i fiiyii". I.'-' ;i' i>'. ^i^ijii:.:-:^!^^^ ji: Mi |;,vv,'',.','.-....v;t;,v,',v,v;.i,v Prefeflted to ., The Gornell University, 1869, BY Goldwin Smith, M. A. Oxon., Regius Profeffor of Hiftoiy in the Univerfity of Oxford. Cornell university Library arV12209 Population an|4,,SSfiiJ,?|,ii 3 1924 031 254 505 olin.anx Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031254505 POPU'LATION CAPITAL; A COURSE OF LECTURES DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD IN 1858-4. GEORGE K.^RICKARDS, M.A., PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. " La pensee qui mit l'jabmonie dans le mouvement des corps celestes a, sn la mettre aussi dans le mecanisme interne de la soci^te." Bastiat. LONDON : LONGMAN, BB.OWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 1854. [The Author reserves to himself the right cf translation (if this Work.l /cornell\ U^iiVERSiTYi ■s^ LIBRARY^ V Lately published, by the same Author, price 2s, 6d., THREE INTBODUCTOEY LECTTJEES ON POLITICAL ECONOMY. Delivered before the University of Oxford.' Lecture 1. The Harmonies of the Social Economy. Lectuke 2. The Operation of Self-interest. Lecture 3. The Operation of Competition.* J. H. Parker : Oxford, and Strand, London. Ko London : A* and G. A. Spottiswoods, New-street-Square. THE KIGHT HONOUKABLE WILLIAM EWAET QLADSTOT^E, CHANCELLOR Of THE EXCHEQUER, AND ONE OP THE BUKGESSES IN PARLIAMENT FOB THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, ONE WHO HAS GIVEN EFFECT AS A STATESMAN TO HIS ENLIGHTENED VIEWS AS AN ECONOMIST, W'f)t4e ULettuteg Hxe inStvibets WITH SENTIMENTS OF COBDIAL RESPECT AND ESTEEM. PREFACE. It will, perhaps, be deemed a sufficient apology for submitting these Lectures to the public, that the statute under which the Professorship is founded requires the publication of a part of those delivered in each year. Although the contents of this volume considerably exceed the statutory limit, I believe I shall incur no blame, in the eyes either of the Founder or of the University, in following in this respect the example of most of my predecessors in the Chair of Political Economy. The Lecture which stands first in the volume, " On the Nature and Functions of Capital," treats of matters which are, it is true, elementary in their nature, and familiar to all proficients in the science. But, although the subject is one on which the forma- tion of clear and precise ideas is peculiarly need- ful, the notions held respecting it among persons of average intelligence and information are, to say the least, extremely vague and inaccurate. The opinions frequently advanced, and allowed to pass A 3 ■VI PREFACE. current in society, respecting the effects of private expenditure on the employment of labour and on the interests of the working-classes, are such as not only must offend those who have any regard for economical truth, but are practically mis- chievous and demoralising in their tendency. The revolting doctrine that " private vices are public benefits,'' is involved in the apology, con- stantly urged on behalf of others, and no doubt frequently applied to their own consciences by the parties themselves, — that extravagance and prodi- gality furnish employment for labour, encourage trade, and benefit the community, by putting money into active circulation. In attempting the exposure of a fallacy so plausible and inveterate as this, I conceived that I should discharge no su- perfluous task, and might render an acceptable service to the cause of truth and morals. The remainder of the Lectures, nine in number, are devoted mainly to the subject of Population. My attempt has been to discriminate between the truth and the errors contained in Mr. Malthus' cele- brated Essay. Giving credit to that eminent person for much that is valuable and sound in his researches and reasonings, I have endeavoured to demonstrate the fallacy of his cardinal maxim, that " population has everywhere a tendency to increase in a greater ratio than subsistence," and that the greater part PREFACE. Vll of the sufferings endured in all societies is attribut- able to this tendency. Nothing that is said in these Lectures will, I hope, be deemed inconsistent with the respect which I unfeignedly entertain for the talents, the integrity of purpose, and the manifest ^ilanthropy of this writer. But I am bound to ^press my conviction, that the doctrine which he laboured to inculcate, of the constant tendency of all societies to over-population, is untenable in principle, irreconcileable with facts, and, I must add, while fuUy acquitting Mr. Malthus himself of any approach to impiety or presumption, de- rogatory to the Author of those laws by which the economy of society is regulated. If' the conclusion of the Essay on Population be true, it seems to me to involve this inevitable consequence — that there has been a miscalculation of means to ends in the arrangements of the universe — either man has been made too prolific, or the earth too sterile. In discussing and illustrating the various branches of this subject, I have freely availed myself of the labours of other well-known writers on population, particularly M. Say, M. Bastiat, Mr. Senior, Mr. McCulloch, Sir Archibald Alison, Mr. Sad- ler, Mr. Carey, the American economist, and Mr. W. E. Hickson.* To Sir A. Alison's work, * Author of an iible article on Population, in No. 102. of the Westminster Review. Vm PEEFACE. entitled " Principles of Population," I am indebted for many of the observations drawn from the present condition of various coimtries in the world, which will be found in my Sixth and Seventh Lectures. To Mr. Sadler's work I am bound to acknowledge a still greater obligation in respect to the facts and arguments made use of in my Pourrai Lecture. Indeed, I should scarcely over-state the truth in describing that Lecture as little more than an abridgment of the " Essay upon the Balance of Pood and Numbers of Animated Nature," contained in the appendix to Mr. Sadler's book. The matter of that essay appeared to me so interesting in itself, and so valuable a contribution to the argument, that T did not scruple to avail myself of it, subject to such alteration of shape and such additions and mo- difications as my own judgment or information de- rived from other sources induced me to adopt. Nor, with this full acknowledgment of Mr. Sadler's lite- rary rights, have I thought it incumbent upon me to omit the Lecture, of which the credit, if any, is due to him, from this publication. It may be proper, in order to prevent misconception, to add, that I do not at aU concur in the theory of population propounded by Mr. Sadler as his own ; but for which, in my opinion, he failed to adduce any substantial grounds. In assailing the theory of Mr. Malthus, indeed, he appears to me to have been far more successful ; and. PEfeFACE. ix but for the warmth of temper and asperity of tone which disfigure his work, I believe that the contro- versial ability it displays would have received much greater credit, and have told with far more damaging effect upon his opponent- While admitting my obligations to other writers for the aid thus derived from them, I must not for- bear at the same time to assert the claim on my own behalf, without which the present publication would be without excuse. Had I been aware of any other work which places the laws that regulate the increase of mankind in the same point of view, and offers the same solution for the difficulties which have given rise to the controversy about population, I should certainly have abstained from entering on the sub- ject. But I was not acquainted when I undertook these Lectures with any other treatise, among the many written by persons opposed to Mr. Malthus, in which a sound or satisfactory exposition of the laws of population was offered in substitution for the theory of that writer. It was not until I had vir- tually completed my Lectures, that I met with a small tract by Mr. Alexander Everett, the distin- guished diplomatist of the United States, published in London in 1823, and entitled " New Ideas on Population, with Remarks on the Theories of Malthus and Godwin." This publication, small in bulk and modest in pretension, does not appear to X PREFACE. have met with the attention or produced the effect which the candour, ability, and judgment displayed in its few pages deserved. It may be, that the concur- rence of the writer's views with my own has biassed me in its favour ; but I cannot refrain from express- ing my opinion, whatever it may be worth, that in no treatise which has come under my notice have the laws of popula,tion been so unexceptlonably laid down, or so successfully harmonised with the re- cognised principles of political economy. So far as my acquaintance with American economists extends, I believe that the theories of Malthus and Ricardo, which have for some time reigned paramount in the English school of political economy, have not generally found acceptance in the United States. There is an obvious explanation of this circumstance which I am inclined to regard as the true one — the theories in question are not found to square with the facts pre- sented by the new world ; — they are founded mainly upon certain phenomena of society occasionally ob- served in old countries ; but they are entirely out of place in a community in which both production and population are yet in the infancy of their growth, and seem to admit of an almost boundless expansion and development.* In the Third Lecture of this * I cannot refrain here from expressing my opinion as to the great advantage to be derived by tlie English student from the writings of the American economists, as well on account of PEEFACE. XI volume I have pointed out the marked contradiction afforded by the experience of the United States to the argument of Mr. Malthus ; and in a former Course of Lectures* I have investigated the sources of Rent and the origin of the value of land in a new settle- ment under circumstances to which Mr. Ricardo's hypothesis is totally inapplicable. It is on the foun- dation of facts furnished by American experience, and by the light afforded by the rise and growth of new communities, that Mr. Carey has built some of his powerful arguments against Ricardo, which have met with an answer, in my opinion, by no means satisfactory, from Mr. J. S. Mill, while they have received countenance from one of the master minds of modern political economy, M. Bastiat. But if it be true that the theories of Rent and Population which our English writers have laid down find no counterpart in the actual face of things on the other side of the Atlantic, where we are enabled to survey society in its primitive elements, and to watch the rise and progress of economical phenomena in their simplest form, this circumstance in itself appears to me to afford a strong presmnption against their truth. For the laws of political economy, pro- the opportunity enjoyed by those writers of observing the early and simpler phases of society, as on account of the inde- pendence of their views, unfettered by adherence to the re- ceived doctrines of the English school. * Unpublished. Xll PREFACE. perly so called, must be (exceptional causes being allowed for) of universal application, and not in discordance with the facts presented by any of the widely varying conditions of human society. The origin of rent, if it be reducible to a single law, must be the same in America as in Europe, in a new settlement, and in an old community. The same with regard to population. If by the con- stitution of our nature there be a tendency to excess of numbers incompatible with the well- being of society, the same cause . would produce similar effects on both sides of the Atlantic; popu- lation would not be found to outrun production on the one side, and production to maintain the lead of population on the other. In the last Lecture of this volume, in which the conclusions from the preceding Lectures are summed up, I have endeavoured to exhibit the true law of population as a self -regulating power, capable of adjusting itself to the most opposite phases of society, and, in the absence of disturbing causes, proportion- ing the supply of life to the demand under all the infinitely varying circumstances of human nature. The freedom with which I have canvassed opinions held by some of the great masters of economical science, will not, I hope, expose me to the charge of presumption. Towards those from whom I dissent most widely I have endeavoured always to observe PEEFACE. Xlll a tone of courtesy and respect, not forgetting how much easier it is to criticise a system than to con- struct one ; but remembering also, that there could be no progress in the science, if deference for authority, however high, should restrain inquirers from questioning doctrines which have received the sanction of illustrious names. G. K. R. Queen's College, Oxfbrd, October, 1854. CONTENTS. LECTURE I. FACE On the Nature and Functions of Capital - ] LECTURE II. Introduction to the Subject of Population. — Mr. Mal- thus's Essay — Its merits and Defects — The Maxim, that " Population is limited by the Means of Subsistence," explained and qualified - - - - - 28 LECTURE IIL The Dictum of Mr. Malthus, that " Population has a Ten- dency to increase in a greater Ratio than Subsistence." — The grounds of this Statement examined - - 54 LECTURE IV. On the relative Rates of increase of Population and Sub- sistence, physically considered ----- 78 LECTURE V. On the relative Rates of increase of Population and Sub- sistence, historically considered - - - - - 105 LECTURE VI. On the Connection between the Malthusian Theory of Population, and the Ricardo Theory of Rent - - 126 XVI CONTENTS. LECTURE VII. PAGB On the Effect of increased Population upon Production - 153 LECTURE VIIL On tlie Checks to Population, and on Moral Restraint - 179 LECTURE IX. On the Necessity of the actual Power of Population to the Preservation and Progress of the Human Race - - 208 LECTURE X. On the Adaptation of the actual Laws of Population to the various Stages of Society. — Conclusion ... 236 ON THE NATUEE AND FUNCTIONS OF CAPITAL. LECTUEE I. ON CAPITAL. I PROPOSE in the present Lecture to treat of the nature and functions of Capital. There is scarcely any subject in political economy on which it is more essential to possess distinct and accurate conceptions; indeed, we shall find that the root of some of the most inveterate popular errors that prevail is to be found in a misapprehension or confusion of ideas with respect to capital. I shall refer, in passing, to some of these current fallacies, distributiag my remarks under three principal heads, with a view to elucida,te, — 1st. What Capital is. 2nd. How it is formed. 3rd. How it is employed. Let us first endeavour clearly to ascertaia what we mean by capital. To many minds, the notion that the term presents is that of money ; but money, as we shall presently see more plainly, is but the repi'esentative of capital. The possessor B 2! POPULATION AND CAPITAL. of a sum of money has the command of capital by the convertibility of the gold, silver, or other circu- lating medium which he holds, into any of those articles which he may desire to use as capital. But until so converted, the circulating medium is quite incapable of serving that purpose which constitutes the proper function of capital, viz., the production of wealth. It is with reference to this, its special characteristic, that I would define capital as consists ing in those articles of wealth which are employed in the reproduction of wealth. The constituents of all production are correctly de- scribed by the highest economical authorities as three, viz.. Natural Agents, Labour, and Capital. The earth, including in that term all the powers of the ma- terial universe, is the original source of production. Labour is the instrument by which commodities useful to man are extracted from that source ; but there is still a third agent, without which labour is comparatively impotent. Set a man with the full use of his physical and mental powers down in an uncultivated island, and, however great its natural fertility might be, he would scarcely be able to maintain his own existence, much less to accumulate any surplus after supplying his immediate wants. He would have neither seed to sow, nor imple- ments of any kind to till the ground; nor tamed animals to assist him with their strength or speed; nor even, if he had the means of cultivating the earth, would he have any store of provisions to sustain his life until the produce arrived at maturity. In one word, he would have no capital. But, pro- vide the same man, like Robinson Crusoe, with CAPITAL. 3 some waifs from the wreck from which he has been cast ashore, such as carpenters' tools, fire-arms and ammunition, a supply of bread, biscuit, spirits, flour and corn for seed, a quantity of clothes, and similar articles of prime necessity ; — famish him with these requisites, and he will have a capital, by means of which he will be enabled, not only to maintain himself tUl his industry can produce a new stock of necessaries, but to make continually fresh additions to his stores, and, finally, to become, like Defoe's hero, when he left his island, the owner of a con- siderable stock of valuable property. One thing alone saved from the vessel, though identified almost indissolubly in our minds with associations of value, was found utterly worthless to the shipwrecked mariner, — a purse of money ; — a clear illustration of the fact, that where, from the absence of society, there can be no exchange, that commodity which is only the representative of value for the purposes of exchange, becomes whoUy valueless ; it is of no use whatever for purposes of production, — in other words, it is not capital. The articles, then, of which capital does consist are articles previously produced by the co-operation of the three agents already specified, and accumulated for the purpose of being used in reproducing some- thing else. All production is, in fact, carried on by the consumption of what has been produced before. Every labourer subsists on the produce of past labour : the last year's crop furnishes his sub- sistence while he is preparing the ground to yield a new harvest ; the produce of the next season will be raised from the reserved produce of the present. B 2 4 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. As the labour precedes the harvest, so there must be a fund in hand to sustain the labourer until the ■ harvest. In other words, there must be an accumu- lated fund, or a capital, in existence, as a condition precedent to all production. Anything whatever, the result of previous labour, which is used in the work of production, falls within the description of capital. The principal elements of which it consists are three, — E.aw Materials, Im- plements, Provisions for the labourers employed. In agricultural industry, the seed, the plough, and the ploughman's wages, may stand for the repre- sentatives of these three classes of capital. Whether the ploughman be lodged and boarded by the farmer, or the farmer, at the end of the week, put a sum of money into his hand, to be exchanged by himself for food, lodging, and clothing, obviously makes no difference whatever in principle. It is the money's worth that is the capital or instrument of production, not the money, which is merely its sign or token. The second class, which I have termed " imple- ments," must be extended, in an advanced state of industrial improvement, to include a great variety of products, — machinery, buildings, ships, railways, &c., as well as animals reclaimed and made auxiliary to human labour. The description of those things which are or may be capital wiU enable us to determine clearly what are not capital. Upon this point strange misconcep- tions have been entertained and propounded, even by men of ability and eminence, who have engaged in the discussion of economical subjects. Professor Hancock, of Trinity College, Dublin, some time CAPITAL. 5 Professor of Political Economy in that University, in his able pamphlet entitled " Is there a "Want of Capital in Ireland?" cites two remarkable misap- plications of the term capital from the works of two economical writers in that country. One of these, Mr. Isaac Butt, speaks of the waste lands of Ireland as being capital ; the other. Sir Robert Kane, in his work on the " Industrial Resources of Ireland," contending against the popular belief which ascribes the poverty and dearth of employment ia that country to a want of capital, uses this lan- guage:— "We leave our fields in barrenness, our mines unsought, our powers of motion unapplied, waiting for English capital. Labour is capital, intelligence is capital ; combine them, and you more than double your amount of capital. With such capital England cormnenced as Ireland must commence ; and once that we have begun and are in earnest, there will be no lack of money-capital at our disposal."* On this passage Mr. Hancock well observes : — " The fundamental notion of capital is, an article of wealth distinct from labour and natural agents. Labour, so far from being capital, would be almost powerless as an instrument of production without the existence of food for the labourer's support and instruments for his use, which form two large classes of capital. To take the common case of agricultural production: — the land must be prepared ia spring with ploughs and harrows, or with spades ; the seed-corn must be in existence ; the labourers cannot * P. 388. B 3 6 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. wait till harvest for their dinner ; each day they must have food supplied to them; — nay more, they must be clothed ; the clothes must be made of wool, or flax, or cotton ; hence sheep must have been fed, and flax or cotton grown in previous years. So that, in any state of society with which we are acquainted, production is never carried on by labour alone, but labour is always necessarily assisted by the use of commodities saved from consumption by some one, and ready to be used as capital. This assistance which capital gives to labour cannot be dispensed with — cannot be supplied by any extra amount of labour. During the recent famine, when land was lying untiUed, and labour unfortunately but too abundant, what cruel mockery it would have been to tell the starving labourer, who wainted capital in the shape of food to sustain him until harvest, that it was idle for him to speak of wanting capital, as labour was capital, and that, by using part of his labour as capital, he might employ the rest in culti- vating his land ! " Again, to say that land is capital, is as great a confusion of language as to call labour capital. The possession of land does not enable a proprietor to carry on the work of production without the assist- ance of capital. Labourers cannot eat one field while they are cultivating another ; they cannot use land as a spade or a plough. So that if a proprietor had land and labourers only, but no food, no agri- cultural implements, he would find it impossible to raise a grain of produce. When, indeed, land is fertile or improved, and, by the increase of wealth and population, has come to possess permanent CAPITAL. 7 value, the ownersMp of land gives a man the means of easily obtaining the loan of capital from others on moderate terms. This case no doubt gave rise to the fallacy I am referring to. But stiU it is a great error to confound the means of obtaining capital with capital itself."* Capital, then, is, as we have seen, the produce of past labour saved from immediate consumption, and employed for the purpose of producing something else. It is this reproductive purpose which de- termines it to be capital. It is not the nature of the commodity, but the use to which it is destined to be put, that stamps it with that character. The same sack of corn may be used to make cakes and pastry for a feast, or to sow a field, which may yield twenty or thirty-fold to the farmer next year. The same iron ore may furnish the implements of war, by which human life and property are destructively consumed, or the instruments of agriculture, which afford employment and subsistence to successive generations. If it serve for reproduction, the article is capital ; if it is destined for a consumption which yields no result, leaves no value remaining, but terminates in the using, it is not capital. In either event, however, let us observe this fact, which is too often lost sight of, that, be it produc- tive or be it unproductive, consumption equally takes place. All capital is, from the necessity of the case, consumed. It may be well to explain more pre- cisely what we mean by consumption. Not the de- struction of the matter of which the commodity is * Hancock, p. 6. B 4 8 POPULATION AND CAPITAL, composed, — the destruction of matter, or the creation of it, are equally beyond the power of man. Human industry cannot create, it can only transmute and alter the particles of which commodities are com- posed; but it does create the value which is attached to them. So, too, consmnption destroys not a single atom of the substances which undergo that change : the value indeed that belonged to the former product is annihilated, while the particles of which it is composed remain, and take a new shape, either more valuable or less valuable than the former, as the case may be. To a great proportion of those articles that are used for reproduction the analogy of the seed sown in the earth is strictly applicable, " That which thou sowest is not quickened except it die." The grain, before it is put into the ground, pos- sesses value as corn ; being deposited there, the pro- cess of decomposition begins, and its former value is destroyed; if taken up from the ground it would be good for nothing. But in course of time a new product reappears, and a new value, which not only replaces the value of the corn sown, but yields an increase which returns to the farmer the value of all the advances that he has made for labour and im- plements, together with a surplus over and above these, which forms his profit. Such is the process of the reproduction of capital from the soil. It is pre- cisely the same in manufactures. The raw material, — the cotton or the flax, — for which a price has been paid to the grower, is reduced in the intermediate stages of the production to a state of utter valueless- ness, — ^it is flax or cotton no more ; but, finally, at the completion of the process, it comes out, transmuted CAPITAL. 9 by the labour that has been employed upon it, a new product, — a bale of calico or a piece for cambric, pos- sessing, in its altered shape, a value which represents not only the first value of the consumed material, but also the other elements of the cost of producing it. What is true of the raw material is still more obviously true with regard to the second element, the human labour which the production has absorbed. The money with which wa;ges are paid is, as I said before, only the representative of some other things. The shape which the portion of capital paid for labour really takes is that of food, clothing, and necessaries for the labourer. Now, all these things are consumed; all their values are destroyed during the time that the operation of manufacture is going on; the finished articles must yield a new value, which will replace them to the capitalist. The third element is what is commonly termed by economists \}siq fixed capital, — the buildings, machinery, and implements, which, unlike the raw material and the wages, are not consumed in each successive act of reproduction, but, possessing more or less of durability, require only periodical renewal or repair to enable them to outlast many repetitions of the process for which they are em- ployed. Still, even with regard to the most durable of these, it is only a question of time. Even here, consumption, more or less rapid, is incessantly taking place. The plough, each time that it is used, leaves a fraction of its value .in the soil. The price of the finished article, if it is fuUy to remunerate the manu- facturer, must comprise, among other items, some per- centage for deterioration of machinery. At every revolution of the wheel of industry, a certain value 10 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. perishes, and is reproduced. With regard to the most enduring fabrics and instruments, as well as the human agents employed in production, the invari- able truth holds good — " Omnia paulatim eonsumit longior setas, Vivendoque simul morimur, rapimurque manendo." * " The growth of capital," it has been justly ob- served by Mr. Mill, " is similar to the growth of po- pulation. Every individual who is born dies, but in each year the number born exceeds the number who die: the population, therefore, always increases, though not one person of those composing it was alive at a very recent date."t Thus we see that everything that is produced is destiaed to be consumed, either more slowly or more speedily, subject, however, to an essential distinction, which involves some of the most important laws and instructive lessons of political economy. For there are two sorts of consumption, attended by very different consequences to society. The one, an un- productive consumption, which terminates in the act itself, — a destruction of value which is followed by no renovation of the matter consmned, either in the same or in any other shape ; the other, a reproduc- tive consumption, — a temporary destruction of value succeeded by a new and increased value in an altered shape. Let us exemplify this distinction by an example. A. expends a given sum of money in *V(J' By time's slow waste all earthly things decay, Dying we live, and perish day^by day." t Mill, Prin. of Polit. Econ. book i. chap. 5. s. 6. CAPITAL. 11 a costly entertainment, B. expends the same sum in converting a piece of undrained morass into a potato- garden. Each gives employment, by that one act of expenditure, to a certain amount of labour, and contri- butes to the maintenance of a certain munber of families, — belonging, indeed, in the two cases, to a different class, but we will assume the benefit con- ferred in this respect to be equal. The value thus expended is in both instances consumed, but with how different a result I In the former case the viands are eaten, the music ceases, the garlands fade, the guests have enjoyed their revel. Nothing beyond the pleasure of the hour has been the result of that profitless expenditure^* No fund survives for employ- ing a new series of wine-growers, serving-men, confec- tioners, and musicians. So much value has been irreco- verably sunk and lost. To that extent A. has become a poorer man than he was before. On the other hand, B., the improver of the soil, is not only as rich as he was before his expenditure commenced, but richer. His potato-ground has returned a produce which not only replaces all that he has paid to his labourers in wages, together with the tithes and taxes, and a per- centage on his' fixed capital, but, over and above these, a profit on his outlay. The money which he sunk in the soil has been replaced with usury. He has the same fund in hand to expend over again in main- taining labourers and their families ; year after year this process of reproductive consumption may go on ; the same capital may be again and again employed, consumed, and replaced, furnishing in each successive cycle maintenance to the labourer and income to the capitalist. The capital thus appropriated constitutes. 12 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. as Adam Smith says, a "perpetual fund for the maintenance of labour in all time to come." It is a fund, too, which, from the operation of natural mo- tives on the human mind, tends perpetually to increase in amount. The profits of the capitalist furnish the sources of fresh accumulation. If, indeed, he is con- tent with the amount of his acquisitions, he will only re-invest year by year the same amount as before in his business, expending the entire profits as income in the gratification of his wants: in that case his capital will undergo neither diminution nor increase. But if, like the major part of mankind, he is ambi- tious to increase his store, if he partakes in that pre- vailing desire to better his c(iadition, which, as the same author says, " comes with us from the womb, and never leaves us tiU we go to the grave," he will be impelled to add more and more to his capital, by turning into that channel some portion of the an- nually-accruing profits which he might otherwise expend as income. As fast as he does this, fresh employment is created for labour, a larger fund is made the basis of increased gains, which again afibrd a margin for the creation of fresh capital. Whatever be the proportions in which the capitalist appropriates his net returns, whether by spending them as income or adding them to his active capital, — in the former case, it wiU be clearly perceived that the labour employed and the wealth expended are em- ployed and expended once for all — the revenue once enjoyed is sunk and gone; in the latter case, the wages- fund renews itself year by year, and the labourer has the best possible security for the permanency of his income, because it is that very perennial expen- CAPITAL. 13 diture that maintains him which yields also a con- stant income to his employer. These, perhaps, may appear obvious and familiar truths, but I may be forgiven for attempting to elu- cidate, even at the risk of some reiteration, the es- sential distinction between productive and unproduc- tive consumption, on account of the great strength and obstinacy of the popular fallacy which prevails on the subject of expenditure. It is only necessary to have a clear perception of the fact that, whatever is employed as capital is consumed just as much as what is spent as income, only with this difference, that the one is spent many times over, and the other once for all, in order to explode the mischievous delusion which attaches some sort of eclat to the conduct of the spendthrift. If we may judge from the opinions that are afloat in society, the general sympathy of mankind runs strongly with those who, as the phrase goes, "spend their money freely," no matter what direction their expenditure may take. The opinion has been pushed to its strict logical result by some writers, who have not shrunk from asserting broadly the position, that " private vices are public benefits." I have referred, in a former Lecture, to a modern French writer*, who, while advocating self-indul- gence and luxurious living on economical grounds, consistently maintains that war, heavy taxation, nay, even great conflagrations, such as the fire of London, — on account of the extensive employment to which they give rise, are favourable rather than * M. de Saint Chamans. See Introductoi-y Lecture on " The Harmonies of the Social Economy," p. 23. note. 14 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. detrimental to the wealth of nations. The argument is of some value as a reductio ad dbsurdum. But many persons, who would recoil from the abstract proposition just referred to, entertain, and not un- frequently profess, a sort of predilection for the reckless spendthrift. The lavish squanderer of his substance is often spoken of, under a total mis- conception of the social consequences of his conduct, as a person who is " no one's enemy but his own." Nay, so far is this indulgence carried, that it is some- times extended not only to those who spend their whole fortunes on their own personal enjoyment, but even to those who, by running into debt beyond their means of repayment, virtually consume for the same purpose the property of their neighbours. Such excesses are frequently spoken of as venial, on the absurd ground, that, however ruinous to the individual such a course may be, at all events it causes money to be circulated, and furnishes a good deal of employment so long as the expenditure lasts. Now the analysis that has just been made of the destination and employment of capital explodes in a moment all such mischievous illusions ; it shows that the reproductive capitalist is as necessarily an employer of industry, though a far more constant one, as the spendthrift; that it is saving, not self-indulgence, which promotes most effectively the circulation of wealth, — meaning by saving, not the locking up of guineas in a strong-box, but the con- tinued transfer from unproductive to productive ex- penditure of part of the profits derived from the employment of capital. It shows that if any man, not content with spending his whole income on his CAPITAL. 15 personal enjoyment, dissipates likewise the whole or part of his capital, he not merely impoverishes him- self, but wrongs the community, by diverting a fund which has been set apart by those who preceded him for the sustenance of industry and the augmentation of the national wealth : in a word, it evinces the truth of Adam Smith's broad assertion, that " every prodigal is a public enemy, and every frugal man a public benefactor." It may be worth while to trace in detail the steps by which a capital becomes wasted through the ex- travagance of its proprietor, and the consequences of that waste upon the interests of the community. Let us suppose the case of a young man on whom the ownership of an extensive manufactory has de- volved, with a capital, both fixed and circulating, fuUy adequate to carry on the concern. The annual profits arising from the use of that capital constitute his income. He may either live on a part of this, and throw the remainder into capital, improving his machinery, taking on fresh hands, and thereby in- creasing his returns by means of his surplus profits ; or, secondly, he may carry his unproductive expendi- ture to the extreme verge of his income, but not be- yond it, maintaining his original capital at a station- ary point; or, lastly, he may spend on his table, dress, equipage, and other superfluities, not only his whole net revenue, but also a portion of the capital necessary for carrying on his business as heretofore. In that case, he will be driven either to retrench his business, dismissing some of the workmen whom he has disabled himself to maintain, or else to supply the loss of capital by raising a loan upon his property. 16 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. He probably adopts the latter and more frequent al- ternative; and, if the same course of extravagant expenditure is persevered in, the result is, that, after a shorter or longer period, the property, melted down by successive encumbrances, passes into other hands. The manufacture, notwithstanding, is still carried on as before, the same number of hands is employed, the same amount of capital is circulated by it ; but the capital which now carries on the concern is not the same capital with which the proprietor com- menced business, that is sunk irretrievably — spent on objects which have perished in the usiag. The capital which now sets the works in motion has been furnished by the new owner of the concern ; but he cannot have transferred his capital to that invest- ment without withdrawing that capital from some other employment, in which it formed part of the pro- ductive fund of the country, and furnished, or was capable of furnishing, a distinct and additional employ- ment to labour. In short, there were previously two capitals available for the support of the national in- dustry, — there is now but one ; the one has been annihilated, and the other, though it may take the place of that which has been destroyed, does not reaUy supply the loss, except by making a new void elsewhere. For the capital of the nation — that is, the fund by which its working population is maintained and its annual stock of commodities re- plenished — is only the sum of the capitals of all the individuals in it. Every man, therefore, who wastes his own capital wastes a part of the productive re- sources of the country, stints the labouring class of a portion of their wages-fund, and diminishes the com- CAPITAL. 17 mon stock of necessaries and conveniences available for the general consumption. This brings me to the consideration of another point in connection with the subject of capital, which is of essential importance, but on which a great deal of misunderstanding and many inveterate fallacies exist. It is a fundamental law of production that industry is limited by capital. In the words of Mr. Mill, " there can be no more industry than is sup- plied with materials to work up and food to eat," — ^to which might be added, also, implements to work with. The proposition so stated appears a truism, but it has been repeatedly denied, both in argument and in practice. It has in many instances been the pohcy of governments to nurse up and foster some parti- cular branch of industry, influenced, it may be, by views of national expediency, that have been sup- posed paramount to mere economical considerations. By means of fiscal bounties or restrictions, capital has been forced into certain favoured employments, and has had an artificial remuneration secured to it. But the fact has been too often overlooked, that capital can never be forced into one employment without being thereby forced out of some other ; and as capital always spontaneously seeks and finds for itself the most profitable field, this forcing never takes place without that waste of the national re- sources which must always result from transferring any part of the fund from a more productive into a less productive channel : in other words, protection to any one trade is proscription to some other, and the gain from those into which capital is artificially 18 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. impelled never equals the loss sustained upon those out of which it is diverted. Another common delusion which blinds men's minds to the necessary limitation of labour by capital, arises from the vague and inaccurate notions that prevail on the subject of ere«?i^. Credit, according to the view fondly entertained by some theorists, may be made an effectual substitute for capital: La other words, capital, through the intervention of credit, may be enabled to perform a double office, ■ — to do two things at once, — to serve as an agent of production, both for the 'borrower and for the lender. But credit, if we analyse its nature, is nothing else but the loan of capital, a method by which the temporary use Of a certain quantity of wealth is transferred, upon stipu- lated terms, from the owner to another person. Now, it is obvious that the self-same commodity cannot be at one and the same time transferred to the borrower and retained for his own use by the lender. To take a very simple illustration of a loan of capital: — if I lend my neighbour my plough to till his field with, I cannot use it at the same time to cultivate my own: so, if a capitalist lends to a manufacturer about to set up in business 10,000Z., that transaction is virtually a transfer from the former to the latter, for a given period, of so much machinery, plant, buildings, raw materials, food and necessaries for workmen, &c., inasmuch as the money lent affords the command of these things ; and these things (or other things of an equivalent value) the capitalist might have retained for his own use and profit, if he had been minded so to do ; but he can- not both transfer this capital — these articles possess- CAPITAL* 19 ing an intrinsic value, and having a substantial ex- istence- — to another man, and at the same time keep them, or their equivalents, in his own hands, and employ them for his own profit. In the necessity of this law, which an insight into the true nature of credit shows to be inevitable, neither reason nor experience will induce some per- sons to acquiesce. The notion that it is possible to reduplicate capital through the agency of credit has taken too firm a hold upon their minds to be dispos- sessed ; it has been the cherished delusion of a cer- taia school of currency-speculators, from John Law, the author of the famous Mississippi scheme, down to the originators of " Land and Labour Banks," and various projects of inconvertible paper curren- cies at the present day. To enter fully into the nature and merits of such plans on this occasion would be besides my purpose : when I proceed, as I hope soon to do, to investigate the subject of money and the different systems of currency, it will be the proper time to examine both the true theory of paper credit, and also some of the fantastic hallucina- tions that have been entertained with regard to it. But it may be as well briefly to point out the process of reasoning on which these chimerical systems rest. The desideratum is to increase the available supply of capital. Now, we see that it is the possession of money which gives a man the command of capital; therefore (it is argued), the thing to be done is to increase the quantity of money. But gold and silver money cannot be multiplied at pleasure ; for gold and silver, like other commodities, must be paid for, by giving some equivalent in exchange. Paper, 2 20 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. however, presents no such difficulty. Paper money may be increased to any extent without cost ; never- theless, it is conceded that paper money will not circulate unless it be founded on some substantial basis ; it must represent something of intrinsic value or it wUlnot pass current. Now, there is nothing more substantial than land. Land has permanence, and it has also value. Make land, then, the security for your notes. Against so many acres of land issue so many pounds sterling of bank paper, taking care always to leave an ample margin of value in favour of the currency. By this method the available wealth of the community may be nearly doubled; the land may be made to yield its proper produce and profit to the cultivator, while the capital raised on the credit of that same land may be employed by the manufacturer a hundred miles off, in the pro- duction of hats and stockings. Thus credit, it is conceived, may be made in effect to double the pro- ductive powers of capital. Now, it is impossible for any one to be deluded by such bubbles as these (bubbles, however, by which thousands have again and again been duped and ruined) who has got a firm grasp of the true notion of capital, as I have endeavoured to explain it, — ^who perceives that capital consists neither in money nor in land, nor in stock in the public funds, but in sub- stantial, tangible, and consumable products, — in the materials and implements of labour, — in the things the labourer eats and drinks, — the things he works with, — ^the things he transforms by his labour into new com- modities. To a man who clearly apprehends this, it is a truism to say that these things cannot be used CAPITAL. 21 by two persons for two purposes and in two different places at once : they may maintain labour either in Essex or in Lancashire ; they may set in motion either the plough or the cotton mill; but they cannot possibly do both at the same time. The true doc- trine of capital and credit was forcibly stated by a great authority in economical matters, Mr. Ricardo, on the occasion of his examination before a com- mittee of the House of Lords, appelated to consider the resumption of cash payments by the Bank of England in 1819. Mr. Kicardo was asked : — " Do you not know, that, when there is a great demand for manufactures, the very credit which that circumstance creates enables the manufacturer to make a more extended use of his capital in the pro- duction of manufactures ? " Answer : " I have no notion of credit being at all effectual in the produc- tion of commodities : commodities can only be pro- duced by labour, machinery, and raw materials, and if these are to be employed in one place they must necessarily be withdrawn from another." He was asked : " Is not the capital invested in land, for example, capable of two uses? First. Is it not productively used as vested in the land? Secondly. May not money be raised by credit on that land, which may be applied to the purposes of manufactures ? " Answer : " The question sup- poses two capitals, — the land, and the instruments employed in manufactures." " But," he was asked, " may not a man get credit from a bank on the security of his capital which is profitably employed, whether vested in stock or land ; and may he not, by means of that credit, furnish employment to an ad- c 3 22 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. ditional number of labourers, without dislodging capital from any existing employment in the conn- try?" " Impossible ! " was the emphatic answer. " An individual can purchase machinery and raw mate- rials with credit, — he can never create them. If he purchases, it is always of some one else, and, consequently, he displaces some one else from the employment of capital." " Are you of opinion, then, that there can never be ia any country two uses of the same capital, — one to acquire an annual revenue by the mode in which it is invested, and the other to acquire a capital or credit, which may also be profitably em- ployed by the person who acquires it, and which wiU be so wherever there is an increased demand for commodities ? " Answer : " Capital can only be acquired by saving. It is impossible that one capital can be employed by two persons at the same time, or for two objects." But although credit cannot make capital perform double duty, it can and does act as a most useful auxiliary to capital, by increasing its effective power, and by saving that waste of profit which occurs when- ever capital lies idle. By means of credit, the man who can employ capital productively obtains the use of it from the owner at a time when the latter has no occasion for it himself. The advances which the capi- talist makes to the manufacturer enable him to carry on his operations without intermission, instead of being obliged to wait for the time when he may convert some of his commodities into money, wherewith to procure the means of fresh production. CAPITAL. 23 Through the medium of credit, in like manner, the wholesale dealer advances the finished commodities to the retailer on the faith of receiving payment out of the proceeds of future sales. But for this arrange- ment, the articles would remain a dead stock in the warehouse until the tradesman had realised the funds to purchase with. Thus, by means of credit, the whole machinery of industry is kept constantly at work, without pause or suspension. Those intervals during which capital would otherwise lie locked up and unproductive are saved, and the waste of profit is reduced to a minimum. StiU, it is essential to observe, that the way in which credit operates is always by an actual transfer, a real substantive advance from one hand to another, of commodities, on the faith of an equivalent to be subsequently given for them. For the time that these commodities are assigned to the borrower the use of them is necessa- rily lost to the lender. In this process, therefore, there is no doubling of capital, only a more constant and productive use of it, — it is fructified, but it is not multiplied. Before bringing these remarks on the subject of capital to a close, I think it may be necessary tp obviate a misapprehension to which some part of my argument may have exposed me. I have insisted on the superior advantage, as regards the increase of national wealth, of the productive employment of capital over mere unproductive consumption : I have held up frugality to praise as a social virtue, and represented the prodigal expenditure of individuals as a national loss. It may be asked, "Is there, then, to be no limit to the process of accumulation ? Are wc 4 24 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. to employ all we get for the sole purpose of getting more ? Is it the summum honum of the social system to stimulate the greatest possible production of corn and turnips, of cotton goods and hardware ? If po- litical economy proscribes all expenditure which is not commercially remunerative, what encouragement will be afforded to the fine arts, to literature, to the elegancies and refinements of life, to every branch of knowledge that is not strictly utilitarian? Is no gratification to be allowed to the higher tastes and emotions of our nature? — ^nothing to be spared for those objects, which, however unproductive in mer- cantile returns, have yet a moral value in so far as they refine the taste and elevate the sentiments of a nation, and, by cherishing a love for whatever is noble, sublime, and beautiful, afford the best antidote to the sordid cares and hardening influences of a life devoted to the pursuit of gain?" Now, I do not at all deny that in individuals the incessant and selfish passion of accumulating wealth may, with most hurtfiil effect, absorb the whole mind, to the suppression of all higher aicas and aspirations; but, with regard to communities, I venture to assert this, that the increase of capital has no tendency to discourage the cultivation of the refinements and embellishments of life, but rather the reverse. If we inquire in what countries and at what periods the arts have chiefly flourished, we shall find it to have been not in poor and infant com- munities, possessing little or no capital, and struggling with difficulty for the means of subsistence, but in countries, in which the progress of opulence, derived from the pursuits of industry and commerce, has CAPITAL. 25 enabled men to employ their leisure in mental culti-r vation, and to turn a part of their superfluous wealth into unproductive channels. Capital, we must re- member, is increased not simply by the saving from consumption, but by the excess of production over con- sumption. If, then, the productive powers of indus- try be increased, — and this is the special purpose and effect of capital, — ^the result is, that there will be at the same time more to consume and more also to put by. It is a well-known law that every addition to the sum of the capital employed increases the rate at which further augmentations may be made : " Vires acquirit eundo ,•" or, as the same truth is expressed in the popular adage, " Money makes money." The beginnings of capital are always slow and difficult. JN^ations, lilie individuals, emerge by long and painful efforts out of the lower stages of want and poverty; but a certain point once reached, the progress of ac- cumulation becomes constantly accelerated. As more is gained, there is more to spare, not only with- out diminishing the fund applicable to reproduction, but concurrently with the constant increase of that fund. If we observe the features presented by a country or a district in which wealth and population are rapidly increasing, or if we remark the signs of progress in the neighbourhood of a busy and pros- perous town, we shall generally find expenditure in the luxuries and superfluities of life advancing at least in equal ratio with the increase of machinery and the extension of industrial establishments. As long as human nature remains unchanged, we need have no fear but that the taste for personal enjoyment, for recreation, for ornament, and for display, will be 26 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. developed in full proportion to the augmentation of wealth. If, indeed, that proportion should be ex- ceeded ; if any part of the capital required to repro- duce the national income should be wasted in dissipa- tion, then it is an inevitable consequence that the resources of the country wUl diminish, its population will undergo distress, their numbers will decrease; and if that should happen, it is vain to suppose that the arts will not languish, science and literature de- generate, and all that constitutes true civilisation decline concurrently with the downward progress of industry and opulence. Now, to recur once more to the point before insisted on. So far as any individual of the community contributes by his personal extravagance to this waste of capital, so far he promotes the tendency to national deterioration, just as the prodigal son of a private family impoverishes by his thriftless or vicious habits the estate on which the maintenance of its several members depends. Nothing is more clear than this — that mere consumption benefits no- body but the consumer. The available income of the community, the sum of the incomes of all its mem- bers, is a fixed quantity, and the more any individual absorbs to his own share, the less remains to be di- vided among his fellows. But this is a truth which requires to be constantly re-asserted and enforced. We shall render, I am sure, an important service to society by combating on every occasion that may present itself the corrupting sophistry by which a man who pampers his appetite, his love of pleasure, or his thirst for vulgar applause, soothes his con- science with the thought that by such a mode of CAPITAL. 27 expenditure he is giving encouragement to industry, and is pursuing a course which, in an economical point of view, is rather meritorious than otherwise. Now, if a man must waste his substance in mere personal gratifications, at all events let him not seek to extenuate his moral responsibility by economical delusions ; let him not flatter himself with the belief that he is doing good to trade and benefiting his species by spending thousands a-year in champagne, pine-apples, costly liveries, gorgeous equipages, opera boxes, racing-studs. The moral contradic- tions involved in such a theory might alone suffice to condemn it. Prudence and frugality are private virtues, and it is equally demonstrable that they are public benefits. There is no opposition, but a perfect accordance, between the doctrines of mora- lity and those economical laws by which society is regulated; and the analysis of the nature and functions of capital affords another illustration of that great principle which, on several occasions, I have endeavoxired to vindicate and exemplify — the har- monies of the social economy. 28 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. LECTURE II. ON POPULATION. In entering upon the consideration of the laws which regulate the numbers of the human species, we approach one of the most perplexing and controyerted branches of political economy. It is nevertheless a study of great interest, and the attainment of sound conclusions respecting it is of vast importance to the welfare of society. Many volumes have been written and various theories propounded on the laws of popu- lation, yet the subject stiU requires, in my opinion, to be more fully elucidated before the great problems which it presents can be deemed to have received a satisfactory solution. The uncertainty which still en- velopes this subject is doubtless attributable chiefly to the imperfection of our knowledge. The facts which should form the basis of aU sound inductions are im- perfectly recorded, or rest on questionable authority, insomuch that we find writers of quite opposite views alike appealing confidently to statistics for their proofs, to the great bewilderment of their readers, and not unfrequently of themselves. Again, there are many points relating to the propagation of the human species important for the political economist to ascertain, but which physiological science has not yet been able to clear up. For my own part, I by POPULATION. 29 no means presume, in commencing a course of lectures on Population, to announce any original discoveries, or to add a new theory to the many that are already before the world. But it may not be an useless undertaking to assist those who may have been perplexed with the difficulties of the subject, by an attempt to clear the ground of some prevalent fallacies, and to ascertain what progress has been made towards the estal?lish- ment of sound and trustworthy conclusions. And although it may appear, upon a review of what has been hitherto accomplished in this direction, that there yet remains ample scope for investigation and research, yet it will be found, if I mistake not, that enough has been elucidated respecting the laws of population to vindicate what some crude theories have appeared to call in question — the wisdom and benevolence of the ordinances of Providence, and to evince that harmony of arrangement, that perfect accordance between the economical and the moral laws, which in regard to some other features of the social economy I have endeavoured in former lectures to illustrate. In adverting to the writers by whom the science of population has been treated, no doubt exists as to the person to whom the first place should be assigned. The name of Malthus has become inseparably asso- ciated with this branch of political economy. The renown and influence attached to this author in con- nection with the subject which he so peculiarly made his own, have been not unfairly earned. Impressed with the belief that some deep-seated cause existed for the general poverty and distress that he saw pre- vailing among the lower classes in almost all com- 30 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. munitleSj Mr. Malthus applied himself, with re- markable self-devotion, to the task of investigating the sources of this social malady. In the prosecution of that inquiry he spared no exertion. He ex- hausted all the means of information within his reach, which could throw light upon the condition of man- kind in all parts of the world, and ia every stage of civilisation. In several countries he made personal inquiry as a traveller into the circumstances of the poorer classes. At length he announced to the world his discovery, that the root of the evil lay in a mis- conception, and consequent transgression, of the laws which Providence had ordained for regulating the numbers of mankind ; and that the only true remedy was to be found in rectifying the balance of popula- tion, by throwing the weight of moral restraint into the scale. It was evident to all, that in scarcely any part of the world did the produce of the country suffice to Bjaintain in tolerable comfort the whole body of the people. The reason of this was plain, said Malthus: the people were too numerous, and the only sure way to better their condition was to limit their numbers. The doctrine thus proclaimed, and stated, it must be owned, in the first instance with some harshness of language, and with that austere determination which sprung from his own strong conviction of. its truth, produced on various miads very different effects. On the one hand, the ability and research displayed by the Essay on Population, engaged at . once nu- merous converts, impressed the opinions of its author on many leading miads, both in this and otter coun- tries, — raised him, in fact, to be the head of a school. POPULATION. 31 not large indeed in numbers, but considerable in in- fluence, and gradually brought about an important change in the tendency of public legislation on economical subjects. In contrast to these triumphs, the doctrines, henceforth known as " Malthusian," were received in other quarters with the most vehe- ment opposition. The author was assailed with the language not only of fair controversy, but of unscru- pulous invective, his opinions were misrepresented, and even his character traduced. He was accused not only of inhumanity to the poor, but of impiety towards the Author of those laws, the wisdom and justice of which, as his opponents conceived, were impugned by the new theory. That these attacks were eminently unjust, all can- did persons who have read his essay (a predicament which probably excludes some of its warmest as- sailants) will agree. Whatever might be the error of Mr. Malthus' views on population, which are matter for fair and free criticism, the character and motives of the author are beyond impeachment. I venture to say that any man who reads the work in question in a fair spirit, will rise from the perusal of it convinced, if not of the sound- ness of the argument, at least of the philanthropy of its author, of his love of truth, and his faith in the wisdom and justice of the Divine government. The temper and spirit which characterise the work are fairly displayed in the concluding passage of the writer's reply to several of his opponents, which forms an appendix to the later editions of his work. After expressing his surprise, as well as regret, that " no inconsiderable part of the objections which had 32 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. been made to the principles and conclusions of his essay, had come from persons for whose moral and religious character he had so high a respect," and attributing this result to the use of some too harsh expressions in the first edition, Mr. Malthus adds : — " It is probable that having found the bow bent too much one way, I was induced to bend it too much the other in order to make it straight. But I shall always be quite ready to blot out any part of the work which is considered by a competent tribunal as having a tendency to prevent the bow from becoming finally straight, and to impede the progress of truth. In deference to this tribunal, I have already ex- punged the passages which have been most objected to, and I have made some few further corrections of the same kind in the present edition. By these alterations I hope and believe that the work has been improved without impairing its principles ; but I still trust that, whether it is read with or without these alterations, every reader of candour must acknowledge that the practical design uppermost in the mind of the writer, with whatever degree of judgment it may have been executed, is to improve the condition and increase the happiness of the lower classes of society." * With unfeigned respect both for the talents and the motives of this author, I still believe that the bow, as he left it, admits of being considerably straightened. It will be my object to distinguish, and so far as may be in my power, to reinforce by illustrations drawn from more recent times, those * Appendix, 6th edition, page 497. POPULATION. 33 important truths which, having been previously unknown or neglected, were by him discovered or placed in a clearer light ; to point out, on the other hand, some palpable" errors in his argument, and, what, in my judgment, is still more material than the actual errors, viz., the omission of some of the leading features of the subject ; the oversight of a good deal of countervailing evidence to his theory ; in a word, the uneven balance in which he has weighed the advantages and the evils of an increasing population. It is this great defect — this one-sided view of a subject that requires to be regarded in both aspects — which has exposed this able work to confutation on many points by inferior writers, has raised a barrier of prejudice against the reception of much valuable truth which it contains, and has pre- vented the book, notwithstanding its unquestion- able merits, from ever finding favour or acceptance with the majority. Let us proceed now to examine, point by point, the conclusions attempted to be established by the Essay. In the first place, to Mr. Malthus is due the credit, if not of discovering, at least of impressing, of familiarising, and giving practical effect to the maxim, that the mere increase of population, per se, contributes nothing to the wealth and strength of a nation. Preceding writers had too broadly laid down the proposition that the increase of the people was necessarily the advantage of the State. Adam Smith appears to attach no qualification whatever to this doctrine. " The nlost decisive mark," he says, " of the prosperity of any country is the increase of the number of its inhabitants," If this were the 34 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. whole truth, then should Ireland, previously to the last six years, have been the most prosperous country on the globe. Mr. Malthus observes that, " the prejudices on the subject of population bear a very striking resemblance to the old prejudices about specie. Politicians observing that states which were powerful and prosperous were almost invariably populous, have mistaken an effect for a cause, and have concluded that their population was the cause of their prosperity, instead of their prosperity being the cause of their population ; as the old political economists concluded that the abundance of specie was the cause of national wealth, instead of being the effect of it." * This error has prevailed unquestion- ably, not only in the minds of political philosophers and economists, but among rulers and statesmen, and it has had a powerful influence on the legislative policy of our own country, as well as of other nations. The same principle of stimulating population which dictated the Lex Papia Poppaea at Rome, and the laws of Julius Csesar and the emperors against celibacy, and which in later times has led the governments of China and Turkey to encourage by artificial inducements the multiplication of their subjects, had till within a recent period a firm hold on the minds of the ruling classes in England, f It was intrenched, not only in the opinions, but in the institutions, of this country. What was the English Poor Law under the allowance system but a legal * Vol. ii. p. 237. The truth is, that population is not only the effect, but the cause also, of prosperity. See Lecture VII., post. * See Hansard's Parliamentary History, vol. xxxii. p. 710. POPULATION. 35 bounty on the procreation of children ? The more numerous the oiFspring, whether legitimate or ille- gitimate, the larger was the share of the parent in the parochial dole. If the great object of a state were to cause an increased supply of hrunan beings to be brought into the world, without reference to the means of supporting them, certainly no better way could be devised than to offer a reward out of a public fund to the parents of large families in pro- portion to the number of their children. The doctrine of Mr. Malthus on this subject, is that of sound philosophy and good sense, and to this extent he has been followed by the most judicious economists who have since written upon the subject, among whom it would be unjust to omit M. Say, who is very distinct and sound in his views upon this point. The last-named writer shows that it is not the absolute number of the people of any country, but the ratio of the population to the means of comfortable subsistence, that forms the true test of national pros- perity. A population cannot exist, at least it cannot permanently be maintained, above that number which the resources of the country for the time being are able to support.* It is easy, indeed, by bounties and premiums to encourage marriage and increase the number of births ; but what then ? unless the * "What country," he asks, "is to be considered the most prosperous ? That in which the wants of the people find the largest measure of satisfaction. Such a country is not that in which the population bears the largest proportion to the terri- tory, but that of which the products bear the largest propor- tion to the population." — Cows de VEconomie Politique, vol, iv. p. 399. D 2 36 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. means of subsistence be provided for the new-comers into the world, they will go out of it as fast as they came in. As fast as numbers multiply, new channels of mortality will be opened to carry off the redun- dant members. If not the absolute want of food, at all events the diseases which scarcity engenders, — the maladies that arise from bad nursing, bad living, bad lodging, and bad clothing, — will cut short the lives of the weakest and most indigent members, and perforce keep down the numbers to that limit which nature has imposed on population — the limit of the means of existence ; for nature in this, as in other respects, will not endure to be forced, nor suffer that gradual rate of progression which she has prescribed as a law to human beings in society, to be accelerated by artificial expedients. As the produce of a country increases year by year, as it becomes adequate to support a larger number of inhabitants, that addition of numbers, if the laws of nature be only allowed their free scope, will come into existence and occupy the vacant places at her board. The demand for labour being increased concurrently with the increased supply of food, will infallibly beget both hands to work and mouths to eat. The ex- pansive principle of population implanted in the human constitution is amply strong enough to secure this object. Happily for mankind, so potent are the attractions which marriage, and the enjoyments of home and family hold out to the vast majority, that there is no reason to fear lest the produc- tion of human beings should stand still, whenever there appears to be a reasonable prospect of pro- viding for their maintenance. Thus, according to the POPULATION. 37 harmonious working of nature's laws, industry and population will go hand in hand: every fresh acre brought under cultivation, every new application of skm or science, every improvement in machinery, by which the results of industry are multiplied, makes room for a new accession of members to the human family. Thus it is that an increasing population is the natural effect and sign of national prosperity. The registers of marriages and births furnish a true index of the progress or decline of states. The most remarkable instances of rapidly increasing numbers that the world has seen in recent times, are those of the United States, and some of the Austra- lian colonies; the countries in which the wealth derived from the mineral treasures of the soil, from agriculture, and commerce, has advanced with such gigantic strides as to surpass all former examples. If we examine the records of population in other nations during the same period, we shall find its movements to have been rapid or slow or retro- grade, very nearly in proportion as the industry, the trade, and resources of each community have been advancing, stationary, or declining. The exceptions which may occasionally be fouiid to this rule, admit of being explained by special causes, to which I shall advert more particularly from time to time in the progress of my subject. From these considerations we are enabled to dis- cover the true solution to the problem " How to make a country populous?" The only sure way to attain this object — a most desirable one, no doubt, because populousness is not only, as Malthus has shown, a sign and effect of public prosperity, but it D 3 38 POPULATIOIT AND CAPITAL. is also, as he has too much overlooked, a direct cause and instrument of further progress — is to cherish and give full freedom to its industry. The science of the Wealth of Nations is the science of Population. What- ever tends to enlarge the field of labour, to facilitate the interchange of products whether at home or abroad, to encourage the arts, reward ingenuity, stimidate invention, and guarantee the security of property, — knowledge, peace, free iastitutions, im- partial administration of justice, — ^these are the true methods of enabling a people to increase and mul- tiply, because by their means a continual increase of production takes place, afiFording both supplies of food and profitable employment for new members of the commonwealth. A country thus governed requires no special laws to encourage marriage, no financial exemptions or parochial bounties in favour of large families, — useless and mischievous interferences with the course of nature's laws, which attempt to cure a social disease by producing a counterfeit symptom of health, and, which so far as they operate at all, instead of promoting an effective increase of numbers, promote only a waste of life, a more wide- spread indigence, and a more rapid rate of mortality. If the causes above pointed out are those which tend to make nations populous, it is almost needless to designate the opposite methods by which depopula- tion is brought about. The operation of the various evils which produce a declining or stationary condi- tion of population, may be illustrated by the condition of many countries of the world at the present time. We see the influence of misgovernment and financial oppression in some of the provinces of Turkey ; of POPULATION. 39 political servitude and rigorous feudal institutions on the dependencies of Russia ; of constant predatory wars on the countries of the Tartars and the Arabs ; of unsettled government and frequent revolutions in South America; of an exclusive regime and com- mercial restrictions on Spain and on the Koman States. Wherever tyranny will not permit the fruits of industry to ripen, or oppression snatches them from the rightful owner, or war, foreign or domestic, sweeps off and wastes them, or narrow commercial jealousy shuts them out, there you will not fail to find a scanty because an impoverished people. Me- lancholy to contemplate, in such instances, are the descending steps of national declension. To attempt to arrest them by remedies addressed to the repro- ductive propensities of man's nature, must be regarded as one of the fondest dreams of political empiricism. In thus specifying the leading and most prevalent causes of populousness on the one hand, and depo- pulation on the other, I am not, however, so pre- sumptuous as to suppose myself to have exhausted the whole philosophy of the subject. The general law is, doubtless, that which I have stated, but I do not pretend to deny that there may be other causes lying . remote from common observation, and which physiology may at some future day be able more fiiUy to unravel, which affect powerfully though mysteriously the springs of human fecundity. In the vegetable world, as well as among the lower ani- mals, we observe that certain species manifest from time to time a tendency to a decline of vitality, and we conclude that some occult causes are at work thwart- ing the best directed efforts to propagate and increase D 4 40 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. their numbers. In regard to the family of mankind, there may be other influences besides those of a poli- tical nature, such, for instance, as are involved in the mysterious question of races, which limit the prolific capacity of the species in certain stages and condi- tions. I may refer those who are interested in such speculations to an ingenious paper in the Westminster Keview, No. 102., and also to Mr. Doubleday's lately published " Theory of Population," a work which contains many curious illustrations of the subject; though I must add, that the doctrine which it is written to support rests at present, in my opinion, upon no sufficient induction of facts. Such investi- gations, however, do not, as I conceive, fall within the strict province of political economy, which under- takes to explain the fluctuations in the numbers of mankind only so far as they are influenced by causes of a social character, and such as bear a manifest re- lation to the wealth of nations. I proceed now to offer some remarks that appear to me to be necessary to explain and qualify the proposition of Malthus, which, in its general terms, I acknowledge to be true and most important, — that population is limited by the means of subsistence. It will be expedient, in the first instance, to examine the terms of the statement. One objection to the language used strikes us at the outset. It is too narrow, unless in the term subsistence we include — what it does not commonly import — -clothes, lodging, and other necessaries of existence. But not to insist on this objection, let us inquire, first. What are " the limits of subsistence ? " Are they a fixed or a variable quantity ? A moment's reflection POPULATION. 41 shows that the standard is an infinitely varying one ; varying among difierent classes of the same com- munity — among different communities — and at dif- ferent periods of society. The lowest scale of living in any community, being that which forms the practical limit of increase, is not measured by the minimum of the poorest sus- tenance adequate to sustain life ; but it depends on the habits, manners, and conventional wants of the mass of the labouring population. The means of subsistence for the humblest peasant at the present day in England, include a far greater amount and variety of commodities than they included three or four centuries ago. Even at this day the standard varies widely in different parts of the United King- dom. Hitherto, in Ireland " the means of sub- sistence" have consisted of potatoes, rags, and a mud cabin ; but, in England, the same phrase stands for a thatched cottage, wheaten bread, and decent linen or cotton garments. As long as a small patch of ground, with a wretched hovel upon it, was obtain- able, the Irishman, content with such a miserable pittance as satisfied his neighbours, would rush into matrimony, and multiply his progeny down to star- vation point. In England, on the other hand, if the value of labour were to fall so low as to place bread, and shoes, and a glazed and chimnied cottage beyond his means, the agricultural labourer would either cease to degrade his condition by increas- ing his burthens, or, if he did marry, privations and a lower diet than their constitutions had been inured to bear would generate disease, and thin the numbers of his family. Consider, again, the causes 42 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. which limit the fecundity of those families whose circumstances place them above the labouring class — the middle, and, I may add, the upper ranks of society. Why do so many members of these classes, both male and female, either abstain from marriage altogether, or postpone that event to a comparatively late period of life ? Earely from choice, but far more frequently from the want of means to marry. But of what " means ?" Not surely of the ''means of subsistence " in the literal sense of the terms ? No ; but from the want of a provision adequate to their rank, and to the habits and ideas of their asso- ciates; such a provision as may secure them from sinking to a lower grade in the social scale ; a pros- pect so painful to the mind, that the fear of it is often sufficient to overpower even the strongest and warmest affections of the heart. An ingenious writer, but an unsafe guide in econo- mical questions, Sismondi*, in attempting to prove, in answer to Malthus, that it is not the limit of the means of subsistence which restricts population, founds an argument upon the fact that the wealthiest fa- milies are frequently observed to become extinct. " The Montmorencies," he says, " have never been in want of bread ; their multiplication, on Mr. Mal- thus' principle, ought to have been arrested by no obstacle ; their number ought, therefore, to have doubled every twenty-five years. At this rate, supposing that the first founder of the family lived in the year 1000, in the year 1600 his descendants ought to have amounted to 16,777,216 ; a number exceeding at that time the whole population of * Quoted by M. Say, iu his " Cours Complet." POPULATION. 43 France. Their rate of increase continuing the same, the world would not now have contained the whole family ; for the number of Montmorencies in the year 1800 would have amounted to more than two thousand millions." M. Say disposes of this objection by tracing the fallacy to the misapplication of the terms " means of subsistence" for which he proposes to substitute the more comprehensive phrase, " means of existence.'''' He points out the vastly different standard which this expression represents in relation to the rich and to the poor. With respect to the latter, it denotes the mere necessary minimum of food, clothes, and shelter ; but the means required to enable the members of an illustrious family to marry and con- tinue their species, are of a totally different kind. The higher the social rank, the greater is the dread of losing caste by an iU-provided marriage. High birth, territorial possessions, competent endowments for children — these are the "means of existence," the indispensable conditions of an eligible union for the scions of a distinguished family ; and it is the difficulty often found among the highest ranks in satisfying these conventional requirements which limits marriages, and often brings to an early end the posterity of noble houses. " If the Montmoren- cies," continues M. Say, " have never experienced a deficiency of the means of existence, it is precisely because they have refrained from multiplying their numbers. But inasmuch as the means of existence necessary for a nobleman are much more rare to meet with, and more difficult of attainment, than the cabin and the porridge which suffice for the wants o f 44 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. the peasant, hence it is in the highest ranks that families most speedily become extinct. Accordingly, in countries where an order of nobility exists, it is found necessary constantly to recruit its numbers, either by means of new creations, or by forming alliances with the children of commoners."* The greater proportionate amount of prudential restraint from marriage practised by the upper and educated classes, as compared with the lower, is cer- tainly a fact well deserving of consideration, throwing light upon many of the phenomena of population, and having a practical bearing on the argument, which will be adverted to in its proper place. The difference just referred to between the terms, *' means of subsistence," used by Malthus, and the terms, " means of existence," substituted by Say, is more than a mere verbal difference, or I should not have wasted your time in dwelling on it; it involves an important practical consequence. The latter phrase, besides that it is wider in its mean- ing, represents and keeps before the mind the essen- tial qualification, that the standard of sufficiency for marriage, and therefore the limit to the in- crease of population, is a variable standard — a limit that is constantly shifting at each successive stage in the progress of society. There is nothing more disheartening to the mind in the theory of those economists who adhere to the most rigid sect of the Malthusian school, than the views which they present to us of the irredeemable depression of the labouring classes in that dead level of penury only just above subsistence-point, to which the laws of * Say, " Cours Complet," vol. iv. p. 344. POPULATION. 45 nature are described as inexorably confining them. The incessant effort of numbers to overtake food — the tendency of the principle of population to in- creased activity, as soon as ever the pressure of dis- tress is taken off its springs — are represented by these writers as a bar to any permanent amelioration of the condition of the working-classes. Scarcely has some alleviating influence from without — the effect, it may be, of a change in the laws affecting commerce, or of some mechanical discovery, or of improvements in cultivation — dawned upon their hopes, before the transient prosperity begins to sti- mulate their desires in the direction of marriage. Hence, after a brief interval, arises a further increase of numbers — new competitors for food — the labour- market once more over-stocked — wages again re- duced — the last state of the labourer as bad as, or even worse than, the first. " Were the whole mass of human sustenance," says a philosopher of this school, " produced by the soil now imder cultivation, to be increased twofold by the efforts of human ingenuity and industry, we may assert, as an un- doubted truth, that the only effect, after the lapse of a few years, would have been the multiplication in a like proportion of the number of its occupants, with, probably, at the same time, a far increased proportion of misery and crime."* Is there anything in the ope- ration of the laws of nature upon society to warrant * " In this view, the labouring population are regarded as so many animals, with definite never-increasing wants, and doomed by eternal laws to remain in the same condition themselves and to beget children who are never to rise above it." — Manual of Political Economy, by E. P. Smith, New York. 46 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. sucli a terrible anticipation as this ? God forbid ! If the assertion just quoted were really " an un- doubted truth," " ignorance" of the principles of the social economy would indeed be " bliss ; " for nothing cotdd be more calculated than such knowledgCj not only to throw the deepest gloom and despondency over the prospects of mankind, but also to damp and discourage all efforts to ameliorate the lot of the many, to improve the gifts of nature, or to increase the fertility of the earth. Happily, the assertion is not only negatived, by experience, but is proved to be at variance with the true laws of human progress. In every country of the world, from the earliest re- cords of its history to the present time, the condition of the working classes has become elevated not tem- porarily, but ■permanently, in proportion to the advancement of civilisation, the increase of wealth, the progress of discovery, and the improvement in arts, agriculture, and manufacturing skiU. Observe ; I do not assert that in all communities the labouring class obtaius a fair or equitable proportion of the increased produce of the territory. It is by no means the case that the distribution of wealth in rich countries is always so adjusted as to produce the widest possible diffusion of social advantages. But I do say that, by the inevitable laws of nature, by a process which I have explained at length in former lectures *, as arising mainly from the agency of competition — a share in the increased wealth and plenty which every new stride in the march of civi- lisation enables a community to make, is inalienably * Lecture III., on the " Harmonies of the Social Economy. Competition." POPULATION. 47 secured to the humblest portion of its members. Improved production begets abundance, and abund- ance is cheapness, and cheapness is the gain of the poor. Adam Smith has observed — and the remark has become doubly true since his time — that " the accommodation of an European prince does not so much exceed that of an industrious and frugal pea- sant as the accommodations of the latter exceed those of an African king." The poor must share with the rich the benefits of advancing civilisation. They partake — haud passibus mquis it maybe — but still inevitably partake, in the onward movement. There is nothing in the arrangements by which Providence has secured the continuance of the human species at variance with this law. The true doctrine of population explains and harmonises the process which takes place. The scale of the " means of existence " is, as I have already pointed out, an ascending scale. It is regulated not by a fixed quantity or kind of food, but by usage and opinion. The luxuries of one generation become the necessaries of the next. The requisite provision for marriage and a family is con- tinually enlarged as civilisation advances, by the addition of fresh articles to the stock. The English peasant would not increase and multiply upon such means of existence as suffice for the Russian serf or the Hindoo at the present day ; neither would he do so if his scale of comforts were suddenly reduced to that of the villeins who preceded him a few cen- turies ago upon his own soil. It is, besides, an utter fallacy to suppose that the full tide of population at once and immediately rushes in whenever a vacuum is produced, so as to raise the stream of human 48 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. beings for whom some new channel of relief had been lately opened, to the same volume as before. The ar- rangements of Providence have ordained it otherwise. The bringing into existence and raising to maturity of a new generation of human beings, is a work of time, and years must elapse in the course of nature between the impulse communicated to population and its realised effect. Meanwhile, the poorer classes become habituated to comforts which increased abundance has placed within their reach — they ac- quire new tastes and desires — the new commodities which they are able to obtain for their wages are gradually added to their list of wants and become to them necessaries of existence. Increased self-respect follows upon each step that elevates them in the social scale, and the virtues of prudence, economy, and forethought are its fruits. The acquisitions thus made are not by reckless improvidence forfeited and lost; but, on the contrary, become the vantage ground for further advances in the same direction. Such, I venture confidently to affirm, in opposition to the melancholy theory above quoted, is a true statement, confirmed by history and experience, of the tendency and progress of society, in every coun- try at least in which civilisation is on the advance, and in which industry and property are permitted to have free spread and growth. In such societies im- provements in production outrun the growth of popu- lation. Wealth increases even faster than men. The amelioration of the condition of the working classes, which the law of nature has thus made progressive, is not subject to be neutralised by the principle of human increase ; for the " means of existence," which POPULATION. 49 it is admitted that population can in no case over- pass, are such as the successive improvements in pro- duction make them ; — they expand with the increased abundance and cheapness of commodities — they tend continually to advance — and, unless the country be actually retrograding in wealth and industry, they cannot recede. There is another fallacy which, as it appears to me, pervades much of Mr. Malthus' reasoning, and still more, that of some of his followers, and which has been encouraged perhaps, in some degree, by the very terms of the proposition we are at present con- sidering. When it is said that " population is limited by the means of subsistence," we must be careful not to confine our idea of the subsistence of a country to the mere products of its agriculture ; we must not regard a nation like England, as Mr. Malthus has done in one passage of his work*, as if it were a farm of limited extent, the livestock upon which must be proportioned to the quantity of grass, corn, and turnips that will grow upon its sur- face. A great deal more wheat is raised, as M. Say t truly observes, upon a square mUe in Poland than upon the same space in Holland ; yet a square mile in Holland contains many more inhabitants than one in Poland. Why ? Because that space in Holland, though it yields less corn, yields a much greater aggregate of produce. The value of the things which Holland produces enables it to buy the things which it does not produce. Population is regulated by the aggregate productions of a country, not by any particular article of its produce. * Vol. ii. p. 114. -1- Vol. iv. p. 322. E 50 POPrLATION AND CAPITAL. One condition, however, is necessary to enable a people to multiply their numbers to the fiill measure of their productive powers, including the several sources of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, — I mean free imports. Unquestionably, if you fetter the exchanges, you put a limit upon the num- bers, of a nation. If you adopt an artificial system with regard to trade, you necessarily thwart the laws of nature with regard to population. Whenever a state prohibits its subjects, or in anywise restrains them, from converting the produce of their factories, their forges, or their looms into foreign com or meat, to that extent it restricts their power of multiplying, and the expansive principle of increase must be curbed and checked in one mode or another. But if exchanges are free, and industry is allowed to seek spontaneously, as it always does when let alone, its most profitable field, then the rate of increase is limited by nothing short of the aggregate produce of the nation's industry — the annual income of its labour of every kind: precisely as the expenditure of an individual — ^the munber of persons whom he can maintain — is measured by his income, from what- ever sources, agricultural, mercantile, or professional, it may be derived. Thus, the factories of Lanca- shire may be said to produce com, because they produce corn's worth, and the artificers of London produce the beef and mutton which are sent to the metropolis in exchange for their skilfiil workman- ship. The enormously rapid rate of increase in the manufacturing districts strikingly illustrates this truth. Birmingham, Manchester, and Glasgow, produce scarcely any food at all, but they produce POPULATION. 51 every year and sustain, through the medium of ex- change, a prodigiously increasing number of human beings. The same principles which govern the re- lations of different provinces of the same empire, govern also, where exchanges are free, the relations of different countries with each other. As the agri- cultural districts of England are to Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, so are Poland and the "Western States of America to Great Britain. Observe, I am not now enteriug into the question of the comparative advantages of agricultural and manu- facturing coromunities : With that controversy I am at present not concerned, though I do not hesitate to express my concurrence in Mr. Malthus' opinion, that a combination of agricultural and manufacturing industry is the condition best adapted to promote the wealth, strength, and security of a nation. But, confining our view to the immediate subject of popu- lation, and discarding as chimerical, after the experi- ence we have had withia the last few years, all apprehension as to the capability of the rest of the world to supply com to the fiill extent of our power to purchase it*, I am warranted in saying that, in the catalogue of the " means of subsistence," which determines the population of a country, we must in- clude the proceeds of her manufactures as well as of her agriculture. The question, in fact, is not of the relative increase of population and food, but of the relative increase of population and capital, because, population being given, capital is the only limit to * The apprehensions expressed by Mr. Mill on this point, (Prin. of Polit. Econ. book i. chap, xiii. s. 3.) may be considered as completely disposed of by recent facts. £ 2 52 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. production. These considerations are most important; for nothing can more effectually dissipate such ap- prehensions as were just now adverted to, with re- spect to the prospects of the labouring classes and the possible rate of their multiplication. Grteat as is the fecundity and marvellous the potential increase of the human species, stUl more astounding, in a country adapted for it by nature and the genius of the people, is the progress of the mechanical arts, and the result achieved within a comparatively few years by the ap- plication of natural agents, such as steam-power, to production. I said before, that wealth increases faster than men. I need scarcely appeal to the statistics of our manufacturing system for proof of that fact. Mr. Senior, in a work * written now many years ago, observed, " Sixty years form a short period in the history of a nation, yet what changes in the state of England and in the southern parts of Scotland have the steam-engine and the cotton machinery effected within the last sixty years ! They have almost doubled the population, more than doubled the wages of labour, and nearly trebled the rent of land. They enabled us to endure, not certainly without inconve- nience, but yet to endure, a public debt more than trebled, and a taxation more than quadrupled. They changed us from exporters to importers of raw pro- duce, and consequently changed our corn-laws from a bounty on exportation to nearly a prohibition of importation. They have clad the whole world with a light and warm clothing ; and made it so easy of * Treatise on Political Economy, published in the Encyc, Metrop. POPULATION. 53 acquisition, that we are perhaps scarcely aware of the whole enjoyment that it aifords." He goes on to add some conjectures as to the future: " There appears no reason, unless that reason be to be found among our own commercial institu- tions " (and these have subsequently been altered), " why the improvements of the next sixty years should not exceed those of the preceding. The cotton machinery is far from perfection the steam-engine is stUl in its infancy .... and it is probable that, many other powers of equal effi- ciency are still undiscovered among the secrets of nature, or, if known, are still unapplied." These anticipations, it is needless to say, have received and are every day receiving a more extended fulfilment. It appears, then, from what has been said, that if population depends on the means or necessaries of existence, those means, again, are regulated by the total produce of the labour of a country. In my next lecture I propose to examine into the facts and reasonings on which Mr. Malthus has founded his celebrated dictum— that population has a tendency to increase faster than the means of sub- sistence. E 3 54 LECTURE III. OK POPULATION. The distinctive doctrine of Mr. Malthus on popula- tion is expressed in one short sentence contained in the first chapter of his Essay. It is this : — " That population has a constant tendency to increase heyond the means of subsistence."* The whole argument in support of this thesis is comprised in the first two chapters of the first hook; all that follows consists either of illustrations drawn from the state of society in difierent countries of the world, or of reasons adduced, either for the purpose of meeting objections or of recommending the adoption of practical remedies. As the statement of the doctrine itself is so brief, I shaU prefer, for the sake of doing it full justice, to express the substance of it in the author's own words ; and shall therefore commence by citing the most material passages from the first and second chapters. Mr, Malthus sets out by declaring the object of his Essay to be, "to examine the effects of one ffreat cause" which has " hitherto impeded the progress of mankind towards happiness." " The cause to which I allude," he says, " is the constant tendency in all animated Ufe to increase beyond the nourishment prepared for it."t " It is observed by Dr. Franldin, that there is no limit to the prolific nature of plants or animals but * Vol. i. p. 4. t Vol. i. pp. 1, 2. POPTTLATION. 55 what is made by their crowding and interfering with each other's means of subsistence." "Were the face of the earth," he says, " vacant of other plants, it might be gradually sowed and overspread with one kind only, as for instance with fennel ; and, were it empty of other inhabitants, it might, in a few ages, be replenished from one nation only, as, for instance, with Englishmen." " This," proceeds Mr. Malthus, "is incontrovertibly true. Through the animal and vegetable kingdoms nature has scattered the seeds of life abroad with the most profuse and liberal hand; but has been com- paratively sparing in the room and the nourishment necessary to rear them. The germs of existence contained in this earth, if they could freely develope themselves, would fill millions of worlds in the course of a few thousand years. Necessity, that impe- rious, all-pervading law of nature, restrains them withia the prescribed bounds. The race of plants and the race of animals shrink under this great restrictive law; and man cannot by any effort of reason escape from it." " In plants and irrational animals the view of the subject is simple. They are all impelled by a powerful instinct to the increase of their species; and this instinct is interrupted by no doubts about providing for their offspring. Wherever, therefore, there is liberty, the power of increase is exerted; and the superabundant effects are repressed afterwards by the want of room and nourishment." * " The effects of this check on man are more * See this proposition examined in Lecture 4, post. E 4 56 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. complicated. Impelled to the increase of hie species by an equally powerful instinct, reason interrupts his career, and asks him whether he may not bring beings into the world for whom he cannot provide the means of support. If he attend to this natural suggestion, the restriction too frequently produces vice. If he hear it not, the hmnan race wUl be constantly endeavouring to increase beyond the means of subsistence ; but as, by that law of our nature which makes food necessary to the life of man, population can never actually increase beyond the lowest nourishment capable of supporting it, a strong check on population, from the difficulty of obtaining food, must be constantly in operation. This diffi- culty must fall somewhere, and must necessarily be felt, in some or other of the various forms of misery, or the fear of misery, by a large portion of manliind." ''That population has this constant tendency to increase beyond the means of subsistence, and that it is kept to its necessary level by these causes, will sufficiently appear from a review of the different states of society in which man has existed. But, before we proceed to this review, the subject will perhaps be seen in a clearer Hght, if we endeavour to ascertain what would be the natural increase of population, if left to exert itself with perfect freedom ; and what might be expected to be the rate of increase in the productions of the earth under the most favourable circumstances of htmian industry." Now, it is upon this comparison about to be in- stituted between the rates of increase of population and food that the whole theory turns. I request your particular attention, therefore, as well to the POPULATION. 57 substance of what follows, as to the logical form of the argument, on which I shall have some observations to make presently. " It will be allowed," he proceeds, " that no country has hitherto been known where the manners were so pure and simple, and the means of existence so abundant, that no check whatever has existed to early marriages, from the 'difficulty of providing for a family ; and that no waste of the human species has been occasioned by vicious customs, by towns, by unhealthy occupations, or too severe labour. Con- sequently, in no state that we have yet known has the power of population been left to exert itself with perfect freedom." So far in Mr. Malthus' own words. He proceeds, then, to refer to authorities and Ulustrations to show, what is the highest theoretical rate of human in- crease, or the shortest period of time in which it is physically possible for a community to double its numbers. Sir W. Petty had supposed a duplication possible in ten years; Euler, in twelve years and four-fifths. But Mr. Malthus prefers to found his hypothesis on the actual experience of the Northern States of America; where, as he asserts, the popula- tion has been found to double itself by procreation alone, for above a century and a half successively, in less than twenty-five years. He considers himself, therefore, clearly on the safe side in assuming the capacity of the human race to go on increasing in what is called a geometric ratio by doubling itself every twenty-five years. So much for the power of population. We now come to the other term of the comparison, subsistence. 58 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. Mr. Malthus says, " The rate according to which the productions of the earth may be supposed to increase, it will not be so easy to determine. Of this, however, we may be perfectly certain, that the ratio of their increase in a limited territory must be of a totally different nature from the ratio of the in- crease of population. A thousand millions are just as easily doubled every tVenty-five years by the power of population as a thousand. But the food to support the increase from the greater number will by no means be obtained with the same facility. Man is necessarily confined in room. When acre has been added to acre tlU aU the fertile land is occupied, the yearly increase of food must depend upon the melioration of the land already ia possession. This is a fund which, from the nature of all soUs, instead of increasing, must be gradually diminishing. But population, could it be supplied with food, would go on with unexhausted vigour; and the increase of one period would furnish the power of a greater in- crease the next, and this without any limit."* After referring briefly to various countries in illus- tration of his position, Mr. Malthus turns to Eng- land, and proposes " to consider at what rate the pro- duce of this island might be supposed to increase under circumstances the most favourable to improvement." " If it be allowed," he says, " that, by the best possible policy and great encouragements to agricul- ture, the average produce of the island could be doubled in the first twenty-five years, it will be allowing, probably, a greater increase than could with reason be expected." * P 7. POPULATION. 59 " In the next twenty-five years, it is impossible to suppose that the produce could be quadrupled. It would be contrary to all our knowledge of the pro- perties of land. The improvement of the barren parts would be a work of time and labour; and it must be evident to those who have the slightest ac- quaintance with agricultural subjects that, in propor- tion as cultivation extended, the additions that could yearly be made to the former average produce must be gradually and regularly diminishiag. That we may be the better able to compare the increase of population and food, let us make a supposition which, without pretending to accuracy, is clearly more favourable to the power of production in the earth than any experience we have had of its quali- ties win warrant." " Let us suppose that the yearly additions which might be made to the former average produce, instead of decreasing, which they certainly would do, were to remain the same; and that the produce of this island might be increased, every twenty-five years, by a quantity equal to what it at present produces. The most enthusiastic speculator cannot suppose a greater increase than this. In a few centiu-ies it would make every acre of land in the island like a garden." " If this supposition be applied to the whole earth, and if it be allowed that the subsistence for man which the earth afibrds might be increased every twenty-five years by a quantity equal to what it at present produces, this wiU be supposing a rate of in- crease much greater than we can imagine that any possible exertions of mankind could make it." " It may be fairly pronounced, therefore, that, con- 60 POPULATIOK AND CAPITAL. sidering the present average state of the earth, the means of subsistence under circumstances the most favourable to human industry, could not possibly be made to increase faster than in an arithmetical ratio." " The necessary effects of these two different rates of increase, when brought together, wiU be very striking. Let us call the population of this island eleven millions, and suppose the present produce equal to the easy support of such a number. In the first twenty-five years the population would be twenty- two millions, and the food being also doubled, the means of subsistence would be equal to this increase. In the next twenty-five years the population would be forty-four millions, and the means of subsistence only equal to the support of thirty-three millions. In the next period the population would be eighty- eight millions, and the means of subsistence just equal to the support of half that number. And, at the conclusion of the first century, the population would be one hundred and seventy-six millions, and the means of subsistence only equal to the support of fifty-five millions, leaving a population of one hun- dred and twenty-one millions totally unprovided for." " Taking the whole earth, instead of this island, emigration would of coursebe excluded : and, suppos- ing the present population equal to a thousand mil- lions, the human species would increase as the numbers 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256, and subsistence as I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. In two centuries the popu- lation would be to the means of subsistence as 256 to 9; in three centuries as 4096 to 13, and in two thousand years the difference would be almost incal- culable." POPULATION. 61 " In this supposition no limits whatever are placed to the produce of the earth. It may increase for ever, and be greater than any assignable quantity : yet, stUl the power of population being in every period so much superior, the increase of the human species can only be kept down to the level of the means of subsistence by. the constant operation of the strong law of necessity, acting as a check upon a greater power."* Such is Mr. Malthus' statement, based on an estimate which he considers only too favourable to the prospects of society, of the relative powers and tendencies of population and food. It must be owned, that the doctrine thus enunciated comes upon us, at the first view, with a very formidable aspect. Supposing the hypothesis to be realised, the con- sequences, as regards our own country in particular, would be at once imminent and terrific. The Essay on Population was first published in 1798 ; and, as the author has calculated the rates of increase, in one hundred years after that time, or in less than fifty years from the present date, no less than 150 millions of men out of the 176 millions then supposed to be crowded together upon the surface of this small island, would, to use his own language, be " totally without provision." The first reflection — and a most consolatory one it is — which strikes the mind, on reading the passages just cited, is that, fearful as may be the danger apparently arising from the overwhelming strength of the principle of population, happily for mankind one thing is certain, — there is a loophole for escape * Vol. i. p. 11. 62 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. somewhere. The tendency of numbers to outgrow food, if it indeed exists, is by some cause or other counteracted. Centuries upon centuries have passed over the earth since this unec^ual race began ; yet, up to this time, famine and starvation have not overtaken the countless myriads of human beings born but to perish, who, according to the calculations just stated, should have found themselves thrust, by the fearful activity of the principle of population, beyond the limits of subsistence. Indigence and misery there may be, and is, more or less extensively prevailing, at all times; but a vast, universal, and constantly in- creasing failure of supplies, as the world grows fuller of inhabitants, is certainly a phenomenon of which we have no experience. On the contrary, the pro- portion of subsistence to population appears, as time goes on, to increase rather than to diminish. These facts, of course, Mr. Malthus cannot fail to recognise ; but he accovmts for the frustration of what he regards as the natural tendency of things In the following manner : — According to him, the " superior power " of population is prevented by the operation of certain definite causes from attaining that full development of which it is physically capable. It is constantly repressed by certain impediments or " checks" These " checks " are of various kinds ; but, with one important exception, they are summed up as " in- cluding every cause, whether arising from vice or misery, which in any degree contributes to shorten the natural duration of human existence." * Fore- most in the list, wars, plague, and famine are enumerated ; extreme poverty, excesses of all kinds, ♦ Vol. i. p, 15. POPULATION. 63 severe labour and exposure, great towns and unwhole- some occupations, form other items in the catalogue of " checks." There is another check of a very different character, the operation of which is not repressive, but ■pre- ventive ; this Is termed moral restraint. It consists in the operation of those prudential motives which re- strain individuals from marrying without a reason- able prospect of being able to support a family. Upon this checb I shall have some separate observations to offer hereafter. Mr. Malthus examines at great length into the effects of the various repressive, or, as he terms them, " positive " checks in various coimtries, and at various periods of the world. He traces the operation of them, in most cases, to the same originating cause — the principle of population. Of the most fatal wars that have devastated mankind, he describes the greater part as occasioned simply by " a struggle for room and food." Famine is, of course, nothing else but a disproportion of ntilnbers to subsistence for the time being ; and pestilence is the handmaid and follower of famine. The miaor depopulating agents — the maladies, privations, and exposures whichj by a more gradual process, diminish families and shorten the term of life — are referred to the one leading cause, poverty ; which, again, is itself but an effect, and a symptom of an excess of numbers relatively to employment and subsistence. Thus, the prolificness of mankind, which at first sight appears in so terrific an aspect, is practically restrained by other agencies stUl more potent; the greater part of which are them- selves generated by that very redundancy of numbers. 64 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. the consequences of which, if unchecked, would be too dreadful to contemplate. The account thus given by Mr. Malthus of the effect of the repressive checks upon population, though it may remove some of the difi&culties which facts oppose to his theory, affords, it may be thought, but an imperfect answer to the moral objections to which the constitution of society, according to his repre- sentation of it, would be liable. For the result of his doctrines may be stated thus: — The* fecundity of mankind, if left to its natural operation, is an overmatch for the fecundity of the earth ; the demand for food tends constantly to exceed the supply. That excess is necessarily the occasion of great evil and misery, and would be absolutely destructive of a vast proportion of the species, but for certain causes generated by that very super-fecundity of population upon which they form a check. And of what nature are these causes? All resolvable, by the author's express statement, into " vice and misery." " Every cause," he says, " whether arising from vice or misery, which in any degree contributes to shorten the natural duration of human existence." Thus, the tendency is evil, and the checks which restrain the tendency are likewise evil. "Want and misery are the disease; vice and misery are the correctives. Between the one and the other society is perpetually oscillating. " But why ? — it has been and wUl be asked by the believers in a wise and benevolent government of the universe ; — why has it pleased the Creator to implant in the constitution of our race a tendency so fatally powerful, that, from its inevitable excess are generated the most terrible POPULATION. 65 calamities that afflict humanity ? Why has the instinct of human increase been made so strong, or the provision of food and space so scanty, that, for the mere preservation of existence, mankind are driven to resort to means which shorten its term or poison its enjgyment? Wherefore this horrible di- lemma between over-population and the "checks?" — between starvation by over-crowding on the one hand, or decimation by war, dearth, and pestilence on the other ? " Such are the a priori objections against Mr. Mal- thus' theory which have impressed themselves very strongly on some minds, and have urged several writers to undertake the task of controverting the facts and reasonings contained in the Essay on Population. I must own that, among his numerous critics and opponents, I do not think any one has achieved very signal success. Some have been more distinguished by zeal than knowledge of the subject; others have tried to set up antagonist systems at least as untenable as that which they sought to over- throw; others — among whom I venture to name Arch- bishop Sumner, in his " Records of Creation," and Mr. Senior — aiming rather to qualify Mr. Malthus' conclusions than to confute them, have, in some measTire, surrendered their vantage ground by too large an admission of his postulates. Any account of the history and progress of the Malthusian theory would be incomplete, which omitted to notice an important correspondence which took place between its author and Mr. Senior, in the year 1829. My distinguished predecessor, in some excellent lectures on population delivered in this place, laid down and F 66 I'OPULATION AND CAPITAL. enforced the proposition precisely converse to that of Mr. Malthus — that there is a natural tendency in subsistence to increase in a greater ratio than popu- lation. The publication of these lectures led to the correspondence just referred to, conducted by Mr. Senior in a manner which reflected great honour on this chair ; but, as it is too long to be cited at length, I must refer those who are interested in the subject to the published letters. The result, how- ever, of this amicable controversy was rather curious. These two eminent writers set out, as I have said, with the affirmation of precisely opposite propositions : the author of the Essay asserting that mankiad had a tendency to increase faster than food ; the professor, that food had a tendency to increase faster than mankind. In the course of the correspondence, their respective opinions were, indeed, somewhat qualified by each, but were abandoned by neither ; yet the concluding letter of Mr. Senior, the fifth of the series, commences in these terms : " Our controversy has ended, as I believe few controversies ever termi- nated before, in mutua agreement." And yet each maintained his own opinion, and the two doctrines are directly contrary the one to the other. There is evidently but one way of accountiag for such a result : — the affirmative and negative of the same proposition can be held by two persons who are of the same mind only when each understands the language used in a different sense. Now, one ambiguity involved in Mr. Malthus' famous dogma is not difficult to detect ; it has been clearly pointed out by Archbishop Whately as lurking in the word " tendency." The following passage is taken from POPULATION. 67 the ninth of the archbishop's published Lectures of Political Economy. " By a ' tendency' towards a certain result is some- times meant the existence of a cause which, operating unimpeded, would produce that result. In this sense it may be said with truth, that the earth, or any other body moving round a centre,' has a 'tendency' to fly off at a tangent ; i. e., the centrifugal force ope- rates in that direction, though it is controlled by the centripetal : or, again, that man has a greater ten- tency to fall prostrate than to stand erect ; i. e., the attraction of gravitation and the position of the centre of gravity are such that the least breath of air would overset him, but for the voluntary exertion of mus- cular force : and, again, that population has a ten- dency to increase beyond subsistence ; i. e., there are in men propensities which, if unrestrained, would lead to that result." " But sometimes, again, a tendency towards a cer- tain result is understood to mean ' the existence of such a state of things that that result may be expected to take placed Now, it is in these two senses that the word is used in the two premises of the argument in question" (he is here referring to Mr. Malthus). "But in this latter sense the earth has a greater tendency to remain in its orbit than to fly off" from it : man has a greater tendency to stand erect than to fall prostrate ; and (as may be proved by comparing a more barbarous with a more civilised period in the history of any country), in the progress of society, subsistence has a tendency to increase at a greater rate than population. In this country, for instance, much as our population has increased within the last X 2 68 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. five centuries, it yet bears a far less ratio to sub- sistence (though still a much greater than could be wished) than it did 500 years ago."* Now, if I am asked in which of the two senses, so well discriminated in this passage, the word " ten- dency " is used by Mr. Malthus in reference to popula- tion and to subsistence, I answer, after a carefiil perusal of his entire essay — in both ; i. e., sometimes in the one sense, sometimes in the other. If you bear in mind the passages which I cited at the outset of my lecture, in which he compares the respective tendencies to increase of population and of food, and to which he subsequently refers, as comprising in brief his entire argument, you will find, I think, that my statement is correct — that, in fact, when applied to population, the calculation which he makes of the capacity of increase is founded on " the existence of a cause which, operating unimpeded, would produce that restdt ; " while, in estimating the probable rate of the increase of food, his reasoning is distinctly based on such a state of things that the result (which he there predicates) " may be expected to take place." That such is really his mode of reasoning I shall be enabled presently to make more apparent. It is obvious that there are two methods by which the respective rates of increase of man and of sub- sistence may be compared. They may be regarded — I mean, of course, both the one and the other — either in the abstract or in the concrete ; either potentially or practically. "We may investigate, for instance, according to the laws of nature, manifested by ex- * Whately's Lectures on Political Economy, Lecture ix. POPULATION. 69 perience, what is the stated period within which a given society of human beings are physically capable of doubling their numbers, abstracting the operation of those checks, that impaired longevity and increased mortality, which may be found practically keeping down the numbers of any society. On the other hand, we may estimate the potential rate of increase of those animals or substances which are adapted for human subsistence, assuming no obstacle to their mul- tiplication to arise from the difficulty of finding hands to rear, or space upon the earth to nourish, them. By this method we may ascertain which of the two elements, population or subsistence, is physically capable of the greater expansion in a given time. Or we may adopt another mode of testing their rela- tive rates of increase — we may compare the progress of man and of production in the actual state of any community, or of aU communities together. In all existing societies there are checks in operation upon the multiplication of the human species. There are checks, likewise, upon the indefinite increase of the animal and vegetable world. "We may take the ope- ration of these checks into account on both sides of our calculation. In any given country, or in the world at large, if we like it better, we may compute, with reference to the actual state of things — looking to the experience of the past, and to the circum- stances of the present, to all the causes, social, moral, or political, which restrain the propagation both of man and of his food — what has actually, been, or what probably may be henceforward, the comparative rates of increase of population and of production. Either of these two methods of comparison would be F 3 70 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. fair and logical. I need scarcely add, that the latter will be more likely to conduce to a useful practical conclusion. But a third method, which cannot fail to lead us by the road of false logic to an utterly wrong result, is that of comparing the potential in- crease of mankind according to the unchecked laws of nature, with the actual progress in any given country of production, excluding the operation of the counteracting forces on the one side, import- ing them into the estimate on the other. It is no wonder, when we use such a balance as this, if the scales are found to hang prodigiously unequal. Now, this last is precisely the mode of argument employed by Mr. Malthus in his famous comparison of the relative ratios of population and subsistence, which I have already quoted from his first chapter. If you examine the passage, you will find that there is some Kttle ambiguity in regard to the calculation of the rate of human increase, because the author has to a certain extent mixed up the question of the potential increase of the species with the actual and experienced increase in North America, StiU it is plain, if we attend closely to the form of his argu- ment, that he uses the case of America merely as an illustration. Setting out, as he professes, to ascer- tain what (in his own words before quoted) " would be the natural increase of population if left to exert itself with perfect freedom" — a state of things, as he afterwards admits, of which no known country furnishes an example — he adverts next to the theo- retical estimates of some economical writers, and finally decides on adopting the term of twenty-five years as the period of human duplication, because POPULATION. 71 that term, having been actually realised in some of the United States, he feels safe in the modesty of an estimate which is confirmed by authenticated facts. If in the country where, at all events, some checks to multiplication existed, the inliabitants, nevertheless, had doubled their numbers in a quarter of a century, he is on the safe side (such is in effect his argument) in assuming that human beings can go on increasing in a geometrical ratio at periods of twenty-five years, when " the natural power of population is left to exert itself with perfect freedom." " Perfect free- dom," therefore — in other words, the absence of checks — is clearly, as regards population, the basis of his estimate. The statistics of the United States, as I observed just now, are used simply as an illustration to defend that estimate from cavil. It is hardly necessary, but for the great- importance of this point to our argument, to use more words to show this. To have assumed the progress of popula- tion in the United States, a new country starting with all the advantages of civiHsation, and with a boundless extent of fertile territory to expand itself in, as the standard of practicable increase foi: mankind at large, would have been too manifest a fallacy to have escaped either his reader's notice, or his own. Now, we may admit at once, that Mr. Malthus' period of twenty-five years is not only a fair, but even a low estimate, of what may be termed " the organical or physical power of multiplication" as distinguished from the actual rate of human increase. Supposing, if we can suppose, an entire absence of all the existing checks to population, the means of existence in abundance, no obstacle to early r 4 72 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. marriages from deficient means, no crowded towns or unhealthy occupations, no wasting wars or pesti- lence, there can be little doubt that a still more rapid expansion of population than that upon which Malthns has buUt his argument might take place. There were several causes, noticed by the author himself in other parts of his work, which im- peded the natural rate of increase in the United States. And, indeed, as M. Bastiat has observed, we have authentic record of a stiU more rapid multipli- cation than the American. In the Book of Genesis * it is recorded that the number of Jacob's family who went down into Egypt were seventy souls. About 200 years afterwards f, when Moses took the number of the people, they amounted, according to the ac- count given in the book of Numbers, to more than 600,000 fighting men upwards of twenty years of age, which, according to ordinary computation, would imply a total population exceeding two miUions. Hence, it would appear, that the Israelites had gone on doubling their numbers for two centuries, within successive pe- riods of about fourteen years. Of all the instances on record, this probably is the one in which the actual in- crease of the species has made the nearest approach to the potential. But, as the author last mentioned observes, it is in truth a superfluous task to ascertain what is the utmost abstract power of human increase, exclusive of all check and limitation whatever ; a con- dition of things which never has been, or can be, realised. Suffice it to know that, in the case of human beings, as of aU other organised existences, * Chap. 46. V. 27. t Numbers, chap. 1. POPULATION. 73 the physical capacity of increase surpasses in an enor- mous proportion all the phenomena of rapid multipli- cation which have been witnessed in past times, or are likely to occur in times to come. Viewing, how- ever, the ratio of population adopted by Mr. Malthus as, what it professes to be, viz., that of the physical capacity of human increase, I have no objection to make to it on the score of excess ; provided always that it is carefully borne in mind, that it is a theo- retical standard only, and makes no pretension to be regarded as a practical rule for mankind in general. But it requires nothing more than a careful at- tention to this poiut to bring out in a clear point of view the fandamental fallacy of the whole argu- ment. What is that' ratio in regard to the multipli- cation of subsistence which Mr. Malthus has placed in contrast with the potential iacrease of human beings ? Not the potential increase of animal and vegetable existences proper for the food of men under the like favourable conditions ; " the power left to exert itself with perfect freedom," limited by no check or obstacle, — which formed his datum in regard to population. He enters into no estimate as to the periods in which, according to the laws of Nature, the fruits of the earth, the corn, the olive, and the vine, are capable — it is vain to talk of duplication in such cases, but — of multiplication, some thirty fold, some sixtyfold, some an hundredfold. He omits to consider the almost marvellous fecundity of some of those animals which form, in civilised com- munities, the chief subsistence of the mass of the people; — to compare with the productiveness of man, — a being of comparative sterility among ani- 74 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. mated creatures, taking many years to arrive at puberty, reproducing his kind at considerable in- tervals and in limited number — ^with the fecundity of those animal tribes of the earth, the water, and the air, which, in a less number of months than man requires of years, attain maturity; which breed several times xa the year, and produce several of their kind at a birth. I shall enter more fully in a future lecture upon this part of the subject. At present I only stop to point out that Mr. Malthus has altogether omitted the comparison which the exigency of his argument absolutely demanded, be- tween the abstract powers of increase of man and food. Nay, more, he has not even adopted, in his computation of the possible increase of food, that analogy which would have given a semblance of justice to his comparison, though it would have led him cer- tainly to an opposite conclusion from that which he ■embraced: I mean the illustration of the United States. If we are to take American experience as affording a standard of the possible increase of popu- lation, may we not refer to it also as an illustration, though a very inadequate one, of the potential fe- cundity of the soil, and of the tendency of the fruits of labour to accumulation ? If the multiplication of human beings in those young and vigorous offshoots of a great nation is to be taken as representing the normal power and tendency of population, let us be allowed at least to assume, as a sample of the normal . rate of production, that prodigious development of the resources of nature and wonderful growth of wealth, which have made North America at this day the granary of her parent state, and the most pro- POPULATION. 75 sperous community on the globe. But to say this of the United States is only to say, in other words, that, rapidly as men have there increased and multi- plied — a result to which, it should not be forgotten, that emigration has largely contributed — still more rapid has been the increase of subsistence in a land where want and poverty are almost unknown. For an argument to support the dogma, that " population tends to increase in a greater ratio than subsistence," no illustration could be more unfortunate than that of the United States.* Nor could any comparison be less just than one drawn between the prolificness of man in a new community so remarkably circum- stanced, and the productive capacities of an old and fully peopled country, with an agriculture consider- ably advanced, and a soil long since entirely appro- priated. Yet this is precisely the comparison which Mr. Malthus has instituted. His calculation as to the ratio in which subsistence may be multiplied is founded upon the state of things then actually exist- ing in England. He compares the abstract with the concrete — nature, in the region of hypothesis, acting in " perfect freedom," with nature obstructed by all the " checks" which restrain production in the actual world. Or, again, so far as his argument turns on the illustrations employed, he contrasts the march of population, expanding itself without let or hindrance in the vast untenanted regions of the New World, with subsistence developed by the gradual * Hence the fact is not surprising that of the political eco- nomists of America nearly all, I believe, reject the theory of Malthus. (b POPULATION AND CAPITAL. improvement of arts and agriculture in tliis narrow and long-settled island. Even here, indeed, if the terms of the comparison be but fairly taken, we need have no apprehension in comparing the relative ad- vances of man and food upon the same soil. I intend to exhibit hereafter the details of their respective progresses during the half-century which has passed since Mr. Malthus wrote. The conclusion may be anticipated by those who, independently of figures and statistics, can read in every sign that they see around them, pregnant evidence of the fact, that the more populous England of to-day is a much wealthier country, both collectively and individually, than the less populous England of fifty years ago ; or, to ex- press the same proposition in equivalent terms, that subsistence in this country has increased in a greater ratio than population. I have shown you, I think, that the language in which Mr. Malthus has expressed his famous maxim, is ambiguous, and that he himself has applied it to population and to subsistence in different senses. The maxim, in fact, forms two distinct propositions, according to the sense in which the word "ten- dency" is understood. It may mean that man has a physical capacity to reproduce his kind at a more rapid rate than the subsistence on which his life depends can physically be increased. Or it may mean, that in the actual state of things in any given community, or in the world at large, the production of subsistence, subject as it is to checks and dis- turbing causes, may be expected to fall short of that ratio in which population increases, notwithstanding the positive checks by which it also is restrained. POPULATION. 77 Now, among the later economical writers who have treated of population, some appear to admit the truth of the former of these propositions, contenting themselves with the denial of the latter. Thus, in the very passage cited from Archbishop Whately, he seems to imply that Mr. Malthus would be well founded in his assertion if he had used the word " tendency " in its first sense only ; i. e. as meaning that " there are in man propensities which, if unre- strained, would increase his numbers beyond the means of subsistence." True, indeed, if the means of subsistence are restrained and man unrestrained ; but how if the propensities of the lower animals and the powers of the vegetable world were "unre- strained " also ? Other writers seem to fall into the same view ; that is to say, they conceive of man propagating his race ad libitum, while, subsistence being checked, as it actually is, in all countries, the former would of course outrun the latter. What is this but to com- pare the two powers together under whoUy different conditions ? viz. man, as he might, by physical possi- bility, increase ; food as it may, under actual circum- stances, be expected to increase. I shall endeavour, in subsequent lectures, to show that, applying the term " tendency," either in the one or the other sense, alike to population and to subsistence, the latter is, both in physical capacity, and, by the operation of the laws of social progress, the superior power, and tends to increase in the more rapid ratio of the two. 78 LECTURE IV. ON POPULATION. In my last lecture, I endeavoured to expose the fallacy involved In the introductory chapter of Mr. Malthus' Essay, in which he attempts to show that the natural increase of population exceeds in an enormous ratio — accumulating in the course of two centuries, in the proportion of 256 to 9 — the natural rate of increase in the materials of subsistence. I pointed out that he arrives at this portentous result by weighing together the two forces of popula- tion and of production under different conditions; putting into the one scale the abstract or potential capacity of human increase — into the other the probable augmentation, under actual circumstances, of the productions of a particular country. I stated my own conviction to be, that a fair comparison between the two forces, either in the abstract, or in the concrete, would negative Mr. Malthus' conclusion, that population is the superior power of the two; that whether we examine the question physically, with reference to their natural capacities of increase, or historically with reference to the respective ■degrees of their actual development in the world, we should find there is no foundation for the alleged tendency of mankind to an excess of numbers relatively to subsistence. In the present lecture POPULATION. 79 I propose to enter upon the first branch of the argument, and to show, from a reference to the laws of nature, that an abundant provision has been made by the Creator for the necessities, as well as for the increase, of our race ; a provision contin- gent only upon the condition that we perform the labour of appropriating the supplies prepared for us, and, furthermore, that we conform to those laws which the same power has ordained, and which he has plainly indicated to us, in regard to the multi- plication of our race. My argument, on this occasion, will be, in a great measure, founded on analogy ; the application of which, in the present instance, is not likely to be questioned, seeing that the principles which govern the relations of subsistence to fecundity in the case of man are manifestly but an exemplification of those general laws by which, in the system of the world in which we live, all animated existences are regu- lated. Mr. Malthus himself ascribes an equal uni- versality to that principle of superfecundity which his work is intended to support. He sets out with affirming " the constant tendency of all animated life to increase beyond the nourishment provided for its subsistence," and he describes the irrational animals as exerting instinctively the power of increase wherever they have liberty to do so, the super- abundant effects being afterwards repressed by want of room and nourishment."* Now, undoubtedly, if such a tendency as here supposed really exists, it would fur- nish a strong analogical argument in support of the doctrine of human superfecundity. If, to the lower * Pane 3. 80 POPULATION AND CAPITAIi. animals, multiplying their kind in simple obedience to a blind instinct, the consequence of that obedience is an excess of numbers to subsistence, followed and chastised by its inevitable correctives, suffering and death, — there would be great reason to infer that Man would enjoy no immunity from the penalties of a law which the reason and foresight that he alone is gifted with, might enable him to anticipate and to guard against. If to the irrational creatures Nature has been niggardly in her gifts, there would be no inconsistency, at least, in her operations, if they manifested the same parsimony towards man. But if an investigation into the laws of the animal economy should lead to an opposite conclusion, — if towards the inferior tribes of creation the care and bounty of nature are alike conspicuous — if the pro- vision for their sustenance and preservation has been studiously secured — if there be apparent in the arrangements of the natural world what Paley calls a " compensatory scheme," — a balance between food and numbers, marvellously devised and upheld, so that not one species can be lost, nor even one indi- vidual fall unheeded — then shall we see strong reason to infer that the supposed danger to man from a dis- proportion between his fecundity and his subsistence, is an unfounded apprehension. In this branch of the argument, which I propose now briefly to examine, we find ourselves at one of the many points of contact, highly interesting and instructive, wherever they occur, between political economy and natural theology. The facts which I am about to adduce to illustrate the laws of the former science with respect to population, furnish no less forcible illustrations of POPULATION. « 1 the wisdom and benevolence of the Creator and Ruler of the universe. They are instances of de- sign, proving, at the same time, the infinite resources and omnipotent skUl of the great Artificer, and also manifestly directed to the prevention of those very evils which are represented as flowing inevitably from the natural fecundity of animated beings — an object which, as I shall presently show, is perfectly accomplished by these means. In adducing the illustrations about to be taken from natural history, a science with which I am myself but slightly conversant, I shall avail myself of the laboiu'S of other writers, who have collected them from the works of naturalists and travellers ; and in particular, I shall borrow largely from the instances given by Mr. Sadler, in the learned and ingenious dissertation subjoined to the second volume of his work on Population. To all who feel an interest in the subject, I would confidently re- commend the perusal of this portion of Mr. Sadler's work. In my present Lecture I can venture to offer no more than a brief summary of a most fertile and comprehensive argument. My limits will compel me to pass over altogether a great number of the familiar examples which natural history afibrds of the sedulous care manifested by Nature for the pre- servation of animated beings by the provision made for their support at various stages of existence. Such, for instance, as the instinct which prompts animals to couple at such periods, varying according to the different species, as will cause parturition to take place at the precise time when the supply of their peculiar food will be most available ; or, in oviparous G 82 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. animals, the provision ■which, makes the egg a store- house of food to support the embryo bird during incubation ; or " that constant wonder," as Paley calls it, the lacteal system in viviparous animals, by which, at the precise juncture when it is wanted, at the moment of birth, the female parent is supplied with nourishment for her young ; or, again, the twofold resource provided against the danger which would otherwise threaten the lives of large tribes of creatures during the winter season — for some a state of torpor that supersedes food, for others the marvellous instinct of migration ; or, again, the various and admirable apparatus with which each creature is supplied for securing its appropriate food, or for escaping the dangers it is exposed to ; or the great diversity of appetites * which Nature has implanted in the different spedes — a fact from which I shall draw an important inference hereafter, but which I here advert to, in reference to that economy and distribution of the general fund of food available for the whole animal community which it induces ; or, again, the conversion of death itself into the elements of life — " carrion rendered the fit sustenance of cer- tain species of beasts, birds and insects — the rottmg fibre that of other species, and the entire vegetable kingdom employed in reproducing, and in greater abundance than before, from the dead animal sub- stances, which are the best manure of plants, the materials destined ultimately to form the flesh and * Take, as an example of this, the fact mentioned by Paley, that among the numerous kinds of caterpillars, one kind will not touch the leaves of the trees that another feeds on. POPULATION. 83 blood of new living organizations." * In all these and other instances, far too numerous to dweU. upon, are evinced the care and forethought of Nature for the sustenance of her innumerable progeny ; her parental solicitude for the safety not only of every species, but of each individual existence ; her nicely balanced cal- culation — for it is to this end that all her diversified resources and arrangements point — between numbers and subsistence. But omitting to dwell on these, I pass on to one great prominent fact adverted to by all naturalists, and which, contemplated in aU its bear- ings and in its great result, appears to me conclusive, as an answer to the assumption that the tendency of the inferior orders of creation is to increase beyond the nourishment provided for them, or, in other words, that the supply of food has not been duly proportioned to the prolificness of each species. The fact I refer to is this: that we find through- out the animal kingdom a varying ratio of fecundity ; a graduated scale of increasing prolificness, as we descend from the highest to the lowest species. In the largest, the most long-lived, and the most de- structive kinds, we find comparative sterility ; thus, the elephant produces but one calf at a time, after a gestation of twenty-two to twenty-three months; the lioness. Bacon says, " ordinarily bringeth forth one," though recent travellers have stated, with more accuracy, that though she may have three whelps, not more than one is reared. So birds of prey seldom produce more than two eggs ; the largest species of all, the gir-falcon, is said never to have more than * See Westminster Review, No. 102., Article 6. G 2 84 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. one. Again, among fishes of prey, the larger kinds are yiviparous, and increase slowly. The whale generally brings forth one at a birth, sometimes, but rarely, two. As we descend in the scale of being, we find a gradually increasing fecundity. Those species which are subject to the most numerous and formidable enemies, or to a large human consmnption, as the hare, the rabbit, the domestic fowl, the cod, the herring, are, in an extraordinary degree, prolific ; and, finally, when we descend to the insect tribes, we find the power of increase stiU more abundantly developed, from the butterfly, which lays 500 eggs, to the aphides, which, " in the space of twenty-four hours, cover the plants in a hop-garden with a population greater than that of Europe ; " and from these downwards still to more roinute and multitudinous forms of insect life im- perceptible to human vision.* That this graduated scale of fecundity is not for- tuitous or purposeless, it needs little reflection to perceive. It cannot be doubted, as Paley and numerous other writers have pointed out, that the prolific power in the animal world bears an exact re- lation to another propensity which exists in it — that of destructiveness. The supply of life is adjusted to the consumption of it, resTolting from the operation of that law of prey, which makes one animal the sus- * Professor Owea calculates that the ascaris himiricoides, the most common intestinal worm, is capable of producing sixty- four millions of young, and Ehrenberg asserts that the hydatina senta, one of the infusoria, increased in twelve days to sixteen millions, and another species, in four days, to one hundred and seventy billions." — See Hitchcock's Religion of Geology, p.261. POPULATION. 85 tenance of another. There is a special adaptation in each instance of the prolific faculty, and of the duration of life also, which is another element in the problem, to the measure of food upon which each species is to live — an arrangement in which any error or miscalculation would produce wide-spread disorder and confusion. I do not propose here to oiFer any argument which would be a digression from my main purpose, to vin- dicate that part of the economy of the natural world by which the animals are made to subsist by preying upon one another. The reasons which justify the designs of Providence in this respect have been well explained by Paley, Sadler, and other eminent writers, and I need not repeat them.* One point only I wiU notice in passing, as it is directly con- nected with my present subject, viz., that the dif- ferent ratio of fecundity which subsists in every case between the animal which preys and the animal which is preyed upon, must greatly mitigate to the * " To the harmony and happiness of the present system, we know that the existence and proper relative number of these different classes (the carnivorous and herbivorous animals) are indispensable. For in order that the greatest possible number of animals that live on vegetable food should exist, they must possess the power of rapid multiplication, so that there should be born a much larger number than is necessary to people the earth. But if there existed no carnivorous races to keep in check this redundancy of population, the world would soon become so filled with the herbivorous races that famine would be the consequence, and thus a much greater amount of suffer- ing result, than the sudden death inflicted by carnivorous races now produces. To preserve then a proper balance between the different species, is doubtless the object of the creation of the carnivorous." — HitchcocKs Religion of Oeology, p. 220. G 3 86 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. latter the insecurity and suffering which, under other circumstances, might attach to its condition. The most ravenous monsters of the earth, the air, and the deep, as before observed, are among the most sterile of living creatures. But, without reference to the mercy or wisdom of the arrangement, I content myself with a recognition of the fact. It is the law of creation that the stronger tribes prey upon the weaker, these again successively upon the tribes below them, and so on through a series of which the lower stages are removed below the ken of our perception. It results from this law that, so far as regards the sustenance of each one of the innumerable tribes of created things, the whole of animated nature is linked toge- ther in a mutual and necessary chain of dependence. " Let us enlarge ovu: minds," says Mr. Sadler, " as far as we can do so, to the consideration of the Incalculable and aU but infinite number of indivi- duals for which this provision (of adequate subsist- ence) has to be made. . . . The chain of existence which at once connects and sustains all animated beings is seen descending from rank to ranis, and stiU diminishing tiU, at length, it eludes the sight. . . . . The links of this chain, sustained by the hands of the Eternal Artificer, who can enimierate ? As they diminish in magnitude they multiply ia number, stiU augmenting the miracle, tiU they be- come at once innumerable and invisible. Compared with these what are the numbers of the leaves of the forest, or the sands of the ocean ? In ten thou- sand forms they fill the air we breathe ; they cover the earth on which we tread; they saturate the waters of the stream ; they tinge the waves of the POPULATION. 87 ocean; they flash like lightning on its shores. A single leaf, as St. Pierre has said, without an hyper- bole, is itself a continent, and a drop of water an ocean to myriads of animated beings infinitely di- versified, and many of them, if we believe our best naturalists, invested with a beauty which Nature rarely lavishes upon her larger oiFspriug; at all events, with an organization as perfectly adapted to their condition as that of the mammoth or the leviathan." * I shall not stop to dilate on the grand and sublime ideas which a view of the immensity and perfections of the animated creation is calculated to call forth, nor to weaken, by attempting to embody in language, the conception thus suggested of the stupendous prescience and wisdom unceasingly exerted in the conservation of such a system — a system, it has been weU observed, "involving a comprehensiveness of design, an intricacy of calculation, and a series of anticipations which none could comprehend save Pie who accomplishes them." Adhering closely to the argument which it is my present object to enforce, I will only observe that, viewing this vast connected chain of anunated beings, of which each several species forms one of the mutually dependent links, it is a ne- cessary condition to the continuance of such a scheme that an adjustment between the food and numbers of each respective class of the whole coramunity shoTild be perpetually maintained. A single failure at any part of the series would involve the destruc- tion of some species ^ — -the destruction of one would * Sadler, vol. ii. p. 628. G i 88 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. entail, as I shall presently show, the disorder of the whole. The assiduous precautions which Natxire has taken to guard against the extinction of any of her species have been observed upon by most naturalists, and the success of those precautions requires no proof. " Her species," says Paley, " never fail. The provision which was originally made for continuing the replenishment of the world has proved itself to be effectual through a long succession of ages." * Now, the fact that this vast and mutually dependent system of animated life is thus constantly upheld and maintained, affords, in my mind, a conclusive disproof of the assertion that there ever is or can be a superfecundity of any tribe of living creatures relatively to the food provided for them. The con- servation of the entire scheme depends upon the exact adjustment of the numbers of each, from the highest to the lowest, to its appropriate fond of sus- tenance. The supposition that any one class should be permitted to multiply in disproportion to the numbers of that class on which it depends for food, involves a contradiction and an impossibility. To predicate of animals which form at the same time the prey of certain species above, and the consumers of other species below them, that their fecundity is too great for their subsistence, is simply to say that the same creatures are at once too numerous and too few. But now, let us observe the consequence of any defect in the proportion of food to numbers at any stage in the gradation of animated beings. Of several * Natural Theology, p. 121 POPULATION. 89 tribes of creatures, each in succession depending for food on the species below it — A, B, C, D, E — let us suppose the numbers of one, B, by an improvi- dent miscalculation of Nature, to be unduly increased beyond the food supplied for them. What would be the consequence ? The famished creatures pursue C, their natioraJ prey, with unsparing voracity. The effect is inevitable ; C becomes extinct ; the species is blotted out of the volume of Nature. But the mis- chief by no means ends there ; not only is the suc- ceeding generation of B left to perish with hunger, involving the destruction of A also, but the extermi- nation of C, the natural restraint upon the numbers of D, permits D to miiltiply beyond all proportion to E, their appropriate food. E also becomes extinct, and thus the ruin spreads from one tribe to another, both upwards and downwards, throughout the entire series. So universal would be the havoc consequent upon a single deviation from the balance providen- tially maintained throughout the whole creation be- tween nimibers and sustenance ; the destruction of countless myriads of living creatures, the devastation of the whole face of Nature, would be the conse- quence of any aberration from that perfect equipoise. Nor can it fail to enlarge our conceptions of the vastness and harmony of the system we are now con- sidering, when we observe, that any derangement from the due standard of fecundity, even in the most minute and ephemeral of the insect tribes, of which, perhaps,, our senses refuse to take cognizance, would be just as fatal to the integrity of the chain as if the error occurred in any of the higher links. For the existence of the lowest tribes is as necessary to the 90 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. existence of the higher as is the existence of the highest to that of the lowest. This truth is forcibly •illustrated by the observations of an intelligent and scientific voyager in the arctic regions, Mr. Scoresby, cited in Mr. Sadler's work. In his re- marks on the hydrography of the Polar Seas, Mr. Scoresby says, that "conceiving the discolouration which is there so remarkably prevalent, to proceed from animal matter, he submitted the water to a powerful microscope, and detected medusaa and ani- (ffialcules in numbers, which, as applied to the extent of the waters so impregnated, we may talk about, but which we can comprehend as little as we can infinity. To complete the enumeration of one of the larger of these genera, existing in a couple of square miles, according to a calculation he made, would have required the labour of 80,000 persons from the crea- tion to the present hour. As to the smaller genera, he says, that on computation there must have been in a single drop, and that by no means the most deeply tinged, 26,480." " These animals," he ob- serves, " are not without their evident economy : on their existence possibly depend the beiag and preser- vation of the whole race of mysticete and some other species of cetaceous animals. For the minuter me- dusas apparently afford nourishment to the saepise, actiniae, caneri, helices, and other genera of mollusca and aptera, so abundant in the Greenland sea, while these latter constitute the food of several of the whale- tribe inhabiting the same region, thus producing a dependent chain of animal life, of which one parti- cular link being destroyed, the whole must necessarily perish." I cannot refrain from observing on this POPULATION. 91 passage, that if scientific observation thus proves the indissoluble relation of the smallest to the greatest in the mechanism of creation ; the necessity of the im- perceptible medusas to the existence of the gigantic whale, — nay, more, that the almost inconceivable prolificness of this scarcely visible insect is accu- rately computed, as if by rule and measure, to its own sustenance, as well as to that of the coxmtless beings to whom it bears relation in the animal economy, — how closely do the observations drawn from Nature accord with the declaration of the Divine Teacher, that not even a sparrow falls to the ground unheeded by the lluler of the Universe. The argument, then, against the alleged tendency of the lower animals to multiply beyond the food prepared for them stands thus. We find a law in existence — the law of the descending scale of animal fecundity — which is manifestly calculated to coun- teract such a tendency, and to regulate the munbers of each species relatively to its appointed food. We infer that such and no other is the design of that law. Moreover, we can foresee the destructive and world- wide confixsion that must ensue if any disproportion should arise in any one instance between the want and the supply. But we see that no such disturbance ever does in fact occur; consequently, we recognise the complete and perfect success of that law, the equipoise constantly maintained by Nature's ordinance — or, as we should rather say, if we ascend from second causes to the first, by the incessant superintending care of Providence — between food and numbers. As this argument appears to me to be conclusive of the point at issue, I should rather fear to weaken 92 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. my position than hope to strengthen it by adducing additional illustrationSj which it would be easy to coUectj through the whole field of natural history, to the same effect. But, now we come to apply the principle which we have deduced from this brief survey of the animal econpmy to Man — Man to whose use, government, and disposal, as experience and Revelation alike teach us, all the other tribes of created beings throughout this globe have been made subject. Surely, the analogy is strong, and the conclusion irresistible. We may regard man as forming the highest link in that continuous chain of animated existence just spoken of, whereof the lower tribes form the support of those above them, and in this point of view, the due equilibrium of his numbers to his subsistence, is not less needful to the conservation of the entire system than that of any subordinate species. We may also unhesitatingly infer, that if Nature has with such solicitous care and forethought shielded the ex- istence of the inferior creatures, whose manifest use and purpose is to supply the wants of man, she cannot have designed to leave that being, whose support and increase was the final cause of her elaborate contri- vances, inadequately provided for. These considera- tions, of course, do not exclude, but they fall in with, that most forcible argument which has the highest stamp and warrant — ^the argument, h fortiori, fotmded on the pre-eminent dignity and value of man above all the other works of the Divine hand, iq the eyes of the Creator. But for proof of the proposition that the means of man's subsistence have been duly proportioned to the POPULATION. 93 ratio of his fecundity, we are not left to depend on mere analogies, however cogent they may be thought. A cursory observation of the laws of Nature in the animal and vegetable world, is sufficient to convince us, that if the sustentation of the inferior orders of creation has been amply cared for, much more is the provision for man's subsistence liberal and complete. I shall adduce some few instances, out of many, to show that Nature has been more solicitous to maintain this one genus, comprising, comparatively speaking, a few beings, than she is to support all the rest of her numerous offspring, which we nevertheless see en- joying an ample profusion of the means of existence. In proof of this statement I shall begin by quoting a passage from the author already referred to : — " If, respecting other orders of animated beings, severally considered, one only of the kingdoms of Nature, either the vegetable or the animal, and that only in strictly limited parts, is generally afforded to their sustentation, respecting man, each is offered, and offered almost without limitation, for the same pur- pose. If particular tribes are confined to their own elements in their supply of food, each of those ele- ments yields him its tribute of support, and some of them in unlimited quantities. If different climates and seasons are required to produce the means of subsistence to separate divisions of the family of Nature, aU the climates and every season furnish his board with their various and successive stores. If astonishing instincts are impressed upon various animalsj in order to obtain or continue their neces- sary supplies, touching man, the god-like attribute of Reason, as far surpassing instinct as mental percep- 94 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. tion does bodily sensation, instructs him to bend all nature to his purposes, and to provide under all emergencies, for his present and continued sustenta- tion."* To which I may perhaps add, that while no other animal in creation possesses the power to add one tittle to the fund of its own subsistence, man is en- abled by the resources of art and culture, to increase to a prodigious degree those productions, not only of the vegetable but even of iiie animal world, on which his existence depends. In addition to the broad facts above stated, I will call your attention to several particular provi- sions in the laws of Nature, which appear expressly designed to enlarge the circle of man's supplies, and to fiirnish more certain guarantees against a failure of subsistence. First, I win advert to the fact, that man, whose superfecundity is the object of such intense dread to some philosophers, is one of the most sterile of all animals, taMng the longest time to attain maturity, bringing forth, as a general rule, but one at a birth, and after a protracted term of gestation, while the period of prolificness in the female, in proportion to the whole term of life, is shorter than in any other instance. Those animals, on the other hand, which furnish his most palatable and wholesome food, are remarkably prolific, while the species from which his taste revolts, birds and beasts of prey, are universally the least so. " Benigna circa hoc Natural'' says Pliny, " innocua et esculenta animalia faacunda gene- * Sadler, vol. ii. p. 670. POPULATION. 95 ravit." Herodotus had before made the same remark. I cannot take a better example than that most useful animal the hog, whose flesh, both as it is extremely nutritious and takes salt better than any other, is peculiarly adapted to be stored for food, to be trans- ported to distant parts, and to form the diet of the most numerous classes of society. The fecundity of this animal is notorious. Gilbert White, in the Natural History of Selborne, mentions a sow of his own which he had kept for nearly seventeen years. In that time, he says, " she was allowed, at a moderate computation, to have been the fruitful parent of 300 pigs. But a circumstance which is not less remarka- ble with regard to this and to other animals — and the remark might be extended to vegetable produc- tions also — is this, that in their reclaimed state, when bred expressly for the food of man, they be- come much more prolific than in their state of nature. Lord Bacon says, " Creatures which being wild generate but seldom, being tame generate often." Thus the sow, when wild, farrows only once in the year; in a domesticated state, two or three times ; the number of her litter is then also greatly increased. The duck is a remarkable instance of the same law. In fact, as Paley observes, " In domes- ticated animals we find the effect of their fecundity to be that we can always command numbers: we can always have as many of any particular species as we please, or as we can support ; nor do we com- plain of its excess, it beiag so much more easy to regulate abundance than to supply scarcity."* * Paley, Nat. Theol., p. 121. 96 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. Again, let us observe an important consequence which results from the herbivorous animals being- those which supply the food of man. Not only are the creatures by which his table is supplied the most prolific of Nature's family, but also they are those which, however they may be increased and multiplied, cause no diminution in the stock of other edible animals. But, more than this, it is by their means that those vegetable productions, which in their natural form, man cannot subsist upon, are converted into nourishment for his use, and thus, not only the " green herb for the service of men," but also " the fodder for the cattle," become through another medium the elements of human sustenance. The propensity of animals to migrate, which I have already noticed for another purpose, is again material in reference to this branch of the argument. It is an instinct which belongs not only to birds, but to many species of quadrupeds also; although, from our insular position, we are less familiar with the phenomenon as regards the latter. But it is a well-known characteristic of many varieties of the bos genus, as, for instance, the buffalo and the bo- nassus in their unreclaimed state, as well as of various other species of the larger quadrupeds. I have re- ferred to this peculiar instinct as exemplifying the care of Nature for the subsistence of the animals themselves, and as one of the many expedients by which she secures the preservation of her various dependents. But here, again, although their benefit is the immediate result of the provision in question, it is evident, as in other cases, that the tdtimate object of her solicitude is Man. In an advanced POPULATION. 97 state of society and of agriculture, it is true tHat we are less sensible of the value of those supplies which, at particular seasons of the year, are poured in upon us from distant regions in vast profusion. The im- mense variety of products with which art and com- merce have enriched our dietary stores in this country, renders us comparatively indifferent to such boons of Nature as the vast flights of wildfowl which she annually directs to us from her storehouse in the North, or the shoals of fishes which, at other periods, she throws upon our shores. But, in the earlier stages of society, when little progress has been made in the culture of the earth, and the means of human subsistence are limited to a very narrow range of products, we can appreciate the immense importance attached to those extraneous supplies, without which the wandering tribes of hunters, or even the civilised settlers in a new country, might be in danger of perishing by want. In the infancy of the North American plantations, where, as is well known, the early settlers were hard pressed by the difficulty of subsistence, the advent of those vast flights of migra- tory birds of the pigeon tribe, of which we have read such astonishing accounts, was hailed as almost a miraculous interposition of Providence for the pre- servation of human life. In the language of the primitive settlers, these birds were commonly called "the victuallers." The American ornithologist, Wilson, gives us a faint idea of the almost incon- ceivable number of these annual visita.nts. He says that, on calculating, in a manner which he explains, the amount of a single flight of these steering towards the North, in order to supply that less fruitful region H 98 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. with Elbundance, he judged them to amount to up- wards of two thousand millions — a number equal to at least a couple of pigeons per head to every man, woman, and child in the universe. Dr. Clarke well compares such visitations of living creatures to the abodes of man, at the time of his most urgent need, to the shower of quails from heaven, which fed the 600,000 Israelites in the wilderness ; and he regards the hand of Providence as no less evidently inter- posed in the one case than in the other. I shall add one word more with regard to the subser- viency of this marvellous instinct of migration to the necessities of man. Mr. Malthus, in estimating the possible expansion of the means of subsistence, has applied his hypothesis to the case of an island where the extension of cultivation, and consequent increase of subsistence, appear to be circumscribed by a fixed natural boundary. But we shall meet with another proof of Natiire's infinite adaptation to man's wants. In observing how, even Into this " gar- rison," to use the happy expression of Mr. Sadler, she throws her abundant supplies by the two channels of air and sea. By the one, she peoples even our inland waters with innumerable wildfowl ; upon the shores of the other she casts shoals, which no tribute levied by man perceptibly diminishes, of those tribes, at once the most nutritious and prolific of their kind, which the great deep supplies. The prolificness of the American pigeon, which I just now mentioned, is paralleled by that of the herring*, of which such * Mr. Kirby, in his Bridgewater Treatise, speaking of the herrings says, " Their shoals consist tif millions of myriads, and are many leagues in width, many fathoms in thickness, and so close POPULATION. 99 prodigious shoals are directed to our coasts, furnish- ing employment to thousands, and subsistence to tens of thousands. Most striking, too, in this point of view, is the instance of those kinds of fishes whose organs are adapted either to salt or fresh water, such as the salmon. Impelled by a peculiar instinct to leave the sea, and ascend the rivers, almost to their sources, for the purpose of depositing their spawn, they carry a rich and substantial addition to man's repasts even into the secluded recesses of mountain districts. There is yet another feature in the animal eco- nomy which appears to me so conspicuous an instance of that " compensatory scheme " — that providential adjustment of means to the great end — ^the equilibrium of numbets to food throughout the animal creation, and this for the sake of man, and including man, that I cannot forbear touching upon it briefly. I need, perhaps, hardly repeat, that it is no original idea of my own, but is derived from the same source as many other views laid before you in this Lecture. What I now refer to is the office assigned in the economy of creation to those carnivorous animals, in popular language termed " wild beasts," whose place is at the summit of the scale of irrational creatures, before spoken of. In some respects, material to this Ihat the fishes touch each other," vol. i. p 113. " In ITonray," it Is added, " twenty millions have been taken at a single fish- ing — there are few years that they do not capture 400,000,000 ; at Gottenburgh and its vicinity, 700,000,000 are annually taken ; but what are these millions to the incredible numbers that go to the share of the English, Dutch, and other European nations."— i5«?. p. 114- B2 , 100 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. inquiry, their position on the scene of creation is not unlike ttat of man himself. Like him, they prey upon the subject animals, but are not themselves the appointed food of any other species ; like him, they are the least prolific of animated beings ; like his, their function is that of limiting the otherwise ex- cessive multiplication of the inferior, and especially of the granivorous animals. But one design of Nature, in regard to these two orders of beings, is too evident to be overlooked— their coexistence on the same scene is contrary to her scheme. She has manifested this intention in various ways : first, by the implacable enmity which she has implanted be- tween them, so that an exterminatory warfare is the impulse of each wherever they come together ; se- condly, she has removed all temptation to man to preserve the species; for these creatures are inca-; pable of being domesticated, loathed as food, use- less for service. Accordingly, as experience shows us, they universally disappear before civilisation. As man advances, his savage forerunners and enemies recede.* Let a country, indeed, that has been once civilised, relapse into barbarism and depopulation, * " There is something solemn and almost awful in the incessant advance of the great stream of civilisation which in America is continually rolling down from the summit of the Alleghany mountains, and overspreading the boundless forests of the far West. * » * * The wild animals of the forest retire before this incessant advance of civilisation ; by a mysterious instinct or the information of other animals of their race, they become aware of the approach of the great enemy of their tribe; and so far does the alarm penetrate, that they are frequently found to commence their retreat 200 miles in advance of the actual sound of the European hatchet.— ^^Mon POPULATION. 101 and tHese species reappear, as we find on the sites of Nineveh and Babylon, the abodes of jackals and hyenas at the present day : but otherwise they gradually become extinct. Such has been the. case with the wolf in our own country, and with most other kinds of wild beasts throughout Europe. The same law is exemplified particularly in the lion. Already he has been driven from many of the countries in which he formerly ranged, and is now confined to two — Africa and the East Indies. In these also, as various travellers assure us, his numbers have become greatly reduced, and are still constantly diminishing. Now the inference from all these facts appears to be plain. Providence has ordained the existence of these creatures — necessary links in the animal eco- nomy, and restraints on the superfluous fecundity of other species — to contiuue so long as man, the des- tined head and mainspring of the whole system, is absent from his place of sovereignty, but no longer. Until he, the heir of all creation, appears, or while he is yet in the infancy of his nature, an untutored savage, the equipoise of food and numbers might not be preserved without some provisional check to regu- late the balance. But when man comes in to occupy his assigned dominion over all creatures, then his necessities naturally reduce, or his skill and reason on Population, vol. i. p. 546., citing Tooqueville and Reports to Congress. Compare also Deuter., chap. vii. 22. ; where it is said, with reference to the extermination of the Canaanites, " The Lord thy God will put out those nations before thee, by little and little : thou mayest not consume them at once, lest the beasts of the field increase upon thee."^ H 3 102 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. enable him artificially to regtilate, the re-productlon of the inferior tribes. The beasts of the field would then encroach upon his supplies) and reap the pro- duce of his industry ; the two together would un- duly press upon those granivorous kinds that serve both of them for food, did not man, by the exercise of his superior gifts, drive his savage competitors from the field. I have brought this instance before you because I think it exemplifies, in a striking manner, that principle of adjustment — varying always accord- ing to times and circumstances — which it is my present object to point out as pervading the whole administration of what I may call Nature's fund of sustenance for her animated offspring. We observe her means infinitely various — her expedients subtle and fertile beyond all conception — the details of her mechanism marvellously complex and elaborate — but her results everywhere complete and unfailing. As a heathen philosopher has truly said, " Natura nee abundat nee deficit." She is guilty neither of stint nor waste. I must here bring to a close my observations respecting the regulation of one portion of man's appointed food, viz. that which consists of animal sub- stances, and I have left myself no space to dilate upon the capacities of the vegetable kingdom to supply his wants, and the proportion in which the resources thence derived may be made to keep pace with the multiplication of his mmibers. I must reserve to another occasion this part of the argu- ment, to be illustrated by facts showing what is capable of being done in this field of production by POPULATIOM-. 103 what has been done. I will not now stop to point out how vast is the physical power of increase ia those vegetable products which appear peculikrly suited to the constitution and nurture of man. Of wheat, for instance, — of which Pliny says, " Tritico nihil est fortilius ; hoc ei Natura trihuit, quoniam eo maximk alebat hominem" — the ratio of increase, under conditions but moderately favourable, is not less than thirty-fold in one year. The author just quoted re- cords that it has been known to yield from 300 to 400 grains for one, and, in recent times, an experiment made by Miller in the Botanical Garden at Cam- bridge, to test its extreme capacity of propagation, gave a produce from a single grain of red wheat of 22,109 ears, or 566,800 grains. The productiveness of other vegetables, such as the pea, the bean, the potatoe, and the banana, are still more astonishing, Now, if aU the checks on population were with- drawn, Mr. Malthus tells us that man might double his niunbers in twenty-five years. Be it so ; but withdraw also the checks upon production, and man's vegetable food will multiply in the same period many mUlion-fold. And what are these checks ? Simply the deficiency of space, of capital, and of labour. The first is at present unfelt, for not above a tenth part of the earth's available surface is as yet cultivated for food. Of the other checks on production I will say more hereafter ; only observing at present that the supply of the last-named and most essential requisite, labour, is immediately dependent on the increase of population. Human hands are necessary to extract subsistence from the earth, and it would be a strange economy in man to try to limit, by artificial means, H 4 104 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. the supply of human hands, for the sake of prevent- ing the concurrent increase of human mouths. For such is the liberal provision made by Nature for man- Mndj that one pair of hands are able always to pro- duce much more than one individual can consume. Out of that surplus produce, in fact, arises all the wealth of nations beyond the mere necessaries of their subsistence. Whatever comforts, luxuries, ornaments, men in civilised society are able to superadd to the satisfaction of their mere physical wants ; — the source of aU the treasures, the capital, nay, even the intel- lectual stores that they accumulate, is to be traced simply to that higher ratio of fecundity in the pro- ductions of the earth than in man himself, which Providence ha,s ordained for the progressive improve- ment of his condition and elevation of his nature. As society advances, so does production more and more run ahead of population. That it is physically capable of so doing, I trust I have now shown some reasons for concluding, It will be my endeavour in subsequent Lectures to show that the same tendency which the laws of Nature indicate, history confirms ; and that in all societies in which civilisation is not moving backwards, the march of numbers waits upon and promotes, but never outstrips, except through the influence of vicious human iastitutions, the develop- ment of the means of subsistence. 105 LECTUEE V. ON POPULATION. The physical capacity of the substances adapted for man's subsistence, both animal and vegetable, to increase in a ratio far exceeding the most rapid multi- plication of human beings that can naturally take place, has been, I hope, sufficiently evinced. I speak now of the mere abstract power in both cases, on the hypothesis, which never can be realised in fact, that no check or impediment whatever exists to the growth either of population or of production. Prac- tically, we know that the case is very different, both with regard to man and to his food, in every com- munity, and must continue to be so till the end of time. In some societies, the checks upon production, in others, those on population, may operate more forcibly, although it is generally true, that the same causes act concurrently upon both ; for in a healthy state of society, as I have before said, population and production advance hand in hand, and whatever tends to increase wealth, increases numbers, and vice versa. Without dwelling more on this point at present, I will just notice one cause of very great potency, on which Mr. TMalthus has laid considerably 106 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. stress In his exposition of the checks on population, but in a manner calculated, I think, to cause some misconception as to its real effect. Mr. Malthus has spoken of the destruction of human beings consequent on war, as one of those methods by which the natural redundancy of the species is kept in check, and brought down from time to time to the level of the means of subsistence. Now, if it is true that population is thinned by war, it is equally certain that there is no more effectual hindrance to pro- duction. If war is wasteful of life, it is not less wasteful of the means of existence, and of capital, which is the life-blood of industry. If it cuts off so many consumers of the earth's products, in which light Mr. Malthus has chiefly regarded it, — on the other hand, it checks production in a more than equal degree, by turning labour into unproductive channels, by retarding improvements and discouraging accumxdation, to say nothing of the actual devasta- tion and waste of property which generally attend its course. So far as regards the ratio of population to subsistence, we may be assured that, economically speaking, no country gains by war. If a family is deprived, by death, of any of the members by whose exertions it was maintained, though there may be fewer mouths left to feed, it becomes poorer, not richer, by the loss of the hands that laboured. Just so it is with nations. The same repressive checks, especially the check now referred to, — which cut off the members of the community, cut off, both directly and indirectly, the sources of production ; and as it is not the absolute numbers of a community, but its numbers relatively to its products, which determine POPULATION. 107 its condition, the impoverishment of a country afflicted by war and similar calamities, proceeds, not merely pari passu, but even in a greater ratio than its depopulation. This, however, though a very important con- sideration, is a digression from our course of argu- ment. My object in the present Lecture is to compare, in an existing community, the actual progress of population, subject to such checks as various circum- stances may impose upon it, with that of production, subject to the same impediments. Taking into the account whatever obstacles deficiency of subsistence, war, pestUence, or other checks may oppose to the increase of human beings, on the one side, and what- ever hindrances on the other, want of capital or of labour, war, vicious laws and institutions, or other causes may offer to the progress of wealth, let us endeavour to ascertain to which side, upon the whole, the balance preponderates — whether the tendency of communities, as time goes on, is to find their numbers encroaching more and more upon their food, or their wealth continually getting a-head of their population. But the question now stated comes in effect to this : — Is it or is it not the tendency of mankind to advance in civilisation ? Is society, according to the laws which regulate its constitution, progressive or the reverse? Does man, following the ordinary course of his destination, proceed upwards from destitution and want to prosperity and abundance, or in a downward course, commencing with plenty and comfort, and finding, at each successive stage of his social existence, the difficulty of subsistence be- 108 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. coming more severe, and the danger of want more imminent? If Mr. Malthus is right, and if popu- lation has a natural tendency to outrun subsist- ence, then the condition of man in society has a natural tendency to deteriorate — increased num- bers, scantier food, less leisure, harder labour, in- creased self-denial and privations, must be the order of his career. If, on the other hand, production is the superior power of the two, and if increasing population is the effect which foUows, while it is also the cause which stimulates, the increase of wealth, then we may expect to observe, as num- bers multiply, food becoming more abundant and more various, labour lightened by the appliances' of art, the classes raised above the necessity of phy- sical toil more numerous, the superfluities of life multiplied in increased proportion to the mere necessaries. Now, in fact, these latter features con- stitute the very signs and circumstances of civili- sation. The question involved in the Malthusian controversy is, therefore, the very question which I just now propounded as to the tendency of the social system and the natural destination of mankind. It has been contended by the author of the theory we are now considering, and by some of his ad- herents, among whom I may specify Mr. J. S. Mill as one of the most ardent, that the condition of the lower orders of the people in almost all civilised com- munities testifies to the truth of the doctrine of over- population. Thus Mr. Malthus states, in his letter to Mr. Senior, that " there are the strongest reasons to believe that the pressure in question has occasioned premature mortality in every old country with which POPULATION. 109 we are acquainted ; " and again, in another passage, he says, "the main part of the question with me relates to the cause of the continued poverty and misery of the labouring classes of society in all old states." Mr. Mill expresses the same idea in more dogmatic terms. He says, "that population has a tendency to increase faster than in most places capital has actually increased, is proved incontest- ably by the condition of the population ia most parts of the globe. In almost all countries the condition of the great body of the people is poor and mise- rable. This would have been impossible if capital had increased faster than population." Waiving for the present all question as to the justice of this description of the state of the mass of man- kind in civilised countries, it is obvious that the question with which we are now concerned, turns not on their absolute, but on their relative, condition. Granting that they are, in some sense, poor and miserable, there are degrees even in poverty and misery. But has their condition deteriorated or im~ ■proved with the increase of their numbers ? That is the real point at issue. Mr. Senior has stated the argument on this head with so much force and clear- ness, that I prefer to transcribe his language rather than to express the same ideas in my own: — " It is obvious, that if the present state of the world, compared with its state at our earliest records, be one of relative poverty, Mr. Mill's reasoning is unanswerable. If its means of subsistence continue to bear the same proportion to the number of its inhabitants, it is clear that the increase of subsistence and of numbers has been equal. If its means of 110 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. subsistence have increased much more than the num- ber of its inhabitants, it is clear, not only that Mr. Mill's proposition is felse, but that the contrary proposition is true, and that the means of subsist- ence have a natural tendency to increase faster than population. "Now what is the picture presented by the earliest records of those nations which are now civilised ? or, what is the same, what is the now state of savage nations ? A state of habitual poverty and occasional famine — a scanty people, but still scantier means of subsistence. Admitting, and it must be admitted, that in almost all countries the great body of the people is poor and miserable, yet, as poverty and misery were their original inheritance, what inference can we draw from the continuance of that misery as to the tendency of their numbers to increase more rapidly than their wealth ? But if a single country can be found in which there is now less poverty than is universal in a savage state, it must be be true that, under the circumstances in which that country has been placed, the means of subsistence have a greater tendency to increase than the population. " Now this is the case in every civilised country. Even Ireland, the country most likely to afford an instance, of what Mr. MiU supposes to be the natural course of things, poor and populous as she is, suffers less from want, with her eight millions of people, than when her only inhabitants were a few septs of hunters and fishers. In our own early history, famines, and pestilences, the consequences of famine, constantly recur j at present, though our numbers are tripled and quadrupled, they are unheard of. POPULATION. Ill " If it be conceded," continues Mr. Senior, " that there exists a natural tendency to advance from bar- barism to civilisation, and that the means of subsis- tence are proportionably more abundant in a civilised than in a savage state, and neither of these propo- sitions can be denied, — it must follow that there is a natural tendency in subsistence to increase in a greater ratio than population.*" The poverty and misery of the lower classes of man- kind, therefore, on which Mr. Mill relies as " incon- testable proof" of his views, evidently prove nothing to the purpose, unless it can be shown that these classes were originally less poor and miserable than they now are, and have become constantly more and more so as the countries to which thfey belong have become more fully peopled. But all history negatives such a supposition. What these facts, so far as they exist, reaUy do prove, is something quite different; they bear upon the distribution, rather than upon the increase of wealth. There may be societies of which the aggregate iacome is large and constantly increasing, while, from political or economical causes, the labouring class is Ul-em- ployed or underpaid. In many communities, great opulence may frequently be found existing in close neighbourhood with grinding penury. But this unequal distribution of wealth, though in itself a great evil, is a fact which has no relevancy to the point at issue. We are enquiring whether the numbers of a nation have a tendency to increase * Lectures on Population, p. 49. 112 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. slower or faster than the sum of its wealth, not into the relative condition of particular classes in it. The language used both by Mr. Malthus and Mr. Mill, makes no exception of our own country ; yet neither of these eminent writers would have denied that Eng- land contains an immense amount of accumulated wealth ; and Mr. Mill, in particular, has dwelt with something like alarm on the prodigious rate of the annual increase of its capital. Depreciate the con- dition of the working classes as you may, this fact at least is unquestionable. But from what source have all those stores been derived, to which for many centuries past, but especially within the present century, such prodigious additions have been made 2 Simply, if we go to the root of the matter, from the con- stant and ever-increasing preponderance of subsistence over population. I pointed briefly to this cause in my last Lecture, as the true fountainrhead and seminal pridciple of the wealth of nations — the source from whence all that a community possesses and enjoys beyond the mere requisites of existence have been obtained. Man, in his primitive state, is placed naked and destitute upon the earth, bringing nothing into the world but those mental and physical facul- ties, by the culture and development of which he is enabled, in the course of time, to subject all the powers of Nature to his will, and render the earth, and all that it contains, tributary to his necessities and enjoyments. His earliest efiforts are limited to the acquisition of a bare subsistence; and even thisia scantily and inadequately procured. The poverty and misery of the race are here seen at the lowest point. Population is absolutely very small, but relatively to POPULATION. 113 subsistence it is in excess, and the pressure which it occasions is severe. Generations pass away, and numbers njpltiply before attention begins to be paid to any of the wants and desires of our nature, beyond the rudest and coarsest food, raiment and shelter. By degrees, and chiefly through the more sMlful application and slowly-learned economy of labour, a surplus of production above the mere necessary consumption of the cultivators begins to be realised. Noav, in this surplus we behold the nucleus of capital, and the germ of all the embryo wealth of the community. The same causes which originated it, add continually to its amount. The surplus accumulates at compound interest. The productive powers of labour are increased by the ad- vance of art and knowledge ; and every new addition of capital, acting like a more powerful lever in re- moving an impediment, yields a larger return. The food of roots, the clothing of skins, and the rude log hut are gradually discarded for accommodations more ample and refined. The increasing demands of consumers, becoming at once more numerous and less poor, lead to the division of employments, and from division of employments arises exchange. Mechanical inventions are introduced, facilitating the task of industry and greatly increasing its products. This point once reached, the successive stages of advancement become easier and more rapid. Towns are built, affording evidence of Increasing numbers and increasing wealth; for towns are, in their incep- tion, nothing but markets expanded and made per- manent. Roads and bridges are gradually formed, and afford the means for interchange between dif- I 114 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. ferent localities. Forests and swamps disappear ; tlie natural fertility of their sites, when cleared and drained, repays a large profit on cultivatign ; and not only adds to the productions of the soil, but also to the health and longevity of the inhabitants. The desires of man, as well as the ability to gratify them; increase with every addition made to the wealth and numbers of the community. Villages become towns, and towns expand into cities. Meanwhile not only is the surface of the earth made more and more fruitfiilby improved implements, by more skilftd culture, and by the application of manure, but its bowels are ransacked for their hidden stores, and the lime, the clay, the coal, and the various metallic ores which they contain are made instrumental to the useful and ornamental arts of life. The use of money supersedes barter, and the traffic of commodities between neighbouring villages gradually swells into a trade, first domestic then foreign, of which the channels are gradually widened, the communications improved, and the ob- jects more diversified. All this while, at every fresh stage of the development thus indicated, the concur- rence of three prominent features is observable. First, increase of population. Without this there could have been neither the increased production which has demanded so many more hands, nor the con- sumption which has furnished such constant fuel to their industry. Secondly, an improved supply of the necessaries of life. More and better food is yielded in return for the better-directed industry employed upon the soil; famines and scasrcities, the frequent scourge of savage life, have ceased or become rare. Thirdly, the accumulation of capital. A larger POPULATION. 115 saving is every year set apart, from the stock of annual products, to be again employed in repro- ductive operations; whUe, concurrently with this, there is also a constant increase of that portion of the sxirplus produce which is not destined to be so employed ; but which is expended in luxuries, jn ob- jects of taste or art, and in the thousand iadulgences in which those who have enough and to spare are accustomed to expend their superfluous wealth. I have thus briefly traced what I believe to be the natural stages in the progress of a community, exclu- sively of those disturbing causes which occasionally occur to retard its advancement from barbarism and poverty to civilisation and opulence. Now, I repeat, that every item in the catalogue of wealth thus enumerated is due to the natural ascendancy of the force of production over the force of population. It can have emanated from no other source. The primitive possessors of the country were destitute of all things. The earth has been the source of all the wealth which has accumulated in the hands of their descendants. Those who have tilled the land must have been fed from the land ; and if its products have sufiiced to maintain those who raised them, and to aiford any margin of surplus value besides, it must have arisen from the inherent property of the soil to sustain all who cultivate it, and to yield a further surplus in addi- tion to their maintenance. And if, while the num- ber of cultivators has gone on increasingjnhis surplus has become greater and greater, and the whole people wealthier, it must follow, that production has a tendency to increase more rapidly than popula/- 116 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. tion, and that the accumulation of wealth which accompanies the progress of society is attributable to this cause. But there is another circumstance to which I did not advert, in my imperfect outline of the features of a progressive community, and which appears to me to be all but conclusive of the question we are now con- sidering. In the savage state the acquisition of food, scanty and miserable at the best, is the business of aU the members of the community. The labour of aU the hands, badly as it does this, does nothing else. " Among civilised nations," on the contrary, to quote the words of Mr. Senior, " the cultivation of the land employs only a portion of its inhabitants, and, gene- rally speaking, as a nation increases in wealth, a smaller and smaller proportion,''^ What, then, becomes of the labour of the remaining part of the popula- tion? Set free from the necessity of producing food, they are employed in arts and manufactures, in fabricating articles of luxury and superfluities for the rest of the community ; or they form a class, large and important in proportion to the degree of social progress, who are not employed at aU, but who subsist on the fruits of past labour, or, in other words, live upon the iacome of existing capital. Now, if the theory of the encroachment of numbers upon subsistence were true, we might expect to see, as the inhabitants of a country increase and multiply, all classes, uiider the pressure of population, gradually convergiag%om other employments towards agricul- ture, and striving, by iacreased toil and labour, to * Political Economy, p. 39. POPULATION. 117 extract subsistence -for their redundant numbers from the soil. It is needless to say, that in every weU- peopled country in which civilisation is not retro- grading, we witness exactly the opposite phenomenon. We find a smaller proportion of the people employed in tiUage, a larger proportion living on their means, and a more marked determination of the labouring classes towards manufactures. The products necessary to feed the whole society are raised with less labour and by fewer hands; in other words, the facility" of subsistence is increased in proportion to the increasing density of the population. I shall confirm this state- ment by some statistical details respecting a country which, of all others, might have been expected, if the Malthusian theory were sound, to aiFord the most striking illustration of its truth. Mr. Malthus, and the disciples of his school, unite in representing the supposed pressure of population against food as in- creasing in intensity in direct proportion to the popu- lousness of a community. Let us, therefore, examine the circumstances of that country in which the in- habitants are crowded most closely together upon its surface — and that is our own. According to the estimate of Humboldt, the proportions of inhabitants to the square league in several of the principal divi- sions of the world are as follows : — United States - 58 Russia in Europe - - 345 Spain - - - . - 763 British India - - 810 China - - - - - 1172 Holland - 1330 I 3 118 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. Germany - 1432 France and Corsica - 1790 Italy - . - . - 1967 British Islands - 2120 England - 2524 England, therefore, is the country in which, ac- cording to the theory in question, the pressure of over-population ought be most severe. In contradiction to this hypothesis, however, the most authentic reports respecting the progress of population and production in Great Britain establish these facts. During the first half of the present century the population has very nearly doubled itself*, having increased from 10,917,433 in 1801 to 21,721,967, according to the census of 1851. Yet, notwithstanding this rapid increase of numbers, the aggregate of produce raised from the soil has increased in a still greater ratio than the population.f Direct evidence of the actual quantity of home produce, un- fortunately, does not exist ; but a tolerable estimate of it may be formed from various authentic data. * Exactly to double itself, it would require, according to the Commissioners of the recent Census, 52-5 years. " The increase of population in the half of this century nearly equals the in- crease in all preceding ages, and the addition in the ten years, 1841 — 1851, exceeds the increase in the last^^ years of the 18th century." — See Census Report. * The Commissioners of the Census of 1851 pronounce con- fidently on this point. They say, " The quantity of produce, either consisting of, or exchangeable for, the conveniences, elegances, and necessaries of life has, in the mass, largely increased and is increasing at a more rapid rate than the popu- lation." — Report on the Census. POPULATION. 119 In the first place, it is evident that if the popu- lation has been doubled, the means of subsistence must have been doubled also ; unless it be the fact either that the condition of the people in respect to sub- sistence has deterior3,ted, or that subsistence has been increased by importation from abroad. Now, it may be confidently stated, that the people of Great Britain are not worse, but better, fed than they were fed fifty years ago. The quality of their food has improved. The use of wheaten bread has become almost universal ; whereas, in the earlier period, oats and rye were largely consumed. They enjoy also a greater abundance, as well as a better quality of food, to say nothing of other accommodations. Mr. McCuUoch, in his Statistics of the British Empire, says : — " There can be no manner of doubt that, speaking generally, the bulk of the population con- sume at this moment more corn, and, particularly wheat, than at any former period . . . fully ten times more wheat is consumed at present in Scotland than in 1790."* With regard to foreign grain, the importation of it previously to the last ten years was quite inconsiderable. Since 1841 it has been larger, partly by reason of deficient harvests. But Mr. Porter, in his valuable work. The Pro- gress of the Nation, gives a calculation in which full allowance is made for the proportion of the population to which the consumption of the im- ported com may be assigned. The result is this : — Assuming eight bushels of wheat to be the annual consumption for each person, in the years 1801 to * Stat. British Empire, p. 581. I 4 120 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. 1810, inclusive, the average nximber of persons fed on home-grown wheat was 11,169,779. Forty years later, viz., from 1841 to 1849, the nmnber was 17,004,118. Mr. Porter estimates that the con- sumption of wheat, and of other articles of home pro- duce, has increased in at least an equal proportion. My own persuasion is, that his estimate is extremely moderate, and probably within the mark. Now, we are here speaJdng of home produce only ; but it must, of course, be remembered, that all the food consumed, whether home-grown or foreign, obtained in return for exports, is equally produced by the industry of the British population, since it is acquired in ex- change for other products of that industry. I for- bear, because it appears unnecessary, to adduce confirmatory proofs from a variety of sources to the same effect ; such as the decrease of pauperism, the prodigious increase of exports, the vast progress of the public revenue, the amounts of property valued under the present and former income-taxes*, the rapid growth of manufacturing towns, the creation of the railway system, and other marked signs of national progress. I conceive that no well-informed person will question the fact, that the England of twenty- two millions of inhabitants in 1851 produces an * The value of real property assessed to the income-tax in 1851 was 94,809,106?. for England and Wales, and 10,715,333?. for Scotland. In 1814-15 the value was, for England and Wales, 53,495,368?., and for Scotland, 6,642,995?. In thirty-six years, therefore, the value of that species of property had in- creased 75 per cent. There can be no doubt that the value of personal property has increased in a considerably greater ratio. POPULATION. 121 annual income which much more than doubles that of the England of eleven millions in 1801. The next material points to be ascertained with reference to our present inquiry are these : — 1. The extent of land from which the supplies that have fed the population have been raised. 2. The number of hands that have been employed to raise those supplies. 1. The additional quantity of land which has been enclosed for cultivation during the last half-century amounts to 4,129,777 acres. Now, Mr. Porter esti- mates that, at the beginning of the present century, the cultivated land bore a ratio of 260 acres to every 100 of the population. Supposing that the newly- inclosed land were divided amongst the newly-added population, the number of acres it would give for every 100 souls would be only 32. In the Keport on the Census of 1851, it is stated that the de- crease in the proportion of land to each person has been such that, within the last fifty years, the number of acres to each individual has fallen from 5*4 to 2*7 acres in Great Britain — from 4 to 2 acres in England and Wales. It follows that, sup- posing the consumption per head to have been the same at both periods, the land in Great Britain must have yielded more than twice as much produce at the end of the half-century as it yielded at the beginning. But if their subsistence, instead of being stationary, has improved in quality and amount, then the produce, of course, has much more than doubled. In confirmation of the same conclusion, I may adduce Mr. McCulloch's estimate of the increased produce of corn per acre. At the end of the war, in 1815, he 122 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. computes the yield of wheat in England and Wales to have been about 24 bushels per acre. Thirty years later, in 1846, he computes it to be at least 32 bushels ; making an annual increase of a quarter of corn per acre on the 3,800,000 acres supposed to be under wheat.* As a further illustration of the increased produc- tiveness of the soil, it appears, from the estimate of the same writer, that the rental of Great Britain, which is stated in 1800 at twenty-two millions and a half, had risen in 1843 to upwards of forty millions sterling. The next point — and a most material one to our present argimient — is, that this vast increase in the produce of the land has been yielded in return for a gradually diminishing quantity of agricultural labour. In 1811, the number of families employed in agri- culture was 35*2 per cent, of the population; in 1821, 33-2 per cent. ; in 1831, 28-2 per cent. In 1841, the Census Returns state the individuals, not the families employed. The comparison between 1831 and 1841 stands thus: — In 1831, the number of adult males employed in agriculture in Great Bri- tain was 1,243,057; being 31*51 per cent on the population of 16,539,318. In 1841, the number was only 1,207,989 ; being only 25*92 per cent, on the population of 18,720,394. Mr. Porter justly re- marks on the striking fact, that not merely the pro- portion, but the absolute number of persons employed in husbandry had diminished concurrently with an * Stat. British Empire, p. 549. POPULATION. 123 increase of more than two millions in the total popu- lation to be maintained. To state the same result in another form, it appears, that in 1831 the labour of 1000 men sufficed to provide food for 3174 per- sons. In 1841 the labour of 1000 men supplied 3984.* Thus we see, that such has been the increased productiveness of the soil concurrently with a dupli- cation in fifty years of the inhabitants of Great Britain, that the labour of a small and decreasing number of husbandmen, forming in 1841 little more than one-fourth of the community, were able to raise food not only for themselves, but for all the com- mercial and manufacturing classes also, in addition to those who are maintained in idleness. To illustrate the matter in another point of view, let us suppose that, instead of the limited and de- creasing number of persons now engaged in farming * The elaborate classification of the occupations of the people adopted by the Commissioners of the Census of 1851, dividing them into fifteen separate classes, while it is no doubt much more precise than the rough division of agricultural, manufacturing, and trading or commercial, which was thought suflicient at the former enumerations, renders it difficult to make a fair comparison of residts between the present and the prior returns. It is by no means easy to ascertain the corre- spondence with the minute categories of occupations described in the tables of 1851 of the class designated "agricultural" in the former decennial accounts. There are, however, many indications in the late Report which show the continuance of the same tendency as is mentioned in the text. For instance, a survey of the districts in England, where population has decreased in the last ten years, throws additional light upon the progressive transfer of industry from agricultural to manu- facturing and trading operations. 124 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. occupations, tte whole labouring power of the country were so employed. Mr. Senior has formed an estimate of the result upon this hypothesis. " If all were employed," he says, " in providing sub- sistence, and if quantity were their sole object, it is probable, that in ordinary seasons the soil of England, instead of fifteen millions, could feed at least sixty millions of people."* That is to say, in other words, that the food- producing power of the nation has, by gradual stages, reached such a pitchy as now to ex- ceed the consuming power fourfold; and this in a country possessing one of the densest populations in the world, in which, as the Keport upon the last census states, the inhabitants were in 1851 placed on an average only 108 yards apart. What country, so far as mere populousness is concerned, could afford a more favourable illustration of the Malthusian theory than England ? Yet what country furnishes more striking evidence of the tendency of subsistence to outstrip population ? That this tendency always exists in a progressive state of society, I hope it requires no farther argu- ment to prove ; in fact, if we analyse the matter, we shall find, that the progress of society in wealth is really nothing else but the continually increased pre- ponderance of subsistence over numbers — of pro- duction over consumption. - One word, however, must be added before I conclude this lecture, by way of qualification to the doctrine here asserted, viz., that this excess in the increase of wealth over numbers always takes place when society is in a pro- ■^ Political Economy, p. 39. POPULATION. 125 gressive state. Mr. Malthus declines to admit, as an historical fact, that capital has a tendency to increase faster than population; because he conceives that the actual state of the world shows no uniform move- ment in that direction, but a variable and alternating predominance of one or the other power at diiferent epochs and in different communities.* That such an oscillation does take place — ^in other words, that social improvement in some coimtries halts, and that wealth and civilisation are occasionally seen to decline — it is not necessary, and would be useless, to deny. In such instances, undoubtedly, production will be found to languish, and capital to decrease, and, as a certain accompaniment of these symptoms,- population will fall off. StiU, whatever examples may be cited to this effect, it is surely impossible, with the history of Man before us, recollecting what he is in his primitive state, whereunto he has already attained, and in what direction his efforts and aspirations still point, to deny that the tendency of his nature is to advance ia civilisation, not to recede ; that social progress is the instinct of his being, the destiny of his race, and the design of his Creator ; that, although in this progress he may be interrupted for awhile, and even occasionally thrown back, there can be no more doubt about the ultimate aim and goal of his career, than there is as to the tendency of the waves of the ocean in a rising tide. And if such be the law of man's being, in that sense, and as an inevit- able consequence of that very law, it must be the tendency of production to increase in a greater ratio than population. * Correspondence with Mr. Seliior. 126 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. LECTURE VI. ON POPULATION. The student of political economy can hardly fail to be struck with the close relation that exists between the doctrines of Mr. Malthus on Population, and another theory of considerable celebrity and in- fluence in this country — I mean that of Mr. Ricardo on Rent. I believe it will generally, though, perhaps, not universally, be found that the same minds which accept the one are prepared to assent to the other. In fact, the arguments for both, as I shall presently show, rest on one and the same hypothesis. Into the merits of Mr. Ricardo's doctrine of rent I have entered at some length in a former course of lectures, and I shall now only refer briefly to its leading fea- tures. That eminent writer tarught that cultivation commences always in the most fertile or best situated land ; that every step in the progress of population compels a country to resort successively for sub- sistence to less rich or advantageous soils ; that those inferior soils yield a proportionally less return to labour ; that the produce becomes, consequently, dearer in price, while the rent, which represents the difference between the best and worst lands under cultivation, progressively rises in amount. Again and again he speaks of the necessity under which a community is placed, by the pressure of its increasing POPULATION. 127 numbers, to descend lower and lower in the scale of cultivation, and to obtain its needful supplies of food from the earth on harder terms. " The rise of rent," to quote his own words, " is always the effect of the increasing wealth of the country, and of the difficulty of finding food for its augmented population." * Now, precisely the same assumption^ — ^that of the diminish- ing productiveness of the land, as compared with the undiminished power of human fecundity — forms the basis of the Malthusian theory. It is true that the consequences which Mr. Malthus has deduced from the alleged rapidity of increase of population as com- pared with that of subsistence, appalling though they be, falls far short of what might be deduced from an unflinching application of the principles of Eicardo. For Mr. Malthus, while estimating the progress of population in a geometrical ratio, by a doubling of numbers every twenty-five years, has also conceded a capacity of increase in arithmetical progression to the productions of the soil ; in other words, he sup- poses the earth to be capable of yielding an increased quantity of food, equal to its present amount, from twenty-five years to twenty-five years in indefinite succession. Whereas, if the Ricardo theory be true, he was entitled to assume a constantly de- creasing ratio of food to labour, he contents him- self with assuming an equal and uniform, ratio with- out any limit as to time. But both these writers, in effect, deny that it is possible for production to advance at a rate which wUl keep up with, still less outstrip, the march of population. " There can be * Ricardo's Works, by McCulloch, p. 49. 128 POPULATION AND CAPITAL, no doubt," says a recent French writer, " that the errors and the terrors of these two economists have mutually acted upon and influenced one another. While Eicardo, possessed with the idea of the pressure of population against subsistence, laid down as a principle a progressive increase in the value of food, which is wholly unwarranted by facts, Malthus, on his part, found, in the theory of rent, which he unhesitatingly adopted, a justification for his own exaggerated alarms." * It is difficult, I think, to deny that the view which these two theories concurrently hold out of the prospects of society, as civilisation goes on and numbers multiply, is a sad and painful one. Accord- ing to Eicardo, the progress of society — that pro- gress which I have before described as the inevitable ^ destiny of our race — is identified with increased labour, enhanced prices of food, and higher rents; — the landlord absorbing more and more, the labourer appropriating less and less, of the produce of the soil. According to Malthus, the unequal race be- tween population and production can only terminate, unless arrested by a remedy of which he is not san- guine enough to anticipate the success, in the forced reduction of the superabundant numbers of mankind by vice or misery. The question, however, is, as I have before stated, not whether the consequences of a system of doctrines be repugnant to our wishes or our feelings, but whether the doctrines themselves be true ; and my present * R. de Fontenay, the continuator of Bastiat's unfinished chapter " de la Population," in the Harmonies Economiques. "POPULATION. 129 object is to examine into the validity of an assumption which lends so powerful a support to both of the theories just referred to, that, if it be admitted, I do not see how either of them, more especially that of Mr. Malthus, can be escaped from; for, beyond all controversy, population does naturally tend to increase, — faster or slower it matters little, — increase, at some rate or other is the law of our species. Now, if, contrariwise, subsistence naturally tends after a time to diminish, then the two laws are in fatal con- flict — a bankruptcy of nature, more or less deferred, must be the result. How is it possible to escape from this catastrophe — the consequence of two nnecLuaUy matched forces in the social system ? The diminishing productiveness of the primary source of all subsistence — the earth — is, then, the position wherein all the strength of that doctrine lies, into which we are now inquiring, and I shall proceed ,to examine the grounds on which this assumption rests. It is supported by the concurrence of many eminent authorities, some of whom I do not venture, without diffidence, to call in question. I shall first quote to you the passages in which the writers referred to have expressed their views on this point. I will begin with Mr. Malthas, who, although, as I have said, he does not in his calculation of the pos- ,sible supplies of food assume a decreasing rate, but only an uniform and non-increasing one, yet has ex- pressed plainly what his own opinion is as to the real law of production. " To assume," he says, " that the produce of the land could be doubled twice in fifty years, would be contrary to all our knowledge of the properties of land. The improvement of the K 130 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. barren parts could be a work of time and kbour ; and it must be eyident to those who have the slightest acquaintance with agricultural pursuits, that, in pro- portion as cultiTation extended, the additions that could yearly be made to the former average pro- duce must be gradually and regularly diminishing."* If this be so, the result, as regards the progressive disparity between population and subsistence, must of course be much more severe and accelerated than even his calculation has assumed. I shall next refer to the opinion of Mr. Senior, from whom I regret now, as always, to be compelled to differ, more especially as in many points his views on the subject of population as compared with those of the writer last quoted, appear to me to be sound and judicious. Almost at the commencement of his treatise on Political Economy, published in the En- cyclopaedia Metropolitana, Mr. Senior lays it down as a fundamental canon of political economy, that, " agricultural skill remaining the same " (an all-im- portant qualification, by the way), "additional labour employed on the land within' a given district produces a less proportionate return — i. e. the increase of the return is not in proportion to the increase of the labour." t In the section on population in the same work he thus speaks : — " We have already stated that, as a general rule, additional labour employed in the cultivation of the land within a given district produces a less propor- tionate return. % And it has appeared that such is * Vol. i. p. 9. t !"• 26. X "To convince ourselves of this," says Mr. Senior, " it is necessary only to recollect that, if it were false, no land, except POPtTLATIOSr. 131 the power of reproduction and duration of life in mankind, that the population of a given district is capable of doubling itself at least every twenty- five years. It is clear, therefore, that the rate at which the production of food is capable of being increased, and that at which population, if un- checked, would increase, are totally different. Every addition made to the quantity of food periodically produced, makes in general a farther periodical addition more difficult. Every addition to the ex- isting population diffuses wider the means of stiU the very best, could ever be cultivated : since, if the return from a single farm were to increase in full proportion to any amount of increased labour bestowed on it, the produce of that one farm might feed the whole population of England " (p. 271.). This is ingeniously put, and at first sight looks like a formidable crux ; but it appears to me that Mr. Carey, the Ame- rican economist, has fairly met the point of the argument. " Would it not be as correct to say, that if capital, applied to the manufacture of cotton goods, yielded always a propor- tionate return, a single cotton mill might supply the whole population of .England ? Ko one doubts that, as capital employed in manufactures is increased, the greater is the result ; but no one would suggest that if such were the case, the whole might be applied in one place." (Carey's Prin- ciples of Political Economy, vol. i. p. 147.) For the full development of productive power, whether in agriculture or in manufactures, a certain extent of space is necessary. If the " given district," of which Mr. Senior speaks, be either a single farm or a single factory, no doubt the point at which the increased return ceases to maintain proportion with the in- creased outlay will be soon attained ; not so, if the " given district " be the whole territory of a state ; and it is with such communities that we are here concerned. Can any instance be given of a country in which the natural limit of remunerative outlay on the soil has been, or is near to being, finally reached? K 2 132 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. further addition."* In a subsequent passage, Mr. Senior draws an important distiuction in this respect between agricultural and manufacturing industry. Put on a double number of labourers^ he says in effect, to the land, and you will not get, at least to an indefinite extent, a double return, but with manufactures it is otherwise. "Every increase in the number of manufacturing labourers is accom- panied not merely by a corresponding, but by an in- creased productive power." f This difference of results he attributes to " the constantly increasing facility'''' with which the raw materials are worked I cannot help remarking on this passage, though it is somewhat anticipating my argument, that " the con- stantly increasing facility" here spoken of obviously refers to improvements in skill and in machinery. It is true, no doubt, that increased skill and better implements make manufacturing labour continually more and more productive. But does not the same truth hold good in regard to agricultural labour also ? The law is laid down that " agricultural skill remain- ing the same^' increased labour will not yield a propor- tionately increased return. Apply the same condition to manufacturing skill ; suppose that likewise to be stationary, and the constantly increasing facility on which the distinction is built wiU disappear. If we are to assume improvement in the one case, it is but just to assume it in the other. Intending to enter more fuUy into this part of the subject hereafter, I now proceed to quote from Mr. John Stuart Mill's Principles of Political Economy. He says, — " After a certain, but not very advanced, stage in * P 33. t P 83. I P. 83. POPULATION. l33 the progress of agriculture, — as soon, in fact, as men haye applied themselves to cultivation with any energy, and have brought to it any tolerable tools " (a very vague statement this, I must observe), " from that time it is the law of production from the land that ia any given state of agricultural skill and know- ledge " (the same important qualification again), " by mcreasiag the labour, the produce is not increased in an equal degree ; ... or, in other words, every in- crease of produce is obtained by a more than propor- tional increase ia the application of labour to the land." " This general law of agricultural industry," says Mr. Mill, " is the most important proposition in political economy/. "Were the law different, nearly all the phenomena of the production and distribution of wealth would be other than they are."* After thus stating the law, and admitting that it is subject to occasional exceptions, Mr. MUl adverts to some attempts that have been made to deny its existence altogether. " This principle, however," he says, " has been denied, and experience confi- dently appealed to, in proof that the returns from land are not less, but greater, in an advanced than in an early stage of cultivation, when much capital, than when little, is applied to agriculture. So much so, indeed, that (it is affirmed) the worst land now in cultivation produces as much food per acre, and even as much to a given amount of labour, as our ancestors contrived to extract from the richest soils in Eng- land." " It is very possible," he proceeds, " that this may be true ; and even if not true to the letter, to a great * Book 1. chap. xii. s. 2. K 3 134 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. extent it certainly is so. Unquestionably a much smaller proportion of the population is now occupied in producing food for the whole than in the early times of our history. This, however, does not prove that the law of which we have been speaking does not exist, but only that there is some antagonising principle at work, capable for a time of making head against the law. Such an agency there is in habitual antagonism to the law of diminishing return from land ; and to the consideration of this we shall now proceed." And what is the agency here adverted to by Mr. Mill? "It is no other," to use his own words, " than the progress of civilisation." Mr. Mill proceeds to specify the various causes intended to be summed up in this comprehensive term " civilisa- tion." Under it he includes the progress of agricul- tural knowledge, sldll, and invention; improved means of communication ; many mechanical improve- ments ; even improvements in manufacturing opera- tions ; for, as he says, " there is no possible improve- ment in the arts of production which does not in one or another mode exercise an antagonistic influence to the law of diminishing return from agricultural labour." " Nor," he adds, " is it only industrial improvements which have this effect. Improve- ments in government, and almost every kind of moral and social advancement, operate in the same manner ; " such, for example, as the abolition of com- mercial restrictions or of vexatious taxes — facilities given for the transfer of property — education and improved intelligence of workmen; indeed, as he expresses it, " there is scarcely any possible meliora- tion of human affairs which would not have a favour- POPULATION. 135 able operation, direct or indirect, upon the pro- ductiveness of industry." To these latter positions few economists will refuse their assent ; but, with regard to the alleged law of production, heralded forth by this author as ''the most important proposition in political economy," I confess myself unable to understand on what foimdation it is supposed to rest. A law of the social system, if I rightly understand the expres- sion, can only be deduced from ascertained facts ; it is a rule founded on a plurality of instances to the same effect. We are entitled, therefore, to ask. When and where has such a law been found in operation? What period or what country can be referred to in which the rule has been or is now in force ? Certaialy it does not hold good in England, — a country where, undoubtedly, though there is stUl great room for improTcment, " men have applied themselves to cultivation with some energy, and have brought to it some tolerable tools ; " a coun- try, too, in which the peculiar density of its popula- tion operates constantly to bring fresh soils into cultivation. But in England it seems to be ad- mitted, or, at all events, it can be abundantly proved, that if we take any two periods sufficiently distant to afford a fair test, whether 50 or 100, or 500 years, the productiveness of the land relatively to the labour employed upon it has progressively become greater and greater. In my last lecture, I cited, from Mr. Senior's work, a statement which has indeed strong claims to the authority of a law — , to the effect, that "among civilised nations the cultivation of the land employs only a portion of the K 4 136 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. inhabitants, and, generally speaking, as a nation in- creases in wealth, a smaller and smaller proportion." * I proved also, by statistical details, how remark- ably this principle has been exemplified in the case of this kingdom, where a small and constantly diminishing number of husbandmen has been able to supply food for a rapidly-increasing population. What do these facts prove, if not an increased pro- ductiveness of agricultural industry? The same causes which have produced tbis effect in England operate in the same way in other countries. But the manner in which Mr. MUl accounts for tbe ad- mitted aberrations from his supposed law of pro- duction, presents to my mind still greater difficulties. The law, according to him, is counteracted, or sus- pended, by an agency which is " in habitual anta- gonism" to it; and this agency is, in brief phrase, " the progress of civilisation." Are, then, the only exemplifications of this "law" to be found in coun- tries in which civilisation is not advancing ? Is the law one which never co-exists with a state of social progress? But, surely, it is such a state as this that all our reasonings, as political economists, pre- suppose; — this is "the natural course of things," as Mr. Senior justly says, " for it is the course for which nature has fitted us." Suppose civilisation not advancing, and all those phenomena of the social system which economists have studied and described become reversed — population falls off, combination of labour gives place to isolation, machinery to manua toil, communications are cut off, exchange is im^ * Encyc. Metrop. p. 39. POPUtATION. 137 peded, and labour of every kind, not only agricul- tural but manufaoturing also, becomes less and less productive. This is, no doubt, true, but this can hardly be what Mr. Mill means by " the most im- portant proposition in political economy," for it is one which operates only in an abnormal state of buman affairs, and gives place to a converse rule whenever the manifest design of Providence and destiny of our species are fulfilled — that is, by the progress of civilisation. It is that progress which, by its manifold effects and influences, direct and indirect, as set forth by Mr. Mill himself, tends to confer, as wealth and numbers multiply, an increasing productiveness both on the soil and on every other field of human industry. This is, indeed, a " law " which, so far as experience hitherto informs us, has never failed to operate, and of which we may^ therefore, reasonably infer, that its beneficent opera- tion is still likely to continue. The theory which supposes that man becomes poorer, needier, beset with greater difficulties and harder necessities, as society advances and population becomes concentrated, is, indeed, from first to last, in direct contradiction not only to the true principles of social economy, but to authenticated facts. That the earliest occupants of an unreclaimed coimtry, few in numbers and with a boundless choice of unappro- priated land before them, enjoy an enviable privilege, and can command the maximum of subsistence in return for their labour, is an idea that has nowhere been realised out of Utopia. On the contrary, they are the poorest of human beings, the most destitute of all the comforts and superfluities of life ; they exr 138 POPULATION AND CAPITAI/. perience the greatest difficulty in maintaining even a precarious, existence. Famines and scarcities are notoriously the scourges of savage life, and of early settlements even of civilised men. Without capital, implements, organisation, means of exchange, or transport, the mere raw material of the earth is an instrument which men in the primitive stage of society are incapable of turning to profitable account. The richest treasures — vegetable and mineral — which it contains are to them the most inaccessible. When, in process of time, improved skill and labour, aided by mechanical invention, have enabled some pro- vision to be made beyond the demands of pressing physical wants, then they begin to discover that nature yields larger returns to better-directed effijrts, and then every step gained is made the vantage groimd for further acquisitions. By degrees in- creased numbers create an extended market for the products of industry — the division of labour multi- plies its results — roads and means of transport enable fertile lands, formerly inaccessible from dis- tance, to be cultivated with profit — the adoption of improved implements and mechanical contrivances subdues difficulties which had repelled unassisted labour, and unlocks the sources of hidden wealth. We have seen that Mr. Eicardo describes the ex- tension of cultivation from the richer to the poorer soils as the result of necessity, the effect of the pressure of population against food, just as the crew of a ship, accidently increased in numbers, would be put by the commander on reduced rations. But such a representation is negatived by the most no- torious facts in the history of communities, Ex^ POPULATION. 139 perience shows that extended cultivation is the effect of industrial enterprise, not of physical necessity — - the work of increasing wealth, not of struggling poverty. It is the command of capital, not the pressure of population — the hope of profit, not the fear of starvation — that induces men to drain, em- bank, and artificially fertilise their lands ; to reclaim fens from the sea and pastures from the heath ; to convert noxious morasses into waving corn-fields ; and to transform sandy wastes, such as were Lord Leicester's estates in Norfolk less than a century ago, into the likeness of a garden ; to open and work quarries of lime and stone; to sink shafts into the bowels of the earth ; to discharge the water from it by powerful engines ; and to extract from it those most precious productions of which their uncivilised ancestors, roaming at large over the surface, neither suspected the existence, nor, if they had, could they have availed themselves of the discovery.* Indeed, the whole theory of Mr. Ricardo on this subject, if it is to be fitted at aU to facts, requires to be read backwards. . It is the reclamations of land, made at a comparatively late period — in the ripened age of a long-settled and populous community, such as those of Lancashire, South Essex, and the Lo- thians— that exhibit the most productive agriculture. It is the achievements of modern skiU and capital that yield the largest returns. There are parts of Lincolnshire in which the drainage of the fens has increased the produce a hundredfold ; yet works of ' See these topics forcibly treated in Mr. Carey's work, en- titled " The Past, the Present, and the Future," to which I am indebted for many suggestions on this branch of the subject. 140 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. this description can only be undertaken in a country in which population and capital are both largely de- veloped. Mr. Mill speaks of the " niggardliness of Nature" as the cause of "the penalty attached to over- population." How much more appropriate is the epithet "justissima tellus" of the Roman poet!* Yes, N"ature, most equitable as well as bounteous, propor- tions her rewards to the energy and pertinacity of the effort, and reserves her largest recompense for the conquest of difficulties which the labour of man, ani- mated by combination, sustained by foresight and enlightened by science, can alone enable him to overcome. As I am not at present engaged in controverting Mr. Ricardo's theory of rent, except so far as it lends supports to the doctrine of Mr. Malthus on population, I will only briefly add, in reference to the views of the former writer, that the very element of fertility, which he conceives the earlier occupants of a country to monopolise, is one which, as the ex- ample of Belgium, and many parts of our own country prove, is to a very great extent not a primitive con- dition of nature, but the creation of man's matured and skilful industry. And with respect to " advan- tages of situation," there is none attainable by the early inhabitants of a country, however free their choice, which can be compared to such as are afforded by the vicinity of those great centres of population and capital which, ia more senses than one, fertilise and fructify all the land around them, and which invest a few acres in the neighbourhood of a populous modern city with a value greater than formerly be- longed to whole provinces of ancient GaTil or Britain, , Virg. Georg. ii. 460. POPULATION. 14 1 It appears, therefore, abundantly clear that Htherto, at all events, the hypothesis that, as society advances in civilisation, agricultural production, or any other kind of production whatever, becomes diminished rela- tively to the labour employed, is in direct opposition to the facts. Mr. Mill's " law " has not yet come into operation. It has been postponed (to say the least) by the " habitual antagonism " of those various causes which he himself enumerates as auxiliaries to production. And if we examine the history of our own civilisation up to its present point, and trace back the steps by which our continual progress in wealth has been achieved, we shall find, perhaps, that more than once, when we seemed to be approach- ing the limit of our actual resources, and might have conceived ourselves to have developed our then-ex- isting means and appliances to the uttermost, a new light has dawned upon our knowledge, a new door has been opened to our efforts, enabling us to throw back even farther than before the barriers to advancement. Discoveries of new lands, new treasures, new appli- cations of the powers of nature, new agents made subservient to man's use, have recruited the fund of our national supplies, and given a fresh imptdse to the springs of industry. Thus, it has come to pass that each generation, though it has peopled the land with additional consumers, has bequeathed at the same time a larger heritage of the means of wealth to its successors. The prodigious development of manufacturing pro-' duction which steam-power and the successive im- provements of machinery have brought about in recent times, affords the most familiar and palpable 142 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. evidence o( the progress of wealth, outstripping even the extraordinary growth of population which has resulted from the same cause. But the march of agricultural improvement in this kingdom, within the last half-century, exhibits, if we attentively consider what has been done, scarcely less striking results. I will not go over again the statistical details which were laid before you in a former Lecture, nor will I take up your time by citing passages from works so well known as Porter's Progress of the Nation, or McCulloch's Statistical Account of the British Empire, in proof of the concurrent facts of increased population, still more increased production from the soil, iacreased rent, and increased capital. The works just cited will explain also the nature of those improvements in cultivation to which these marvellous effects are due ; such as the extension of drainage, the introduction of bone-dust, guano, and other manures, the rotation of crops, the use of superior implements, the sub- stitution of machinery for hand labour, and the appli- cation of chemical science to agriculture. Whether the last great change that has supervened, the removal of the Corn Laws, was calculated to injure our agri- culture, or to invigorate it, is a question on which opinions are not yet unanimous. That it will prove beneficial in many ways is my own confident belief; but in either point of view it makes for my argu- ment, because it testifies to the elasticity and vigour of that industry which has rallied so quickly from a severe discouragement. If the loss of protective duties is really to be regarded in that light. Are we not, then, justified in the anticipation. popuLATioir. 143 founded upon that experience of the past which is our only safe guide in forecasting the future, that, as production has hitherto maintained the lead of popu^ lation, so in like manner new causes wiU be developed in the progress of society, by which the same ascendancy will be maintained ? Or have we reason to conclude that the point has now at last been reached, beyond which it is not given us to make fresh demands upon Nature's boimty without incurring the penalties attached to excess of population ? Is the " law of diminishing productiveness," hitherto, as we have seen by the intervention of special agencies, suspended, now at last about to come into force? Even so our predecessors, at any former period of this country's history, might with equal reason have supposed. Thus to argue is, in fact, to base our anticipation of the fiiture not on the past, but on the present ; it is to assimie the existing standard of power and know- lege as the ne plus ultra of human progress ; it is to say, that man has unravelled all the secrets of nature's laws and works which he is ever destined to discover. We cannot believe this, as it appears to me, without doing violence to those convictions which analogy and experience force upon our understand- ing. We cannot help believing, as Mr. Senior has observed, after referring to the use of steam-power, " still," he says, " in its infancy," that probably many other powers of equal efficiency lie still un- discovered among the secrets of nature, or, if known, are stiU unapplied." * Even if we were to assume, that neither steam-power nor any other of the still * Political Economy, p. 72. 144 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. latent agencies of chemistry or meclianism, would hereafter be brought to bear on the cultiTation of the eoU ; even with our present attainments of skill and knowledge ; there is yet an immense margin left for extension of production before the capacities of the soil can be exhausted. It has been calculated by competent judges, that if all England and Wales were cultivated, even as weU as jfforthumberland :find Lincolnshire are now, they would yield more than double their present produce. But Northumber- land and Lincolnshire are still behind Belgium ; and ihose very counties of England in which cultivation is most advanced, far from standing still, exhibit a marked tendency to further improvement. And, as I have already said, if it were our interest to devote aU our efforts, to agricultural production alone, (as it is not, because we' can employ our labour more profitably otherwise,) there would be no difficulty in raising corn enough, even with our present mode of farming, to feed at least three times oiur present population. But it may be said (and I come now to a view of the •subject which presents itself in a formidable light to some minds), admitting that the world may be stUl •far off from the limit of its possible advancement in wealth and numbers, the progress of society, though it jnay be imdefinable, is not infinite. The difficulty which ^;he law of human increase presents is at best only de- .ferred. Ear removed as it may be — separated from us, perhaps, by a long series of ages — still the time must ^at length arrive when the whole habitable globe, covered with human beings, and cultivated to the utmost pitch of productiveness, will refuse to support POPULATION. 145 any fresh additions to the teeming family of man. The earth is bounded in space; but the principle of popula- tion is absolutely unlimited, and is capable, if time be given, of fiUing twenty worlds as easily as of filling one. I shall offer some observations in reference to this view of the subject ; premising, however, in justice to Mr. Malthus, that the objection now stated is no argument of his. The evil represented by him as arising from the superior potency, as he conceived, of population as compared with production, is an actual and existing evil, incident to every period of society. — to a thinly inhabited country as well as to a fully peopled one. He expressly concedes an indefinite capacity of increase to the produce of the earth, though that increase must ever be inadequate, in his opinion, to keep pace with population. With regard to the prospective difficulty arising from the possible replenishment of the world at some distant period to its utmost capabilities, he dismisses it as one which does not practically concern us. " If the difficidty arising from population," he says, " were not likely to arise till the whole earth had been cul- tivated Uke a garden, an event at such a distance might fairly be left to Providence." I do not con- ceive, though some of his opponents appear to have understood him otherwise, that the words just quoted were used by Mr. Malthus with any want of reverence or reflection. He might reasonably, as weU as piously, consider, that when the time arrived, if it ever should arrive, when the world should be found too narrow for its inhabitants, the Power who had called these beings into existence, who had endued them with their physical capacity of increase, and L 146 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. had so ordered the laws of his creation up to that time as constantly to enlarge the means of their sub- sistence to the exigency of their wants, would charge Himself by means beyond the scope of human calcu- lation with the deliverance of the race. If it be so, that the duration of this earth on which we live is destined to outlast its power of furnishing the means of life for the stiU-increasing family of man, un- questionably we have no resource but to leave the issue to the wisdom and justice of Omnipotence. But this is no question of political economy — the difficulty which presses us here is one which arises beyond the confines of that science, which undertakes to explain the laws of the social economy, only so long as society is capable of progress. It will not, however, be uninstructive, nor beside the purpose of the present argument, to offer some facts to your consideration, tending to show how vast, even at this age of the world, is the distance interposed between the human race and such a catastrophe as has been just supposed — how immense and practically measureless are the untouched resources of the earth — how small the proportion of the existing race of human creatures to the producible supplies of tood, — and, consequently, how chimerical is the apprehen- sion, that the natural fecundity of mankind tends within any period to which our calculations can ex- tend, to the destruction of the species. The existing population of the globe has been estimated by the best authorities at 800 millions.* Such is the extent to which the human race has » Malte-Brun. POPULATION. 147 multiplied from eight persons in a little more than four thousand years, and it is at yet but thinly dispersed over the earth's surface. The variations which have taken place in the distribution of the inhabitants are more remarkable than the rate of their increase. Some regions that were formerly most densely peopled are now desolate ; while over other countries, which had been for ages vacant or very thinly inhabited, new races of men have spread themselves like a flood. The tide of population, like the course of empire, apparently sets westward. Mr. Malthus' eyes were chiefly bent towards the United States of America, where a combination of favourable causes — a vast expanse of fertile soil and all the arts and appliances of civilisation to start with — had given an unexampled impulse to the fe- cundity of a young, free, and energetic people. If we turn our eyes eastward, we meet with very different phenomena — the decay, and, in some in- stances, the total extinction, of ancient races and nations. If there is a laio of population upon which theories may be constructed, it appears clear, also, that there is a law of depopulation for which these theories are unable to account. What has become of those great branches of the family of man that once occupied the earliest seats of the human race ; whose numbers are reported to have been so vast as almost to stagger our credulity ; ' but, great as they may have been, were still exceeded by the wealth and prosperity of the countries in which they dwelt ? The extent of cultivated land in ancient Egypt, as estimated by D'AnviUe, was smaller in proportion to its recorded population than is the case in our own 148 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. country, one of the most densely peopled in the modern world. Yet Egypt, besides sustaining its millions of inhabitants, was for a long period, as we know, the granary of Rome. The descendants of this ancient and prolific race are now lost, or are uncertainly identified with the occupants of a few insignificant villages. A still more striking instance of the decay of ancient populations is to be seen in the great plain of Mesopotamia, the abode of civilisation and opulence in a still remoter era of the world. We have authority for believing that the vast fertile plains watered by the Euphrates and the Tigris once contained a population equal to that of the whole of Europe at this day. Nineveh, " that exceeding great city of three days' journey," and Babylon, of which Herodotus gives us so particular an account, are both described as far exceeding any modern city in extent and population. The walls of Babylon, according to the generally received ac- counts, extended 12 miles every way, and covered 126 miles of surface, or nearly ei^t times the modern city and suburbs of London. The dis- trict, once teeming with wealth and population, in which the most enterprising traveller of the present day has discovered the buried remains of Nineveh, is thus described in his late work : — " From the walls of the Castle of Tel Afer I had an uninterrupted view over a vast plain, stretching westward towards the Euphrates, and losing itself in the hazy distance. The ruins of ancient towns and villages rose on all sides ; and as the sun went down I counted above one hundred mounds, throwing their dark and lengthening shadows across the plain. POPULATION". 149 These were the remains of Assyrian civilisation and prosperity. Centuries have elapsed since a settled population dwelt in this district of Meso- potamia ; now, not even the tent of the Bedouin could be seen. The whole was a barren, deserted waste." * Asia Minor, Italy, SicUy, Greece, present similar instances of countries in which the tide, once so high, has now receded, leaving a population dwindled far below its ancient dimensions. The ancient city of Rome is supposed by Gibbon to have contained at its highest point of prosperity three millions of inhabitants, and he reckons the total population of the empire under Trajan and the Antonines at 120 millions. Such has been the decline of the human race in Asia, that it has been doubted by well-informed writers whether the world at large is actually more populous in this nine- teenth century after Christ than it was in the time of Augustus. David Hume, writing towards the close of the last century, was disposed to think that it was less populous then than in the time of Trajan.j However this may be, it appears certain at least that the number of the human race has not materially increased since that time. The present tendency of population in diiferetit countries of the world is exceedingly various. In some parts it is declining, in others almost stationary. In those countries where it is progressive, the rates of its advance are widely different. The Indians of * Layard's Nineveh. t See Hume's Essay on the Populousness of Ancient Na- tions. L 3 150 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. North America are supposed to have amounted to about sixteen millions at the period of our first settlement in that country. They are now estimated at not more than two millions. The same decline is observable in the aboriginal population of many other parts of the world where they have been brought into contact with Europeans. In Turkey the population is so nearly stationary, that the French statist, Moreau de Jonn^s, estimates that at its pre- sent rate it would not double itself in less than 555 years. The same author calculates the time necessary for duplication, according to the existing progress in the countries hereafter mentioned, as follows : — In Switzerland _ _ _ 227 years France - - - - 138 Spain - - - - 106 Holland - - - 100 Germany - - - - 76 Russia - - - - 43 England* - - - 43 United States, deducting the contingents furnished by immigration - - - 25 Having thus seen how unequal and irregular the march of population has hitherto been in different regions of the world — how subject to oscillation and reaction — how prone to recede in one quarter while it advances in another — and how completely excep- tional is the instance of that rate of increase (dupli- cation in twenty-five years) on which Mr. Malthus * This estimate, as we know by the late census, is consider- ably too high. It should be 51-2. — Vide Census Report^ POPULATION. 151 has built his theory of over-population, let us now endeavour to form some notion, though it must of course be vague and inadequate at the best, of the possible capacity of the earth to yield subsistence for any practicable increase of inhabitants. Not more than one-tenth part of its surface is as yet subject to any cultivation at all, and of this a great proportion scarcely deserves the name of cultivation. What number of years must elapse, assuming the popula- tion to be supplied, before its whole surface shall be converted into a garden ? In taking the agriculture of our own country as a standard of comparison, I am assuming no increase at all on its present rate of productiveness, though, as I have already said, the tendency to improvement is unequivocal, and the capacity of these islands to yield, if needed, twice, four times, or even ten times their present supply of food has been aflSrmed by very competent authorities. Now, of the 37,630,000 square miles of which the habitable terrestrial globe consists, it is deemed pro- bable, that upwards of 20,000,000 are available for the subsistance of the human race. In the United Kingdom there are 91,000 square miles which now yield food for, we may say, at least twenty-five millions. If, then, the whole cultivable world were made to yield food only in the same ratio as the soil of Grreat Britain and Ireland yields it now, it would maintain, in the manner in which our own people are maintained, a population of 5,550,000,000, being nearly seven times the existing number of mankind. When we consider the vastly superior power of pro- duction of the southern regions of the globe as com pared with our own comparatively sterile soil and L 4 152 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. ungenial climate; — that in some countries* the rate of increase of wheat sown is generally seventy-fold, although the half-cleared ground is merely scratched with a branch — ^that the potatoe, according to common computation, wUl support on the same surface three times as many persons as wheat, and the banana, according to Humboldt, no less than twenty-five for one,— it is evident how greatly the estimate just now suggested is within the truth. Malte-Brun has said, that the soil of Europe alone could afford ample food for a thousand nuUions of inhabitants; beingnearlyfive times its present numbers, and more by one-fifth than the whole actual population of the globe. If we look to the western hemisphere, the undeveloped re- sources of nature exhibit a still more vast dispropor- tion to any actual or conceivable demands of man. The basin of the Mississippi contains, according to Chevalier, 1,015,000 square geographical miles; or more than eleven times the . whole surface of the United Kingdom, and nearly seven times the whole kingdom of France. This magnificent valley is throughout almost its whole extent of great fertility and admirably watered. It is no exaggeration to state, that it is capable of yielding corn and cotton sufficient to feed and clothe the whole population of Europe, or that it would maiatain, if peopled in the game proportion as the British Islands, 350,000,000 of inhabitants, more than fifteen times the whole existing population of the United States. To South America nature has given a soil and climate which jender its productive powers far greater than the * So stated with regai'd to Columbia by General Miller. POPULATION. 153 most favoured parts of Europe. The undcYcloped resources of this luxuriant region are almost incal- culable. Humholdt has described in Yiyid terms the unparalleled riches of nature yielded almost spon- taneously in these countries in return for the most wretched culture. North and South America, together, contain at least six million square miles of cultivable land, which, if made productive only to the limited standard of British agriculture at present, would sustain fifteen hundred millions of people, or nearly double the whole present population of the globe. But it is needless to multiply statements of this kind for the purpose of proving to what a prodigious ex- tent the sources of wealth as yet dormant in the bosom of the earth are capable, if need were, of ex- ceeding for an indefinite period the highest imagin- able ratio of human fecundity. I shall close my remarks on this part of the subject by quoting the conclusion of an economist before referred to; a citizen of that nation in which the march of popula- tion, wonderful as it has been, has, however, been completely distanced by the more rapid expansion of production. " We possess no means," says Mr. Carey, " of measuring the extent of the powers of the earth. It produces now vastly more than it did a century since, and the close of the present century wUl see it rendered greatly more productive than at present. When we cast our eyes over the surface of the globe, and see how large is the portion that is yet totally unoccupied — how large a portion of that which ap- pears to be occupied is really so only to the extent that its j)Owers can be reached with the worst machi- 154 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. nery, and that the chief part of these powers is as yet unappropriatedj — that twice or thrice, ten, or twenty, or fifty times the population could be sup- ported, even with our present agricultural know- ledge, on land that is now partially cultiyated, and that there is a great extension of production as science is brought to the aid of the agriculturist — we cannot hesitate to admit that the productive power of the land is practically measureless." * * Carey, Prin. of Polit. Econ. vol. i. p. 130. 155 LECTURE VII. ON POPULATION. I OBSERVED in my opening remarks upon Mr. Mal- thus' work, that the main defect of his theory is, that it is entirely one-sided. He has considered the increase of numbers in a community solely with refer- ence to the increase of consumption which it involves, disregarding the natural effect of the same cause upon production. An increase of population is, indeed, as he says, an effect of national prosperity ; but it is a cause also. It is the consequence no doubt, but it is at the same time the prolific source, of the wealth of nations. Its operation in the latter point of view Mr. Malthus has almost wholly overlooked. The ten- dency of the density of population to make industry more productive is a chapter omitted in his essay. Writing under the influence of a panic fear, not al- together Unwarranted by the then circumstances of this country, sinking deeply, as it appeared to be, into a gulf of pauperism, he depicted the principle of human fecundity as a gigantic power encroaching continually with rapid strides upon the limited fund of human subsistence. But he omitted to display the reverse side of the picture, which represents the prolificness of mankind as the great motive power of society — the prime stimulant to industry and enter- prise — the incentive of art and commerce, of inven- 156 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. tion and improvement — the means by which the burthen of toil is lightened and its reward increased — by which the earth is replenished with inhabitants, and the powers of nature are made subservient to human necessities and enjoyments. To supply this omission in the theory of population presented by Mr. Malthus and his followers is the main object of my present lecture. I shall endeavour to point out some of the means by which the populousness of a country conduces, cceteris paribus, to promote the prodvictiveness of its industry, causing the fund of subsistence to increase (provided always that the laws of nature are allowed free scope) in a greater ratio than the increase of population. The object of all industrial effort, all invention, every application of science to production, is simply this — to diminish the proportion of the effort to the result ; in one word, to do more with less. The eco- nomy of labour is the constant aim, and one of the highest achievements, of civilisation. Of all the methods by which this economy is attainable, by far the most efl&cient is exchange, using that term in its widest sense; comprehending not only the barter of products between man and mail, but also the separation of occupations and the combination of efforts to a common end. That organisation of industry by which, in an advanced state of society, a number of workmen co-operate together, either in one field of labour or in separate fields, to accom- plish a given result, is in effect a complicated, though unconscious, process of exchange. Each workman contributes his peculiar skiU and the dexterity ac- quired by addiction to a single function ; and each POPULATION. 157 receives in return a portion of the value of the finished article commensurate to the value of his share in the workmanship. This is as truly in its essence an exchange as the commutation of the fruits of one climate for the fruits of another is so. In this large sense of the term exchange we shall find that the economy of labour effected by it may be assigned chiefly to three heads : 1. The combination of efforts ; 2. The separation of employments ; 3. The participation of those natural agents or peculiar facilities which are variously distributed among dif- ferent communities of men. Most persons who take an interest in economical inquiries are familiar with Adam Smith's beautiful exposition of the division of labour, and the won- derful effects of that principle in diminishing the sum of efforts necessary to production. But, with all its merits, the analysis is not so complete as it might be, had the author discriminated more precisely between the two processes conducive to the same end, and which an advanced condition of industry involves, viz. the combination of labour on the one hand, and what he calls the division of labour — in other words, the separation of employments — on the other. Of the latter we cannot have a better instance than his own of the manufacture of a pin, divided, according to the method then practised, into no less than eighteen distinct manual operations, each performed, in the best-conducted factories, by a different work- man.. Dr. Smith mentions that, in a small manu- factory which he had seen, where the work was done, under a less perfect arrangement, by ten hands, the daily production was 48,000 pins, or 4,800 pins per 158 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. man ; whereas, he says, " if they had all wrought separately and independently, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day." This wonderfiil economy of divided labour is mainly owing to that aptitude and skill which each man acquires from constant and exclusive practice in one particular operation ; of which we may see aston- ishing proofs in almost any manufactory we visit ; partly, also, to the saving of the time which would, otherwise, be wasted in passing from one occupation to another. But the eifects of combined labour in pro- ducing a result far greater than the sum of the same efforts made independently, are not less marvellous than those which are produced by separation of occu- pations. Familiar illustrations of the efficacy of combined labour are those of two greyhounds cours- ing a hare, and two men working together in a saw- pit. In the mechanical part of production we find that two and two do not always make four. There are numerous operations of industry which, if they were not done by several persons acting in concert, could not be done at all. It may safely be asserted, that a single labourer, even giving him his tobls ready-made, could not construct a single mile of rail- way or canal in his whole lifetime; but one hun- dred men might make one hundred miles, and one thousand men would certainly make one thousand miles in a still shorter time. The perfection of productive power seems to require two things ; first, that you should be able to distribute each portion of the work requiring the employment of different muscles, the exercise of POPULATION. 159 diiFerent mental faculties, the possession of different facilities, among so many distinct sets of producers ; secondly, that you should have the command of the requisite numbers to act in concert in all those numerous operations in which power is multiplied in a ratio greater than that of the added number of hands by the combination of efforts. Thirdly, the economy of labour is enormously promoted by the power which exchange affords of transferring the various natural or artificial productions of dif- ferent localities from one to another. The law of Providence, designed to ensure man's dependence on the society and assistance of his fellows, has assigned, in almost infinite variety, dif- ferent instruments and facilities of production to dif- ferent countries in the world, and even to different parts of the same country. In one a warm and genial climate ; in another abundant water-power ; in a third, a rich and teeming soU ; in a fourth, mineral treasures beneath the surface; in a fifth, peculiar facilities for navigation ; in a sixth, an innate dexte- rity and ingenuity in the people^mark out the classes of productions for which each region is best adapted, and which it can at the smallest expenditure of labour furnish to the common consumption. Gene- rally speaking, it is a misapplication of industry, mere waste of time and means, for a community to malie at home what it can obtain from a region more favoured than itself in regard 'to that particular production. Here in England, for instance, we might, by artificial and expensive methods, grow grapes and make wine for ourselves ; but it would be both worse and dearer wine than we could buy from 160 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. France or Spain in exchange for the congenial pro- ducts of our own climate and industry. Such is the principle of commercial intercourse among nations; and each individual community is, in this respect, the pattern of the world at large. The greatest economy of labour, the largest surplus of profit on every operation, result from everything being done where it can be done best^ that is, with the greatest faci- lity, under the most favourable circumstances of local advantage. Within the limits of these islands we / have certain parts distinguished as a^n^uttural coun- ties ; we have the coal and iron districts ; we have the manufacturing districts ; and of .these, again, various subdivisions : the potteries, the clothing districts, the seat of the linen trade, of the silk manufacture, and so forth. As there are no restrictions on internal commerce, it is a matter of course that every article of these various kinds which is ordered for consump- tion is procured, generally speaking, from one of those centres in which the special industry is carried on. Now, to procure the article which is thus manu- factured in one locality for a consumer who lives in another, necessarily involves some cost- — -the cost of transit. Every article is naturally cheapest at the place where it is raised or made, as coals at New- castle ; and the value rises with the distance which it has to be conveyed. The cost of conveyance is, then, the great drawback on the benefits of exchange. Many trades might flourish admirably in particular districts for which nature seems to have given them peculiar facilities ; but, as they lie remote from the great centres of the population that requires them. POPULATION. 161 the trade is starved, because it cannot bear the cost of carriage. Now, to diminish this obstacle of dis- tance between the producer and his market is the incessant object of endeavour in civilised societies. Improved communications are discovered to be one of the main sources of wealth. Hence, a large proportion of the labour and resources of every advancing community is devoted merely to the im- provement of the machinery of exchange. Roads, railways, canals, post-offices, mints, exchanges, banks, ships, horses, carriages, the professions of bankers, merchants, brokers, factors, carriers, merchant-seamen, and many more, may be regarded as parts of the immense, complicated, and most costly apparatus of exchange. No actual wealth is created, no tangible product results directly from the employment of these engines of commerce ; they furnish us with nothing which we can consume or enjoy ; and the expenditure lavished upon them manifests, in a striking light, the immense profit arising from that interchange of commodities which is able to compensate so vast an outlay. In our own country, within a few years past, we have spent hundreds of millions on railways, in order to enable the commodities of the east, and the west, the north and the south parts of the kingdom to be exchanged for one another, at a lower cost of transit. It is for the sake of approxi- mating the consumers to the producers by what is equivalent to the abridgment of so many mUes of distance, that we have paid this great price, and are gainers by the payment of it. The further we can carry out that approximation of the labourer to the market ; — the nearer we can bring together the two 162 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. ends of the commercial chain, the richer we shall become ; because the cost of transit is all pure loss*, and the more we reduce it, the greater is the net profit upon every exchange, the nearer do we approach to a concentration of all the advantages and facilities which nature has distributed in various proportions among the scattered families of mankind. Now, to apply these statements to the subject of population, — labour being the instrument of all wealth, and the wealth of every nation increasing in direct proportion to the effectiveness, or, in other words, the economy of its labour, this economy is incompatible with a scanty population, and is naturally promoted and facilitated by a large and dense one. I have pointed out the three principal modes by which the smallest amount of labour is made to conduce to the largest result of profit. I shall proceed to show how each of these three pregnant sources of wealth requires an ample population, in order to its due development. That powerful lever of industry, the division of employments, is Kmited, as Adam Smith has clearly explained, hy the extent of the market. It depends simply on the measure of the demand whether it will answer or not to carry on the business of production or trade upon that system of separation of employments, which is al- ways, wherever it is practicable, the best economy. It is obvious that what can be done with great ad- Vantage in a large town is impracticable in a small village. Consequently, in the former the division, in the latter the concentration, of occupations, is ob- served to take place. In the crowded and wealthy * Except, of course, the profit to the carrier. POPULATION. l63 city you find a great variety and subdivision of trades. Many businesses of a cognate kind, such as those of the haberdasher and the linendraper, the watchmaker and the silversmith, the baker and the confectioner, the bookseller and the stationer, are carried on in separate establishments. In a rural village, on the other hand, a single emporium, familiarly known as the shop, supplies all the wants of the little com- munity. "Wearing apparel and household utensils, tea and tobacco, bread and shoes, stationery and drugs, with numberless other articles of the most multifarious kind, form the promiscuous assortment of the village shopkeeper. While his returns from this miscellaneous collection of wares are far less than those of the wealthy town tradesman, whose deal- ings are confined to one sort of commodities, his cus- tomers nevertheless pay at a higher rate than in the larger market, and usually get an inferior article for their money. In like manner, as Adam Smith re- marks, " a country carpenter deals in every sort of work that is made of wood: a country smith in every sort of work that is made of iron. The former is not only a carpenter, but a joiner, a cabinet-maker, and even a carver in wood, as well as a wheelwright, a ploughwright, a cart and waggon maker." Again, " there are some sorts of industry," as the same writer observes, " even of the lowest kind, which can be carried on nowhere but in a great town. A porter, for example, can find employment and subsistence in no other place. A village is by much too narrow a sphere for him; even an ordinary market- town is scarce large enough to aflFord him constant occupation." In a new settlement, for the same reason, the con-f H 2 164 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. centration of employments is unavoidable. The agri- cultural colonist, who sets forth as the pioneer of civilisation in the bush, is obliged to combine in himself a wide circle of arts and occupations. To succeed well, he should be at once carpenter, wood- man, builder, farmer, ploughman, shepherd, baker, butcher, farrier, and sometimes shoemaker, tailor, surgeon, and surveyor. He must use a great variety of implements, and turn his hand every day from one occupation to another of a totally different kind. To take one branch only of his employments: he must feU trees with the axe, saw the timber, cart it in his wag- gon, then form it into doors and windows, chairs and tables, or whatever else he may require. In all this there is unavoidably a great waste of time and cost — a multitude of tools required for a small class of opera- tions — a great expenditure of pains in learning many arts, and learning them imperfectly, after all. Sup- pose the same man to emigrate to a settlement which, instead of being newly formed, has made con- siderable advancement, and where the increase of wealth and population has led to the formation of towns, and produced some division of employments. There our agriculturist, instead of having his labour diverted from its proper occupation — the cultivation of his land — to employments for which he is unapt and inexperienced, will find woodcutters who will hew his timber from the forest, waggoners who will transport it to his land, sawyers who will cut it up into planks, carpenters who wUl fashion it for the purposes he requires, receiving, as an equivalent, a part of the produce of his own labour, which, being employed as theirs is, in the work which he has practised and understands, is consequently employed POPULATION. 165 to the best advantage. Each separate process is then performed constantly and uninterruptedly, without loss of time or division of attention, with a small number of implements, with an education which, having been special, has been complete, and with a dexterity and aptitude derived from habit, of which the economy is incalculable. With the increase of consumers, the division of employments is constantly increasing and displaying itself in new features. We see it exemplified in every department of human occupation ; in the pro- fessions, as well as in the trades and mechanical arts. In a rural district, the joint profession of surgeon and apothecary embraces all the departments of the healing art. In London we have physicians, apothe- caries, surgeons, accoucheurs, oculists, aurists, and so forth. So in England we have chancery bar- risters, common-law barristers, equity draftsmen, special pleaders, solicitors, and attorneys ; each a separate and distinct class of practitioners. But in Ireland the distinction between chancery or common- law barrister does not exist, and in Canada the same individual is barrister and solicitor. The reason of these and other similar diversities in the system of industry is plain. The division of labour is always a saving of labour, and therefore profitable when- ever the circle of consumers is large enough to furnish an independent support for each class of persons forming the several subdivisions of producers. Thus, for instance, the number of purchasers in a wealthy city is sufficient to maintain, with the full profits of trade, a dealer in the single article of books ; nay, even in a single class of books, such as 31 a 166 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. books of theology, or classical literature alone. But in a provincial town a bookseller could not carry on his business unless he included aU other descriptions of books in his catalogue, and perhaps stationery also ; while, in a small market-town, the more limited demand for books will not enable him to live unless he combines one or more additional trades — such as those of toys and perfumery — with those of book- seller and stationer. It is therefore evidently, as Adam Smith says, the extent of the market which limits the division of labour. A large consuming power is an essential element in the economy of production. The larger the population, cesteris paribus, the more complete the organisation of industry wiU be. As the market expands, occupations wiU become more and more subdivided ; if, on the contrary, the demand con- tracts, they will relapse into their pristine state of concentration. 2. Of the combination of labour as an advantage depending on the condition of a populous community I need say little. The fact speaks for itself. The great operations and improvements by which the wealth of nations is rapidly increased — the con- struction of railways, canals, piers, breakwaters, and harbours — the drainage and redemption of extensive tracts of land — the intersection or removal of natural obstacles to communication- — can only be accom- plished in the maturity of rich and weU-peopled societies ; because such works require the combined labour of large masses of men on a given point, which, in a small community, it is impossible to procure. For the execution of great works there must be a well-supplied labour-market. It is not POPULATION. 167 only the command of a large capital, but the power at any moment to bring together and set in motion a small army of workmen, that enables the great contractors in this country at the present time to undertake, and rapidly to execute, those prodigious operations, which no natural impediments, or " en- gineering difficulties," as they are called, are now capable of arresting. On the other hand, in the Australian colonies, previously to the late gold dis- coveries, population was so thin, and labour conse- quently so dear, that one of the first requisites of civilisation and chief sources of wealth — ^the formation of roads and bridges — had been long obstructed and postponed for no other cause than the want of hands to make them. Consider, also, the numerous forms of association, the natural growth of a populous society, but im- possible in a small one, which conduce to the enjoy-: ment of life, to intellectual improvement, to habits of economy and prudence, to the advancement of science; and, by these various means, more or less directly to the increase of national wealth ; such as colleges, museums, libraries, clubs, benefit societies, savings banks, insurance companies, and the like. It is by the power of numbers that these institutions subsist ; it is on the principle that " many a little makes a mickle," that their benefits are founded. Lastly, let us see how the increase of population bears upon the production of wealth by means of commercial exchange. To recapitulate briefly what I before stated, the benefit of exchange is in eifect this — that it enables every man to get whatever he wants best and cheapest in return for that which he M 4 168 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. does best and cheapest himself. The American gives the Englishman that wliich, for local reasons, has cost in America little labour, but which would cost in England much ; and the Englishman gives in return that which has cost him little labour, but in America could not be had without a great deal. Thus, each gets the advantage of the other's facilities of production, minus only the cost of conveyance. Now what, if we go to the root of the matter, is the object and effect of aU those improvements in the means of communication by which we are incessantly striving to abridge distance, and to bring countries and provinces alongside of each other ? It is simply this — to produce an artificial condensation of popu- lation. It is a good thing, no doubt, to find cus- tomers for our cottons, woollens, and hardware, and dealers in corn and breadstuffs, on the opposite side of the Atlantic. It has become a greater ad- vantage since we have virtually brought the United States within less than half their former distance by means of steam-navigation. It would be better still if we could further reduce, by one-third or one- half, the time and cost of the voyage ; but it would be best of all, — I mean, of course, in a commercial point of view, — if such a thing were possible, to get rid of the marine impediment altogether. The distance which now separates us from our customers is evidently a mercantile loss ; and, under that con- viction, we are striving to diminish it more and more every year by mechanical improvements. Suppose, now, we add, in the course of a century, to our domestic population a number of persons equal in consuming power to that of the American market at present; such au addition will be equivalent, in POPULATION. 169 point of national gain, to the accomplishment of the desideratum we are now straining after, viz., to make England and America, commercially, one con- tinent. In this hypothesis I am, of course, assuming that wealth increases in England pari passu with the increase of population. You will observe, that I have all along been speaking of the effect of in- creased populousness on a country, cceteris paribus ; my argument being that, per se, populousness is a cause of wealth. Compare a country having ten mil- lions of people with another having twenty millions on an equal surface, the relation of the numbers to the capital and to the means of subsistence in each case being, at a given time, the same. I say that, starting from this point, with equal advantages in other respects, the more populous country must out- strip the less populous in the accumulation of wealth, because, for the reasons pointed out, the concen- tration of numbers necessarily makes labour more productive ; and, as the larger community affords twice as good a market for the productions of in- dustry, the benefit derived from exchange (in other words, the profits of its trade) wiU be, in a more than twofold proportion, greater than in the other case. In fact, all the gain which the smaller country might derive from trading with a foreign neighbour equally wealthy and populous with itself, is reaped by its more populous rival, minus the deduction of freight, risk, insurance, customs' duties and other expenses of transport. In fine, to make the whole world one country, for mercantile purposes, is the great object of commer- cial aspirations. Legislation, founded on short-sighted view.s of national policy, has, indeed, for a long time 170 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. thwarted this object ; but the instinctive interest of the community works incessantly the other way, and must, ultimately, prevail. Now, the object aimed at by these efforts — which is, in fact, to extend the market and to bring consumers and producers into nearer proximity — is realised in each individual community, other things being the same, in propor- tion to the density of its population. The truth of the reasonings now submitted to you is confirmed by a review of the condition of society in aU countries, with rare exceptions, both in ancient and modem times. The most populous nations have been almost tmiversally the most pros- perous. The most densely-peopled parts of every country are the richest parts. They are populous, indeed, because they are wealthy ; but they have become wealthy also by means of their populous- ness, A distinction, however, is necessary to be made between the natural and the artificial growth of population. The rule just stated prevails wherever the increase of mankind is left to the free operation of natural causes, apart from the influence of vicious institutions, or abuse of the powers of government. Left free to follow their own interests and inclina- tions, men will marry and multiply in proportion to their means of maintaining a family ; the increase of numbers consequent on their prosperity will give a new stimulus to their productive industry; and thus wealth and numbers wUl proceed pari passu, and wUl react upon each other. But the conse- quences wHl be different if population be stimulated to an unnatural activity by laws founded on mis- taken policy — by premiums held out to early mar- riages in the shape of exemptions or bounties, or POPULATION. 171 allowances from 'poor-rates — by laws which ally themselves with the reckless and intemperate pro- pensities of human nature, instead of throwing their influence into the scale of forethought and self-denial. By such a policy, it is not difficult for any government to raise up a redundant population of paupers; a result of which, as I said just now, there appeared to be no small danger in this country at the time when Mr. Malthus wrote. Again, it is in the power of an ignorant and bigoted government like that of China, at the same time, to stimulate marriage by legislative enactments, and by a perversely ingenious and ela- borate system of restrictions to cramp industry, to repress trade, to prohibit mechanical improvements, and cut off intercourse with foreign nations ; and thus, producing an artificial congestion of population, for which there is no natural demand or profitable em- ployment, " 'propter vitam vivendi perdere causas." To such a country increased numbers may well be a source of indigence and weakness instead of opulence and strength. Again, nature has provided certain checks or restraints, which I shall have occasion hereafter treat of more at large, upon the ejccessive pro- pensity to multiplication, which depend chiefly for their influence on the independent spirit, the laud- able ambition, and prudent self-respect of the lower orders of society. But when, by the influence of a long series of errors and disasters, by a combina- tion of maladies social and political, a people have become sunk and degraded, reduced in accommoda- tion and subsistence almost to the level of savages, insensible to the shame of mendicancy, to the fear of worse misery, or the hope of a brighter future, then 172 rOPULATION AXD CAPITAL. these restraints of -which I speak lose all their in- fluence. There is no dread of embittering the cup of misery, already filled to the brim, by incurring fresh burdens ; there is no position to be lost, while there may be some consolation gained, by having a part- ner in misfortune. Then, without fear or hesita- tion, the ragged, unemployed and destitute peasant marries as soon as he attains to manhood, and begets a generation of starving wretches like himself; and so the process of multiplication and degradation goes on, until the country breaks down under the weight of its pauperism, becomes an eyesore to the world, a scandal to its wealthy neighbours, and an oppro- brium to civilisation. That Ireland presents an economical paradox, a melancholy exception to the ordinary laws which apply to civilised commimities, is a point which I need not labour to prove ; we see in her a country " mannas inter opes inops ; " densely peopled, yet steeped in poverty ; endowed with abundant elements of wealth, which she can- not turn to account ; with capital and labour, which refuse to be combined together ; talent, which has been too often fertile only in mischief, and energy, directed with suicidal perverseness against the laws. I am speaking, however, of Ireland as it has been ; antecedently to the change which has within a very recent period taken place, attended with symptoms which hold out to my apprehension a consoling prospect of better times. In the transfer of a large proportion of the land from a nominal to a substan- tial proprietary, and in the unprecedented emigra- tion now draining off the surplus of a population which the resources of the country were never ade- quate to maintain^ and which was engendered out rOPULATION. 173 of Its very wretchedness, I see grounds for sanguine hope that the regeneration of Ireland, so far as it depends on economical causes, has begun. But the redundant population must first be reduced to its natural dimensions, it must be brought into a proper relation with the means of employment and sub- sistence which the country actually affords, before any material improvement can take place. This ad- justment once brought about, the tide which is now ebbing will once more begin to flow ; as industry prospers, and wealth advances, emigration will be checked * ; the natural increase of a thriving people will supply the voids that famine and expatriation have made ; and Ireland may at no distant time sup- port, in usefulness and contentment, a population even greater than that which lately cumbered her sur- face with the burden of their idleness and misery. Upon the whole, the conclusions which will be brought home to our minds from a survey of the actual condition of society in the different nations of the world will, I think, be in complete accordance with the principles already stated. In those few countries where a dense population is found living in a state of indigence and misery, such a coexistence of incongruous symptoms is an anomaly which may be accounted for by the presence of adequate po- litical or moral causes. We shall find either that population has been artificially forced, or that the development of wealth is unnaturally checked by * Already symptoHis of such a reaction are discernible. Some of the emigrants, it is said, have lately found their way home to Ireland, attracted by the reports of a demand for labour and of higher wages, which had reached them on the pther side of the Atlantic. 174 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. misgovernment or vicious institutions; but, subject to such casual exceptions, the general rule will be this — that indigence pervades a scanty, and comfort a numerous population. Where the people are few the country is poor, and the means of subsistence limited; where the labourers are many the harvest is great, and each man comes in for a larger share of the increased produce. Whether we look to old countries that have become depopulated, such as those which have been the seats of empires now decayed in Asia and Africa, or to new settled colo- nies, such as were the North American plantations 200 years since, or the Australian settlements at their first formation, we shall find a handful of men scattered over a wide extent of surface, yet hard pressed by the difficulty of subsistence. If, on the other hand, we turn to those parts of the globe where industry and wealth have attained their highest development, we shall find the opulence of each community bearing generally a direct propor- tion to the density of the population. In England, as I have already pointed out, we have aU but doubled our numbers within the last half-century, while the augmentation of the national capital has certainly advanced in a considerably larger ratio. Throughout the whole of Europe the same law pre- vails. There are two countries, small indeed in extent, but in many respects peculiarly interesting to the political economist — Switzerland and Belgium. Population in both is extremely dense. The general aspect of contentment and comfort through the greater part of Switzerland is delightful to the traveller ; but it is especially striking in those dis- tricts in which the inhabitants are most numerous. POPULATION. 175 The environs of Zurich aiFord a striking instance ; a spot which, for the activity of industry and general well-being of the people, is probably not to be sur- passed in the world. This canton contains 175,000 souls, or about one to every two acres and three- quarters. " Considering how large a proportion of the canton is rock or forest, this population is enormous. In five parishes on the borders of the lake there are 8498 souls; and they contain only 6050 acres of arable land, 3407 of pasture, and 698 of vines, being scarcely one acre and a quarter to each individual ; a degree of density surpassing that of any other part of Europe. Yet, there is nowhere to be seen such an extraordinary prevalence of comfort among the peasantry." * In Belgium we have the spectacle of a country for which nature has done comparatively little ; the soil in some of the best cultivated parts having been originally a sterile sand, but now made rich and fertile by the indefatigable industry of the people, which has raised its agriculture to an unrivalled pitch of perfection. It is impossible to traverse the plains of Flanders without admiring the garden- like cultivation of the fields, the number and mag- nitude of the cities, the frequency of the villages, the comfortable farms and dwellings of the pea- santry. Yet the population of Flanders amounts to 507 to the square mile ; nearly twice the density of that of Great Britain, and more than twice that of France. Sir A. Alison, in his work on the Principles of Population, draws a just conclusion * Alison, Principles of Population, vol. i. p. 419. 176 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. from a survey of the social condition of these two countries. " The progress of population," he says. " affords no reason to anticipate an increase in the misery of the people when it is accompanied by the political advantages which develope the limitations to its advance. Humanity would have no cause to regret an increase of the numbers of the species which should cover the plains of the world with the husbandry of Flanders, or its mountains with the peasantry of Switzerland." * To test the principle now under consideration by a survey of the vast and diversified picture which Germany presents, would be a task exceeding my present limits ; but the result of such an inquiry, it may be confidently stated, would confirm the ge- neral conclusion which I have advanced, that popu- lousness and prosperity, scanty numbers and social depression, stand in the double relation of cause and effect to each other. In Prussia both wealth and numbers have lately made extraordinary strides; yet no distress is observable among the people, nor any appearance of redundancy of numbers. Among the many diversities which the various provinces of Ger- many present, none is more striking than that between Saxony and Bavaria. " One would imagine," says Reisebeckfj " that Erzegebirge and the Thurlngian forests are the boundaries placed by nature between light and darkness, riches and poverty, freedom and slavery. Probably, in the whole extent of the world, a stronger contrast cannot be found than between Bavaria and Saxony ; and yet nature has ' Alison, vol. i. p. 428. t Quoted by Alison, vol. i. p. 493. POPULATION. 177 done more for the former than the latter." Saxony is extremely populous ; its numbers amounted, prior to the late partition, to 1,900,000. Bavaria, though far richer by nature, has not much more than half that number; yet the one is marked by comfort, cleanliness, and prosperity, the other and less popu- lous province, by indolence, squalor, extreme igno- rance, and a wretched state of agriculture. Spain is a country of which the social features are peculiarly calculated to point the moral of the politi- cal economist, exemplifying as it does, in its present state of sterility and depopulation, the sure effects of despotic government, commercial restrictions, and fiscal abuses. In its blighted industry, stagnant trade, and exhausted treasury, this state holds out an emphatic warning to the rulers and statesmen of all countries. Yet, even in Spain, there are degrees of mismanagement and indigence. The good cultiva- tion, active industry, and comfortable villages, ob- servable in Valencia, which enjoys an immunity from the most oppressive taxes, and in Biscay, where the people possess independent privileges, and the Spanish crown has only a limited domination, form bright spots in the otherwise gloomy picture of the Penin- sula. The most flourishing provinces are likewise the best peopled ; but in Spain, generally, the popu- lation is extremely scanty, being not one-third as great in proportion to the surface as that of England, and less than half as great as that of France. To discriminate the relative influence of different causes in producing prosperity or distress, in any community, is no doubt a diflScult task, requiring ex- tensive knowledge and insight, and great caution N" 178 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. against hasty inferences. On such a subject it would be extreme presumption to dogmatize. But in refer- ring to countries that are at once populous and flourishing, and in assigning their populousness as a main source of their prosperity, I am not speaking at random, but am ascribing effects to causes of known and intelligible efficacy, if it be true, as few will ven- ture to deny, that the wealth of nations depends on the productiveness of their labour, and this again upon the facilities for combining its action, dividing its functions, and exchanging its products, which a concentrated population alone can afford. We hear often of the dangers of redundant population : there are two senses in which this phrase may be under- stood. "We may conceive a people to be redundant, either because the capabilities of the country to afford subsistence have been exhausted, or because those capabilities have never been developed. In the latter sense, many communities have been afflicted with an excess of numbers ; but we shall find that it is a malady peculiarly incident to those countries that are most thinly peopled in proportion to their surface. In the former sense, I believe over-population to be a chimera. The history of the world furnishes no example of a community in which, while the channels of industry have been unimpeded, and the gifts of Nature have been turned to good account, subsistence has run short, or the increase of wealth has been checked by reason of the excessive numbers of the people. Experience records no such instance in the past, and the laws which regulate the increase of the species, rightly understood, repel any such apprehen- sion for the future. 179 LECTURE VIII. ON POPULATION. I PROPOSE to speak in this Lecture of the " checks " on population. That there are checks which confine the power of human increase within limits more or less restricted, according to the circumstances of each community, admits of no doubt. The physical power of reproduction in the human species is such, that supposing it to operate absolutely without check, it would, in the course of a very few centuries, over- spread with a dense mass of human beings every comer of the habitable earth. In far less time than it has taken to produce the now comparatively thin and scattered population of the globe, the fecundity of mankind must have been arrested by the failure not of subsistence only, but of space. Instead of 700 or 800 millions being now the sum total of the race, it would have reached a number which arith- metic has no symbols to express. How are we to account for this prodigious disparity between the physical capacity of increase and the rate at which mankind have actually multiplied? We find on inquiry that there is a law of limitation as weU as of progression in regard to the numbers of our species. There are causes inherent in the consti- tution of society which limit the growth of popula- V 2 180 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. tion. These causes Mr. Malthus has divided into two classes, termed by him the " positive " and the " preventive" checks. The positive (or repressive) checks are those which keep down the numbers of an existing population by shortening the term of life ; the preventive checks are those which, by motives addressed to the reason and the will, prevent the reproduction of the species. Man alone of all animated creatures is amenable to this latter check. " The positive checks to population," Mr. Malthus says, " are extremely various, and include every cause, whether arising from vice or misery, which in any degree contributes to shorten the natural duration of htmian life. Under this head, there- fore, may be enumerated all unwholesome occu- pations, severe labour, and exposure to the seasons, extreme poverty, bad nursing of children, great towns, excesses of all kinds, the whole train of common diseases and epidemics, wars, plague, and famine."* It has been justly observed^ that the checks de- scribed in this passage include, in fact, every possible cause of mortality^ except old age. The statement, iJierefore, when fairly weighed, seems to amount merely to this, that all premature deaths, from whatsoever cause arising, diminish the numbers of mankind. But premature deaths are as much a part of the law of Providence as deaths by natural decay. That the world might be much fuller than it is if men's frames were not liable to disease, nor their # Vol. i. p. 15. t Westminster Review, No. 102. POPULATION. 181 passions to excess, may be readily conceded — it would be fuller still if there were no old age and no death. ; but all these contingencies alike belong to the constitution of our nature. Nor can they for any useful purpose be classed as checks upon popu- lation — a term which, if it is meant to have any peculiar significance, should be limited to those extraordinary visitations by which Nature herself checks the redundance of population when by too rapid an advance it encroaches on the means of sub- sistence. When population, thus becoming excessive, generates destitution, famine, disease, or war, we may justly regard these calamities as corrective checks — severe, indeed, but beneficial — whose oflSce it is to reduce the numbers of a community to their just proportion, and, by a partial suffering, to save society from still greater evils. But the common diseases which flesh is heir to, the ravages which intemperance, sloth, or luxury make in a community, the losses of life occasioned by accident, violence, or crime, can in no other sense be termed " checks upon population" than that general abridgment of the term of life which has taken place since the time of the patriarchs can be so designated. Mr. Malthus has examined at considerable length, and with a great deal of historical research, into the operation of the various positive checks upon popu- lation in different countries of the world, both in ancient and modem times. Having another object in view, I do not propose on this occasion to enter into an examination of his statements under this head, though in many respects they appear to me to be exceptionable, and are occasionally incon- N 3 182 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. sistent both with doctrines propounded in other parts of his own work, and with authenticated facts. For instance, in his review of the social state of various countries, he lays great stress upon the effect of pestilence, of famines, and, above all, of war, in repressing the redundancy of mankiad. But on this point there are important distinctions to be made. There have been sanguinary and desolating wars, which have carried off whole generations at a stroke, and made a void in -the human race which centuries have not repaired. Such were the invasions of Timour, in one of which nearly four millions and a half of persons are said to have been put to the sword; and the wars of Belisarius, in which, as Gibbon tells us, 5,000,000 perished in Africa alone by war. Wars of this character do, indeed, make a deep and lasting chasm in the numbers of a nation. But the effect of war, as carried on in modem times, is very different; and Mr. Malthus himself justly remarks upon the rapidity with which countries recover the desolations of war as well as those of pestilence, famine, and the convulsions of nature. " Old states," he says, " are then for a short time placed a little in the situation of new colo- nies, and the effect is always answerable to what might be expected. If the industry of the inhabit- ants be not destroyed, subsistence will soon increase beyond the wants of the reduced ntunbers ; and the invariable consequence will be, that population, which before, perhaps, was nearly stationary, will begin immediately to increase, and will continue its progress till the former population is recovered. The fertile province of Flanders, which has been POPULATION. 183 SO often the seat of the most destructive wars, after a respite of a few years, has always appeared as rich and populous as ever ; and the undiminished popu- lation of France, during the wars and bloodshed of the Revolution, is an instance very strongly in point. The Tables of Sussmilch * afford continual proofs of a very rapid increase after great mortalities ; and the table for Prussia and Lithuania, which I have already inserted, is particularly instructive in this respect. The effects of the dreadful plague in London in 1666 were not perceptible fifteen or twenty years afterwards. It may even be doubted whether Turkey and Egypt are, upon an average, much less populous from the plagues which periodi- cally lay them waste. If the number of people which they contain be considerably less than formerly, it is rather to be attributed to the tyranny and op- pression of the gpvemments under which they groan, and the consequent discouragement to agriculture, than to the losses which they sustain by the plague. The traces of the most destructive famines in China, Indostan, Egypt, and other countries, are, by all accounts, very soon obliterated; and the most tre- mendous convulsions of Nature, such as volcanic eruptions, and earthquakes, if they do not happen so frequently as to drive away the inhabitants, or de- * Sussmilch calcvdates that above one-third of the population were destroyed by the plague in Prussia in 1710 ; and yet, not- withstanding this great diminution, it appears from his tables that the number of marriages in the succeeding year, 1711, was very nearly double the average of the six years preceding the plague. If this statement is to be depended upon, the fact is most remarkable. K 4 184 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. stroy their spirit of industry, have been found to produce but a trifling effect on the average popu- lation of any state." * The instances here mentioned — to which many more might be added — of the rapid recovery of national wealth and numbers from heavy visitations, both of war and natural calamity, are very striking, and weaken the effect of much of Mr. Malthus' own reasonings with respect to the positive checks. M, Say, in the lucid and judicious disquisition on Population, in his Cours Complet eCEconomie Politique, makes an inquiry into the actual effect of the three great scourges of mankind — war, pesti- lence, and famine — upon the numbers of the species. " The wars of Napoleon," he says, " were long reckless and sanguinary. He introduced the cruel practice of bivouacking his armies — that is, making them lie in tents in all seasons and all cUmates. He carried his disregard of human life to a scan- dalous excess, raising nearly 300,000 recruits within the year. Supposing that, out of this number, not one escaped the slaughter, the fatigues, and privations of war, yet, if the rate of population in France t would give, as we have seen, thirty millions of marriageable persons in twenty-six years, that is equal to 1,200,000 per annum. The deduction caused by such sanguinary wars as these from that rate of increase, would, therefore, be only one-fourth the first year, and less than one-fourth the second. So that, a war of twenty-two years, although terribly destructive, would not have prevented the population * Vol. i. p. 520. I That is, assuming it to be perfectly unchecked. POPULATION. 185 of France from exceeding fifty-three millions at the peace. There must, then, be some other cause more potent than war which sets limits to the possible augmentation of the species." * M. Say then inquires into the eifects of pestilence, taking, as illustrations, some of the most destructive plagues on record, such as that of the year 1348, which is said by some historians to have carried oif one-fourth of the whole inhabitants of France. Admitting this statement — probably much exag- gerated — to be true, and that the number thus swept off was not less than three millions of souls, M. Say asserts, notwithstanding, that even this fright- ful scourge would not have prevented the people of France, had no other obstacle restrained their in- crease, from doubling their numbers in twenty-four years. Respecting famines, he comes to a similar con- clusion. " Let tis suppose," he says, " a famine which cuts off 1,200,000 persons — that is, the full amount of the possible increase in one year in France — suppose it even to destroy double that number, — it would be a dreadful famine, certainly, which should cause the death of more than two millions of people — nevertheless, it would only cut off the produce of two years of population ; and, as we know by experience, that famines — at all events severe ones — do not happen once in ten years, there would be always, at least, a proportion of eight years to two during which population would proceed ac- cording to the rule before stated." " If this is the case," he continues, " with regard * Cours d'Economie Politique, vol. iv. p. 318. 186 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. to the three extreme scourges of war, pestilence, and famine, a fortiori, it must be true of the less powerful causes of depopulation. Transient and less fatal epi- demics, shorter and less sanguinary wars, and seasons of mitigated scarcity, can affect, only in a slight degree, the springs of human fecundity. Yet these springs are, in fact, constantly repressed: even in the most flourishing states, population is restrained within li- mits which expand and contract, indeed, from time to time, but which are never over-passed. Now, what are these limits, and by what power are they imposed ? " M. Say answers this question by affirming that the true cause — the only cause capable of restraining the natural prolificness of man — -is the limitation of the means of subsistence. " The tendency of men," he says, " to reproduce their kind, and their means of doing so, are, we may say, infinite ; but their means of subsistence are limited, and that population cannot increase beyond this poLat is a truth beyond dispute." I have already, in the second Lecture of the present volume, referred to this priaciple. I have shown, as resulting from it, the futility of all attempts to force population by artificial stimulants, the foUy of supposing that we can multiply men without mul- tiplying food pari passu ; and I have ascribed to Mr. Malthus the great merit of enforcing and illustrating this useful truth. It is in going beyond this, and im- pugning, as I conceive he has, the natural law of popu- lation itself, that he has fallen, as I think, into error. The limitation of subsistence being then established, as the real, effective, and permanent check to the POPULATION. 187 increase of mankind, we have next to inquire in what manner this check operates. The operation of the check in its extreme form, that of actual starvation, is one which seldom takes place except on the occurrence of famines, which may be regarded as accidents of Nature. But it operates both repressively and preventively in various modes and degrees, both to thin the numbers of communities, and to hinder the production of human beings. Let us examine how each of these conse- quences is brought about. It may be stated generally, that if the progress of production in a country (I do not mean the production of food only, but likewise of all kinds of commodities exchangeable for food) be suddenly accelerated relatively to the numbers of the people, population will likewise receive an increased impulse, and the numbers of the community will have a tendency to rise to the same, or nearly the same level relatively to subsistence, which they held before the change took place. This truth is remarkably illustrated among ourselves by statistical evidence. The increased wealth of the country, in a prosperous year, is infallibly reflected in the Tables of the Registrar-General, in the shape of an additional number of marriages. All who are in the habit of noticing the returns from that department are familiar with this fact. The converse efiect takes place in times of scarcity or commercial distress, and illustrates the opposite rule, which I shall next state, viz., that whenever the wealth of a country begins to retro- grade, population, if I may so speak, pulls in, and contracts its supplies in conforniity with the checked rate of production. Now, how is this latter process 188 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. brought about ? — In more ways than one, all more or less painful to human nature. The result of scarcity is dearness, the result of deamess is distress; this distress falls heaviest on the poorest and most burthened members of society, but its ramifications extend widely, and affect different classes in various degrees. Capital is scarce — money is hard to come by; the times are unfavourable for starting in business, or extending trade, or obtaining salaries and employments. With retrenchment generally prevailing among the rich, the prospects of those below them become likewise overcast. The responsibilities of a famUy are seriously considered ; cautious prudence finds a new host of arguments to strengthen his cause against sanguine affection; matrimonial engagements are postponed or broken off. Here the preventive check acts upon population at its source. But greater privations, and more painful sacrifices still, are submitted to by those already charged with the support of families more or less numerous, and with only scanty incomes or the precarious earnings of their labour to depeiid upon. To them, food, never too abundant, becomes scantier and less nourishing, their dwellings less spacious and wholesome, the various accommodations of life, the fuel, the clothing, the medicine and comforts in sickness, are retrenched; the half-fed mother becomes a feeble nurse, the father works harder and fares more scantily. What is the in- evitable consequence of these hardships and priva- tions ? — -Increased mortality and shortened diu-ation of life. Disease and fever spread among the poor; their constitutions become impaired, and sink under POPULATION. 189 maladies which, in a more robust state of health, they would have repelled. The children, in par- ticular, that part of the population on which its renovation depends, are cut off in great numbers. Thus it comes to pass, that although, perhaps, not ten persons out of ten millions literally die of famine, yet a large amount of human life is indirectly and gradually subtracted by the diminution which has taken place in the means of subsistence relatively to the numbers of the community, and population is, by this method, reduced to its natural and in- surmountable level. I have been speaking of a country in a retrograding condition, in which the production of wealth is on the decline, and population ebbs, as it necessarily must, with the receding tide. The sketch which I have drawn, exhibiting the action of the checks on population in an aggravated form, will convey a sufficient idea of the nature of those checks, which operate with greater or less degree of intensity at almost all periods of society. There are communities, indeed, peculiarly circumstanced, in which these checks may be said to have scarcely any operation at all. In the United States, for instance, by reason of the high value of labour, a wife and children are a source of profit rather than of charge, and the means of employment being almost unbounded, both the checks to marriage, from prudential reasons, and the waste of life occasioned by poverty and dis- tress, may be said scarcely to exist. Some of the other causes of mortality, indeed, which Mr. Mal- thus includes in his catalogue, such as common diseases and epidemics, severe labour and ex- 190 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. posure, excesses, great towns, and the like, have operated largely in North America *, but not those checks of which we are now speaking. But in almost all other parts of the world, certainly throughout Europe, they exercise a constant and powerful control over the numbers of the people. The multiplication of the species is limited either by the actual suffering and abridgment of life in greater or less degree, which I have described, or else by the apprehension of those evils. Persons either refrain from marriage, or postpone it, because they are unable to make provision for a family ; or if they marry recklessly, without such provision, the super- numerary members brought into the world fall into want and a struggle for existence, which eventually shorten their lives. Population is retrenched, when the means of subsistence are inadequate to support its natural increase, by the two methods of a diminu- tion of births and a reduced average of longevity ; population is increased, when the increasing wealth of the commuTiity produces a vacuum and a demand for labour, by earlier marriages, more numerous births, and by a longer average duration of life, the effect of increased comfort and abundance. I have shown that the progress of population in England, since the commencement of the present century, has been at the rate of 100 per cent, in little more than fifty years. Though this rate is compa- ratively rapid, yet we may be well asstired that * Mr. Everett says, "There are probably few parts of Europe in which the check of diseases, not resulHng from in- temperance' or want, is felt so strongly as it is in the United States."— iVe!tf Ideas on Population, p. 63. POPULATION. 191 Englishmen are physically capable of a much greater rapidity of propagation. In the United States the species has doubled itself in twenty-five years. Why has it not done so in England ? We have undergone neither pestilence nor famine, nor can we suppose that the destruction of life caused by war, during the first fifteen years of this century, was sufficient to produce any considerable effect upon our numbers. The limitation of the population of England, as com- pared with that of the United States, can only have been caused in the two ways before specified, viz., the restraint of marriage and the premature extinction of life. Now let us suppose that during the next fifty years the productive capacities of this coimtry should receive so great a development that the wages of labour and the supply of food should be increased, as compared with the previous half century, in the ratio of 2, 3, or 4 to 1. Let us suppose that every man should be able, on attaining the age of man- hood, to find such employment and income as would afford him the means of maintaining a family in comfort. It cannot be doubted, if there is any virtue in experience, that a powerful impulse would be given to, or rather a strong barrier removed from, the formation of marriages. The cases of voluntary celibacy, where neither want of means nor the fear of that want exist, are comparatively rare. As little can it be doubted that the average period of life would become prolonged. The causes which, during the last century, have added so materially to himian longevity, would operate with still greater force in the same direction. The improvements that might be expected to take place in diet, clothing. 192 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. and the other accommodations of life, as weU as in sanitary arrangements, medical skill, drainage, and ventilation — the disuse of the crowded and un- wholesome hovels into which the poorest classes are now forced to shelter themselves — these changes which would flow naturally from higher wages, from the general diffusion of prosperity, and the conse- quent elevation, both physical and moral, of the labouring population, would diminish prodigiously that waste of life which indigence and social degra- dation now give rise to, and would add probably several years to the mean duration of existence. If these views are weU founded, they afford, I think, an adequate explanation of that wide disparity that exists in most countries between the physical capacity and the actual rate of human increase. They show us what those checks are which actually and permanently operate in restraint of population ; and they throw light on the various phenomena which mark communities that are respectively pro- gressive, stationary, or declining in point of numbers. The next point of iaquiry to which I would direct your attention, is the desirableness or feasibility of that object which it was the practical purpose of Mr. Malthus's Essay to inculcate, viz.,. the ob- servance of moral restraint. From the proposition which he believed himself to have established, that the social miseries of almost all countries arise from a redundancy of population, Mr. Malthus inferred the duty of all good members of society to co-operate in bringing about a reform by which these evils might be abated. With this view he endeavoured to place the observance of moral restraint upon the POPULATION, 193 footing of social obligation. Let us first ascertain what is meant by " moral restraint." The term is variously expounded by diiferent teachers of the Malthusian school. What Mr. Malthus himself meant by it he himself explains to be ^'a restraint from marriage from prudential motives, with a conduct strictly moral during the period of this restraint.* Explaining himself more particularly on this head, he recommends the discontinuance of early marriages, and specifies twenty-seven or twenty-eight as the suitable age for women to contract matrimony. He does not lay down any precise time for the other sex ; but we may assume that it would be proportional. He declares that aU other soheines than this for per-? manently relieving the miseries of the poorer classes must be transient and vain ; that, since the radical cause of their distress is a disproportion between the number of consumers and the means of subsistence, there is no solid hope of alleviating their sufferings except by rectifying this balance, and bringing down the amount of the population to the standard of the food ; that each man may contribute to effect this end by practising moral restraint in his own person, and that, in so doing,, he will not only benefit himself, but fulfil an imperative social duty to his fellowK citizens. The practical conclusions of Mr. Malthus, how-r ever incomplete or erroneous in some points we may deem his views, are marked by moderation and candour, and, generally speaking, evince a sound tone of morality. Later writers, who have taken up * Vol. i. p. 15, note. O 194 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. his doctrine of over-population, have, in their appli- cation of his maxims, left their master far behind. Their theory of moral restraint is not confined to a prudential postponement of marriage. Regarding the union of the sexes, early or late, as a sort of ne- cessary evil, they look with peculiar abhorrence on those marriages which are, according to their notions, unduly fruitful, and denounce the procreation of a numerous family as, under any circumstances, a grave social offence. Nor is even this the last ex- travagance to which the fanaticism of the over- population theory has carried some economists. Writers of considerable ability have not scrupled to propose, and to explain in unequivocal language, means whereby the passions might be gratified, and the natural consequences of the intercourse of the sexes prevented from taking place. To such pro- positions — inter Christianas non nominanda — I shall do no more than barely allude ; a formal refutation of doctrines so revolting would be an insidt to morality. It was necessary, however, to a complete account of the controversy on this subject, that I should refer to the existence of such opinions, which, though deservedly scouted, both for their immorality and their absurdity, have been advanced by men of some intellectual pretensions. It is doing bare justice to the reputation of Mr. Malthus to acquit him of the slightest participation in the views of those who have drawn such monstrous consequences from his theory. There is a writer of the present day, of great eminence and authority as an economist, whose views on the principles of population are marked, in my POPULATION, 195 humble judgment, with peculiar obliquity, and who seems to be under the influence of a morbid appre- hension in all his reasonings on the subject. I refer to Mr. J. S. Mill, and to his elaborate work on the Principles of Political Economy. I will quote a passage from the 13th chapter of his second book, which wUl convey a fair notion of the tone and spirit that pervade his disquisitions respecting the condition ^ and prospects of the working classes. He says : " Religion, morality, and statesmanship have vied with one another in incitements to marriage and to the multiplication of the species, so it be but in wedlock, Religion has not even yet discontinued its encou- ragements. The Roman Catholic clergy (of any other clergy it is unnecessary to speak, since no other have any considerable influence over the poorer classes) everywhere think it their duty to promote marriage, in order to prevent fornication. There is stiU in many minds a strong religious prejudice against the true doctrine. The rich, provided the consequences do not touch themselves, think it im- pugns the wisdom of Providence to suppose that misery can result from the operation of a natural propensity : the poor think that ' Grod never sends mouths but he sends meat.' No one could guess, from the language of either, that man had any voice or choice in the matter, so complete is the con- fusion of ideas on the whole subject." . . . . " All experience shows that the mass of mankind never judge of moral questions for themselves, never see anythiag to be right or wrong, until they have been frequently told it ; and who tells them that they have any duty in the matter in question while they keep o 2 196 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. within matrimonial limits? Who meets with the smallest condemnation, or rather who does not meet with sympathy and benevolence, for any amount of evil which he may have brought upon himself and those dependent on him by this species of incon- tinence ? While a man who is intemperate in drink is discountenanced and despised by all who profess to be moral people, is it not to this hour the favourite recommendation for any parochial office bestowed by popular election to have a large family, and to be unable to maintain them? Do not the candidates proclaim their intemperance on walls, and placard it through the town in circulars ? " * In the third edition of his work, published last year, Mr. Mill adds the following as a foot note : — " Little improvement can be expected in morality until the producing large families is regarded with the same feelings as drunkenness or any other excess. But while the aristocracy and clergy, are foremost to set the example of incontinence, what can be ex» pected from the poor?"t It appears, then, that in this writer's estimation the having a large family is regarded as a thing that is mischievous and immoral -per se, without reference to the means of the parents, which, in the cases last referred to, are often more than ample to maintain and provide for their progeny. Mr. Mill continues as follows : " One cannot wonder that silence on this great department of human duty should produce unconsciousness of moral * Principles of Political Economy, vol. i. p. 446. f Vol. i. p. 448, note. POPULATION. 197 obligations when it produces oblivion of physical facts. That it is possible to delay marriage and to live in abstinence while unmarried, most people are willing to allow ; but when persons are once married, the idea, in this country, never seems to enter any one's mind that having or not having a family, or the number of which it shall consist, is at all amenable to their own conduct. One would imagine that children were rained down upon married people, direct from heaven, without their having act or part in the mat- ter ; that it was really, as the common phrases have it, God's will and not their own, which decided the numbers of their offspring." I must say that here Mr. Mill himself seems to have fallen into an oblivion of facts. Certainly, if the fruitfuhiess of marriage depended on the will of no one but the parties themselves, there would be a much less number of those childless unions which now sadden the lives of many jiBBstoi Catf-^ci-^ — But, with all the respect that is due to the eminence and unquestionable ability of this writer, I cannot help classing him, so far as his views on population are concerned, with those economists of whom Mr. Senior in his correspondence with Mr. Malthus speaks, as having caricatured the doctrines of that writer. On a subject which we are now discussing upon purely economical grounds, I do not wish to call in aid the authority of religion, though" it must be obvious that no stronger contrast can exist than be- tween the language just cited respecting marriage, and the tone which Scripture imiformly holds concerning that honourable estate. Religion, indeed, is never the abettor of selfish imprudence ; and they are not sound 198 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. or wise religious guides who, without regard to season or circumstances, incite the members of their flocks to take upon themselves the responsibilities of wedlock. Very different was the discriminating rule laid down by the Divine Founder of Christianity and his apostles on this subject. But all this fanatical horror of large families — this denunciation of matrimonial fruitfulness as a social vice, as bad as any other in- temperance, what foundation, has it, let me ask, in the unsophisticated ideas of mankind, in the principles of sound morality, nay, — I do not hesitateto ask, for I am concerned for the credit of political economy ^ — in mere social expediency? The common feeling of mankind instinctively revolts from such views — " Sensus mores- que repugnant." I need not prove this ; for the whole passage just cited, which is a laboured remonstrance against the obstinate blindness of society on this point, implies the fact. And, in a passage further on, Mr. Mill still ijia«ft»explicitly admits, though appa- rently blind to the real cause of the phenomenon, the universality of the repugnance to his favourite doc- trine. " As a moral principle," he says, " such an opinion has never yet existed in any country" (it is - not, therefore, a mere English prejiidice). " It is curious," he goes on, " that it does not so exist in countries in which, from the spontaneous operation of individual forethought, population is, comparatively speaking, efficiently repressed. What is practised as prudence is still not recognised as duty." No, in- deed, nor, I venture to say, will it ever be recognised as duty, so long as our nature remains unchanged, to refrain from rearing children whom the parents are able competently to provide for, merely from the POPULATIOISr. 199 fear of overstocking the country with population, or setting a bad example of prolificness to other people. Never will the time arrive when, as Mr. MUl anti- cipates, a large family will be regarded with the same feelings of reprobation as drunkenness, or any other excess. I join heartily with him in condemn- ing the folly and selfishness of marrying and bring- ing human beings into the world without adequate means or a reasonable prospect of means, of maintain- ing them. On this point there is no controversy among reasonable men. But, as an economist, I join issue with his assertion, that the parent of a large family is ipso facto a wrongdoer to society — an offender to be classed with the drunkard or the debauchee. I say, it is clear, if there be truth in the first principles of that science which teaches that labour is the source of wealth, and an indus- trious and well-nurtured population the sinews of a community, that he who brings up virtuously and well a large family of children, — the more the better, ^o long as they do not exceed his means of maintain- ing them, — is a benefactor, not an enemy, to society — is deserving of honour, not reproach — as one. who contributes to the commonwealth far more than he takes from it. In that light aU communities of men have agreed to regard him, and political economy sanctions that universal sentiment. * * I cannot resist quoting here a very pleasing passage of Sir KicLard Steele in the Spectator, written in a genial tone of feeling, and speaking in the true language of nature on this sub- ject, which contrasts strongly with the morbid philosophy of the author just referred to. Speaking in the person of an imaginary correspondent, he says ; — " There is another accidental advan- tage in marriage, which has likewise fallen to my share. I mean o 4 200 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. There are a few passages in Mr. Malthus' work, in which his absorbing impression of the dangers of over-population, to which his attention was ex- clusively bent, betrayed him into what seems to me an unhealthy and perverted moral tone, though he avoids the extravagances into which later writers of his school have fallen. His view throughout is, as I have before observed, one-sided; acutely sen- sitive of the peril arising from excess of numbers, he has no eye for the stimulus which an increase of population gives to industry ; neither does he fairly appreciate, as it appears to me, the invaluable bene- fits, of a moral and social kind, which the general prevalence of marriage confers upon society. He Condemns^ and justly, the policy of stimulating the union of the sexes by legislative bounties and encou- ragements ; on the other hand, he does not estimate as it deserves the guarantees which marriage affords for good conduct, for steadiness, for regular and industrious habits, and for all those virtues which domestic life is peculiarly adapted to elicit and to strengthen. Another error of liis teaching, which his followers have adopted and exaggerated, is, that the having a multitude of children. These I cannot but re^ gard as very great blessings. When I see my little troop be'- fore me, I rejoice in the additions which I have made to my species, to my country, and to my religion, in having produced such a number of reasonable creatures, citizens, and Christians. I am pleased to see myself thus perpetuated; and, as there is no production comparable to that of a human creature, I am more proud of having been the occasion of ten such glorious productions, than if I had built a hundred pyramids at my own expense, or published as many volumes of the finest wit and learning." — Spectator, No. 500. POPULATION. 201 he has placed the duty of prudential restraint upon a wrong basis, that of social obligation. According to the lessons of his school, a man who is tempted to enter into wedlock is called upon to consider not his own circumstances merelyj but the general state and prospects of the labour-market. He is to have regard not merely to the relation which his actual means bear to his probable wants as the expectant father of a family, but also to the relation of the increased num- bers which he may add to the society to the fund of general subsistence. In a word, he is to take counsel not of ordinary prudence, but of political economy. Thus, in one of the concluding chapters of his essay, Mr. Malthus says: — " If we be really serious in what appears to be the object of such general research, the mode of essen- tially and permanently bettering the condition of the poor, we must explain to them the true nature of their situation, and show them, that the withholding of the supplies of labour is the only possible way of really raising its price, and that they themselves, being the possessors of this commodity, have alone the power to do this."* In the same strain Mr. Mill tj and another eminent writer and benevolent * Vol. ii. p. 291. f " Let us try to imagine," says Mr. Mill, " what would happen if the idea became general among the labouring class that the competition of too great numbers was the principal cause of their poverty, so that every labourer looked (with Sismondi) upon every other who had more than the number of children which the circumstances of society allowed to each as doing him a wrong; as filling Up the place which he Was entitled to share." It appears to me so remote from probability that such a state of feeling as is here described should ever prevail among the 202 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. man. Dr. Chalmers, whose views, however, are strongly tinged with the Malthusian theory, urge the expediency of indoctrinating the poor with the causes of high and low wages, and the true principles of population, with a view to deterring individuals from early marriages. We are to teach them, according to these writers, not that they wUl get themselves into trouble and involve their future offspring in misery and pauperism if they marry without competent means ; but that if they, by marry- ing and begetting too many children, contribute to increase the supply of labourers relatively to the means of employment, they will produce a glut in the labour-market, so as to lower wages, and wiU thus do an injury to society, the welfare of which " requires a due regulation of the numbers of families." * Now, this mode of counteracting the evil of im- prudent marriages is, I maintain, fundamentally un- sound — it is beginning at the wrong end. As a practical remedy it must prove utterly futile, for it is at variance with the principles which regulate human nature and the constitution of society. In the first place, a belief in the Malthusian system, assuming it to be true, and a regard to the general welfare of society, would be impotent to restrain labouring class, that it is scarcely worth while to discuss whether such a consummation would be a desirable or a deplorable one. But even if every labourer were a Sismondi, I should greatly doubt the solution of that very nice problem as to the exact limit of prolificness which " fAe ciraimstances of society" — an indefinite and constantly varying standard — would allow to each family. * Mill. POPULATION. 203 any man whose affections were set on marriage and who possessed wherewithal to start in life, however strongly it might be represented to him that the labour-market was already full, and that if he and others of his class should persist in adding to its numbers, a deterioration of the condition of all must be the consequence. But who could assure him that, if he did refrain, others of his class would exercise the same self-denial ? Above all, who could be so presumptuous, however skilled in political economy, as to undertake to predict the state of the demand for labour at the time when the possible, but unborn, progeny of a contemplated marriage, would become competitors for employment? We talk glibly about over-population, and works written only five or six years since abound with complaints of its pressure and apprehension as to its increase. A few years pass — ^trade makes a rapid start — the precious metals are discovered on the other side of the world — emi- gration becomes the fashion, and we who have been lately groaning about the redundance of our numbers, begin to tremble at the prospect of a scarcity of hands, and find that actually in England the new births are at present barely adequate to sustain our numbers against the double drain of mortality and expatria- tion. So shortsighted are predictions based upon the circumstances of the passing moment, and so idle is the attempt to impose artificial checks upon marriage and population in the place of those which Nature herself supplies, and which she has adapted to the understandings and feelings of mankind. What- ever theorists may assert, men are not so constituted as to regulate their conduct in matters of private 204 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. concern by general deductions from the laws of political economy. According to the arrangements of Providence by which the world is governed, it is not a percep- tion of the economical results of the propagation of children that restrains men from marrying ; it is an apprehension of the consequences to themselves if they increase their burdens without the means of providing for those who belong to them. Here, as in the cases of production and exchange and other branches of the social economy, self-interest is the natural and best regulator of human conduct. Indi- vidual prudence is the proper check to precipitate marriages ; an appeal to the consequences which will recoil upon the parties themselves and their innocent oifspring, is the appropriate and cogent argument to deter them from rash engagements. Let it not be said that, in thus arguing the case, I am substituting a principle of selfishness for one of duty. It is not so : prudence here is an obligation of morality. Pro- vidence has annexed the penalties of suffering and distress to a violation of its sanctions, and has evi- dently designed that men should be influenced by the apprehension of those penalties. And things are so ordained, according to that principle of harmony which, as I have often before shown, pervades the whole organisation of society, that observance of the laws of individual prudence becomes the best and only safe rule for the attainment of the general well-being. Pursuing the latter object directly, and under the guidance of theory, we may often miss the mark ; not so, if every man in his own case conforms to the plain and palpable rule of prudence. The true POPULATION. 205 interests of individuals and of the community coincide. Whatever fluctuations may betide the labour-piarket, let each man, in forming his private connectionSj act with the forethought and discretion which becomes a responsible being, and society will have no cause of complaint against him, for over-population will be impossible. I should have been glad, if I had not already exceeded my limits, to animadvert on some other points in connection with Mr. Malthus' theory of moral restraint; but I must postpone part of my intended observations to a future lecture. I will only now touch very briefly on two points. First, I have to remark, that the preventive check which he labours to inculcate is a restraint that applies almost exclusively to the lower or labouring class of society. Among the upper and middle ranks, he recognises the check as prevailing to a great extent already — it is comparatively little needed there ; it is to relieve the labour-market that it is chiefly wanted ; consequently, the exhortations to moral restraint must be considered as addressed chiefly to the poor. Now, though I admit that there is much room for an improved spirit of forethought and self- respect among this numerous class of society, at the same time I look with great jealousy upon attempts to dissuade them generally from marriage. First, because the denial of domestic connections to a poor man is a far greater privation than it can ever be to a rich one. Marriage makes a far larger ingredient in the labourer's cup of happiness ; he more peculiarly needs the solace and support, to say nothing of the actual service and ministrations of a wife, than those 206 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. to whom wealth opens many other sources of conso- lation and enjoyment.* Secondly, I should appre- hend, that any general habit of abstinence from marriage among the humbler classes would be at- tended with a great deterioriation of morals. Mr. Malthus himself is by no means insensible to this danger. He admits with his usual candour the force of the objection ; but he weighs against the evUs re- sulting from the practice of imchastity the vices and the degradation of character which spring from the pressure of indigence and distress, and he considers the account in a moral point of view to be at least equally balanced. For my own part, I distrust the accuracy of such calculations as these ; we have no moral scales applicable to such a comparison of con- sequences. The mischiefs which marriage was de- signed to guard against we know ; the consequences which might result from artificially restraining it, as compared with those which may be engendered from the effects of indigence upon the character, are a matter of pure speculation and most uncertain con- jecture, f • " On the system of Mr. Malthus, the poor, in addition to their other inconveniences, are required to sacrifice the com- forts of domestic life to the general good : and the rich are invested, besides all their other advantages, with a monopoly of love and marriage. Such a plan is neither just nor safe : the privations and sufferings imposed upon communities by common necessities must be shared alike by all. When the crew of a ship are put upon short allowance, the officers, if they do not wish to be massacred, must submit to the same fare as the rest." — Everett on Population, p. 73. t Mr. J. S. Mill, who appears to give up as non-essential the comparison of ratios and other points of Mr. Malthus' argument which have been assailed by his opponents, reduces the substance POPULATION. 207 of the theory to a very small residuum. " Is it true or not," he asks, " that if the number of the labourers were fewer, they would obtain higher wages ? This is the question and no other." (Prin. Polit. Econ. vol. i. p. 428.) I apprehend, however, that this is by no means the whole of the question : it is, in fact, a very small part of it. The desideratum for the labourer is not the mere maximum of wages, but the greatest amount of comfort and enjoyment attainable in his condition. Among these, marriage and its consequences hold the first place. Supposing that the present rate of wages could be- doubled, on the condition of a great increase in the practice of celibacy and a general late postponement of marriage, I should regard the gain to the labouring class from such a change as very equivocal, both on social and on moral grounds. The truth is, that the great source of happiness to the working man must ever be his home and those home-born joys which the poet has inimitably described, — " For them no more the blazing hearth shall bum, Nor busy housewife ply her evening care : No children run to lisp their sire's retm'n. Or climb his knees the envied kiss to share." In whatever direction we are to look for the social regenera- tion of the labourer, I am persuaded that the road to it does not lie through enforced celibacy. 208 POPULATION AND CAPITAL, LECTURE IX. ON POPULATION. Mt object in this lecture will be to show the adaptation of the principle of population to the pre- servation and progress of the human race. I shall lay before you some of the grounds on which we are justified in concluding that the proHficness of the species, relatively to the means provided for its subsistence, is not excessive ; but that it has been wisely and beneficently adjusted to the condition and necessities of mankind. The question may be asked. Are the doctrines of Mr. Malthus in any respect inconsistent with this view of the subject? His opponents have broadly asserted that they are so. They have charged him with inculpating the arrangements of Providence by representing want and misery as necessary con- sequences of the constitution of nature and the pro- pensities of mq,nkind. His adherents, on the other hand, repudiate this charge. They deny that his system, rightly understood, involves any such con- sequence, though it is impossible, as they admit, to survey the condition of society, as Mr. Malthus has done, without being brought into contact with that old and inexplicable problem, the existence of evil in the world. Beyond this, they do not acknowledge POPULATION. 209 that the argument of the Essay on Population involves any impeachment on Divine wisdom or benevolence. I have already expressed my own jftrm conviction, that Mr. Malthus had no thought, in propounding his theory of population, inconsistent with piety towards God, and good-will towards man. He vindi- cates himself with evident sincerity from the im- putation of having reflected by his arguments upon the goodness of the Deity. External and internal evidence alike concur in acquitting him of intentional impiety or presumption. But with respect to the effect of his reasonings and the tendency of his system, my impression, I confess, is somewhat different. What is the funda- mental position of his work ? It is this : — that population has naturally a tendency to increase in a greater ratio, — greater, in an enormous degree, ^ — than the means of subsistence ; that this disparity between the supply of men and of food is the radical cause of the distress which prevails in all commu- nities with scarcely any exception ; and that want and misery are the necessary results of this ultra- potency of the prolific principle, unless it be effectually repressed by certain checks. And what are these checks ? They are some of the direst evils to which humanity is subject : — war, pestilence, famine, and the Kke ; to which must be added one of a different and peculiar nature — moral restraint. The latter check, however, the author expressly declares, has never yet prevailed in an adequate degree; nor does he hold out any reasonable hope that it is likely to do so for the time to come. Now, if this be a true account of the matter — if V 210 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. this be Indeed what the author designates it, " the principle of population," the law of nature, — i. e. as he truly says, the law of God, — does it not forcibly suggest the conclusion that there is something wrong in the present constitution of things ? would it not justify the inference that some disproportion of means to ends has marred the harmony of the social plan ? to speak plainly, that the Creator has either made man too prolific, or the earth too sterile? Would it surprise us to find that a writer, entertaining such notions, had fallen into the use of language respect- ing the principle of population, corresponding to his own view of its nature and tendency ; that he should describe it as what, if his estimate of its redundant and ill-repressed strength be correct, it undoubtedly is, — an eyU. per se, a natural calamity? If is in these terms that Mr. Malthus does, in fact, repeatedly speak of the principle of population. Over and over again, throughout his treatise, recur the phrases, the " evUs," or the " unhappiness," arising from the principle of population. * The fourth book of the essay is thus entitled : '' Of our future Prospects respecting the Removal or Mitigation of the EvUs arising from the Principle of Population." In other passages, he tells us that, " though the prin- ciple of population cannot absolutely produce a famine, it prepares the way for one fj" " and may fairly be said to be one of the principal causes of famine." Again, with reference to epidemic maladies, he speaks of " the effects of the principle of popu- * See, among other passages, vol. ii. pp. 324. 431. 440. t Vol. i. pp. 523—5. POPULATION. 211 lation " as " predisposing causes to the reception of contagion, and as giving very great additional force to the extensiveness and fatality of its ravages." In another place he speaks of the natural increase of the population relatively to food, meaning thereby what he elsewhere calls the " principle of popu- lation" as " a constantly subsisting cause of periodical misery " which " has existed in most countries ever since we have had any histories of mankind, and continues to exist at the present moment." * Will it be said that these are unguarded state- ments or inaccurate expressions, by which the author intended to censure not the very principle of human fecundity, as God ordained it, but the abuse of that power by the improvident and reckless conduct of individuals ? It is an unworthy art of controversy, which I earnestly disclaim, to pin down a writer to par^ ticular phrases that he may have used ; and I acknow- ledge, besides^ that there are statements to be found in other parts of Mr. Malthus' essay, in which he appears distinctly to concede that " the law of popu- lation is not too strong for its apparent object." f A more candid controversialist never wrote ; and it is to this quality of his mind that I am inclined to at- tribute several striking inconsistencies apparent on the surface of his argument. | One of his opponents, » Vol. ii. p. 7. t Vol. ii. p, 257. J As, for instance, his inconsistent statements with respect to the effect of the poor laws, which, in one part of his work he describes as stimulants to population (see vol. ii, p. 81.), while in another (vol. ii. p. 468.), he expresses a doubt whether they have any such tendency at all. Again, his representation of War, Famine, &c., as powerful and indeed necessary checks p 2 212 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. Mr. Godwin, has said that " Mr. Malthus always ap- peared to him to be a man of so candid a mind, that it would not be difficult for any one of sufficient leisure and perspicuity to construct an answer to the Essay on Population from the Essay itself." * Such a writer, and indeed every writer, is to be judged of, not from detached passages, but from the whole of what he has written taken together. Ap- plying this rule of criticism, with all the fairness of which I am capable, to Mr. Malthus' work, I must confess, that its whole spirit and tendency appear to me to point to the conclusion, that the force of human fecundity has been made disproportionately strong ; that a less degree of potency in the desire and power to propagate the species would have con- duced more to the happiness of society ; at all events, that the power of increase in the means of subsistence might have been adjusted in better proportion to that of human fecundity. Because, as I said before, if the law of population be, as Mr. Malthus himself describes, a power which advances relatively to sub- sistence, as the hare to the tortoise, we are compelled to admit that the expressions which I have just now quoted from his Essay are not inappropriate ; there is " evil " in the principle itself; it is, and must be, a radical cause of social distress and unhappiness as long as the world lasts. But, again, it may be said — granting an evil ten- on the fecundity of mankind (vol. i. chap, ii.), while in another passage, cited by me in the preceding lecture, he shows how transient the effect of such scourges really is in diminishing population. — Malthus, vol. i. p. 520. * Godwin, p. 97. POPULATION. 213 dency Inherent in those laws of Nature which re- gulate the production of the species — is there any- thing in such a state of things inconsistent with analogy ? Is this the only sample of natural evil in the universe ? " If plagues and earthquakes break not heaven's design," why is the doctrine of the superfecundity of mankind to be deemed an impeach- ment upon Divine benevolence ? This argument in defence of Malthus is plausibly maintained in a clever, but somewhat too merciless criticism on his adversary, Mr. Sadler, in the 104th number of the Edinburgh Review. The reviewer's own reasoning, I think, will not bear strict scrutiny. Evil, it is trae, does in numerous instances result from the operation of the laws of Nature in the ex- ternal world. But evil, though incident to, and ac- companying the action of the law, is in no case, I believe, the direct and dominating eifect. of the law itself. The evU, where it occurs, is partial and in- cidental; the good is general or paramount. We are enabled, where science has taught us to connect effects with causes, to discern the modus operandi, and to perceive how sufferings, slight or transient, subserve to, and are overbalanced by, great and lasting benefits. Notwithstanding the terrors that invest them in our minds, we can see cause for intelligent gratitude to the Kuler of the universe even in the earthquake and the volcano. But no such solution can be applied to the principle now in question. If there be a law by which population everywhere and necessarily tends to increase faster than subsistence, how are the distress and misery that must flow directly and inevitably from such p 3 214 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. a law overbalanced by any good? What end can such a law answer, except to keep society at starv- ing point? What else is it but, in the language of Mr. Malthus, " a constantly subsisting cause of periodical misery?" The ends which the pres- sure of population answers in the economy of crea- tion — the difiiision, improvement, and civilisation of our race — ^are indeed obvious ; but let the Mal- thusian answer this question: — If, instead of the tendency ascribed to popidation, to outrun and keep ahead of subsistence, the tendency had been to mul- tiply the species up to, but not beyond, the limit of the supplies of food — the increase of numbers sup- plying a constant stimulus to the productive in- dustry of man, without being an over-match for it, so that, in every weU-ordered society, and, in the absence of disturbing causes, wealth and population would go together, the former constantly holding the ascendant, the latter never remitting its impulsive force, — is there, I ask, any intelligible design of Providence which such an arrangement would leave unfulfilled ? Under such a law, would any security for the replenishing and subduing of the earth be withdrawn or weakened, while the suffering which perpetually attends the working of the social system, according to the Malthusian theory, so far as such suffering depends on the ordinance of Nature, would be eliminated from the system ? All the evil that re- mains, the distress and poverty which prevail in the actual world, would then be attributable to the mis- conduct and perverseness of man ; to misgovernment or vicious institutions; or to the improvidence, excess, and immoral propensities of individuals. POPULATION. 215 But, whatever may have been the light in which Mr. Malthus himself regarded the principles he laid down, it is certain, I think, that the influence of his theory on the minds of others, and the conclusions which some of his followers have drawn from it, do tend to disparage the laws upon which society is con- stituted, and to drive those who cannot see their way out of the dilemma, into painful and perplexing con- sequences. For an instance of this, I may refer to the statement before quoted of Mr. J. S. Mill, " that the niggardliness of nature is the cause of the penalty attached to* over-population." And, as a specimen of the extravagant and revolting deductions which the dogma of over-population, when it has once mastered the mind, is capable of suggesting, I may refer to an opinion expressed by no less acute and sagacious a person than the late Lord Jefiirey, in a letter written in the year 1819, and recently published by his biographer : — • " Our present radical evil," he says, " is the excess of our productive powers ;" " the want of demand for our manufactures and industry ; or, in other words, the excess of our population." Here we have the Malthusian tenet; now mark the in- ference from it : — " And for this, I am afraid, there is no radical remedy but starving out the surplus, horrible as it is." Horrible, indeed, and no less absurd than horrible. And this, with a good deal more most melancholy political economy *, proceeded from a man of highly-cultivated intellect and varied * "Emigration," says Lord Jeffrey, in the same letter written to a friend, " can do comparatively nothing ; and the excess of production arising, not from any temporary slackness of the natural demand, but from the improvement of machinery T 4 216 POPULATION ANB CAPITAL. knowledge, the conductor of one of the most famous periodicals of the day. There may be some exaggeration, perhaps, but there is certainly a foundation of truth, in, the follow- ing statement which I fehall quote from Mr. Grodwin, of the effects produced on the tone of public feeUng by the prevalence of the Malthusian doctrines : — " We were learning," he says, " at least as many of us as studied the questions of political economy, — and these are by no means the most despicable part of the community, — to look askance, and with a suspicious eye, upon a human being, parficularly on a little chUd. A woman, walking the streets in a state of pregnancy, was an unavoidable subject of alarm. A man, who was the father of a numerous family, if in the lower orders of society, was the object of our anger. We could not look at a human and skill, which has enabled one man to do the work of at least one hundred, and that all over the improved part of the world, and, consequently, enabled all those who formerly found em- ployment to produce ten times as much as any possible increase of consumption can take off their hands, it is plainly impos- sible that it can be cured by any change in our own commercial relations. It may seem a strange paradox to mentidn, but I am myself quite persuaded of its truth, that in an artificial society the consequence of those great discoveries and im- provements which render human industry so much more pro- ductive, and should (?) therefore render all human comforts so much more attainable, must be to plunge the greater part of society into wretchedness, and ultimately to depopulate the countries where they prevail." (Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey, vol. ii. p. 189.) The moral of all which I take to be this, — break machines, put down science, and discourage improvement and discovery. We must not be too severe on the Preston strike-leaders for their errors in Political Economy. POPULATION. 217 being with the eye of a painter, as a delicious sub- ject of contemplation ; with the eye of a moral phi- losopher, as a machine capable of adorning the earth with magnificence and beauty ; or with the eye of a diyine, as a creature with a soul to be saved, and destined to the happiness of an immortal existence. Our first question, and that regarded as a most difli- cult one, was. How he was to be maintained ? It was not enough that he was born with the imple- ments and the limbs, by which exuberant subsistence is to be produced. It was not enough that there was room for many millions of human beings more than now exist on the face of the earth. We were reduced (oh miserable slavery !) to inquire whether he was born among the easier orders of society,- — • whether he was the son of a father who had a ' fair prospect of being able to support a family.' We were learning fast to calumniate the system of the universe, and to believe that the first duty it required of us was to prevent too many human beings (that last work of God, that sole ornament and true con- summation of the orb we dwell in) from being born into the world." * To say the least, if the consistency of the law of population with the Divine wisdom and benevolence does not require to be vindicated against Malthus, the demonstration of it which his work aflPords is certainly by no means complete or satisfactory. I shall endeavour to some extent to supply that omission in this and the following lecture. I propose to show that the power of population is not stronger than it * Godwin on Population, p. 111. 218 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. needs to be; and that it could not, without endanger- ing the progress, and even the existence, of the human race, have been made less potent than it is. The argument is one to which I cannot hope, within the narrow limits that are allowed me, to do full justice ; but I may be able to suggest to your minds some hints which may be expanded or improved by your own reflections. The primeval command which bade man propagate his race expressed also the design and object of the injunction : " Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth and subdue it." The diffusion of the human family over the habitable globe was declared to be the Divine intention, and, with that also, the subju- gation of the earth ; the adaptation, that is to say, not only of the soU and its vegetable productions, but of aU the powers and agencies of the material world to man's necessities and enjoyments. Labour was to be the instrument by which this conquest was to be achieved; but, in the reproductive pro- pensity of the species, with all the instincts and affections that are bound up with it, lay the spring from which the stream of population was to over- flow the earth, as well as the all-potent stimulus by which labour was to be animated and sustained. The strongest of the physical instincts— the most absorbing passion of the soul- — the warmest feelings of the heart • — were enlisted and set in motion by the principle of population. Man is naturally averse to labour ; but what indolence can resist those im- perious motives, the yearnings for female sympathy and affection — the craving for domestic intercourse — the desire of having children — of providing for POPULATION. 219 their wants and enjoyments in life — of securing them against suffering and distress — and of leaving them, after death, an inheritance and a name ? The conjugal and parental affections, with all the hopes and fears, the desires and anxieties, they engender, form the perpetual incentive — curis acuens mortalia cor da — by which the faculties are quickened and improved, the ambition roused, the pursuit of know- ledge animated, the courage nerved to grapple with hardships and dangers, and all the physical and mental powers of the man trained to the highest pitch of activity and perfection. The difficulty which Providence has placed in the way of providing for a family, arising from the relation which subsists between' the power of human fecundity and the power of productive industry, is great enough to excite and sharpen, without being so severe as to depress, exertion. By the law of Nature, subsistence is made capable of a more rapid expansion than po- pulation ; but more rapid only in that degree which serves to encourage and sustain labour ; not so easy of attainment as to prevent the pressure being felt whenever the effort is remitted. Thus the law of population becomes, by its inevitable operation, the law of progress — the law of improvement in agri- culture, in art, in science — in a word, in civilisation; for men cannot multiply their kind without subduing the earth and making'it yield more food — the more they overspread its surface, the more wealth they must extract from it, by making the powers of nature tributary to their will, and training the very ele- ments to their service. And when, by the progress of discovery and knowledge, the arts of production 220 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. have attained a certain measure of development, and men still mtdtiply upon the land, then the same pressure which originated improvements in the old country urges them to go forth and people other regions, where space is abundant, and the treasures of nature lie unexplored. And so the foundation of new colonies, and the replenishment of the remote and waste places of the globe, derive their impulse from the principle of population. The knowledge, the arts, the manners, the religion, the artificial ,a8 well as the natural productions of old communities, are transported to distant regions, and a handful of civilised men form the nucleus of great and mighty empires. Wealth and civilisation are transplanted from Egypt to Asia — from Asia to Greece — from Greece to the shores of the Mediterranean — or, to take still more conspicuous instances in modern times, from Great Britain to America, to both the Indies, to South Africa, to Australasia. The benefits resulting from the principle of popu- lation, and the evidence which the physical laws of our being afford of the benevolence and wisdom of Providence, have been forcibly illustrated by Arch- bishop Sumner, in his weU-known Essay, called the " Records of Creation." Those who would wish to pursue the argument in its details I would refer to the work itself, confining myself to a citation of the passage in which the leading points of the argument are recapitulated. " It appeared then, first, to be the design of the Creator to people the world with rational and im- provable beings, placed there, it should seem, in a state preparatory to some higher sphere of existence. POPULATION. 221 into whicli tliey might hereafter be removed. With this view, he implanted in the first progenitors of the species a passion, transmitted by them to their descendants, which, in the outset, prompts the finest feelings of the mind, and leads to that close union of interests and pursuits by which the do- mestic comfort and harmony of the human race are most effectually promoted. The operation of this principle, filling the world with competitors for sup- port, enforces labour and encourages industry by the advantages it gives to the industrious and laborious at the expense of the indolent and the extravagant. The ultimate effect of it is to foster those arts and improvements which most dignify the character and refine the mind of man ; and, lastly, to place man- kind in that situation which best enables them to improve their natural faculties, and, at the same time, best exercises and most clearly displays their virtues." " The collateral benefits derived from the same principles were shown to be the promotion of uni- versal comfort, by insuring the most effective dis- position of labour and skill ; and the diffusion of the civilisation thus attained by a gradual and steady progress throughout the various regions of the habi- table globe." * Nor is it only, as the archbishop shows, the diffusion of mechanical arts, of external comforts and secular knowledge, for which we are indebted to the great mainspring of human fecundity and the ceaseless movement to which it impels the race. He observes, farther, that ''the important * Vol. ii. p. 201. 222 POPULATION AjSD CAPITAL. purpose effected by this provision in disseminating the blessings of Revelation must have been pro- minent in the view of the Creator. Were there no stimulus to intercourse between different coun- tries, any Revelation must either have been as partial as that made to the Jews, or it must have been displayed separately to every district of the globe. But, through the influence of the principle we are considering, civilisation becomes the instru- ment of diffusing Christianity." . . . . " Who- ever contemplates this fact, must either be blind to the advantages of such distribution, or must acknow- ledge the wisdom of a dispensation, by means of which a Revelation made in one age and country is, in effect, made to all ages and nations. For, if we analyse those means, we find that it is the activity of full population in England which has carried the arts that minister to human comfort, to unrivalled perfection; that the industry of the same population, employed in the transmission of those arts, has found access to the rudest and most distant countries ; and that the fulness of every avenue to wealth at home is the foundation of that readiness to emigrate and colonise, which leads to the establishment of Christi- anity together with civilisation." * * As I have referred to the archbishop in support of my argument, it is but fair to mention that he appears to give his adhesion to the dogma of Mr. Malthus respecting the more rapid increase of population than of subsistence. But it is obvious that that opinion, -whether true or false, has no neces- sary connection with the argument referred to in the text, for which I have quoted the archbishop's work. It is sufficient for the purpose of that argument to regard the principle of POPULATION. 223 One other effect of the principle of population, which has been but slightly noticed, I am unwilling to omit, the more so because so much stress has been laid by writers of another school upon the misery Avhich the law of population entails upon society. I must be allowed, on the other side, to refer to it as the source of some of the purest and deepest of human gratifications. For what enjoyments of which man is capable are more cordial or more true than those which spring from the successful exercise of talents and industry, prompted and stimulated first by the desire of God's best gift to man — do- mestic happiness ; then by the impulse, inspired by affection, and seconded by duty, of providing for a family ? of securing for perhaps a numerous off- spring a condition of life equal at least, if not supe- rior, to that of their parents ? It is this motive which at once nerves the arm and cheers the task of in- dustry — -which leaves no stone unturned to attain success — -which purges the selfishness, while it sus- tains the ardour, of ambition, and gives a keener zest to every triumph over difficulties. From the pressure which the responsibilities of marriage en- genders arises all that quickens, adorns, and elevates the social life of man — the constancy, fortitude, and self-denial, that are their own reward — " the high en- deavour and the glad success," — the bread sweetened by honest toU, and the heart that beats with the pride of manly independence. Those who complain population as a potent and unceasing stimulus to production, without admitting its tendency to increase with greater, or even with equal, rapidity. 224 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. of the relation established by the ordinance of Nature between population and subsistence are impeaching laws to which man owes the best part not only of his dignity, but of his happiness, as a social being. They would take away a stimulus without which " life would have been a dreary blank, and the world an uncultivated waste." * In the appendix subjoined to the last edition of the Essay on Population, in which Mr. Malthus reviews the various objections that had then been made against his theory, and vindicates it from the strictures of his opponents, he avows his cordial assent to the general conclusions of Archbishop Sumner's treatise. " The subject," he says, " has lately been pursued with great ability in the work of Mr. Svunner on the Records of Creation, and I am happy to refer to it as containing a masterly development and completion of view of which only an intimation could be given in the Essay." " I fully agree with Mr. Sumner as to the bene- ficial eflPects which result from the principle of popu- lation, and feel entirely convinced that the natural tendency of the human race to increase faster than the possible increase of the means of subsistence could not be either destroyed or essentially di- minished without diminishiBg the hope of rising and fear of falling in society so necessary to the improvement of the human faculties and the ad- vancement of human happiness." * I give Mr. Malthus entire credit for the sincerity * Records of Creation, vol. ii. p. 158. f Malthus, vol. ii, p. 496. POPULATION. 225 with which he makes this statement ; though I confess myself unable to reconcile it, either with the general tenor and spirit of his work, with his strong and pregnant expressions as to the " evils" of the prin- ciple of population already quoted, or with his avowed predilection, expressed in his correspondence with Mr. Senior, for that Utopian " stationary state," as he terms it, in which the movements both of popula- tion and wealth are supposed to be brought to a stand- still; — a state, I take leave to assert, alike undesirable and impossible for man, inconsistent with the ma- nifest designs of Providence and the destination of society. In a word, I am unable to understand how the "principle of population," as it is called, can be at one and the same time good and evil. Good it is, ac- cording to the arguments which I have just laid before you ; for although, in this as in many analogous cases, evil does result from the operation of the law, that evil is only an incidental consequence, and is attri- butable not to the law itself, but to its perversion and abuse, and to the breach of another law as plain and as divine as the injunction to increase and mul- tiply — the law of prudence — the law of conjugal and parental responsibility. But " evil," according to Mr. Malthus, the principle of population is, not only inasmuch as he himself so terms it, and lays on it the blame of constantly prevailing social misery, but because, if his dogma be true, it must be essen- tially hurtful, and by its natural and necessary action the source of infinite unhappiness to mankind. If population has been so regulated by Nature as to increase faster than subsistence, it becomes not a Q 226 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. stimulus to society but a scourge. The pressure which, according to the view now maintained. Divine wisdom has so adjusted as to act as a con- stantly elastic spring to industry and progress, be- comes a weight that crushes and destroys. Every end of social advantage that could be promoted by the agency of human fecundity is answered by making subsistence just so difficult as to serve for a perpetual spur to the faculties of men. What end but gratuitous misery could be answered by making it so much more difficult — by such a " niggardliness of nature" — ^as must keep the supply always lagging behind the demand — the production of food never quite adequate to the wants of the consumers ? The necessity for a powerful and active principle of multiplication to the moral and intellectual welfare of the human race, and to the diffiision of civilised man throughout the earth, has, I trust, been clearly established. If, now, we cast our eyes over the world in this advanced period of its existence, and observe how much yet remains to be done ere this principle shall have fulfilled its mission ; to what an extent population and knowledge, the arts of life and the truths of Revelation have yet failed to attain dif- fusion, we shall see little reason, I think, to conclude that this great engine of human improvement has been made unnecessarily powerful in reference to the work to be accomplished by it. But in asserting the necessity of the reproductive principle in its full force to the advancement and amelioration of society, I am stating only a part of the case. All plans for the improvement of the species must have been utterly foiled unless secure provision had been made POPULATION. 227 for the primary object of preserving it from extinc- tion. We must not suffer tlie impressions produced on our minds by the existing circumstances of society to bhnd us to the necessity which, under a different state of things had existed and still exists for such pre- cautions. History will tell us that the disease of de- population is one far more generally prevalent, morei disastrous in its effects, and more difficult to cope with, than that which the Malthusian school regard with so much horror, the excess of population. It has devastated the once fairest and wealthiest por- tions of Asia and Africa ; and if in one part of the "western hemisphere the human family has wonder- fully multiplied, in the southern and central parts even of that continent the numbers of the race have no less remarkably declined. As I have already mentioned, it is considered doubtful by some coinpc'' tent authorities^ whether the whole world, taken toge- ther. Is more populous at the present time than in the days of Augustus. However this may be, it is at least certain that the addition made to the inha- bitants of the earth during the last 1800 years has not been very great. Enough appears to justify the Baying of Voltaire, that " to increase the numbers of mankind is not so easy a matter as some people imagine." But the first point to which I would more par- ticularly direct your attention is the imminent danger of extinction to which the race is liable in the early stages of society. Although in civilised dommtinities, as has been already stated, the ravages of an occasional famine or of war are speedily ]?epaired by the efforts of regular and well-organised Q 2 228 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. industry, in a savage state the effect of these and the other scourges is far more severe. In societies of which the whole labour, such as it is, is devoted to the procuring of mere subsistence; where there is neither the care nor the means of making provision beyond the wants of the day, the population, insigni- ficant as it is in number, lives perpetually on the verge of famine. The habits of existence, also, among tribes which subsist only by hunting and fish- ing, are such as not only greatly to check the in- crease of their numbers, but also to shorten the term of life. Promiscuous intercourse, polygamy, severe treatment of women, abandonment or destruction of children, operate most powerfully to restrain fecundity. The hardships and dangers of savage life form another heavy tax on population ; and although many of the maladies which are generated by an artificial state of society are there unknown, the condition of unci- vilised man is by no means privileged in respect to health. On this point Mr. Malthus makes the fol- lowing remarks, founded upon the personal observa- tions of various travellers : — " The diseases to which man is subject in the savage state, though fewer in number, are more violent and fatal than those which prevail in civilised society. As savages are wonderfully improvident, and their means of subsistence always precarious, they often pass from the extreme of want to exube- rant plenty, according to the vicissitudes of fortune in the chase or to the variety in the produce of the seasons. Their inconsiderate gluttony in the one case, and their severe abstinence in the other, are equally prejudicial to the human constitution; and POPULATION. 229 their vigour is accordingly at some seasons impaired by want, and at others by a superfluity of gross aliment and the disorders arising from indigestions. These, which may be considered as the unavoidable ' consequence of their mode of living, cut off consider- able numbers in the prime of life. They are likewise extremely subject to consumptions, to pleuritic, asth- matic, and paralytic disorders, brought on by the im- moderate hardships and fatigues which they endure in hunting and war, and by the inclemency of the seasons to which they are continually exposed." To these potent causes of depopulation must be added another, which all our accounts of the modes of life, both of the hunting and pastoral tribes, show to be in almost perpetual operation, viz., War. "The very nature of the pastoral state," says the author last quoted, " seems to furnish perpetual occasion for war." Requiring a large range of territory for sub- sistence, each tribe is involved in perpetual disputes about the invasion of its possessions, with other tribes. When blood is fihed, more blood must expiate the injury ; and so feud begets feud in interminable sue-" cession. Moreover, where the pursuits and rewards of industry and commerce are unknown, war is the only outlet for the native -energy and restlessness of man— the one road to fame, honoiir and pre- eminence — the sole means of gratifying avarice, vanity, or ambition. What Tacitus says of the an- cient Germans is no mere national peculiarity, but a characteristic of all people in a state of barbarism : — "Nee arare terram aut expectare annum tarn facile persuaseris quam vocare hostes et vulnera mereri : pi- grum quinimo et iners videtur sudore acquirere quod Q 3 230 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. possis Sanguine parare." Mallet, in his account of the northern nations, prefixed to his History of Denmark, relates that it was their common custom to hold an assembly every spring, for the purpose of considering in what quarter they should make war.* The habits of our own turbulent ancestors are thus described by the author of the poem of the Abori- ginal Britons: — " War is their sport ; at dayspring forth they go, With spear and shield, and find or make a foe. Join the wild fight, and with the setting sun Bear home their plunder, and the war is done." The historian of the Mahometan Tartars tells us that they are always at war with the neighbouring Persians ; that " they woixld rather pillage, rob, and kill their neighbours, than apply themselves to im- prove the benefits which nature so liberally offers them ; " and " that, though they are often very ill- treated in their incursions, and the whole of their plimder is not equivalent to what they might obtain with very little labour from their lands, yet they choose rather to expose themselves to the thousand fatigues and dangers attendant on such a life, than apply themselves seriously to agriculture." f In almost every part of the world, in the early periods of society, these habits have been the same. The havoc made by the incessant wars, ia the smaller states of Italy, during the first struggles of the Romans for power, was immense. Livy expresses his wonder that the ^qui and Volsci should have * Cited by Malthus. ■" Malthus, vol. i. p. 126. POPULATION. 231 been able, so often as they were conquered, to find the materials for fresh armies to bring into the field. And, in proof of the fact that war was the habitual state of the Roman commonwealth, it is sufficient to refer to the fact, that it was not till after the first Punic war, 529 A.u.C, that the Temple of Janus was, for the first time, closed during the republic. But it is needless to multiply instances of a truth which is confirmed by the early history of almost every community that has existed. It may be stated generally, that war is the normal state of aU unci- vilised or half-civilised communities; whether of hunters, like the American Indians, or shepherds, like the Tartar, Arab, Persian and African tribes. Peace is the fruit of civilisation ; in proportion as na- tions grow refined, intelligent, and commercial, they become pacific. Now, the destruction which maraud- ing and predatory wars occasion among nations in various degrees of barbarism, is a perennial drain on population, which it requires all the natural prolific- ness of the race to counteract ; nay, over a large part of the world even at this day the tide is not equal to the efflux ; and population, under the influence of these causes, is actually stationary or receding. Let us look at the effects of war under another aspect. I have been referring to the operation of this check when it takes the form of a constant and perennial waste of life, thinning the numbers of a people and preventing them from rising to a higher level. But there have been periods of stiU greater devastation in the history of the world, when coun- tries have been swept over by the hurricane of conquest, and their inhabitants mowed down by 232 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. millions at a time by the sword of invasion. Such were the chasms in the human race made by the irruptions of the successive hosts of barbarous tribes in the period that preceded the dissolution of the Koman empire.* The desolation produced by such invasions on the once-flourishing districts of Apulia, Campania, and Calabria, are compared by a contem- porary writer to that which succeeded the deluge. Goths, Huns, Saracens, Moguls, and Tartars, al- most exterminated the inhabitants of some of the countries which they overran, and produced a void that it required centuries to repair. Mr. Malthus himself observes, in reference to the Tartar inva- sions, " that, ia reading of the devastation of the human race in these times, instead of looking for the causes which prevented the increase of population, we can only be astonished at the force of that principle of increase which fiirnished fresh harvests of human beings for the scythe of each successive conqueror." f This is a just remark ; and we may safely add to it, that the harvest would have surely failed, and the scythe of.war have exterminated the species, if the principle of increase had been made in any degree less potent than it is. Nor is it only at one parti- cular era in the world's history that the human race has had to sustain such tremendous shocks from war. To take an instance from our own country, — such was the effect of the obstinate contests carried on between the British and the Saxons after the Homans * See Alison on Population, vol. i. p. 273. ; also Gibbon's Decline and Fall, vol. x. p. 252. t Vol. i. p. 122. POPULATION. 233 had retired from the island, that the inhabitants of Britain were abnost exterminated, and the country between the Tyne and the Tees was reduced to a perfect solitude.* During the wars between France and England subsequent to the battle of Cressy, no less than one-half of the inhabitants of the former country are stated to have perished. The Crusades are computed to have consumed not less than four millions of European lives, besides, at least, an equal number of Asiatics. These are a few isolated in- stances of the wholesale carnage of war ; to which many more, of almost equal magnitude, might be added. For the replenishment of the human race thus tremendously repressed, from time to time, who shall venture to describe the restorative force of population as excessive ? Who shall say that the strength of the sexual passion might have been ad- vantageously modified, or the fecundity of the species safely retrenched consistently, I do not say with diffusing it over the globe, but even with pre^ serving it from extinction ? If the vices and passions which lead to war have characterised our race, as experience proves, in aU countries and in all ages of the world, it was necessary to counteract the de- structive tendency of such propensities by an instinct no less active and indomitable. A signal fallacy ap- pears to me to pervade the whole of Mr. Malthus' reasonings on this part of the subject. He regards war itself as if it were a result of the principle of population, and, to some extent, a remedial check upon its redundant force. He labours to prove that * See Alison, vol. i. p. 274. 234 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. the great irruptions of the northern barbarians were, in fact, stimidated by the want of space and the pressure of numbers on subsistence; an ingenious attempt to bend facts to the purpose of his theory, but one which reason and history alike refute. The fact is, that savage races have been prompted to war universally, not by their redundant numbers or their lu-gent wants, but rather by those ferocious instincts in which they resemble the brute animals — by avarice, lust, ferocity, and revenge. And it is in the foresight of this inevitable waste of life that the Creator has wisely regulated the prolific energies of mankind. Mr. Malthus has, in fact, inverted the re-: lation between the principle of population and the check upon it : war is not a remedy for the evils of human fecundity, but the power of human fecundity is a remedy for the evils of war. In this view of the subject we avoid the anomaly, justly revolting to many minds, of ascribing a direct remedial agency to human violence and wickedness ; we attribute that function, with more justice, to the law of Provi- dence operating, by a natural dispensation, as an antidote and corrective to moral evil. To the other leading causes of depopulation I can only refer very briefly. They are principally these : — 1st. Misgovemment, involving insecurity of property and oppressive taxation ; evils of which the thinly- peopled provinces of the Turkish empire afford, at this day, a striking illustration, 2ndly. The institution of slavery ; the unfavoiu-able effects of which on the propagation of the species are proved by the neces- sity of a continual influx of fresh numbers to keep POPULATION. 235 up the system.* 3rdly. Debauchery, with its com- mon accompaniment, infanticide, which may be found in an aggravated form among the inhabitants of Otaheite and the neighbouring islands of the South Sea. Against such drains as these on the sources of existence the principle of population can with difficulty make head. Had it been made at aU less powerful than it is, the human race, where it is exposed to these scoiu:ges, would infallibly have died out. In my next and concluding lecture I shall lay be- fore you some further arguments in viadication of these laws of Nature by which the increase of man- kind is regulated ; and, in opposition to the views of those who recommend the imposition of artificial re- strictions on marriage, I shall endeavour to show that the principle of population is one of those things which requires only " to be let alone." * See some very just remarks on this point in Malthus, Tol. i. p. 250. 236 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. LECTURE X. ON POPULATION. In my last lecture I dilated on the severe and constant drains, arising from want, hardships, disease, and, above all, from war, to which population is subject in the early stages of society. I endeavoured to show that any less degree of fecundity than that with which Nature has actually endued the species would scarcely suffice to countervail that perennial waste of life which results from the habits and propensities of the savage state. So far as regards this primitive stage of society, I may probably assume that the law of population requires no further vindication.. Few will venture to specify the prolific- ness of the species as the cause of the sufferings endured by the improvident, sensual, and ferocious savage ; or to assert that the dangers with which his existence is beset are superfluously guarded against by the force of the reproductive principle. But it is in regard to a more advanced condition of society, that the principle of population has been chiefly called in question. When wars have become less frequent and less destructive, when the visitations of famine have grown comparatively rare, when plagues and epidemics have been checked by the advance of medical and sanitary skill, and when the average term of human life has been consequently POPULATIOK. 237 prolonged, — then it is that the adaptation of the law of human increase to the altered state of society is thought questionable; for while, on the one hand, the physical power of propagation remains unabated, on the other hand, the consumption of life is vastly diminished. How, it is asked, shall the pressure of numbers against food, which, while man is in a state of nature, so many potent checks exist to coun- teract, be obviated at a period when nearly all the leading causes of mortality are in abeyance ? Must we not have recourse to some artificial restraints upon population to supply the place of those curbs which nature heretofore imposed upon the prolific- ness of the race ? Between a state of primitive barbarism and a state of high civilisation the difference in all those circumstances which affect the growth of population can indeed scarcely be exaggerated. In all that concerns the duration of life, the ratio of mortality, the mode of subsistence, the disposition to labour, and the means of making that labour productive, the disparity is incalculable. Yet the mere physical powers of reproduction of the savage and the civilised man are generally the same. Undoubtedly it must be a law of great flexibility that is capable of adaptation to conditions so different; and, prima facie, it would be natural to conceive that a degree, of prolificness needful to counterbalance the physical checks on population, when operating in their utmost intensity, would be found unsuited to the condition of the race in its highest state of development, — in an age of peace, abundance and prosperity, and in the maturity of those arts of which the combined 238 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. effect is to give increased value and duration to human life. But if, upon closer inquiry, it should be found that, in fact, the law of population has been framed with singular adaptability to the most opposite phases of human society — that it is calcu- lated at once to preserve the existence, to restrain the redundancy, and to stimulate the improvement of the species, — ^rn that case the proof of such an adjustment of the laws of nature to the varying exigencies of man will only concur with those other evidences, with which the universe abounds, of the wisdom and benevolence of the Creator. We shall not be far wrong if we pronounce that to be the highest state of civilisation in which the influence of the repressive checks has been reduced to the lowest point — in which human life is most highly appreciated, and is liable to the smallest degree of waste from war, disease, famine^ hardship, pr indigence ; in a word, when the natural term of existence is in the greatest number of instances attained.* But if the rate of mortality be thus diminished, the danger of excess of population would apparently be increased ; unless it be the fact that other causes, concurrent with those which have checked the waste of life, operate at the same time either to lessen the number of niew claimants on the fund of subsistence, or to make that fund increase * See the just remarks in the continuation of Bastiat's Chapter, " de la Population," on the immense economical signifi- cance of an increased standard of longevity : — " EUe est le resume, I'expression sommaire de tons les progres acquis, comme eUe est le gage certain, la source immanquable de pro- gr6s nouveaux," etc. — Harmonies Ecpnomiques, 2nd edit. p. 458. POPULATION. 239 with the new demands upon it, or to produce both those eifects together. In other words, if the deaths be fewer, then either the births must be fewer also, or the supply of food must be proportionately in- creased ; or else there must be less and less food for the people to eat, which is equivalent to excess of population. Now I assert, in the first place, that by the opera- tion of causes naturally developed in the progress of society, the supply of food is, cceteris paribus, increased by the advance of civilisation and the increased populousness of nations. The same arts, inventions, knowledge, political and moral ameliorations, which have 'given a new value and prolongation to life, inevitably render industry more productive and sub- sistence easier of attainment. I shall not now enter into a detailed proof of this position, because I have already done so at considerable length in a former lecture*; it wUl suffice to recapitulate the argu- ments then adduced to show the increased facilities that are afforded to production by the concentration of population. They were briefly these: — that the productiveness of labour depends mainly on the organisation by which it works and the skill with which it is applied; that the principal means by which the efficiency of labour is promoted, are the separation of employments and the combination of efforts ; that such arrangements being dependent on the extent of the market, are impracticable except where considerable density of population exists; that from the division of employments, which tends * See Lecture VII., ante. 240 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. to the perfecting of each separate department of pro- duction, spring those mechanical inventions by which the results of industry are incalculably multiplied. In this manner it is, that the economy of labour advances, in the natural course of things, in a ratio constantly exceediag that of population ; and as the numbers of a society increase, the share of each indi- vidual member in the common fund becomes, cmteris ■paribus, larger. This, indeed, is only to say, ia other words, that the progress of man, as society advances, is upwards, not downwards; that the path of civilisation leads to wealth, not poverty; that the replenishment of the earth and of each particular community upon it, for which the physical constitu- tion of man has been adapted, tends, and has always, in the absence of disturbing causes, been found to produce, not an exhaustion of nature's stores and a keener pressure of numbers against food, but a de- velopment of man's higher faculties, a vast extension of his command over natural agents, and a progres- sive addition to his comforts and enjoyments.* Another consideration, to which I have already drawn attention, is applicable here, and may be very briefly referred to. The check which war affords to population in rude and violent times is not one which, generally speaking, acts as a relief to the pressure of numbers upon subsistence; because, although the sword destroys, it is true, many of the consumers of food, yet, as it also wastes the fruits of * " Jusqu'a la fin des siecles il y aura une filiation reciproque et necessaire entre les deux termes de cette grande fparole, midtiplicamini et subjicite universam terram.'' — ■■ Harm. Eoon. 2nd edit. p. 462. POPtTLATION. 241 the earth, discourages industry and impedes com- merce, it consequently impairs the sources of wealth in a stiU greater degree than it thins the ranks of population. In fact, war is, and ever has been, one of the most fertile causes of poverty and social de- gradation, while peace and plenty are proverbially associated. Let it not, therefore, be supposed that the discontinuance of that incessant state of warfare in which savage nations are engaged must produce embarrassment and distress from a superfluity of human beings. We should recollect that civilisation not only sheathes the sword, but converts it into a ploughshare. The waste of life ceases, but the waste of capital, of labour, of misdirected strength and enterprise, ceases also. Every year of peace enables skill and industry to make greater strides, and places the productive energies of a country in a more favourable ratio to its consuming power. For this is the real point of the question : — It is not the absolute populousness of a nation that determines its condition to be prosperous or the reverse ; it is the relation between its population and its products. If, therefore, war checks wealth in a still greater degree than it checks numbers, the pressure of population win be not greater, but less, when that tremendous scourge has been withdrawn. The views of Mr. Malthus respecting the adoption of what he terms the " preventive check " have been already explained. He conceives the possibility of inducing men to postpone or abstain from marrying from considerations of social expediency founded on an intelligent perception of the evil consequences likely to result to the whole community from an R 242 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. excess of numbers. He supposes that the principle of population, as he explains it, being fairly under- stood, men may be brought to recognise the duty of sacrificing their personal inclinations for the sake of the common good ; at the same time he candidly admits, that he entertains no very sanguine hope that the practice of moral restraint founded upon these motives will ever generally prevail. Such a result would certainly suppose an elevation of the common standard of social morality which experience hitherto affords us no warrant for anticipating. I am per- suaded that no one acquainted with the motives which practically govern human conduct would ven- ture to calculate on a decrease of marriages arising from a principle of abstinence, generally recognised among the humbler classes as a social duty, and founded upon a sort of mutual compact among them not to overburden society with more members than can be comfortably maintained. It has been justly observed, that the cattle fed upon a common are usually lean and under-fed, because a public pasture is almost always overstocked. Why is this ? If it were his private field the owner would not overstock it ; for then the consequence would recoil upon himself alone. But the mischief arising from putting too many cattle on the common is distributed among the commoners collectively ; and though a limitation of the mmiber would be for the general good of all, yet no man is willing to give up an advantage which he is not sure that his neighbours wiU give up also. Now, the labour-market is a common — the wages- fund by which the labourers of the community are supported is a common. Why should A or B POPULATION. 243 refrain, in the face of strong temptations, from quar- tering new claimants upon that fund, without a cer- tain guarantee, which it is impossible they should have, that C, D, E, F, &c. will be equally self-deny- ing ? A very slight knowledge of human nature is enough to show that the preventive check, so far as it rests on the footing of social obligation or economical expediency, is a delusion. Is there, however, no firmer basis on which it can be placed ? Some have proposed to establish it on the foundation of positive law. In some communi- ties such an experiment has been actually tried. Mr, J. S. Mill* enumerates several instances in which this been done, as in some of the minor states of Germany, Wurtemburg, Bavaria, and Saxony; in Norway, and in a few of the cantons of Switzerland. By the law of these communities, parties desirous of marrying are required to go before a magistrate, or other official person, and to prove to his satisfac- tion their competency to maintain a family. I am sorry to add, that Mr. Mill appears to regard these instances of legislative interference with personal rights and responsibilities without disapprobation, and he even intimates that some such enactments might, in default of voluntary self-restraint, be ad- vantageously imported among ourselves.f For my own part, as a political economist, I regard aU such legal restrictions as illegitimate and mischievous ; and on this point I am happy to shelter myself under the authority of Mr. Malthus, whose views, on this * Political Economy, vol. i. p. 422., 3rd edit, t Vol. i. p. 453., 3rd edit, R 2 244 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. part of tilie subject at least, are sagacious and enlightened. He says : — " If, on contemplating the increase of vice which might contingently arise from an attempt to incul- cate the duty of moral restraint, and the increase of misery that must necessarily follow the attempts to encourage marriage and population, we come to the conclusion not to interfere in any respect, but to leave every man to his own free choice, and responsible only to God for the evil which he does iu either way, this is all I contend for — I would on no account do more." * In another place he says : " Although to marry without a prospect of being able to support a family is, in my opioion, clearly an immoral act, yet it is not one which society can justly take upon itself to prevent or to punish, because the punishment provided for it by the laws of Nature falls directly and most severely upon the individual who commits the act, and through him only more remotely and feebly on the society. When Nature will govern and punish, it is a very miserable ambition to wish to snatch the rod from her hands and draw upon our- selves the odium of executioner." And in a third passage he lays down the sound maxim, that " distress is the natural punishment for improvident marriages — there ought to be no other." Sound political economy teaches, that interference by law with population is as shortsighted, as false in principle, and as mischievous a disturbance of the self-regulating economy of society as interference by law with trade, capital, or labour. It is even a still * Malthus, vol. ii. p. 308. POPULATION. 245 more vexatious infringement of personal freedom, and in no country where civil liberty is truly appre- ciated would this sort of legislation be tolerated — certainly not in our own. A law forbidding to marry without official sanction involves, of course, penalties upon the infraction of its mandates. Con- ceive a man indicted in an English court of justice at the present day, for that he " wilfully, maliciously, and against the form of the statute," &c., committed the offence of matrimony without possessing a com- petent provision for a wife and family. Imagine all the incidents to such a trial — the nature of the proof — the topics and spirit of the defence — Solvuntur risu tabulae; or if ridicule and contempt did not overwhelm aU the actors in such a process, without doubt popular indignation would speedily reverse the sentence and abrogate the law.* Kejecting, then, as mischievous and absurd, all artificial and legal restraints on the right of marriage (and, in regard to positive law, I maintain that there is no right more inalienable), let us now see whether Nature herself has not legislated in the most effec- tual manner on this subject, — whether she has not prescribed the most potent of all checks against the undue increase of mankind; a check requiring no penalty to enforce its observance, for it is self-acting and spontaneous, — no problematical calculation of social consequences for its application, since it ap- * At the same time I agree with Mr. Everett, that if the Malthusian theory as to the tendency of population to exceed subsistence and entail distress upon society were true, the law (Tught to restrain marriages — Salus populi suprema lex. B 3 246 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. peals to motives which most powerfully influence human nature, and to consequences which each man for himself is best qualified to judge of, and in which he is most deeply interested. I have more than once had occasion to refer to that principle of action which Adam Smith so forcibly de- scribes as the masterspring of social progress — " the desire of every man to better his condition, which comes to him from the womb, and never leaves him till he goes to the grave." The hope of rising in the world and the fear of forfeiting a position once achieved are motives powerftil enough, as every day's experience proves, to outweigh the strong temptations of immediate enjoyment and to restrain the indulgence of the warmest affections of the heart. The parent who has raised himself by his own ex- ertions to a higher rank than he inherited, strives to maintain his acquired position for his family; so that the point which the father has ultimately reached is that which his children usually start from. It will frequently happen that the sons, especially if nu- merous, can only maintain their social footing by deferring marriage till they have secured for them- selves a competent source of income ; the daughters (whose sex is by no means insensible to social ambi- tion) win rather remain single for awhile, or alto- gether, than forfeit, by descending to a lower grade, the estimation of their equals and the comforts which habit has made necessary to them. These motives act in a greater or less degree upon all ranks, but generally speaking they operate in direct proportion to the social advantages enjoyed. The higher the rank, the stronger is their influence. It has been POPULATION. 247 justly observed, that it is probably a greater wound to the pride of a man of noble birth to see the scions of his house sink down into the trading class, than for the tradesman to contemplate his sons obliged to become mechanics, or for the mechanic to see his children reduced to pauperism.* That such is the fact may be inferred from the relative degrees in which moral restraint actually influences the several ranks. It is a notorious fact, illustrated among other instances by our own House of Lords, that an aristocratic order cannot maintain its numbers unless it be replenished from below. Without a constant influx arising from new creations, the English peer- age would have long since become extinct. It is no physical degeneracy or decline of reproductive power resulting from wealth and luxury, as some have conceived f, which thins the aristocratic ranks; but simply the increased prevalence of moral re- straint, induced by the considerations just referred to, of which persons of elevated rank are peculiarly susceptible. It is this cause which keeps a large proportion of the younger children of noble families, especially the females, in a state of celibacy. Not that any apprehension of actual want of subsistence checks their inclination to marry, for in their case such a danger would be chimerical ; but it is the fear of sinking, the abhorrence of loss of caste, which to persons brought up in the habits of high rank is a more powerful check on imprudent marriages, than * Bastiat. t See Mr. Doubleday's lately published Theory of Popula- tion, of which I do not dispute the partial truth. 248 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. the fear of bringing his children upon the workhouse is to the day-labourer. Upon the middle ranks of society the same class of motives operates with great, though probably not equal, power. Their niunbers, also, are constantly recruited from below ; and the pressure of needy and energetic aspirants, keeping every path of industry full, necessitates a constant effort, on the part of those who have attained a comfortable position, to maiatain it. Trades and professions are crowded with com- petitors ; and the difi&culty of securing a provision for a family, combiaed with the dread of sinking to a lower level, induces, in numerous cases, the post- ponement of marriage to a mature period of life. At the present time it would probably be found that the average age of marriage among professional men in this country is above thirty ; a time of life much later than that at which men of the labouring class usually marry. Here, again, it is not the fear of actual physical distress ; but the stimulus of social emulation, the dread of incurring the contempt of rivals and associates, the force of opinion, which has fixed a certain standard of outward appearances, or indispensable comforts, that make man recoil from a step to which every impulse of feeling and affection frequently prompts them. Upon the lowest and most numerous order of society, whose subsistence depends upon their phy- sical labour, the moral check has the least degree of influence. But, even on this class, in all civilised communities, it does operate more or less ; and we shall find, that the extent of its operation on them mainly depends on the circumstances of their con- POPULATION. 249 dition. The more impoverished and degraded they are, the more destitute of superfluities and comforts, the more debarred from the hope of bettering their condition, — in that degree, generally speaking, will the restraints of prudence and foresight be inope- rative, and a reckless insensibility to the conse- quences of marriage wiU. prevail. Where there is no hope there will be no fear : degradation has no terror for those who, being sunk to the lowest point in the social scale, can neither rise above nor sink below it. Experience confirms these views. The most miserable populations are commonly the most prolific. Humboldt informs us, that the fecundity of the inferior class of the Mexican population, de- scribed as half-clothed, idle, and stained with leprosy, from the effects of bad diet and bad lodging, is greater than that of any other known community in Christendom. But we have a melancholy example nearer home. The peasantry of Ireland have multi- plied their numbers with prodigious rapidity under a degree of indigence to which Europe affords no parallel. On the other hand, ia Switzerland, where the peasantry enjoy an unusual amount of comfort, and are often possessed of considerable property, moral restraint, the fruit of self-respect and social elevation, extensively prevails. Young persons wiU refrain from marrying when marriage would involve a forfeiture of habitual comforts and of social esti- mation. "By a singular anomaly," says Sir Archibald Alison, " the rapidity of racrease is in the inverse ratio of the means which are afforded of maintaining a family in comfort aud independence. It is greatest 250 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. when these means are the least, and least when they are the greatest." * To the same effect, M. Bastiat observes that, " Just in proportion as subsistence becomes more facile, men become more difficult to satisfy as to the requisites of subsistence." When we speak of the necessary provision for a family, it must never be forgotten that that provision is a standard which varies ' most widely at different periods of society and in different regions of the world. If, then, it be admitted that the moral check on population, arising from social influences and habits, operates, generally, with adequate force upon the upper and middle ranks, so as to secure their numbers from excess, and operates upon the lower class more or less according to the degree of their social elevation, we are enabled to perceive by what means the danger of over-population, which, accord- ing to the views of Mr. Malthus, is, in fact, con- fined to the latter class, may best be obviated in regard to them. It is by infusing into their minds ideas and sentiments, hopes and fears, in regard to social position, corresponding to those which influence their superiors in rank. It wUl be said, perhaps, that this is simply impossible. To the ftdl extent, no doubt, it is so ; and we may add, that it is likewise undesirable, since we do not want to stop the growth of population, but merely to regulate its iacrease in due proportion to the means of exist- ence. But that there should be at least a partial and gradual approximation to this result appears to me to be no delusive expectation, so long as society * Principles of Population, vol. i. p. 112. POPULATION. 251 continues to advance in wealth, knowledge, and re- finement. Every step that is gained in improving the processes of production through the appKoation of art and science, tends, by a twofold process, to elevate the condition of the labourer in the social scale. In the first place, the cheapening of pro- duction by mechanical agency places within his reach, at a trifling cost, conveniences and luxuries, which in former times even the highborn and wealthy could not command ; a certain standard of comfort once attained is not willingly relinquished ; the circle of artificial wants extends, and things which were once regarded as superfluities become by habit in- dispensable. Hence arise new guarantees for fore- thought and self-respect ; the desire of advancement, and the fear of sinking into destitution, acquire new strength; the higher aspirations of the man gain ascendancy over the animal propensities. But there is another tendency in mechanical im- provements, as yet but partially developed, but from which I do not think it chimerical to anticipate in course of time a marked amelioration in the condi- tion of the lower classes. The progress of industrial invention gradually devolves upon machinery the harder and ruder processes of labour. Of the work left for human hands to do, less is thrown upon mere brute strength, more and more upon intelli- gence and skill. Not only in manufactures, but in agriculture, steam power is the Briarseus that is tending to supersede the employment of human muscles and sinews. The introduction of the same agent gives occasion to a great increase of those re- fined and delicate operations which demand a higher 252 POPULATION AND CAPITAL, capacity in the workman, while they afford him a larger remuneration for his efforts. The increasing proportion of skilled to rude labour, which marks an era of progress and invention, tends in many ways to elevate the labouring population in the social scale. Mr. Malthus has expressed an opinion to the effect, that the best-grounded expectations of increased social happiness are founded on the prospect of an increase in the relative numbers of the middle classes. . He ventures to anticipate, as I have done, that, in the progress of civilisation, the proportionate number of persons employed in severe manual toil wiU be dimiulshed, while that of the middle classes will increase.* Now, in proportion as this result is attaiued, the recklessness that arises from hopeless indigence, and the improvident habits which belong to a low state of civilisation, will disappear ; and the same social motives which influence persons of su- perior rank, and keep down their numbers to the limit imposed by their conventional wants and the opinions of their class, wiU reach lower downwards, and penetrate the mass of the community. If by any means the lower classes can be advanced to that point at which economy and forethought, the sense and hope of progress, a regard for comfort and creditable appearances, a taste for order, neatness, and the simpler luxuries of life become operative motives upon their conduct, the best possible se- curities against thriftless marriages and redundant pauperism will be given to society. By what means, then, are such ideas and habits * Vol. ii. p. 438. POPULATION. 253 to be infused ? By no artificial regimen or direct acta of legislation; but by leaving full freedom to the operations of industry, and allowing those impulses and desires which Providence has implanted in the breast of man to have their natural scope and sway ; by free institutions; by laws which protect the rights both of labour and of property ; by a social system which, as in our own country, opposes no barrier to energy and perseverance, but makes the rewards and honours of the state accessible to the talents and virtues of the humblest citizen. Only leave open the roads to wealth and advancement, and industry will make its own way, and achieve its own reward. But this it can never do without some portion of moral energy — without the power to Inake the sacrifice of immediate gratifications, and to subject the lower appetites to the restraints of reason and self-control. It will be said, perhaps, after all, we are falling back on the old doctrine of " moral restraint ; " not- withstanding all the objections levelled against Mal- thus, his favourite panacea forms the burden of our conclusions. My views have been much misunder- stood if I have been supposed throughout these lectures to call in question the advantage, nay, the absolute necessity, of moral restraint, for maintaining the balance of numbers to subsistence in a progressive state of society. No man, surely, who knows what the physical power of human fecundity is, can doubt for a moment that a restraint upon its extreme action must be placed somewhere, or suffering must ensue. The redundancy of life must be checked either at one end or at the other. Either a preventive or a 254 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. repressive agency must be employed. Either life must be cut short, and population thinned, by physical evils ; or the influx of human beings must be arrested at the source. If the ratio of the deaths be diminished, the number of the births must, cmteris paribus, be reduced. In the earlier stages of society, as we have seen, the animal propensities act unrestrained ; but then the increase of the race is repressed by physical scourges — war, famine, pestilence, and the rigours of savage life. As men become civilised, these external checks cease or act with diminished force, the rate of mortality is reduced, and the average duration of life is considerably lengthened. Henceforth a new check to' population comes into operation — a moral power takes the place of the physical. Voluntary self-denial, urged by the strong incentives which social life supplies, arrests the tendency to over- population by efforts, not indeed unattended with pain and sacrifice, but which, in their effects, con- duce alike to the dignity and happiness of the indi- vidual, and to the weU-being of the community. I agree, then, entirely with Mr. Malthus, that, in proportion as the physical checks upon population lose their force, the moral check must be called into activity. I agree that it is far more for the happi- ness of mankind that the latter should operate than the former ; that there should be a diminished sup- ply of life, rather than a destructive waste of it ; but here my concurrence with his theory ends. From his practical deductions I entirely dissent ; and the difference appears to me to be of vital impor- tance. My belief is, that the moral check is as natural to man, as fundamental a law of society, and POPULATION. 255 as innate a principle of human action, at a certain stage of social progress, as the reproductive principle itself. Moral restraint is, not what his theory repre- sents it, an artificial remedy for a natural disease, — a prescription of political economy to cure what he terms " the evils of the principle of population," — a doctrine to be inculcated, according to him, by economical reasonings and persuasion, according to his disciples, by the pains and penalties of the law, and of which the success depends on the public virtue, the philanthropy, and the intellectual convictions of those to whom it is addressed. According to the views of the social economy which I have attempted to delineate, moral restraint is a check which Nature herself spontaneously developes in the progress of civilisation. It springs from the operation of motives intrinsically more forcible than those which prompt to marriage ; it needs no penal sanctions, no formal teaching, or laboured exposition of its necessity ; it appeals not to disinterested and improbable virtue, but to individual prudence and obvious self-interest, to the sentiments generated by the circumstances of social position, and to the hopes and fears which are most potential upon the conduct of civilised men. That moral restraint should supersede physical cala- mity in regulating the increase of mankind is not merely a theoretically desirable, though, in fact, im- probable, contingency — it is its natural tendency and proper function so to do : to this end man was made capable of subjugating the physical to the moral natxire. The same Power that endowed him with the faculty of multiplying his kind, ordained this antidote, ample in strength and unfailing in 256 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. effect, agaiast that danger of over-population which the disciples of Malthus have depicted in such exag- gerated colours. To sum up briefly the views which have been pre- sented to you in these lectures : — If the law of popula- tion has been wisely planned, if it is suited to a being so varying and progressive as man, it must be a law capable of adjustment to widely different social conditions ; it must admit of adaptation to the most opposite phases of hiimanity — to an age of bar- barism and an age of high civilisation — to new set- tlements and to old states — to countries wandered over by thinly-scattered savage tribes, and to coun- tries teeming with wealth and crowded with inha,- bitants. It must be calculated to preserve the race from extinction under the ceaseless pressure of phy- sical scourges, and at the same time to secure the progress of society and the highest development of human reason at a period when these checks haVe been in a great degree superseded by the arts of peace and the applications of science ; it must possess an elastic and self-regulating power capable of proportioning the supply of life to the demand under all these infi- nitely varying circumstances of human nature. Such, in fact, is, if the reasonings and deductions from facts now laid before you be correct, the true law of population. The fecundity of man is not greater than is required to compensate that waste of life which takes place in the infancy of his career. As he advances in civilisation, its relative strength grows less, and yields to the preponderance of those moral and social influences which are at once the cause and the effect of the amelioration of society. POPULATION. 257 Indeed, if there is at any time a danger of an excess of numbers to subsistence, it is not in the more advanced periods or the more populous communities that the pressure is most likely to be felt; it is rather when population is absolutely most scanty that subsistence is found to be relatiyely most de- ficient. Thus the moral check is not only the milder, but also the more effectual remedy for human exuberance than the physical; it brings the two elements of food and numbers into a ratio continually more and more favourable to social happiness and improvement. Thus, rejecting the assumption opposed to facts, and replete with anomalies and contradictions, that " population has a tendency to increase in a greater ratio than subsistence," we establish, as the law of social progress, the converse principle, that the pro- ductive power of a community tends to increase more rapidly than the number of the consumers. "We show this to be so physically, because every substance, animal or vegetable, on which man sub- sists, is capable of more rapid multiplication than himself; we show it to be so historically, because we observe that, in every, nation, in proportion to its progress in civilisation, the advance of wealth acquires increased ascendancy over that of population; and, m. examining the mode in which this result is worked out, we have traced it to principles of imiversal operation in the constitution of human nature. I venture to think that the account here given of the law of population relieves the subject of much 258 POPULATION AND CAPITAL. that is both perplexing to the intellect and repulsive to the feelings in the theory of Mr. Malthus. That theory has proved, from the first, a stumbliag-block to many persons who, without penetrating the fallacy of the argument, have felt a strong repugnance to conclusions which seemed to militate agaiast the harmony and wisdom of the Divine government, to depreciate the value of human life, and to cast a dispiriting gloom over the prospects of society. But the solution which dispels the phantom of Over- population (unless exceptionally brought about by the fault of human institutions) vindicates the designs of Providence from a grave impeachment, asserts the pre-eminent value of human beings even in an economical point of view, and sheds the bright colouring of hope over the onward path and destinies of our race. It shows, in regard to population, as in regard to industry, to capital, to trade, and other social operations, that the laws of Nature are self- regulating and self-suf&cing. It brings into clear light not only the non-necessity but the mischievous- ness of legislative iaterference, whether for the pur- pose of stimulating or of discouraging population. It connects the occurrence of disturbance and dis- order with human ignorance or perversity, and it adds another illustration to that law of harmony which pervades the whole fabric of society, as well as every other department of the government of the universe. Of the doctrine of population, which I have thus characterised, the lectures now concluded afford, I am well aware, but a feeble and imperfect outline. POPULATION. 259 Still I venture to think that the leading ideas which have been, however inadequately, laid before you, will be found not unworthy of your consideration. For my own part, I entertain a confident persuasion of their truth, and I believe that I have not over- rated their importance. THE END. London : A. and G. A. Spottiswoode, New-street-square. A CATALOGUE or NEW WORKS IN GENEEAL LITEEATUKE, fUBLJSIIED BY LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, and LONGMANS, 39, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. CLASSIFIED INDEX. Agriciilture and Rural Affairs. Bayldon on Valuing: RentB, etc. - - G Curd'B Letters on AiprlciUtare - - - 7 Cecira Stud Farm . - - - - 7 London's Encyclopsdia of Agriculture • 14 ,, Self-Instruction for Fanners, etc. 14 ,, (Mrs.) Lady's Country Companion 14 Low's Elements of Agriculture - - IS „ Domesticated Animsis - - -14 ArtSg Manufactures, and Architecture. Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine 6 „ On the Screw Propeller - Brande's Dictionary of Science, etc. Chevrenl on Colour - - - - Cresy's Encyclo. of Civil Engineering Eastlake on Oil Painting - - - Gwilt's Encyclopsdia of Architecture Jameaon's Sacred and Legendary Art ,, Commonplace Book Loudon's Rural Architecture - Moseley's Engineering and Architecture Bicharason's Art of Horsemanship - Steam Engine, by the Artisan Club Tate on Strength of Materials Ure's Dictionary of Arts, etc- Biography- BodeoBtedt and Wagner's Schamyl Brightwell's Memorials of Opie Bunsen'B Hippolytus ... Chesterton's Autobiography - Clinton's (Fynes) Autobiography - Cockayne's Marshal Turenne - Freeman's Life of Kirby - - - Haydon*B Antobiograpny, by Taylor Holcroft's Memoirs - . . HoUond's (Lord) Memoirs ■• Idrdner's Cabinet Cyclopiedla Mannder's Bio^aphlcal Treasury . Memoir of the Duke of Wellington Mem<^B of James Montgomery Merivale's Memoirs of (^cero Rusaell's Memohrs of Moore - Pages RuBBell's Life of Lord William Russell - 19 Southey'B Life of Wesley - - - 21 „ Life and Correspondence - 21 Stephen's Ecclesiastic^ Biography Taylor's Loyola , ,, Wesley .... Townsend's Eminent Judges - Watertou's AutobiographyandEssays - Books of General Utility, Acton's Modem Cookery Book Black's Treatise on Brewing Cabinet Gazetteer - ,f Lawyer Cusc'a Invalid's Own Book Hints on Etiquette Hudson's Executor's Guide „ On Making Wills Lardner'a Cabinet Cyclopwdia Loudon's Self Instruction „ Lady's Companion „ (Mrs.) Amateur Gardener Maunder's Treasurer of Knowledg;e ft Biographical Treasury - ,, SclenttficTreasury ,, Treasury of History ,^ Natural History Pocket and the Stud ... Pycroft's English Reading Reece'a M«alcal Guide - » . Rich's Companion to Latin Dictionvry Riddle's Latin DictionariCB Richardson's Art of Horsemanship Roget'a English Thesaurus Rowton's Debater - - . . Short Whist ..... Thomson's Interest Tables Traveller's library ... Webster's Domestic fSconomy - Willich'B Popular Tables - - WUmot'B Abridgment of Blackstone's Commeotaries * . . - . Botany and Gardening. Conversations on Botany ... Hooker's British Flora .... „ Gidde to Kew Gardens - 21 - 22 22 Londoii: l^rinted by M. AUson, Ivy Laoe, Fatemoater Row. . CLASSIFIED INBEX. Pages Llndler's Introduction to Botany • - 14 „ Theory of Horticnltnre - - 18 London's HortnsBritannicua - • 14 ,, (Mra.) AmateaT Gardener - 14 Self-Inatruction for Gardeners 14 EnCTclopoediaof TreesSE Shrubs 14 ,, Gardemoe; - 14 " „ Plants - -14 Rirers's Rose Amateur's Gnitte ? -10 Chronology. Blair's Chronological Tables . . - 6 Bunsen's Ancient Egypt ' ' ' ' 1 Haydn's Beatson's Index - - - - 10 Nicolas's Chronolo^ of History - - 13 Commerce and Merca.ntile Affairs. Atkinson^s Shipping^ Laws ■ - - 5 Francis On Life Assurance . - • 9 LocVs Sulor's Guide _ - - - 14 Lorimer'a Letters to aYoungMast^r Mariner 14 M'Calloch's Commerce and Navigation - 15 Thomson's Interest Tables . • - 32 Criticism, History, and Memraxs. Austin's Germany - • - - " 5 Balfour's Sketches of Literature - " 5 aialr'sChron.and Historical Tables - 6 Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - ' " 7 „ HippolytuB - - - - 7 Burton's History of Scotland - ~ 7 Chalybaeufl's Speculative Ptulosophy - 8 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul . - 8 Eastlake'a History of Oil Painting - 8 Erakine's History of India . . - g Francis's Annals of Ufe Asaunuice - 9 Gleig's Lelpsic Campaign • - - S3 Guroey's Historical Sbetchea - - - g Hamilton's DiscuGsions in Philosophy} etc. g Haydon's Autobiography, by Taylor - 10 Holland'a (Lord) Foreign Kenuiuscencea lo „ ., Whig Party - - 10 Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - - 12 Kemble'B Anglo-Saxons in England - IS Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopsedia - - 13 Uacanlay's Crit. and Hist. Essays - - 15 i. History of England . -15 ,* Speeches - - - - 15 Mackiutosh'a Miscellaneous Works - 15 I, History of England - - 15 M*Culloch's Geographical Dictionary - 15 Martineau's Church History - - - 16 Maunder's Treasury of History • - 16 Memoir of the Duke of WeUiugton - 23 Merivale's History of Rome - • - 16 ., Roman Republic - • - 16 Miliier's Church History ■ • . .16 Moore's (Thomas) Memoirs, etc. • - 17 Mure's Greek literature - - > 17 Ranbe's Ferdinand and Maximilian - .23 Rlch'a Companion to Latin Dictionary . 19 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - .19 Rogers's Essays from Edinburgh Review 19 Roget's English Thesaurus - . .19 Russell's (Lady Rachel) Iietters - - 19 ,. Life of Lord WlUIamBusBell - 19 St, John's Indian Archipelago - - 19 Schmitz'a Hlatory of Greece • - .20 Smith's Sacred Annals ' ' ' ' i\ Sonthey'sThe Doctor etc. - " " «! Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography - 21 ,, Lectures on French History - 21 Sydney Smith's Works - - - - 21 ' ,, Select Works - - 23 „ Lectnrea on Moral Philosophy 21 Taylor's Loyola ■ " " " " ^ Wesley . . • > - 22 ThirVwall's History of Greece - - - ^ Townsend'a State TVials " " " * H Turkey and Christendom " * " Si Turner'a Anglo-Saxons - - - - -4 „ Middle Ages . - - - 24 „ Sacred History of the World - 22 Zumpt's I^tin Grammar - - . - 34 Geography and Atlases. Butler's Geography and Atlases Cabinet Gazetteer ■- - - Durrieu's Morocco - - - Hall's Large Library Atlas - - - a Hughes's Australian Coloniea • - - 23 Jesse's Russia aud the War - •• - 13 Johnston's General Gaietteer - .12 M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary •- 15 „ Russia and Tnrker - - S8 Milner's Baltic Sea' ... - 16 Murray's Encyclopsedia of Geography . 18 Sharp's British Gazetteer - .30 Wheeler's Geography of Herodotus >• 34 Juvenile Books. Amy Herbert -...-. 20 Comer's Children's Sunday Book - •- 8 Earl's Daughter (The) - - . - 20 Ezpcrieiice of Idfe --••■. 2Q Gertrude -' - - - - - 20 Howitt's Boy'j Country Book - * .11 ,, (Mary) Children's Year - . 11 Katnarine Ashton ----- 20 Lady Una and her Queendom • - - 12 Laneton Parsonage - - • . 20 Mrs. Marcet's Conversations - - 15 & 16 Margaret Petdval - . - - . 30 Pycrof t's English Reading - - .19 Medicine and Surgery. Bull's Hints to Mothers „ Management of Children Copland's' Dictionary of Hedicioe CuGt'a Invalid's Own Book Holland's Mental Physiology - Latham On Diseases of the Heart . LJttle on Treatment of Deformities - 14 Moore On Health, Disiease, and Remedy • 17 Pereira On Food and Diet - - - IS Psychological Inquiries - • - . IS Recce's Medical Gmde - - • - 19 Miscellaneous and General Literature. Atkinson's Sheriff Law - - - 5 Austin's Sketches of Gennan Life - 5 Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses . - 3S Chalybaeus's Speculative Philosophy . 8 Defence of Bclipae of Faith - - _ g Eclipse of Faith - - - - a Greg's Essays on Political and Social I Science . , . ^ • TO Messrs. LONGMAN and Co.'s CATALOGUE. Hardo's Book of Dlgnttiea . - - 10 Hole's Essaj on Mechanics' InatUuttons 10 Holland's Mental Physiology - - - 10 Hooker's Kew Guide . - - - 10 Howitt'B Rural LUe of England - - 11 ,, Visits to Remarkable Places - 11 Jameson's Comtnoni>lRce Book - - 12 Jeffrey's [Lord) Coutrihutions - ' - 12 Last of the Old Squires - - - - IS Loudon's Lady's Country Companion - 14 MaCBulay's Critical and Histoncal Essajs 15 ,, Sueechea . . - _ 15 Mackintosh's (Sir J.) Miscellaneous Works 16 Memoirs of a Mattre d'Armes ' '• . 23 Maitland'ii Church in the Catacombs « 16 Pascal's Works, by Pearce - - - 18 Pycroft'B English Readine . - . 19 Rich's Companion to Latin Dictionary - \9 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries . - . 19 Rowton's Debater - - - - > l9 Seaward's Narrative of his Shipwreck - 20 Sir Roger De Coverley - - ■ 21 Smith's (Rev. Sydiiey) Works - - 21 Southey's Common-Place Books • -SI „ The Doctor etc. - - - 23 Souvestre's Attic Philosopher - - 23 ,, Confesgious of a Working Man 23 Stephen's Essnys - - - - . 21 Stow'a Traininu: System - - - 21 Thomson's Outline of the Laws of Thought 22 Townsend's State Trials - - . - 22 WiUieh'B Popular Tales - - . . 24 YoDge'B English Greek Lexicon - - 24 ,, Latin Gradus - - . - 24 Znmpt'B Latin Grammar . - . - 24 Natural History in General. Callow's Popular Concholog7 - - - 7 Ephemera and Young on the Salmon - 9 Go8se~'s Natural History of Jamaica - 9 Kemp's Natural History of Creation - 23 Kirby and Spence's Entomology - - 13 Lee's Elements of Natural Histoir -> 12 Maunder's Treasury of Natural History - 16 Turton's Shellsof theBrltishlslands - S4 Waterton'sEssays on Natural History - 24 Youatt's The Dog ----- 24 „ The Horse ... .24 l-Voliime Encyclopaedias and Dictionaries. Bl^ne's Rural Sports - - - • 6 Brande's Science, Literature^ and Art - 6 Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - - 8 Cresy's Civil Engineering - - - 8 Gwilt's Architecture - - - - g Johnston's Geographical Dictionary - 12 London's Agriculture - - - • 14 J , iCural ArcMtecture ' - - 14 , f Gardening . - . . 14 ,, Plants . - ... 14 „ Trees and Shrubs • - - 14 U'Cnlloch's Geographical Dictionary • 15 J, Dictionary of Commerce - 15 Murray' sKncvcIopsdia of Geography - 17 Sharp's Britisn Gazetteer - . .20 (Jre's Dictionary of Arts, etc.- - -24 Webster'sDomesticEconomy - - 24 Religions and Moral Works. Am^ Herbert - - > - - . 20 Atkinson on the Church - - - - 6 Bloomfie Id's Greek Testnments . _ 6 n Annotations on ditto - - 6 Pages Calvert's Wife's Manual - - - 7 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul - - 8 Corner's Sunday Book . - - . 8 Dale's Domestic Liturgy - - - 8 Defence of Eclipie 0/ Faith - - - 9 Discipline _ _ . _ . . 8 Karl's Daug'hter (The} - . - - 20 Eclipse of Faith - . - - . g ICnglishman's Greek Concordance - • Q ,, Heh. and Chald. Concord. g Experience of Life (The) - - - 20 Gertrude - - • - - • 20 Harrison's Light of the Forge - - 10 Hook's (Dr.) Lectures on Passion Week io Home's Introduction to Scriptures - n M Abridgment of ditto - " 11 HulbertonJoh • - • - ~ M Jafnesou'B Sacred Legends . . - n „ Monastic Legends - - * n ,1 Legends of the Madonna - n Jeremj; Taylor's Works - - - - 12 Katharine Ashton • - - - "20 Kippis's Hymns ----- 12 Lady Una and h^r Quecndom - - 13 Lanetou Parsoange ----- 20 Letters to My Unknown Friends - - 12 f, on Happinesa - - - - 13 Litton's Churcn of Christ - - - 14 Maitland's Church in the Catacombs - 15 Margaret Percival - - - - 20 Martineau's Church History - - jfi Milner's Church of Christ - - - IC Montgomery's Original Hrmna - - If; MooreOn the Use ofthe Body . - 17 If ' ,, Sonl and Body - - 1/ „ 's Man and hia MotiveB- - - 17 Mormonism ------ 23 Neale'a Closing Scene - - - - 18 ,f Resting Places of the Just - - 17 (, Riches that bring no Sorrow - I7 ,, Risen from the Ranks - - - 17 Newman's (J. 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