Representative in Parliament, — and from hence, 
 in honoured age had his body been borne to the hearse, that in solemn caval- 
 cade conveyed it to its sepulture within our ancient walls ! But we have 
 entered the hall, and from the dreamy images of the past, the mind awakens 
 to the deserted house — to the rustling of the autumnal leaves, that fluttering 
 on the slabbed pavement, are wafted by the passing breeze through the open 
 door-way. 
 
 There is nothing in the interior to call for any descriptive detail. Its prin- 
 cipal characteristic is a remarkable plainness ; and, though the walls are covered 
 with oak panelling (coloured, of course, to the taste of the late occupiers), yet, 
 throughout the house, neither the balustrades of the stairs, the cornices of the 
 rooms, nor the chimney-pieces,betoken, except in one instance, the least attempt 
 to diverge, frorii a primitive simplicity by any introduction of ornament. 
 Lysons doubts the tradition that this house was ever the residence of 
 Cromwell, to which opinion we also incline ; but, as it appears from the 
 assessments made during the Protectorate, that some of his city friends had 
 houses at Mortlake, there is more probability in supposing it to have been the 
 residence of Ireton ; — thus connecting it with Cromwell, who may have 
 frequently visited here, — which tradition also favours. The style of building 
 is in such strict accordance with the rigid notions of the Puritans, that we 
 may, in the absence of conclusive evidence, afiix its erection to their era. It 
 has undergone but little change, with the exception of replacing some of the 
 latticed casements with sash windows, and the introduction of marble chimney 
 pieces in the principal apartments. The superior elevation given by modern 
 architects to our rooms, is in happy and healthy contrast to the low and heavy 
 proportion of these, — where a Cavalier, had such appeared, would have brushed 
 the ceiling with his lofty plumes. The entrance hall alone is of fair proportion. 
 
 Turning from the hall to the right, we perceive, through an arched-way, 
 what is usually called the " grand staircase," — where, affixed to the balustrade. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 487 
 
 still remains a lamp, covered with, a large globe-formed glass shade, — whose 
 preservation, during the chances and changes of years, considering its frail mate- 
 rial, is little less than marvellous. Straw and paper, bricks and lime, and aU the 
 rubbish that follow removal, and accumulates in void, deserted houses, strewed 
 the stairs, the passages, and rooms. Spiders, undisturbed, had taken possession of 
 all corners, and their spreading net-work gave token of their long security. What 
 had been the scenes, where all is now so silentl The sweet humanities of life, 
 united with charity and love, dwelt here ; — the music of the heart's prayer for 
 helpless poverty spoke here ; — there was the room where Colston had sat — 
 his library ; — it was here his earnest and benevolent spirit dictated the execution 
 of his noble intentions ; — and in this room were written his many letters — his 
 first and last to the administrators of his Charities. In another apartment once 
 hung the portraits of himself and father. Colston called it his " blue drawing 
 room," — and the hue of the walls is still unchanged, — and there, retaining its 
 lattice windows, is the chamber in which his spirit had passed away. How 
 mournful, dismantled, and forlorn, it strikes on the pensive memory ! 
 
 Ascending a few stairs, we arrive at a long, narrow room, occupying the 
 entire depth of the western wing : — to this, tradition assigns the name of 
 " Cromwell's Council Chamber." It has a vaulted ceiling, and its walls are 
 panelled with oak, painted white, with some attempt at ornament in the carving 
 of small festoons of flowers in the cornice. A fire place is at the south end, 
 with a lattice window on either side. Light is admitted from three other 
 similar windows on the west ; and, at the north, a modern sash window has 
 been inserted, near which is a small closet or pantry. The so-called " Council 
 Chamber " is more peculiarly adapted for a banqueting hall, or general dining 
 
 room. 
 
 The attic floor has a wild, rambling, crazy, ghost-like character,— with strips 
 of paper hanging from the damp walls, and torn and scattered in heaps about ; 
 and, where the rain has penetrated, streams of water have left darkened patches 
 upon the moistened floor. The panelhng, also, has in many places been torn 
 from the walls, by a speculative resident (the last inhabitant), in the flattering 
 delusion that concealed treasure was to be found ; and dark, black apertures 
 remain. Besides, there are mysterious inky closets, admirably adapted for scenes 
 of a doleful and terrific character, where the Kadcliffe school of romance would 
 love to revel. Here tradition comes to our assistance, and Cromwell is again 
 
488 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 the tlieme. It points to a very perceptible closet or chamber, formed in the 
 gable of the roof, to which access is obtained by a few stairs. This has the 
 picturesque appellation of " Old Noll's Hole ; " and here we are told Cromwell 
 was wont to conceal himself, — why or wherefore, appears to be involved in 
 mystery. History, though it informs us that he shifted his chamber often 
 towards the close of his days, does not record that he was ever under the 
 necessity of hiding himself in a dark closet. Another marvel of the story is, 
 that, with his natural sense about him, he should have deluded himself into 
 the belief that so palpable a recess could escape observation. 
 
 Returning to the hall, we passed through to the north side of the house ; 
 this is relieved by a plain portico, supported by four Doric columns, and has no 
 particular feature of note, except that of having the same grave and sombre 
 aspect, — the same gloomy, melancholy character, — common to all houses whose 
 life has departed, and whose walls are desolated. On the lawn a striking 
 object presents itself, in a magnificent catalpa tree, whose branches spreading 
 from the parent root, spring from the earth at some distance, and form a 
 considerable circumference, which, when entire, was said to have been the 
 largest in England. Since the death of the last aged resident,^ the grounds 
 which border the Thames, have been uncared for ; and the gravel paths that 
 surround the lawn and extend through the shrubberies, are no longer dis- 
 cernible,, except by a slight elevation of the grass, that indicates their course. 
 Evergreens, probably the same of which Colston makes mention in his 
 Will, — Portugal laurel, ilex, yew, myrtle, sycamore, laurestinas, and others 
 abound, and partially conceal the flower and vegetable garden, which the 
 walks inclose. But the statues of which he speaks, no trace remains. There 
 was something mournfully impressive, in the neglect and desertion of this 
 long cherished and endeared retreat ; ancestral trees, spread their umbrageous 
 giant arms around, and in their solid stateliness, seemed mute enduring 
 witnesses of the generations which had frolicked beneath their branches, or 
 pondered in their shade, — but little changed, perchance, since Colston musing 
 on his good intents, that occupied the measure of his days, had trod the 
 verdant turf. 
 
 The walks terminate in an open green sward, in the centre of which is a 
 picturesque summer house, with a kind of ogee sweeped roof, crowned with 
 a pedestal and ball, covered with disjointed slates, verdant in nature's mossy 
 
 1 Miss Aynscomb. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 489 
 
 livery, contrasted with stray red tiles slipped from the broken copings. The 
 plaster has fallen in many places from the walls, leaving fissures where the 
 laths are visible; and the silent workings of decay are legibly impressed upon 
 their stained and blotched surface. Over the entrance, projects a semicircular 
 portico supported by two columns, similar in style and execution to those 
 which front the lawn, with the same dull, dreamy tone, — the same mournful 
 prevalence and hue. It is not an ungraceful object, and seen with the sUvery 
 waters of the Thames, and with the rich foliage that surrounds and shadows 
 it, is worth a place in an artist's folio. The interior is of good proportion, 
 with a carved ceiling and a square panel in the centre. From a lofty bay 
 window you behold to the east, the Church and part of the Village of Mortlake, 
 Barnes' railway bridge. To the north. Hammersmith Church, Lord Holland's 
 house, NottenhUl Church, and the Duke of Devonshire's conservatory; the 
 view terminating on the west with the Village of Staines on the Green. 
 
 As through the lonely shrubberies we slowly retraced our steps, startling 
 the feathered songsters in their evening hymn, — harsh, discordant sounds, 
 unheard in Colston's days, intruded themselves upon the offended ear, and 
 marred the quietude and repose of the retreat. On the one side, the 
 murmuring, dashing paddles of the steamers, — on the other, the roar and 
 shriek of the swift passing train hurtled through the air. 
 
 The old house, with its brown, dingy hue, and solemn shadows from adjacent 
 trees, — its hallowed chambers,^ — its venerated associations,-its sacred memories, 
 — its silent grounds, — its neglected walks, — its desolation, loneliness, and 
 gloom is before us still, as now, afar off we pen these feeble impressions of our 
 pUgrimage. In its decay does a beautiful memory shine over it, and follows 
 us unto our home, — a memory of Charity in its divine greatness, benevolence, 
 and love. It has haunted us in every quiet hour, — in the stilly eve, — in the 
 silent watches of the night ; and may it haunt us yet. With it are treasured 
 many endearing thoughts, ennobhng to humanity, — with it are linked many 
 pleasing associations, — with it are enlisted our sympathies, — with it is enshrined 
 our gratitude, — and with it respect and veneration for Christian Philanthropy, 
 as exemplified in that exalted goodness, which belongs only to the true servant 
 
 of God! 
 
 " One cannot help feeling the grand beneficence of those wealthy Merchants, 
 who, like Edward Colston, make their riches do their generous will for ever ; 
 
490 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 who become thereby the actual fathers of their native cities to all generations ; 
 who roll away in every year of the world's progress, some huge stone of 
 anxiety from the hearts of poor widows ; — who clear the way before the 
 unfriended but active and worthy lad ; — who put forth their invisible hands 
 from the heaven of their rest, and become the genuine guardian angels of the 
 orphan race for ever and ever; raising (from those who would otherwise 
 have been outcasts and ignorant labourers) aspiring and useful men ; tradesmen 
 of substance ; Merchants, the true enrichers of their country ; and fathers of 
 happy families. How glorious is such a lot ! how noble is such an appro- 
 priation of wealth ! how enviable such fame ! And amongst such men few 
 more truly admirable than Edward Colston."^ 
 
 Our task is done ! From Colston's abode at Mortlake, let us reverently 
 approach his sepulchre — behold his monument, and leave the reader to peruse 
 its glorious inscription. His figure, modelled from the original picture by 
 Kichardson, was executed by Rysbrack, It is placed on an altar tomb, at the 
 eastern end of the south aisle, and surmounted by a pedimental canopy, 
 beneath which is the following inscription, and list of his Charities. Like 
 the beautiful Liturgy of the Church of England, the list cannot be too often 
 repeated. It contains a record almost unparalleled in any time or country. — 
 On the base of the tomb — 
 
 " To the memory of Edward Colston, Esq., who was born in the City of 
 Bristol, and was one of the representatives in Parliament for the said City, in 
 the reign of Queen Anne. His extreme Charity is well known to many parts 
 of this kingdom, — ^but more particularly to this City, where his benefactions 
 have exceeded all others, a list of which is on his monument as followeth. 
 He lived 84 years, 11 months, and 9 days, and then departed this life 11th 
 October 1721, at Mortlake, in Surrey, and lieth buried in a vault by his 
 ancestors, in the first cross alley under the reading desk of this Church."^ 
 
 1 Howitt's Homes and Haunts. 3 gee Note, page 492. 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 
 
 491 
 
 The Public Chaeities anb Benefactions given and foitnbed by Edwabd Coision, Esq. 
 
 In Bristol. 
 
 On St. Michael's Hill. 
 
 1691, An Alms House for 12 men and 12 women ; 
 the chief brother to receive 6sli 
 the other 3sh per Week, besides coal, &c. 
 To a Chaplain lOl. per ann : The Whole 
 to be paid by Eee-Parm Kents on 
 Estates in Northumberland, Cumber- 
 land, & Durham, and by some Houses & 
 Lands near the house. The Charge 
 about £8500 
 
 In King-Street. 
 
 Six Saylors to be maintain'd in the Mer- 
 chants' Alms' House, by a Earm in 
 Congresbury, Somerset. The Charge. . 600 
 
 In Temple-Street. 
 
 In the College Green. 
 
 1696, A School for 40 Boys to be cloath'd and 
 taught, endowed with an Annuity out 
 of the Manor of Tomarhear, Somerset. 
 An House and Garden for ye master, 
 ye Charge 
 
 1702, To ye Rebuilduig ye Boys' Hospital ; and 
 for 6 Boys to be cloath'd, maintain'd, 
 instructed, and apprentic'd. A Farm 
 of 70?. per an. in Congresbury, ye Charge 
 
 8000 
 
 1500 
 
 In St. Peter's Parish. 
 
 To the Mint Work House 
 
 And for placing out poor ChUdren . 
 
 On St. Augustine's Back. 
 
 200 
 200 
 
 1708, An Hospital for a Master, two Ushers, & 
 a Catechist, & one hundred Boys to be 
 instructed, cloath'd, maintained, and 
 
 apprentic'd ; the Charge about 40000 
 
 100?. per an: to be given for 12 years after 
 his Death, either to those who have 
 been apprentic'd from the Hospital of 
 St. Augustine's -Back, or for the ap- 
 prenticing of Boys from Temple School, 
 
 by 10?. each 1200 
 
 To the Several Charity-Sehools each 10?. 
 per an : given for many years while he 
 Liv'd, and to be Continued for 12 years 
 after His Death. 
 
 To ve Repairing and Beautipying op Churches. 
 
 All Saints £250 
 
 Cathedral 260 
 
 Clipton SO 
 
 St. James 100 
 
 St. M ARY Redclipp 100 
 
 St. Michael . . £50 
 St. Stephen's . . 50 
 
 Temple 160 
 
 St. Thomas . . 50 
 
 St. Wereurgh 160—1230 
 
 For reading Prayers at All Sts. every Mon- 
 day and Tuesday morning 7?. per an:. . £140 
 Por 12 Sermons at Newgate, 6?. per an : . . 120 
 Por 14 Sermons in Lent, 20?. per an : 400 
 
 In London. 
 
 To St. Bartholomew's \ 2500 
 
 To Christ Church ( -□-„„ •■„, 2000 
 
 To St. Thomas's Hospitals ^^^ 
 
 To Bethlem ) 500 
 
 To the New Work -house without Bishops' 
 
 Gate 200 
 
 To the Society for Propagating the Gospel 300 
 
 To the Company of Mercers 100 
 
 In Surry at Sheen. 
 
 An Almshouse for six poor Men, built and 
 endow' d. 
 
 At Mortlake. 
 
 For the Education and Cloathing of 12 Boys 
 
 and 12 Girls, 45?. per an : 900 
 
 To 85 poor people at his Death, 20sli each.. 85 
 
 In Devonshire. 
 
 Towards building a Church 
 
 at Tiverton 
 
 20 
 
 In Lancashire. 
 
 20 
 
 Towards building a Church at Manchester 
 To eighteen Charity-Sehools ; in several 
 
 Parts of England for many Years of his 
 
 Life, and to be continued for 12 years 
 
 after his Death, 90?. per annum. 
 To the Augmentation 
 
 of 60 Small Livings 6000 
 
 In aU £70695 
 This great and pious Benefactor 
 
 WAS KNOWN to have DONE MANY 
 OTHER EXCELLENT CHARITIES, AND 
 
 WHAT He did in Secret is believed 
 
 TO EE NOT inferior TO WHAT 
 HE DID IN PUBLIOK. 
 
 On the slab lieiLeatli is the following : — 
 
 " Edward the son op William Colston, Esq. ; 
 
 AND Sarah his Wife, was born in this City, 
 
 November 2, 1636. Dy'd at Mortlake, in Surry, 
 
 October jj, 1721, and Lies buried near this 
 
 monument."* 
 
 " From the Churcll Table we learn tliat Botert Langly, of Waterhouse, Wilts, Esq., gave by Mb mil £100, the interest to be 
 expended " in repairing the monument of that worthy and benevolent man, Edward Colston, Esq., and to keep legible and clean the 
 inscription." The inscription on the monument was compiled from an account sent by the Rev. Mr. Tucker, and from the abstract at 
 the end of the funeral sermon preached by Dr. Harcourt. 
 
492 EDWARD COLSTON, 
 
 These are the public Charities, that have given his name an immortality on 
 earth, and blest him with the immortality of Heaven. There is no pompous 
 panegyric, nor laudatory epitaph — he required none. His name needed nor 
 brass, nor marble, nor sculptured effigy, to preserve it from oblivion. His, is a 
 virtue that survives all time — his, a memory that will never fade — his, a glory 
 that can never pass away. It is greater than the honours of the world — it is 
 mightier than the darkness of the grave — it lives pure and imperishable in 
 the inmost temple of men's hearts ; and, with the last prayer of the poor and 
 afflicted, has been borne by angels of Charity and Love to the throne of that 
 Almighty Power, whose commands he laboured to fulfil, and whose mercy he 
 endeavoured to deserve. Is there one who can stand unmoved before his 
 tomb, and not breathe a blessing upon his name? is there one who can 
 contemplate his life, and not feel influenced by the gentle spirit of his 
 Charity 1 He has cheered the heart of the sorrowful, — he has dried the tears 
 of the afflicted, and to the houseless thrown desolate upon the wide bleak world, 
 
 1 In the year 1843, -while the Chm-chwardens were makmg some improvements in AH Saints' 
 Church, Francis Edward Colston, the then descendant and representative of the family, expressed 
 an anxiety that they should avail themselves of the opportunity, and endeavour to ascertain the 
 exact spot where the remains of his Philanthropic ancestor were deposited. This was done, and 
 the lid of the cofim was removed, in the presence of the Treasurer, Vicar, and Churchwardens, 
 and Mr. Henry Penton, from whose Memorandum we quote, they foimd " The immortal Colston 
 himself, lying in all the apparent tranquillity of sleep. The features were so perfect, as to be 
 readily recognized ; so much so, that it is not improbable that a cast of his head was taken for the 
 celebrated monument of hiTn in the Church, — sculptured by Eysbrack. The face was covered 
 with a sheet, quite strong and perfect, and a diaper cap or napkin on his head ; his cravat and shirt 
 exactly of the make and form of those shewn on the same admirable monimient in front of the 
 vault. The whole was sacredly and immediately closed and replaced ; a leaden plate being soldered 
 on, inscribed — 'Edward Colston, 1721.' " 
 
 In the words of the journals of the day, " A deep and thriUing interest pervaded the minds of 
 the gentlemen assembled, on contemplating the head that planned, and the hand that executed, so 
 many noble deeds of charity and mercy, for which generations to the end of time, and thousands 
 of necessitous citizens who will participate ia his munificent charitable endowments, will reverence 
 the name of Edward Colston. "Wlien we witnessed the respect which was visible on the coim- 
 tenance of every spectator, we were forcibly reminded of the words of the inspired Psalmist, ' The 
 righteous shaU be in everlasting remembrance.' Mr. F. E. Colston appeared deeply affected on 
 viewing the remains of his illustrious ancestor ; and having given directions for the re-interment 
 of the body, the coffin was closed, and the tomb again received its sacred deposit, to remain (we 
 trust not to be again disturbed) till the resurrection of the just." 
 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES. 493 
 
 when all earthly hope seemed lost, even in his ashes has he been a comforter 
 and friend. There are no honours too resplendent, — no reverence too sacred, 
 no devotion too pure, can be paid unto his shrine, v?here repose all that 
 remains of the heart once warm with benevolence, charity, and love ! The 
 majesty of intellect — the power of genius — the exaltation of rank, must 
 humble before it ; — ^he has surpassed all, and left, by his extensive charities, a 
 name for thousands yet unborn to rejoice at, and to bless. The laurels of the great 
 may fade, but the blossoms of the good cannot ; — they survive until the end of 
 Time, and bloom again in Heaven, Long may his memory be fostered here, 
 long may the day of his birth be held as sacred by his grateful citizens, 
 for when that observance shall cease, — when it shall pass away without a sign, 
 then wUl Benevolence droop her head, — then will gratitude have become 
 extinct, — the memory of the good forgotten, — and poverty wander unpitied 
 through the world. The tomb of Shakspere has its pilgrims, — to it the wise 
 and learned flock, and pay homage to his dust : here let the affluent resort, — 
 here, let them learn to feel compassion for others' woes, and distribute with a 
 helping hand the bounty that Heaven has lent them ; — here, let the afflicted 
 come and gather comfort at his shrine, for there yet live many that walk in 
 his footsteps and strive to emulate his goodness ; — but more especially let all 
 who, through the instrumentality of his benevolence, now flourish in wealth 
 and honours, pay here their pilgrimage ; and in one faith, hope, and spirit, 
 let their light shine forth in grateful tribute, by the distribution of their 
 abundance in acts of compassion, mercy, charity, and love ! 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 St. Walburge. 
 
 Mr. Mayor, [Henry Creswicke] 
 
 Alderman Gronning, 
 
 Alderman Jackson, 
 
 Mr. Yeamans, 
 
 Mr. Cann, 
 
 Mr. Bowen, 
 
 Mr. Goard, 
 
 Mr. Sheriff Langton, 
 
 Mr. Wm. Hobson, 
 
 Mr. Lysons, 
 
 Mr. Streamer, 
 
 Mrs. Deyos, 
 
 Mrs. Long. 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 St. Ewen. 
 
 Mr. HoHoway, 
 Thomas Yeamans, 
 Eiohard Hollister, 
 Philip Downey, 
 Thomas "Wall, 
 Robert Gilford, 
 William Haynes, 
 Thomas Thomas, 
 Tohy Goodyeare, 
 Mcholas Meredith, 
 John MchoUs, 
 GUhert Moore. 
 
 St. Leonard. 
 
 Alderman Vickris, 
 Mr. Eobert Yickris, 
 Mr. Gay, 
 Mr. HoweU, 
 George Bishop, 
 Mr. Howard, 
 Mr. Ellis, 
 Mr. Husbands, 
 Nathaniel Packer, 
 Mrs. Browne. 
 
 From the other parishes we will not further infriiige upon our pages than by selecting the 
 following names, with many of which the reader is already familiar : — 
 
 Eeicliff. 
 Joseph Yeamans, 
 Alderman Farmer, 
 John Jackson, 
 John Shuter, 
 Eobert Hawkins, 
 George Gibbs. 
 
 St. Augustine. 
 
 Mr. Knight, 
 Mr. Thomas Gary, 
 Dr. Marod, 
 Dr. Denham, 
 Lady Baynton. 
 
 St. Thomas. 
 Alderman Farmer, 
 John WiUoughby, 
 Mr. Gibbs, 
 
 Edward Bovey, 
 Dr. Marplott, 
 Ealph OUive, 
 Thomas Tovey, 
 Humphry Little, 
 Eichard Blackborrow, 
 Thomas Day, 
 WiUiam Eedwood. 
 
 St. Mwrypm't. 
 
 Wid. Yates, 
 Dennis Hollister, 
 Abraham Birkin, 
 Peter Muggleworth. 
 
 Tem/ple. 
 
 Mr. John EJdght, 
 Francis Hawkins, 
 Eichard Hart, 
 
 "William Crabb, 
 Thomas Goldsmith, 
 John Hooke, 
 John Day, 
 Eoger Long, 
 Eichard Tovey, 
 Mr. Duddlestone. 
 
 St. Peter. 
 
 Antony Ayliff, 
 Mr. Clutterbuck, 
 Symon Hurle, 
 John Lawford, 
 Alderman Balman, 
 John Teague, 
 Nicholas Hart, 
 Eichard Pope, 
 Mr. Challoner. 
 
496 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 St. Philip. 
 
 Nehemiali CoUins, 
 Christopher Hollister. 
 
 St. James. 
 
 Thomas Bishop, 
 Mr. Dighton, 
 Mr. Hooke, 
 Simon Tovey. 
 
 Castle. 
 
 James Powell, 
 Alderman Gihbs, 
 William Baldwin, 
 Eichard Benfield. 
 
 St. John. 
 
 Mr. Aldworth, 
 Alderman Lock, 
 Mr. Pope, 
 Dr. Martin, 
 Mr. Farmer, 
 Mr. Grongh, 
 Edward Hume, 
 Thomas Shuter, 
 Mr. Dunning, 
 "William Clymer, 
 Arthur Sawyer. 
 
 St. Nicholas. 
 
 Alderman Tyson, 
 
 Thomas Attwood, 
 
 William and Thomas Jackson, 
 
 Eobert Young, 
 
 Alderman Sandy, 
 
 Henry Merrett, 
 
 Edward Baugh, 
 
 Henry Appleton, 
 
 Mr. Parker, 
 
 Mr. Bubb, 
 
 Mr. Harper, 
 
 Mr. Eoe. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Stephens, 
 
 Alderman White, 
 
 Eobert Challoner, 
 
 Mr. Langton, 
 
 Alderman Jackson, 
 
 Alderman James, 
 
 Eobert Vickris. 
 
 Christ Chwch. 
 
 Francis Teamans, 
 John Haggatt, 
 William Colston, 
 James Attwood, 
 Nathaniel Cale, 
 Alderman Tate, 
 
 Francis Gleed, 
 
 Eichard Grigson [Sheriff]. 
 
 St. Stephen. 
 Jonathan BlackweU, 
 Major Yeamans, 
 WiUiam Merrick, 
 Alexander Gray, 
 Mr. Yeamans, 
 Mr. TockneU, 
 Alderman Morgan, 
 Thomas Harford, 
 Mr. Birkin, 
 Mr. Young. 
 
 St. Michael. 
 Mr. Deane, 
 Mr. Sperrin, 
 Eichard Ash, 
 Thomas OUive. 
 
 All Saints. 
 
 Walter Stephens, 
 Charles Powell, 
 Eichard Baugh, 
 John Tindale, 
 Thomas Speed, 
 Eobert Dennis, 
 John HoUis, 
 Eobert Langworthy. 
 
 Appendix B. 
 "July, 1666. The following persons, Uving in the Lower Green, pretended exemption from 
 paying the poor of St. Augustine's parish, — the Court ordered they pay weekly as below, and, ia 
 case of refusal, render themselves liable to warrants of distress : — 
 
 William HartweU 2d. per week. 
 
 Nathaniel Pownall Id. „ 
 
 Mr. Pitt 2d. „ 
 
 Alexander Jackson 2d." ,, 
 
 " Barbadoes. By the Deputy-Governor. You are hereby required to transporte from hence to 
 England, in your ship called ' The Eobert,' Lewis Bevan, and Lawrance Carpenter, who are French- 
 men, and persons judged by myselfe and Council, dangerous to the peace of this island, for which 
 this shall be your warrant. Given under my hand, the 7th December, 1666. 
 
 "To Captain Edmund Ditty, Commander of the ' Eobert,' at Bristol." 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 " These are to certify, that "William Cole, Esq., nominated and appointed Commissioner, among 
 others, for putting in execution within the City of Bristol, and all parts and places within ten miLes 
 of the said City, — and in all towns, corporate TiUages, hamlets, liberties, precincts, and places, 
 within the said limits, an Act of Parliament, intituled, ' An Act of Parliament for raising ten 
 thousand pounds by an imposition on wines, and other liquors,' have taken the oath directed in and 
 by the said Act, to be taken by such Commissioners before us, this 26th day of June, 1668." 
 
 In the extract that follows, the practice of London is again adopted. An order is made at the 
 General Sessions of the Peace, January, 1672, that the Constables within the City, should provide 
 themselves "staffs of destinction, in accordance with the custom used in London, — and in pursuance 
 thereof (Thomas Tiley, Chief Constable of the Ward of All-Saiats), hath provided for the several 
 Constables, within the said "Ward, decent and handsome staffs, and hath expended in the doing 
 thereof, the sum of six-and-forty shiHings and sixpence ; and this day making application to this 
 Court for his reimbursement, upon consideration thereof, this Court doth think fit, and so order, that 
 the Churchwardens of the parish of All-Saints do, out of the church stock, pay unto Thomas Tiley, 
 the sum of six-and-forty shillings and sixpence : and that the same shall be allowed him upon his 
 account. An order was issued for staffs to be hung at the Constables' doors." 
 
 " May, 1674. "Upon reading the presentment of the Grand Inquest, and finding it by them pre- 
 sented, that several doors are made through the Town wall, betwixt Eadoliff and Temple Gate, for 
 the oonveniency of several persons to go to their grounds and gardens, without any licence and 
 authority given them from the City. The Court taking into consideration that the same is in 
 contempt to the Government of the City, and invasive to their right, and may be of dangerous 
 consequence to the letting in and out of rogues by night, notwithstanding the shutting the gates of 
 the City, and that several mischiefs may be thereby occasioned, do hold the continuing such doors 
 to be very inconvenient, and for the preventing of any future evil that may happen thereby to the 
 City or inhabitants, do order that all the said doors so made through the Town wall, as aforesaid, 
 except a door leading out of Saint Thomas Street, into land late of Alderman "Whitsun, be imme- 
 diately dammed up; and Mr. ChaHoner, the City Chamberlain, is hereby required to see the same 
 effectually done accordingly, and to employ the City mason for the doing thereof." 
 
 The revolt of the Cooks. — "November 9th, 1700. There being a confederacy among the Cooks 
 now in this City, it is' ordered that in case any able Cooks come from London, that the Mayor and 
 Aldermen have liberty to admit them into the freedom of the City." 
 
 AppEmDix C. 
 
 That the lamentable condition of the Quakers was not exaggerated we have the direct evidence 
 of a letter written in the name of the prisoners in Bristol, to the yearly meeting of their friends, 
 in London, in which is presented so faithful and melancholy an account of their trials ; so affecting 
 a picture of their endurance and holy trustfulness, that we transcribe the whole, as corroborating 
 from the pen of the persecuted, what from our annals has been previously advanced, i 
 
 Joseph Besse on the Sufferings of the Quakers. 
 3 „ 
 
498 APPENDIX. 
 
 "Dear Friends, "Bristol, Newgate, 17tli 3rd Montt, 1684. 
 
 " In regard the time is near when Friends from most parts meet together, we thought it 
 might not be unwelcome that you hear from us. The Friends who have been long prisoners in 
 Bridewell, for not answering by money the keeper's demands, they being his prisoners though kept 
 there, he did on the 2nd instant, remove them hither, so that the number of prisoners in this gaol 
 is above one hundred ; and are so crowded for lodging, in close, dark, damp and dungeon-like holes; 
 and many in one place called Pauls', where never any before was put to lodge that ever we know 
 or heard of. "We say these things cry aloud, but many hearts are hard, and those who might 
 remedy will not hear, or at least not regard. None can plead ignorance, who are any way con- 
 cerned to help the oppressed ; since Friends and truth are folly cleared, so far as we have been able 
 in letting them understand. And many are so void of compassion, as to impute it wholly to our 
 faults ; and some do account we are used too well. These things we mention rather to inform 
 Friends how we are than to complaiti. Indeed, God hath been so good to us, and still is so, that it 
 doth out ballance all those light afflictions. He hath given health, and also preserved the same in 
 several appearances of very great danger, which mercy is even to a wonder. He hath given 
 comfort, content, unity, peace, and love amongst us greatly: and by his fatherly care, hath so 
 provided always for us, that we have had no want. For all which mercies we desire you with us 
 to praise the Lord, and to pray unto TTiTn for us here, that God would ever keep us in faithfulness 
 to Him, that we may become even as monuments of his mercy, that he who alone is worthy, who is 
 all and doth all, may have all the honour, praise, and renown, now, henceforth, and for evermore." 
 
 " Within this week we are pulled and haled out, and not suffered to meet together, as hath been 
 
 formerly allowed us to do ; nay, they will not suffer it, though all in one and the same gaol. The 
 
 keeper saith he hath orders for it from his masters ; and so we were thrust and locked into several 
 
 places. But in these things they have no conquest nor glory thus to oppress the innocent, even in 
 
 . their prisons, where they have thus thrust us in heaps. 
 
 " But, ia this our rejoicing, that they cannot keep God from us, by whose power we are kept 
 in patience to suffer these things from the hands of men, to whom we never did any harm, — ^to 
 whom God grant repentance before his anger break forth in an overflowing scourge, and there be no 
 remedy ; — even so be it, if the Lord will. Blessed be God we are well, and our love is dearly to all 
 our dear and truly beloved Friends in the holy truth of God, whose Hves, Uherty, and peace we pray 
 God preserve. In your approach to the Throne of Grace forget not us ; that is the greatest good we 
 can do each other, who have none in Heaven but the Lord, nor desire any on earth but Him only. 
 Our wives' love is dearly to you all, and the loves of many more here, in whose names we salute 
 you, and shall rejoice to hear from you of the glory of the Lord, and the prosperity of his holy, 
 innocent, peaceable, and everlasting truths. — Amen." 
 
 " In truth of love, we remain your Friends, 
 
 " Chahles-Haefoed, Eichaed Sneed, Chabxes Jones." 
 
 Appendix D. 
 
 The Sessions were continued by several adjournments, to the first day of June, when the address 
 evinces the temper and disposition of the age, and the influence of the Court. 
 
APPENDIX. 499 
 
 " "We, tte Grand Jurors for our Sovereign Lord the King, and tlie body of the County of this 
 City, present that the best expedient to preserve the prerogatives of the Crown, and liberty and 
 property of the people, by experience of all ages, is a due and impartial execution of the penal lavrs, 
 —the defect of vp^hich gave way to the late rebeUion ; and fear we had been again brought to the same 
 anarchy and confasion, had not the late treasonable association been timely discovered. 
 
 "We present the Aldermen of this City, who neglect and refuse to prosecute Dissenters at this 
 time, to be enoouiagers of Popish as well as profanical designs, from which two springs aU the 
 mischief to this City, and the "Kingdom in general, do arise ; and that the many malicious, false 
 libels published against the government of this City, and the prosecution of Dissenters here, is a 
 consequence of the adhesion " of a few Aldermen to them, and particularly Sir John Knight, Sen., 
 and Alderman Crabb, who suffer conventicles to be weekly in the same street, and within a few 
 doors of their own houses, without disturbance ; and not only so, — but they, together with Mr. 
 Alderman Creswicke, are their public champions on the bench, and endeavour to discoimtenance all 
 oflcers and others who do their duty towards the suppressing of them, — for the regulating of which 
 failure of justice for the future, we request that special care be taken to prosecute Sir Eobert Atkins 
 and other Aldermen, against whom several indictments have been found, and since removed from 
 this Court ; and that the privilege of gaol delivery granted us by the Charter may be enjoyed once 
 in a year at least, which of late hath not been. 
 
 "Another occasion of the increase of fanaticism, as we conceive, is not only the lenity of the 
 Court, but the small fines laid on convicted offenders, whereby affronts and libels have been cast on 
 the Justices ; and the evidence for the King discouraged, when they see themselves and the Council 
 for the King made the greatest sufferers, by attending to prosecute offenders; whilst the transgressors 
 go almost unpunished, by the solicitation of some Magistrates to obtain of the Sheriffs, Town Clerk, 
 and Keeper, remission of fines and fees. That unlawful assembhes may be no longer encouraged, 
 we request that the Quarter Sessions may not be dissolved, until aU business now lying before your 
 Vorships be dispatched; we being informed that the several persons formerly indicted on the 
 Statutes, for not coming to church, have pleaded subtile pleas to their respective indictments, which 
 now depends before this Court — upon demurrer — and for that the consequence of determining for or 
 against these pleas, will not only influence this City, but other parts of the kingdom also, in their 
 prosecution of Dissenters ; and considering the Dissenters have already engaged aU the Council of 
 the City, who no doubt have abeady armed themselves with aU the arguments they can to prejudice 
 the King's interest, by maintaining their places. We desire that able Counsel may be provided to 
 assist the Town Clerk in this weighty concern. "We present that there having been no address made 
 to the King and Council by this Court, against the authors of the infamous libels burnt, is a reflec- 
 tion on the representative of the City and County, and a fair discouragement to future Grand Juries." 
 
 Ajpenbix E. 
 
 The first meeting of the Nominees was in 1726, and was for the purpose of filhng the vacancy 
 occasioned by the death of Sir John Smyth, Baxt., when they elected John Codrington, Esq., of 
 WraxaU, in the county of Somerset. It wiU be seen from the foHowing, that many distinguished 
 men have been appointed as Nominees and Yisitors of this Charity. 
 
500 APPENDIX, 
 
 1728. Prancis Colston, attended for the first and last time. 
 
 1729. Dr. James Haroourt, chosen a Nominee. 
 
 1730. Thos. Chester, of Knowle, in the County of Gloucester. 
 1732. Thos. Coster, Esq. 
 
 1741. The Hon. Edward Southwell, Esq., Nuhome, Eerkeley. 
 
 1754. Sir John Philipps, Bart., of Picton Castle, in the Coimty of Pembroke. 
 
 1759. Alexander Colston, Esq., of Eilldns, in the County of Oxford. 
 
 1763. Edward Southwell, of Kingsweston, Esq. 
 
 1 764. Eev. Dr. John Casherd. 
 
 1776. Henry, Duke of Beaufort, vice Alexander Colston, who died 1st Dec, 1775. 
 
 1777. Wm. Bromley, Chester, of Cleevehill, in the County of Gloucester, vice Eight Hon, Lord 
 
 Clifford, who died 2nd Nov., 1776. 
 
 1778. The Eight Hon. Thos. Lord Middleton. 
 1785. Wm. Gore Langton, Esq., of Newton Park. 
 1787. Eev. Alexander Colston, Vicar of Henhury. 
 1780. John Smyth, of Stapleton, Esq. 
 
 1809. Edward Erancis Colston, of Eilldns Hall, in the County of Oxford. 
 
 1816. Henry Somerset, Marquis of Worcester, of Badminton. 
 
 1824. Eight Hon. Edward, Lord de CHfford, of Kingsweston. 
 
 1825. Edward E. Colston, Esq., of Eilldns' Hall, vice Edw. E. Colston, who died 5th Nov., 1824. 
 1829. Montague Gore, Esq., of Barrow Court : Eight Hon. and Eev. Lord William George Henry 
 
 Somerset, A.M., of Tormarton. 
 1831. Wm. Chester, Esq., of Knowle Park, in the County of Gloucester. Present, — The Duke of 
 
 Beaufort, Marquis of Worcester, Eiennes Trotman, Lord de Clifford, Edward Erancis 
 
 Colston, Montague Gore, Lord "W". G. Somerset. 
 1836. Lord John Thomas Henry Somerset, of Waldsworth HaU, near Gloucester, vice Henry, Duke 
 
 of Beaufort, who died 25th Nov., 1835. 
 1841. Eev. William Hungerford Colston, D.D. 
 
 1846. Henry Charles Eitzroy Somerset, Marquis of Worcester, vice Lord John Thomas Henry 
 
 Somerset, who died 3rd Oct., 1846. 
 
 1847. Edward Colston, Esq., of Eoundway Park, vice Edward Erancis Colston, who died 9th 
 
 April, 1846. 
 
 Appendix F. 
 The Colston Societies. JVb. 2. 
 
 The origuial Society was the Colston, now distinguished as the " Parent Society," whose first 
 
 meeting was held, as we have seen, November 2, 1726. Extracts of its progress as reported in the 
 
 register of the Society. 
 
 1738, Nov. 2. The Society met, and Mr. John Warren, was chosen President; and they unanimously 
 resolved that the members, subscribers, wiU serve the ofB.ce of President ia turn, 
 according to the original subscription. — Twenty-four members were present. 
 
 1740, Nov. 3. Any member who do not attend the Annual Meeting, to forfeit 5s. 
 
APPENDIX. 501 
 
 1742, Nov. 2. Mr. Ed-ward Oliver, paid Ms fine for not serving the office of President. 
 1761, Nov. 2. Et. Hon, Edward Souttwell, Esq., vfas chosen President. 
 
 1753, Nov. 13. Thomas Chester, Esq., was chosen President. 
 
 1754, Nov. 13. Norhorn Berkeley, Esq., chosen President. 
 
 1755. Charles Bragge, Esq., chosen President. 
 
 1756. Dr. Charles Eandolph, chosen President; he declined; a letter to he written him, that he 
 
 ought to pay the fine of £5, according to the rules. 
 1769, Nov. 13. The fine for not serving the office of President increased from £5 to £10. 
 1773, Nov. 13. Alexander Colston, Esq., was chosen President, which he decHned serving, and was 
 
 fined £6. 
 1783, Nov. 13. £300 belonging to the Society, to be invested in the funds. 
 
 1787, Nov. 13. Dr. John Ford, was elected President. 
 
 1788, Nov. 13. Dr. John Eord, was again elected President, being in London, and requested 
 
 Mr. Joseph WUlson, shoidd continue Treasurer. Dr. Ford, generously gave £25, for not 
 taking upon himself the office of President. Eesolved that the thanks of the meeting he 
 given to him ; and the Duke of Beaufort was elected President. 
 
 1790, Nov. 13. At a meeting of this Society, Mr. Thomas Eagles, was elected President, and Mr. 
 
 William Fry, Treasurer for the ensuing year. — Beaupoet, President. 
 
 1791, Nov. 14. Mr. Eohert Smith, was elected President, but on accoimt of ill health, desired 
 
 to he excused serving the office, and begged the Charity to accept from him as a fine the 
 sum of £50, as an aid to the Charitable Fund. 
 
 1793, Nov. 13. The sum of £682 : 5 : 10, belonging to the Society, to be transferred into the 
 
 names of the Treasurer, Mr. Peter Lilly, Mr. Timothy Powell, Jun., and Mr. Joshua 
 Powell; and that they be requested by further purchases, to make up the sum of £700 
 Stock. 
 
 1794, Nov. 13. Messrs. Lilly and PoweU reported they had purchased additional Stock, making 
 
 in the whole, £700 Stock. 
 
 1800, Nov. 13. WiUiam MUes, Esq., chosen President, which he declined; resolved that he do 
 pay the fine, and be excused, and that Sir John Durbin, Knight, be elected for the 
 ensuing year. 
 
 1801 Nov. 13. The Treasurer reported that William MUes, Esq., had paid £31 : 10, to be excused 
 serving the office of Treasurer, and that Sir John Durbin had paid £20, Mr. William 
 Delpratt, £20, and James Vaughan, Esq., £21, to be also excused ; and that the balance 
 in his hands amounted to £181 : 3 : 7, when it was resolved that the Treasurer do pur- 
 chase £260 in the 3 per cent. Stock, which, with £860 Stock, heretofore purchased, will 
 make the sum £1100 belonging to the Society; and that the interest be given annually to 
 poor lying-in women of the Established Church, wives of freemen; the usual sum in 
 bread and the remainder to any other charitable purpose, at the discretion of the 
 Committee, and of those gentlemen who have served the office of President. 
 
 1802, Nov. 13. In future, £1 : 1, to be given instead of 16s., to lying-in women. John Maxse 
 chosen President, which he declined on account of ill health, and he paid a fine of £30. 
 
 1803 Nov. 14. His Grace the Duke of Beaufort elected President for the ensuing year. The 
 Treasurer to purchase £100, 3 per cent. Annuities. 
 
502 APPENDIX. 
 
 1804, Nov. 13. The Funds of the Charity, at this period, were as follows — 
 
 3 per cent. Consols £1200 
 
 In the hands of the Treasurer 38 5 9 
 
 £1238 5 9 
 
 1805, Not. 13. James Ireland, Esq., chosen President for the ensuing year, which he declined and 
 
 paid a fine of £31 : 10 : 0, and John Blagden Hale, Esq., chosen in his place. 
 
 1806, Nov. 13. The balance in hand amounting to £135 : 4 : 8, be invested in the purchase of 
 
 £200 Stock. There not being sufficient number of objects of this Charity amongst the 
 freemen's wives of this parish, the Charity to be extended to those of the parish of 
 St. Thomas, whose husbands are entitled to their freedom. 
 
 1807, Nov. 13. John Tyndail Warre, Esq., chosen President for the ensuing year, which he 
 
 declined and paid a fine of £31 : 10 : 0, and that Lowbridge Bright, Esq., who had 
 also declined the ofSce, had also paid £31 : 10 : 0. £100 Stock to be purchased. Mr. 
 Peter Lilly resigned the office of Treasurer from declining health Thanks of the Society 
 voted to him for his long and active services. Mr. Jos. PoweU was elected in his place. 
 Thomas Eagles, Esq. request to be no longer a member of the Society, and he having 
 served the distinguished office of President, complied with a letter from Charles A. 
 Elton, Esq., desiring his name to be erased from the list of members — not to be complied 
 with, as it would be contrary to the usage of this Society — a letter to be written him by 
 the Treasurer. 
 
 1809, Nov. 13. James Tobin, Esq., chosen President. 
 
 1810, Nov. 14. James Tobin, Esq., paid a fine of £31 : 10 : 0, for not serving; the Kke fine of 
 
 £31 : 10 : 0, from Kobert Bush, Esq. ; and that Sidenham Teast, Esq., had promised to 
 pay a fine for the same purpose, the Treasurer, when he received the fine from Mr. Teast, 
 to purchase £200 Stock. Thanks voted Sir Berkley 'Wiiliam Guise, Bart., for his 
 donation of £3 : 3 : 0. Mr. Cole, at the request of Charles Abraham Elton, Esq., moved 
 that his name be taken off the books as a member, which being seconded, an amendment 
 was moved and seconded, and carried unanimously, that it was contrary to the standing 
 order of this Society to erase the name of any gentleman from the books until he had 
 served the office of President, and that his request could not be complied with, but that 
 when it shall be his turn to take the chair as President his name shall be passed over. 
 
 1818, Nov. 13. The Treasurer reported he had received £31 : 10 : 0, from Sir Henry Cann 
 
 Lippincott, and £31 : 10 : 0, from George E. Sanders, as fines to be excused from serving 
 the office of Presidents. The name of Charles A. Elton, Esq., appearing in due rotation 
 for the office of President, the same was passed by agreeably with the resolution of 
 Nov. 14, 1810, and resolved that the same be struck off the book. The funds being 
 £1800 3 per cent. Consols. The Treasurerto purchase £100, 3 per cent. Consols. 
 
 1819, Nov. 13. The Treasurer reported that forty poor women had been relieved in their lying-in 
 
 with 21«. each, and £10 had been expended in bread for the poor. Thanks be presented 
 to Joshua Powell, Esq., for his services as Treasurer, and that he be requested to continue 
 in the office the ensuing year. 
 
APPENDIX. 503 
 
 1820, ISoY. 13. Resolved that Mr. John Saunders and Mr. John Elton, having refused to take the 
 
 Presidency, are no longer members, and their names to be erased from the list of members. 
 The subscription for the dinner m future to be 10s. each. £100 Stock to be purchased. 
 
 1821, Nov. 13. Forty-six lying-in women had been paid 21«. each, and £10 given away in bread. 
 
 William "Westley, Esq., request to have his name taken ofiP the books, complied with, 
 he having served the ofELce of President. The future assembly of the members to be at 
 two o'clock to attend divine service instead of twelve. 
 
 1822, Nov. 13. Peter Clessold, Esq., sent £25, regretting his inability to attend to take the chair. 
 
 1823, Nov. 13. Forty-seven women relieved, and £10 given in bread. 
 
 1824, Nov. 13. Fifty women relieved, and £10 given in bread. 
 
 1825, Nov. 14. Ditto. Francis Freeling, Esq., chosen President. 
 
 1826, Nov. 13. He declined by letter, and sent £20 in aid of the Charity. Thanks voted him 
 
 for his handsome donation. Funds of the Charity amounted to £2050 Stock. Isaac 
 Cooke chosen President. 
 
 1827, Nov. 13. Ditto, paid a fine of £31 : 10 : to be excused serving. Thanks voted George 
 
 Henry Freeling for his kindness in accepting the Presidency at so short a notice, and that 
 it is with feelings of regret the Society learn that indisposition deprives them of the 
 honour of his presence in the chair, which was taken and most ably filled by Mr. 
 Alderman Haythome. 
 
 1830, Nov. 13. Mr. James Clark and Mr. Joshua PoweU, Junr., each paid £25 to be excused 
 
 serving the office of President. 
 
 1831, Nov. In consequence of the riots the Anniversaiy Meeting did not take place. 
 
 1837, Nov. 13. The wives of freemen, residing in the parish of Temple, and also in that part of 
 Bedminster now enclosed in the Redcliff Ward, to partake of the Charity. Funds of the 
 Charity amounted to £2300 Stock. 
 
 1840, Nov. 13. From the improved state of the funds of the Charity, it was resolved that the 
 Charity be extended to the wives of poor burgesses, being members of the Church of 
 England, residing in the Ward of St. Mary EedcHif, and that they be relieved with 
 10«. 6d. each at the time of their lying-in. The Treasurer reported that the funds of 
 the Society was £2300 Stock, and the balance in his hands was £34 : 10 : 4. 
 
Appendix G.— DOLPHIN SOCIETY. 
 
 Presidents' Names, number of Persons -who dined, and amount of Collections at the Dolphin Society, 
 held in the City of Bristol, from its first institution, 1 749, in commemoration of the Anniver- 
 sary of the late Edward Colston, Esq., who was horn in Bristol, 2nd November, 1636, and 
 died at Mortlake, in Surrey, 11th October, 1721, aged 84 years and 343 days, and was buried 
 in All Saints' Church, Bristol, October 27th, 1721. His last "Will and Testament, 6th May, 
 1720, was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. 
 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 Dimed. 
 
 Collection. 1 
 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 Dined. 
 
 Collection. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d. 
 
 1749 
 
 Francis Woodward .. 
 
 18 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 1802 
 
 John Ward 
 
 . 92 — 
 
 178 10 
 
 
 
 1750 
 
 Ditto 
 
 12 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 1803 
 
 0. P. Collings 
 
 . 139 — 
 
 225 5 
 
 6 
 
 1751 
 
 Peter Wells 
 
 27 — 
 
 4 17 
 
 
 
 1804 
 
 M. Yeatman 
 
 107 — 
 
 196 16 
 
 6 
 
 1752 
 
 John Avery 
 
 35 — 
 
 8 1 
 
 
 
 1805 
 
 Joel Gardiner 
 
 118 — 
 
 208 2 
 
 6 
 
 1753 
 
 Joseph FarreU 
 
 50 — 
 
 12 10 
 
 
 
 1806 
 
 William DoweU 
 
 . 102 — 
 
 215 
 
 
 
 1754 
 
 Henry Bradham 
 
 77 — 
 
 20 2 
 
 
 
 1807 
 
 E. R. Clayfield 
 
 96 — 
 
 231 4 
 
 6 
 
 1755 
 
 Samuel Smith 
 
 83 — 
 
 26 19 
 
 
 
 1808 
 
 Thomas Griffiths .. 
 
 150 — 
 
 266 9 
 
 
 
 1756 
 
 Edward Gore 
 
 80 — 
 
 34 
 
 9 
 
 1809 
 
 R. H. Davis 
 
 129 — 
 
 294 18 
 
 6 
 
 1757 
 
 Fred. Pennington .. 
 
 75 — 
 
 36 
 
 9 
 
 1810 
 
 R. Vaughan 
 
 140 — 
 
 312 16 
 
 6 
 
 1758 
 
 Henry Morgan 
 
 63 — 
 
 26 8 
 
 3 
 
 1811 
 
 Charles Ridout 
 
 105 — 
 
 272 15 
 
 6 
 
 1759 
 
 Roger Watts 
 
 55 — 
 
 25 19 
 
 3 
 
 1812 
 
 Thomas Andrews .. 
 
 100 — 
 
 268 2 
 
 6 
 
 1760 
 
 Stephen Cox 
 
 57 — 
 
 21 19 
 
 6 
 
 1813 
 
 Richard Colston 
 
 246 — 
 
 429 10 
 
 6 
 
 1761 
 
 Jere Osborne 
 
 57 — 
 
 29 18 
 
 6 
 
 1814 
 
 John Cave 
 
 133 — 
 
 339 18 
 
 6 
 
 1762 
 
 John Powell 
 
 57 — 
 
 25 
 
 3 
 
 1815 
 
 T. W. Dyer 
 
 . 114 — 
 
 316 11 
 
 6 
 
 1763 
 
 Edward Brodrip 
 
 55 — 
 
 28 17 
 
 10 
 
 1816 
 
 Thomas Daniel 
 
 . 120 — 
 
 336 3 
 
 
 
 1764 
 
 William Yeatman .. 
 
 48 — 
 
 23 4 
 
 
 
 1817 
 
 W. G. Langdon, per 
 
 
 
 
 1765 
 
 Fenwick Bird 
 
 49 — 
 
 27 19 
 
 3 
 
 
 Rev. C. Gore 
 
 83 — 
 
 283 
 
 6 
 
 1766 
 
 Richard Smith 
 
 60 — 
 
 26 1 
 
 
 
 1818 
 
 E. Sampson 
 
 171 — 
 
 360 
 
 6 
 
 1767 
 
 Nicholas Perry 
 
 68 — 
 
 34 5 
 
 
 
 1819 
 
 Samuel Bowden 
 
 . 102 — 
 
 289 12 
 
 6 
 
 1768 
 
 Nathaniel Webb .. 
 
 61 — 
 
 27 4 
 
 
 
 1820 
 
 Richard Lowe 
 
 120 — 
 
 307 6 
 
 
 
 1769 
 
 Michael Hodgson .. 
 
 55 — 
 
 31 17 
 
 
 
 1821 
 
 R. B. Ward 
 
 . 171 — 
 
 409 19 
 
 
 
 1770 
 
 Henry King 
 
 49 — 
 
 30 8 
 
 10 
 
 1822 
 
 Richard Smith 
 
 . 180 — 
 
 429 18 
 
 6 
 
 1771 
 
 Thomas Paty 
 
 52 — 
 
 31 10 
 
 
 
 1823 
 
 Daniel Stanton 
 
 . 164 — 
 
 438 7 
 
 
 
 1772 
 
 William Sladen 
 
 49 — 
 
 32 1 
 
 9 
 
 1824 
 
 John Gardiner 
 
 . 146 — 
 
 400 8 
 
 
 
 1773 
 
 Robert Bridle 
 
 59 — 
 
 49 4 
 
 3 
 
 1825 
 
 Robert Bush 
 
 . 158 — 
 
 421 10 
 
 
 
 1774 
 
 Nathaniel Windey .. 
 
 . 70 — 
 
 67 10 
 
 6 
 
 1826 
 
 WiUiam L. Clarke .. 
 
 . 142 — 
 
 407 18 
 
 6 
 
 1775 
 
 George Daubeny .. 
 
 . — — 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 1827 
 
 John Vaughan 
 
 . 145 — 
 
 389 18 
 
 6 
 
 1776 
 
 Thomas Berjew 
 
 . — — 
 
 72 11 
 
 6 
 
 1828 
 
 J. Osborne 
 
 . 219 — 
 
 619 10 
 
 
 
 1777 
 
 Thomas Keene 
 
 . — — 
 
 65 19 
 
 9 
 
 1829 
 
 John M. Gutch 
 
 . 127 — 
 
 432 14 
 
 
 
 1778 
 
 Joseph Hinton 
 
 . — — 
 
 60 12 
 
 
 
 1830 
 
 Walter Swayne 
 
 . 85 — 
 
 352 3 
 
 
 
 1779 
 
 Thomas Hembury .. 
 
 . — . — . 
 
 63 7 
 
 
 
 1831 
 
 N. G. Prideaux, 
 
 
 
 
 1780 
 
 William Jones 
 
 . 93 — 
 
 92 12 
 
 
 
 
 Riots, no dinner . 
 
 
 
 210 7 
 
 6 
 
 1781 
 
 James Hughes 
 
 . 68 — 
 
 •64 15 
 
 6 
 
 1832 
 
 WiUiam Mortimer .. 
 
 '. 224 — 
 
 444 
 
 
 
 1782 
 
 Michael Clayfield .. 
 
 . 84 — 
 
 83 18 
 
 6 
 
 1833 
 
 Charles Payne 
 
 . 186 — 
 
 640 
 
 
 
 1783 
 
 J. Headington 
 
 . 67 — 
 
 67 14 
 
 6 
 
 1834 
 
 William Fripp 
 
 . 194 — 
 
 530 2 
 
 
 
 1784 
 
 Charles Partridge .. 
 
 . 60 — 
 
 57 4 
 
 6 
 
 1835 
 
 Henry Bush 
 
 . 265 — 
 
 630 6 
 
 
 
 1785 
 
 William Wigginton.. 
 
 . 57 — 
 
 53 11 
 
 
 
 1836 
 
 William Watson 
 
 . 201 — 
 
 545 13 
 
 
 
 1786 
 
 Richard Smith 
 
 . 69 — 
 
 65 13 
 
 6 
 
 1837 
 
 William Miles 
 
 . 221 — 
 
 536 11 
 
 6 
 
 1787 
 
 H. King, Jun. 
 
 . 60 — 
 
 63 11 
 
 
 
 1838 
 
 J. K. Haberfield 
 
 . 192 — 
 
 643 13 
 
 6 
 
 1788 
 
 Richard Tombs 
 
 . 65 — 
 
 64 11 
 
 6 
 
 1839 
 
 H. W. Newman 
 
 . 131 — 
 
 500 
 
 6 
 
 1789 
 
 Francis Ward 
 
 . 61 — 
 
 68 5 
 
 
 
 1840 
 
 John Taylor 
 
 . 178 — 
 
 668 18 
 
 6 
 
 1790 
 
 John Hawkins 
 
 . 87 — 
 
 96 12 
 
 
 
 1841 
 
 F. G. Prideaux 
 
 . 119 — 
 
 439 2 
 
 
 
 1791 
 
 Edward Gore 
 
 . 75 — 
 
 90 16 
 
 6 
 
 1842 
 
 James George 
 
 . 117 — 
 
 402 9 
 
 
 
 1792 
 
 Edward Willis 
 
 . 79 — 
 
 102 7 
 
 6 
 
 1843 
 
 P. W. S. Miles 
 
 . 216 — 
 
 552 5 
 
 
 
 1793 
 
 Simon Oliver 
 
 . 85 — 
 
 106 1 
 
 
 
 1844 
 
 C. L. Walker 
 
 . 147 — 
 
 459 12 
 
 
 
 1794 
 
 Philip Crocker 
 
 . 87 — 
 
 116 
 
 6 
 
 1845 
 
 C. G. Heaven 
 
 . 130 — 
 
 553 12 
 
 2 
 
 1795 
 
 Charles Brown 
 
 . 94 — 
 
 120 4 
 
 6 
 
 1846 
 
 James Gibbs 
 
 .. 120 — 
 
 517 
 
 6 
 
 1796 
 
 W. Whittingham . 
 
 . 96 — 
 
 124 8 
 
 6 
 
 1847 
 
 John Vining 
 
 .. 80 — 
 
 365 6 
 
 
 
 1797 
 
 E. F. Colston 
 
 . 106 — 
 
 135 19 
 
 6 
 
 1848 
 
 J. D. Pountney 
 
 .. 96 — 
 
 371 7 
 
 6 
 
 1798 
 
 Godfrey Lowe 
 
 . Ill — 
 
 156 9 
 
 
 
 1849 
 
 J. K. Haberfield . 
 
 .. 89 — 
 
 362 15 
 
 6 
 
 1799 
 
 Thomas Sanders . 
 
 . 112 — 
 
 169 11 
 
 6 
 
 1850 
 
 Edward Colston 
 
 __ 
 
 376 12 
 
 
 
 1800 
 
 W. Moneriefie, M.D. 
 
 126 — 
 
 195 16 
 
 6 
 
 1851 
 
 W. H. Hartley 
 
 ^_ 
 
 294 18 
 
 
 
 1801 
 
 J. P. Beqew 
 
 . 100 — 
 
 172 14 
 
 6 
 
 1852 
 
 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 505 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1817 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 Samuel Ditcliett 
 
 1818 
 1819 
 
 Peter Fry ... 
 RobertW. Vizer ... 
 
 1820 
 
 Thomas Gadd 
 
 1821 
 
 WilHam Smith 
 
 1822 
 
 James T. Ball 
 
 1823 
 
 John Bowgin 
 
 1824 
 
 Thomas Wilcox 
 
 1825 
 
 Preston Edgar 
 
 1826 
 1827 
 1828 
 1829 
 
 George Lunell 
 James Lyon 
 William 0. Gwyer ... 
 Francis K. Barnes ... 
 
 1830 
 
 Thomas G. Matthews 
 
 1831* 
 
 
 1832 
 
 Robert Fiske 
 
 1833 
 
 Job Harril... 
 
 1834 
 
 John MiUer 
 
 Collections, t 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 216 
 
 
 
 
 
 215 
 
 
 
 
 
 270 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 240 
 
 
 
 
 
 190 
 
 
 
 
 
 235 
 
 
 
 
 
 280 
 
 
 
 
 
 325 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 265 
 
 
 
 
 
 360 
 
 
 
 
 
 830 
 
 
 
 
 
 390 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 370 
 
 
 
 
 
 440 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 350 
 
 
 
 
 
 390 
 
 
 
 
 
 318 
 
 
 
 
 
 Collections. 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d. 
 
 456 12 
 
 
 
 478 
 
 6 
 
 625 
 
 
 
 730 
 
 
 
 923 15 
 
 11 
 
 1135 17 
 
 6 
 
 410 
 
 
 
 421 
 
 
 
 400 10 
 
 6 
 
 549 12 
 
 6 
 
 489 17 
 
 2 
 
 373 9 
 
 
 
 381 19 
 
 4 
 
 521 18 
 
 
 
 570 
 
 
 
 512 19 
 
 10 
 
 Appendix H.— GRATEFUL SOCIETY. 
 
 A. D, Presidents. 
 
 1835 WilUam Lee 
 
 1836 H. C. Quinton 
 
 1837 J. G. Shaw 
 
 1838 WiUiam D. Bushell.. 
 
 1839 John Harding 
 
 1840 J. K. Haberfield .. 
 1841t 
 
 1842 James Poole 
 
 1843 James Hughes 
 
 1844 Edward Joseph Staples 
 
 1845 William Hai-wood, Jun. 
 
 1846 R. B. Callendar 
 
 1847 T. P. Willcox 
 
 1848 H. B. Jordan 
 
 1849 Joseph Leech 
 
 1850 Henry Abbot 
 
 1851 John Wetherman, Jun. 
 1852 
 
 * No dinner, in consequence of the Kiote. 
 
 t In this year there was no President, in consequence of the unprecedented collection of the previous year, by Mr. 
 Haberfield. The Treasurer, W. Done Bushell, Esq., coUeoted £360, with £150 appropriated irom the last year, making; 
 upwards of £500. 
 
 Appendix I.— ANCHOR SOCIETY. 
 
 A List of the Presidents of the Anchor Society from its Foundation, with the Sums Annually 
 
 CoUeoted. 
 
 Year. President. 
 
 1769 Gilbert Davis, Esq. 
 
 1770 Ditto ... 
 
 1771 Joseph Fowle, Esq. 
 
 1772 John Rowland, Esq. 
 
 1773 Dr. Andrew Paterson 
 
 1774 Dr. John Wright 
 
 1775 John Noble, Esq. 
 
 1776 Paul Farr, Esq. 
 
 1777 Joseph Harford, Esq. 
 
 1778 Samuel Span, Esq. 
 
 1779 Benjamin Loscombe, Esq. 
 
 1780 James Kirkpatriok, Esq. 
 
 1781 PhiUp Protheroe, Esq. 
 
 1782 Joseph Smith, Esq. 
 
 1783 Henry Cruger, Esq., Alderman 
 
 1784 John Fisher Weare, Esq, 
 
 1785 Richard Bright, Esq. 
 
 1786 Stephen Nash, Esq. 
 
 1787 James Harvey, Esq. 
 
 1788 James Morgan, Esq. 
 
 1789 Robert Claxton, Esq. 
 
 1790 Levi Ames, Esq. 
 
 1791 John Harris, Esq., Mayor 
 
 1792 Charles Joseph Harford, Esq. 
 
 1793 William Peter Lunell, Esq. 
 
 1794 Henry Bengough, Esq. 
 
 1795 Robert Castle, Esq. 
 
 1796 Joseph Bdye, Esq. 
 
 1797 Andrew Pope, Esq. 
 
 1798 John Foy Edgar, Esq. 
 
 1799 Michael Castle, Esq. 
 
 Amount 
 
 
 Beliefs. 
 
 Cases. Poor 
 
 . £\2 1 
 
 6 
 
 49 
 
 
 
 35 2 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 46 3 
 
 8 
 
 72 
 
 
 
 80 16 
 
 
 
 222 
 
 41 
 
 181 
 
 85 15 
 
 
 
 380 
 
 94 
 
 286 
 
 120 10 
 
 
 
 
 .2 
 
 
 117 
 
 3 
 
 
 +3 6b 
 
 
 172 4 
 219 14 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 O CO 
 
 
 222 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 o 3 
 o " 
 
 
 197 8 
 
 6 
 
 
 pq-g 
 
 
 231 10 
 
 8 
 
 
 (4_, .^ 
 
 
 222 13 
 
 
 
 
 .2 oj 
 
 
 289 19 
 
 6 
 
 
 CD 
 
 
 291 6 
 
 6 
 
 515 
 
 113 
 
 462 
 
 304 16 
 
 
 
 509 
 
 118 
 
 391 
 
 289 11 
 
 4 
 
 507 
 
 107 
 
 400 
 
 297 19 
 
 8 
 
 510 
 
 115 
 
 395 
 
 289 13 
 
 
 
 528 
 
 136 
 
 446 
 
 329 11 
 
 6 
 
 626 
 
 150 
 
 476 
 
 350 13 
 
 7 
 
 733 
 
 146 
 
 587 
 
 339 9 
 
 8 
 
 777 
 
 171 
 
 606 
 
 315 12 
 
 6 
 
 772 
 
 151 
 
 621 
 
 355 14 
 
 6 
 
 682 
 
 95 
 
 587 
 
 317 9 
 
 
 
 801 
 
 156 
 
 645 
 
 318 
 
 
 
 716 
 
 134 
 
 582" 
 
 317 13 
 
 
 
 672 
 
 132 
 
 540 
 
 284 7 
 
 11 
 
 598 
 
 98 
 
 500 
 
 277 11 
 
 5 
 
 595 
 
 83 
 
 512 
 
 266 10 
 
 6 
 
 541 
 
 50 
 
 491 
 
 335 13 
 
 
 
 520 
 
 174 
 
 346 
 
506 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Year. 
 1800 
 
 1801 
 
 1802 
 
 1803 
 
 1804 
 
 1805 
 
 1806 
 
 1807 
 
 1808 
 
 1809 
 
 1810 
 
 1811 
 
 1812 
 
 1813 
 
 1814 
 
 1815 
 
 1816 
 
 1817 
 
 1818 
 
 1819 
 
 1820 
 
 1821 
 
 1822 
 
 1823 
 
 1824 
 
 1825 
 
 1826 
 
 1827 
 
 1828 
 
 1829 
 
 1830 
 
 1831 
 
 1832 
 
 1833 
 
 1834 
 
 1835 
 
 1836 
 
 1837 
 
 1838 
 
 1839 
 
 1840 
 
 1841 
 
 1842 
 
 1843 
 
 1844 
 
 1845 
 
 1846 
 
 1847 
 
 1848 
 
 1849 
 
 1850 
 
 1851 
 
 1841 
 
 1842 
 
 1843 
 1844 
 
 Appendix I. — Anchok Societt — fcontinuei.J 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 Samuel Span, Esq. 
 
 Jacob Wilcox Bicketts, Esq. 
 
 Henry Protheroe, Esq. 
 
 Dr. Joseph Mason Cox 
 
 Edward Protheroe, Esq. 
 
 Levi Ames, Jun., Esq. ... 
 
 Samuel Henderson, Esq. 
 
 Colonel Hugh Baillie ... 
 
 George G-ibbs, Esq. 
 
 Arthur Palmer Jun., Esq. 
 
 Peter BaUUe, Esq., M. P. 
 
 Benjamin Hobhouse, Esq., M. P. 
 
 Philip Protheroe, Esq. ... 
 
 John Yerbury, Esq. 
 
 Brooke Smith, Esq. 
 
 James Evan Baillie, Esq., M.P. ... 
 
 Dr. John Edmund Stock 
 
 Charles Abraham Elton, Esq. ... 
 
 Edward, Webb, Esq., M.P. 
 
 George H. Ames, Esq. ... 
 
 Michael Hinton Castle, Esq. 
 
 Benjamin Heywood Bright, Esq. 
 
 Charles Pinney, Esq. ... 
 
 John Evans Lunell, Esq. 
 
 .James Lean, Esq. 
 
 Hem-y Bright, Esq., M. P. 
 
 Arthur Palmer, Esq. 
 
 William Claxton, Esq. ... 
 
 Dr. Kentish ... 
 
 John Hare, Jun., Esq. ... 
 
 Eobert Bright, Esq. 
 
 Joseph Grace Smith, Esq., (year of riots) .. 
 
 Charles Savery, Esq. ... 
 
 John Mills, Esq. 
 
 G. G. Bompas, M.D. ... 
 
 Brooke Smith, Esq. 
 
 Eobert Bruce, Jun., Esq. 
 
 Joseph Grace Smith, Esq. 
 
 Heniy A. Palmer, Esq. 
 
 Charles Bowles Fripp, Esq. 
 
 Fredei'ick Ricketts, Esq. 
 
 Richard Ash, Esq. 
 
 John Evans Lunell, Esq. 
 
 Hon. Francis Henry F. Berkeley, M. P. .. 
 
 Francis Short, Esq. 
 
 Joseph Coates, Esq. 
 
 Frederick Palmer, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Mills, Esq. 
 
 Wilham Heniy Gore Langton, Esq. 
 
 John Mercer, Jun., Esq. 
 
 Ai'thur Hare Palmer, Esq. 
 
 Hon. and Rev. Sir Erasmus Wilson 
 
 4 Boys Apprenticed. 
 
 5 Boys „ 
 3 Girls 
 
 9 Boys 
 
 Amount. 
 
 
 Beliefs. 
 
 Lying-in 
 Cases. 
 
 Poor. 
 
 i£283 10 
 
 6 
 
 622 
 
 86 
 
 536 
 
 807 1 
 
 
 
 609 
 
 94 
 
 515 
 
 378 1 
 
 2 
 
 604 
 
 80 
 
 424 
 
 256 11 
 
 6 
 
 526 
 
 97 
 
 429 
 
 305 12 
 
 6 
 
 560 
 
 100 
 
 460 
 
 292 11 
 
 3 
 
 608 
 
 118 
 
 490 
 
 290 9 
 
 6 
 
 631 
 
 117 
 
 514 
 
 304 1 
 
 6 
 
 618 
 
 73 
 
 545 
 
 311 16 
 
 
 
 688 
 
 106 
 
 582 
 
 366 2 
 
 6 
 
 662 
 
 135 
 
 527 
 
 339 3 
 
 6 
 
 716 
 
 140 
 
 576 
 
 326 4 
 
 6 
 
 712 
 
 157 
 
 555 
 
 318 17 
 
 
 
 639 
 
 170 
 
 469 
 
 285 5 
 
 6 
 
 661 
 
 189 
 
 472 
 
 359 11 
 
 6 
 
 640 
 
 160 
 
 480 
 
 343 16 
 
 6 
 
 754 
 
 242 
 
 612 
 
 305 
 
 3 
 
 747 
 
 206 
 
 542 
 
 288 10 
 
 
 
 692 
 
 ]94 
 
 498 
 
 315 1 
 
 6 
 
 651 
 
 200 
 
 451 
 
 373 2 
 
 
 
 987 
 
 242 
 
 545 
 
 374 3 
 
 10 
 
 839 
 
 240 
 
 699 
 
 472 9 
 
 
 
 1016 
 
 275 
 
 741 
 
 512 4 
 
 6 
 
 1167 
 
 300 
 
 867 
 
 511 1 
 
 3 
 
 1125 
 
 287 
 
 838 
 
 620 
 
 
 
 1203 
 
 320 
 
 983 
 
 514 12 
 
 
 
 1099 
 
 290 
 
 809 
 
 471 14 
 
 
 
 1065 
 
 285 
 
 880 
 
 572 1 
 
 6 
 
 1248 
 
 336 
 
 913 
 
 414 
 
 
 
 1039 
 
 276 
 
 763 
 
 653 5 
 
 6 
 
 1494 
 
 350 
 
 1144 
 
 555 19 
 
 6 
 
 1266 
 
 
 
 218 16 
 
 6 
 
 624 
 
 
 
 607 16 
 
 6 
 
 1154 
 
 
 
 403 2 
 
 
 
 972 
 
 
 
 324 14 
 
 
 
 704 
 
 
 
 368 17 
 
 6 
 
 764 
 
 
 
 434 4 
 
 
 
 929 
 
 
 
 354 7 
 
 
 
 818 
 
 
 
 739 14 
 
 6 
 
 1658 
 
 346 
 
 1212 
 
 627 6 
 
 2 
 
 1681 
 
 344 
 
 1237 
 
 528 16 
 
 6 
 
 1329 
 
 314 
 
 1015 
 
 438 8 
 
 
 
 1100 
 
 205 
 
 895 
 
 387 16 
 
 6 
 
 977 
 
 199 
 
 778 
 
 604 16 
 
 6 
 
 1073 
 
 207 
 
 866 
 
 642 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 473 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 616 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 406 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 417 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 384 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 475 17, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 298 10 
 
 
 
 8 : 
 
 6 
 
 Boys Apprenticed. 
 
 
 1845 
 1846 
 
 
 1847 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 1848 
 
 8 
 
 J) 
 
 ,, 
 
 
 1849 
 
 7 
 
 
 )) 
 
 
APPENDIX. 507 
 
 " From the preceding tables, it will be seen that since the year 1817, the large sum of £26,452: 10 
 has been collected by the Dolphin, Anchor, and Grateful Societies, for charitable purposes. As the 
 collections are now much larger than heretofore, it is probable that, in the next twenty years, the 
 amount contributed will greatly exceed the above sum, and this induces us to suggest to our readers, 
 and the Bristol public in general, whether it is not to be regretted that such vast sums should be 
 expended without producing any permanent beneiit. If the annual collections of these three 
 Societies were funded for a few years. Almshouses might be buUt, or annuities granted, on the plan 
 adopted by the National Benevolent Institution, and the future annual contributions, or even a 
 proportion of them only (leaving the remainder for distribution), would secure an ample iucome 
 for the inmates of Almshouses, or the payment of annuities. There would be an equal emulation 
 in the Presidents to hand over the largest amount to a general fund, as exists at present, to raise 
 one separately, — and it might be administered under the direction of a Committee, comprised of an 
 equal number of the past Presidents, or influential members of the three Societies. It is, we 
 repeat, a subject? of regret, that the money so liberally contributed, should be distributed in casual, 
 and, we fear, frequently imprudent or injudicious charity ; and we shall be highly grateful if these 
 remarks induce the Committee, or Managers of the three Societies, to confer on the practicability 
 of such a scheme as we have suggested, or any other equaUy beneficial. — Bristol Mirror, Nov., 1838. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Archaeological Institute of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, the 
 
 * Abbot, Henry, Esq. 
 
 * Adams, Prancis, Esq. 
 Adlam, William, Esq. 
 Ames, G. H., Esq. 
 Armstrong, William, Esq. 
 
 * Aubrey, Kev. — 
 
 * Beaufort, his Grace the Duke of 
 
 * Bristol, the Lord Bishop of 
 Badham, J. B., Esq. 
 Barnes, F. K., Esq. 
 Barton, Mr. John 
 Beddoe, R. C, Esq. 
 Bedford, Mr. T. 
 
 Bedford, Mr. N. P. 
 Bedford, Mr. John 
 Benden, — Esq; 
 Berkeley, Hon. P. H. P., M.P. 
 Bigg, L. 0., Esq. 
 
 * Boord, Thomas, Esq. 
 
 * Braikenridge, George Weare, 
 Esq., P.S.A. & P.G.S. 
 
 * Brice, William, Esq. 
 Bright, Robert, Esq. 
 Bristol Library Society 
 Brown, W. H., Esq. 
 
 * Brutou, Wrey Chichester, Esq. 
 
 * Bulges, Daniel, Sen,, Esq. 
 Bush, James, Esq. 
 
 ****** Charity Trustees, the 
 Caley, Rev. R. Llewellyn 
 Cave, Daniel, Esq. 
 Chapman, Mi'. A. 
 ChesseU, Wflliam E., Esq. 
 ChiUcott, Thomas, Esq. 
 Chillcott, Mr. John 
 Clark, Mr. James 
 Clarke, Mr. J. A. 
 Clarke, Charles, Esq. 
 Clarke, W. L., Esq. 
 Claxton, William, Esq. 
 
 Coathupe, 0., Esq. 
 Cole, John, Esq. 
 Cole, E. M., Esq. 
 CoUings, G. H., Esq. 
 ** Colston, Edward, Esq., five 
 copies 
 
 * Colston, Rev. Wm. Hungerford 
 Colston, Alexander, 102nd Regt. 
 Cooke, I. A., Esq. 
 
 Coote, Charles E., Esq. 
 Cox, John, Esq. 
 Cross, Thomas, Esq. 
 Crowder, R. B., Esq., Recorder of 
 Bristol 
 
 * Daniel, Mr., Alderman, two 
 copies 
 
 Dando, — Esq. 
 
 * DauieU, William, Esq. 
 Davis, Joseph, Esq. 
 Day, Mr. G. O. 
 
 Day, Rev. S. E. 
 Downing, Thomas, Esq. 
 Downing, G., Esq. 
 Drake, Thomas, Esq. 
 Drew, John, Esq. 
 De Soyres, Mr. 
 
 Eaton, Joseph 
 Edgar, Preston, Esq. 
 Edlen, P. H., Esq. 
 Edwards, George, Sen. 
 Edwards, WiUiam, Esq. 
 Ewen, Mr. Thomas 
 
 Pairbrother, Dr. 
 Pear, S. J., Esq. 
 Fiuzel C. W., Jun., Esq. 
 Pisher, Henry, Esq. 
 Pisher, John, Esq. 
 Plook, William, Esq. 
 Poster and Wood, Messrs. 
 Prankcom, Mr. J. W. 
 
 * Pripp, Daniel, Esq. 
 
 Fripp, S. C, Esq. 
 
 * Pripp, Miss S. S., 
 Puidge, W., Esq. 
 
 George, Christopher, Esq. 
 
 * Garrard, Mrs. 
 George, James, Esq. 
 George, Alfred, Sen., Esq. 
 George, Philip, Esq. 
 Gibbs, James, Esq. 
 Gnbert, Thomas Field, Esq. 
 GUbert, John, Esq. 
 Godwin, John, Jun., Esq. 
 
 * Gordon, James Adam, Esq. 
 Green, F. W., Esq. 
 
 Green, Dr. 
 
 Green, Mrs. Ely Wrey 
 Grevile, Charles, Esq. 
 Grindon, J. B., Esq. 
 Gulley, Lionel, Esq. 
 Guppy, Samuel, Esq. 
 Guppy, Thomas R., Egq. 
 Guppy, Robert, Esq. 
 Gutch, John Matthew, Esq. 
 
 * Haberfield, Sir John Kerle, two 
 copies 
 
 Hale, R. B., Esq., M.P. 
 Halsall, Edward, Esq. 
 
 * Hamlin, Thomas, Solicitor 
 Hamon, R. C, Esq. 
 
 Hare, Charles Bowles, Esq. 
 
 Hare, W. O., Esq. 
 
 Harford, John Scandrett, Esq., 
 
 D.C.L., F.R.S. 
 Harford, H., Esq. 
 Harford, John, Esq. 
 Harley, Edward E. 
 Harris, James, Solicitor 
 Harris, James, Esq. 
 Harvey, John, Esq. 
 Hawkins, T., Esq. 
 
 * Hayman, Rev. Samuel 
 
 * Haythom, Mr. William P. 
 
 Indicates Large-paper Copies. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS — (continued. J 
 
 Heaven, Cam Gyde, Esq. 
 
 * Hickes, Mr. C. W. 
 
 * HlU, Jere, Esq. 
 HiU, Henry, Esq. 
 Hughes, Mr. Walter 
 Himgerford, Rev. William 
 Hunt, Henry, Esq. 
 
 * Hurle, John, Esq. 
 
 * Ireland, J. J. C, Esq. 
 
 * Jack, Adam, Esq. 
 
 * Johnson, Mr. Alfred 
 Joliffe, Edward, Esq. 
 
 * Jones, Mr., two copies 
 Jones, Thomas, Esq. 
 Jones, Richard, Esq. 
 Jordan, H. B., Esq. 
 Jose, T. P., Esq. 
 
 * Kerslake, Mr. Thomas, two copies 
 Ker, John, Esq. 
 
 King, R. P. and W. P., Esqrs. 
 Kirby, Mr., John 
 Knapp, Arthur J., Esq. 
 
 * Kempster, J. M., Esq. 
 King, Mrs. 
 
 Lambert, Henry, Esq. 
 
 * Lang, William, Esq. 
 
 * Lang, Robert, Esq. 
 Langdon, A. N., Esq. 
 
 * Langton, W.H. Gore,Esq., M.P. 
 
 * Leech, Joseph, Esq. 
 Lewis, James Cossley, Esq. 
 
 * Loscombe, C. W., Esq. 
 Lucas, Thomas, Esq. 
 
 Manhale, W. H., Esq. 
 Manningford, John, Esq. 
 Mallard, WiUiam, Esq. 
 
 * Maze, Peter, Esq. 
 McArthur, John, Esq. 
 
 * Merry, WOliam, Esq. 
 MUes, P. W. S., Esq., M.P. 
 MUls, H., Esq. 
 
 Mintorn, John, Esq. 
 Morgan, Mr. George 
 Mitchell, W., two copies 
 Mone, J., Esq. 
 
 Morgan, WiUiam, Esq. 
 
 Nash, Charles, Esq. 
 Niblett, I. G., Esq. 
 Norton, John, Esq. 
 
 Oldland, Mr. Henry 
 
 * Palmer, A. H., Esq., two copies 
 Peck, WiUiam, Esq. 
 
 * Perkins, Matthew, Esq. 
 Phillips, W. F., Esq. 
 
 * Phippen, Robert, Esq. 
 
 * Piggott, H. S., Esq., F.A.S. 
 Piggott, W. H., Esq. 
 
 Price, Charles, Esq. 
 Prichard, Augustin, Esq. 
 Proctor, Thomas, Esq. 
 
 * Pope, R. S., Esq. 
 Pountney, J. D., Esq. 
 Powell, William, Esq. 
 Powell, WOliam, Esq. 
 Powell, Richard, Surgeon 
 Pumell, B., Esq. 
 
 Quick, Francis, Esq. 
 Quinton, H. C, Esq. 
 
 Richards, Charles Henry, Esq. 
 Ricketts, Henry, Esq. 
 Ridler, Mr. John, two copies 
 Ring, Mr. William Charles 
 Robson, J., Esq. 
 Rooke, Mrs. 
 Rowlatt, R., Esq. 
 Ruddock, John, Esq. 
 Riimley, Mr. H. A. 
 
 ***** Society of Merchant Ven- 
 turers, Jive copies 
 Sampson, A., Esq. 
 Sanders, John Nash, Esq. 
 Sanden, T. R., Esq. 
 Shaw, John George, Esq. 
 Short, Francis, Esq. 
 Smerdon, Charles, Esq. 
 Smith, P., Esq. 
 Snow, J. H., Esq. 
 Somerton, W. H., Esq. 
 Spark, William, Esq. 
 
 Stedder, S. Horsley, Esq. 
 
 * Stone, Thomas, Esq. 
 Stone, John, Esq. 
 Strickland, Jacob, Esq. 
 Stuart, Edward, Esq. 
 Sturge, Mr. William 
 
 * Sturge, Mr. Jacob 
 Symonds, Dr. 
 
 Talbot de Malahide, Lord, 
 M.R.I.A. 
 
 * Tanner, Mr. William 
 Tanner, Mr, James 
 
 * Taylor, John, Esq. 
 
 * Taylor, T. D., Esq. 
 
 * Taylor, Chas., Esq. 
 Thomas, J. S., Esq. 
 Thomas, Edward, Esq. 
 Thomas, George, Esq. 
 Thomas, John, Esq. 
 Thomas, Christopher, Esq. 
 
 * Tovey, Chas., Esq., two copies 
 
 * Tovey, Miss 
 Townsend, W. Hicks, Esq. 
 Tucker, Chas., Esq. 
 
 * Tuckett, R. S., Esq. 
 
 Vaughan, Philip, Esq. 
 VUdosola, A., Esq. 
 
 * Wadham, J. D., Esq. 
 
 * Wait, Emanuel, Esq. 
 Walker, John, Esq. 
 
 Ward, Richard Brickdale, Esq. 
 Warton, Richard, Esq. 
 Waring, Elijah, Esq. 
 Wasbrough, W. C, Esq. 
 Wayte, Henry, Esq. 
 Webb, Edward, Esq. 
 Weston, Mr. Thomas Henry 
 Wetherman, John, Esq. 
 Whereat, J. and G., Messrs. 
 Whitchurch, James Joseph, Esq. 
 WhittaU, G. P., Esq. 
 Whittuck, Charles, Esq. 
 WoUey, Rev. T. S. 
 Wreford, Rev. J. R.,D.D.,F.S A. 
 Wyld, W. H., Esq. 
 Wyld, J. H., Esq. 
 
 J. CHILCOTT, PRINTER, CLARE STREET, BRISTOL. 
 

 
 ^t^^^C\' 
 
 
 
 ^^M 
 
 w^^ 
 
 tr-Arm,. 
 
 :li^m.^-.<i: