CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DS 53.R4T68 
 
 Rhodes in ancient times. 
 
 3 1924 028 550 980 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
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 PREFACE. 
 
 Much light has been thrown in late years on the ancient 
 condition of Rhodes. Some three hundred and fifty inscrip- 
 tions have been found in the island since Hamilton found 
 the first in 1837, and these have been published in collections 
 of inscriptions and in the various archjeological journals. 
 Large numbers of statuettes, vases, coins, gems, etc. have 
 also been found there within the last thirty years, chiefly in 
 the excavations on the sites of lalysos and Camiros and of 
 some town near the modern village of Siana ; and the finest 
 of these may be seen in the British Museum, the Louvre, 
 and the Berlin Museum. But no complete statement has 
 yet been attempted of the results derived from these new 
 materials as well as from those previously accessible. 
 
 Apparently the only modern works dealing with the sub- 
 ject are these. Meursius, Rhodus, 1675, contains about two- 
 thirds of the passages from the classics that bear on the 
 subject, and also one inscription found at Brindisi. These 
 passages are heaped together without regard to their relative 
 value, and sometimes with amusing forgetfulness of their 
 contexts ; and the references are very vague. Paulsen, Com- 
 mentatio exhibens Rhodi descriptionem Macedonica CBtate, 18 18, 
 is thorough : but it is very brief and deals mainly with 
 T. R. b 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 political affairs. Rost, Rhodus, 1823, is careless and fragmen- 
 tary. Menge, Vorgeschichte von Rhodus, 1827, is accurate but 
 slight. HeffUr, Die Gotterdienste auf Rhodus im Alterthume, 
 1827 — 1833, and Specielle Geographie der Insel Rhodus, 1830, 
 are thorough : but their subjects are just those on which the 
 inscriptions have since thrown most light. Rottiers, Descrip- 
 tion des momiments de Rhodes, plates 1828, text 1830, contains 
 some remarks on the ancient history of the island, but the 
 plates are almost all of its mediaeval ruins. Hamilton, 
 Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus and Armenia, 1842, Ross, 
 Reisen auf die griechischen Inseln des dgdischen Meeres, vols. 
 III. and IV., 184S and 1852, and Newton, Travels and Dis- 
 coveries in the Levant, 1865, contain the first accurate accounts 
 of the ancient remains and inscriptions in Rhodes. Hamilton 
 travelled there in 1837; Ross in 1843 and 1845; and Mr 
 Newton resided there for the greater part of 1853. fiu&in. 
 He de Rhodes, 1856, deals mainly with the island itself and 
 only incidentally with its ancient history. Berg, Die Insel 
 Rhodus, 1862, touches lightly on the ancient history: but the 
 text is throughout subordinate to the illustrations, many of 
 them very good. Liiders, Der Koloss zu Rhodus, 1 865, exhausts 
 its subject and much else. Schneiderwirth, Geschichte der Insel 
 Rhodus, 1868, deals mainly with political affairs and treats 
 them very thoroughly : but relies entirely upon the classics 
 for material. Salzmann, Ndcropole de Camiros, 1875, contains 
 sixty chromolithograph plates of objects found in the excava- 
 tions at Camiros between 1858 and 1865. The text was 
 not published owing to Salzmann's death. Biliotti et Cottret, 
 L'lle de Rhodes, 1881, briefly sketches the ancient condition of 
 the island. The chapters on the topography and ruins are 
 creditable ; but it is to be feared that many of M. Biliotti's 
 facts have been sacrificed to the Abb6 Cottret's eloquence. 
 The Admiralty Charts of Rhodes Island and of Mediterranean 
 
PREFACE. VU 
 
 Archipelago (south sheet) are admirable maps of the island 
 itself and of its neighbourhood. Heffter promised a history 
 of Rhodes, but did not keep his promise. And a great work 
 on the island by Professor Hedenborg was said to be ready 
 for the press five and twenty years ago ; but he is dead and 
 it has not appeared. 
 
 The illustrations of this volume have been taken, as far as 
 possible, from antiquities found at Rhodes which have not 
 previously been published. 
 
 I gladly acknowledge the kind encouragement and advice 
 that I have received throughout the course of my work from 
 Mr A. S. Murray of the British Museum. It is only just to 
 add that his advice has often been neglected, and that he is 
 not responsible for the faults of this book. 
 
 CECIL TORR. 
 
 19, Old Buildings, 
 Lincoln's Inn. 
 
NOTE ON REFERENCES. 
 
 Inscriptions are cited by number from the following collections : — 
 B. = Boeckh, Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 
 ■'^ F. = Foucart, Inscriptions in^dites de I'lle de Rhodes, in the Revue 
 Arch^ologique for 1865, 1866, and 1867. 
 K. = Kirchhoff and Koehler, Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. 
 L. B. = Loewy, Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer. 
 L._U. = Loewy, Unediertes aus Rhodos, in the Archaologisch-epi- 
 graphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich for 1883. 
 N. = Newton, The collection of ancient Greek inscriptions in the 
 British Museum. 
 R. A. = Ross, Archaologische Aufsatze, Inschriften von Lindos. 
 R. H. = Ross, Hellenica. 
 R. I. = Ross, Inscriptiones Graecse Ineditae. 
 W. = Le Bas and Waddington. Inscriptions Grecques et Latines 
 recueillies en Grece et en Asie Mineure. 
 W. F.=Wescher and Foucart, Inscriptions recueillies k Delphes. 
 
 Inscriptions are cited by the page and by the year or volume from the 
 following periodicals ; — 
 
 A. Z.= Archaologische Zeitung. 
 B. C. H. = Bulletin de Correspondance Hell^nique. 
 J. H. S.=Journal of Hellenic Studies. 
 M. = Mnemosyne. 
 
 M. I. A. = Mittheilungen des deutschen archaologischen Institutes in 
 
 Athen. 
 Rev. A. = Revue Arch^ologique. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. Topography i 
 
 II. Public Affairs 6 
 
 III. At Sea 31 
 
 IV. On Shore 53 
 
 V. The Gods 73 
 
 VI. Art 93 
 
 VII. Learning up 
 
 VIII. Legends 139 
 
 Index 153 
 
LIST OF PLATES. 
 
 Plate i To face Title. 
 
 A. Gold box, from Camiros, actual size. A. a. Its lid, with relief 
 of Eros. Pollux says (ix. 7) that in the game of i^iavrikiy^m one 
 player made a noose with two cords, and the other had to dis- 
 entangle the cords by a thrust from a little stick without letting 
 the stick be caught in the noose. See Becq de Fouquiferes, Les 
 jeux des anciens, 2nd Ed. pp. 294 ff. A. b. Its foot, with relief 
 of Thetis. B. Gold reel, provenance unknown, actual size. 
 C. Chalcedony intaglio, from Camiros, actual size. On it, a 
 stork with antlers. See Aristotle, Poetics, xxvi. 10, on does with 
 antlers in paintings. D. Alabaster box, from Camiros, two- 
 thirds of actual size. The gold box. A, with another exactly 
 like it now in the Louvre, and the gem, C, were found in the I 
 alabaster box, D, in the tomb at Camiros which contained the ' 
 vase painted with Peleus and Thetis published by Mr Newton ' 
 in the Fine Arts Quarterly Review for 1864, in. p. i. See pp. ^ 
 115, Ii6. I 
 
 Plate 2 . ' To face page 1 
 
 Plan of the City and Island of Rhodes. 
 
 Plate 3 To face page 58 
 
 Bronze weapons, from lalysos, one-third of actual size. The 
 knives A and B and the sword blade D have nails for attach- 
 ment of handle. The knife F retains its ivory handle. See page 
 108. 
 
PLATES. xi 
 
 Plate 4 To face page 76 
 
 Bronze figure of a bull, from Rhodes and probably from Mount 
 Atabyros, extreme height 6i inches. Part of the tail and- the 
 lower part of the left fore leg and of both hind legs are restored 
 in the drawing. Bronze figure of Helios, provenance uncertain, 
 extreme height 5 J inches. See pp. 75, 76. 
 
 Plate 5 To face page 112 
 
 Terra-cotta " Melian " relief, from Camiros, actual size. Faint 
 traces of black, white, red, yellow and blue paint. See page 113. 
 
 Plate 6 To face page \\Z 
 
 A. Terra-cotta hydria, from Camiros, extreme height 13^ inches. 
 Dull orange coloured clay, decoration in black with white and 
 purple accessories, details marked by incised lines. A. a. Its 
 upper frieze. A terra-cotta amphora, from Camiros, extreme 
 height 23I inches, bears the panels B. a. and B. b. on either side. 
 The panels are orange coloured with decoration and details as 
 in A: the body of the vase is black. For other vases with 
 Heracles and Geryon, see Klein, Euphronios, pp. 28 ff. and Mr 
 Cecil Smith in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1884, pp. 
 176 ff. For other vases with Heracles and Cycnos, see Mr Percy 
 Gardner in the Journal of Philology for 1877, pp. 215 ff. and 
 Plates A and B. See pp. 114, 115. 
 
 The above plates, except the second, are from drawings by Mr Robert 
 Elson from antiquities in the British Museum. • 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 The Island of Rhodes lies in the Mediterranean off the 
 south-western angle of Asia Minor. Its greatest length is 
 from N.E. by N. to S. W. by S. and is about 49 English miles: 
 its greatest breadth at right angles to this is about 2 1 English 
 miles. 
 I A chain of mountains runs along the length of the island 
 1 with many spurs on either side. A mountain about the middle 
 \i[ the chain rises 4070 feet above the sea, and overtops 
 (the rest by some 1300 feet: this must be the Atabyros of 
 ijthe ancients, for it was the highest mountain there'. On the \ 
 'top are the ruins of the temple of Zeus Atabyrios, and a little 1 
 flower down in a hollow are those of another temple, probably 1 
 
 I of Athene. J 
 
 The City of Rhodes stood at the north end of the island. 
 
 There a long point of land runs out toward the mainland, 
 
 fsome twelve miles distant. The harbours were on the eastern 
 
 (side of this point, about a mile from the end. On the western 
 
 jside also about a mile from the end rose the Acropolis, a 
 
 'long hill running nearly parallel to the shore and shewing an 
 
 abrupt front to it, while descending gradually on the other 
 
 side in terraces toward the harbours. The northern was the 
 
 Little Harbour, and the southern the Great Harbour. Each 
 
 opened to the north, and had the shore on the west and south 
 
 and a mole on the east. The mole of the Little Harbour 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 655. 
 T. R, I 
 
2 RHODES. 
 
 was about 500 yards, and that of the Great Harbour about 
 300 yards in length. The Greek masonry remains in the 
 lower courses of each. A spit of land sheltered the Little 
 Harbour from northerly winds, while the Great Harbour was 
 exposed to them. As the harbour Acanias was exposed 
 to northerly winds' it may have been the Great Harbour 
 under another name. In late times a rhetorician talks of 
 three harbours : one fitted for receiving ships coming from 
 Ionia, another for ships from Caria, another for ships from 
 Egypt, Cypros and Phcenicia". This third harbour was 
 probably to the south of the others, and like them open to 
 the north with the shore on the west and south and a mole 
 on the east. Some remains suggest that this mole ran to the 
 Khatar Rocks about 600 yards out. Starting from the east 
 side of the point just north of the harbours the city walls 
 crossed to the west side and followed the coast to the north 
 end of the Acropolis : they next ran along the seaward edge 
 of the hill and then leaving its south end made a wide circuit 
 across the point reaching the east side some way to the 
 south of the harbours. At the south end of the Acropolis 
 its highest point, the walls are of poorer work and later dati 
 than elsewhere. The finding there of a dedication' to Zeu 
 Atabyrios has probably fixed the site of his temple. Mith 
 ridates tried to surprise it because the wall near it was weak 
 No other site within the city has been fixed. The temple o 
 Isis was near the walls by the sea°. The temple of Dionyso; 
 and the Deigma were in the lowest part of the city near thi 
 sea, the temple of Asclepios was a little higher up, and thi { 
 Theatre higher again and near the walls^ The positions ol 
 the other public buildings are unknown. There are remain^ 
 of a stadium, of several temples and other buildings, of roads) 
 and a bridge, and of many tombs. \ 
 
 Lindos stood near the middle of the east coast of the ' 
 island. A promontory there breaks at the end into several 
 small bays : two of these formed the harbours and the city 
 
 1 Aristotle, p. 973. < Appian, de bel. Mith. 26. 
 
 - Aristeides, p. 341. ^ lb. 27. 
 
 ' N. 346. » Diodoros, XIX. 45, xx. 98. 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 3 
 
 lay between them. The harbour to the north is exposed to 
 S. E. gales, the worst on that coast, but the small harbour to 
 the south is well sheltered by high rocks. An abrupt hill 
 rising some six hundred feet from the sea at the end of the 
 city was the Acropolis. At its highest point and on the very 
 edge of the cliff toward the sea are the ruins of a temple 
 marked by its position' as that of Athene Lindia ; and near 
 them those of another temple, perhaps of Zeus Polieus. The 
 entrance to the Acropolis seems to have been by a passage 
 carried up through the hill from an opening at its base 
 , toward the city. On the southern slope of the hill are some 
 rock-cut seats belonging to a theatre ; and close by the ruins 
 af another temple. There are many tombs in the rising 
 ground on the other side of the city. 
 
 The cities of Rhodes and Lindos still exist : their har- 
 bours have saved them. The other ancient places in the 
 Island have perished, and the sites of few of them are known 
 vith certainty, 
 lalysos was on the west coast, about nine miles from the 
 lorth end of the island". By the shore are the remains of a 
 luole: perhaps at the ancient harbour, Schedia^ On the 
 Dther side of the city rose its Acropolis, Ochyroma'', a long 
 evel hill nearly two miles from the sea. There is a pillar 
 bearing a decree ° of the men of lalysos that the decree 
 tself and certain other matters be engraved on three stone 
 pillars, and the pillars be set up, one in the temple of Alec- 
 trona, another at the entrance for people coming from the 
 ity, and the third on the way down from the city Achaea. 
 his pillar was found on the slopes of Ochyroma some way 
 [from any ruins, and apparently in its original place: so it 
 [must be the third of these. The city Achaea is thus Ochyroma 
 under another name. Ergeias" hints this when he plays on 
 the word Ochyroma (ox'jp'u/J.a.) in talking of " the very 
 strong {ox'JpojTaTri) city called Achaea." 
 
 Camiros was also on the west coast about twenty miles 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 655. •■ Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 655. " N. 349. 
 
 3 Dieuchidas, Fr. 7. " Ergeias, Fr. i. 
 
 I — 2 
 
 
 I 
 
4 RHODES. 
 
 from the north end of the island. A little cape close by is 
 probably Mylantia', and the ruins of a mole by its side mark 
 the ancient harbour. From this harbour the city ran inland 
 rising with the ground along a series of terraces to the 
 Acropolis, the highest point of the hill and about half a mile 
 from the shore. The tombs are on the landward side of this 
 hill and in the valley below. There is a pillar bearing a 
 decree" of the men of Camiros that the pillar be bought and 
 certain matters be engraved thereon, and the pillar be set in 
 the temple of Athene and fastened there with lead. The 
 finding of this pillar in some rums on the Acropolis has fixed 
 the site. j 
 
 A hoard of coins of Astyra was found among some ruins' 
 between the modern villages of Archangelo and Malona. 
 As these coins bear Rhodian types, this Astyra was probably 
 in or near the island, and this may be its site. The har- 
 bour Thermydron was near Lindos'. Ixia or Ixiae was tc 
 the south of Lindos", and had a harbour*. Some consider ' 
 able ruins, including a mole in the bay between capes Istros ' 
 and Vigli, may mark its site. Mnasyrion was also in the 
 south of the island®. Netteia was probably near the moderrf 
 village of Apolakia, for an inscribed pillar' that once stood in' 
 a temple at Netteia was found not far from there. The late' 
 excavations near the modern village of Siana shew that there 
 was a large and wealthy town there from early times. This' 
 may be Cretenia : it lay below Mount Atabyros^ Places 
 called Hippoteia and apparently Angyleia and Roncyos are' 
 mentioned in an inscription" found near the modern village' 
 of Embona as if they lay near its original site, which wa^ 
 presumably in that neighbourhood. Near the modern village 
 of Tholo are remains of a temple shewn by inscriptions"' 
 found there to be that of Apollo Erethimios ; and close by 
 are traces of a small theatre. Cyrbe was in the district of 
 
 1 Stephanos, s. v. JiUXmHa. « Str.ibo, p. 655. 
 
 ^N. 35.. ' J. H.S.iI.p.'354. 
 
 3 Apollodoros, u. 5. 8 Stephanos, s. v. Kpr)Ti]vla. 
 
 * Strabo, p. 655. •■> B. C. H. iv. p. 138. 
 
 ' Stephanos, s. V. 'I^iat. " R. I. 276, 277. R. H. 43, 44. 
 
TOPOGRAPHY. 5 
 
 lalysos ; and in the plain, for it was overwhelmed by a 
 flood'. Near the city of Rhodes was the sacred plain called 
 Elysion'; and perhaps the fountains Esos and Inessa°. The 
 Thoanteion was the headland just opposite the group of 
 islands round Chalce^ The headland of Pan was on the 
 coast between lalysos and Camiros^ 
 
 The names of some other places may be inferred from 
 
 tlieir ethnics which occur in inscriptions. The places whose 
 
 ejthnics were Argeios, Brasios, Bulidas, Camyndios, Cattabios, 
 
 Cfclasios, Ladarmios, CEiates, Pagios and Pedieus, were in the 
 
 Iterritory of Lindos; as also was Netteia, whose ethnic was 
 
 J ^ett^das^ The places whose ethnics were Amios, Amnistios, 
 
 J \stypalseeus, Brycuntios, Brygindarios, Casareus, Diacrios, 
 
 ! Dryites, Erinaeus, Istanios, Neopolites, Pontoreus, Rynchidas 
 
 ,nd Sibythios were probably not in the territory of Lindos ; 
 
 ut there is nothing to shew the position of any of these, 
 
 xcept that Rynchidas may be the ethnic of Roncyos. 
 
 1 Diodoros, V. 57. * Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 ^ Etymologicum Magnum, s. v. *E.\u- ^ Ptolemy, Geographia, V. 3. 
 
 Irioi/. « N. 357. K. I. 226, 235, &c. 
 5 Vibius Sequester, de fontibus. 
 
II. 
 
 PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 
 
 The Rhodians, when history began, were Greek by race! . 
 Earlier settlers in the island had been absorbed or expelled 
 and the whole people called themselves Dorians and claimed 
 Argos for their parent stated In most of the .^gean islands 
 there was but a single city ; but in Rhodes there were three/ 
 and it was called the island of three citie s — T/otVoXt? vaao's — 
 just as Crete was called the island of a hundred cities. These 
 Rhodian cities were I-inHn s. lalysos and Camiros . Then 
 were large towns as well, as the ruins and remains of tha' 
 age shew; but the three cities alone governed the island anc 
 its possessions. With Cos and Cnidos they formed a religious 
 league, the Doric Pentapolis , holding a temple in common on 
 the Triopian Cape. Halicarnassos had once belonged to this 
 league, then the Doric Hexapolis; but it had been expelled 
 in very early times, and the other Dorian cities near had 
 always been excluded ^ From this religious l eague arose a 
 pol itical alliance main ly directed against the alien states o n 
 the mairiland, but there is no trace of joint action here like 
 tliat of the twelve Ionian cities further north that formed the 
 Ionic Dodecapolis'. 
 
 The Greek cities on the mainland were taken by Cyros in 
 ^46 B.C. Rhodes and the other islands has as yet nothing 
 
 1 Thucydides, VII. 57. ' Dionysios of Halicarnassos, IV. 25. 
 
 2 Herodotos, I. 144. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 7 
 
 fear, for the Persians could not then command the Phoe- 
 
 cian fleet and had none of their own'. But this security did 
 
 bt endure for many years, and Rhod es was among the con - 
 
 nests of Dareios" . There was a Persian party in the island ; 
 
 fi was natural among a rich commercial society of f fi t ^ rrVianLs , 
 
 ffho valued sec urity above liber ty, and wealthy men, like 
 
 imocreon, with a taste for court life. Leaders of this party 
 
 I'ere exiled, but there is no record of resistance to the Persian 
 
 leet in 490 B.C.". The Persians levied troops for the present 
 
 ind took hostages for the future*; and ten years later there 
 
 vere Rhodian seamen in the fleet of Xerxes on its way to 
 
 Salamis". After the battle Themistocles came down to 
 
 Rhodes with the Athenian fleet, and restored its independ- 
 
 ;nce°. 
 
 The Greek islands were soon after united against Persia 
 Q the Confederacy of Delos. At first it was an alliance of 
 jidependent states with Athens at their head; but as time 
 ent on most of the allies found foreign service irksome, and 
 istead of fitting out ships paid their cost over to the Athe- 
 ians who suppIFed them: and thus they put themselves at 
 le mercy of the Athenian fleet. When the pplj^pr^nnPtJ^n 
 /ar broke out in 4^1 B.C. nearly allJJlP is1ands-o.£-^Egeaa^ 
 
 id Rhodes among the m, \^^A fallpn into the. Athenian Em- 
 
 ire'. So firm was the grasp of Athens on Rhodes that on 
 ie Sicilian Expedition (415 B.C.) she forced the Rhodians to 
 :rve not merely against their Dorian kinsmen of Syracuse 
 it against their own colonists, the men of Gela'. 
 
 The struggle between Athens and Sparta proved for the 
 
 hodians mainly a question of democracy and oligarchy. In 
 
 le age of the despots Cleobulos had ruled at Lindos and 
 
 amagetos at lalysos'; but that was long past, and probably 
 
 j^emocracy had now been established for many years. There 
 
 Vas, indeed, a strong oligarchic party in the island; but at 
 
 1 Herodotos, i. I43, 174. " Timocreon, Fr. i. 
 
 2 ^schylos, Persffi, 891. ' Thucydides, I. 99, n. 9. 
 
 3 Timocreon, Fr. 3. ° lb- vii. 57. 
 
 « Herodotos, VI. 99. ' Pausanias, IV. 24; Plutarch de ei 
 
 5 Diodoros, XI. 3. Delph. 3. 
 
8 RHODES. 
 
 the beginning of the war Athens had driven Dorieus and 
 others of its leaders into exile'. Thus when Chios, Cnidos 
 and many other states of the Aigean revolted from Athens 
 in the summer after the disaster at Syracuse, Rhodes for the 
 time remained faithful. But in the autumn (412 B.C.) Dorieus 
 came down to Cnidos with twelve ships and put pressure on 
 the Rhodian merchants by capturing the trading vessels tha* 
 touched at the island on their way from Egypt. The Athe- 
 nians soon stopped this, and then cruised off the coast with 
 twenty ships to keep the enemy in check. But by the end of 
 the year their squadron had been beaten off, and a Spartan 
 fleet of ninety-four ships had assembled at Cnidos. The oli- 
 garchic party in the island asked the aid of this fleet ; and the 
 admirals were ready to give it, as they hoped to raise men 
 and money at Rhodes under an oligarchy. So in the early 
 days of 411 B.C. the fleet appeared off Camiros. The popu- 
 lace knew nothing of the negotiations and took to flight from 
 their supposed enemies. The people of the three cities were, 
 however, soon after called together, and the arguments or the 
 ships of the Spartans persuaded them formally to revolt from 
 Athens. The Athenians at their head-quarters at Samos hac 
 heard what was doing and came down with their fleet to stoj 
 the revolt. They appeared in the offing when it was just toe 
 late, and after a stay at Chalce went back to Samos. Rhode: 
 paid dearly for her new oligarchy. The Spartans levied 32 
 talents {£7680) on the island, and though their fleet stayec 
 idle there for nearly three months, they did not even protec 
 the coast. The Athenians were allowed to make Chalce, a: 
 island within five miles of Rhodes, their base of operations 
 and from there they came over to ravage the country, oncu 
 landing in force and defeating the Rhodians in battle when' 
 they came out to protect their fields. At last the Spartan 
 fleet moved ofl", and the Athenian followed itl The Rhodians 
 being thus left to themselves tried to revolt from Sparta; but 
 Dorieus came down with thirteen ships to keep them in order 
 
 1 Xenophon, Hell. i. 5; Pausanias, = Thucydides, vni. ,=., 41 ., ,, 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 9 
 
 and stayed till the winter'. After that there was no further 
 attempt at revolt. In 407 B.C. Alcibiades ravaged the island 
 and carried off vast supplies for the Athenian forces. On 
 taking over the Spartan command that same year Lysander 
 (requisitioned ships at Rhodes, and the year after his successor 
 did the like. Lysander was again there with the whole 
 Spartan fleet just before .^Egospotamoe (405 B.C.), and at the 
 end of the war in 404 B.C. Rhodes remained in the power of 
 Sparta ^ 
 
 f Meanwhile the ancient cities of Lindos, lalysos and Camiros 
 [had joined in founding (408 B.C.) the city of Rhodes, and had 
 'surrendered to it the government of the island'. Though the 
 icities had always acted in concord, they had been separate 
 states — for example, they had separately joined the Confeder- 
 Ijicy of Delos, for there was a dispute about the tribute payable 
 luo Athens by Lindos* — and they remained separate states, 
 imach with its senate and commons, in the days of the Roman 
 teZmpire. The Rhodians, who had hitherto been at the mercy 
 bf the strongest fleet in the ^gean, found formidable means 
 irpf defence in the fortifications of the great city; and the 
 (Rapidly increasing wealth and power that enabled them to. 
 [found it soon allowed them to have a policy of their own. \ 
 I After the war the annoyances inflicted by Sparta through 
 the oligarchy led the Rhodians to set the example of revolt 
 in 395 B.C. A Spartan fleet of 120 ships was lying in the 
 harbours of the great city; but this was driven out, and Conon 
 who came up with an Athenian fleet from Caunos was allowed 
 to enter. Next year Conon utterly defeated the Spartans off 
 Cnidos, and thereby freed the Rhodian democracy from any 
 danger from abroad. The revolt had been so unexpected 
 that a convoy of corn coming from Egypt for the Spartans 
 had sailed into harbour without suspicion and been captured". 
 Some coins shew that an alliance, presumably for maintaining 
 independence, was now formed between Cnidos, lasos, 
 
 ' Xenophon, Hell. I. i ; Diodoros, ' Diodoros, XIII. 75. 
 
 XIII. 38, 45. * Uarpocralion, s.vv. direinetv, &c. 
 
 2 lb. Hell. I. S, 6, II. I ; Diodoros, " Diodoros, XIV. 79. 
 
 XIII. 6g, 70. 
 
lO RHODES. 
 
 Ephesos, Samos and Rhodes. The leaders of the oligarchic 
 party who were expelled at the revolt found their way tc 
 Sparta, and urged on the government the danger of allowJ 
 ing a great island like Rhodes to be ruled by a democracy 
 pledged to Athens. A Spartan squadron was at length sent, 
 over— the first that had ventured across the ^gean sinci) 
 the defeat at Cnidos : but when it arrived oiif Rhodes (39c 
 B.C.) the admiral found the democrats carrying all before 
 them ashore and afloat, and cruising with a squadron twice 
 as large as his own. After a time the Spartan squadron 
 was made up to 37 ships and then gave some support tc, 
 the oligarchic party. The Athenians were alarmed, and 
 next year Thrasybulos was sent out with forty ships. He 
 did not go straight to Rhodes, thinking he could not easily 
 damage the oligarchic party, as they held a fort and had thd: 
 Spartan squadron there to help them; while the democrat;! 
 held the cities and had defeated their opponents in battle, and; 
 so could be in no need of support'. — There is another versiorVj 
 of these events. The year before the Spartan ships camt 1 
 over, the oligarchic party had risen against the democrac^ I 
 and seized the great city, while the democrats retired to a fort ; 
 The oligarchy had then defeated the democrats in battle witl 
 great loss and proscribed the fugitives ; and after that hac 
 sent to Sparta for aid as a rising was expected ^ The forme) : 
 version is on the better authority. — The fleet under Thrasy S 
 bulos came down to Rhodes after his death (389 B.C.) ancf 
 gave some aid to the democrats, but the Spartan squadron 
 was off the island most of that year, and returned again the 
 nextl The Peace of Antalcidas in 387 B.C. must have put an 
 end to this civil war: its result is not known, but the oligarchy 
 was in power a few years later. The Persian party of a cen- 
 tury before was not yet wholly extinct, for it was believed at 
 Athens in 380 B.C. that if the Persians got a really firm hold 
 on the Greek cities on the mainland ceded to them at the 
 Peace of Antalcidas, Rhodes would throw in her lot with 
 them*. But when the new Athenian Confederacy was formed 
 
 1 Xenophon, Hell. IV. 8. 3 lb. xiv. 99. Xenophon, Hell. v. i. 
 
 2 Diodoros, xiv. 97. * Isocrates, p. 75. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. II 
 
 in 378 B.C. the Rhodian democrats at once expelled the oli- 
 garchy and joined Athens'. 
 
 This Confederacy, like that of Delos a century before, 
 began in alliance on equal terms but soon tended to Athenian 
 empire. Rhodes was now too powerful to submit. Thus 
 when Epaminondas hoped to make Thebes a naval power 
 (363 B.C.), the Rhodians readily assented to his plans^ At 
 last Byzantion, Chios, Cos and Rhodes formally seceded 
 (357 B.C.) from the Confederacy on the pretext that Athens 
 had designs on them. Mausolos of Halicarnassos for his own 
 ends urged them on, and supported them against Athens'. 
 The Athenians at once made war on the seceding states, and 
 sent out an expedition to Chios where the allied forces had 
 assembled. There was an action on shore without result, but 
 the Athenian fleet was repulsed in an attack on the harbour 
 and the expedition retired. After this the allies with their 
 fleet of a hundred ships sailed about as they pleased, plunder- 
 ing the Athenian islands. At length Athens made an effort 
 to finish off the war, and fitted out sixty ships to join sixty 
 others already at sea. These went up to besiege Byzantion, 
 but the allied fleet followed and overtook them in the Helles- 
 pont. A general action was stopped by a storm. One of the 
 Athenian admirals tried to attack, but the other two did not 
 support him as they thought the sea too rough; and the 
 affair ended in nothing. The pugnacious admiral was then 
 incautious enough to fight a battle for a rebel Persian satrap 
 against the king's forces. It was soon rumoured that the 
 king would reply by joining the allies with a fleet of 300 ships. 
 The Athenians therefore thought it well to make peace, and 
 recognised the secession of the states. The war had lasted 
 three years*. 
 
 Mausolos used the influence acquired through his support 
 during the war to establish an oligarchy at Rhodes''. But 
 when he died and was succeeded by his widow, Artemisia, the 
 Rhodians with unwarranted contempt for a woman as a ruler 
 
 1 Diodoros, XV. 28. K. U. 17. « Diodoros, xvi. 7, 21, 22. 
 
 2 lb. XV. 79. ^ Demosthenes, p. 191. 
 ' Demosthenes, p. 191. 
 
12 RHODES. 
 
 ejected this oligarchy and tried to seize Hah'carnassos. Arte 
 misia by a stratagem seized Rhodes instead'. She reinstate! 
 the oligarchy, and secured it by executing the democrat! 
 leaders and stationing a Carian garrison in the Acropolis 
 The Athenians in spite of the late war gave the Rhodians a 
 least diplomatic aid; partly out of sympathy with democracy 
 but chiefly in their own interest. They thought that if th 
 Egyptian revolt against Persia prospered, Artemisia wouh 
 hand over Rhodes to Egypt; and if the revolt failed, th 
 island would remain an outpost for her suzerain the Persiai 
 king: and Rhodes in the power of either Persia or Egyp 
 would be a standing menace to Greek freedom. Besides, the} 
 fancied that if Athens shewed herself in earnest, neither Arte 
 misia nor the Persian king would care to fight^ It is noi 
 known when or how Artemisia's troops were driven out: bu' 
 the fact is certain, for her successor, Idrieus, had to seize the 
 place afresh a year or two later (346 B.C.)'. But in a few 
 years Rhodes was again free and had no more troubles frorr 
 this source, for Caria and Persia itself were soon after crushec^ 
 by Macedon. 
 
 On the first advance eastward of the Macedonians, Rhode; 
 joined Athens and other Greek cities in forcing Philip tc 
 raise the siege of Byzantion (340 B.C.)*. Six years latej 
 when Alexander the Great marched through Asia Minor, the 
 Persian fleet (then commanded by a Rhodian admiral) kepi 
 the islands from him. But during the siege of Tyre teri 
 Rhodian ships came to assist him^ and upon its capture iri 
 332 B.C. Rhodes formally submitted^ A Macedonian garriil 
 son was placed in the city. Alexander next year promised 
 to withdraw it', but it was still there when he died. On 
 hearing of his death in 323 B.C. the citizens expelled it, and 
 declared themselves again independent^ Alej^anderhad 
 greaUy advanced Rhodes, and her most famous age now 
 
 ' Vitruvius, ii. 41. « Quintus Curtius, iv. 5 ; Justin, XI. 
 
 2 Demosthenes, pp. 190 — «oi. 11. 
 
 ' lb. p. 63. ' lb. IV. 8. 
 
 4 Diodoros, xvi. 77. » Diodoros, xviii. 8. 
 
 ^ Arrian, Anabasis, 11. 20. 
 
' PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 1 3 
 
 ebegan : she was no longer merely an equal of Chios or 
 .(Byzantion, hiif i;h f Jxal^naval power of the -fEgean'. 
 i I In the wars between Alexander's successors it was no 
 [Jfeht thing to maintain independence or even neutrality. The 
 aJJ-hodians easily repelled an attack by Attalos'' ; but they had 
 yniiore to fear from Antigonos, the strongest and nearest of 
 i^hese kings. At first they declined to join him in attacking 
 [jCassander, though allowing him to have ships built at 
 [(Rhodes : but when he made the freedom of the Greek cities 
 ([3 pretext for the war, they became his allies (312 B.C.), and 
 3|fitted out ten ships of their own ; and in the end some degree 
 ,of freedom was given to Athens'. But they could not risk a 
 J, war with Ptolemy, for tVip bul k of their revenue cameJ mm 
 )| dues on the tra ding vessels running to Egypt, and most„of 
 ii t heir s up plies^ we re drawn thence] Solvfien Antigonos sent 
 jhis son DemetrioB FoUorcetes to ask their alliance against 
 I Ptolemy they refused it, saying their policy was universal 
 . neutrality. While observing this policy in their public acts, 
 I they betrayed their sympathy with Egypt ; and Antigonos, 
 fearing they would join Ptolemy during the war, forced a 
 crisis by sending a squadron to plunder the Rhodian trading 
 vessels on their way to Alexandria, The traders, however, 
 refused to be plundered, and beat off his men of war. Upon 
 this he charged the Rhodians with beginning a war without 
 provocation, and prepared to invade them. They did not ^ 
 want to fight. They decreed various honours to Antigonos, 
 and sent envoys to point out that they had treaties of amity 
 with Ptolemy. Then, finding that Demetrios was actually 
 marching against them, they granted the alliance. But 
 Demetrios now required them to give a hundred of their 
 chief men as hostages and admit his fleet to their harbour. 
 This suggested some design on the city and negotiations 
 were broken off. Still, even after he had landed on the island, 
 they treated again before the fighting began ; but without 
 resulf*. On finding war inevitable, they allied themselves 
 with Ptolemy of Egypt, Cassander of Macedon and Lysi- 
 
 ^ Diodoros, XX. 81. ' Diodoros, xix. 57, 58, 77. 
 
 ^ Arrian, de rebus successorum, 39. ' * lb. xx. 46, 81, 82. 
 
14 RHODES. 
 
 machos of Thrace, who had been for some years in albancj 
 against Antigonos'. Thg political relations of Rhod egjyit 
 R ome seem to have beg iUL.aJaout-tlM»4i«ie ^ 
 
 Demetrios Poliorcetes landed in the spring of 304 B.« 
 without opposition, and established a camp and harboi' 
 near the great city. His assaults were at first mainly directe' 
 against the harbours. The city was for a time in grave peril 
 but at last the Rhodian sailors inflicted such damage on th( 
 floating siege-engines that attacks by sea were abandoned 
 and with them all hope of starving out the garrison. Afte 
 this the Rhodian cruisers cut off the invaders' supplies, whilf 
 provisions were thrown into the city by Ptolemy, Cassande 
 and Lysimachos, and reinforcements came in from Egyp 
 and Crete. Some months were now spent in building th( 
 Helepolis and other engines for the assaults by land. Witl 
 these the walls were breached, and the decisive action wai 
 fought in the very streets of the city. But at the end of ; 
 year Rhodes was still untaken^ 
 
 Mediation had already been attempted by Cnidos ant 
 then by Athens and many other Greek states. But now 
 Antigonos directed Demetrios to make peace ; and Ptolemy 
 who was the mainstay of the defence, advised the Rhodian< 
 to accept any reasonable terms. A treaty was soon mad( 
 on the mediation of the ^tolian League, or else of Athens 
 The terms were these : Rhodes to be an ally of Antigono 
 against all his enemies except Ptolemy, and (probably) excep 
 Cassander and Lysimachos : a hundred hostages for this to 
 be chosen by Demetrios from the citizens, but no one holding 
 office to be named : Antigonos to respect the independence 
 and revenues of Rhodes, and to place no garrison in the| 
 city^ I 
 
 The Rhodians had now proved their power, and they 
 used it skilfully. Though most states were seeking alliancd 
 with them, they bound themselves to none : even with Rome 
 
 ' Diodoros, xx. 84. « lb. xx. 95, 99; Plutarch, Deme- 
 
 ^ Polybios, XXX. 5. trios, 22. 
 
 ^ Diodoros, XX. 82—88, 93—98. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 1$ 
 
 their treaty was merely of friendship and equality*. They 
 were thus at liberty to take either side in a dispute, and 
 strong enough to turn the scale in most wars. Few states 
 Tailed to conciliate their favour with gifts, and become in 
 Isome sense their tributaries^ When the city was shattered 
 by a great earthquake about 227 B.C. the immense gifts sent 
 by Ptolemy of Egypt, Seleucos of Syria, Hiero and Gelon 
 of Sicily, Prusias, Mithridates and the other sovereigns of 
 Asia Minor, Antigonos of Macedon and by independent 
 cities without number shewed the width of Rhodian influ- 
 ence^ But it was not the policy of this commercial people 
 to take any active part in the quarrels of other states : they 
 seldom fought unless their home or their trade was threatened ; 
 and not then if the danger could be averted by diplomacy. 
 They interfered in 220 B.C. in the interests_oOrade_whenjthe 
 Byzantines began to jevy^u^s on the exports from the Black 
 Sea to Greece. War was not declared till remonstrances, 
 backed by preparations for war, had failed. Even then the 
 Rhodians employed very few ships, and no troops. But they 
 incited Prusias of Bithynia, who had grievances against the 
 Byzantines to advance on the Bosporos. Byzantion met this 
 by an alliance with Attalos of Pergamos and with Achseos, an 
 independent sovereign in Asia Minor who could invade the 
 dominions of Prusias or the Rhodian possessions on the main- 
 land. The Rhodians thereupon fell back on negotiations 
 and left Prusias to carry on the war alone. Meanwhile they 
 obtained from Ptolemy the release of Andromachos, the 
 father of Achaeos, who was then a prisoner at Alexandria ; 
 and so won over the strongest ally of Byzantion. The 
 negotiations soon after ended in a treaty binding the Byzan- 
 tines not to levy the dues*. Some years later, when Eumenes 
 of Pergamos tried to blockade the Hellespont during a war 
 with Pharnaces of Pontos, a Rhodian squadron stopped him 
 without actual fighting". Again, Rhodes supported Sinope, 
 another commercial city, against the kings of Pontos. When 
 
 ' Polybios, XXX. 5 ; Dio Cassius, ^ Polybios, v. 88—90. 
 
 Fr. 161 ; Livy, xlv. 25. ' lb. m. -2, IV. 46— S2. 
 
 2 Diodoros, XX. 81. '^ lb. xxvii. 6. 
 
l6 RHODES. 
 
 Mithridates attacked the place in 220 B.C. the Rhodians vot^ 
 140,000 drachma (;£'S,6oo) to purchase supplies for the de 
 fence'; and when Pharnaces captured it in 182 B.C. they sen 
 envoys to the Roman Senate to complain": but in neithe 
 case did they fight. Some of the ships fitted out for thf 
 war with Byzantion in 220 B.C. were sent to assist Cnossos it 
 Crete against Eleutherns, another Cretan city ; and Eleu 
 thernje replied by threatening reprisals and then declaring wa 
 against Rhodes'. In sending these ships the Rhodians seen 
 to have abandoned their policy of neutrality. It may b 
 that they had a defensive alliance with the Cnossians, and i 
 is notable that the first reinforcement thrown into Rhode 
 during the great siege came from Cnossos* : but probabi 
 there ^»rag ^, fjnp<;tinn of piracy. Sixt een year s_l ater sev e: 
 
 pirate^ips were fitted out by t he Cr^ans, and Rhodes m g^ 
 >var onHBehalf of the tra ding~w"orld ". Piracy in general fKe 
 RHo3iar[S~put down Tinheir own interest °, and they alsc 
 stopped pillaging by belligerents. When Demetrios of Pharo: 
 began plundering the Cyclades in 219 B.C., they drove him o: 
 without involving themselves in the war'. 
 
 The advance of Macedon under Philip V seemed to thi 
 Rhodians to threaten more than their trade. They fanciec 
 that if that great monarchy became closely involved in the 
 politics of Greece proper, it would be a standing menace tc 
 their liberty. So, when the Macedonians marched down intc 
 southern Greece in 208 B.C. Rhodes joined Chios, Athens and 
 Egypt in sending envoys to arrange a peace. For over twc 
 years these Rhodian envoys urged peace on Philip, followin§ 
 him about on his marches, and getting from him nothing but 
 civil and evasive answers. They also met the Romans 
 who were now in active war with Macedon. At last they 
 gained their point : Philip made peace (205 B.C.) with his 
 Greek enemies, and soon after with the Romans*. The' 
 
 ' Polybios, IV. 56. u lb. xx. 81. 
 
 2 lb. XXIV. 10; Livy, XL. 2. ' Polybios, IV. 16, 19. 
 
 3 lb. IV. 63. 8 lb. V. 24, 100; Livy, xxvii. 30, 
 * Diodoros, XX. 88. xxviii. 7. 
 
 5 lb. xxvii. 3. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 1/ 
 
 elnodians suspected the king's sincerity, and readily believed 
 liisj admiral Heracleides when he appeared at Rhodes as a 
 euppliant saying he had been dismissed for dissuading his 
 lln4ster from a war against Rhodes, and gave up despatches 
 tjr^m Philip to the Cretans urging them to carry through 
 I heir war with the Rhodians. But as soon as the wind suited 
 Ifiis purpose, Heracleides set fire to the dockyard and went off 
 (jn a boat. Philip disclaimed the act, but did not dismiss his 
 gfdmiral'. In 201 B.C. the Macedonians crossed into Asia 
 lifVIinor and began to seize the independent cities. Rhodes 
 Ifind Pergamos at once reported this at Rome. The Senate 
 ItTeplied that it would attend to the matter, but referred the 
 ilitnilitary question to the consuls ; and nothing was done^. 
 jMeanwhile Philip had taken Cios; and while his envoys at 
 jRhodes were proclaiming that as a proof of goodwill to the 
 jRhodians their master would not harm the Cians, news came 
 jin that he had razed the city and sold the people into slavery^ 
 (After this Rhodes did not hesitate, and Pergamos and 
 |Byzantion soon joined her in declaring war against Macedon. 
 It was now known that Philip was allied with Antiochos of 
 ijSyria for the conquest of Egypt and the division of its 
 (Possessions* : so great Rhodian interests were at stake. 
 ij Macedonian squadrons attacked Chios and Samos while 
 jPhiHp with the main body of his fleet blockaded Pergamos, 
 thinking the allies would come too late to save the city, if 
 {they came at all. But Theophiliscos the Rhodian admiral, 
 who was almost the only man that felt himself a match for 
 Philip, prevailed on the allies to sail at once instead of wait- 
 ing till their preparations were complete ; and the blockade 
 was raised. The Macedonian fleet slipped away to join the 
 squadron at Samos before the engagement, but it was over- 
 taken in the Straits of Chios and forced to fight there. The 
 allies, though vastly outnumbered, were stronger in ships of 
 the largest size and far superior in seamanship ; and they had 
 the best of the action. Thinking, however, that Attalos the 
 
 ' Polybios, XIII. 4, 5; Polyaenos, v. ^ Polybios, xv. 23. 
 
 jy. * Livy, x.KXi. 14. 
 
 ■ Livy, XXXI. 2. 
 
 T. R. 2 
 
1 8 RHODES. 
 
 king of Pergamos had been killed when his ship went ashol 
 they lost heart and did not follow up their advantage. S1| 
 they destroyed half Philip's fleet, while their own loss ^| 
 slight'. The remains of the Macedonian fleet went soutt 
 followed by the Rhodians alone, and another action w| 
 fought off Lade near Miletos. The Rhodian ships sheerd 
 off one by one, and their station at Lade was left in the han.| 
 of the enemy'. While the Rhodian fleet retired to Cc 
 Philip marched through Caria, seizing the Rhodian cities 
 the mainland. But the approach of winter forced him 
 recross the Hellespont. Here the allies made their fatj 
 blunder in failing to cut off his retreat with their fleet! 
 they might then have secured the liberty of Greece withoJ 
 aid from Rome. After allowing him to retire to Thrace 
 prepare for another campaign, they could merely sail over 
 ^gina and induce the Athenians to join them in the wJ 
 After this the Rhodian fleet went round the islands af 
 brought them all over to the alliance except three whj| 
 were held by Macedonian garrisons ; and then went ho^ 
 for the winter. Next spring (200 B.C.) Philip secured 1k| 
 passage of the Hellespont by taking Abydos. The Rhodf^ 
 fleet moved up to Tenedos to observe ; but a single ship froil 
 this fleet and 300 men from Attalos were all the reinforcemenf 
 sent to the unfortunate city, though the allies could easHj 
 have raised the sieged The Rhodians were now hesitatiri 
 about the war, and readily listened to an embassy from tbl 
 Achaeans in the interests of peace. They had reported il 
 Rome the designs of Philip and Antiochos on Egypt and ii 
 possessions* ; but Rome had so far contented herself wi<j 
 blunt speeches to Philip from her ambassador. When 
 Roman squadron at last arrived in the Peiraeus, they sent uij 
 only three ships to join it. But when this squadron hai 
 taken Philip's stronghold of Chalcis in Euboea, and Romal 
 ambassadors had arrived at Rhodes to advocate war^ thej 
 'shewed more spirit and sent up twenty ships to join the) 
 
 1 Polybios, XVI. ■2—9. <> Appian, de reb. Macedon, 3. 
 
 = lb. XVI. 15. 6 Polybios, XVI. 35. 
 
 ' Livy, XXXI. 14 — 17. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 1 9 
 
 °iomans. These were used as a squadron of observation on 
 
 'lae Macedonian fleet during 199 B.C., but went home early for 
 '^be winter as there was no fighting. Next year Flaminius 
 '""rrived in Greece and the war was pushed on with more 
 
 'igour. The twenty Rhodian ships joined the Pergamene 
 '''"nd Roman squadrons ; and the fleet thus formed, after some 
 '"liccesses in Euboea, toolc Cenchreae, the port of Corinth, 
 
 ^hile Corinth was itself besieged'. During the siege most 
 'Hf the Achaean cities declared against Philip, and in the 
 "' Vinter he was treating for peace. But the negotiations fell 
 through, and in 197 B.C. Flaminius utterly defeated him at 
 •'tynoscephalae. The Rhodians had meanwhile retaken their I 
 ""cities on the mainland captured by Philip in 201 B.C. Their' 
 'general Pausistratos invaded Caria with about 3000 mer- 
 ''cenaries and defeated the Macedonians, who were in nearly 
 "■equal force, at Alabanda, taking the phalanx in flank and 
 'Inflicting great loss. But he did not follow up his victory, 
 %nd spent time in occupying outlying posts and villages 
 "instead of marching at once on Stratoniceia, the chief fortress 
 'of the country. He thus gave time for the garrison to 
 ^recover from its panic and the remains of the Macedonian 
 'forces to come in, and found the place too strong for him^ 
 .'Peace was concluded in 196 B.C., but a year later a Rhodian 
 ssquadron went to help the Roman and Pergamene in putting 
 down Nabis of Sparta, who was still holding out^ 
 
 In the abortive negotiations for peace before Cynoscephalee 
 Philip offered to restore to the Rhodians the Peraa — the 
 itract comprising their ancient possessions on the mainland — 
 but refused the rest of their claims. These were for the 
 evacuation of the Carian cities and of Sestos and Abydos 
 on the Hellespont : for the freedom of all the markets and ' 
 ports in Asia Minor : and for the restoration to Byzantion 
 of its subject state Perinthos^ When the negotiations were 
 referred to Rome the Rhodian envoys went further and sup- 
 ported the general demand of the Greeks that Philip should 
 
 ' Livy, XXXI. 18, 22, 28, 46, 47, ' lb. xxxiv. 26. 
 
 XXXII. 16, 23. * Polybios, XVII. 2, 6; Livy, XXXII. 
 
 ■^ lb. XXXIII. 18. 33, 35- 
 
 2 — 2 
 
20 RHODES. 
 
 give up 'the three fetters,' Chalcis, Corinth and Demetrias', 
 This support by the Rhodians of claims that did not concern 
 them very closely and their refusal of the restoration of 
 the Peraea alone mark their altered policy : nojonger nigrely 
 to securethecityandJUljade,_bul^^ 
 
 to'^overn~th rGreeirdtie s_ofAMa-Mi -^^ ^^^ treaty of 
 
 peaceTir79§^C. the Carian cities that Philip had occupied 
 were granted to the Rhodians who now held most of them, 
 But the Romans did nothing to carry out the treaty as 
 regards Stratoniceia, which the Rhodians had not yet takeii, 
 and it was Antiochos of Syria who obtained the place for 
 Rhodes". 
 
 During the war (197 B.C.) Antiochos had moved up along 
 the south coast of Asia Minor with his fleet to support Philip 
 and had taken many of the coast towns. The Rhodians saw 
 the danger of allowing his forces to unite with the Mace- 
 donians, and their envoys told him in his camp before Cora- 
 cesion that he must not pass the Chelidoniae by sea or by 
 land ; and that their fleet and army would stop him if he 
 tried. These islands were chosen as an ancient boundary 
 fixed by Athens and Persia. This bold message was put in 
 civil terms, and the king gave a civil answer that he purposed 
 no injury to them or their allies, offering at the same time to 
 renew the treaties between Syria and Rhodes. Just then news 
 came of the defeat of the Macedonians at Cynoscephalae, so 
 the Rhodians saw no further need for the present of opposing 
 the advance of Antiochos. They merely helped the cities 
 threatened by him, sending information of his movements 
 to some and auxiliaries to others". -The war did not begin k, 
 earnest till 192 B.C. At first the Rhodians had little share * 
 it : their squadron was too late for the defeat of the Syrial 
 fleet by the Roman and Pergamene off Cyssos in 191 B.6, 
 and merely joined in blockading the enemy at Ephesos'. 
 They sent out thirty-six ships under Pausistratos in good time 
 
 ' Appian, de reb. Macedon, 6. jo. 
 
 2 Polybios, XXXI. 7; Livy, xxxiii. ■> Livy, xxxvi. 45; Appian, de reb. 
 
 18, 30. Syria, 22. 
 ' Polybios, xviii. 24; Livy, xxxiii. 
 
PUELld AFFAIRS. 21 
 
 next year. These were surprised in harbour at Samos through 
 the treachery of the Syrian admiral Polyxenidas, a Rhodian 
 exile ; and only seven ships escaped, while Pausistratos himself 
 was killed. Twenty fresh ships were sent out in a few days, 
 and these joined the Romans at Samos, and went with them 
 to make a demonstration off Ephesos. Polyxenidas did not 
 respond, and there seemed so little chance of further fighting 
 that some of the Rhodian ships were detached to act as 
 convoys*. A descent on Patara, the metropolis of Lycia, 
 was now planned, with the double object of capturing the 
 ships fitting out there for Antiochos, and of setting free the 
 Rhodian forces employed in defending their possessions on 
 the mainland against the Lycians. Some Roman and Rhodian 
 ships came down from Ephesos, picked up others at Rhodes 
 and sailed for Patara. A storm prevented them from making 
 the harbour and they ran for shelter to Phcenicos : there 
 they had a struggle to keep off the citizens and some Syrian 
 troops, and so went on to Telmessos. After this miscarriage 
 the design on Patara was given up. Later on the main body 
 of the Roman fleet was brought down to seize the place ; 
 but after getting as far as Loryma, just opposite Rhodes, the 
 admiral found an excuse for going backl Meanwhile the 
 Syrians had laid siege to Pergamos. The Roman and Rhodian 
 fleet moved up to Elsea to support the city, and then to 
 Adramyttion when that place was threatened: but the 
 Syrians retired, and the fleet returned to Samos. During 
 this siege Antiochos offered to treat for peace, and the 
 Rhodians were ready to come to terms, but Eumenes of • 
 Pergamos utterly refused and the matter ended'. The fleet 
 coming up from Syria under Hannibal was now expected. 
 The Rhodian ships at Samos went home to wait for it ; but 
 were sent on with the others, thirty-six in all, first to Phaselis, 
 which was untenable for fever, and then to the mouth of 
 the Eurymedon. Hannibal soon came up with forty-three 
 ships, most of them larger than his opponents'. In the 
 
 1 Livy, xxxvil. 9—14; Appian, de * Polybios, xxi. 8; Livy, xxxvii. 
 
 teb. Syria, •24, 25. 18 — 21. 
 
 ' lb. XXXVII. 15 — 17. 
 
22 RHODES. 
 
 action the Rhodians at first fell into confusion in forming, 
 but as soon as they were fairly engaged, the better build of 
 their ships and their seamanship told, and more than half the 
 enemy's fleet was disabled. They could not follow up their 
 victory as most of their rowers were weak after the fevers. 
 Hannibal went on to Patara, and a Rhodian squadron lay off 
 there to prevent a junction with Polyxenidas. The Romans 
 would have nothing more to do with Patara, though the 
 Rhodian admiral was ordered to use all his influence to bring 
 them there'. The operations round Ephesos soon after ended 
 in the decisive action off Myonnesos. The Syrian fleet of 
 eighty-nine ships under Polyxenidas engaged the allied fleet 
 of eighty ships, — twenty-two of them Rhodian and the rest 
 Roman. At first the S5'rians were likely to outflank the 
 Romans, but the Rhodians threw part of the enemy's line 
 into confusion, and then the Romans broke through and took 
 it in the rear. In the end nearly half the Syrian fleet was 
 sunk, burnt or taken. The Rhodian squadron next went to 
 the Hellespont to help in transporting the Roman troops 
 into Asia, and then went horned Scipio soon after defeated 
 Antiochos with a loss of fifty thousand men at Magnesia. 
 Polyxenidas, seeing that the war was over, retired from 
 Ephesos and sailed as far as Patara ; but hearing there that 
 a Rhodian squadron was cruising near Megiste, he left his 
 ships and continued his retreat overlandl By the treaty of 
 peace Antiochos gave up his fleet, and the Syrian ships at 
 Patara, to the number of fifty, were burnt there by the 
 Romans'*. 
 
 After the defeat of Antiochos Rhodian envoys arrived in 
 Rome and were received with honours second only to those 
 granted to Eumenes of Pcrgamos. The Rhodians asked for 
 the independence of the Greek cities in Asia Minor, intendinf.. 
 to be first their patrons and afterwards their sovereigns ; while' 
 Eumenes, who was already the sovereign of some of them 
 and had designs on the rest, of course opposed this. They 
 
 1 Livy, xxxvn. 22 — 24; Appian, de reb. Syria, 27. 
 
 leb. Syria, 22, 28. s lb. xxxvij. 45. 
 
 2 lb. XXXVII. 29—31; Appian, de * lb. xxxviii. 39. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 23 
 
 also asked for the independence of Solce, with a view to getting 
 a hold on Cilicia; but did not press the claim. The Senate, 
 by way of compromise, granted Lycia and Caria as far as the 
 Mzeander to the Rhodians and the rest of the dominions of 
 Antiochos west of IVIount Tauros to Eumenes: and confirmed 
 the independence of all the Greek cities of Asia Minor that 
 had paid tribute to Antiochos except those that had previous- 
 ly been tributaries of Pergamos. Ten commissioners went 
 over to Asia Minor to settle the details\ The treaty of peace 
 made upon their report in 189 B.C. excepted Telmessos from 
 the grant of Lycia to Rhodes, the Romans having meanwhile 
 seized the place and given it to Eumenes^ When the Carians 
 and Lycians were thus handed over to Rhodes, their relations 
 with her were not clearly settled; and while they sent envoys 
 suggesting an alliance, she sent comrnjssioners to regulate 
 their affairs^ A war followed; and when the Lycians were 
 beaten they complained at Rome of Rhodian oppression. 
 The Senate pointed out to the Rhodians that by the records 
 of the ten commissioners the Lycians were to be their friends 
 and allies, and not their slaves. On hearing this the Lycians 
 took up arms again and seem to have been fighting for the 
 next three years. The Rhodians thought the Senate had 
 been misled and sent envoys to Rome to argue the point*. 
 
 Rhodes now became somewhat estranged from Rome. 
 The growth of Roman power in the East clearly threatened 
 Rhodian independence, and a strong party in the island held 
 that the true policy for the Rhodians was to support the other 
 states of the East against Rome, and if necessary to oppose her 
 themselves. Thus when Perseus, the young king of Macedon, 
 married Laodiceof Syria, the bride was escorted to hernewhome' 
 by the Rhodian fleet, which had been fighting a few years be- 
 fore against the Macedonians and Syrians : and then there were 
 ostentatious manoeuvres of the whole of this fleet as a hint to 
 the Romans^ The estrangement of Rhodes from Pergamos, 
 
 1 Polybios, XXI. 14, xxii. 1—7; xxxviii. 38, 39. 
 Livy, xxxvn. 52 — 56; Diodoros, xxix. ' Polybios, xxiii. 3. 
 
 11; Appian, de reb. Syria, 4+. ' lb. xxvi. 7, 8; Livy, XLI. 6, 25. 
 
 2 Polybios, xxn. 26, 27; Livy, » polybios, XXVI. 7. 
 
24 RHODES. 
 
 the firm ally of Rome, had begun in the contest for Asia Minor. 
 Then the attempt of Eumenes to blockade the Hellespont 
 during his war with Pharnaces was an interference with com- 
 merce that a Rhodian squadron had checked almost by force. 
 Moreover, Pergamene troops ostensibly sent to assist the 
 Rhodians against the Lycians had been plundering in the 
 Pera;a\ At last when Eumenes brought on the war between 
 the Romans and Perseus in 171 B.C., his sacred- embassy to 
 the festival of Helios at Rhodes was turned back^ and he was 
 violently attacked by a Rhodian envoy before the Roman 
 Senate. In this attack the envoy shewed too much sympathy 
 with Perseus, and another was sent to protest the fidelity of 
 Rhodes to Rome. But the Roman legates who were then in 
 the island to renew the treaties of friendship, reported that the 
 people were wavering'. A strong partizan of Rome, however^ 
 just then became head of the Rhodian government, and deter- 
 mined its policy for a time. Further legates who came from 
 Rome to secure the assistance, or at any rate the neutrality, of 
 a fleet of forty ships then fitting out at Rhodes, went back 
 convinced that the people could be trusted. Envoys sent by 
 Perseus to suggest that the Rhodians might arrange terms of 
 peace and if necessary enforce them, were dismissed with an 
 answer that though Rhodes desired peace she could not en- 
 danger her friendship with Rome. Five Rhodian ships were 
 .sent to the Roman admiral when he asked for them. His 
 request had not been forwarded by the proper official, and the 
 anti-Roman party fixed on this irregularity to cast doubts on 
 the authenticity of the despatch : not doubting it them.selves, 
 but wishing to shew the Romans that Rhodes would not go 
 out of her way to help them. The ships soon returned as 
 there was no fighting*. As the war dragged on and was more 
 and more mismanaged by the Roman commanders, the Rho- 
 dians declared themselves more plainly; and it became noto- 
 rious in Rome that parties were now nearly evenly balanced 
 in the island. But the Senate ignored this, and confirmed the 
 
 1 Polybios, XXV. 5, xxvii. 6. <> Polybios, xxi'ii. 3, 4, 6 • U\y 
 
 " Appian, de reb. Macedon, 9. XLU. 45, 46, 56. ' ' ' 
 
 ' Livy, XLII. 14, 19, 26. 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 25 
 
 treaty of friendship with the Rhodians in i5g^.C. without 
 remark, and also gave thenii£asieJ;a_ex£ort_corn from Sicily. 
 But the Consul Quintus Marcius very curiously hinted to a 
 Rhodian envoy at his camp that Rhodes might arrange a 
 peace, as she was the power from whom an offer of mediation 
 could best come; and privately asked him to mention the 
 matter at home. Rhodes soon after offered to mediate be- 
 tween Egypt and Syria, who were now at war, but nothing 
 was then done as to Rome and Macedon\ The Consul's 
 request came to the ears of the anti-Roman party and con- 
 firmed their opinion that Rome was unequal to the task before 
 her. They went so far as to inform Perseus, who was now in 
 alliance with Genthios of Illyria, that they were ready to join 
 him in the war. Envoys from these kings were received with 
 marked honour at Rhodes; and after a stormy debate on their 
 proposals for an alliance against Rome, the anti-Roman party 
 carried the day. Rhodian envoys were sent to Perseus and 
 the Consul at the seat of war and to the Roman Senate^ 
 Before the Senate they spoke as a superior power, saying they 
 had determined to put an end to the war in the interests of 
 commerce and would attack any state that declined their 
 mediation". The Consul was even more angry than the 
 Senate when the Rhodians arrived with their message a few 
 days before the battle of Pydna, but he merely said he would 
 answer in a fortnight*. After his victory the envoys who 
 were still in Rome were sent for by the Senate. Their chief 
 calmly said they had desired peace in the best interests of 
 Rome, and now had only to congratulate the Romans on their 
 glorious victory. They at once retired without waiting for an 
 answer, but the Senate replied by a despatch pointing out the 
 facts °. 
 
 The blunder of the Rhodians lay less in their action against 
 Rome than in the time of taking it. Had war followed then, 
 they could perhaps have destroyed several Roman fleets 
 
 1 Polybios, xxviii. ■2, 14, 15, 19; ^ Livy, xLIV. 14; Diodoros, XKX. 24; 
 Appian, de reb. Macedon, 15. Dio Cassius, Fr. 159. 
 
 2 lb. XXIX. 2, 4, 6; Livy, XLIV. 23, * Uvy, XLIV. 35. 
 
 ig. " Polybios, XXIX. 7; l-ivy, xlv. 3. 
 
26 RHODES. 
 
 before they submitted; but they might have checked the east- 
 ward advance of the Romans for many years, had they joined 
 Perseus while he was still successful. It was believed at 
 Rome that the suggestion of mediation to the Rhodians by 
 the Consul Quintus Marcius was intended simply to make 
 them commit themselves^ Some Roman legates now refused 
 to touch at the island on their way to Egypt, and went to 
 Loryma on the mainland instead. The Rhodians at last per- 
 suaded them to cover over, and on a hint from one of them 
 ordered the execution of all who had spoken or acted against 
 Rome during the war. Many had anticipated this decree by 
 flight or suicide, but it was carried out as far as might be''. 
 At Rome a Praetor would have proposed to the people a war 
 against Rhodes, had not a Tribune of the Plebs very irregu- 
 larly pulled him down from the rostrum. This Tribune then 
 introduced to the Senate some further envoys from Rhodes 
 who had previously been refused audience and ordered to 
 leave the city. The senators who had served in the war were 
 bitterly opposed to Rhodes, and she would have fared badly 
 had not Cato taken her part. He reminded them that Rhodes 
 had not actually taken up arms, and could not in any case be 
 blamed for protecting her independence'. In the end the 
 Senate cancelled the treaty of friendship with the Rhodians 
 and ordered them to evacuate those parts of Caria and Lycia 
 granted them after the war with Antiochos. Their admiral 
 came over next spring (167 B.C.) to negotiate a treaty of 
 alliance now that a treaty of friendship was out of the question, 
 for they thought it necessary to determine their relations with 
 Rome even at the cost of fettering their policy for the future. 
 Meanwhile they put down a revolt of Caunos, Mylassos and 
 Alabanda, fearing that if they lost Caria and Lycia their other 
 possessions would revolt or be seized by the neighbouring 
 states; but the negotiations at Rome for the treaty hindered 
 them from crushing the rebels*. An order for the evacuation 
 
 1 Polybios, xxvni. 15. Cataline, 51. 
 
 " Livy, XLV. 10; Dio Cassius, Fr. ^ Polybios, xxx. 4, 5 ; Livy, XLV. 
 
 '^°- -20— 25; Dio Cassius, Fr. i6i. 
 
 3 Aulus Gellius, VI. 3; cf. Sallust, 
 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 2/ 
 
 of Caunos and Stratoniceia was then obtained from the 
 Roman Senate by those cities, and the Rhodians who were 
 still anxious for the success of the negotiations, obeyed. The 
 alliance was refused for the present, but was granted a year 
 later (164 B.C.) chiefly through the influence of Tiberius 
 Gracchus. Rome had deprived the Rhodians of Caunos and 
 Stratoniceia as well as of the territory she had herself granted 
 them twenty-five years before ; and also of all return for their 
 sacrifices in putting down the revolts in Lycia and for the 
 money spent there. She had also damaged them indirectly 
 by proclaiming Delos a free port to divert trade from the 
 island. None of these measures were withdrawn, though a 
 year later the Rhodian claims to private property in Lycia 
 and Caria were allowed by the Senate and the city of Calyd- 
 nos was permitted to exchange Caunos for Rhodes as its 
 sovereign. But the power of the island was not broken, 
 though it suffered in repute'. 
 
 Rhodes had been on good terms with Crete during the war 
 between Perseus and the Romans, sending envoys in 168 B.C. 
 to the several Cretan cities as well as to the assembled Cretans 
 to renew their treaties of friendship. A dozen years later 
 Rhodes declared war against the Cretans as pirates : but 
 some reverses reduced her to despondency, and she sought 
 foreign aid. The Achseans were inclined to assist her, but 
 could do nothing without the consent of Rome. The Romans 
 would do nothing decided, and the most that the Rhodian 
 admiral could obtain from the Senate (153 B.C.) was an offer 
 of mediation. Meanwhile the Rhodians had probably dropped 
 the war, for some of the ships they had fitted out for it went 
 in 154 B.C. to assist the Pergamene fleet against Prusias". 
 
 The reputation of Rhodes was restored by her resistance 
 to Mithridates. The king easily occupied the whole of Asia 
 Minor (88 B.C.) but his progress southward by sea was stopped 
 at Myndos by the Rhodians. His fleet was the stronger, but 
 the ships were badly built and the sailors no match for their 
 opponents ; and he was completely defeated'. When the 
 
 ' Polybios, XXX. ip.xxxi. 1,7, 16,17. " Memnon, Fr. 31; Appian, de bel. 
 
 2 lb. XXIX. 4, xxxui. II, 14, 15. civ. iv. 71, 
 
28 RHODES. 
 
 Romans were shortly afterwards massacred throughout Asia 
 Minor by his order, the few that escaped found refuge at 
 Rhodes. The great city was at once prepared for a siege, and 
 was soon attacked. The Rhodian fleet was almost surround- 
 ed when it went out to oppose the landing of the enemy and 
 had to retire without fighting; and in the small engagements 
 that occurred during the siege it gained only slight advan- 
 tages. Following the example of Demetrios, Mithridates 
 pitched his camp close to the city and made his first attacks 
 by sea. The citizens repulsed these and destroyed the float- 
 ing siege-engines: they baffled an attempt to surprise the 
 harbours and the Acropolis by a night attack : and at last they 
 forced the king to raise the siege'. Next year Rhodes sup- 
 plied LucuUus with three ships when he went round to stir 
 up the allies of Rome, and then with some part of the fleet 
 •with which he gained successes in 85 B.C. off Lectum and 
 again off Tenedos^ At the peace (84 B.C.) the Rhodians 
 received some reward from Sulla for their fidelity to the 
 Romans': probably the confirmation of their title to Caria 
 and Lycia, for Caunos was in revolt against Rhodes soon 
 after*. When Mithridates renewed hostilities with the Ro- 
 mans, twenty Rhodian ships served against him at the siege 
 of Heracleia'. 
 
 Rhodes next became involved in the party politics of 
 Rome. The leaders of the Civil War were well known in the 
 island; but the people merely desired to be on the winning 
 side and did not follow either party very eagerly. Pompey 
 was popular for his campaign against the pirates in 67 B.C., in 
 which many Rhodians had served under him^; and when he 
 raised forces in the East in 49 B.C. to oppose Caesar, Rhodian 
 ships formed one of the squadrons of his fleet. This squadron 
 was wrecked in the Adriatic, and Caesar then gained some 
 favour by sending the survivors of the crews safe home'. 
 There were also Rhodian troops among Pompey's forces at 
 
 1 Appian, de bel. Mith. 24—27. s Memnon, Fr. 50. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Lucullus, 2,3. 6 Florus III 6 
 
 3 Appian, de bel. Mith. 61. 7 c^,„; je bei. civ. ,11. 5, ^6, «. 
 
 * Strabo, p. 651. ..> 1 / 
 
PtTBLIC AFFAIRS. 29 
 
 Pharsalos. After the battle Pompey himself escaped from 
 Lesbos on Rhodian ships'; but when some of his party came 
 to Rhodes, the people sent them off, thinking it was high time 
 to change sides. When Caesar crossed to Egypt soon after 
 this, it was with ten Rhodian ships^ One of these deserted on 
 the way, but the rest did all the hardest fighting at the cap- 
 ture of Alexandria. Their admiral was afterwards lost with 
 his ship in an action off the Canopic mouth of the Nile, but 
 the others went on with Caesar to his African campaign ^ 
 After Caesar's death the Rhodians fitted out ships for Dola- 
 bella in 43 B.C., but refused any to Cassius; saying, when he 
 pressed his demand, that they would be no parties to a civil 
 war and had merely intended the ships with Dolabella as an 
 escort. Upon this Brutus and Cassius determined to crush 
 Rhodes before they marched on Rome: partly to secure their 
 advance from the Rhodian fleet, and partly to fill their mili- 
 tary chest. The populace thought they could resist Cassius 
 as well as Demetrios or Mithridates, but the more sensible 
 people dreaded a contest with Romans. After abortive nego- 
 tiations at Myndos, where Cassius was fitting out, the Rho- 
 dians attacked the Roman fleet there. At first their seaman- 
 ship gave them the advantage; but they were far inferior in 
 the number and size of their vessels, and at length retired 
 with a loss of five ships. In another action when the enemy 
 approached the island they lost two more ships. The great 
 city was then invested by sea and land; and its capture was 
 inevitable, for there had not been time to provision it. It was 
 believed that some of the leading men, knowing that resist- 
 ance was hopeless, agreed to open the gates. At all events, 
 the Romans suddenly appeared in the middle of the "city. 
 Cassius kept his troops in order, and beyond executing some 
 fifty of the citizens and proscribing a few more, did no harm 
 to the city or the people: but he seized all gold and silver, 
 clearing the temples and the treasury and even the wells and 
 tombs in which valuables had been hidden. He left 3000 
 legionaries to hold the city, and then went on his way to 
 
 1 Appian, de bel. civ. 11. 7r, 83. ^ Auhis Hirtius, de bel. Alexand. 
 
 = CjEsar, debel. civ. III. 102, 106. 11— IS. ^5 ; de bel. Afric. 20. 
 
30 RHODES. 
 
 Philippi'. After the battle this garrison was withdrawn; 
 Cassius Parmensis had carried off all the Rhodian ships he 
 could man and burnt the rest, and it no longer mattered what 
 side Rhodes might take". 
 
 The Rhodians never recovered from this blow. Antony 
 granted them several islands as some compensation for their 
 losses: but these they governed so harshly that he revoked 
 the grant'. Under the Empire Claudius withdrew their inde- 
 pendence in 44 A.D. because they had crucified Romans, but in 
 53 he restored if*; and after that it was several times forfeited 
 for intrigues against Rome and then regained by services in 
 war^ At last Vespasian placed Rhodes among the Roman 
 provinces''. 
 
 1 Appian, de bel. civ. IV. 6o — 74; Claudius, 25. 
 
 Dio Cassius, XLVii. 33. ° Tacitus, Annates, xn. 58. 
 
 ^ Appian, de bel. civ. v. 2. ^ Eutropius, VII. 19 ; Suetonius, Ves- 
 
 ^ lb. de bel. civ. v. 7. patian, 8. 
 " Dio Cassius, LX. 24; Suetonius, 
 
III. 
 
 AT SEA. 
 
 In the lists of powers holding the Thalassocratia, the 
 sovereignty of the seas, Rhodes stands sometimes fourth and 
 sometimes fifth, holding it fnr fwpn<-3^-#Hs«<'=-y^nr-'i nbniit 
 900_RC.' This probably means that the power standing next 
 below Rhodes in the lists began to be reckoned among the 
 sovereigns of the seas twenty-three years after Rhodes was 
 itself first reckoned among them. This Thalassocratia could 
 be claimed on many grounds, and it is not clear on what 
 grounds it is here assigned to Rhodes. More is learnt from 
 the statement that before the Olympic games were founded 
 (.' 884 B.C.) the Rhodians for years together sailed far from 
 home for the safety of mankind, voyaging a ^; far as .Spai n and 
 founding divers colonies ^ T he use of naval power for putt ing 
 dosgx.^>i*acy and f or trade and colonization gave a claim t o 
 the Thalassocra tia. 
 
 Little is known of the Rhodian colonization of this age in 
 the West. There was Rhodos, Rhode, or Rhoda at the north- 
 east corner of Spain ^ Rosas inherits the name, but the site 
 of the old town is toward the headland at San Pedro de Roda. 
 It was doubted in ancient times whether it was founded by 
 Rhodes or by the neighbouring city of Emporion, itself a 
 colony of the Phocaeans of Massalia (Marseilles). The place 
 
 • Eusebios, anno iioo. Syncellos, ' lb. pp. 160, 654; Pomponius Mela, 
 p. 181. II. 6; Stephanos, s.v. 'PiS?;. 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 654. 
 
32 RHODES. 
 
 fell into the hands of the Massaliots, and the belief that it was 
 founded by them may have arisen after that. There was 
 also Rhode, Rhoda, or Rhodanusia somewhere near Massalia 
 itself. It was also doubted whether this was a colony of 
 Rhodes or of Massalia. It was said that the city had its 
 name from Rhodes and gave it to the Rhodanos (the Rhone); 
 but it seems more likely that the river gave the name to the 
 city, and that the name then suggested Rhodes as the parent 
 state. The Rhodians also founded Parthenope among the 
 Opici". This Parthenope would be Neapolis (Naples). That 
 city, however, was commonly held to be a colony of Cuma, 
 and it may be that these settlers founded the neighbouring 
 Palaeopolis. On the other side of Italy, Salapia, just to the 
 south of the Lago di Salpi by the Gulf of Manfredonia, was 
 founded by colonists from Rhodes and Cos under a certain 
 Elpias in one ancient account; but in another Diomed founded 
 it together with Canusium and Arpi, of which it was the port'. 
 Lastly, the Rhodians under Tlepolemos after the return from 
 Troy planted colonies in the parts about Sybaris on the Gulf 
 of Taranto and in the Balearic Islands*. Other states joined 
 Rhodes in sending out some later colonies ; and it may be 
 that in these early migrations the colonists were of several 
 stocks and that each stock afterwards claimed for itself alone 
 the honour of founding the city. 
 
 The Rhodian colonization in Sicily belongs to a later age 
 and is well known. Their chief colony was Gela ; for a time 
 the most powerful city in Sicily and itself the founder of 
 Camarina and Acragas. When Greek colonists first came to 
 the island they planted five Greek cities there in little more 
 than five years. These were all upon the eastern coast. 
 There was a pause for nearly forty years, and then a body of 
 Dorians from Rhodes and Crete founded Gela (Terranova) 
 about the middle of the south coast (690 B.C.). Antiphemos 
 the Rhodian and Entimos the Cretan were reverenced to- 
 gether as joint founders ; but the Rhodians probably had the 
 
 1 Strabo, p. i8o; Pliny, in. 4; Ste- ' lb. p. 654; Vitruvius, I. 39. 
 
 phanos, s. v. 'Podavovala. ' Aristotle, p. 840; Strabo, p. 654; 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 6^4. Silius Italicus, in. 364. 
 
AT SEA. 33 
 
 greater share in the colony, for the Acropohs was called 
 Lindice after Lindos, which was the city of Antiphemos and 
 his followers. The name Gela was taken from the river close 
 by\ In the Sicilian Expedition of 415 B.C. both Rhodians 
 and Cretans fought for Athens against the Geloans who were 
 fighting for Syracuse: the Rhodians from necessity, the Cretans 
 for pay^ Further to westward on the south coast, Acragas, 
 afterwards Agrigentum and now Girgenti, was founded by 
 the Geloans in 582 B.C., and the Dorian customs that their 
 fathers had brought from Rhodes were established in the new 
 city'. The statement that Acragas was colonized directly 
 from Rhodes is on less authority*. But the famous bronze 
 bull of Phalaris recalls certain bronze kine that bellowed on 
 mount Atabyros in Rhodes ; while Phalaris himself seems to 
 have been born at Astypalsea near Rhodes, and to have been 
 building a temple to that great god of Lindos, Zeus Polieus, 
 when he seized the supreme power at Acragas^: and no doubt 
 many Rhodians came over to help the Geloans in peopling 
 their new colony. Camarina also lay on the south coast, but 
 to the east of Gela. Its ruins are not far from Vittoria. It 
 was at first a colony of Syracuse, but the colonists revolted 
 against their parent state and were expelled. Hippocrates, 
 the despot of Gela, acquired the place in 492 B.C. in exchange 
 for the Syracusan prisoners taken at the Heloros, and planted 
 there a colony of Geloans. Seven years later these colonists 
 were transported to Syracuse, which had been seized by 
 Gelon, the successor of Hippocrates ; and Camarina was 
 destroyed. But on the fall of the Gelonian dynasty in 
 465 B.C. Camarina was refounded by Gela, and probably 
 peopled with its former colonists who had now been expelled 
 from Syracuse. This Gelon, the greatest sovereign of the 
 age, and Hiero, the brilliant despot of Syracuse, were de- 
 scended from a native of Telos near Rhodes who had come 
 
 1 Thucydides, VI. 3, 4; Herodotos, ^ Polybios, IX. 27. 
 
 VII. 153. ° Pliny, xxxiv. 19; Scholia to Pin- 
 
 ^ Thucydides, VII. 57. dar, Ol. VII. 87; PolyKnos, v. i ; cf. 
 
 ' lb. VI. 4. Epistles of Phalaris, 4, 119. 
 
 T. R. 3 
 
34 RHODES. 
 
 over to Gela with Antiphemos'. The city of Inessa on the 
 southern slopes of Etna, commonly called a colony of Syra- 
 cuse, was said to take its name from the fountain at Rhodes^ 
 About 580 B.C. a body of colonists from Rhodes and Cnidos 
 sailed for Sicily and landed at the western end of the island. 
 They found Selinos at war with Egesta, and took part with 
 Selinos. Many of them were killed when the Selinuntines 
 were defeated in battle ; whereupon the rest agreed to go 
 home again, and sailed off round the north coast of Sicily. 
 On their way they touched at the island of Lipara, and were 
 welcomed there by the Children of iEolos. These now num- 
 bered only five hundred, and the new comers joined them in 
 founding their city afresh. The Cnidians probably outnum- 
 bered the Rhodians in this colony, for the leader was a man 
 of Cnidos, and when he fell in the battle three of his kinsmen 
 succeeded him'. 
 
 Passing over a vague statement that in Macedonia there 
 dwelt a race of Cypriots and Rhodians*, no records remain of 
 any other distant colonies of Rhodes but Apollonia and 
 Naucratis. 
 
 Apollonia, now Sizeboli, on the Roumelian coast of the 
 Black Sea, was founded in 609 B.C. by Milesians and Rhodians'. 
 Probably few of these colonists came from Rhodes, as the 
 place is also called a colony of Miletos alone. The ruins of 
 Naucratis have lately been found near Teh el Barud in the 
 Delta of the Nile. The city seems to have been founded in 
 the reign of Psametik I. (666 — 612 B.C.) by a body of Mile- 
 sians'. It was never a colony in the usual sense, but merely 
 a trading station : Miletos had no exclusive claim on the 
 place and was not among the nine cities that were presidents 
 of the market and founded the chief temple there, the Hel- 
 lenion. Four of the nine cities were Doric : Rhodes, Cnidos, 
 Halicarnassos and Phaselis'. As to these four: Cnidos and 
 Halicarnassos belonged to the Doric Hexapolis ; Phaselis was 
 
 ^ Thucydides, VI. 5; Herodotos, VII. ^ Epiphanios, contra h^ereses, p. 150. 
 
 153 — 156; Diodoros, XI. 76. ' Stephanos, s.v.'AwoWavla. 
 
 - Vibius Sequester, de fontibus. ^ Strabo, p. Soi. 
 
 ' Diodoros,' V, 9. 7 Herodotos, II. 178. 
 
AT SEA. 35 
 
 a colony of Lindos ; and Rhodes must mean Lindos, for 
 lalysos and Camiros had little to do with Egypt. It is said 
 that the Rhodians levied custom dues at the island of Pharos 
 off Alexandria till Cleopatra made the island part of Egypt 
 by building the Heptastadion, the great mole joining it to the 
 mainland'. The Heptastadion, however, was built before then, 
 and the whole story is very doubtful. A little island in the 
 eastern harbour of Alexandria with a palace and a port was 
 called Antirrhodos, as if a rival of Rhodes^ 
 
 On the coast of Asia Minor, Soloe in Cilicia was commonly 
 called a colony of Rhodians from Lindos and of Argivesl 
 But when the Rhodians asked the Roman Senate for its inde- 
 pendence in 189 B.C. they merely said that its people were 
 like themselves colonists from Argos*. The place afterwards 
 decayed, and Pompey refounded it in ^'j B.C. as Poiipeiupolis^. 
 Its ruins are near Mersina. Phaselis on the eastern coast of 
 Lycia, now Tekrova, was a colony of Rhodians from Lindos. 
 It was founded in 690 B.C. at the same time as Gela ; and the 
 colonists were led by Lacios, the brother of Antiphemos, who 
 led the Rhodians to Sicily. The Delphic Oracle, it is said, 
 bade Lacios sail toward the sunrise ; and when Antiphemos 
 laughed at this, the Oracle bade him sail toward the sunset 
 and found a city of Laughter (Gela). The report that the 
 migration to Phaselis was from Argos probably refers only to 
 the worship of Apollo". A few miles south of Phaselis were 
 Corydalla, a city of the Rhodians', and Gagse, a Rhodian 
 colony*. The island of Megiste, now Castel Rosso, off the 
 Lycian coast seems from the types of its coins to have been 
 very closely connected with Rhodes : but this only after 
 408 B.C. when the great city was founded. It is not clear 
 whether Corydalla and Megiste were true colonies of the 
 Rhodians or merely places held by them. The southern 
 
 ' Ammianus Marcellinas, XXII. i6. " Athenffios, pp. 297, -JgS ; Stepha- 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 794. nos, s. v. KXa; cf. Aristophanes, A- 
 
 ' lb. p. 671; Pomponius Mela, I. charn. 606. 
 
 I,. ' Stephanos, s. v. Kopi)5aXXa. 
 
 <■ Polybios, xxn. 7; Livy, xxxvn. ' Etymologicum Magnum, 5. 1. Va.- 
 
 56. T"^'- 
 
 5 Strabo, p. 671. 
 
 3—2 
 
36 RHODES. 
 
 seaboard of Caria was called the Rhodian Peraea. It had a 
 coast line of about 175 miles from Dsedala on the Lycian 
 frontier at the Gulf Glaucos, now the Gulf of Makri, to Mount 
 Phcenix on the tongue of land just opposite Rhodes\ This 
 tongue of land was sometimes called the Rhodian Chersonese''. 
 Rhodes bought the city of Caunos, which lay in the Peraea, 
 from Ptolemy's generals', presumably just after its capture by 
 the Egyptians in 309 B.C. ; and probably took the rest of the 
 district about the same time. The city of Stratoniceia in 
 Caria was acquired by the Rhodians shortly before their war 
 with Antiochos* ; and after his defeat in 189 B.C. the rest of 
 Caria south of the Maeander and the whole of Lycia except 
 Telmessos was granted to them by the Roman Senatel They 
 did not have undisturbed possession, but under the Roman 
 Empire they still held Caria and some part of Lycia". In the 
 south of Caria there were some Rhodian colonies'. Further 
 north, Teos in Ionia is spoken of as a city of the Rhodians'; 
 and ^antion in the Troad is said to have been founded by 
 them'. 
 
 In the .^gean the Rhodians justified their claim to the 
 Thalassocratia by venturing before all others to an island that 
 was upheaved between Therasia and Thera (Santorin) in 
 196 B.C. and founding a temple there". They also occupied 
 Nisyros when the colonists from Cos who dwelt there had 
 perished in a plague". Under Antony they held the more 
 distant islands of Andres, Tenos and Naxos for a short time'". 
 Under the Roman Empire they governed Chalce (Karki) and 
 the other islands ofif the west coast of Rhodes; Casos and 
 Carpathos (Scarpanto) further to the south; and Syme, Nisy- 
 ros, Calymna, Leros and others to the north off the coast of 
 Asia Minor". 
 
 ' Strabo, pp. 651, 652. ' Pomponius Mela, I. 16. 
 
 ^ Pliny, XXXI. 20; Seneca, Nat. * jEneas, Poliorc. 18. 
 
 QuEES. in. 26. ^ Pliny, v. 33. 
 
 ' Polybios, XXXI. 7. '» Strabo, p. 57. 
 
 " lb. XXXI. 7; Livy, XXXIII. 18. " JDiodoros, V. 54. 
 
 ^ Polybios, XXII. 27 ; Livy, XXXVIII. '^ Appian, de bel. civ. v. 7. 
 
 39- " Pliny, V. 36. 
 
 ^ Dio Chrysostom, p. 620. 
 
AT SEA, 37 
 
 Lindos was the parent state of Gela, of Phaselis and of 
 SoIce; and of these three alone among the Rhodian colonies 
 is the parent state known. lalysos and Canniros, with poorer 
 harbours and more fruitful territories, had less reason to seek 
 fortune abroad. The Rhodians had to extend their territory 
 in Asia Minor inland to obtain supplies for the great city 
 when it had outgrown the resources of the island'; but the 
 rest of their settlements were by the coast where their, mari- 
 time genius could have free play. Bold voyages to distant 
 parts of the Mediterranean in very early times and constant 
 warfare with pirates are implied by this widespread coloniza- 
 tion, but the naval power of Rhodes did not rise till the new 
 city was founded (408 B.C.) and culminated two centuries later. 
 
 In the Catalogue of the Ships Rhodes^ sends only nine out 
 of 1 186 sent by all the Greeks, while Syme sends three, and 
 Nisyros, Carpathos, Casos, Cos and Calymna send thirty be- 
 tween them. Thus at the date of the Catalogue Rhodes could 
 have been no stronger than the neighbouring islands; and these 
 must all have been weaker than the Greek states in Europe. 
 When the fleet of Xerxes was numbered at Doriscos on its 
 way to Salamis in 480 B. C. there were present 307 trieres sent 
 by the Greeks of Asia and the islands ; but of these the 
 Dorians of Asia and the islands, including Rhodes, sent only 
 thirty'. Thus Rhodes and her neighbours were still weak. 
 It is said that Xerxes prepared the trieres and the Greeks 
 merely manned them^ Rhodes may, however, have sent 
 some of the three thousand smaller vessels of the fleet. When 
 the Peloponnesian War broke out in 431 B.C. Rhodes was 
 paying money to Athens instead of supplying ships^; but she 
 may have supplied ships herself in the earlier years of the 
 Confederacy of Delos. Two Rhodian pentecontors served 
 with the Athenians on the Sicilian Expedition in 415 B.C., 
 but these were small vessels". — The lists of the money pay- 
 ments to Athens are so much broken that very few of the 
 
 ' Livy, XLV. 25. ' Diodoros, XI. 3. 
 
 2 Homer, Iliad, n. 654. " Thucydides, II. 9. 
 
 3 Herodotos, vii. 93. " lb. vi. 43. 
 
38 RHODES. 
 
 sums paid by the Rhodians are quite certain. In 454 B.C.' 
 the Lindians paid something over 840 drachms, while the 
 CEiatse of the Lindians paid 55. The Lindians paid 1000 in 
 449 B.C.^ and the lalysians the same sum in 450 B.C." and 
 447 B.C.* The Lindians paid 600 in 445 B.C.^; and the same 
 sum was paid by the Lindians and by the Camires in 443 B.C.", 
 by the Lindians in 442 B.C.', and by the Lindians, by the 
 lalysians, and by the Camires in 441 B.C.* The Pedieis from 
 Lindos paid I drachma 4 obols in 445 B.C. and 441 B.C. The 
 Lindians again paid 1000 in 436 B.C.'; and also in 428 B.C.", 
 although the lalysians and the Camires paid only 600 that 
 year. The Pedieis paid something over 80 in 428 B.C. In a 
 list of uncertain date, but apparently later than 425 B. c", the 
 Lindians paid as much as 1 500 while the lalysians paid only 
 500: the Pedieis paid 100 and the Diacrioe in Rhodes paid 
 200. The Erines, the Brycuntia:, and the Bricindarice are 
 named in the lists, and' may be the Rhodians with similar 
 ethnics. Thus the direct payments of the Lindians sometimes 
 exceeded those of the lalysians and the Camires, apart from 
 their indirect payments through the OEiatae of the Lindians 
 and the Pedieis from Lindos. This may have been the ground 
 of the dispute between Athens and Lindos about these pay- 
 ments'^ The sums in these lists ranging from I drachma 4 
 obols (16 d.) from the Pedieis to 1500 drachmae {£60) from 
 the Lindians can be only small fractions of the whole sums 
 due. They are out of all proportion to the 32 talents (;^768o) 
 levied by the Spartans on the island a few years later; nor 
 could the Athenians have proposed to exchange these for a 
 5 per cent, duty on exports and imports '°. They may be a 
 sixtieth payable to Athene. — In 412 B.C. the Spartan admirals 
 wished to bring Rhodes over to their side, because of the 
 multitude of its seamen". They requisitioned war ships there 
 in 407 and 406 B.C.'", Lysander thus taking all the ships the 
 
 1 K. I. 226. e lb. 237. " lb. 262. 
 
 2 lb. 231. 7 lb. 238. '2 Harpocration, s. w. iireiireTi', &c. 
 ' lb. 230. » lb. 239. 13 Thucydides, VII. 28, vm. 44. 
 
 * lb. 233. » lb. 244. 14 lb. vni. 44. 
 
 = lb. 235. » lb. 256. 15 Xenophon, Hell. I. 5, 6. 
 
AT SEA. 39 
 
 cities had*. This was after the great city was founded, but 
 the separate fleets of the three cities are not mentioned again. 
 In 390 B.C. the Rhodians had over sixteen trieres at seal In 
 the Social War of 357 B.C. Rhodes, Cos, Chios and Byzantion 
 had a fleet of a hundred ships: but it is not known how many 
 were sent by each of the alliesl The Rhodians sent ten 
 ships to Alexander at the siege of Tyre in 332 B.C.; or rather, 
 the ship called Peripolos and with her nine trieresl They 
 also sent ten ships with Ptolemy on his expedition to Athens 
 in 312 B.C.'' During the great siege of 304 B.C. they once sent 
 out a squadron of three cruisers, and afterwards three squad- 
 rons of three cruisers each ; but they did not use the rest of 
 their fleet". Among the gifts to Rhodes after the great earth- 
 quake about 227 B.C. were ten penteres fully equipped from 
 Seleucos, and timber for building six others from Ptolemy'. 
 In the difficulty with Byzantion in 220 B.C. the Rhodians sent 
 out ten ships, but four of these were supplied by their allies. 
 Later on in the same year they sent three of the six ships 
 with three smaller vessels to aid Cnossos*. The allied fleet of 
 Rhodes, Pergamos and Byzantion at the battle of Chios in 
 201 B.C. numbered "jj ships, 65 of them being larger than 
 trieres: but it is not known how many were sent by each of 
 the allies". Next year three Rhodian tetreres joined the 
 Roman fleet at the Peirseus, and there were twenty Rhodian 
 ships with the Romans during the two following years ; and 
 three years later (195 B.C.) eighteen Rhodian ships helped the 
 Romans in putting down Nabis'". In 191 B.C., the first year 
 of the naval war with Antiochos, the Rhodians sent out 25 
 ships. Next spring (190 B.C.) they sent out 36; but these 
 were surprised' at Samos and only five escaped. Still they 
 sent out 20 others in a few days; and in the autumn they 
 engaged Hannibal off the Eurymedon with 36 ships — 32 
 
 1 Diodoros, xiii. 70. ' Polybios, V. 89. 
 
 " Xenophon, Hell. IV. 8. ' lb. IV. 50, 52, 53. 
 
 3 Diodoros, xvi. ■21. ' lb. xvi. 1. 
 
 * Arrian, Anabasis, II. 20. " Livy, xxxi. 22, 46, x.xxii. 16, 
 " Diodoros, xix. 77. xxxiv. 26. 
 
 * lb. XX. 84, 93. 
 
40 RHODES. 
 
 tetreres and 4 trieres — and seem to have had eight ships with 
 the Romans at the same time. A little later they had 20 ships 
 off Patara and 22 others with the Romans at the battle of 
 Myonnesos\ Thus the Rhodians had over 70 war ships at 
 sea in 190 B.C.: the greatest number they had at sea in any 
 single year. In late times a rhetorician talks of their fleets of 
 a hundred ships^ but there is no trace of them in history. 
 Forty ships were fitted out in 171 B.C. for the war with Per- 
 seus, but only five of them went on service": and only five 
 trieres served with Attalos during the war with Crete in 
 154 B.C.* They did not use a large fleet against Mithridates 
 in 88 B. C.^ Twenty of their ships served against him in the 
 Black Sea in 74 b.C.° In the' Roman Civil War they fitted 
 out 16 ships for Pompey in 49 B.C., and next year sent ten 
 others with Csesar to Egypt'. They used 33 picked ships 
 against Cassius in 43 B.C. After the great city was taken by 
 him 30 of their war ships were carried off and the rest burnt 
 except the Sacred Ship". At the naval games held by Clau- 
 dius at the Lake Fucinus, some fifty miles inland from Rome, 
 a contest was given between the fleets of Rhodes and of 
 Sicily; each consisting of twelve, or of fifty, trieres*. 
 
 As to the ships used, trieres, tetreres and penteres are of 
 course ships with three, four and five banks of oars. The 
 dicrotce seem to be dieres, ships with two banks. In late 
 times there were in the dockyards ships with as many as 
 seven and nine banks". It is not clear that trieres were used 
 by Rhodes before about 400 B.C., when they had been three 
 centuries in use, and tetreres and penteres were first being 
 used. Nor is it clear that Rhodes had any ships larger than 
 trieres till some penteres were given her about 227 B.C. The 
 pentecontoroe were vessels of fifty oars, presumably in one 
 bank. In the legend of Danaos and his fifty daughters, the 
 
 ' Livy, XXXVI. 45, xxxvii. 9, II, tt, bel. Mith. 24. 
 16, -2 2, 23, -24, 26, 30. ° Memnon, Fr. 50. 
 
 2 Dio Chrysostom, p. 620. ' Caesar, de bel. civ. III. 5, 27, 106. 
 
 * Polybios, X.XVII. 3, 6; Livy, XLii. ^ Appian, de bel. civ. IV. 66, V. 2. 
 
 45, 56. ^ Suetonius,CIaudius, 21 ;DioCassius, 
 
 •■ Polybios, XXXIII. n. LX, 33. 
 
 ' Diodoros, xx.xvil. 28; Appian, de '" Aiisteides, p. 341. 
 
AT SEA. 41 
 
 first ship that came from Egypt to Greece came by way of 
 Lindos and was called the Pentecontoros*. Possibly the 
 Lindians introduced this type of ship for long sea voyages. 
 The celoces or celetes, swift vessels also with one bank of 
 oars, were invented by the Rhodians''. The triemioliae were 
 fast vessels without a deck; that is, without a fighting deck 
 from end to end. The aphractcE seem to be of the same 
 class. The Rhodian aphractce are said to have been bad sea 
 boats'. The ship called Peripolos was perhaps the guardship 
 at the great city, and the phylacides cruisers to defend the 
 coast of the island. A Sacred Ship was maintained by most 
 Greek naval powers. The Rhodian traders plying to Egypt 
 must have been well armed, for in 305 B. C. they beat off the 
 war ships of Antigonos*. 
 
 In the Social War of 357 B.C., the first that the Rhodians 
 waged on their own account, they managed to bribe the 
 enemy's admirals not to attack them; and the action at the 
 Hellespont ended in nothing^. In later wars they relied on 
 their seamanship ; and they were generally successful, though 
 very often opposed by fleets vastly stronger than their own 
 in number and in size of ships. At the great siege of 304 B.C. 
 Demetrios had 200 ships and 170 galleys besides transports, 
 and had the pirates for aUies: yet he was at the mercy of the 
 Rhodian cruisers. Three of these suddenly attacked his ships 
 as they were ravaging the coast of the island, sank many of 
 them, ran others ashore and burnt them, and then went safe 
 home. After this three phylacides went to Carpathos, three 
 triemioliae to Patara and three others round the islands: these 
 sank and burnt his ships with impunity and captured his sup- 
 plies on their way to the island and the plunder that was 
 being carried off; and they also took many of the pirates and 
 the Arch-pirate himself ^ The usual tactics of the Rhodians 
 in action were to run through the enemy's line and break the 
 oars of his ships as they passed ; and then turn and ram them 
 
 1 The Parian Marble, Epoch 9. ' Deinarchoi, pp. 92,110; Diodoros, 
 
 = Pliny, VII. 57. XVI. 21. 
 
 ' Cicero, ad Atticum, v. 12, 13. " Diodoros, XX. 82, 84, 93, 97. 
 * Diodoros, XX. 82. 
 
42 RHODES. 
 
 in the stern or on the beam, always carrying away something 
 needed for working the ships even if they did not sink them. 
 At the battle of Chios in 201 B.C. the enemy's small craft 
 hampered them in this by crowding round them and spoiling 
 their skilful steering and fast rowing. When thus reduced to 
 ramming stem to stem the Rhodians in some way depressed 
 their prows, and so received the enemy's blow high up while 
 striking him deep. One pentere, however, left her ram fixed 
 in a vessel she thus sank, and herself filled and went down'. 
 In the action off Lade a few weeks later the Rhodians suffered 
 severely under the enemy's rams, and sailed out of action one 
 by one to stop their leaks till few were left to fightl At the 
 battle of the Eurymedon in 190 B.C. the enemy were discon- 
 certed by the Rhodian tactics and the sinking of a Syrian 
 ship of seven banks of oars by a single blow from the ram of 
 a Rhodian of much smaller size^ At the battle of Myonnesos 
 that same year the anchor of a Rhodian caught in a vessel 
 she rammed ; and, as she tried to back off, the cable became 
 entangled in her oars, and she was disabled and taken. At 
 this battle the Rhodians carried braziers of fire hung over 
 their prows ; and in trying to avoid these, the Syrian ships 
 exposed their sides to the Rhodian rams^ These braziers 
 had alone saved the ships that had escaped at Samos a few 
 months before. The Syrians surprised the Rhodians by night, 
 when lying in harbour there. The Rhodian admiral at once 
 occupied the two cliffs that form the harbour's mouth, hoping 
 to keep out the enemy by a cross fire from above. But here 
 he was attacked by troops that had been landed on the other 
 side of the island ; and supposing in the dark that these were 
 part of a large force, he re-embarked his men and tried to 
 fight his way out to sea. Five Rhodian ships and two from 
 Cos carried braziers, and the enemy opened to let these pass; 
 but all the rest were lost^ The Rhodians were much embar- 
 rassed by the swift little vessels of the Cretan pirates in 
 
 ' Polybios, XVI. 4, 5. Syria, 27. 
 
 ' lb. XVI. 15. 5 Livy, xxxvil. 11 ; Appian, de reb. 
 
 ^ Livy, xxxvii. 24. Syria, 24. 
 
 * Livy, XXXVII. 30; Appian, de reb. 
 
AT SEA. 43 
 
 154 B.C.'. But they easily defeated the unwieldy ships of 
 Mithridates in 88 B.C. off Myndos'. In the next action, how- 
 ever, the king seemed likely to surround them with his huge 
 fleet, and they thought it prudent to retire without fighting. 
 But their usual tactics again succeeded in a smaller action 
 arising from an attack by a Rhodian dicrotos on one of the 
 king's transports and the arrival of supports on both sides. In 
 the end the Rhodian admiral found himself with six ships 
 opposed to twenty-five of the enemy, and before these he kept 
 giving way ; but as they were turning to go back at dusk, he 
 attacked them and sank two by ramming. And when the 
 king's transports were in difficulties in a storm, a Rhodian 
 squadron came down on them and inflicted great loss'' Off 
 Heracleia in 74 B.C. twenty Rhodians began the attack on the 
 Heracleots, thirty in number, and at the first shock three 
 Rhodians and five Heracleots went down*. In the Adriatic 
 in 48 B.C. a Rhodian squadron of sixteen ships under Copo- 
 nius sighted some of Cffisar's ships crossing from Italy to 
 Greece and went in pursuit. When the enemy had just made 
 the harbour, the wind suddenly changed ; and the whole 
 squadron went ashore and broke up. This is the only case of 
 the loss of Rhodian war ships through bad weather; and also 
 the only case in which a Rhodian squadron was commanded 
 by a foreign admiral. In one of Csesar's actions off Alex- 
 andria that same year four Rhodians, which had engaged the 
 enemy to give time for the rest of his fleet to get into line, 
 were attacked by some forty ships at once ; but they were so 
 well handled that they gave their opponents no chance of 
 ramming them or breaking their oars. In the action off the 
 Canopic Mouth soon after this the admiral's ship was not 
 supported by the rest, either through a blunder or from 
 cowardice, and was surrounded and sunk^ The Rhodians 
 once more used their old tactics with success in the action off 
 Myndos in 43 B.C. till Cassius, having 80 ships to 33, closed 
 
 ' Diodoros, XXXI. 38. " Memnon, Fr. 50. 
 
 ^ Appian, de bel. civ. IV. yi ; Mem- " Caesar, de bel. civ. in. 26, 27; 
 
 non, Fr. 31. Aiilus Hirtius, de bel. Alexand. 15, 25. 
 ^ lb. de bel. Mith. 24—26. 
 
44 RHODES. 
 
 in on them and confined the fighting to ramming stem to 
 stem, in which they were no match for the heavy Roman 
 ships: and in the second action he followed the same 
 plan'. 
 
 During the sieges there was some fighting by the harbours. 
 In 304 B.C. Demetrios built two towers and two shelters for 
 throwing shot, and floated each of these four engines on two 
 merchant ships. In rough weather, however, they proved 
 unmanageable; and an engine that he afterwards built three- 
 fold the former in height and width foundered in a squall 
 before it came into action. Deck-houses with portholes were 
 fitted on the strongest galleys for the long-ranged catapults 
 and the Cretan archers. And to protect the engines from the 
 Rhodian ships a long raft was built with an iron-plated bul- 
 wark along it. On the first day of the attack the Rhodians 
 drove the raft and engines out to sea by means of fire-ships. 
 A week later three of their best ships with picked crews 
 rammed the raft to bits, sank two of the engines and damaged " 
 many of the enemy's ships. All this was done under a heavy 
 fire, but only one of the three Rhodians was lost. The city 
 walls were raised, as they were overtopped by the floating 
 towers ; but they were soon breached by shot from the ships. 
 The citizens held the breach against the enemy's troops, and 
 burnt the boats they had landed in. The Little Harbour was 
 defended by booms and by engines placed on merchant ships 
 near its mouth. There were engines on the mole of the Great 
 Harbour, and a wall across it about half way down. The end 
 of this mole was surprised and held for a fortnight by four 
 hundred of the enemy under shelter of barricades, the citizens 
 recapturing it on a stormy day when the enemy's ships could 
 not support its garrison. Fire balls were thrown from the 
 enemy's fleet into the Rhodian ships with great effect^ The 
 booms were again used for the defence in 88 B.C. Mithri- 
 dates built a huge engine, the Sambuca. It was floated on 
 two ships, and armed with battering rams: boats followed it 
 carrying soldiers with scaling ladders to climb from it to the 
 
 ' Appian, de bel. civ. iv. 71, 72. s Diodoros, xx. 85—88. 
 
AT SEA. 45 
 
 city walls. But it effected nothing, and at last collapsed'. 
 In 43 B.C. the Roman ships were able to attack the walls for 
 they had towers on board that took to pieces and were put up 
 for the siege^ Thus the city walls were close to the water at 
 some point in the days of Mithridates and Cassius: apparently 
 not so in the days of Demetrios, for he could only batter with 
 missiles and his storming party had to cross some ground to 
 get to the breach. A change was perhaps made about 227 B.C. 
 after the great earthquake. Later on there was space for 
 merchant vessels touching at the great city to be drawn up 
 on shore and for their crews to pitch tents near them^ This 
 was perhaps inside the harbours : there would be no walls 
 there, for command of the harbours gave command of the 
 city. Thus when the Rhodians went over to deliver Halicar- 
 nassos from Artemisia in 351 B.C. the ships on returning 
 dressed with laurel as if for their victory were admitted to the 
 harbours without suspicion; and the city was taken. The 
 queen had seized the empty ships when their crews had landed 
 to occupy her city and had sailed back to Rhodes in them 
 with her own troops on board''. For this reason again the 
 citizens would not allow Demetrios to bring his fleet into 
 harbour in 304 B.C.^ On the other hand, they had driven 
 the Spartan fleet out of harbour in their revolt of 395 B.C.; 
 but this perhaps by surprised 
 
 The dockyard was maintained at great cost long after the 
 Thalassocratia had passed from the Rhodians'. Intruders 
 into some parts of it were punished with death as at Carthage 
 and elsewhere*. When Heracleides set fire to it in 204 B.C. 
 thirteen of the sheds were burnt, each with a triere in it". 
 The sheds were thus like those at the Peiraeus : those at Syra- 
 cuse and some other places held two trieres each. Besides 
 building for themselves, the Rhodians built ships for Antigo- 
 nos; but he supplied his own timber'". Long afterwards 
 
 1 Appian, debel. Mith. 54, 27. ' lb. xiv. 79. 
 
 2 lb. de bel. civ. IV. 72. ' Aristeides, p. 341. 
 = Lucian, Amoies, 8.' * Strabo, p. 653. 
 
 < Vitruvius, 11. 41. " Polysnos, v. 17. 
 
 = Diodoros, XX. 82. " Diodoros, XIX. 58. 
 
46 RHODES. 
 
 Herod of Judsea had a large triere built at Rhodes'. Im- 
 mense quantities of ship timber were presented to Rhodes 
 after the great earthquake about 227 B.C., and fifty years later 
 Perseus presented morel The presents for the dockyard 
 after the earthquake also comprised iron, lead, pitch, tar, 
 resin, hemp, hair and sailclothl Once in time of need the 
 Rhodian ladies cut off their hair and gave it for making ropes, 
 just as the ladies of Carthage and Massalia had given theirs*. 
 These ropes were long afterwards shewn to strangers who 
 came to Rhodes I The Rhodian commissioners appointed to 
 send stores to Sinope when besieged by Mithridates in 220 B.C. 
 spent the vote of 140,000 drachmae (^^5,600) in sending 1 50 cwt. 
 of hair, 50 cwt. of sinew, 4 catapults with men to work them, 
 1000 suits of armour, 3000 pieces of gold and 10,000 jars of 
 wine". Subscriptions for the navy are partly in wine and 
 partly in money in a Rhodian list perhaps belonging to 
 190 B.C. when a fresh fleet was sent out after the disaster to 
 Pausistratos'. In the list 99 drachmae 4 obols are given for 
 rations for six months, and 265. 3 for some other time. If i 
 obol be for some fee and 99. 3 be for rations for six months, 
 265. 2 would be for rations for 16 months. After the earth- 
 quake Ptolemy sent 20,000 artabes of corn as rations for ten 
 trieres'. Taking each crew at 200 men, the daily ration at 
 one choenix, and the Egyptian artabe at 15 choenices, this 
 corn would last five months. These figures point to commis- 
 sions for six months and for five months. In the list 151 
 drachms are also given for rations for a year, and 302 for two 
 years. By the treaty with Hierapytna in Crete each Rhodian 
 triere serving there was to be paid 10,000 drachms per 
 month". In the list the man who proposed the subscription 
 gave 7000 drachmae (^^280) while the rest gave from 5000 
 drachmae (;^20o) down to 50 drachmae {£2). Aliens and stran- 
 gers gave as well as citizens. Many of the subscriptions are for 
 
 ^ Josephus, de bel. Jud. i. 14. ^ Polybios, IV. 56. 
 
 ' Polybios, XXVI. 7. ' N. 343. 
 
 ' lb. V. 88—90. 8 Polybios, v. 89. 
 
 <■ Frontinus, I. 7. " M. 1852, p. 79. 
 ^ Aristeides, p. 355. 
 
AT SEA. 47 
 
 self and son; for self and daughter; for self, children and wife ; 
 for self and father: and one child gives for self and grand- 
 papa. 
 
 A Rhodian squadron went out every year, the trieres 
 going as far as the Atlantic. The custom remained under 
 the Roman Empire; but then only one or two aphractos went 
 out, and sailed no further than Corinth^ In decrees 'service 
 on ship during war' is distinguished from 'service on ship' 
 simply: this last being perhaps on these yearly voyages^ 
 There is no trace at Rhodes of the Athenian trierarchy, the 
 duty of fitting out a ship for the public service, though many 
 voluntary payments for the navy were expected'. The demo- 
 cracy had to supply pay for the seamen, and was once over- 
 thrown for refusing to hand it over to the trierarchs*. Thus a 
 Rhodian is called trierarchos of an aphractos, being apparent- 
 ly its captain °, and the trierarchos, the master of the trieres, 
 seems an officer lilie the nauarchos, the master of the ships". 
 The nauarchos was at the head of naval affairs and was of 
 high political rank, having power to make alliances for the 
 state'. Other offices were pilot of trieres and master of 
 aphractoe^ Rhodian squadrons were commonly of three 
 ships, or of multiples of three ships; and there may have been 
 an officer to command every three, for nothing in their tactics 
 accounts for these numbers. A Rhodian fleet commonly had 
 one commander. At the Eurymedon the fleet had three ; 
 but it had been formed from three separate fleets". 
 
 It was a proverb that ten Rhodians were worth ten ships'", 
 r;/iej5 Siica 'FoSioi SiKa vyjef. and their fine seamanship was 
 acknowledged as much by Romans as by Greeks. There is a 
 story" of a Rhodian captain muttering while expecting to lose 
 his ship in a storm, "Well, Poseidon, you must own I'm send- 
 ing her down in good trim." And they were fine swimmers. 
 
 1 Dio Chrysostom, p. 621. '' Polybios, xxx. 5. 
 
 <> F. i; N. 353; R.H. 23; B. ^525. » F. i. 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 653. ' Livy, XXXVII. 22, 23. 
 
 * Aristotle, Tolitics, V. 3, 5. ^ Diogenianos, Parcemioe. 
 
 * B. 2524. " Aristeides, p. 346. 
 ^ Diodoros, XX. 88. 
 
48 RHODES. 
 
 At the battle of Chios in 201 B.C. they lost only sixty men 
 though four of their ships were sunk, while the Macedonians 
 lost 9000 men besides prisoners': and when they went out to 
 burn the siege engines of Demetrios in 304 B.C. they simply 
 swam home if their own vessels took fire^ It is notable that 
 Rhodian youths of the noblest families eagerly served under 
 Pausistratos at sea, though he commanded only foreign mer- 
 cenaries ashore'. He perhaps doubted how long the zeal of 
 these sailors would last, for when they assembled in gorgeous 
 armour he took them on board and ordered them to stow 
 their armour there, and then put sentries to see that it re- 
 mained as security for their return*. Just before the siege by 
 Cassius in 43 B.C. the somewhat degenerate Rhodians cruised 
 off the mainland to shew his troops the fetters they had col- 
 lected for them'. The ships' ornaments captured from Deme- 
 trios in 304 B.C. were dedicated'; and in late times trophies 
 of ships' rams and other spoil stood in many parts of the city, 
 some of it taken from the Etruscan pirates'. The Rhodians 
 had put down piracy on their early voyages to the western 
 Mediterranean*, and these trophies may date from that age. 
 Piracy in the Levant they never put down thoroughly. The 
 pirates there were well organised under an arch-pirate, and 
 made alliances with Demetrios and with Antiochos against 
 Rhodes". With regard to Cretan piracy, Hierapytna agreed 
 with Rhodes to attack the pirates by land and hand over 
 them and their ships to the Rhodians'". Caesar was captured 
 by pirates on his way to Rhodes. His friends were six weeks 
 in getting together his ransom of 50 talents (;^i 2,000), but 
 directly he was free he got some Rhodian ships and took the 
 pirates. The Romans always sent pirates to the cross; but 
 Caesar in return for some courtesy these had shewn him, had 
 their throats cut before they were nailed up". When Pompey 
 
 ^ Polybios, XVI. 7. ^ Aristeides, p. 342. 
 
 2 Diodoros, XX. 86. ' Strabo, p. 654. 
 
 2 Livy, XXXIII. 18, XXXVII. 12. " Diodoros, XX. 82; Livy, xxxvn. 
 
 * PoIyKnos, V. 27. 11. 
 
 » Dio Cassius, XLVII. 33. '» M. 1852, p. 79. 
 
 " Diodoros, XX. 87. " Suetonius, Cresar, 4. 74. 
 
AT SEA. 49 
 
 with the aid of the Rhodians crushed the pirates a few years 
 later {^"j B.C.) he could not crucify twenty thousand prisoners; 
 and he settled most of them in the old Rhodian colony of 
 Solce'. Piracy was again familiar in late times, for the plot 
 of a novel written about 200 A. D. turns on the capture of the 
 hero and heroine by a Phoenician pirate triere that had been 
 lying in harbour at Rhodes as a merchant ship and had fol- 
 lowed theirs out to sea^ 
 
 Trade was sometimes attracted by dubious means. After 
 the battle of Chsroneia in 338 B.C. an Athenian called Leo- 
 chares fled to Rhodes, saying that Athens was taken, the 
 Peireeus besieged, and he was the sole survivor. Thinking 
 the power of Athens was really broken, the Rhodians sent 
 out men of war to bring in passing merchant ships; apparent- 
 ly to enforce some right of preemption ^ So in a case at 
 Athens, in which a ship chartered to carry corn there from 
 Egypt had discharged at Rhodes on the way, Demosthenes 
 congratulates himself in his speech for the charterers that he 
 is not before a Rhodian court, for in that case the owners 
 might be favoured for bringing corn to the island. The 
 owners, it appears, had desired Rhodes as an alternative port 
 to Athens in the charter-party; presumably by the direction 
 of Cleomenes, satrap of Egypt, in whose service they were*. 
 This satrap, who had a monopoly of the export of corn from 
 Egypt, must therefore have favoured the trade with Rhodes. 
 A little later most of the supplies of the great city were drawn 
 from Egypt'. Merchant ships touched at the great city on 
 their way from Egypt to Greece; and even before its founda- 
 tion they came round the north end of the island, probably 
 touching previously at Lindos like the Pentecontoros in the 
 legend*. Corn was also imported from Sicily : but after 
 Rome made that her granary, this was only by leave of the 
 Senate and in limited quantities. Thus in 169 B.C. leave was 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 67 r. 1296, i«97- 
 
 2 Xenophon of Ephesos, de amoribus ^ Diodoros, XX. 81. 
 
 Anthiset Abrocomaa, I. 13. e xhucydides, VIII. 35; Diodoros, 
 
 ' Lycurgos, p. 150. xiv. 79. 
 
 * Demosthenes, pp. 12S4, 1285, 
 
 T. R. 4 
 
50 RHODES. 
 
 given to import 20,000 quarters'. Wine was largely exported 
 from Rhodes both to Egypt and to Sicily, the handles of 
 the jars being found throughout Sicily and at Naucratis and 
 Alexandria. Many of these are stamped like the coins with 
 the head of Helios or the wild rose. They bear the name of 
 some priest of Helios — the dignitary that gave his name to 
 the year at Rhodes — in all cases; and in many cases the name 
 of some month as well. An emblem probably belonging to 
 some magistrate is often added. The stamp would certify 
 the capacity of the jar: it can hardly refer to the vintage, for 
 the names of all the Doric months occur. These handles are 
 found at many other places on the Mediterranean and the 
 Black Sea. Wine and oil were the staple exports from Greece 
 to the Black Sea, while the imports were cattle and slaves, 
 and also honey, wax and pickles. It was to maintain the 
 freedom of this trade that Rhodes, as the chief naval power 
 amo}^ the commercial states, went to war with Byzantion in 
 220 B.C.'''. Rhodian myrrh- oil seems to have been exported 
 to Athens'. There was a commercial treaty between Rhodes 
 and Rome as early as 306 B.C.: and among the products of 
 the island exported thither under the Empire were chalk, 
 white-lead, glue, verdigris, sponges, purple, and the saffron 
 unguent^ After the great earthquake about 227 B.C. the 
 Rhodians were exempted from all custom dues in Syria and 
 in Sicily^ The continuance of this exemption in Syria was 
 secured for them by the Romans under the treaty with Antio- 
 chos in 188 B.C.; as were also their real property and rights 
 of action in his dominions^ They had long before been 
 encouraged to settle there, for when Antigonos went to war 
 with Rhodes in 304 B.C. he directed that the Rhodian mer- 
 chants in Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Pamphylia should be 
 unmolested'. The Rhodians occupied a central position for 
 the commerce of the ancient world, and their recognized 
 
 1 Polybios, xxviii. i. p. 688; Vitruvius, vii. 63, 65. 
 
 = lb. IV. 38. 5 Polybios, v. 88, 89. 
 
 ' Arislophanes, Lysist. 944. * lb. xxii. 26; Livy, XXXVIII. 38. 
 
 ■• Pliny, xiii. -i, XXIV. 1, XXVIII. 71, ' Polyrenos, iv. 6. 
 XXXI. 47, XXXIV. 26, 54; Alhenffios, 
 
AT SEA. 51 
 
 policy of neutrality brought many foreign merchants to settle 
 in the island'. Thus the report of the taking of Athens 
 brought to Rhodes by Leochares was spread over the whole 
 earth by the merchants residing there'^ And young men 
 were sent there to learn business'. It is said that when the 
 Romans offered a general remission of debts after the Civil 
 War, the Rhodians alone refused it^: and at Rhodes a son 
 remained liable for the full payment of his father's debts long 
 after he could escape liability at Rome by renouncing the 
 inheritance^ 
 
 Rhodes had close commercial relations with Cnidos, lasos, 
 Ephesos and Samos soon after 400 B.C., as appears from the 
 issue by these states of coins of a uniform standard and with 
 the same type on the obverse. This standard seems to be the 
 Persian: but the Rhodians, on founding the great city, had 
 issued coins of a new standard, commonly called the Rhodian, 
 of about 60 grains to the drachma. This was soon adopted 
 by Cos, Cnidos, Halicarnassos, Samos, Chios, Cyzicos and 
 other states as far north as ALnos and Byzantion; which thus 
 appear to have been under the commercial influence of Rhodes, 
 In a century and a half this standard fell to about 50 grains 
 to the drachma, and probably became the unit of the cisto- 
 phorce, coins that circulated throughout the Levant. A 
 Rhodian talent of 4,500 cistophorce is mentioned, but the 
 passage is probably corrupt^. Early in the Ilnd century B.C. 
 Rhodes and several other states of the ^gean were striking 
 coins with the types of Alexander the Great and of the Attic 
 standard: a measure necessary for their trade with European 
 Greece now that the Rhodian standard had fallen. These are 
 sometimes a trifle heavier than the corresponding Athenian 
 coins: and in a certain payment made at Tenos shortly before 
 167 B.C. 100 Rhodian drachmae seem to have been reckoned 
 equal to 105 Athenian'. The Rhodian standard fell still 
 further, for at Cibyra in 71 a.d. a Rhodian drachma was 
 
 1 Diodoros, XX. 82, 84. "■ Sextus, Hypotyposes, i. 149. 
 
 ' Lycurgos, p. 149. * Festus, s. v. Talenta. 
 
 ' Plautus, Mercator, prologue, 11. '^ B. ■2334. 
 
 ■■ Dio Chrysostom, p. 602. 
 
52 RHODES. 
 
 worth only ten sixteenths of a denarius when that coin weighed 
 about $2 grains'. 
 
 The maritime law of Rhodes was adopted by Rome. The 
 response of Antoninus Pius is preserved": — "I rule the land, 
 but the law rules the sea. Let the matter be judged by the 
 naval law of the Rhodians, in so far as any of our own laws 
 do not conflict with that. This same judgment did Augustus 
 give." This last sentence is perhaps doubtful. The com- 
 ments of Salvinus Julianus, who flourished under Antoninus 
 Pius, are the earliest now extant on the only principle of 
 Roman naval law that is certainly Rhodian. This is the 
 principle of general average': — "that if cargo be jettisoned 
 to lighten the ship, all contribute to make good the loss in- 
 curred for the benefit of all." This principle still obtains 
 among all maritime nations; and probably much else of the 
 naval law of to-day has come down from the Rhodians. 
 Nothing is heard of these laws at Rhodes itself. The Jus 
 Navale Rhodioriim is a forgery of the Middle Ages. 
 
 ' B. ad. 4380, a. '^ The Pandects, xiv. II. 9. ' lb. xiv. II. i. 
 
IV. 
 
 ON SHORE. 
 
 The City of Rhodes was built in the closing years of the 
 Peloponnesian War. It is strange that its site was not 
 occupied before. The corn ships passing round the north end 
 of the island on their way from Egypt to Greece must often 
 have anchored where its harbours afterwards were while 
 waiting for the prevailing N.W. winds to fall. The site, how- 
 ever, demanded a large city, for the only hill that could serve 
 as a citadel was more than a mile from the harbours ; and 
 perhaps the islanders could not previously have peopled it. 
 Hippodamos of Miletos was the architect : the man to whom 
 Pericles had entrusted the rebuilding of the Peiraeus'. It is 
 notable that a Deigma — a bazaar of the Oriental type — was 
 found in few Greek cities but the Peirseus and Rhodes. 
 Covering the level ground near the harbours and then rising 
 gradually along the terraces of the Acropolis hill to the vast 
 circle of walls with their lofty towers, the city was compared 
 to the body of a Greek theatre^ Thus the people could watch 
 the fleet of Demetrios as it crossed the strait, the men stand- 
 ing on the walls and the women and the old men on the roofs 
 of their houses^ But in storms all the rain water rushed 
 down to one place, and in the first century of the city there 
 were three serious floods. The first of these was soon after 
 the city was founded, while there was still much vacant 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 65+. ' Diodoros, XIX. 45, xx. 83. '' lb. XX. 83, 
 
54 RHODES. 
 
 ground ; and was the least destructive. More damage was 
 done by the second : and more still by the third, when five 
 hundred lives were lost. This was in 315 B.C. The lower 
 part of the city was inundated till the walls gave way under 
 the pressure and let the water fall into the sea. There were 
 channels under the walls to prevent these floods ; but the 
 people had not kept them clear, as they fancied the winter 
 rains were over\ A few years later (304 B.C.) Demetrios 
 destroyed all the trees and buildings near the city for material 
 for his camp. The walls by the sea were raised during the 
 siege, and a second line of defence, probably temporary, was 
 built within the walls on the landward side; stones from the 
 outer wall of the theatre and from some of the temples being 
 used for this. When the siege was over, a grove within the 
 city was enclosed with porticos and dedicated to Ptolemy ; 
 and the theatre, the walls and the temples were rebuilt with 
 greater splendour than before^. A marble theatre was after- 
 wards promised by Eumenes, but was not built ^ The city 
 was ruined by a great earthquake about 227 B.C., when the 
 Colossos and the greater part of the dockyards and the walls 
 were overthrown ^ It was soon rebuilt by aid of immense 
 gifts from foreign powers ; but it was again shaken by the 
 earthquake of 196 B.C.' Some Rhodian monuments to the 
 victims of earthquakes still exist; and also inscriptions record- 
 ing repairs to older monuments that had been thrown down". 
 The extension of the south end of the Acropolis was earlier 
 than the siege by Mithridates in 88 B.C.; but apparently much 
 later than the rebuilding of the walls after the great earth- 
 quake, for the wall there is of very inferior work. The suburbs 
 were levelled by the citizens before this siege'. It was the 
 city of this age that called forth Strabo's opinion that " in 
 harbours, in streets, in walls, and in other buildings it so sur- 
 passes all other cities that we cannot call any its equal, much 
 less its supsrior®." Two centuries after him, the rhetorician 
 
 1 Diodoros, XIX. 45. " Justin, xxx. 4. 
 
 2 lb. XX. 83, 85, 87, 93, 100. " B. C. H. u. 617, V. 33i;L.U. 9. 
 ' lb. x.xxi. 36. ' Appian, de bel. Mitli. 24, 26. 
 
 * Polybios, V. 88 — 90. * Strabo, p. 652. 
 
ON SHORE. 55 
 
 Aristeides talks of the sacred groves in the Acropolis ; the 
 symmetric building of the rest of the city, so that it seemed a 
 single house rather than a town ; the long, broad streets ; and 
 the absence of vacant ground between the walls and the build- 
 ings — a thing rare in Greek towns'. This city perished in 
 the earthquake of 157 A.D. The sea went back, and returned 
 in a wave ; the buildings fell in a shapeless mass of ruin ; and 
 then fires broke out that burnt on day and nightl The 
 Emperor Antoninus Pius rebuilt the city'; and in a few years 
 Aristeides could again call it the fairest of Greek cities*. It 
 was probably after this rebuilding that Pausanias reckoned 
 the city walls among the finest he had seen^ 
 
 Six thousand citizens and a thousand aliens bore arms at 
 the great siege of 304 B.C. The aliens that refused to bear 
 arms had been expelled : they were chiefly merchants who 
 had been attracted to the island by its steadfast neutrality in 
 that age of warfare, and not more than one man in six of this 
 class would care to fight. Thus in times of peace the aliens 
 may well have been as numerous as the citizens. In a census 
 taken at Athens a few years earlier 21,000 citizens, 10,000 
 aliens, and 400,000 slaves were returned. Allowing for women 
 and children, this implies a free population of about 150,000; 
 and assuming that the 400,000 slaves include women and 
 children, the free are to the slaves as three to eight. If this 
 proportion held at Rhodes, 6000 citizens and 6000 aliens 
 would imply 60,000 free persons, and so 160,000 slaves ; or 
 220,000 for the whole population. This was before the city's 
 great prosperity : but most of the islanders must have come 
 into the city for protection during the invasion. The slaves 
 were armed for the siege. Many, no doubt, had gone away 
 with their alien masters, and many would not be trusted : 
 still, if half the able bodied slaves were armed, they added 
 some 16,000 to the 7000 free men for the garrison. The 
 reinforcements were 150 men from Crete and 500 from 
 Egypt: and later on, 1500 more from Egypt. The whole 
 
 1 Aristeides, pp. 342, 343. * Arisleides, p. 396. 
 
 2 lb. pp. 345, 349, 351, 353. •' Pausanias, IV. 31. 
 ^ Pausanias, vill. 43. 
 
S6 RHODES. 
 
 garrison would thus be about 25,000 men. The attacking 
 force was 40,000 men, besides the cavalry, the engineers and 
 the sailors*. 
 
 For the attack Demetrios built the Colossos of siege 
 engines, the Great Helepolis. This was a moveable tower ; 
 the base square and the sides sloping inward. Its size is 
 variously given : Plutarch puts it at 99 feet high by 72 broad: 
 Diodoros at 150 feet by 75: Vitruvius at 125 by 60, and 
 gives its weight as 125 tons. It moved on wheels, going very 
 steadily though with much creaking and straining ; and was 
 propelled by a body of soldiers underneath. There were 
 portholes for discharging shot at each story of the tower, and 
 huge tridents were carried for breaking away obstacles. On 
 either side of the Helepolis were four shelters to cover the 
 miners and two others with huge battering rams like ships' 
 prows. These shelters also moved on wheels, and were con- 
 nected by a covered way for the men working them. At the 
 first attack a very massive tower built of squared stone was 
 thrown down and the wall on either side so damaged that the 
 citizens could not get to the battlements. These siege engines 
 were built only of wood and so were covered with basket 
 v/ork and raw hides to resist fire balls and the heavy stone 
 shot. The citizens once knocked off some of this covering 
 with their shot and set fire to the woodwork ; but there were 
 water tanks in the upper parts of the engines, and the fire 
 was put out. The Helepolis itself was designed to resist 
 stone shot of 2J cwt., but no stone shot heavier than J cwt. 
 seem to have been used at the siege. In a night attack many 
 were killed because they could not see the stone shot and the 
 pointed shot coming and get out of their way, so the velocity 
 was low. Pointed shot nearly two feet long were used. In 
 this night attack over 1500 pointed shot and 800 fire balls 
 were discharged by the citizens. It is said that a little before 
 the siege a certain Callias of Arados came to Rhodes with a 
 design for a huge crane to stand on the city walls ; it would 
 grapple a common helepolis as it came up and lift it over the 
 walls into the city. The Rhodians forthwith made him state 
 
 ' Diodoros, XX. 82, 84, 88, 98. 
 
ON SHORE. 57 
 
 architect in place of Diognetos, who then held that office. 
 But the Great Helepolis was too much for the crane. Diog- 
 netos would do nothing, till at last he was moved by the 
 prayers of ingenuous maidens and youths escorted by priests. 
 He then diverted the sewage of the city toward the Hele- 
 polis, which soon clave to the swamp and could not be moved. 
 After the siege he brought it within the city and dedicated it 
 to the people. It was designed by Epimachos of Athens'. 
 
 Besides the second line of defence erected within the walls 
 during the siege, half-moons were built to cover weak points 
 and a great trench was dug round the first breach made by 
 the Helepolis. Fifteen hundred picked men, however, got 
 through this breach by night, killed the guards at the trench, 
 and occupied a portion of the city near the theatre. But next 
 day they were attacked by the best of the Rhodian troops 
 and the fifteen hundred mercenaries from Egypt, and very 
 few of them escaped. The mines were met by countermines: 
 these the enemy tried to seize by bribing the officer of the 
 guard, a certain Athenagoras, but with very poor success. 
 The citizens rewarded him with a golden chaplet and five 
 talents (;^I200) for betraying this attempt. He was not a 
 Rhodian, but of Miletos and in command of the mercenaries 
 from Egypt: and they hoped by this to attach the other mer- 
 cenaries. They attached the slaves by a decree that all who 
 fought well should be purchased by the state and enrolled as 
 citizens: and the decree was carried out. The citizens them- 
 selves were encouraged by a decree that those who fell should 
 be buried at the public cost, their parents and children main- 
 tained out of the treasury, their daughters dowered on mar- 
 riage and their sons on reaching manhood crowned in full 
 armour in the Theatre at the Festival of Dionysos. The rich 
 had readily given their money for the defence, and the work- 
 men their work; some at arms and ammunition, but most at 
 strengthening the walls. Ransoms were arranged with Deme- 
 trios at looo drachmae (^40) for a free man and half that sum 
 
 ' Diodoros, XX. 91, 95 — 97; Plutarch, Demetrios, 21; Vitruvius, X. 46 — 48; 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, XXIII. 4. 
 
58 RHODES. 
 
 for a slave'. It is said that at the siege of 88 B.C. Mithridates 
 exchanged all his Rhodian prisoners for Leonicos, who had 
 saved his life, thinking it better to endanger his success than 
 prove ungrateful ^ In that siege there was little fighting by- 
 land, and in the sjege by Cassius none at all. Mithridates 
 intended to surprise the south end of the Acropolis by night 
 and thence give the signal by a fire for his troops to attempt 
 the city walls with scaling ladders while his ships attacked 
 the harbours. But the citizens discovered his plans and 
 lighted the fire themselves; and his troops finding the walls 
 manned did not deliver the attack °. 
 
 Among the mercenaries sent in from Egypt during the 
 siege of 304 B C. were Rhodians who had taken service with 
 Ptolemy'. Telephos of lalysos who has carved his name on 
 the leg of one of the colossi at Abu Simbel seems to have 
 come there among the Greek troops in the service of Psametik 
 II. nearly three centuries earlier. A coin with the lion's head 
 of Lindos and the silphion tree of Cyrene on the obverse and 
 the eagle's head of lalysos on the reverse was probably struck 
 as pay for Rhodian mercenaries in the army of Arcesilaos III. 
 on his restoration at Cyrene in 530 B.C. Seven hundred 
 Rhodians served on the Sicilian Expedition of 415 B.C. as 
 slingers^ Early in the retreat of the Ten Thousand in 401 B.C. 
 Xenophon found there were Rhodians among them and formed 
 a body of two hundred slingers. Their leaden bolts carried 
 twice as far as the stones from the Persian slings and further 
 than most arrows ; and in the next action Tissaphernes soon 
 retired out of range, for not a Rhodian missed his man. They 
 had obtained the cords and lead from the villages they passed'. 
 Some sling bolts lately found in the island are about an inch 
 in length and shaped like filberts, bearing in low relief an 
 arrow head on one side and on the other their owner's name, 
 Bagyptas. In later times the Rhodians kept mainly to the 
 sea. The force with which Pausistratos recovered the Peraea 
 
 ' Diodoros, XX. 84, 93, 94, 97, 98, " Diodoros, XX. 88. 
 
 100. '■ Thucydides, vi. 43. 
 
 ^ Valerius Maximus, v. 7, Ext. 2. ^ Xenophon, Anabasis, ill. 3, 4. 
 ^ Appian, de bel. Mith. 26. 
 
ON SHORE. 59 
 
 in 197 B.C. comprised Achseans, Gauls, Pisuetas, Nisuetas, 
 Tamiani, Arei from Africa and Laodiceni from Asia, but 
 no Rhodians: yet when this same Pausistratos commanded 
 the fleet the best men among the Rhodians eagerly served 
 under him'. By the treaty with Hierapytna two Rhodian 
 trieres could be demanded for service off Crete and two hun- 
 dred heavy armed Cretan soldiers for service in Rhodes. 
 Transport for these was to be provided by the Rhodians and 
 pay from the date of arrival at the rate of nine obols (15^'.) a 
 day a man and two drachmas (201^.) a day for officers com- 
 manding not less than fifty men. Hierapytna was to aid 
 Rhodes in levying mercenaries in Crete, and Rhodes was to 
 do the like for Hierapytna in Asia Minor" The forts in the 
 Rhodian possessions in Asia Minor were garrisoned with 
 foreign mercenaries'. 
 
 The Rhodian sailors were capable of service on shore. In 
 Cento's descent on Chalcis in 200 B.C. they forced Philip's 
 strongest jail, and liberated his political prisoners. In the 
 war with Nabis five years later they helped to construct the 
 works for the siege of Gytheion and took part in the assault 
 on Sparta*. At Ruspina in 46 B.C. Caesar employed them as 
 light armed troops to act with his cavalry^. It is character- 
 istic that when the Ten Thousand were stopped in their retreat 
 by the river Tigris a Rhodian came forward with a plan for 
 crossing it on a pontoon of inflated skins". Polyxenidas, the 
 Rhodian exile who commanded the fleet of Antiochos the 
 Great against his own countrymen, had thirty years earlier 
 commanded Cretan mercenaries in Hyrcania'. In 190 B.C. 
 he treated with Pausistratos the Rhodian admiral for his recall 
 from exile in return for the surrender of the king's fleet, ap- 
 parently compromising himself irrevocably by letters written 
 with his own hand and sealed with his seal, and then surprised 
 Pausistratos in his false security*. Memnon the Rhodian, 
 
 ' Livy, XXXIII. 18, XXXVII. 12. ° Xenophon, Anabasis, ill. 5. 
 
 2 M. 1852, p. 79. ' Polybios, X. ig. 
 
 8 Dio Chrysostom, p. 611. ' Livy, xxxvil. 10, 11; Appian, de 
 
 ' Livy, XXXI. 23, xxxiv. 29, 38. reb. Syria, 24. 
 
 * Aulus Hirtius, de bel. Afric. 10. 
 
60 RHODES. 
 
 who commanded the Persian fleet against Alexander the 
 Great, had previously commanded against him on land at the 
 battle of the Granicos and at the siege of Halicarnassos, and 
 had alone urged the true policy of Persia when the war began 
 — defensive operations in Asia and an attack on Macedon by 
 sea\ He was satrap of the west of Asia Minor, as was his 
 brother Mentor before him. Mentor had held a joint com- 
 mand in Egypt with Bagoas, the chief eunuch of the Persian 
 l<ing, and he had there arranged with some Greek mercenaries 
 serving on the other side that Bagoas should be taken prisoner 
 and then had rescued him from them. He owed his satrapy 
 to the eunuch's gratitude for this escape". A sister of Mem- 
 non and Mentor married Artabazos, the satrap of lower 
 Phrygia; and from this marriage sprang Barsine, the mother 
 by Alexander the Great of Heracles'. That young prince 
 had no small chance of obtaining the throne of Macedon at 
 the time of his assassination in 311 B.C. Under Memnon's 
 government at Lampsacos it was the custom to give the 
 soldiers their rations on the second day of the month. But 
 by delaying three days one month and five days another till 
 he made up thirty days, he was enabled to save the state the 
 cost of a month's provision for the army. Then he obtained 
 a loan from some wealthy citizens on the security of certain 
 revenue shortly due: but when this revenue was paid he felt 
 bound to apply it to the pressing needs of government, and 
 the citizens had to be content with a promise of interest while 
 their loan remained. Another Rhodian, Aristoteles, when 
 governor of Phocaea, informed the leaders of one of the politi- 
 cal parties in that city that the other party had bribed him to 
 put them in power; but, as those whom he addressed were 
 better administrators, he would rather be bribed by them for 
 that purpose : and they bribed him. He then used the same 
 argument to the leaders of the other party; and when he had 
 really obtained a bribe from them, he formed a coalition 
 government. Again, perceiving that many heavy lawsuits 
 were pending, he formed a new court and ordered that all 
 
 ' Anian, Anabasis, I. n, ao, 23, - Diodoros, xvi. 50. 
 
 II. I. ' lb. XX. 20, 28. 
 
ON SHORE. 6l 
 
 pending suits should be at once brought before it or be barred ; 
 and by fining those litigants that did not appear and by taking 
 bribes from both sides at the trials he greatly augmented the 
 revenue. When Antimenes the Rhodian was warden of the 
 highways arourld Babylon under Alexander the Great, he dis- 
 covered an obsolete right to a tithe on imports and suddenly 
 revived it when certain high officials and others well able to 
 pay were expected, to the great advantage of the treasury. 
 Then he insured slaves at eight drachmae {6s. Sd.) a-head per 
 annum for whatever sum their owners chose to name. This 
 brought in a good revenue; and when a slave ran away, he 
 simply ordered the governor of the province to catch the slave 
 or pay the insurance \ Another Rhodian placed in office by 
 Alexander was jEschylos, whom he made governor of Alex- 
 andria just after its foundation I Long afterwards Phana- 
 goria on the Black Sea was held for Mithridates by Castor 
 the Rhodian, who opportunely betrayed the city and the king's 
 sons to Pompey in 63 B.C. and was rewarded with the title 
 ' Friend of the Romans ' '. He married a daughter of Deiotaros, 
 the able king of Galatia, and his son and grandson held royal 
 dignity. This son unluckily made political charges against Dei- 
 otaros at Rome in 45 B.C., whereupon the king slew Castor*. 
 
 There were probably twelve generals, strategce, at Rhodes, 
 of whom the strategos e/c "TravTaiv was presumably the 
 chief: one of them commanded in the Persea and another 
 in the parts of the island which lay outside the cities'. 
 No other military officers are mentioned. The prytaneis, 
 however, sometimes took command both by sea and by land 
 during the siege of 304 B. C. ^ These prytaneis were at the 
 head of the state. They probably held office for a year. One 
 was president during the first six months and another during 
 the last six. There were probably more than two, but it is 
 not clear how many there were. They presided at assemblies 
 of the citizens in the Theatre. Reports from abroad were 
 
 •■ Aristotle, Economics, ii. 15, ig, * Strabo, pp. 642, 568; Cicero, pro 
 
 J. rege Deiotaro, j, 11. 
 
 2 Quintus Curtius, IV. 8. ^ R. I. 275; N. 353; M.I. A. n. 214. 
 
 3 Appian, de bel. Mith. 108, II4- ' Djodoros, xx. 88, 98. 
 
62 RHODES. 
 
 addressed to them; and so also the admirals' despatches, for 
 these were preserved in the prytaneion. They received foreign 
 ambassadors in the prytaneion at the state altar. In later 
 times despatches from the Roman Emperor were directed to 
 them'. There were probably seven treasurers, tamiae, and 
 five intendants, episcopoe : the latter with a secretary^ There 
 were officers of revenue, poletae, and guardians of foreigners 
 and slaves, prostata; ; these last acting in committees, for 
 "the prostatas; those with Charinos" are mentioned: and 
 there were also five overseers, epimelets, of the foreigners, 
 with a secretary'. There were also guardians of public 
 buildings, astynom^e^ Probably all these offices were elec- 
 tive. An admiral, however, dying on active service, could 
 appoint his own successor^- At Camiros the demiurgos ap- 
 pears to be the chief magistrate after the founding of the 
 great city"; and the same office was probably introduced at 
 Naxos when that island was subjected to Rhodes'. At 
 Lindos there were probably three commanders, agemones'. 
 A certain Rhodian was commander in the territories — pre- 
 sumably on the mainland — in time of war"; and three others 
 were respectively commander at Caunos, commander in Caria 
 and commander in Lycia'". This was probably the office of 
 Podilos, of whose oppression envoys came from lasos to 
 Rhodes to complain". The Rhodians certainly governed their 
 subjects harshly. The islands subjected to them by Antony 
 were soon forfeited through their oppression 'I The Lycians, 
 when subjected to them in i88 B.C., found they had fared 
 better even under Antiochos: actual violence was now offisred 
 to them and their wives and children, and they were contemp- 
 tuously insulted merely that the Rhodians might shew their 
 mastery". This" led to three wars in the next twenty-five 
 
 1 Polybios, XV. 23, XVI. 9, 15, ' B. ad. 2416, b. 
 XXVII. 6, XXIX. 5; Livy, xlii. 45; » B. C. H. 1885, p. 106. 
 R. H. 23. ° B. 1524. 
 
 2 R. I. 275 ; M. I. A. II. p. 124. i« M. I. A. 11. p. 224. 
 
 3 N. 343 ; M. I. A. II. p. 224. u W. 251. 
 
 ^ B. 2524. ^2 Appian, de bel. civ. v. 7. 
 
 ' Polybios, XVI. 9. " Livy, XLI. 6. 
 
 • F. 59; B. C. H. V. p. 337. " Polybios, XXXI. 7. 
 
ON SHORE. 63 
 
 years. A century later the tribute was so rigorously exacted 
 that the Caunians and others begged the Roman Senate that 
 it might be collected by publicans from Rome'. 
 
 Rhodian envoys were constantly at Rome. In their pros- 
 perous days they were entertained at a public mansion and 
 escorted thence to the Senate and then to the Capitol to 
 make their offerings. But those that came just after the 
 blunder about the war with Perseus were forbidden to stay 
 in the city and could hardly get lodgings for money at a 
 wretched inn in the suburbs ; they put off their white robes 
 and went in mourning to the houses of the leading men to 
 beg their aid with prayers and tears, and in the Senate they 
 bowed to the ground holding twigs of olive- toward the Sena- 
 tors^ A few years earlier some Rhodian envoys had lost 
 their temper in the Senate and others had declined the 
 customary present of 2000 asses {£$) offered to each envoyl 
 Long afterwards some Rhodian magistrates sent despatches 
 to Tiberius without the clause ' that they would ever pray,' and 
 the Emperor ordered them to Rome to insert the clause*. 
 By sending over their admiral, who had always power to 
 conclude alliances, the Rhodians were able to negotiate quietly 
 with Rome for a treaty of alliance after the war with Perseus, 
 when they feared damage to their reputation if it were 
 generally known they had asked for such a treaty without 
 success^ Their treaty with Hierapytna was to be sworn to 
 by five men elected by the Commons on behalf of all Rho- 
 dians of full age ; and the like oath was to be administered 
 by the prytaneis to the envoys from Hierapytna at an 
 Assembly". Envoys from abroad were heard before the 
 Senate as well as before an Assembly of the citizens in the 
 Theatre, and various honours were granted them'. Honours 
 granted to Rhodians by foreign states with which they had 
 negotiated a treaty were proclaimed at Rhodes at the Festi- 
 
 ' Cicero, ad Quintum, i. i. ' Dio Cassius, LVII. IIJ Suetonius, 
 
 " Livy, XLV. 20, 25; Diodoros, XXXI. Tiberius, 32. 
 
 5. = Polybios, XXX. 5. 
 
 ' Livy, XLIV. 15; Appian, de reb. ' M. 1852, p. 79. 
 
 Macedon, 9. ' Polybios, XV. 23; B. 3656; W. 251. 
 
64 RHODES. 
 
 val of Helios'. Rhodian envoys were also employed abroad 
 in several cases in mediating between belligerents^ Similarly, 
 a disputed claim to territory was referred by Samos and 
 Priene to the arbitration of Rhodes'. After the great earth- 
 quake about 227 B.C. envoys were sent to nearly all the Greek 
 states to ask for assistance ; and the same course was proposed 
 after the earthquake of 157 A.D. But the immense gifts sent 
 in response were received in a patronizing way, quite as a 
 favour to the givers'. Still the Rhodians occasionally made 
 some return for the gifts that were always being sent to them, 
 even from sovereigns as remote as Herod of Judaea'. During 
 the siege by Demetrios they captured the ship bringing his 
 royal wardrobe, and sent it to their ally Ptolemy^ When the 
 wife of Seleucos was taken by the Gauls and brought to Rhodes 
 to be sold as a slave, they bought her and sent her dressed as a 
 queen to her capital'. Four Athenian ships captured by the 
 Macedonians in 201 B.C. were . recaptured by the Rhodians 
 and sent back to Athens. Upon this the Rhodians were 
 granted such rights of citizenship at Athens as Athenians 
 then had at Rhodes". Some time afterwards, Glaucon son of 
 Eteocles, apparently the Olympic victor, was consul (proxenos) 
 for Rhodes at Athens". He dedicated a statue in the great 
 city ; as did Zeno son of Nahum, who was consul for Rhodes 
 at Arados'". Nine Rhodians are named among the consuls 
 for Delphi in the list for 180 B.C. inscribed on the south wall of 
 the enclosure of the great temple of Apollo". Philophron, a 
 Rhodian statesman of the period of the war with Perseus, 
 seems to have been consul for Delphi. The grant was to him 
 and his descendants, and the recompense for their duties to 
 Delphians at Rhodes included priority in consulting the 
 oracle'^. 
 
 ' R. I. 93. ' Plutarch, Demetrios, 22. D;o- 
 
 ' Polybios, V. 63, XXII. 8, xxviii. doros, XX. 93. 
 19 ; B. 3047. ' PolyEenos, VIII. 61. 
 
 5 B. 2905. » Polybios, xvi. 26; I.ivy, xxxi. i-,. 
 
 * Polybios, V. 88—90; Aristeides, p. ' F. 18; Pausanias, VI. 16. 
 361. " B. 2526. 
 
 * Josephus, de bel. Jud. i. 21 ; de i' W. F. 18. 
 
 ant. Jud. XIV, r4. 1^ B. C. H. v. p. 403. 
 
ON SHORE. 65, 
 
 Beside the Senate in the great city, the Senates of the 
 three ancient cities, or at any rate of Lindos, existed as late 
 as the Roman Empire'. There was a secretary to the Senate 
 in the great city, and an undersecretary to the Senate and 
 apparently to the Prytaneis as well : and also a public secre- 
 tary''. At Lindos there was the Commons (o S^/xo?) of the 
 Lindopolitae'': and also the Entire Commons (0 o-y/tTra? 8)7^0?) 
 apparently consisting of the Argeice, Brasioe, Bulidas, Camyn- 
 dice, Cattabioe, Clasioe, Ladarmioe,' Nettidae, CEiatae, Pagice 
 and Pedieis, who were citizens of places in the territory 
 of Lindos, together with the Lindopolits, who were citizens 
 of Lindos itself*. These were all termed Lindians, but were 
 distinguished as citizens from the People {to ■TrXijOo'i) of the 
 Lindians. A Polites was presumably a citizen of the great city. 
 Very little remains of Cicero's account of the constitution 
 about 100 B.C. But it appears that the Senators were not a 
 class : the same men sat as Senators in the Senate House and 
 among the Commons in the Theatre, serving for some months 
 in one place and then for some months in the other ; and they 
 were paid for attendance in both places". These changes 
 probably occurred every six months, when the prytaneis 
 changed office. At this period all citizens served as jurymen 
 without regard to their wealth or poverty ; and they were 
 proud of the justice thus administered". Alexander the 
 Great had previously recognized the uprightness of the 
 Rhodians by leaving his will in their keeping'. Before his 
 days the administration of the democrats had sometimes been 
 so incompetent and corrupt that the wealthy classes had been 
 compelled to put an end to their government in self-defence'. 
 It was by means of a party among the citizens, which he 
 afterwards repudiated, and not by foreign troops that Mau- 
 solos upset the democracy". By the treaty between Rhodes 
 and Hierapytna each state was bound to oppose any attempt 
 
 1 R. H. 23. ° SalluBt, de repub. ord. 2. 
 
 = N. 346; R. I. 275; M. I. A. n. ' Diodoros, xx. 81; cf. Pseudo-Cal- 
 
 224. listhenes, m. 33. 
 
 3 N. 345 ; F. 6. * Aristotle, Politics, V. 3, 5. 
 
 ■> N. 357; R. A. 21, 24; F. 68. " Demosthenes, p. 194. 
 ^ Cicero, de jepub. HI. 35. 
 
 T. R. 5 
 
66 RHODES. 
 
 to upset the democracy established in the other'. As late as 
 Domitian's time the clumsy government of the democracy 
 caused serious disturbancesl Later still, the Rhodians were 
 still meeting daily for deliberation, though other Greeks 
 seldom met^ Even under the Antonines they had energy 
 enough for political disturbances, and it was a saying that 
 they would refuse immortality itself unless assured of eternal 
 democracy*. 
 
 The revenue was large. About 170 B.C. the harbour dues 
 reached a million drachmae (;^40,000) a year. Most of Lycia 
 and Caria was at this time tributary ; the cities of Stratoniceia 
 and Caunos alone paying 120 talents (;£"28,8oo), though 
 Caunos had been purchased rather more than a century before 
 for only 200 talents (;£'48,ooo). Rome replied to the conceit 
 of the Rhodians during the war with Perseus by making 
 Delos a free port; and by 164 B.C. their harbour dues had 
 fallen to 150,000 drachmae (£6,oooy. But Lycia and Caria 
 remained subject, with some intervals, as late as the Roman 
 Empire ; and in those days there were many other tributary 
 states^ Besides the immense gifts from abroad, large sums 
 used to be presented to the state by private citizens for public 
 purposes and especially for maintaining the poor. An ancient 
 custom, moreover, required the rich to see that the poorer 
 citizens did not want'. Fees must have been paid to the 
 state on admission to citizenship, for after the great earth- 
 quake about 227 B.C. Hiero and Gelon sent ten talents 
 (i!'2.40o) to increase the number of citizens^ Many of the 
 slaves were made citizens after the siege of 304 B.C., and in 
 one case of much later date a slave was emancipated by the 
 City and made Guest of the Senate and Commons'. He was 
 of foreign birth. The slaves, or emancipated slaves, whose 
 dedications have been found in numbers near the great city, 
 were mostly natives of Asia Minor. There were slaves belong- 
 
 ^ M. 1852, p. 79. * Dio Chrysostom, p. 670. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, prjEcept. ger. reip. 19. ^ Strabo, pp. 652, 653, 
 
 " Dio Chrysostom, p. 567. ' Polybios, V. 88. 
 
 * Aristeides, pp. 384, 385. " R. I. 278. 
 ' Polybios, XXXI. 7. 
 
ON SHORE. 67 
 
 ing to the City, and probably a board of masters to manage 
 them : they seem once to have rebelled \ Adoption was very 
 popular. Nearly half the Rhodians named in inscriptions are 
 described as 'son of so-and-so, but by adoption son of so-and- 
 so.' Pliny in one instance has evidently mistaken the Rhodian 
 phrase Ka0' vodecriav by adoption for Kad' inr66e(Tiv by hypo- 
 thesis ; and has founded a curious story on his blunderl 
 
 Public life brought many dangers. Cassius and Arte- 
 misia killed the leading men on capturing the great city. 
 Hostages were taken by Demetrios after his siege and by the 
 Persians just before Marathon, while the leaders of the 
 Persian party were exiled by their fellow-countrymen. After 
 the war with Perseus the citizens tried to exonerate them- 
 selves by executing the leaders of the anti-Roman party. 
 There was civil war in the island soon after the great city was 
 founded. A little earlier the leading aristocrats had been 
 driven into exile by Athens. Dorieus, the most famous of 
 these, retired to Thurii and there fitted out ships to serve 
 against Athens during the Peloponnesian War. His men 
 were devoted to him : and when Astyochos once raised his 
 staff against him, the act nearly cost the Spartan admiral his 
 life at the hands of the indignant soldiers and sailors^ He 
 was taken in 407 B.C. and brought to Athens. The people 
 had already decreed his death : but on seeing a man so 
 famous for his Olympic victories in chains before them, they 
 set him free without even a ransom. Twelve years later he 
 was in Peloponnese when news came that Rhodes had again 
 gone over to Athens : and he was put to death at Sparta 
 in blind vengeance for the revolt. When his ancestor Dama- 
 getos, the despot of lalysos, enquired of Apollo at Delphi 
 whence he should choose for himself a wife, the god bade 
 him wed a daughter of the best man among the Greeks, and 
 Aristomenes did not refuse him his daughter's hand. The 
 hero of the Messenian Wars came with his daughter to the 
 island and there ended his days'". 
 
 ^ N. 346. ■* Xenophon, Hell. i. 5 ; Pausanias, 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXVI. 4. IV. 24, vi. 7. 
 
 ^ Thucydides, vin. 84. 
 
68 RHODES. 
 
 lalysos and Camiros were in ruins before the earthquake 
 of 157 A,D., though lalysian decrees occur down to the time 
 of the Emperor Titus'. The chief remains at Camiros are 
 of structures for the supply of water. At the top of the 
 Acropolis a gallery about two feet wide and six high runs 
 under the surface for about 230 yards in a straight line, 
 having on one side three branches of about 27 yards each, 
 one at the centre and one at each end. From these main 
 galleries many others diverge, generally one or two yards in 
 length and none longer than ten yards ; and these all end in 
 shafts opening to the surface. It is clear they were for water 
 supply and not for drainage, as the bases of the shafts are 
 always lower than the galleries leading to them. The city 
 was supplied by a conduit hewn straight through the eastern 
 limb of the Acropolis hill to a cistern on the east side ; and 
 this was itself fed by another conduit running southward under 
 the hill to a spring. These conduits are about four feet high 
 and two wide. Pliny mentions a Rhodian marble with golden 
 veins'', but the ruins throughout the island are of stone. The 
 gymnasion in the great city was a magnificent building, full 
 of famous pictures and statuesl No less than 75 talents 
 (;£'i8,ooo) were sent by Hiero and Gelon to supply oil for 
 it after the great earthquake about 227 B.C." Under the 
 Roman Empire the gymnasiarch of the young men in the 
 great city gave his name to the year, but presumably only for 
 purposes of the gymnasion °: and a great athlete and officer 
 of the gymnasion at Philadelphia was made citizen and 
 senator of Rhodes'. The Rhodian builders invented a type 
 of courtyard that was afterwards adopted in many of the 
 wealthier houses at Rome : it had a colonnade on all the four 
 sides, and that facing the south was carried on higher 
 columns'. "They build for eternity, but they eat as though 
 they were to die to-morrow" was an ancient saying against 
 the Rhodiansl They judged a man by what he ate. A 
 
 ' Aristeides, p. 354; R. H. 23. ' R. A. 26. 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXVII. 62. ^ B. 3426. 
 
 5 Strabo, p. 652. ^ Vitruvius, vr. 50. 
 
 * Polybios, V. 83. * Plutarch, rle ciipid, divit. j. 
 
ON SHORE. 69 
 
 connoisseur in fish was at once pronounced a gentleman : and 
 a man who was content with meat, a mere shopkeeper'. 
 Lynceus of Samnos in an epistle** written about 250 B.C., in 
 which he compares the delicacies of Rhodes and of Athens, 
 calls the island admirable in its fish and praises the aphye 
 (.' anchovy), the ellops (.' sword-fish), the orphos {? sea-perch) 
 and a kind of shark called the alopex, the fox. A popular 
 saying advised a gourmet who could not afford a Rhodian 
 alopex to steal one even if he died for it. Varro and Pliny, 
 however, thought the ellops the greatest delicacy of the 
 island'. Then in the matter of milk cakes, Lynceus thought 
 highly of the Rhodian echinos at the second course of a 
 dinner. For dessert he approved the Rhodian escharites, a 
 sweet cake that made drinkers sober and restored to gour- 
 mands their appetites. Martial, however, suggests that a 
 Roman gentleman need not break his slave's jaw with a blow: 
 he might give him a Rhodian cake*. The peach tree, when 
 introduced from Egypt, proved sterile and tantalized the 
 people by merely flowering^. But the wild figs were admired 
 by Lynceus, and also the custom of eating them before 
 dinner instead of after. The figs had a fine flavour and were 
 known in Rome°. The dried figs called brigindarides were a 
 local growth in the island, for the ethnic of one of the demes 
 is Brygindarios'. Lynceus also commends a grape called 
 hipponios that ripened in July. The Rhodian grape was 
 a well-known species, and must have been largely grown 
 throughout the island'. A bituminous earth found there 
 about 100 B.C. proved very useful in killing the insects off the 
 vines'. The Rhodian wine was in repute at Athens and at 
 Rome", and was widely exported. Some of it was sweetened 
 with boiled must, but most of it was pure : and a delicate 
 
 ' ^lian, var. hist. I. 28. " Athenseos, p. 80; Pliny, XV. 19. 
 
 ' AthenEeos, pp. 75, 109, 285, 295, ' Athenaeos, p. 652. 
 
 360, 647, 654. * Pliny, XIV. 4; Macrobius, Sat. II. 
 
 " Varro, de re rust. 11. 6; Pliny, IX. 16. 
 79. ' Strabo, p. 316. 
 
 ^ Martial, XIV. 68. " Vergil, georg. 11. 102; Aulas Gel- 
 
 " Theophrastos, hist, plant, iii. 5 ; lius, xiii. 5. 
 Pliny, XV. 13, xvi. 47. 
 
70 RHODES. 
 
 flavour was imparted by just the right quantity of sea water'. 
 Cato economized by flavouring his home-made wine in this 
 way, and flattered himself that it passed for Rhodian or the 
 kindred Coanl The Rhodians frequently drank theirs mulled 
 with myrrh, cinnamon, mint, etc., with divers beneficial results'. 
 There was much drinking and gambling with dice among the 
 Rhodian aristocrats in early times, often for very curious 
 stakes*; and cock-fighting was common. Their fighting 
 cocks rivalled those of Tanagra, and became favourites at 
 Rome^ A sumptuary law could not be enforced even 
 against shaving^ And in many ways the austerity of these 
 Dorians was tempered with Oriental luxury'. The Rhodian 
 youths disturbed Diogenes by appearing at the Olympic 
 Games in more costly attire than any of the Greeks': and in 
 later times the Roman satirists did not spare them". On the 
 other hand there is a story of a grave Rhodian rebuking 
 a Roman lictor for fussiness". 
 
 Wealthy Romans frequented the island. Its sunny climate 
 attracted them". Caesar, Brutus, Cassius and Cicero, all 
 stayed there to study rhetoric. Pompey halted there in 6"] 
 and 62 B. c. on his way between Rome and his commands in 
 the East''. Herod of Judaea came there to meet Octavian 
 after Actium". Nero, who had as a boy pleaded the cause of 
 the Rhodians before Claudius, afterwards talked of abdicating 
 the Empire for a life of leisure at Rhodes". Titus visited'' 
 the island in 68 A.D. before he became Emperor. Tiberius 
 lived there for seven years. He had been struck with the 
 climate and the beauty of the island when touching there on 
 
 ' Athenaeos, pp. 31, 32. » Juvenal, vi. igS, viii. 113; Te- 
 
 ' Pliny, XIV. 10, 12; Cato, de re rence, eunuch. III. i, 29; Plautus, epid. 
 
 rust. 112. II. 2, 115. 
 
 ^ Athenaeos, p. 464. '" Plutarch, de cohib. ira. 10. 
 
 * lb. p. 444. " Horace, Odes, I. 7, i ; Martial, iv. 
 
 " Pliny, X. 24; Martial, III. 58, 17; 55, 6, X. 68, i; Pliny, II. 62. 
 
 Columella, viii. 2, 11. '^ Strabo, p. 492; Pliny, vii. 31. 
 
 ^ Athenaeos, p. 565. ^* Josephus, de ant. Jud. XV. 6. 
 
 ^ Anacreon, xxsii. 16; Athenaeos, pp. ^"* Suetonius, Nero, 7, 34. 
 
 129, 352. " Tacitus, hist. II. 2. 
 
 ^ /EHan, var. hist. IX. 34. 
 
ON SHORE. 71 
 
 his return from Armenia, and so chose it for his retreat. He 
 was tribune ; but he lived as a private gentleman with a 
 moderate house in the great city and a villa outside, and 
 would stroll about the gymnasion without lictor or attendant, 
 mixing with the Greeks on almost equal terms. One day 
 when he was going to visit the sick, some blundering official 
 caused them all to be brought down to one place and arranged 
 in groups according to their complaints for his convenience: 
 and there was not one of them, however humble, to whom he 
 did not apologize. When the term of his office as tribune 
 expired in 2 B.C., Augustus forbade his return to Italy; and 
 he stayed on at Rhodes. He was now in daily fear of assas- 
 sination. He gave up exercise with horse and arms, ex- 
 changing the Roman toga and sandals for the Greek cloak 
 and slippers — probably the peculiar Rhodian shoes' — and 
 retired to the country to avoid the visits of the Roman officials 
 touching at the great city. There he devoted himself to the 
 study of astrology, keeping a stalwart slave in attendance to 
 throw untrustworthy astrologers down the cliff to the sea as 
 they left his house. At last an eagle, a bird then rarely seen 
 in the island ^ perched on the gable; and in a few days news 
 came of his recall. When Emperor he once wrote a friendly 
 letter to a Rhodian acquaintance inviting him to Rome. He 
 was absorbed in his enquiries into the murder of Drusus and 
 was torturing everyone for evidence when the guest arrived, 
 and he absently ordered him to be tortured. On finding out 
 the blunder, he had the man killed that he might not go about 
 talking of it'. He had been virtually an exile during the last 
 years of his stay in the island; and many Romans must have 
 lived there in like case, for Rhodes was excepted in the decree 
 of II A.D. that exiles interdicted from fire and water should 
 live in no island within forty miles of the continent ^ 
 
 Amid the general corruption of the Greeks in the Hnd 
 century A.D. the Rhodians retained much of the old Doric 
 severity and quiet good sense. They kept gladiators out of 
 
 1 Pollux, vn. 22. Tacitus, annales, I. 4, vi. 20, jr. 
 
 2 Pliny, X. 41. * Dio Cassius, LVI. 27. 
 ' Suetonius, Tiberius, 11 — 14, 62; 
 
72 RHODES. 
 
 the island, just as they kept the public executioner out of the 
 city and held trials for murder outside the walls. The rest of 
 the Greek world could not rival them in wealth or culture. 
 The every-day duties of life were performed with perfect 
 finish, and even the rustics seemed less clumsy than usual in 
 the gymnasion there. At the Theatre they listened in silence 
 and did not applaud till the end. They dined quietly like 
 men who knew how to order a dinner, and cared more for 
 conversation than for drinking. Their dress was simple and 
 strangely moderate in the use of purple. They did not bustle 
 about the streets ; and if strangers failed to fall in with their 
 pace and walked about without looking where they were 
 going, they called them to order\ It is significant that a 
 word that elsewhere meant a jester, at Rhodes meant a liar^ 
 
 ^ Dio Chrysostom, pp. 620, 632, 650, ^ Hesychios, s.. v. TryXatatrrT/s. 
 
 651,679; Aristeides, pp. 353, 360, 373. 
 
V. 
 
 THE GODS. 
 
 Helios was the great god of Rhodes. The whole island 
 was sacred to him, as Cythera was sacred to Aphrodite or 
 Delos to Apollo. The people revered him, the grandsire of 
 the heroes Lindos, lalysos and Camiros, as ancestor of their 
 race'. His priest gave the name to the year. The Colossos 
 was in his likeness, and the coins of the great city bore his 
 image. The worship, however, was not so marked in early 
 times : Athene of Lindos had then the greatest honours. But 
 when the great city was founded, some worship must have 
 been needed in which lalysos and Camiros should have as 
 large a share as Lindos : and it was probably then that Helios 
 took the first place. His temple in the great city is often 
 mentioned; but there is no record of any temple to him in 
 the ancient cities. 
 
 The festival of Helios was yearly, in September ^ A 
 team of four horses was then sacrificed to him by casting 
 them into the sea'. Horses were sacrificed to him in many 
 places ; but not in teams of four, nor were they cast into the 
 sea. The team was in this case referred to the chariot of the 
 sun : and within the temple was a statue of the god standing 
 in the chariot with its four horses\ But every ninth year in 
 Illyricum a team of four horses was devoted to Poseidon 
 
 ' Diodoros, V. 56. ' Festus, s. v. October. 
 
 = Scholia to Pindar, Ol. VII. 80. * Pliny, xxxiv. 19. 
 
74 RHODES. 
 
 Hippios and cast into the sea^: and at Lindos Poseidon was 
 worshipped as Hippios I Thus the custom may have arisen 
 from some blending of the worships. The ancient sacrifice 
 to HeHos of white or tawny lambs was also offered in the 
 island'. In the games at the festival there were races for 
 horses and for chariots, gymnastic contests for men and for 
 boys, and contests in music*. The prize was a wreath of 
 white poplar^ The contests were severe ; for victors there 
 were victorious also at the Pythia, the Isthmia and the Nemea ; 
 and great athletes from abroad, like Marcus Aurelius Ascle- 
 piades, thought it worth their while to compete". In the great 
 days of Rhodes the neighbouring independent states and the 
 kings of Pergamos sent envoys to the festival': and it was 
 still flourishing centuries afterwards*. 
 
 Athene Lindia was greatly reverenced throughout the 
 island and abroad. Though Diagoras was of lalysos, it was 
 in her temple at Lindos that Pindar's ode in his praise was 
 dedicated'. From over the sea Egyptians, Phoenicians and 
 Greeks sent offerings to her. Even after her eclipse by 
 Helios, the Roman Marcellus on taking Syracuse in 212 B.C. 
 sent gifts to her temple". She was worshipped " with flame- 
 less sacrifices." Fire, it would seem, was made ready and the 
 victim was slain on an altar of burnt offering in a grove on the 
 Acropolis, but the fire was not set to the altar". The sacrifice , 
 was daily, and the victims were eaten within the temple". 
 A rock-cut inscription on the Acropolis records the planting 
 of a grove of olive trees there in honour of Athene". The 
 ruins shew that the temple consisted of a cella, measuring 
 externally some sixty feet by twenty-five, with two columns 
 in antis in both pronaos and posticum, and probably a portico 
 of four columns at each end. The order cannot be traced, but 
 
 ' Festus, s.v. Hippius. ^' Athenseos, p. 561; Xenophon of 
 
 ■■' R. A. 7, 12. Ephesos, v. 11. 
 
 = R. H. 45. » Gorgon, Fr. 3. 
 
 * R. H. 2i; F. 10, 12, 13; B. 3208, 1" Plutarch, Marcellus, 30. 
 
 5913; L. U. 2; L. B. 201. " Pindar, 01.VIi.48;Diodoros,v.56. 
 
 ' Scholia to Pindar, 01. vii. 80. ^' Suidas, s. v. 'Podliov xp^^t^^' 
 
 ' F. 12, 13; B. 5913. " L. U. 55; Anthologia Palatina, 
 
 ' Appian, de reb. Macedon. 9. xv. 1 1 . 
 
THE GODS. 75 
 
 was presumably Doric. About the middle of the Acropolis 
 are the ruins of another small temple, which was certainly 
 Doric and of the best period of Greek art. This perhaps 
 belonged to Zeus Polieus, guardian of the city, who was com- 
 monly worshipped with Athene Lindia'. Athene Polias and 
 Zeus Polieus were worshipped together both at Camiros" and 
 in the great city': where Athene lalysia Polias and Zeus 
 Polieus Camires were also worshipped*. 
 
 Zeus was also worshipped in Rhodes as Paean, the healer^; 
 as Endendros, protector of trees'; as Eridimios, guardian of 
 the people''; at Netteia as Patroios, guardian of the family"; 
 at Camiros as Teleios, fulfiller of prayer'; and on Mount 
 Atabyros as Atabyrios^ Athene was worshipped with Zeus 
 Atabyrios at Acragas, and therefore probably with him on 
 Mount Atabyros ^ In the ruins of his temple on the top of 
 the mountain the walls of a cella measuring some forty-five 
 feet by thirty-five can be traced, and also the walls of a peri- 
 bolos about forty yards square ; but no columns have been 
 found. On the Acropolis of the great city was another temple 
 of Zeus Atabyrios'". In the temple on the mountain were 
 certain bronze kine that bellowed when any evil was to happen". 
 The bronze bull of Phalaris at Acragas bellowed when a man 
 was put inside and a fire lighted beneath. And it is to be 
 feared that when the bronze kine were heard bellowing on 
 Atabyros the priests were offering baked sacrifices to avert 
 the coming evil. Then a man was always sacrificed to Cronos 
 in August. This custom endured after the founding of the great 
 city; but in later times the victim was a criminal already con- 
 demned to death. He was led outside the city gates and 
 then, near the temple of Artemis Aristobule, wine was given 
 him to drink and he was slain'^ Human sacrifices to Cronos 
 were common among the Phoenicians, and Zeus Atabyrios 
 
 1 R. A. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, lo, 14, 15, 16, <> J. H. S. 11. 354. 
 
 19, 28 ; F. 63, 65, 66, 71. ' N. 353 ; F. 59. 
 
 ' B. C. H. V. 337. 8 Diodoros, V. 59; Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 s F. 17. ' Polybios, IX. 27. 
 
 4 lb. 71. '" Appian, de bel. Mith. 26. 
 
 5 Hesychios, s. vv. naidf, "EvSei'- " Scholia to Pindar, Ol vii. S7. 
 Spas, 'EpidliMio!. " Porphyry, de abstineiitia, II. 54. 
 
76 RHODES. 
 
 seems closely related to the Canaanite Molech of Mount 
 Tabor. These rites would therefore have been brought to 
 Rhodes by the Phcenician settlers, either directly from their 
 homes or by way of Crete. The custom that no herald should 
 enter the shrine of Ocridion' may point to human sacrifices 
 like those of the Athamidse at Alos. If the eldest of the 
 lineage of Athamas entered the prytaneion there, the people 
 straightway decked him with garlands and offered him to 
 Zeusl Small bronze figures of bulls (Plate IV.) which proba- 
 bly served as offerings to Zeus Atabyrios are sometimes found 
 upon Mount Atabyros. 
 
 Zeus and Hera were worshipped together in the deme 
 Pontoreia as Orolytoe, whatever that may be'; and Hera was 
 worshipped in the great city as Basileia, the queen'. 
 
 Dionysos was much honoured in the great city. His altar 
 was probably the chief place in the Agora*. His temple was 
 the richest in offerings, and was crowded with works by the 
 greatest painters and sculptors'. There also the tripods given 
 as prizes at his festival were dedicated'. At his festival at 
 Lindos there were contests, processions and sacrifices : and 
 both citizens and foreigners, whether holding land or merely 
 resident, could be called on to supply a choros'. Lambs were 
 sacrificed to him in the island'. The Pagladia, a Rhodian 
 festival when the vines were trimmed, must have been sacred 
 to him'. He was also worshipped in Rhodes as Thyonidas, 
 child of Semele : a phallic rite'. In the great city there was 
 also a worship of Dionysos Bacchos ; to which belonged the 
 festival of Bacchos, celebrated with greater pomp every third 
 year as the Trieteris". The Roman Trieteris, which was also 
 kept in the island, did not fall at the same time ". 
 
 Hermes was worshipped in Rhodes as Epipolaeos, protector 
 of traders '^ and as Chthonios, guide of the dead". 
 
 1 Plutarch, qiisest. grsec. 27. ' J. H. S. IV. p. 352. 
 
 ^ Herodotos, VII. 197. ^ Hesychios, s. vv. na7Xii5ta, Qvu 
 
 3 F. 71. Mas. 
 
 " N. 343. i» B. 2525, b. 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 652 ; Lucian, amor. 8. " R. I. 277. 
 
 ® Aristeides, p. 399. ^^ Gorgon, Fr. 2. 
 
 ' R. H. 47. " Scholia to Aristophanes, pax, 6jo. 
 
THE GODS. -j-j 
 
 Apollo was worshipped at Lindos as Pythios', as Olios', 
 averter of death, and as Loemios^ averter of pestilence; at 
 Camiros as Epimelios^ guardian of flocks, as Aeigenetes^ 
 perpetual giver of increase, as Mylas', guardian of mills, as 
 Carneios*, god of corn, and again as Pythios*; at Ixia, as 
 Ixios"; again as Pythios in the great city"; as Erethimios, 
 Erythibios, or Erysibios, averter of mildew, near the modern 
 village of Tholo, where the temple and a marble omphalos 
 forming part of the statue have been found'; and as Smin- 
 theus, destroyer of mice, both at Lindos and in the great city, 
 for there were sacred enclosures for the festivals at both 
 places' : and these festivals differed from the Sminthia else- 
 where, for Philodemos or Philomnestos wrote a book con- 
 cerning the Sminthia in Rhodes^ 
 
 Artemis was worshipped together with Apollo Erethi- 
 mios"; also at Lindos" and near the modern hamlet of Arta- 
 miti on Mount Atabyros'^ as in Cecoea or simply as Cecoea, 
 whatever that may be; as Aristobule", admirable in counsel, 
 near the great city; in the island, as Euporia", goddess of 
 plenty; and at Lindos as Pergsea'", apparently of Perge in 
 Pamphylia. And it was a custom in Rhodes to crown the 
 statues of Artemis and of Persephone with asphodel'", pro- 
 bably as deities of the nether world. 
 
 The worship of Poseidon at lalysos was in the hands of a 
 priesthood of Phoenician origin", but nothing further is known 
 of it. On occupying the volcanic island upheaved between 
 Thera and Therasia in 196 B.C. the Rhodians built there a 
 temple to him as Asphaleios, bringer of safety". He was 
 worshipped at Lindos" and in the great city"" as Hippios, 
 
 1 R. I. 272; R. A. 7; F. 65. " R. A. 4, 6, 8, 15; R. I. 272; F. 
 
 ' Macrobius, Sat. I. 17. 65, 66, 71. 
 
 3 J. H. S. IV. 351. '- B. C. H. IX. 100. 
 
 * B. C. H. V. 337. '^ Porphyry, de ahstinentia, II. 54. 
 
 ^ Stephanos, s. v. 'l^^ac, ^^ Hesychios, s. v. EyTrop^a. 
 
 " F. 71. '" F. 67. 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 613; R. I. 276, 277; ^' Suidas, s. v. 'Acri^iSeXos. 
 
 R. H. 43, 44. " Diodoros, V. 58. 
 
 8 Strabo, p. 605. '* Strabo, p. 57. 
 
 ' Athenaeos, pp. 74, 445. '" R. A. 7, 12. 
 
 » R. H. 43. 2" F. -I. 
 
78 RHODES. 
 
 creator of the horse; also as Gilseos', apparently of Gela in 
 Sicily, in the great city; as Cyreteios^ apparently of Curfis in 
 Italy, at Camiros; and near the modern village of Yannathi 
 as Phytalmios, giver of life, with sacrifices of mature pigs'. 
 
 Hestia was worshipped with Zeus Teleios at Camiros^ 
 
 References to the worship of Apollo Telchinios at Lindos, 
 of Hera Telchinia at lalysos and at Camiros, and of the 
 Nymphs Telchiniae at lalysos shew only that the statues of 
 the deities in certain temples were held to be the handiwork 
 of the Telchines\ 
 
 At Lindos there was a strange worship of Heracles. 
 While the sacrifice was offered, the priest heaped curses and 
 abuse upon the hero; not, however, at random, but in a fixed 
 sequence handed down from early times*. There was no- 
 thing like this elsewhere in Greece; and it may have arisen 
 from some outburst of the Egyptian settlers at Lindos against 
 the sacrifice of animals that they held sacred. "Lindians at 
 their sacrifice" or "Rhodians at their sacrifice" became a pro- 
 verb for bad language in sacred places'. The sacrifice was 
 probably of one ox of the plough. Lactantius, however, says 
 that two oxen of the plough were sacrificed yoked together on 
 an altar called Buzygon. If this was so, the rites of Heracles 
 Buthcenes, the beefeater, had been blended with those of the 
 harvest festival Buzygia at which a yoke of oxen was thus 
 sacrificed. 
 
 The temple of Asclepios was an important place in the 
 great city*. The guild of the Asclepiadae, however, was ex- 
 tinct at Rhodes in the Ilnd century A.D., though the guilds at 
 Cos and at Cnidos were still flourishing'. The worship pro- 
 bably came from Epidauros in very early times, but the 
 legends about this have perished". 
 
 The ancient tree worship perhaps survived at Lindos in 
 
 1 F. 71. tius, I. 21. 
 
 2 g_ Q^ fj. V. 337. ' Hesychios, s. vv. AlvSloi ttJc Ou- 
 
 3 ji3_ II, 5ig. fflav, 'PdStot T7}V Qvaiav. 
 * F. 59. ' N. 343. 
 
 ' Diodoros, V. 55. ' Galen, de meth. med. i. 
 
 « Conor), Nar. 11 ; ApoUodoros, 11. " Aristeides, p. 396. 
 
 5; Philostratos, imag. II. 74; Lactan- 
 
THE GODS. 79 
 
 that of Helen Dentritis': and all running streams were reve- 
 renced in the island, as in many parts of Greece, by the wor- 
 ship of the river Acheloos^ 
 
 Among the characters in Rhodian history or legend Halia', 
 the bride of Poseidon, was worshipped as an immortal under 
 the name Leucothea and therefore as a sea goddess: while 
 Alectrona', Phorbas'', Althaemenes of Crete', Aristomenes of 
 Messene*, Ocridion^ and Tlepolemos" had the honours of 
 heroes. It is not clear in what part of the island the temple 
 of Tlepolemos stood. Every year there was a solemn assem- 
 bly there with a procession, a burnt sacrifice of sheep, and 
 contests wherein the prize was a wreath of white poplar. 
 There is extant a curious decree for keeping holy the temple 
 and precinct of Alectrona near lalysos. "There shall enter 
 in to the precinct no horse, donkey, mule, jennet, or any other 
 beast of burden, nor shall any man drive any of these into it; 
 nor shall any man bring in shoes or anything made of pigskin: 
 whosoever breaketh this law shall purify the temple and pre- 
 cinct and offer sacrifice or else be liable for impiety: but if 
 any man drive in sheep, he shall pay one obol (twopence) for 
 each sheep'." To Phorbas the Rhodians sacrificed for good 
 luck before setting out on a long voyage". Mylas, one of the 
 Telchines, was held to be the founder of the sacred rites 
 Mylanteia, presumably some festival of the millers, at Cami- 
 ros'; and a promontory near there was sacred to him". In 
 like manner another promontory was sacred to Pan"; and a 
 third to a certain Thoas, of whom nothing is known 'I There 
 was also in Rhodes a worship of the Macrobioe, the elderly 
 nymphs". 
 
 Egyptian gods of course found followers in Rhodes. 
 Sarapis was worshipped in the great city" and at Lindos". 
 
 1 Pausanias, in. ig. ° Hesychios, s. v. MuXas. 
 
 ^ Scholia to Homer, II. xxiv. 6i6. '" Stephanos, =. v. M-vXavTla. 
 
 ^ Diodoros, v. 55, 56, 58, 59. " Ptolemy, geographia, v. *. 
 
 " Pausanias, IV. 24. ^2 Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 ' Plutarch, qusest. grsec. 27. i' Hesychios, s. v. 
 
 ' Scholia to Pindar, Ol. vii. 77. " F. 71. 
 
 ' N. 349. " R. A. 12. 
 
 ^ Polyzelos, Fr. i. 
 
80 RHODES. 
 
 The temple of Isis in the great city stood near the walls by 
 the sea, and during the siege by Mithridates a spectre of the 
 goddess was seen to hurl down a mass of fire upon his floating 
 siege engines'. Thus the Rhodians gained something from 
 the wisdom of the Egyptians : the phantom goddess that 
 came to the Greeks at Salamis gave only good advice. After 
 the siege by Demetrios the Rhodians by leave of the oracle of 
 Zeus Ammon began to worship their ally Ptolemy Soter. 
 They dedicated to him a square grove within the great city, 
 and built on each side of it a portico a furlong in length; and 
 this they called the Ptolemaeon^ Long afterwards it re- 
 mained their custom to chant a paean in his honour'. The 
 goddess Pistis, good faith, seems of Roman origin*. 
 
 Although religious zeal was then dying out in Rhodes, the 
 walls and towers of the Acropolis of Lindos were thoroughly 
 restored as late as the time of Hadrian^ 
 
 The panegyreis, the solemn assemblies, of the Lindians 
 were yearly. An inscription found at the temple of Apollo 
 Erethimios mentions "the panegyris after the war" and also a 
 festival called Dipanamia". A festival called Episcaphia was 
 celebrated in the island, presumably when the seed was sown, 
 and at Lindos there was a sacrifice called Telesthia'. 
 
 The festival of the Doric Pentapolis at the Triopian Cape 
 brought over the islanders with their wives and children, and 
 led to much friendliness between the people of the three 
 Rhodian cities and those of Cos and Cnidos. They met at 
 the temple of Apollo and sacrificed together; and then there 
 were races for horses and gymnastic and musical contests. 
 The prizes were bronze tripods, but the winners were expected 
 to dedicate these in the temple. Once a man from Halicar- 
 nassos, Agasicles by name, carried off the tripod he had won 
 to his own house and fixed it there with nails. The dispute 
 arising from this ended in the expulsion of Halicarnassos 
 from the league ". 
 
 1 Appian, de bel. Mitli. 27. ' R. A. ix; R. I. 277. 
 
 ° Diodoros, XX. 100. ' Hesychios, s. vv. 'ETrur/cd^ia, Te- 
 
 ^ Athenasos, p. 696. Xeadla. 
 
 ' A. Z. 1878, p. 163. ' Dionysios of Halicarnassos, IV. 25;. 
 
 ° B. C. H. IX. p. 109. Herodotos, i. 144. 
 
THE GODS. 8 1 
 
 At the Olympic games Leonidas of Rhodes was the 
 greatest of all runners. He was four times victor in the race 
 itself, and was twelve times crowned as victor in the heats. 
 No family could rival the Diagoridae of Rhodes. Diagoras 
 himself won the boxing for men in 464 B.C. Of his sons, 
 Acusilaos also won the boxing for men, Damagetos won the 
 pancration, and after him Dorieus the youngest won the pan- 
 cration in 432, 428 and 424 B.C. Of his grandsons by his 
 daughter Callipateira, Eucles won the boxing for men and 
 Peisirrhodos that for boys. Rhodes did not reap all the glory 
 of these victories, for Dorieus and Peisirrhodos were in exile 
 when they won and entered as men of Thurii. Diagoras was 
 at Olympia with Acusilaos and Damagetos when they won, 
 and the young men carried him on their shoulders through the 
 assembly while all the people cast flowers on him calling him 
 blessed in his sons. Callipateira was the only woman that ever 
 ventured to the Olympic games. After her husband's death 
 she accompanied her son Peisirrhodos thither disguised as his 
 trainer. She was discovered, and there was a law that any 
 woman found there should be cast from a certain rock; but 
 they considered of what family she was and sent her away 
 unharmed. The statues of the Diagorid^ formed a notable 
 group in the Altis at Olympia. Near them was a statue bought 
 with a fine paid by the Rhodians to Olympian Zeus because a 
 wrestler from Rhodes had cheated, and another bought with a 
 bribe offered by a Rhodian in 68 B.C. to the wrestler Eudelos\ 
 Replicas of the statues of the victors would have been set up 
 in their native island. At Lindos there is the base of a statue 
 of Agesistratos who won the wrestling for boys at Olympia : 
 the men of Lindos set it up^ Diagoras claimed descent from 
 Heracles in the male line through Damagetos the despot of 
 lalysos who was moreover of the royal line of Argos, and in 
 the female line through Aristomenes the Messenian hero who 
 had thrice offered the sacrifice of him v/ho had slain a hundred 
 foemen: and he was himself a huge man and 6ft. 5in. in 
 height'. He was also victor four times at the Isthmia, twice 
 
 ' Pausanias, V. 6, ^i, VI. 7, 13; cf. " R. A. 25. 
 
 Aulus Gellius, III. 15. ' Scholia to Pindar, 01. vii. 15. 
 
 T. R. 6 
 
82 RHODES. 
 
 at the Nemea and often elsewhere'. His son Dorieus besides 
 his three victories at the Olympia, gained eight at the Isthmia 
 and seven at the Nemea; while at the Pythia no one would 
 face him I Another Rhodian was afterwards victor at the 
 Isthmia, the Nemea, the Pythia and several other festivals'. 
 
 The Rhodians were generous to the gods abroad. At 
 Delphi the Lindians set up a statue to Apollo*. In a list of 
 plate in the temple of that god at Miletos are entries: — vase, 
 plain, on pedestal ; offering of Peisicrates the Rhodian : 
 another, on pedestal six feet high ; offering of Sophanes chief 
 envoy and the other envoys from Rhodes^ At Odessa a 
 Rhodian was honoured for giving money to pay for the sacri- 
 fices°. Near Beyrut in Syria a drinking fountain was set up 
 by a man "from afar, from island Rhodes; a desired piece of 
 handiwork, a bronze image of horned Ammon, pouring out 
 for mortals holy running water'." When certain Greeks set 
 up a statue of the god Tanos near Memphis in Egypt, where 
 they were probably serving with Agesilaos and Chabrias about 
 360 B.C., a Rhodian was among those who dedicated the table 
 of libation^ Other Rhodians, however, shewed little respect 
 for the deified Pharaohs by scrawling up their own names on 
 the tombs of the kings at Bab el Moluk near Thebes ; one of 
 these names was written in 75 B.C." The gods at Rhodes 
 were in their turn largely endowed from abroad. For ex- 
 ample, after the great earthquake about 227 B.C. Hiero and 
 Gelon of Sicily sent ten talents (^^2,400) for sacrifices, and Pto- 
 lemy of Egypt sent stores of corn for sacrifices and games'". 
 Sometimes the Rhodians imposed the worship of their own 
 deities on foreign countries. When Naxos was subjected to 
 Rhodes about 40 B.C. the worship of Rhodos was introduced 
 there, and her priest took precedence of all others". And the 
 priests of Hierapytna were bound by the treaty with Rhodes 
 to pray to Helios, to Rhodos, and to the rest of the gods and 
 
 1 Pindar, Ol. VII. 80—87. ' B. 4535. 
 
 2 Pausanias, vi. 7. « B. 4702. 
 
 ' F. 14. " B. ad. 4778, b, 4789, b, ad. 4789, a=, 
 
 * Pausanias, X. 18. ad. 4807, d. 
 
 <• B. 2860. " Polybios, V. 88, 89. 
 
 •' B. ad. io6o, c. " B. ad. 2416, b. 
 
THE GODS. 83 
 
 goddesses and founders and heroes of the city and country of 
 Rhodes*. 
 
 The priests were not a caste; except perhaps in the wor- 
 ship of Poseidon at lalysos. At Lindos they were to be 
 chosen from the Lindians alone, and probably there was the 
 like rule in the other cities ^ In late times when some families 
 had died out and others had grown too poor to hold the office, 
 this rule must often have brought several priesthoods to one 
 man or the same priesthood to several members of one family. 
 Thus at Lindos a man was priest of five deities', and in the 
 great city a man and his two sons successively held the priest- 
 hood of Helios*. Most priesthoods were held for a year, but 
 in one case at Lindos a man held the office for thirteen 
 months', and in late times it may have been held for life". 
 The priesthood of Helios was at one time obtained by lot'. 
 Perhaps a retired priest had some status in a temple, for the 
 public secretary in the great city, who had been priest of Zeus 
 Atabyrios, dedicated to that god on behalf of the masters of 
 the public slaves ^ At Camiros there was an Archiaristas, or 
 Exieristes, a chief purifier; and presumably other purifiers'. 
 At Lindos", and in the great city", there were Hierothytse: 
 fiifteen of them at Lindos with an Archierothytes. They had 
 a hall there, the Hierothyteion, and maintenance in it was 
 granted by the Lindians just as maintenance in the Pryta- 
 neion was granted by other cities '^ There was also a hall of 
 feasting, the Histiatorion, in the temple of Alectrona near 
 lalysos". In most places the Hierothytae were attendants 
 who slew the victims, but in Rhodes they apparently formed 
 a board appointed by the state to manage public worship. 
 There were twelve Hieropoece at Camiros and six at the 
 temple of Apollo Erethimios : and the office existed at Lindos". 
 
 1 M. 1852, p. 79. 9 N. 353; B. C. H. V. p. 337. 
 
 ' N. 357. 10 N. 35j; F. 6,. R. A. 9, 16, 17; 
 
 ^ R- A. 7. R. I. ^^l ; B. C. H. IX. p. 112. 
 
 * F. 16. 11 F. I. 
 
 = B. C. H. IX. p. 108. 12 R. A. I, 21, 21. 
 
 * F. 71. 13 N. 349. 
 
 ' B. C. H. IX. p. 96. " N. 351, 353, 357; R. I. 276; 
 
 « N. 346. B. C. H. V. 337. 
 
 6—2 
 
84 RHODES. 
 
 The Hieropoeoe generally were magistrates who saw that the 
 victims were without blemish: and at Camiros they were to 
 see that no intruders beheld the sacrifice. In one instance 
 a Rhodian was sent as Hieropceos to Lemnos and to the 
 Didymaeon near Miletos, presumably to attend sacrifices 
 offered there by his city. At Lindos there was a Hierota- 
 mieus, and at Camiros and at the temple of Apollo Erethimios 
 a Tamieus, treasurer of the temple'. A man could be Hiero- 
 tamieus more than once. Dionysios the historian was priest 
 of Helios and a retired priest became public secretary^: but 
 the men who held these other offices were of another type; 
 they became admirals, ambassadors or Prytaneis". At Lindos 
 these officers were, like the priests themselves, to be chosen 
 from the Lindians alone. In the great city and at Lindos 
 and Camiros there was the office of Agonothetes, judge in 
 the festal contests*; and in the great- city the office of Pro- 
 phetes, interpreter of oracles^ At the temple of Apollo 
 Erethimios there were Hierophylaces, guardians of the temple. 
 They probably managed its property, for they had a secretary 
 and an undersecretary^. 
 
 The territories of the three ancient cities were, for religious 
 purposes, divided into districts called Ctoenae'. Those of 
 Camiros extended to the mainland of Asia Minor and to the 
 island of Chalce, the islanders having some sort of home rule. 
 The inhabitants of each district who had the right to share in 
 the sacrifices to Athene at the city in whose territory the 
 district lay were called Ctoenatae. This right passed by de- 
 scent: and perhaps also by adoption. Apparently it was 
 sometimes claimed by intruders who were seeking the position 
 of Ctoenatae, for it was ordered at Lindos that no one should 
 in future share in the sacrifices who had not before, and at 
 Camiros that the Ctcena should be registered and the 
 Ctoenatae admitted to the sacrifices only in the presence 
 of the Hieropceoe. For such registration the Ctcenats in 
 
 I N. 351; R. A. 17; R. H. 23; R. 
 
 ^ R.I. 279;B.C.H. V. 337, IX. 
 
 106. 
 
 I. 276. 
 
 » B. C. H. IX. p. 96. 
 
 
 ^ N. 346; Suidas, s. v. Aioj/foios 
 
 « R. I. 276. 
 
 
 Movataviov. 
 
 ' N. 351, 357; B. C. H. IV. 
 
 138, 
 
 ' N. 353; R. H. 13; F. I. 
 
 IX. 1 14. 
 
 
THE GODS. 8S 
 
 each Ctoena elected an officer, the Mastros, the election being 
 held in the most holy temple in the Ctcena. These Mastrce 
 superintended religious matters in general. Thus at lalysos 
 they passed a decree for keeping holy a certain temple: and 
 at Lindos they conducted the election of choregce, they set up 
 statues to men for their piety, and they passed a decree in 
 honour of men who had carried on lawsuits against intruders 
 to the sacrifices'. There was a secretary of the Mastrce both 
 at Lindos and at Camiros^ The form of the decrees is "by 
 the Mastrce and the Lindians," or as the case maybe: so 
 the Mastrce probably acted as a senate in initiating the 
 decrees to be laid before the people'. Some of these decrees 
 are made "with the consent of the Epistatae," who were pro- 
 bably the chief officers in religious matters. There was, how- 
 ever, in the great city an "Epistates of the boys*". Certain 
 Epistatae sent out by the Commons of Lindos apparently to 
 some of the neighbouring islands are mentioned, but these 
 were natives of the islands to which they were sent'. At the 
 temple of Apollo Erethimios there were three Epistatae and 
 also an Episcopos". At Lindos there were again three Epis- 
 tats, and thirty men were elected to aid them in carrying 
 on the lawsuits against intruders'. These numbers point to 
 election by the three Doric tribes and their thirty clans. 
 
 Other tribes" existed in the island, apparently named from 
 the legendary leaders of the peoples that had migrated 
 thither; for example, from Althaemenes. These were divided 
 into clans, Phratriae, and these again into families, Patrae. It 
 is notable that some family names are found more than once 
 in the same clan and also in more clans than one. These 
 tribes apparently survived as religious societies based on the 
 sacred rites of the family. The guilds, Erance, were open to 
 all, women as well as men', and the highest offices in them 
 could be held by foreigners and persons born in slavery'". 
 
 ' N. 349, 351, 357; R. A. 26; R. H. « R. I. ^^6. 
 
 47;R. I. 271. 'N. 357. 
 
 2 N. 353 ; R. A. 15 ; R. H. 47. 8 n. 345, 352 ; F. 6. 
 
 ' Hesychios, s. v. luuTrpoi.. " F. 20; B. C. H. IX. 121 ; L. U. 61. 
 
 * F. 1. w B. 2625, b; B. C. H. v. p. 331. 
 » R. A. 9. 
 
86 RHODES. 
 
 These guilds were the Heliastae and Heliads, the Diosataby- 
 riastas, the Diosxeniastee, the Athenaistae, the Panathenaista, 
 the Athenaistae Lindiastae, the Poseidoniastae, the guild of 
 Apollo Strategics, the Dionysiastae, the Hermaistae, the Pani- 
 astae, the Asclepiasts, the Serapiasts, the Heroeistae, the 
 Soteriastai, the Euthalids, the Agathodaemonaistae, the Thia- 
 sitae, the Pyrganida, the Nacoreioe, the Lemniastae, the Samo- 
 thraciastae and the Lapethiastas". These guilds broke up into 
 groups probably named from their founders: the Diosataby- 
 riasts of Euphranor; the Dionysiastae of Chaeremon ; the 
 Soteriastae of Lysistratos ; the Agathodaemonaista; of Philon ; 
 the Samothraciastffi of Meson. Then these groups, the guilds 
 themselves, or unions of guilds broke up into temporary 
 branches: the Diosatabyriastae of Euphranor, those with 
 Athenffios of Cnidos ; the Athenaistae Lindiastae, those with 
 Gaius; the union of the Samothraciastae and the Lemniastae, 
 those who went to sea with so-and-so. These unions were 
 of two or three members, and the members might be entire 
 guilds or groups or branches. They were probably temporary 
 or for limited purposes, for the same guild often figures in 
 different unions. When named together entire guilds take 
 precedence of groups or branches. The guilds Lemniastae, 
 Samothraciastae, and Lapethiastae may have been for people 
 from Lemnos, from Samothrace, and from Lapethos in Cypres, 
 respectively: the Union of the Islanders that set up a statue 
 to a certain Rhodian at Delos seems such a society^ At the 
 great city there was a union of the young men'. 
 
 The officers of a guild were the Epistates, the president; 
 the Grammateus, the secretary ; the Hierotamieus, the 
 treasurer; the Hieroceryx, the herald; and the Logistae, 
 the auditors. The members were called Eranistae, and 
 there was an Archeranistes. This office could be held 
 for many years together and was quite distinct from 
 that of Epistates. The festivals, Hiera, were yearly; pro- 
 bably at the Baccheia. There was a meeting, Synodos, the 
 second day after the festival; and another, Syllogos, the 
 
 1 B. 2525, b, 2528;N. 353, 358; R. 1-281; F. I ; J. H. S. II. p. 354; Rev.A. 
 1864, p.469; B. C.H. IX. p.122; L. U. I, 50, 61, 64. 2 B ad. 2283, c. ' F. i. 
 
THE GODS. 87 
 
 month after the synod, and perhaps every month. The Epi- 
 chyseis, the libations, was another of their ceremonies. Land 
 was held by guilds and by unions of guilds for their festivals 
 and also for the burial of their members. Thus, an eranist 
 gave his guild a piece of land 50 yards by 32 in extent as a 
 burial-ground: another paid 550 drachms {£22) costs in a 
 lawsuit to defend the title to the grounds of a union of guilds, 
 560 to put the grounds in order, 100 for buildings on them 
 and another 100 probably for furniture: and an archera- 
 nist rebuilt certain walls and monuments after an earthquake 
 at his own cost and paid over to the guild the money col- 
 lected for the rebuilding. These men were all rewarded, as 
 were others who had enlarged a guild or paid for its sacrifices'. 
 In one case an archeranist receives rewards from his fellow 
 eranists, but in all others the rewards are granted by a guild 
 or by a union of guilds. The rewards were the title of Euer- 
 getes, the benefactor : a laudatory speech : remission of all 
 dues payable to the society for one or for two years : a wreath 
 of gold, of young olive or of white poplar : a proclamation at 
 the synods of a man's good works and his rewards : the 
 dedication in a temple of a pillar engraved with a decree in a 
 man's honour. With chaplets of gold the degree of the 
 reward could be measured by the size: thus, one is to be made 
 from ten pieces of gold {£^), another of the largest size 
 allowed by law. With chaplets of leaves it was an honour 
 to be crowned first at the synod. The chaplet of gold was 
 most commonly granted 'for virtue.' One decree orders that 
 a man's tomb be crowned with a chaplet of gold every year 
 in Hyacinthos (July — August), and that his good works and 
 rewards be proclaimed at the yearly synods for evermore; 
 and for this it provides a sinking fund, trustees, and a separate 
 account; imposes a fine of 100 drachmae {£4) on any one 
 failing to carry out any part of these honours or bringing 
 forward a motion to discontinue them; and declares that such 
 motion should be of no effect. The dedication in a temple 
 of a pillar bearing the decree of a guild in a man's honour 
 
 > B. 2525, b; N. 358; J. H. S. 11. p. 354; B. C. H. IV. p. 138, v. p. 331. 
 
88 RHODES. 
 
 required the consent of the Senate and Commons of the city 
 in whose territory the guild was established'. 
 
 The end of setting up such engraved pillars was, as one 
 decree puts it, "that it may be manifest to all that may here- 
 after be born that the Lindians make a memorial of their 
 worthy men to all time." The Mastroe and Lindians who 
 ordered this decree, which referred to their sacrifices, to be 
 set up in the temple of Athene at Lindos, directed the priest 
 of Athene to pay for the pillar and inscription and the epi- 
 statae to see that the work was done. The Camires directed 
 the three men conducting the registration of the Ctoenae to 
 contract at the lowest tender for supplying a pillar, inscribing 
 and engraving the Ctcen^ thereon, setting it in the temple of 
 Athene and fixing it there with lead in all security and seem- 
 liness; and the treasurer was to pay the cost. The guild of 
 the Euthalidje directed their treasurer to spend no more than 
 fifty drachma {£2) in setting up a pillar engraved with a 
 decree in honour of a member in the temple of Zeus Patroios 
 at Netteia. The mastroe and lalysians, when ordering the 
 temple of Alectrona to be kept holy, directed the treasurers 
 to see that three pillars were made and the decree engraved 
 thereon, and that one was set in the temple and the others on 
 roads leading to it. The decree forbad various things to be 
 brought into the temple, and these two last pillars must have 
 served as notice boards. Three copies of a subscription list 
 for the navy were set up in the great city; one in the Theatre, 
 another in the temple of Asclepios, and the third in the Agora 
 near the altar of Dionysos : presumably for greater publicity. 
 The poletae were to contract for making these pillars and 
 putting them up. The treaty between Rhodes and Hiera- 
 pytna was to be engraved on two pillars, one for Hierapytna 
 and the other for the temple of Athene in the city of Rhodes. 
 The poletae were to contract for the Rhodian copy at a price 
 not exceeding 100 drachmae {£^, and the treasurers were to 
 pay for it. Foreign states sometimes engraved their decrees 
 in honour of Rhodians on pillars and set them up at Rhodes. 
 
 1 B. 2525, b, 2528; N. 358; R. I. 282; F. I, 20, 52; J. H. S. II. p. 354; Rev. 
 A. 1864, p. 469; L. U. 50, 61, 64. 
 
THE GODS. 89 
 
 Some of the decrees order the stone of the pillars to be Lartos, 
 probably a local name: it is in fact foetid limestone'. 
 
 The law against sacrilege protected material honours. 
 Thus it was sacrilege to erase a word on an inscribed pillar, 
 to steal a spear or a shield or a horse's bit from a statue, or 
 even to carry off a faded wreath from a tomb: and for sacri- 
 lege a man was liable to torture on the wheel or to death. 
 Mere portrait statues were protected by this law if the for- 
 mula "to the Gods" was added to the inscription on the 
 base^ On capturing the great city, Artemisia set up there 
 a bronze group of herself scourging Rhodes and dedicated it 
 to the gods. The citizens held that it was not lawful for them 
 to cast it down: but they removed it from their sight by 
 building a wall round it and roofing it over, and then pro- 
 claiming the place holy ground so that none might go therein I 
 Just before the siege of 304 B.C. when there was still hope of 
 peace the citizens set up statues of Antigonos and Demetrios. 
 During the siege the Assembly was urged to cast these down, 
 as it was not seemly that men who besieged the city should 
 be honoured like those who aided it: but the motion was 
 angrily thrown out*. And during the siege of 88 B.C. they 
 respected the statue of Mithridates, though they were daily 
 shooting at the king himself. 
 
 In late times the custom of setting up statues was abused. 
 At Lindos and in the great city statues were set up not only to 
 the Csesars and their wives" and the officials of the province' 
 but to nearly every Roman who touched at the island. Indeed, 
 Romans cared more for a statue at Rhodes than at Athens 
 or Byzantion. To meet this demand the Rhodians used up 
 their old statues. The strategos would take off the old 
 inscriptions and put up others till some figures had done duty 
 for Greeks, Romans, Macedonians and Persians. Sometimes 
 the strategos was careless and assigned an old man's statue to 
 
 ' N. 343, 349, 351, 357; J. H. S. * Diodoros, xx. 81, 93. 
 
 II. p. 354; M. 185-2, p. 79; F. 5. ' Cicero, in Vetrem, 11. 2, 65. 
 
 ' Dio Chrysostom, pp. 6io — 612, " R. A. 2o, 28, 29, 30; L. U. 54. 
 
 614. ' F. 7, 8, 9. 
 
 ^ Vitruvius, II. 41. 
 
90 RHODES. 
 
 a young man, or an athlete's to an invalid, or that of a general 
 on horseback marshalling his troops to some man too lazy to 
 leave his litter. But when a statue was once named after a 
 Roman they hesitated about changing the name, and the 
 Caesars were always allowed new statues'. Portrait statues 
 were often set up by the people themselves or by their rela- 
 tions. Thus a girl's statue was set up by her mother, her 
 sister, her maternal grandfather and grandmother, her maternal 
 uncle, and her mother's second husband". A cheaper honour 
 was to set up a silver mask: this could be done for nine 
 drachmae {7l6y. At Camiros they engraved the names and 
 honours of commanders on shields of white marble*. At 
 Lindos the same group of honours was commonly granted ; 
 and women could receive it with a few variations. It con- 
 sisted of a laudatory speech, a wreath of gold, a bronze statue, 
 the right to wear a wreath and sit in a place of honour at the 
 sacred games or at the solemn assemblies, maintenance in the 
 Hierothyteion, and proclamation of those honours for ever- 
 more. A similar group was granted in the great city'. Such 
 honours served for international courtesies. Thus the Com- 
 mons of Ilios crowned the Commons of Rhodes". In 201 B.C. 
 the Athenians sent a wreath of gold to the Rhodians for their 
 valour; and in 167 B.C. the Rhodians sent to the Romans a 
 wreath made from ten thousand pieces of gold (;^8,ooo), or from 
 twenty thousand according to another account; and then set 
 up in the temple of Athene in the great city a statue of the 
 Commons of Rome forty-five feet in height'. Hiero and 
 Gelon set up in the great city a group of the Commons of 
 Syracuse crowning the Commons of Rhodes'. In some cases 
 a tenth or a firstfruit was spent in setting up a statue^ 
 
 The road leading up to the Acropolis of Camiros on its 
 landward side seems to have been a sacred way bordered 
 
 ' Dio Chrysostom, pp. 569, 589, 613, 68, 69, 70; B. C. H. ix. p. 96. 
 6i2, 623, 648 ; cf. R. A. 20. * B. 3598. 
 
 2 F. II. ' Polybios, xvi. 26, xxx. 5, xxxi. 
 
 ' R. H. 23; B. 1570. 16; Livy, xxxi. is, XLV. 25. 
 " N. 353. ' Polybios, v. 88. 
 
 5 R, A. I, 21, 22; R. H. 23; F. 4, 'J R. A. 10, 13; B. C. H. ix. 106. 
 
THE GODS. 91 
 
 with statues, of which fragments have been found. Many 
 of the tombs in the valley below are rock-cut chambers ap- 
 proached by vertical shafts, like the typical Egyptian tombs ; 
 and in many cases large jars containing children's bones have 
 been buried in these shafts after the tomb chambers them- 
 selves had been filled. Curiously the finest tombs contained 
 coins of the great city, and therefore were in use when Camiros 
 was presumably falling to decay. The finest tomb at Lindos 
 apparently belongs to the Ilnd century B.C. In front there 
 have been twelve Doric columns about 15 feet high hewn 
 in the rock, four in the centre standing clear and giving access 
 to the tomb chamber, the other eight engaged. Above these 
 have been architrave, frieze and cornice: and upon that four 
 marble altars. Just to the south of the present city of Rhodes 
 are remains of a remarkable monument, hewn out of a sand- 
 stone hillock. On a square base of about 90 feet each way 
 it rose vertically to a height of about 20 feet, and above 
 that there was probably a pyramid. Three steps led to 
 the base, and from the highest of these rose twenty-one en- 
 gaged columns on each side. These are unfluted and their 
 capitals are lost : but they were probably Doric, as they have 
 no bases. Within are two chambers surrounded by various 
 niches. These chambers together occupy only about a 
 quarter of the area of the base, and there may be others 
 entered by some hidden door. The entrance to these is 
 ostentatiously marked by the altered spacing of the columns. 
 The monument is rather Phcenician than Greek in character, 
 but there is nothing to shew its age. 
 
 In late times the authorities merely followed public opinion 
 in changing the inscriptions on the statues of the gods so 
 often that it was hard to know one from another, for all the 
 gods were then commonly regarded as a single power and 
 force. Nor did they spend more on sacrifices than on new 
 statues: they put on their garlands and went to the altars, 
 but they made no offering, and then went their way deeming 
 they had sacrificed'. There is, however, little trace of other 
 religions. When Tiberius was living in the island there were 
 
 ^ Dio Chrysostom, pp. 569, 570. 
 
92 RHODES. 
 
 many Chaldseans there, who gained a livelihood by casting 
 horoscopes and teaching astrology'. About this time Dio- 
 genes the grammarian disputed only on the seventh day". 
 This points to the Jewish influence, that might be expected 
 in a great commercial city. And the Jewish community in 
 Rhodes was of importance a century before'. The Apostle 
 Paul passed Rhodes on the return from his third journey, 
 but apparently did not land*. There is a tradition that he 
 afterwards preached at Lindos : probably when he visited 
 Crete and Ephesos in the time of the Pastoral Epistles. 
 
 ^ Tacitus, Annales, vi. 20, 21. ^ Maccabees, I. xv. 23. 
 
 ^ Suetonius, Tiberius, 32. * Acts, xxi.' i. 
 
VI. 
 
 ART. 
 
 The materials for the history of ancient art in Rhodes fall 
 into two groups. On the one hand are passages from ancient 
 writers and inscriptions referring to the works of art in the 
 island or to the men who made them. Of the works thus 
 noticed there remain only the Laocoon in the Vatican and the 
 group commonly called the Tore Farnese in the Museum 
 at Naples. On the other hand are several thousand antiqui- 
 ties discovered in the island of late years. These all belong 
 to minor arts that were ignored by ancient writers : but they 
 are of interest now in the absence of greater works. The 
 groups are so distinct that they are best treated apart. 
 
 Rhodes was an abode of the legendary Telchines ; and in 
 historic times certain ancient statues were called after them, 
 Apollo Telchinios at Lindos, Hera and the Nymphs Tel- 
 chinis at lalysos, and again Hera Telchinia at Camiros'. 
 These statues must have been of metal, for the Telchines 
 were the patrons of metal work just as the Cyclopes were the 
 patrons of stone work. The. earliest metal statues in Greece 
 were made of wrought plates nailed to a framework of wood ; 
 and these were presumably of that class. The Telchines 
 probably reappear in a Rhodian legend as the Heliadas. 
 Athene granted them to master with cunning hands every 
 art of mortals, and the highways bore their handiwork in the 
 likeness of men and creeping things. Indeed, they chained 
 
 1 Diodoros, v. 55. 
 
94 RHODES. 
 
 up their statues by the legs to hinder them from walking 
 abroad'. The Homeric legend of the golden handmaidens 
 of Hephsestos and the gold and silver dogs that kept watch 
 over the palace of Alcinoos belongs to this order of thought. 
 
 In the temple of Athene at Lindos was a cup made of 
 electron-; that is, of mingled gold and silver. Tradition said 
 it was the gift of Helen and had been moulded on her 
 breasts^ The notion recalls the electron masks moulded on 
 the faces of the dead heroes at Mycenae. There was also 
 " a notable bronze caldron, fashioned to the ancient form and 
 bearing an inscription in Phoenician letters." It was accounted 
 the gift of Cadmos'. This reference to the legendary founder 
 of the Phoenician priesthood of Poseidon at lalysos suggests 
 that the caldron was the gift and perhaps the work of the 
 Phoenicians in that city. The earliest statue of Athene Lindia 
 was a post, just as the earliest statue of Hera at Samos was 
 a plank. Tradition ascribed its dedication to Danaos, the 
 legendary founder of the temple^ Like other primitive 
 Greek statues, it was draped. There is extant a subscription 
 list for the renovation of Athene's robes at Lindos^; and 
 possibly it was for this statue that Amasis of Egypt sent to 
 Athene Lindia a cuirass of fine linen, wherein each thread 
 was spun from as many strands as there were days in the 
 year°. There was another statue of Athene Lindia. Cedren, 
 who apparently had seen it, says that it was six feet in height 
 and made of 'Kldo<i afidpaySo's : he adds that it was the work 
 of the sculptors Dipoenos and Scyllis and a gift from Sesostris 
 of Egypt to Cleobulos of Lindos'. Cleobulos rebuilt the 
 temple early in the Vlth century B.C. and doubtless set up 
 a new statue to the goddess^ Sesostris had then been dead 
 for seven centuries : but Amasis was alive, and he certainly 
 dedicated two statues in the temple at Lindos'. If this statue 
 
 1 Pindar, 01. vn. 50—52, and scho- ^ B. C. H. IX. p. 85. 
 
 lia. " Herodotos, n. 182; Pliny, XIX. 2. 
 
 ^ Pliny, XXXIII. 23. ' Cedren, p. 322. 
 
 ' Diodoros, v. 58. " Diogenes Laertius, I. 89. 
 
 * Callimachos, Fr. 105 ; Diodoros, ^ Herodotos, II. 182. 
 V. 58. 
 
ART. 9S 
 
 of Athene was of Egyptian origin, the material must have 
 been one of the green marbles of that country. The notion 
 that the material was glass is hopeless, for the statue survived 
 a conflagration \ Dipoenos and Scyllis lived in the days of 
 Cleobulos ; but they always worked in white marble, when 
 working in stone. The reference to these pupils of Dajdalos 
 was perhaps suggested by the Egyptian stiffness of the figure. 
 
 Among the statues of the victors at Olympia was a strik- 
 ing group of Rhodian athletes. Diagoras, standing with his 
 right arm uplifted, towered over the others. On his right 
 was his grandson, the boy Peisirrhodos ; and on his left his 
 three sons, Damagetos, then Dorieus, and then Acusilaos : 
 the last wearing the boxing-glove on the left hand and raising 
 the right as if in prayer. The statue of Eucles, the other 
 grandson of Diagoras, stood apart. It was the work of 
 Naucydes, a master of the family and of the school of Poly- 
 cleitos. The pedestal was found in the late excavations, but 
 not the figure. The statue of Diagoras was by Callicles of 
 Megara ; and thus could hardly have been set up before that 
 of his grandson Eucles^ At Delphi the great group dedicated 
 by the Spartans after their victory at yEgospotamoe (405 B.C.) 
 included statues of two Rhodians who had commanded on 
 their side in the battle, Timarchos and another Diagoras : 
 both the work of Tisandros. There was also at Delphi a 
 statue of Apollo dedicated by the Lindians'. 
 
 The building of the Mausoleion at Halicarnassos soon 
 after 350 B.C. attracted thither several of the great Greek 
 sculptors ; and the neighbouring cities began to collect 
 statues. Cnidos had an Aphrodite from Praxiteles, an 
 Athene and a Dionysos from Scopas, and another Dionysos 
 from Bryaxis : Cos had another Aphrodite from Praxiteles : 
 Patara had a Zeus and an Apollo from Bryaxis : and Rhodes 
 had from Bryaxis colossal statues of five of the gods^ This 
 was perhaps an incomplete group of the twelve gods, for no 
 five were worshipped apart at Rhodes. The material would 
 
 ^ Zosiraos, V. 24. ^ Pausanias, X. 9, 18. 
 
 ^ Pausanias, VI. 6, 7: Scholia to " Pliny, xxxiv. 18. 
 
 Pindar, 01. VII. 15; L. B. 86. 
 
96 RHODES. 
 
 have been white marble, in which Bryaxis commonly worked 
 when not using the precious metals. It is strange that the 
 Rhodians employed Bryaxis rather than Scopas or Praxiteles : 
 a young Rhodian, however, Alcetas by name, outraged two 
 statues by Praxiteles, the Aphrodite of Cnidos and the Eros 
 of Pari on'. The bronze group of Artemisia branding the 
 Rhodian State like a runaway slave, which she dedicated at 
 Rhodes soon after 351 B.C., may have been by one of the 
 great sculptors then working for her on the Mausoleion". 
 A similar personification occurs in a group of the Commons 
 of Syracuse crowning the Commons of Rhodes, which Hiero 
 and Gelon set up in the Deigma at Rhodes about 220 B.C., 
 and in a statue, set up by certain Lindians, of their "native 
 land, most beauteous Rhodes'". A masterpiece of Lysippds 
 in the temple of Helios in the great city belonged to this 
 period*. The subject was " a quadriga with Helios of the 
 Rhodians." Quadrigae of many kinds are mentioned among 
 his works, but not another Helios. He had for a pupil, how- 
 ever, Chares of Lindos, the master of the Colossos : and it 
 may be that the Helios was by Chares and the quadriga 
 alone by Lysippos. The material must have been bronze, 
 as in all works of that school. Lysippos did not teach Chares 
 by study of the older masters : he merely let his pupil watch 
 him at every part of his work'. But he set the example of 
 a huge bronze statue in the open air by his Zeus, sixty feet 
 in height, in the market place at Tarentum. 
 
 The Colossos attracted comparatively little notice in 
 ancient times. As a work of art it did not rank among the 
 masterpieces of Greek sculpture ; and in size it was rivalled 
 by earlier statues and was aftervvards surpassed. It was, 
 indeed, placed in the list of the Seven Wonders : and to this 
 it owed its celebrity in the Middle Ages, when such lists were 
 in repute. But the list may have been of merely local origin : 
 and in fact four of the seven wonders, the Artemision at 
 Ephesos, the Mausoleion at Halicarnassos, the Colossos at 
 
 » Pliny, VII. 39, XXXVI. 4. * Pliny, xxxiv. 19. 
 
 ^ Vitruvius, II. 41. '' Auctor ad Herennium, IV. 6. 
 
 3 Polybios, V. 88 ; R. A. 19. 
 
ART. 97 
 
 Rhodes and the Pharos at Alexandria belong to the same 
 region and period. The Athenians had employed their booty 
 from Marathon in setting up the great bronze statue of 
 Athene Promachos on the Acropolis at Athens: and this no 
 doubt prompted the Rhodians to utilize their trophies of the 
 great siege of the city of Rhodes for a huge bronze figure 
 of their own national god, Helios. Three hundred talents 
 (^72,000) were obtained for building the Colossos by the sale 
 of the siege-train which Demetrios Poliorcetes had abandoned 
 on raising the siege' in the spring of 303 B.C. It is, however, 
 said that Ptolemy offered three thousand talents (;£'720,ooo) 
 for rebuilding it after the earthquake^: but a tenth of that 
 sum seems more probable. Lucian makes the Colossos boast 
 that he cost as much as sixteen golden gods, to say nothing of 
 the art and the finish of the workmanship in spite of the size'. 
 This fine finish might be expected from a pupil of Lysippos. 
 There is a very doubtful story that the Rhodians at first in- 
 tended the figure to be but half its actual height, and that 
 Chares only doubled his charge when they doubled the height, 
 and was driven by his miscalculation to bankruptcy and 
 suicide*. The height was probably 105 feet°: but it is also 
 given as 90 and as 120 feet. It may be gathered from 
 a somewhat rhetorical account that the figure was in a 
 standing posture ; that it was hollow and was steadied by 
 a framework of iron rods resting on pillars of masonry inside ; 
 that it was cast in many sections and built up gradually ; that 
 the material employed was 500 talents (i2|^ tons) of bronze 
 and 300 talents (7^ tons) of iron ; and that the base was of 
 white marble and overtopped the other statues^ This re- 
 ference to the other statues suggests that the Colossos stood 
 in some public place within the city, such as the Deigma. 
 The Deigma was in the lowest part of the city by the water'. 
 There is now a piece of very low ground near the south-west 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXIV. 18. = Pliny, xxxiv. 18; Strabo, p. 652. 
 
 ° Polybios, V. 89. « Pseudo-Philo of Byzantion, de sep- 
 
 ' Lucian, Zeus Trag. 11. tern miraculis, 4. 
 
 * Sextus Empiricus, adv. math. VII. ' Diodoros, XIX. 45. 
 
 107. 
 
 T. R. 7 
 
98 RHODES. 
 
 corner of the northern harbour ; and perhaps the figure stood 
 here on the site of the church of Saint John of the Colossos. 
 The ludicrous mediaeval notion that it stood across the har- 
 bour would have been suggested by the two curious towers 
 at the mouth of the southeirn harbour ■ rather than by an 
 ancient epigram'- The Colossos was twelve years in build- 
 ing, and then stood for only fifty-six years. There was a 
 great earthquake about 227 B.C. which threw down the 
 greater part of the city walls and of the dockyards, and the 
 upper part of the figure broke away at the knees and fell. 
 It was still lying on the ground in the time of Strabo and of 
 the elder Pliny; and its subsequent restoration is most im- 
 probable. Pliny describes it as marvellous even after its fall: 
 few men could clasp its thumb in their arms: its fingers were 
 larger than most statues : vast caverns yawned in the broken 
 limbs, and within was seen the massive masonry that had 
 supported itl It is said that when the Saracens occupied 
 Rhodes in the Vllth century A.D. they sold the remains of the 
 Colossos to a Jew for old metal, and that he loaded 900 
 ^ camels with it?. The twenty tons of metal would not, how- 
 ever, load more than 90 camels. The only other known work 
 of Chares was a head of colossal size^ 
 
 The rebuilding of the great city after the earthquake of 
 about 227 B. C. was followed by a sudden development of the 
 political power of Rhodes, which culminated in 190 B.C. 
 during the war with Antiochos and then declined equally 
 suddenly after the defeat of Perseus in 168 B.C. All the 
 sculptors of the Rhodian school appear from the style of 
 their signatures to belong to this period of little more than 
 fifty years. Many of them were men of foreign birth who 
 migrated to Rhodes, and whose sons worked there after them. 
 From Salamis — probably the island near Athens — there came 
 Simos, son of Themistocrates ^ and Onasiphron, son of 
 Cleionseos". From Miletos there came Archidamos'. From 
 
 ' Anthologia Palatina, vi. 171. ■" Pliny, xxxiv. 18. 
 
 2 Pliny, XXXIV. 18; Polybios, V. 88; = R. I. 279; L. B. 163. 
 
 Strabo, p. 652. ° F. 15; L. B. 165. 
 
 ' Cedren, p. 431. ' F. 64; L. B. 200. 
 
ART. 99 
 
 Laodicsea there came Charinos, " to whom the right of resi- 
 dence was granted'." From the Rhodian colony of Soloe in 
 Cilicia there came Sosipatros and Zehon"; and also Epi- 
 charmos, "to whom the right of residence was granted": 
 and with him there worked Epicharmos of Rhodes, son of 
 Epicharmos'. From Cydonia in Crete there came Protos*, 
 and from Eleuthernae in Crete there came Timocharis". Then 
 there was Pythocritos of Rhodes, son of Timocharis" : per- 
 haps the Pythocritos who was famous for his statues of 
 athletes, hunters, warriors and priests'. From Lucania there 
 came Botrys, whose signature (ej^jaX/coypYT/o-e) marks him as a 
 worker in bronze'. From Halicarnassos there came Phyles^ 
 He was the sculptor of a statue set up by the Union of the 
 Islanders to a Rhodian at Delos'". A single base at Lindos 
 bore statues of a man and of his son, who were both priests 
 of Athene Lindia, the one by Phyles and the other by 
 Mnasitimos and Teleson". There was also Mnasitimos of 
 Rhodes, son of Teleson'''. A work by this Mnasitimos stood 
 next to a work by Theon of Antioch, " to whom the right of 
 residence was granted," on a long base for the statues of 
 athletes in the great city". There were other works of Theon 
 in the island": and a plinth was found at Alexandria, ap- 
 parently belonging to the statue of a horse in white marble, 
 with the signatures of Theon and of Demetrios of Rhodes, 
 son of Demetrios '^ It is not likely that the horse was made 
 at Rhodes and afterwards removed to Alexandria, for this 
 signature of Theon omits the phrase about the right of resi- 
 dence. There was also a Demetrios of Rhodes, son of Helio- 
 doros", and probably the father of this Demetrios: and also 
 Plutarchos of Rhodes, son of Heliodoros". The absence of 
 
 1 F. lo; L. B. i88, 189. ' R. A. 7; F. 4; L. B. 179, 180. 
 
 2 R. A. 2; L. B. 190. " B. ad. 2283, c; L. B. 178. 
 ' R. A. i; F. i; L. B. 191, 193. " R. A. 6; L. B. i8i. 
 
 * R. A. 8; L. B. 198. 12 R. A. 5 ; L. B. 182, 183. 
 
 " R. A. 3; R. H. 37; F. 63; L. B. " F. 13, 13; L. B. 184. 
 
 170— 173- " F- 2; L. B. 185, 186. 
 
 ' R. A. 4; L. B. 174, 174a, 175. " B. ad. 4684, e ; L. B. 187. 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXIV. 19. '^ L. B. 193. 
 
 « B. C. H. IX. p. 399. 17 R. A. 9; F. 11; L. B. 194—196. 
 
 7—2 
 
too RHODES. 
 
 Doric in these signatures suggests that Heliodoros was not a 
 native of Rhodes. Andragoras of Rhodes, son of Aristeidas, 
 worked in the neighbouring island of Astypalsea': and in 
 Rhodes itself there worked a certain Leochares^, whose sig- 
 nature differs from that of the great Leochares ; a certain 
 Peithandros^; and Mnasitimos, son of Aristonidas*: probably 
 the Aristonidas who is said' to have mixed iron with the 
 bronze in his statue of Athamas at Rhodes that a rust 
 might shew through the lustre of the bronze and thus render 
 the shame of the king when he had slain his son in his 
 madness, just as Silanion had mixed silver with the bronze 
 in his statue of locaste to render her pallor. The Laocoon 
 was the work of Agesandros, Polydoros and Athanodoros 
 the Rhodians". Several signatures of Athanadoros of Rhodes, 
 son of Agesandros, have been found : and the order in which 
 the names occur suggests that Polydoros was also a son of 
 Agesandros. These signatures are inscribed on a plinth 
 found at Capri; on another found at Antium with a fragment 
 of drapery in white marble from the statue that it carried; on 
 two very small pedestals found at Rome and at Ostia re- 
 spectively; and on a fragment of a small vase of white marble 
 found at Olympia'. The inscription' from Lindos recording 
 a decree in honour of Athanodoros, son of Agesandros, does 
 not appear from its style to be later than i68 B.C. And the 
 somewhat later style of the signatures of Athanodoros is not 
 conclusive for their date; for the Greek copyists reproduced 
 the signatures as well as the works of famous sculptors, and 
 the merely decorative size of the pedestals from Rome and 
 Ostia shews that the works of Athanodoros were copied. 
 The only difficulty about the authenticity of the Vatican 
 group is that it is in six blocks, and that Pliny says the 
 Laocoon was made from a single block : but he may well 
 have been deceived in this, for the joints are not easily 
 
 1 B. 2488 ; L. B. 204. ^ Pliny, xxxvi. 4. 
 
 2 L. B. 196, ^. •' B. 5870, b, 6133, 6134; L. B. 203, 
 ' R. A. 10; L. B. 199. 446, 479, 480, 520. 
 
 " R. A. 11; L. B. 197. 8 R. A. 21; L. B. 546. 
 
 ^ Pliny, XXXIV. 40. 
 
ART. lOI 
 
 detected. Pliny adds that the Laocoon was made de consilii 
 sententia ; probably meaning, by leave of the Senate of 
 Rhodes or of Lindos\ .Rhodian guilds could not set up a 
 pillar engraved with a decree in any temple without the leave 
 of the Senate and Commons of the place, and a similar 
 permission may well have been needed for a statue^ This 
 Athanodoros, son of Agesandros, was perhaps the Athana- 
 doros who was famous for his noble statues of women. The 
 Toro Farnese was the work of two brothers Apollonios and 
 Tauriscos, who came from Tralles in Caria. There were also 
 statues of Hermerotes, figures half Eros and half Hermes, by 
 this same Tauriscos. Philiscos of Rhodes, the sculptor of an 
 Apollo and an Aphrodite, and Alcon, the sculptor of a 
 Heracles in iron that stood at Rhodes, are also mentioned'. 
 The bronze statue of the eunuch Combabos by Hermocles of 
 Rhodes that stood at Hierapolis in Syria must have been set 
 up about 300 B.C., if a contemporary portrait*. The numerous 
 inscribed pedestals found at Lindos and in the great city 
 shew that much sculpture was made in Rhodes after 168 B.C.: 
 but the group of men who signed their works was extinct, 
 and only one of the later pedestals bears a sculptor's sig- 
 nature, that of Euprepes who migrated from the river Lycos — 
 there were rivers of that name in Syria, in Phrygia and in 
 Pamphylia — and became a Rhodian'. 
 
 The style of this Rhodian school is not clearly known. 
 The inscriptions shew that the works of sculpture which 
 existed in Rhodes itself or were executed elsewhere by 
 Rhodians were almost invariably portrait statues. The 
 statue of the Commons of Rome that the Rhodians set up 
 in their temple of Athene to appease the Romans for the 
 blunders of 168 B.C. was forty-five feet in height*. Pliny 
 speaks of a hundred colossal statues in the great city, smaller 
 than the Colossos itself but still very notable. He then men- 
 tions separately the five colossal statues by Bryaxis, which 
 were probably in marble; and thus suggests that the rest 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXVI. 4. * Lucian, de Syria dea, 26. 
 
 2 J. H. S. II. p. 354; B. 2525, b. = R. H. 36; L. B. 303. 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXIV. 19, 40; xxxvi. 4. ' Polybios, xxxi. 16. 
 
102 RHODES. 
 
 were in bronze\ The statues granted in Rhodian decrees 
 were always bronze, and traces of bronze can be found on 
 most of the- remaining pedestals. This taste for colossal 
 works and this use of bronze would mark the school of 
 Lysippos. On the other hand the Laocoon and the Toro are 
 in marble, as are the fragments by Athanodoros from 
 Olympia and from Antium and the fragment by Theon and 
 Demetrios : and a statue by Theon that stood near Lindos 
 was also in marbled Thus the Laocoon and the Toro 
 differed from the mass of products of the Rhodian school in 
 material as well as in subject: and consequently are not the 
 typical works of that school. The Laocoon group was pro- 
 bably suggested by the great relief of the Gigantomachia at 
 Pergamos, which was set up early in the Ilnd century B.C. 
 when Rhodes was more closely connected with Pergamos 
 than with any other foreign power. The notion of the ser- 
 pents in the Rhodian group seems borrowed from that of 
 the serpent-giants in the Pergamene relief, and the pose of 
 Laocoon himself from that of one of the more human giants : 
 and though the Rhodian group is in the round, it can be 
 viewed only from the front just as if it were a relief The 
 Toro also has the air of an adaptation. The figures which 
 form a confused crowd in the marble would group them- 
 selves distinctly in a painting; and the animals and plants of 
 the background have been carved as they might have been 
 painted, without regard to . the personification needed in 
 sculpture. The same subject is represented in several frescoes 
 at Pompeii : and perhaps Tauriscos the painter was the 
 Tauriscos who worked on this marble group. 
 
 Pliny mentions Tauriscos as the painter of a Discobolos, 
 a Clytamnestra, a Paniscos, a Polynices seeking his kingdom, 
 and a Capaneus : Simos, probably the sculptor from Salamis, 
 as the painter of a youth reposing, a fuller's shop, a person 
 celebrating the festival Quinquatria, and a fine Nemesis : and 
 the sculptor Mnasitimos, the son and pupil of Aristonidas, 
 as a painter deserving a passing notice". There is a curious 
 
 1 Pliny, XXXIV. i8. ' L. B. i86. ^ Pliny, XXXV. 40. 
 
ART. 103 
 
 story that Dionysios the grammarian painted his master, the 
 great Aristarchos, and painted Tragedy in his heart, for that 
 he knew by heart all tragedy : but he may have done this at 
 Alexandria before he settled at Rhodes\ Philostratos de- 
 scribes a picture of the descent of Plutos upon the Acropolis 
 of Lindos or of the great city : the god was of golden body, 
 winged, and with watchful eyes, in remembrance of the legend 
 that Zeus rained gold upon the Rhodians when they had 
 been the first to sacrifice to the new-born Athene. He also 
 describes a picture in which Heracles was seen feasting at 
 Lindos, while the ploughman Theiodamas looked on with 
 imprecations ; and the rugged country near Lindos was in 
 the background. But it is doubtful whether he is describing 
 pictures that he had actually seen, or is merely suggesting 
 good subjects for painting^ There was, however, at Lindos 
 a Heracles by Parrhasios, one of that master's most famous 
 works. "Even as he was ofttimes revealed by haunting vision 
 to Parrhasios in sleep, such is he here to behold," were the 
 verses on the panel : and the painter boasted that the hero, 
 when thus revealed, had put himself in an attitude for the 
 picture. A panel by Parrhasios of Meleager, Heracles and 
 Perseus, stood in the great city : it was there thrice struck by 
 lightning but not destroyed. It had perhaps been brought 
 from Lindos, for Parrhasios probably visited the island before 
 the great city was built. A reference to " all his works at 
 Lindos" suggests that he stayed there for some while. It 
 was there that he placed on his pictures the verses beginning, 
 "living daintily, Parrhasios painted this," and one letter was 
 changed and another added so that they read, " living by his 
 paint brush, Parrhasios painted this." Deeming himself the 
 child of Apollo and little lower than the gods he painted, 
 Parrhasios passed his days in wealthy and graceful ease 
 wearing purple raiment and a chaplet of gold and singing 
 in lightness of heart as he worked'. In striking contrast to 
 him was Protogenes, who dwelt in poverty in a suburb of the 
 great city and lived wholly on boiled beans, that no luxury 
 
 ' Scholia to Dionysios, p. 672. ' Pliny, xxxv. 36 ; Atlienseos, pp. 
 
 ^ Philostratos, imag. n. 14, 27. 543, 687. 
 
104 RHODES. 
 
 of diet might stay him in his painting. He was a native of 
 Caunos on the mainland opposite Rhodes, but had settled in 
 the island. The Rhodians did not, however, appreciate the 
 great man who was among them till Apelles arrived and told 
 everyone that he was buying Protogenes' unsold pictures for 
 fifty talents (;^ 1 2,000) to sell as works of his own. The 
 story of the contest between these masters is well known. 
 When Apelles landed he went at once to see Protogenes ; 
 and failing to find him at home, drew a very fine coloured 
 line across a large panel that was standing on an easel. On 
 returning, Protogenes at once perceived that such a line 
 could be the work of no one but Apelles: and in reply he 
 drew a still finer line upon the first with another colour, and 
 then went out. Apelles called again and with a third colour 
 drew a third line upon the second, making it so fine that 
 there was no space for a fourth. Protogenes then saw that 
 he was beaten, and hurried down to the port to call upon his 
 visitor. The panel was preserved for centuries afterwards 
 with only these lines upon it\ The masterpiece of Proto- 
 genes, the lalysos, on which he worked for seven years, so 
 amazed Apelles that his voice deserted him : but after a 
 while he managed to observe that though the work was 
 marvellous in its laborious finish, it missed the grace that 
 made his own works immortal. Nothing is known of the 
 composition but that beside the hero there was a dog, panting 
 and foaming at the mouth. It was reported that Protogenes 
 worked long at the foam without success, and at last threw 
 his sponge at the picture in a rage: this chanced to hit the 
 dog's mouth and thus rendered the foam admirably. It was 
 also reported he gave this picture four coats of paint, so that 
 as one peeled off another would take its place. There is a 
 story that during the siege of 304 B.C. Demetrios found the 
 great city impregnable at every point but one, and to attack 
 there would have been to give up the lalysos to destruction: 
 he spared the picture and thereby failed to capture the city. 
 Another story is that Protogenes was still working at the 
 
 1 Pliny, XXXV. 36. 
 
ART. 105 
 
 picture, then all but finished, in one of the suburbs that fell 
 into the besiegers' hands ; and the citizens, on begging 
 Demetrios to spare the work, were answered that he would 
 rather burn his family portraits than such a masterpiece'. 
 But another story is that it was the Satyr on which Proto- 
 genes was working during the siege. He went on painting 
 placidly in the midst of the fighting ; and when Demetrios 
 asked how he ventured to stay outside the walls, replied that 
 he knew the king was at war with the Rhodians and not 
 with the Arts. After that courtly answer Demetrios set a 
 guard for his protection and often found time to watch him 
 at his work. The satyr stood by a pillar, holding a pair of 
 flutes and resting : whence it was named the Anapauomenos. 
 At first there was a partridge perched on the pillar : but 
 when the picture was placed in a temple, probably in that 
 of Dionysos in the great city, the people overlooked the satyr 
 and stood gaping at the partridge ; and to make matters 
 worse the partridge breeders brought tame birds to hear 
 them chirp to the picture. At last by leave of the priests 
 Protogenes painted out the partridge^ Two others of the 
 eleven known works of Protogenes were at Rhodes : the 
 Cydippe and the Tlepolemos. Cydippe was the mother of 
 Lindos, lalysos and Camiros; and Tlepolemos was the leader 
 of the Rhodians against Troy. And the war ships in a 
 picture by him in the Propylaea at Athens were probably 
 suggested by his life in the island. There were also at Rhodes 
 portraits by Apelles of a certain Antsos and of Menander, 
 one of Alexander's generals and afterwards satrap of Caria'. 
 These scattered notices of the pictures in the island scarcely 
 suggest the ascendancy of painting there that permitted 
 reference to it as the Rhodian art*. 
 
 Pictures and statues seized at the capture of Syracuse in 
 212 B.C formed the gift of Marcellus to the temple of Athene 
 at Lindos': and a gift from the city of Rhodes to Alexander 
 
 ' Pliny, VII. 39, XXXV. 36 ; Plutarch, ^ Pliny, xxxv. 36. 
 
 Demetrios, 22; cf. Aulus Gellius, XV. ■* Pseudo-Anacveon, xv. 3. 
 
 31. ' Plutarch, Marcellus, 30. 
 
 ' Pliny, xxxv. 36; Strabo, p. 652. 
 
I06 RHODES. 
 
 the Great was a robe woven by Helicon, one of the earliest 
 weavers of the peplos at Athens \ 
 
 Vases with reliefs by Mys of Sileni and Erotes stood in 
 the temple of Dionysos in the great city. That master of 
 metal work always followed designs by Parrhasios, and 
 perhaps made these vases in the island when his prompter 
 was there. In the same temple were other vases with reliefs 
 by Acragas of Centaurs and Bacchanals : and in the temple 
 of Athene at Lindos were similar works by Boethos, the 
 famous sculptor of children I And it was at Rhodes that 
 Dionysios the grammarian modelled from the description in 
 Homer the vase of Nestor with its reliefs^ The vases called 
 " Rhodians '' were devised by a certain Damocrates as an 
 improvement on a Boeotian rendering in metal or in clay of 
 the Scyphos, an ancient type of wooden vase. Lynceus of 
 Samos mentions them in his epistle; and also a type of metal 
 vase called the Hedypotis, which was invented at Rhodes to 
 rival the celebrated Thericleians of Athens in form and sur- 
 pass them in lightness*. 
 
 In denouncing Verres for carrying off works of art from 
 Greek cities, Cicero instanced the lalysos of Protogenes at 
 Rhodes as a work that it would be scandalous to carry off^. 
 A century later it was in the temple of Peace at Rome: and 
 the panel with the rival lines of Protogenes and Apelles had 
 arrived at Rome in time to be burnt at the fire at Caesar's 
 House on the Palatine in 53A.D.'' The linen cuirass presented 
 by Amasis to Athene of Lindos was then in Rome, where 
 men of distinction were allowed to try it on till at last it 
 came to pieces'. In Pliny's time the Laocoon was in the 
 Palace of Titus : the Apollo by Philiscos was in a shrine of 
 Apollo near the Portico of Octavia, and his Aphrodite in a 
 temple of Juno within the same portico : the Toro Farnese 
 and the figures of Hermerotes by Tauriscos, one of the 
 sculptors of the Toro, were in the collection of Asinius Pollio: 
 
 ' Plutarch, Alexander, 32. ' Cicero, in Verrem, IV. 60. 
 
 ^ Pliny, xxxiii. 55. " Pliny, xxxv. 36. 
 
 3 Athenaeos, p. 489. ' Pliny, xix. i. 
 '^ Athenasos, pp. 469, 496, 500. 
 
ART. 107 
 
 and the colossal head by Chares was in the Capitol. Len- 
 tulus, who dedicated this head, was consul in 57 B.C., and the 
 collection of Asinius Pollio was formed a little later. The 
 "quadriga with Helios of the Rhodians" was at Rome in 
 Nero's time: it unluckily struck the Emperor's fancy, and by 
 his order was covered with a plating of gold, which left its 
 traces on the statue'. It is said that after the capture of the 
 great city in 43 B.C. Cassius carried off all the statues except 
 this^: but it is not likely that he encumbered himself in this 
 way during a campaign. A century later there were still 
 three thousand statues at Rhodes": and the island suffered 
 less than the rest of Greece from the Roman passion for 
 collecting*. The statue of Athene of Lindos was taken to 
 Constantinople, and stood opposite the statue of Zeus of 
 Dodona at the entrance of the Senate House. When that 
 was burnt in the riots of 404 A.D. these statues marvellously 
 escaped the melted lead from the roof and the falling ma- 
 sonry: and Cedren apparently saw this statue of Athene at 
 Constantinople six hundred years afterwards ^ 
 
 The antiquities found in the island of late years have 
 been obtained mainly from tombs on the sites of lalysos 
 and Camiros and of some town near the modern village of 
 Siana and from trenches and shafts on the Acropolis of 
 Camiros. Unlike these places on the western coast, Lindos 
 and the city of Rhodes have survived till now; and their 
 inhabitants seem to have cleared the tombs round them 
 centuries ago. 
 
 A group of tombs at lalysos has yielded works of that 
 early period of Greek art which has been made widely known 
 by the discoveries at Mycena. Terra-cotta vases of this 
 period have been found at Hissarlik, at Thera, and at various 
 other places in the islands and on the coasts of Greece, as 
 well as at Mycenae and at lalysos. It may be that these 
 were all made at some one place and exported thence: but 
 
 ' Pliny, XXXIV. t8, 19, xxxvi. 4. ' Pliny, xxxiv. 17. 
 
 2 Valerius Maximus, I. 5; Dio Cas- ^ Dio Chrysostom, pp. 644, 645. 
 
 sius, XLVII. 33. ^ Zosimos, v. ■24; Cedren, p. ^^^, 
 
I08 RHODES. 
 
 the various types appear from their prevalence in various 
 districts to be products of those districts ; and in that case 
 the vases from lalysos, which shew the style of this period 
 at its best, would be of Rhodian work. These fine vases are 
 light and graceful in form ; and simple patterns of spirals or 
 of network, groups of shells or water-plants, and very often a 
 cuttle-fish, are painted in brown upon the light yellow of the 
 clay. Their style seems unfettered by any system of art and 
 inspired simply by nature. With these were found various 
 bronze weapons (Plate III.), swords and spearheads and curved 
 knives, of types found at Mycenae : a gold ring that re- 
 sembles the rings from Mycenae and differs from other Greek 
 rings in the hollowing out of the back of the bezel to fit 
 the finger : and also a gem on which is engraved the subject 
 carved above the gateway at Mycenae, the two rampant lions 
 and the column between them. This gem is one of those' 
 early intaglios in crystal, jasper, sard, carnelian, etc. that are 
 found in most of the Greek islands, and especially in Crete ; 
 they are circular in form, with a thickness of about half their 
 diameter in the centre and tapering toward the side, and are 
 pierced from edge to edge for fitting in a ring or a necklace. 
 A small cylinder of Egyptian porcelain bearing figures of 
 the type commonly found on these gems and a scarab with 
 the cartouche of Amenhotep III., a Pharaoh of the xviiith 
 Dynasty, were found at lalysos with these objects of the Myce- 
 naean period. The rock-cut chambers that form this group of 
 tombs open into one another, and all the objects found in them 
 must be of nearly the same date. If the cylinder and scarab 
 were made at Naucratis, they cannot be of earlier date than 
 the accession of Psametik I. in 666 B.C.: and it is pretty 
 clear that they were made at Naucratis, for there have been 
 found there not only a number of porcelain objects with 
 figures in the style that prevails among the early Greek 
 gems, and scarabs with more or less successful copies of the 
 cartouches of various Pharaohs, but also the moulds for 
 making them. It would also appear that the engraved shell 
 of a Tridacna Squamosa that was found at Camiros was 
 made at Naucratis; for these and other shells were found 
 
ART. 109 
 
 there in different stages of engraving, and the species belongs 
 to the Red Sea and not to the Mediterranean. The subjects 
 engraved on these shells are, however, Assyrian and not 
 Egyptian in character ; and engraved cylinders like that 
 from lalysos were an Assyrian invention. An ivory cylinder 
 of this type with figures of Assyrian deities was also found 
 at Naucratis ; and, as Egypt had almost a monopoly of ivory, 
 was presumably made there. It would thus seem that Nau- 
 cratis produced the ivory statuette of a seated deity in the 
 Assyrian style, of which the statue of Shalmaneser from 
 Ashur is an example, found in this same group of tombs at 
 lalysos, and an ivory lion in the posture common on Baby- 
 lonian weights, with an unsuccessful attempt at an inscription 
 in cuneiform character, that was found at Camiros. But many 
 objects of Assyrian or Egyptian character found in Rhodes 
 were clearly not made at Naucratis. Several figures of a 
 seated sphinx wearing the crown of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
 and a standing figure of a deity grasping a lion in the As- 
 syrian fashion, found on the Acropolis of Camiros, a seated 
 figure of the Egyptian ram-headed god Knef, found at Lindos, 
 and many others, are made of the white calcareous stone of 
 Cypres and are in the style of the numerous figures of the 
 same material found in that island. These were clearly the 
 work of the Phoenicians. The strength of Phoenician art, 
 which had no subjects of its own, lay in harmonizing the 
 subjects it borrowed from Assyria and from Egypt : and its 
 success in this may be seen in some little gold plates for 
 stringing on a necklace that were found at Camiros. Some 
 of these bear in relief an Assyrian sphinx above a row of 
 heads wearing Egyptian wigs, and one bears a deity in relief 
 holding in Assyrian fashion in either hand a lion in the 
 round and above this two Egyptian hawks in the round : 
 but the alien subjects have in each case been brought into 
 perfect agreement. Some of these plates, however, bear reliefs 
 of those thoroughly Greek monsters, the Centaurs. Their 
 heads are like those in Egyptian wigs on other plates, and 
 in one case the border of the plate takes the form of an 
 Egyptian gateway with sloping sides : but the centaurs them- 
 
no RHODES. 
 
 selves are of the early Greek type with human forelegs, and 
 have no kinship with the beast-footed monsters of the East, 
 Reliefs of centaurs with human forelegs also occur together 
 with the flower and spiral patterns of the Mycensan period 
 on large terra-cotta jars found at Camiros. These patterns 
 are again moulded in relief on some of the little glass plates 
 found in this same group of tombs at lalysos, while a sphinx 
 and Assyrian rosettes are moulded on others. These plates 
 are of an opaque white glass tinted with blue, and sometimes 
 bearing traces of gilding ; and are pierced with fine holes 
 from edge to edge as if for sewing as ornaments to a gar- 
 ment. Similar glass plates have been found elsewhere, but 
 only with remains of the Mycenaan period. If the Greeks 
 had made these, they would probably have used the Assyrian 
 rosettes, with which they decorated their terra-cotta vases at 
 a later period, to decorate their terra-cotta vases as well as 
 these plates at this period : and if the Phoenicians had made 
 them in their own country, they would hardly have used the 
 Greek flower and spiral patterns. The group of tombs at 
 lalysos also contained some rude terra-cotta figures of the 
 Mycenaean type : among them a goddess with an almost 
 featureless face and a body like a post with stumps on either 
 side that might be either wings or arms. Similar figures of a 
 somewhat heavier build, but almost as early and as rude as 
 this, were found at Camiros : but in these the heads, which 
 have been moulded apart, are the same Phoenician renderings 
 of heads in Egyptian wigs that occur on the little gold plates. 
 With them were found terra-cotta figures of a closely draped 
 female figure which belong to a class found at Sidon and 
 elsewhere in Phoenicia. Apart from the legends, the existence 
 at lalysos in historic times of a priesthood of Phoenician 
 origin implies a Phoenician settlement in that district in early 
 times : and these settlers were probably the makers of these 
 abnormal examples of Phoenician art. 
 
 Some terra-cotta vases found at Camiros must have been 
 made at Athens about 600 B.C. They are rude and clumsy, 
 but still plainly enough the direct ancestors of the finest 
 Athenian vases. The decoration is brought to bear on a few 
 
ART. 1 1 1 
 
 rectangular spaces, while the rest of the surface is merely 
 painted brown or left to the yellow of the clay : and the 
 favoured spaces are filled with geometrical patterns in which 
 the lines are generally straight, or with a stiff drawing of 
 an animal surrounded by little angular ornaments. This 
 geometrical decoration was also employed by the islanders 
 themselves, for it occurs on the polygonal masonry of an 
 ancient Greek fort by the church of Aghios Phocas not far 
 from the modern village of Siana. The importation of vases 
 from Athens seems to have been checked for a time by the 
 rise of a local style at Camiros. This style is marked by 
 the use of the lotos for decoration. But this lotos pattern 
 is not derived from nature or from any Egyptian rendering 
 of it, and differs materially from the lotos pattern on the 
 vases from Naucratis : it was rather derived through the 
 Phoenicians from Assyria, and in fact closely resembles the 
 lotos pattern on the pavement of the North Palace at Kou- 
 yunjik. Two shapes prevail : a large jug of fine form that 
 seems to be copied from bronze, and a large flat dish. The 
 clay is of a rich creamy colour; and indeed Camiros pro- 
 bably owed its epithet of " glistening," dpyiv6ei<;, to the white 
 earth of the district. In the earlier vases of the style the 
 figures are outlined in brown and partly filled in with that 
 colour and partly left to the white of the clay, the details in 
 the brown portion being marked with maroon and in the 
 white portion with brown. The long-horned Cretan goat is 
 often drawn, but the other animals and the angular ornaments 
 seem borrowed from the early Athenian vases. On one dish 
 the Assyrian subject of a deity holding a lion in either hand 
 is adapted to a Gorgon with two swans ; and on another the 
 two eyes often seen at the head of Egyptian tablets appear 
 above a combat of Hector and Menelaos over the body of 
 Euphorbos, the names of the heroes being written beside 
 them in early Greek characters. In the later vases of this 
 style the clay is finer and better finished; and the whole 
 figures are filled in with brown, over which maroon is used to 
 pick out some features, while details are marked by fine lines 
 cut through the paint into the clay. The drawings are, how- 
 
112 RHODES. 
 
 ever, weaker ; and represent mainly foreign or monstrous 
 creatures, leopards and sphinxes and sirens, with Assyrian 
 rosettes in the background. A curious vase found near the 
 modern village of Siana, which shews the later work of this 
 style on the upper part and the earlier work on the lower, is 
 an ancient imitation. It is not made of the white clay of 
 the district, but of a reddish clay painted white at the sur- 
 face. A peculiar use of white and maroon upon black on 
 a band running round its middle betrays Naucratis as its 
 birth-place. Several phiala?, or libation bowls, bearing the 
 Naucratite lotos pattern in white and maroon on a dull 
 black ground were also found at Camiros. The objects in 
 Egyptian porcelain found at Camiros would also have come 
 from Naucratis ; for on the neck of a vase in the form of a 
 dolphin there is inscribed below the glaze " I belong to 
 Pytheas " in Greek characters, and it is not likely that 
 Egyptian porcelain was elsewhere made for Greeks. Some 
 of these porcelain vases are in the form of the aryballos, the 
 common oil jar for Greek athletes, while others are in the 
 form of a helmeted head and in various fanciful shapes. 
 Many of the later terra-cotta vases of the Camiros style 
 are likewise in the forms of birds and animals and of human 
 heads, and especially of the head of a youthful warrior wear- 
 ing a helmet. And probably the little bronze vase in the 
 form of a helmeted head inscribed " Cceos made me " in very 
 early Greek characters which was found at Olympia was the 
 offering of some man from Rhodes or Naucratis. Most of 
 these porcelain objects are figures of Egyptian deities and 
 sacred animals and scarabs : but the hieroglyphic inscriptions 
 on these, as on the scarabs found at Naucratis, are generally 
 blundered ; and only a few simple cartouches, like those of 
 Ramenkheper and Ramaneb, read truly. A porcelain vase 
 of Egyptian shape engraved with Athor and the Cow re- 
 sembles those found in the Polledrara tomb at Vulci ; and it 
 was perhaps through Rhodes that such products of Naucratis 
 passed on to the lines of Phoenician trade. Some pieces of 
 Etruscan black-ware found at Camiros may have been part 
 of a Phoenician return cargo. The porcelain objects from 
 
ART. 1 1 3 
 
 Camiros were found chiefly upon the Acropolis in various 
 rock-cut trenches and in a deep vertical shaft sunk like a 
 well in the rock and perhaps intended to receive superfluous 
 offerings. The tombs of this period near Camiros have also 
 yielded a number of vases of translucent glass. The body of 
 these is commonly a deep blue ; and the decoration, which is 
 always of linear patterns and never of figures, is in white, 
 yellow, green, or maroon. These were presumably the work 
 of Phoenicians ; who would, however, have been guided by 
 Greeks in their choice of form, for the Greek amphoriscce 
 and oenochose outnumber the Oriental alabastra. It may be 
 that some Phcenician settlers made them in Rhodes : and 
 certainly they have not been found in such numbers else- 
 where. The local style of terra-cotta vases at Camiros seems 
 to have struggled on against a great importation of vases 
 from Athens that began about 500 B.C. Vases have been 
 found there on which the simple painting in brown on the 
 cream-coloured surface has been retained, while their form 
 is that of the Athenian amphorse with black figures on an 
 orange-coloured body, and their decoration is a rough and 
 bold rendering of that of those amphorae. 
 
 The terra-cotta statuettes found at Camiros form a fairly 
 continuous series extending down to about 400 B.C. They 
 are for the most part of female figures heavily draped ; and 
 do not differ from those found on the sites of other Greek 
 cities. With these was found a terra-cotta relief (Plate v.) 
 of a winged maiden rushing away with a youth in her arms. 
 The relief of Eos (or Hemera) carrying off Cephalos which 
 Bathycles carved upon the Throne of Apollo at Amycla 
 about 550 B.C. must ha -e been of the same character; and 
 perhaps inspired this relief, which can be of little later date. 
 The group, which has been brightly coloured, is in very low 
 relief, and seems from its thinness and the flatness of its 
 back to have decorated some even surface. It was probably 
 made at Melos, where most of the reliefs of this class have 
 been found. Some children's graves contained their terra- 
 cotta toys : grotesque figures, and dolls with moveable 
 limbs. 
 
 T. R. 8 
 
1 14 RHODES. 
 
 Among the earliest of the long series of Athenian vases 
 found in Rhodes is a hydria (Plate VI. A.) in the Chalcidian 
 style. The vases in this style have been termed Chalcidian 
 mainly because the names written on some of them are in 
 the alphabet used in the early inscriptions from Chalcis. 
 But the marked individuality in the writing of this period 
 makes such a test of little value : and in fact this alphabet 
 is used for the names on some Athenian vases, while the 
 Attic alphabet is used on others which are almost in this 
 style. The metallic form of this hydria seems to be derived 
 from the metal vases of the Phcenicians ; and the huge lotos 
 flowers growing up in the upper frieze (Plate VI. A, a) and 
 the lotos pattern above and below it must have been borrowed 
 from that people : while the Cretan goats in the lower frieze 
 recall the vases of the Camiros style. In the centre of the 
 upper frieze is Cebriones, the charioteer of Hector, standing 
 in a chariot with Hector on his right hand and Glaucos, 
 the Lycian chief, on his left. Their names are written beside 
 them, and curiously the initial letter of Glaucos seems hidden 
 behind that hero's hand and the final letter of Cebriones 
 behind a horse's head, although the names were certainly 
 written after the figures were painted. This group may be 
 merely a scene of everyday life to which the painter has 
 sought to give greater interest by naming the figures after 
 these Homeric heroes. But this same group, though without 
 the names, filled a metope in Temple C at Selinos which 
 dates from about 600 B.C.: and as the subjects of the other 
 surviving metopes of that temple belong to the heroic 
 legends, this group must have been already associated with 
 certain heroes. The central figures of the upper frieze having 
 thus been borrowed from some earlier work of painting or 
 sculpture, the remaining figures of that frieze like the animals 
 in the lower frieze merely serve to decorate a vacant space. 
 The subjects on another Athenian vase from Camiros are 
 of some interest. It is of somewhat later date and in the 
 ordinary black- figured style. On one side (Plate VI. B, b) 
 is seen the combat of Hei'acles with Cycnos which forms the 
 main subject of Hesiod's poem, the Shield of Heracles. 
 
ART. 1 1 5 
 
 Cycnos is supported by his sire, Ares, and Heracles by his 
 patron, Athene ; while Zeus, the sire of Heracles, appears 
 between the combatants. But, according to Hesiod, Zeus 
 took no part in the combat, and merely sat in Olympos 
 thundering mightily and raining drops of blood as a sign 
 to his son. And this must be an instance of the early Greek 
 practice of representing the deity who presided over an 
 action as bodily in its midst. Nicosthenes places Athene 
 and Ares with Zeus between Heracles and Cycnos. On 
 the other side (Plate VI. B, a) Heracles is seen attacking 
 Geryon, who is defending his herds. The herdsman Eurytion 
 lies dead between them. Athene supports Heracles, while 
 the figure supporting Geryon may be the deity of his island, 
 Elrytheia. In the earliest art Geryon was sometimes a 
 winged monster with three bodies upon one pair of legs : 
 bit the type of three men cleaving together was used as 
 early as the 7th century B.C. upon the Chest of Cypselos. 
 It is said that Peisander, the epic poet of Camiros in that 
 century, had equipped Heracles with the club and lion skin 
 in place of the shield and spear or bow and sword of the 
 heroic age : but Heracles here carries a quiver as well as 
 the club and lion skin in his combat with Geryon, and in his 
 combat with Cycnos wears the lion skin and fights with 
 sword and shield. The Athenian vases found in Rhodes are 
 generally much less elaborate than those found in Etruria, 
 and in their careless work recall those found near Athens 
 itself. But two of them are among the finest extant examples 
 of Greek art. One of these is a cylix of the end of the 
 5th century B.C., on the interior of which there is painted in 
 delicate colours upon a white background Aphrodite riding 
 on a flying swan. The other is perhaps half a century later 
 in date : it is a pelice, and as shapely as a vase of that form 
 can well be. On it is painted the surprise of Thetis by 
 Peleus : most of the figures are seen in the deep red colour 
 of the clay against the black varnish that covers the body 
 of the vase, but Thetis herself and Eros are painted in 
 opaque white, her cloak is a sea-green and his wings are blue, 
 and gilding is used for details in several figures. The drawing 
 
 8—2 
 
Il6 RHODES. 
 
 breaks the first law of vase painting — that the whole subject 
 should be in one plane — though the defect is cleverly masked . 
 by the stronger colouring of the chief figures : and this 
 suggests that it was a direct copy from some great picture. 
 With this vase was found a small gold box (Plate I. A) 
 bearing in relief at one end (Plate I. A, b) Thetis riding on a 
 dolphin across the waves and holding out in her right hand a 
 helmet, part of the armour the Nereids were carrying to 
 Achilles before Troy ; and at the other end (Plate I. A, a) a 
 winged Eros leaning against a pillar and with his extended 
 hands forming a noose with two cords for the game called 
 i/j,avTekiyfi.6v by the Greeks. Protogenes had painted his 
 Satyr standing by a pillar; and his picture may have sug- 
 gested the attitude of this Eros. Figures riding on dolphins 
 were not uncommon, and were to be seen from the 6th 
 century onward on the coins of Tarentum. The somewhat 
 obtrusive rings surrounding these figures seem borrowed 
 together with the form of the box from gold reels for thread 
 (Plate I. B) on which they are appropriate enough. 
 
 The earliest Rhodian coins belong to the end of the 7th 
 century B.C. while the earliest coins known belong to the 
 beginning of that century. The three ancient cities coined 
 until the great city was founded, and each kept faithfully to 
 its first types : for Lindos, a lion's head on obverse and a 
 sunk square on reverse : for lalysos, a winged boar on ob- 
 verse and an eagle's head in a sunk square on reverse : and 
 for Camiros, a fig leaf on obverse and a double sunk square 
 on reverse. These sunk squares are a relic of the Lydian 
 custom of merely punching pieces of metal, which was the 
 beginning of coinage : but the double sunk square is peculiar 
 to Rhodes and the neighbourhood. The coin with the lion's 
 head of Lindos and the silphion tree of Cyrene on obverse 
 and the eagle's head of lalysos on reverse must have been 
 struck at Cyrene soon after 530 B.C. as pay for Rhodian 
 mercenaries. There are coins of Astyra of this period with a 
 vase on each side, a diota on obverse and an oenochoe on 
 reverse. All the above coins are silver. The founding of 
 the great city in 408 B.C. called for a new coinage : and the 
 
ART. 117 
 
 types then adopted were those of nearly all Rhodian coins 
 down to the Roman Empire, although varying from time 
 to time in detail. On the obverse is the head of Helios seen 
 nearly in full face with long hair thrown carelessly back. 
 On the reverse is the flower of a wild rose with the word 
 poStov or merely po and very often the name of some 
 eponymos magistrate and an emblem belonging to another 
 magistrate : a very slight sunk square serving to frame the 
 whole. Instead of the head of Helios on the obverse there 
 is in some cases a head of Medusa with serpents in her hair 
 and often winged : this also is nearly in full face. The heads 
 of Zeus, Apollo, Hermes, Dionysos and some uncertain 
 female deities, which sometimes occur on the obverse, and 
 of Poseidon and Sarapis, which sometimes occur on the 
 reverse, are always in profile, as are those of Helios and 
 Medusa on late coins. In rare cases the rose flower is on 
 both sides. A silver coin of Camiros, which can hardly be 
 later than the founding of the great city, bears the rose 
 flower on obverse and a gryphon's head on reverse. Thus 
 the rose flower may have been adopted by the city of Rhodes 
 from Camiros : and at Camiros it may have been developed 
 from a fig leaf, for the outline of this side view of the wild 
 rose flower is not unlike that of the fig leaf on the earlier 
 coins. The emblems on the reverse of the coins of the great 
 city are very various : helmets, strygils, tripods, tridents, 
 ships : dolphins, eagles, rats, butterflies : Athene holding 
 Nike, Artemis with a torch, and so forth. These same 
 emblems with the name of some eponymos magistrate and of 
 one of the months are found stamped on the handles of the 
 Rhodian wine jars in oblong cartouches. Circular stamps 
 like coins, with the head of Helios or the rose flower in the 
 centre and the name of the magistrate and sometimes of the 
 month running round, were also used for these handles, but 
 apparently at a later date. The Rhodian coins of the 3rd 
 century B.C. bear on the obverse. a radiated head of Helios, 
 perhaps borrowed from the Colossos, and are without the 
 sunk square on the reverse. This radiation is not found on 
 the earlier coins of the 2nd century: but about the middle 
 
Il8 RHODES. 
 
 of that century the radiation on the obverse and the sunk 
 square on the reverse were both ostentatiously revived, and 
 the full face was exchanged for profile on all the coins but a 
 few gold pieces. Astyra struck copper coins after the 
 founding of the great city, some of them bearing the head of 
 Helios on the obverse while the diota is retained on the 
 reverse, while others have a head of Artemis on obverse and 
 the rose flower on reverse. The silver coins of Megiste with 
 the head of Helios or the head of Artemis on obverse and 
 the rose flower on reverse are distinguished from the Rhodian 
 by the letters /ue in place of po. The group of the infant 
 Heracles strangling the serpents which appears on the ob- 
 verse of some silver Rhodian coins bearing the rose flower on 
 the reverse appears also on the obverse of silver coins of 
 Ephesos, Samos, Cnidos, and lasos bearing on the reverse 
 the respective types of those cities. These coins belong to 
 the beginning of the 4th century, and the letters a v v on 
 them may refer to a political alliance between these states 
 after the battle of Cnidos in 394 B.C. : their common type is 
 borrowed from the coinage of Thebes. During the 2nd 
 century B.C. Rhodes and several other states of the yEgean 
 struck coins bearing the types of Alexander the Great : the 
 head of the youthful Heracles on obverse, and Zeus enthroned 
 with eagle and spear on reverse. The name 'AXe^dvBpou 
 appears on the reverse, and also something to mark the place 
 of coinage : in the Rhodian examples, the rose flower, the 
 letters fio or Si, as an abbreviation for pSSiov, and sometimes 
 the name of some eponymos magistrate. Gold and silver 
 were not coined in the island after the accession of Augustus, 
 but there are copper Rhodian coins of various emperors 
 down to Commodus. The imperial heads on the obverse are 
 generally radiate, but sometimes only laureate. There is 
 sometimes the head of Helios or the head of Dionysos on 
 the reverse ; but more often a full length figure, generally of 
 Nike. In some cases there is an imperial head on both sides : 
 for example, Antoninus Pius on the obverse, and on the re- 
 verse Marcus Aurelius. 
 
VII. 
 
 LEARNING. 
 
 The central position of Rhodes and its policy of neutrality 
 made it a great seat of learning. Thus it was at Athens and 
 at Rhodes that Ptolemy Philadelphos collected books for the 
 library at Alexandria'. But the island lay too open to all 
 Greece for any local style to flourish there, and the Rhodians 
 left little mark of their own on any branch of Greek culture 
 but rhetoric. 
 
 Homer was born in Rhodes as in most of the JEgean 
 islands'. Next after him came Peisander of Camiros, an epic 
 poet of the 7th century. It was said that he stole his great 
 work, the Heracleia, from Pisinos of Lindos : but nothing is 
 known of this Pisinosl The Heracleia was of some interest : 
 for it first selected the twelve famous labours from the many 
 feats ascribed to the hero by local traditions* : it first equipped 
 Heracles himself with the familiar club and lion skin in place 
 of the shield and spear or bow and sword of the heroic age^ : 
 and it first gave the Hydra more heads than one*. Years 
 after Peisander was dead the Commons of Camiros set up 
 his statue in bronze and Theocritos wrote his epitaph. A 
 little after him came Cleobulos of Lindos, one of the Seven 
 Wise Men'. He was not a legislator like Solon or a natural 
 
 ' Athenffios, p. 3- , ^ Strabo, p. 688. 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. "OjU7//)os. ^ Pausanias, II. 37. 
 
 ^ Clement of Alexandria, Strom. VI. ^ Plato, Protagoras, p. 343 ; Pausa- 
 
 2. nias, X. 24; Diogenes Laertius, I. 89 
 
 '' Theocritos, Ep. 20. — 93. 
 
I20 RHODES. 
 
 philosopher like Thales, and merely uttered maxims like the 
 rest. When the wise men went in a body to Delphi and 
 economically dedicated a maxim apiece as the iirstfruits of 
 wisdom, his offering was " moderation is best", jxerpov dpta-Tov. 
 The maxim of Bias of Priene " the masses are rascals ", oi 
 'rfX.elcnoi Ka/coi, finds an echo in verses of Cleobulos declaring 
 that mankind is mainly clumsiness and chatter. And no 
 doubt the sea- faring populace of Lindos was far below the 
 despot of surpassing beauty and strength who claimed descent 
 from Heracles, the master of the wisdom of Egypt and the 
 second founder of the temple of their patron goddess. It 
 was said that Cleobulos originated the Rhodian custom that 
 children should go round in the autumn singing the Chelido- 
 nisma, the song of the swallow, and begging gifts for the 
 bird on its return to the island for the winter. The singing 
 of the Coronisma, the song of the crow, was a similar custom 
 in Rhodes : but the story of its origin has perished, for it 
 was long and Athenseos was too lazy to repeat it. The 
 extant songs are much alike and demand gifts of a basket 
 of figs, a beaker of wine, and other things which are not the 
 common food either of swallows or of crows'. The nucleus 
 of the Chelidonisma was perhaps due to Cleobulos, for he 
 wrote songs and epigrams to the extent of some three thousand 
 verses. His epitaph on Midas, sometimes called Homer's, 
 declared that while the forces of nature endured, the bronze 
 maiden upon the tomb would proclaim to the wayfarer that 
 therein rested Midas : whereon Simonides of Ceos took him 
 to task for comparing with such things the endurance of a 
 monument that any man might smash, and ended abruptly 
 " this is the saying of a silly man." Cleobulos perhaps acted 
 on his maxim that men should make companions of their 
 daughters, for his daughter Cleobulina wrote enigmas in 
 hexameters. One other gifted lady is heard of at Rhodes, 
 Myro by name : she was a philosopher, and wrote a book on 
 the sayings of royal ladies, besides novels^ Among the 
 kinsmen of Cleobulos was Antheas of Lindos, one of the 
 
 1 Alhen^os, pp. 359, 360. ' Suidas, s.v. Mu/:ci. 
 
LEARNING. 121 
 
 founders of the Bacchic revelry from which sprang Greek 
 comedy. He was a man of high station and wealthy, and 
 maintained a troop of Bacchanals whose revels he led by 
 day and night : and the comedies and songs that they chanted 
 were his handiwork. He seems to have discovered the art 
 of forming the huge compound words found in later comic 
 poets, but his primitive comedies were probably little more 
 than personal abuse in dialogue'. Timocreon of lalysbs, 
 the scurrilous lyric poet, flourished during the Persian wars. 
 He was a man of position : a guest of Themistocles and after- 
 wards of Dareios. He was exiled as a partizan of Persia ; 
 but when Themistocles came sailing round the islands in 
 480 B.C. after Salamis and restored most exiles, he failed to 
 restore the poet to his native lalysos, being dissuaded there- 
 from (so run Timocreon's verses) by filthy lucre, to wit, three 
 talents. In the dozen lines that remain of this ode Timocreon 
 charges his former host with treachery, falsehood, murder, 
 oppression, and giving his guests cold meat. But this was 
 nothing to the bitterness of his attack when Themistocles was 
 himself exiled nine years later as a partizan of Persia". He 
 also fell foul of Simonides of Ceos and parodied his verses"; 
 but Simonides had the last word in this pretty quarrel, and 
 wrote Timocreon's epitaph : " much I drank, much I ate, 
 much evil I spake of men ; now rest I here, Timocreon of 
 Rhodes. " The poet figures in a list of unspeakable eaters, 
 and the Great King marvelled at his appetite. Dareios once 
 asked what he would do after the huge dinner he had eaten, 
 and was answered that he would break the heads of countless 
 Persians : and when he had done this, he remained hitting 
 out rhythmically in the air, telling Dareios that those were 
 the blows left over. As an athlete he had conquered in the 
 pentathlon*. His works were well known at Athens. Plato 
 refers to a song of his, 
 
 ttotI rav fxarep' ecpa, 
 
 > Athenseos, p. 445. ' Timocreon, Fr. 10. 
 
 ' Timocreon, Fis. i, 3; Plutarch, * Atlienseos, p. 416; /Lilian, var. 
 
 Themistocles, 21, 22. hist. I. 27. 
 
122 RHODES. 
 
 written in the metre called from him the Timocreonticon' : 
 and Aristophanes parodies him in a chores in the 'Wasps', 
 and in the 'Acharnians ' chooses to find a likeness between 
 Pericles' solemn decree against the men of Megara and 
 Timocreon's drinking song that curses Plutos^ Timocreon 
 has been placed, apparently in error, among the poets of the 
 Old Comedy. The great master of that group, Aristophanes 
 himself, has oddly been called a Rhodian of Lindos or of 
 Camiros : and one of the two great masters of the Middle 
 Comedy, Antiphanes, who was probably of Cios, has also 
 been called a Rhodian'. Alexis, however, the other great 
 master of the Middle Comedy, wrote a play about a Rhodian 
 woman : as also did Philemon, one of the two great masters 
 of the New Comedy^ But Rhodes certainly gave birth to 
 one considerable master of the Middle Comedy in Anaxan- 
 drides of Camiros. He brought out sixty-five plays — the 
 first at Athens" in 377 B.C.— and of these ten won the first 
 prize. The fragments are meagre: but this is partly ex- 
 plained by the story that in his later years he carried any 
 play of his that failed to win the first prize straight off to 
 the incense market to be torn up. The same deference to 
 public opinion appears in his lines "pleasure lies in finding 
 some new thought to shew the world : men who keep their 
 wisdom to themselves have no judge of what it's worth." 
 To introduce on the stage ' loves and undoings of maidens ' 
 was his distinctive work — the Empress Eudocia calls him 
 quite a horrid man — but there is nothing in the fragments 
 to separate him from the other poets of the Middle Comedy. 
 Most of the fragments have been preserved by Athen^eos, 
 and consequently deal mainly with food and feeding : perhaps 
 the brightest notion in them being the introduction of the 
 venerable sea god Nereus as the great author of fish dinners. 
 The poet disputed the order of the blessings laid down by 
 Simonides, first health, next beauty, then wealth, on the 
 
 1 Timocreon, Fr. 6; Plato, Gorgias, 3 Suidas, s.vv. li/xoKp^wv, 'Apurro- 
 p. 493; Servius, VII. I. (/lociis, 'AvTi0an;!. 
 
 2 Timocreon, Frs. 7, 8 ; Aristo- •• Athenaeos, pp. 395, 645. 
 phanes, vesp. 1063, acharn. 533. * The Parian Marble, epoch. 70. 
 
LEARNING. 123 
 
 ground that a handsome man without a dinner was a wretched 
 creature. Some of his plays are noticed by Aristotle, who 
 praises the disreputable Philemon's acting in them\ Anaxan- 
 drides himself is described as goodly in aspect and tall, with 
 flowing hair, and clad in purple raiment fringed with gold. 
 And there is an odd story of him that once when bringing 
 out a dithyrambic choros at Athens, he dashed in on horse- 
 back and declaimed some of the verses himselfl Pindar 
 had perhaps set the Rhodian poets an example of splendour 
 in their daily life when he came to the island after the 
 Olympic victory of Diagoras in 464 B.C. chanting with lyre 
 and many-voiced choir of flutes the praise of Rhodos '. That 
 grand ode setting forth the great Rhodian legends was en- 
 graved in letters of gold upon the temple of Athene at Lindos*. 
 The poetess Erinna, the youthful friend of Sappho, is reported 
 on slight authority to have been a Rhodian °: and the like 
 report is made of Philetas of Cos, the elegiac poet of the 
 Alexandrine age^ In that age Simmias of Rhodes, who was 
 more grammarian than poet', devised those epigrams that 
 take the form of some object from the varying lengths of the 
 lines. Of these he wrote the Egg, the Axe, and the Wings' : 
 and he made the words respond to the forms ; the Egg, for 
 example, beginning " take this fresh egg of an undefiled 
 nightingale." He also invented two metres called from him 
 the Simmieion and the Simmiacon'. A little after him 
 Timosthenes of Rhodes, the admiral of Ptolemy Philadelphos, 
 invented the Pythian melody for the contest for lyres and 
 flutes that was then added to the contest for lyres and voices 
 at the Pythian festival at Delphi. Its theme was the struggle 
 of Apollo with the Python, and it was in five parts : first, the 
 prelude ; second, the attack ; third, the struggle at its height ; 
 
 1 Aristotle, Nicom. Ethics, VII. 10; ^ Eustathios, ad Homerum, p. 327. 
 
 Rlietoric, m. 10, 11, 12. ® Scholia to Theocritos, VII. 40. 
 
 ' Athenseos, pp. 222, 295, 374, 694; ' Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 Suidas and Eudocia, s. v. 'Ava^ap- ' Anthologia Palatina, XV. 22, 24, 
 Spidijs. 27. 
 
 ^ Pindar, 01. vu. 11 — 14. ' Hephssstion, pp. 38, 60. 
 
 * Gorgon, Fr. 3. 
 
124 RHODES. 
 
 fourth, the cries of victory and of defeat ; fifth, the dying 
 shrieks of the Python'. Apollonios, commonly called the 
 Rhodian, was born in Egypt : and probably at Alexandria 
 itself, though Athenseos claims him for his own birthplace, 
 Naucratis^ His youth was spent at Alexandria among the 
 pupils of Callimachos, and in his later years he filled there the 
 great office of President of the Library. But the best forty 
 years of his life were passed at Rhodes, where he received 
 the citizenship : and in his works he preferred to describe 
 himself as the Rhodian. His genius was wasted in the 
 hopeless task of reviving Greek epic. The Argonautica, an 
 affair of some six thousand verses still extant, was produced 
 before he was twenty. The storm of ridicule that it raised 
 drove him from Alexandria to his retirement at Rhodes, 
 where he divided his days between a war of coarse words 
 with Callimachos, who had satirized him as an Ibis', and a 
 revision of his poem. In its new form it succeeded as com- 
 pletely as it had failed before : and now faultlessly polished 
 and purged of all vigour it became a standard of Alexandrine 
 taste and had some influence with the Roman poets*. He 
 also wrote epics on the founding of several cities, Naucratis, 
 Alexandria, Cnidos, Caunos and Rhodes : but of Canopos he 
 apparently wrote in choliambics, a metre sacred to sarcasm. 
 The remaining fragment of the Founding of Rhodes may 
 refer to the legend of Phorbas. A little before him Antagoras 
 of Rhodes had written an epic, the Thebais. This he recited 
 to the Thebans, but they failed to detect its beauties : and he 
 stopped abruptly, declaring they were rightly named Boeotians 
 {j3oiWTol) for they had the ears of oxen (^owv wTay. The 
 poem is lost. One of his epigrams celebrates a bridge erected 
 by Xenocles of Lindos on the road to a temple of Demeter°. 
 Antagoras passed most of his life in Macedon as court poet 
 to Antigonos Gonatas : and there is a story that Antigonos, 
 seeing the poet absorbed in cooking a conger eel in camp, 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 421. ^ Suidas, s. v. 'ATroXXcirios, Vita; 
 
 2 Athenceos, p. 283. Apollonii. 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. KaXX£//.axos, cf. An- ^ Maximus Confessor, loc. com. 15. 
 
 tliologia Palatina, XI. 275. ' Anthologia Palatina, IX. 147. 
 
LEARNING. 12$ 
 
 asked whether Homer used to cook eels when he wrote 
 Agamemnon's deeds, and was asked in return whether Aga- 
 memnon troubled himself about the cooking of eels when 
 he did those deeds. Antagoras would not trust the cooking 
 of his delicacies to a slave or even to his own mother : and 
 for this he is duly commended by Athenasos, who gives him a 
 place in a select catalogue of epicures \ There also lived at 
 Rhodes a certain IdJEOs, who wrote some three thousand 
 verses on his own account about his native island and then 
 augmented and improved the Homeric poems by setting a 
 line of his own between each two of Homer's ; Euodos, an 
 epic poet of Nero's time, a perfect marvel at Latin verse ; and 
 Pitholeon, who wrote his poems in a mongrel dialect of Greek 
 and Latin': happily their works have perished. 
 
 The many names given to the island, JEihriea, Asteria, 
 Atabyria, Corymbia, Macaria, Oloessa, Ophiusa, Pelagia, 
 Poeessa, Stadia, Telchinis, Trinacria, seem merely poetic ^ 
 There is no trace of the common use of any of them. 
 
 Some ten or twelve Rhodian philosophers are known. 
 Peripatetics and Stoics : none of any great weight as original 
 thinkers, but some of them of importance in formulating or 
 in propagating the doctrines of their school. That some 
 Rhodians were Peripatetics was a mere matter of chance : 
 but Stoicism, the philosophy of the Levant, naturally took 
 deeper root at Rhodes, and a school flourished there for at 
 least a century. 
 
 The story goes that a little before Aristotle's death his 
 disciples asked him to name one to succeed him. He evaded 
 their request, but soon after asked for Rhodian and for Lesbian 
 wine. "A sound wine and pleasant", said he tasting the 
 Rhodian : and then tasting the Lesbian, " both thoroughly 
 good, but " (apparently quoting Alexis) " sweeter is the 
 Lesbian." And on his death Theophrastos the Lesbian was 
 preferred to Eudemos the Rhodian as chief of the school*. 
 
 ' Athenaeos, p. 340; Vite Arati; ^ Strabo, p. 653 ; Pliny, V. 36; Am- 
 
 Pausanias, i. 2. mianus Marcellinus, xvii. 7. 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.vv. 'ISatos, Euoffos, Ho- * Aulus Gellius, XIII. 5, 
 race, satires, i. 10, 10. 
 
126 RHODES. 
 
 But Eudemos did good work for the school in his copious 
 writings to expound Aristotle's views. Able as he was, he 
 was content to make himself a mere echo of his master'. 
 But the voice of the echo was sometimes weaker and less 
 distinct than the original voice. And in the last book of 
 the Eudemian Ethics, which are presumably the work of 
 Eudemos, the disciple falls to a more commonplace sphere 
 than in the previous books in which he was inspired by the 
 Nicomachsean Ethics of the master himself. The original 
 draught of the Metaphysics was lent to Eudemos ; but he 
 died while editing it, and the manuscript disappeared. The 
 work as it now stands is mainly a patchwork from Aristotle's 
 other writings, but the excrescence known as a eXarrov is 
 said to be the work of Pasicles, a brother of Eudemos and 
 like him a disciple of Aristotle^ It may be noted that 
 Mentor the Rhodian was the satrap of western Asia Minor 
 who in 343 B.C. treacherously seized and deposed Aristotle's 
 friend, Hermeias of Atarneus''. It is said that Praxiphanes 
 of Rhodes, a Peripatetic and disciple of Theophrastos*, taught 
 Epicuros*: and a little later, Hieronymos of Rhodes, a distin- 
 guished Peripatetic, accepted without qualification the doctrine 
 that absence of pain formed the chief good, and consequently 
 was sometimes reckoned a follower of Epicuros^ But only 
 one Rhodian, Eucratidas by name, is found among professed 
 Epicureans. The Senate of Brundusium voted a piece of 
 ground for his tomb, but nothing more is known of him'. 
 Among the Peripatetics there was no other Rhodian of note 
 till Andronicos, the great editor and chief of the school in the 
 1st century B.C. Theophrastos had bequeathed his own manu- 
 scripts and those of Aristotle that he had to Neleus of Scepsis. 
 After keeping them for a century and a half in a damp cellar, 
 the family of Neleus sold what the worms had left to Apel- 
 
 ^ Simplicius, physica, pp. 29, 201, um, p. 5. 
 
 ■279. '■ Diogenes Laertius, X. 13. 
 
 ^ Asclepios of Tralles, in Brandis, ^ Cicero, de fin. 11. 3, 6, iv. 18, v. 
 
 scholia to Aristotle, pp. 519, 520. 5; acad. prior, u. 42; disp. Tusc. n. 
 
 ^ Strabo, p. 610; Diodoros, xvi. 52. 6. 
 
 * Strabo, p. 655; Proclos, in Timse- ^ B. 5783. 
 
LEARNING. 1 27 
 
 licon, a collector at Athens. The school gained new life from 
 all these works that had hitherto been out of their reach : 
 but Apellicon was sending out copies full of blunders, for 
 he was a true collector and careless of the contents of books. 
 In 84 B.C. Sulla carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, and 
 there Tyrannion went to work on the manuscripts. An- 
 dronicos, who had probably met Tyrannion when that gram- 
 marian was studying at Rhodes, obtained copies from him 
 and then brought out a complete edition, rejecting the 
 spurious works and classifying and arranging the rest, which 
 seem previously to have been arranged by chance or at best 
 chronologically. This edition is probably the Aristotle of 
 to-day'. 
 
 There is a very doubtful story that Aristippos of Cyrene, 
 the disciple of Socrates and founder of the Cyrenaic school, 
 taught at Rhodes. He had been shipwrecked off the island ; 
 and when he had made some money by his teaching, he 
 lectured his fellow-passengers, who had lost everything, on 
 the advantage of carrying goods that could swim ashore with 
 them". Melanthios of Rhodes, a finished writer, appears 
 among the Academics': and Antonios of Rhodes, who ac- 
 companied Porphyry from Greece to Rome in 263 A.D. on his 
 first visit to Plotinos, was perhaps a Neo-Platonist*. 
 
 The Rhodian Stoics all belong to the period of transition 
 between the formulation of the Stoic doctrine by philosophers 
 at Athens and its acceptance by generals and statesmen at 
 Rome. Perhaps the ablest of them and certainly the most 
 successful was Panastios. Coming of a stock famed at Rhodes 
 for generals and athletes and himself a thorough man of the 
 world', he saw how to adapt the primitive Stoicism to its new 
 sphere. He abandoned the traditional pedantry in speech 
 and narrowness in study; and Plato and Aristotle were always 
 in his mouth. Instead of going about denying that pain was 
 an evil, he was content with casual speculations on its nature. 
 
 1 Strabo, p. 608 ; Plutarch, Sulla, acad. prior. 11. 6. . 
 
 26; Porphyry, Plotinos, 24. * Porphyry, Plotinos, 4. 
 
 ^ Vitruvius, vi. proem, i. ^ Strabo, p. 655. 
 ^ Diogenes Laertius, n. 64; Cicero, 
 
128 RHODES. 
 
 He softened down the rigid Stoic standard of virtue to meet 
 the needs of trade, as in the well-known opinion that a 
 merchant coming to Rhodes with a cargo of corn in time of 
 scarcity was not morally bound to disclose the fact that other 
 corn ships were coming up from Egypt before selling at 
 famine prices'. He represented popular religion as a purely 
 political institution ; and went somewhat further than most 
 Stoics cared to follow in wholly denying the immortality of 
 the soul and casting grave doubts on augury^ It may be 
 noted that Pythagoras of Rhodes, who draws a touching 
 picture of how terribly the less energetic gods must be bored 
 by constant attendance at the sacrifices in their honour, was 
 presumably a Stoic^ The friendship of the younger Scipio 
 Africanus gave Panaetios the opportunity of influencing Ro- 
 man society. He was that general's sole companion on the 
 embassy to the East in 143 B.C.; and afterwards lived for 
 years as an honoured guest at his house, which was then the 
 meeting place of the ablest men at Rome. There he would 
 dispute with them while Polybios looked on, and through 
 them he made Stoicism the fashionable philosophy of Rome''- 
 The systematic treatment of the Stoics, which was applied 
 by Stilo, Scaevola, Tubero, and others to Roman philology 
 and jurisprudence, must have been derived from him. And 
 he apparently introduced the vastly important notion of the 
 Jus Gentimn, which mainly made Roman law a great system: 
 and the development of that law from his time down to its 
 great age under the Stoic Antonines was mainly at the hands 
 of Stoics. In philosophy Cicero based his de Officiis on a 
 treatise by Panaetios on the same subject, and seems indebted 
 to him for the material for some other works*. Among the 
 Rhodian disciples of Panaetios were Hecato, a copious writer 
 on philosophy and a man of some weight with the Roman 
 Stoics^ a certain Plato' and Stratocles': but he was suc- 
 
 1 Cicero, de fin. IV. 9, 28 ; de off. II. Tusc. I. 33; de re pub. I. 21 ; ad Att. 
 
 10, III. 12. IX. 12. 
 
 ^ Cicero, de div. I. 3; disp. Tusc. I. = Cicero, de off. III. 1. 
 
 32. ^ II'- III- 15- 
 
 ' Eusebios, prspar. evang. v. 8. ' Diogenes Laertius, in. 109. 
 
 * Cicero, acad. prior. 11. 1 ; disp. " Index Herculanensis, XVII. 8. 
 
LEARNING. 1 29 
 
 ceeded in the school at Rhodes by Poseidonios of Apamea'. 
 Though a Syrian by birth, Poseidonios was thoroughly iden- 
 tified with Rhodes : he filled the high office of prytanis^ and 
 was ambassador to Rome in 86 B.C., when he came in contact 
 with Marius", and apparently again in his old age in 51 B.C. 
 just before the Civil War^ He suffered much from gout^ 
 but the physical strength that gained for him the name of 
 "the athlete" enabled him to bear his sufferings in the true 
 spirit of his sect : and Pompey, who visited him at Rhodes^ 
 in 6"] and again in 62 B.C., often told how the philosopher had 
 discoursed to him from his sick bed on the theme that no- 
 thing was good save what was honourable, pausing at the 
 paroxysms of his attack to declare that pain was not an 
 evil'. Cicero studied under him and remained his intimate 
 friend and correspondent". Among his Rhodian disciples 
 were his daughter's son Jason, who succeeded him in the 
 school", and probably Leonides'". But it was less as a philo- 
 sopher that Poseidonios was celebrated than as a traveller 
 and historian and the best informed man of his day". 
 
 Rhodes was of some importance in ancient geography as 
 the point of intersection of the primary meridian of Eratos- 
 thenes (about 250 B.C.) with his primary parallel of latitude. 
 The one passed through Merowd, Assouan, Alexandria, Rhodes 
 and Constantinople ; and the other through the Straits of 
 Gibraltar and of Messina, Cape Matapan, Rhodes and Alex- 
 andretta Bay'^: both of them somewhat wavy lines when 
 traced on a modern map. This primary parallel had already 
 been used by Dicaearchos some fifty years earlier". The 
 measurement of the circumpolar circumference of the earth 
 by Poseidonios was made upon this meridian on the arc 
 between Alexandria and Rhodes. Eratosthenes had already 
 made observations with the gnomon at both ends of this 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. Iloa-eiSciij'toj. * Cicero, de nat. deor. I. 3, 44 ; ad 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 316. Au. II. i. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Marius, 45. ° Suidas, s.v. 'lairw. 
 
 * Suidas, s.v. Iloo-eiSci^'io!. '" Strabo, p. 655. 
 
 * Cicero, Hortensius, Fr. 18. " lb. p. 753; Galen, p. 460. 
 " Strabo, p. 492; Pliny, vn. 31. '" Strabo, pp. 67, 70, 114. 
 
 ' Cicero, disp. Tijsc. n. ij. " Dicsearchos, Fr. 55. 
 
 T. R, 9 
 
130 RHODES. 
 
 arc to determine its length*, but had apparently deduced 
 his result from his own calculation of the circumpolar cir- 
 cumference which was based on a false estimate of the arc 
 between Alexandria and Assouan : and he put the arc at 
 375 geographical miles instead of 330. The sailors put it at 
 500 ; and this estimate was used by Poseidonios in obtaining 
 his result of 24,000 geographical miles for the circumference, 
 an error of observation of the star Canopos cancelling to 
 some extent the error of measurement^ His result is also 
 given' as 18,000 geographical miles, which would be obtained 
 by putting the arc at 375 instead of 500 without correcting 
 the error of observation. One result is as much above the 
 true value as the other is below it, but his method was sound. 
 The length of the parallel through Rhodes, which is really 
 rather over 17,000 geographical miles, was estimated by Era- 
 tosthenes at 20,000 and by Poseidonios at 14,000. Curiously 
 both of them considered sailing round this parallel westward 
 to India ; Poseidonios, who knew of the upheaval of an island 
 in the Lipari group in his own lifetime, conjecturing that as 
 the great island of Atlantis was not then to be found, it 
 might have subsided in some volcanic change^ Mount Ata- 
 byros in Rhodes was among the mountains whose vertical 
 height was calculated by Dicaarchos, apparently the earliest 
 student of this problem. His result was fourteen stades; just 
 double the true height^ Geminos uses several observations 
 made at Rhodes, and perhaps resided there". A certain 
 Bacorus of Rhodes is named as a geographer'. And a cata- 
 logue of notable geographers includes two Rhodians who 
 were otherwise famous : Timosthenes, the inventor of the 
 Pythian melody, and Eudoxos, the historian. As admiral 
 to Ptolemy Philadelphos, Timosthenes was able to explore 
 the western Mediterranean when it was as yet little known 
 to the Greeks ; and he wrote technical works on Islands, 
 on Distances — afterwards edited by Eratosthenes — and on 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 125. ^ Diccearchos, Fr. 58. 
 
 2 Cleomedes, cycl. theor. i. ro. ^ Geminos, 1, 2, 4, 5, 14. 
 
 ^ Strabo, p. 95. ^ Avienus, ora maritima, 42. 
 ^ Strabo, pp. 64, 65, 102, 277. 
 
LEARNING. 131 
 
 Harbours'. The tides were never thoroughly understood by 
 the Greeks, who saw nothing but the ahnost tideless Mediter- 
 ranean, till Poseidonios made his observations on the Atlantic 
 coast at Cadiz. He then stated accurately the dependence 
 of the daily tides on the moon's position and of the spring 
 and neap tides on the relative position of moon and sun I 
 He also made a sphere to shew the movements of sun and 
 moon and planets ; and Cicero considered how it would 
 impress the barbarians in Britain". 
 
 Little is left of the many histories written by Rhodians. 
 Thus, some remarks on a remedy for the liver alone remain 
 from Cleitophon's history of India \ Poseidonios wrote the 
 most ponderous of these histories ; and in this he embodied 
 the notes made during his wide travels. Each writer who 
 quotes it finds it a quarry for facts on his own subject. 
 Athenaios can quote him on the frugality of the Romans 
 and the luxury of the Syrians and of the Parthian kings ; 
 on the sacrificial feasts of Etruria and the surfeiting of 
 Alexandria ; and on barbarian feasts, at which the Celts 
 would alternately listen to their bards and fight, and the 
 Carmani would pledge their friendships in cups of each other's 
 blood^ Strabo can quote him on the Parthian constitution, 
 the invasions of the Chersonese, and the sacking of Tolosa". 
 Plutarch can quote him for details about Fabius Maximus, 
 Marcellus, Marius and Brutus'. Josephus, however, finds 
 fault with him for errors in describing the interior of the 
 temple at Jerusalem'. From the tin mines of Britain and 
 the naphtha wells of Babylon to the turnips and carrots of 
 Dalmatia, nothing comes amiss to him : and here and there 
 is a touch of the man himself; how he laughed at the monkeys 
 in Libya, and how he accustomed himself after a time to the 
 Gauls' habit of adorning their front doors with the heads of 
 
 * Marcianus Heracleotes, p. 63; 273-51 527, 549, c,^o, 66z. 
 
 Strabo, p. 411. " Strabo, pp. 188, 309, 515. 
 
 ^ Strabo, pp. 173, 174. ' Plutarch, Fab. Max. 19; Marcell. 
 
 ' Cicero, de nat. deor. II. 34. i, g, 19, 20, 30; Mar. i; Brut. 1. 
 
 ' Cleitophon, Fr. i. « Josephus, in Apionem, II. 7, 8. 
 ^ Athenjeos, pp. 45, 152-4, 246, 
 
132 RHODES. 
 
 their enemies\ The histories of India and of Galatia by 
 Cleitophon'', the history of ^tolia by Diodes', the local 
 histories by Dionysios the priest of HeliosS the history of 
 the kingdom of Egypt by Evagoras of Lindos^, the histories 
 by Eudoxos', and the history of Crete by Sosicrates', appear 
 from their scanty fragments to have been equally compre- 
 hensive. Antipater', Dionysios the grammarian®, Epimenides'", 
 Ergeias", Eucrates'^ Jason the Stoic", Polyzelos" and Zeno'^ 
 wrote on the history of Rhodes itself, some of them setting 
 rather wide bounds to their subject : while others wrote on 
 its customs, as Theognis'" and Gorgon" on the sacrifices, 
 Agnocles on the Coronistae ", and Philodemos or Philomnestos 
 on the Sminthia". Zeno was less known for his chronicle of 
 Rhodes than for his history of his own times. His contem- 
 porary Antisthenes wrote a like work. They were not pro- 
 fessional writers, and had taken up philosophical history as 
 becoming work for statesmen : but Polybios, while reckoning 
 them the leading authorities on the events of that time, 
 charges them with caring more for rounding their periods than 
 for looking up their facts. He shows how Zeno contradicts 
 himself in his account of the battle of Panion in 198 B.C. and 
 blunders over the topography of the Peloponnesos in re- 
 lating the campaign against Nabis three years later, and he 
 points out the folly of both Zeno and Antisthenes in calling 
 the Rhodian defeat off Lade in 201 B.C. a victory, when the 
 admiral's despatch was still extant in the Prytaneion at Rhodes 
 to confute them. It is notable that Polybios, who had been 
 on friendly terms with Zeno, makes these criticisms purely in 
 
 • Athenseos, p. 369; Strabo, pp. " Diogenes Laertius, i. 115. 
 147, 197, 743, 827. ^^ Ergeias, Fr. i. 
 
 '■' Cleitophon, Frs. i, 3. ^^ Eucrates, Fr. i. 
 
 ^ Diodes, Fr. 6. ^^ Suidas, s.v. 'Idtrwv. 
 
 * Suidas, s.v. Alov^itlos Movadiviov, ■'^ Polyzelos, Frs. i — 4. 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. "Eivayopas. ^^ Zeno, Frs. i, ■£, 
 
 " Eudoxos, Frs. i, 2. " Theognis, Fr. "i. 
 
 ' Sosicrates, Frs. i — 9. '' Gorgon, Fr. i. 
 
 ' Antipater, Fr. t. " Athenseos, p. 360. 
 
 ^ Dionysios Thrax, Fr. r, ^^ Philemnestos, Frs. i, 2, 
 
LEARNING. 133 
 
 self-defence to secure a hearing for his own work ', This 
 Zeno seems to be the Rhodian historian cited as an authority 
 in the reference by Samos and Priene of a disputed claim to 
 territory to the arbitration of Rhodes^ Callixenos, Socrates 
 and Empylos also wrote on events of their own day. The 
 well-known description of Ptolemy Philopator's state vessels, 
 the great sea-going ship and the Nile boat, and of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphos' pavilion and procession come from Callixenos '. 
 He is very precise ; noting, for example, in the procession a 
 car 30 feet long and 24 feet broad, drawn by 300 men, and 
 thereon a wine press 36 feet by 22-| : but he clearly thinks no 
 more of the 100 marble statues by the first masters than of 
 the gilded thunderbolt 60 feet long, and ends with an estimate 
 of the value of the plate. With the same tendency to in- 
 ventory Socrates relates the festivals of Antony and of 
 Cleopatra in his book on the Civil War *. Empylos' book on 
 the Slaying of Cssar, written by a dependent of Brutus and 
 entitled Brutus, must have been a mere party pamphlet ^ 
 Castor', the author of one of the lists of powers holding the 
 Thalassocratia, confined himself to fixing the dates of events. 
 His general chronography came down to 56 B.C., his chrono- 
 graphy of Rome ending five years earlier '. 
 
 There are a few stray facts about various branches of 
 learning. Aristeas of Rhodes invented one of the remedies 
 called Acharistos, thankless ; for the patient was so quickly 
 cured that he did not know in what danger he had been, and 
 was not duly grateful to his physician '. And Cleomenes of 
 Lindos discovered strange and drastic remedies for horses ^ 
 On the other hand Chrysippos of Rhodes was the physician 
 who aided Queen Arsinoe in her attempt to poison Ptolemy 
 Philadelphos ". Timachidas of Rhodes was the author of a 
 huge epic poem entitled Dinners, and Parmenon of Rhodes 
 wrote the School of Cookery ". Pythion and Epigenes the 
 
 ' Polybios, XVI. 14 — 10. " Suidas, s.v. Kairru/). 
 
 ' B. 2905. ' Eusebios, Chron. I. 41, 48. 
 
 * Callixenos, Frs. I, ^•, Athenreos, " Nicolaus Myrepsus, de antidot. 9. 
 pp. 196 — 206. ^ Hierocles, hippiatrica, I. 23,27, 30. 
 
 * Socrates, Fr. i. w Scholia to Theocritos, xvn. 128. 
 ° Plutarch, Brutus, 2. " Athenseos, pp. 6, 308. 
 
1 34 RHODES. 
 
 Rhodians were notable writers on agriculture '. Theodotas 
 or Theodores, the Rhodian general who won for Antiochos 
 Soter his victory over the Gauls by an ambuscade of 
 elephants ^ treated of the tactics of his own day in his 
 Commentaries" ; while Stratocles the Stoic, a Rhodian states- 
 man and man of letters*, wrote on Military Tactics in Homer'*. 
 The Rhodians Attalos", Aristoteles ', and Timarchos or 
 Timachidas " are named as commentators ; and Aristocles 
 the orator and Aristeas as grammarians^ The famous gram- 
 marian Dionysios surnamed Thrax was a native of Alex- 
 andria, but migrated to Rhodes about loo B.C. and thenceforth 
 called himself a Rhodian. He had himself been a disciple 
 of the great Aristarchos, and among his own disciples was 
 Tyrannion, who was perhaps a Lindian on the mother's side". 
 Of his many works there remains only part of his grammar, 
 the ancestor of all grammars. His definition of the subject 
 is wide, leading up through "the offhand rendering of phrases 
 and narratives " to " the criticisrri of poems " : but unfortu- 
 nately it is only the most elementary part that survives". 
 When Tiberius was at Rhodes, a grammarian named Diogenes 
 was disputing there every seventh day. The future emperor, 
 who regularly attended learned disputes and sometimes took 
 part in them, called on Diogenes, but was received with a 
 message that he might come on the seventh day. And when 
 the grammarian afterwards presented himself at Rome to 
 salute the emperor, he was told that he might come in the 
 seventh year'^. Abron, another Rhodian grammarian, was 
 established at Rome in the days of Augustus ". 
 
 The Rhodian orators, in the opinion of some Romans, 
 formed a third school of oratory beside the Athenian and the 
 
 1 Varro, de re rust. I. i. das, s.v. 'Apyds. 
 
 ' Lucian, Zeuxis, lo. ' Strabo, p. 655. Varro, de ling. 
 
 ** Theodores, Fr. 1. lat. X. 4. 
 
 •■ Strabo, p. 655. '" Strabo, p. 655. Suidas, s.vv. Aio- 
 
 ^ ^lian, tact. i. i^vaios 'AXe^avdpeu^, Tvpayvluv. 
 
 ^ liipparchos, ad Phcenom. 1. i, &c. ^^ Dionysios, gram. i. 
 
 ^ Proclos, in Tima^iim, p. 27. ^^ .Suetonius, Tiberius, 11, 32. 
 
 ' Atlienceos, pp.501, 677, 678; Sui- " Suidas, s.v.'A^pi^v. 
 
LEARNING. 135 
 
 Asiatic. But this school, if there was such, had nothing apart 
 from those two great schools, and was at most eclectic. Thus 
 Cicero derives both the Asiatic and the Rhodian styles from 
 the Athenian ; and distinguishes them only in this, that the 
 Asiatic had lost the terse and chaste style of Athens more 
 than the Rhodian '. And Quintilian considers the Rhodian 
 style a mere compound of the style of Asia with the style of 
 Athens, or rather with the style of ^schines ^ That orator 
 had settled for a while at Rhodes after his retirement from 
 Athens in 330 B.C. and had apparently given systematic 
 instruction in rhetoric there. It was there that he recited to 
 the citizens his speech against Ctesiphon, and then that of 
 Demosthenes on the Crown, adding when they applauded 
 both "had ye but heard the man himself", or as others 
 report "had ye but heard the beast itself bellowing out its 
 own words ". And the founding of the poSiaKov BiSaaKakelov, 
 which was apparently for the teaching of rhetoric, was at- 
 tributed to him^ On the other hand Dionysios calls the 
 Rhodian orators Artamenes, Aristocles, Philagrios and Apol- 
 lonios followers of Hypereides ; saying, however, that they 
 missed his grace and power in their imitation, and proved 
 deficient in finish*. But though Rhodian oratory is thus 
 derived from the Athenian of the 4th century, there is little 
 trace of its eminence before the ist century B.C. In the 3rd 
 century Hieronymos the Peripatetic wrote on rhetoric °, and 
 it is said that Apollonios Rhodios taught rhetoric ^ but the 
 poet has probably been confused with the later orators named 
 Apollonios. The speech which the Rhodian envoy Asty- 
 medes addressed to the Roman Senate in 167 B.C. just after 
 the war with Perseus seems to have been a piece of ex- 
 aggerated declamation, unsuited to the time and the place : 
 and when he published it, it was universally condemned by 
 the Greeks then at Rome. His successful speech to the 
 
 ■^ Cicero, Brutus, 13. fals. leg. i. 
 
 '' Quintilian, XII. 10. ^ Dionysios of Halicarnassos, Dei- 
 
 ' Cicero, de orat. III. 56 ; Plutarch, narchos, 8. 
 jEschines, 9 — n; Quintilian, XI. 3; ° lb. Isocrates, 13. 
 
 Pliny, epist. II. 3 ; Philostratos, ^s- ' Vita Apollonii. 
 
 chines, 1, 5; Schoha to yEschines, de 
 
136 RHODES. 
 
 Senate three years later was apparently confined to facts and 
 figures '. The Rhodian style of the ist century seems to 
 have been formed by two disciples of the graceful and epi- 
 grammatic orators Hierocles and Menecles of Alabanda, who 
 were then at the head of the Asiatic schooP. Apollonios 
 surnamed Malacos had migrated from Alabanda to Rhodes 
 before 120 B.C., when Scaevola heard him, and found that he 
 smiled at philosophy and spoke with less gravity than wit '. 
 The more famous Apollonios surnamed Molon came from 
 Alabanda to Rhodes a generation later. He was at Rome 
 as Rhodian envoy in 88 and in 81 B.C., and was the first 
 foreigner who addressed the Senate without an interpreter''. 
 Cicero made his acquaintance in Rome ; and in 78 B.C., after 
 hearing the orators of Athens and of Asia, came on to Rhodes 
 to study under him. He calls him a consummate advocate 
 and excellent writer as well as a skilful teacher ; and admits 
 that his own style was then shorn of some of its youthful 
 redundancy ^ Casar also came to Rhodes to study under 
 Apollonios either just before or just after the impeachment 
 of Dolabella in 79 B.C. ". It is stated that Pompey heard the 
 rhetorician Hermagoras at Rhodes in 62 B.C. But Herma- 
 goras of Temnos was then dead, and the younger Hermagoras 
 was not yet born. And a preceding statement that during 
 this visit to the island Pompey heard all the sophists and 
 presented them each with a talent (^^240) does not make the 
 tale more credible'. Brutus and Cassius both studied 
 rhetoric in the island °. And when Cassius afterwards 
 threatened Rhodes, Archelaos, in whose BiSaa-KoXdov he had 
 studied, was sent to plead with him for the city and made i 
 lengthy speech with tears and all fitting gestures but without 
 result". When the city was taken, the citizens with strange 
 want of tact greeted Cassius as lord and king, and were 
 
 ' Polybios, XXX. 4, xxxi. 7. xn. 6. 
 
 ' Cicero, Brutus, 95; Strabo, pp. ' Plutarch, Csesar, 3; Suetonius, 
 
 655, 661. Csesar, 4. 
 
 •* Cicero, de oratore, I. 17, 28. ' Plutarch, Pompey, 42. 
 
 ■* Valerius Maximus, II. 2. ' Aurelius Victor, Brutus. 
 
 ^ Cicero, Brutus, 89 — 91 ; Quintilian, ^ Appian, de bel. civ. iv. 67 — 70. 
 
LEARNING. 1 37 
 
 answered that he was no lord and king — he killed lords and 
 kings '. Theodoros of Gadara, who called himself a Rhodian, 
 instructed Tiberius in rhetoric at Rhodes, and perhaps pre- 
 viously at Rome when the emperor was a boy '. And when 
 he founded the sect of orators opposed to that of Apollodoros 
 of Pergamos, the teacher of Augustus, Tiberius declared 
 himself a Theodorean °. Empylos the writer was also a 
 rhetorician *. Castor the chronographer was a rhetorician 
 and a writer on rhetoric '. Evagoras the historian " and a 
 certain Athenodoros ' also wrote on rhetoric. And even 
 Poseidonios was once carried away by the prevalent rhetoric 
 and revelled in hyperbole °. Tacitus records an opinion that 
 by the advocacy of some of the Rhodian orators anyone 
 could gain anything ^ But the cause of Rhodes was often 
 served by foreign speakers. In the first Athenian Empire 
 Antiphon spoke for the Lindians in the matter of their 
 tribute". When Artemisia occupied Rhodes, Demosthenes 
 delivered his speech in favour of the Independence of the 
 Rhodians ". A statement ^'', however, that Hypereides de- 
 livered 170 speeches {\6yov<i po) hardly justifies allusions to 
 his Rhodian Orations. Cato saved Rhodes by his speech in 
 the Senate after the war with Perseus ", and a few years later 
 the treaty of alliance between Rome and Rhodes was ob- 
 tained by the arguments of Tiberius Gracchus ". When 
 Claudius restored the independence of Rhodes, it was in 
 response to a speech delivered in Greek on their behalf by 
 Nero, who was then a boy of fifteen ■^ Among the rheto- 
 ricians of the Roman Empire, Dio Chrysostom delivered a 
 wearisome oration to the Rhodians about 100 a.d. on their 
 stinginess in renaming statues and in other matters '" ; and 
 
 ' Plutarch, Brutus, 30. ' Tacitus, de orat. 40. 
 
 ^ Quintilian, iii. i ; Suetonius, Ti- ^"^ Harpocration, s.vv. aTreiTre?!/, &c. 
 
 berius, 57. 11 Demosthenes, pp. 190 — 201. 
 
 ^ Seneca, suas. 3. ^ Scholia to iEschines, de fals. leg. 
 
 " Quintilian, x. 6. 18. 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. Kaffrup. ^^ Aulus Gellius, VI, 3. 
 
 « lb. s.v. EOayopas. " Polybios, XXXI. 7. 
 
 ' Quintilian, II. 17. ^^ Suetonius, Nero, 7. 
 
 ' Strabo, p. 147. " Dio Chrysostom, xxxi. 
 
138 RHODES. 
 
 Aristeides inflicted on them two still more wearisome 
 orations', the first on the earthquake of 157 A.D. and the" 
 other on their political factions. The oration on the earth- 
 quake was perhaps intended more for Antoninus Pius than 
 for the Rhodians themselves, and may have weighed with the 
 emperor in his decision to rebuild their city. 
 
 The Doric dialect of Rhodes was very marked. Thus it 
 was said that when the Rhodians who founded Gagae landed 
 in Lycia, the Lycians asked them what they wanted and were 
 answered in broad Doric, 7a, 7a, Land, land ; whereon they 
 called the new city ydyai ^ And when a certain Zeno was 
 discoursing somewhat affectedly before Tiberius, the emperor 
 asked what vile dialect he might be speaking. Zeno replied 
 that it was Doric ; and Tiberius at once banished him to 
 Cinaria, thinking the man was sneering at him for his retreat 
 at Rhodes '. A century after Tiberius there was hardly a 
 name to be found in the island that was not Doric * : and the 
 inscriptions with few exceptions maintained there Doric to 
 the last. Strabo* noted that the Rhodians said ipv0l^w<s for 
 epvalfii.o<;, but the inscriptions '^ read epedi/j.io';. The converse 
 change of and fjb occurs on a Rhodian inscription' in 
 ■rrepi^oXiPfocrai, for TrepifioXv/SSoScrai. Athenaos* remarked 
 that in Rhodes j3pd/3v\a was used for KOKKVfirfka as in Sicily, 
 and Xardr/r) for KOTra^o'i as in Sicily and in Thessaly. And 
 many expressions peculiar to the island have been preserved 
 by Hesychios. These must once have been numerous, for a 
 certain Moschos thought it worth his while to write a book 
 on the Explanation of Rhodian Phrases ^ 
 
 1 Aristeides, XLIII. XLIV. ^ Strabo, p. 613. 
 
 2 Etymologicum Magnum, s. v. Ta- ^ R. I. 276, 277 ; R. H. 43, 44. 
 7ai. , ' N. 351. 
 
 3 Suetonius, Tiberius, 56. ' Athenseos, pp. 49, 666. 
 * Aristeides, p. 401. * lb. p. 485. 
 
VIII. 
 
 LEGENDS. 
 
 Most of the Rhodian legends that survive are imbedded 
 in a narrative in which the latest events occur about a 
 thousand years before our era and the date of the earliest 
 can be measured only by generations of the gods\ The 
 Rhodian historians whom Diodoros follows, apparently col- 
 lected the isolated legends that clung round worships and 
 customs and ancient names, and then employed the scheme 
 of the chronographers to piece them together. This scheme, 
 however, is always worthless and often inverts the true order 
 of the legends, for those of the earlier gods belong to a later 
 order of thought than those of the Olympians: and conse- 
 quently this narrative may be neglected. 
 
 The earliest historical inhabitants of Rhodes were Dorians 
 whose parent state was Argos : and they occupied the three 
 cities, Lindos, lalysos and Camiros. 
 
 Several of the legends accord with these facts. Thus in 
 the Catalogue of the Ships : — Tlepolemos brought from Rhodes 
 nine ships of lordly Rhodians who dwelt beneath his sway in 
 threefold division, Lindos and lalysos and glistening Camiros. 
 Astyocheia, a maiden of Ephyra, bore him to Heracles. And 
 when he was come to man's estate he slew the brother of his 
 sire's mother, the warrior Licymnios. Then he built ships 
 and gathered together much people : and he fled away 
 over the sea, for the other sons of Heracles and their sons 
 
 ^ Diodoros, v. 55 — 59. 
 
140 RHODES. 
 
 threatened him. In grievous wanderings he came to Rhodes, 
 and there his followers made a threefold habitation in their 
 tribes'. — Pindar no doubt gives the local version of the legend 
 that he must often have heard at the courts of the Rhodian 
 despots in Sicily. — It was Tlepolemos the son of Heracles 
 that peopled Rhodes. His father's sire was Zeus, his mother's 
 Amyntor, and she Astydameia. Alcmene's bastard brother, 
 Licymnios, he slew at Tiryns, smiting him in headstrong 
 wrath. Then he went to the god and asked his bidding : and 
 Apollo enjoined on him a voyage across the open sea from 
 Lerna's headland to a sea-girt realm where the gods' great 
 king had once bedewed a city with golden clouds^ — In this 
 version Tlepolemos comes from Argolis at the bidding of the 
 Dorian god, Apollo : and the tomb of his victim, Licymnios, 
 was pointed out at Argosl But in the Catalogue it is not 
 said whence he comes, nor are his followers there called 
 Dorians. Strabo notes the omission, and argues that the 
 emigrants were .(Eolians and Boeotians rather than Dorians, as 
 Heracles and Licymnios dwelt at Thebes : and that even if 
 Tlepolemos did start from Argos or Tiryns, his followers 
 would not on that account be Dorians, for it was before the 
 return of the Heracleidae*. But Strabo is merely trying the 
 legend by the standard of the chronographers, and his argu- 
 ment may be left. The same train of thought no doubt 
 produced the statement that Rhodes was peopled by Lacedae- 
 monians who departed out of Peloponnesos on the return 
 of the Heracleidze''. There was perhaps a Thessalian 
 element among the emigrants. Pindar calls the mother of 
 Tlepolemos Astydameia, a daughter of the king of Thessaly: 
 and Hesiod agrees with him". In the Catalogue she is called 
 Astyocheia and comes from Ephyra in Thesprotis, whence the 
 Thessalians migrated to Thessaly : and the Heraclids Phei- 
 dippos and Antiphos, who brought the ships from Cos and 
 afterwards settled at Ephyra, are called sons of Thessalos. 
 These leaders from Rhodes and Cos were the only Heraclids 
 
 1 Homer, Iliad, ii. 653 — 670. * Strabo, p. 653. 
 
 * Pindar, Ol. vii. 23—34. " Dexippos, Fr. 3. 
 
 ' Pausanias, u. 22. " Hesiod, Fr. 90. 
 
LEGENDS. 141 
 
 who fought before Ilion. Cnidos and Halicarnassos, which 
 were united in the earliest historic times with Cos and the 
 Rhodian cities in the Doric Hexapolis, were not held by the 
 Greeks at the date of the Catalogue : and the slaying of 
 Tlepolemos before Ilion by Sarpedon, king of Lycia, suggests 
 some repulse of the Dorian islanders from the mainland of 
 Asia Minor'. There were, however, legends^ in which Tlepo- 
 lemos led the Rhodian colonies to the district of Sybaris and 
 to the Balearic Islands after the return from Ilion. But his 
 death in the war is assumed in the Rhodian legend of Helen. 
 — When Menelaos was dead Helen fled to Rhodes, and came 
 to Polyxo who had been her friend. This Polyxo was by 
 birth of Argos, and had wedded with Tlepolemos there and 
 had shared his flight : and now she ruled the island as his 
 son's guardian. She took vengeance on her guest for the 
 death of Tlepolemos : her handmaidens garbed themselves as 
 the Furies, and they seized Helen while bathing and hanged 
 her to a tree. Wherefore the Rhodians have a temple of 
 Helen of the Tree'. — Some survival of the ancient tree wor- 
 ship was probably the nucleus of this legend. It is not clear 
 whether the threefold division mentioned in the Catalogue 
 merely refers to the three Doric tribes, or implies the founding 
 of the three cities by Tlepolemos. Pindar regards them as 
 already founded. Strabo agrees in this, but also mentions a 
 report that Tlepolemos founded them and named them from 
 three of the daughters of Danaos. Diodoros when giving the 
 legends of the Heracleidae says that Tlepolemos divided the 
 island into three parts and founded the three cities, but in 
 giving the Rhodian legends he says they were already 
 founded, and that the division was an equal allotment of the 
 land among the peopled All the legends agree that Tlepole- 
 mos was king of the whole island. There is this legend of 
 another Heraclid migration to Rhodes : it seems formed from 
 that of Tlepolemos and that of Althaemenes of Crete. — Althas- 
 menes, a grandson of Temenos the king of Argos, was at 
 
 ' Homer, Iliad, V. 657 — 659. ' Pausanias, III. 19. 
 
 ' Aristotle, p. 840; Strabo, p. 654; * Diodoros, IV. 58, v. 59. 
 
 Silius Italicus, III. 364. 
 
142 RHODES. 
 
 variance with his brethren and departed out of Pcloponnesos 
 taking with him a body of Dorians and certain of the Pelasgi. 
 An oracle bade him betake himself to Zeus and Helios and 
 ask from them a land to dwell in. Now Crete is the isle of 
 Zeus, and Rhodes is the isle of Helios. Wherefore he sailed 
 first to Crete and left there those of his followers who desired 
 to make that their home : and then he sailed on to Rhodes 
 with the greater part of the Dorians \ — It was also reported 
 that some of the Dorians who founded Megara, left the new 
 city and went with him to Crete and Rhodes^. Aristeides 
 tells the Rhodians they had Heracleidse and Asclepiada; for 
 founders and kings'. The legends of the Rhodian Asclepiadee 
 have perished: but they probably pointed to a migration 
 from Epidauros, for Cos was very closely allied with Epidauros 
 in the worship of Asclepios. Mention is also made of Dorians 
 who departed out of Peloponnesos because of a grievous 
 famine, and made their abode in Rhodes*. There is this 
 legend of the national hero of the Dorians. — Heracles came 
 to Lindos, and there he asked from a husbandman food for 
 his son Hyllos who journeyed with him. But the man gave 
 him no food, and treated him despitefuUy. Whereat Heracles 
 was wroth and slew one of the oxen of the plough wherewith 
 the man was ploughing : he feasted thereon with his son in 
 contentment while the man cursed him from afar. Therefore 
 with curses the Lindians sacrifice to Heracles'. — It appears 
 from other versions that the husbandman was named Theio- 
 damas^ and that Heracles had landed at Thermydron'. 
 Probably some Egyptian antipathy to the sacrifice of oxen 
 formed the nucleus of this legend ; and then the name Ther- 
 mydron suggested Heracles, who was patron of hot springs. 
 The version in which Heracles slays both the oxen of Theio- 
 damas apparently confuses these Lindian sacrifices with those 
 of the harvest festival Buzygial 
 
 Another group of legends deals with immigrations of 
 
 ' Conon, narrat. 47. ■' Conon, narrat. 11. 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 653. " Philostratos, imag. 11. 24. 
 
 ' Aristeides, p. 396. ' ApoUodoros, II. 5. 
 
 * Hesychios, s.v. Ai^oSwpte??. " Lactantius, i. 11. 
 
LEGENDS. 143 
 
 Greeks who were not Dorians. — Haemon departed from 
 Thebes because he had slain a kinsman while hunting, and 
 came to Athens : but he departed again thence with his fol- 
 lowers and made his habitation in Rhodes with the men of 
 Argos'. — Macareus, the founder of Lesbos, sent out his son 
 Leucippos with much people : and they were welcomed by 
 the Rhodians and shared the land with them. The followers 
 of Macareus were of manifold races, but chiefly Ionian". — The 
 Rhodian land brought forth huge snakes, and many of the 
 people perished by them. Wherefore the Rhodians sent to 
 Delos to enquire of the god concerning the staying of the 
 plague : and Apollo bade them send for Phorbas and his 
 followers and give them a share in the island. This Phorbas 
 was son of Lapithos and was wandering in Thessaly in search 
 of a land to dwell in. And when he was come to Rhodes he 
 slew the snakes and freed the country from the terror : and 
 thenceforth he dwelt in the island ". — There is another version 
 of this.-T-Rhodes was invaded by a multitude of serpents, and 
 among them was a dragon of huge size who slew very many 
 of the people. Then Phorbas, the son of Triopas by a 
 daughter of Myrmidon, was driven to the island in a storm : 
 and he slew the dragon and all the serpents'. — This killing 
 of the dragon is very curious, for the legend recurs in the 
 island in the time of the Knights concerning the slaying of 
 the dragon by Deodato de Gozon. The mediaeval dragon 
 seems to have been a crocodile. Another Rhodian legend 
 refers to Phorbas. — When Triopas was dead some of his 
 followers returned to Thessaly, but many went with Phorbas 
 to lalysos or with his brother Periergos to the district of 
 Camiros. Then Periergos cursed Phorbas, and Phorbas and 
 his sister Parthenia were shipwrecked. Howbeit they came 
 safe to shore at Schedia near lalysos. And there met them 
 one, Thamneus, who took them to his home, sending his slave 
 beforehand to prepare food. But when they came there, 
 nothing was made ready ; and he prepared all things himself 
 Wherefore free men minister at the sacrifice of Phorbas, and 
 
 ' Menecrates of Nysa, Fr. I. ^ lb. V. 58. 
 
 ^ Diodoros, v. 81. '' Polyzelos, Fr. i. 
 
144 RHODES. 
 
 no slave may draw nigh'. — Phorbas is here called the son of 
 Lapithos or the grandson of Myrmidon, both of them Thessa- 
 lians, and comes from Thessaly : but he is also called the son 
 of Triopas, the legendary" ancestor of the kings of Argos.just 
 as the Argive Tlepolemos is called the son of the Thessalian 
 Astydameia. Settlements in the island of Thessalian and 
 other Greeks who were not Dorian no doubt formed the 
 groundwork of these legends : but such settlers left no other 
 trace, and had been absorbed before historic times by the 
 Dorians. 
 
 In another group of legends the heroes are Egyptian or 
 Phoenician. — Danaos fled out of Egypt with his fifty daughters 
 and came to Lindos where he was welcorned by the people of 
 the country. He founded there the temple of Athene and 
 dedicated the statue of the goddess: and after a season he 
 departed thence to Argos. But three of his daughters died 
 while they tarried at Lindos, and afterward Tlepolemos called 
 the three cities of Rhodes by their namesl — In another ver- 
 sion the temple is founded by the daughters of Danaos'. The 
 number of these daughters is explained by the legend that 
 the ship in which they came to Lindos was named the Pente- 
 contoros, the vessel of fifty oars : and this was the first ship 
 that came from Egypt to Greece''. In historic times the trade 
 between Egypt and Greece passed through Lindos, and these 
 legends suggest that this was so in the earliest times. It was 
 perhaps by Egyptian sympathies and by commercial wealth 
 that Lindos was at one period isolated among the Rhodian 
 cities. The Thessalians in one legend of Phorbas settle only at 
 lalysos and Camiros: and the Rhodian legends of the Phoeni- 
 cians deal with settlements on the western coast, but hardly 
 mention Lindos. — Cadmos, son of Agenor the king of Phce- 
 nicia, was sent forth by his sire in quest of his sister Europa. 
 As he sailed there arose a great storm, and he vowed a temple 
 to Poseidon if he were saved. He reached Rhodes : and he 
 founded in the island a temple of that god and left there cer- 
 tain of the Phoenicians to care for it. These joined the men 
 
 ^ Dieuchidas, Fr. 7. ^ Herodotos, II. 182. 
 
 - Diodoros, V. ;8; Strabo, p. 654. * The Parian Marble, Epoch. 9. 
 
LEGENDS. 145 
 
 of lalysos and dwelt with them as fellow citizens: and from 
 them the priests receive the priesthood by descent. And 
 Cadmos also made offerings to Athene' of Lindos'. — It was 
 declared by an oracle that Althaemenes, son of Catreus the 
 king of Crete, should slay his sire. To escape this abomina- 
 tion Althsemenes fled from Crete, and many of the people 
 went with him. And he came to Camiros and dwelt there 
 honoured by the people of the country: and upon Mount 
 Atabyros he founded the temple of Zeus Atabyrios on a lofty 
 crag whence Crete may be seen. Then Catreus sailed to 
 Rhodes to bring his son back to reign in Crete. But it was 
 night when he landed with some of his men, and the islanders 
 attacked them as pirates : and in the fray Althaemenes hurled 
 his spear and unwittingly slew his sirel — In another version 
 Althaemenes names his settlement Cretenia: and he is accom- 
 panied by his sister Apemosyne, just as Phorbas is accom- 
 panied by Parthenia, and he slays her also by mishap'. Cre- 
 tenia may here be merely Camiros under another name: it 
 lay below Mount Atabyros^ Patriotic genealogists managed 
 to shew that Althaemenes, Cadmos and Danaos were all Ar- 
 give by descent. — lo was priestess of Hera at Argos. She 
 was changed to a cow and wandered through many lands till 
 she came to Egypt : there Zeus made her once more a woman, 
 and she bore him a son Epaphos. His son Agenor departed 
 to Phoenicia and ruled that land : and there he begot Cadmos 
 and Europa. Zeus in the likeness of a bull carried Europa to 
 Crete, where' she bore him a son Minos. His son Catreus was 
 the father of Althffimenes. Danaos was of the lineage of 
 Epaphos in Egypt. — The pedigree suggests that the curses 
 of the Lindians at the sacrifice of oxen and the veneration of 
 the bronze kine on Mount Atabyros were survivals of Totem- 
 ism. But in spite of the genealogists there probably were 
 true Phcenician settlements in Rhodes. Apart from the legend 
 of Cadmos, the caste of priests at lalysos in historic times 
 implied such a settlement in that district in earlier times. 
 Then, although Althsemenes comes from Crete, his ancestors 
 
 ^ Diodoros, V. 58. ' Apollodoros, in. 2. 
 
 ' Diodoros, V. 59. * Stephanos, s.v. Kpip-Tji/fa. 
 
 T. R. 10 
 
146 RHODES. 
 
 have migrated thither from Phcenicia, and the temple that he 
 founds in Rhodes is of a Phoenician god: and that legend 
 would be based on some migration of Phoenicians from settle- 
 ments in Crete to Camiros or Cretenia. And the three privi- 
 leged cities in Rhodes recall the customary Phoenician unions 
 of three cities. There is also a confused story of the occupa- 
 tion of lalysos and Camiros by a force of Phoenicians under a 
 certain Phalas in the days of the Trojan war": and the follow- 
 ing curious legend of the final expulsion of the Phoenicians. — 
 Phalanthos the Phcenician and his people had an exceeding 
 strong city called Achaea in the district of lalysos and wanted 
 not for food : wherefore they cared little when Iphiclos the 
 Greek laid siege to them. Moreover they knew from an oracle 
 that they should possess the land till there were white crows 
 and fish swam in the wine jars; and they were confident this 
 would never be. But Iphiclos heard of this response. Forth- 
 with he waylaid a Phoenician, Larcas by name, who went to 
 draw water, and made covenants with him ; and then he 
 caught fish and threw them into the water jar, and bade the 
 man pour water therefrom into the jar whence wine was drawn 
 for Phalanthos : and this the man did. Then he caught 
 crows and chalked them, and let them go. And when Pha- 
 lanthos saw the white crows, he went to the wine jar, and 
 there he found the fish. — According to another version the 
 response was known only to a certain Phacas and to his 
 daughter Dorcia. She loved Iphiclos and was treating with 
 him through her nurse concerning marriage. It was she who 
 persuaded the water carrier to take the fish, and she chalked 
 the crows herself^ — And Phalanthos seeing the land was 
 no more his, sent heralds to Iphiclos asking that he and 
 his people might be suffered to depart. Iphiclos granted 
 this, and swore an oath that he would give them ships; he 
 swore also that they might take away whatsoever they should 
 carry in the belly. Then Phalanthos slew victims and taking 
 the entrails from out the bellies would carry off gold and 
 silver therein. Whereon Iphiclos took out the rudders and 
 oars and sails from the ships and left only the hulks for the 
 
 ^ Dictys Cretensis, de bel. Troj. IV. 4. ^ Polyzelos, Fr. 2. 
 
LEGENDS. 147 
 
 Phcenicians to depart in : and they were at a loss. And they 
 buried much of their treasure, marking the places that they 
 might some day come to dig it up, but much of it they left to 
 Iphiclos. In this wise the Phoenicians departed out of Rhodes, 
 and the Greeks ruled the island'. 
 
 The remaining legends are of another order. — The Tel- 
 chines were sons of Thalassa. Aided by Capheira the daugh- 
 ter of Oceanos they reared Poseidon, for Rhea delivered the 
 child into their charge. And when Poseidon came to man's 
 estate he loved Halia the sister of the Telchines, and she bore 
 him children, six sons and a daughter: and the daughter was 
 called Rhodos, and the island had its name from her. Then 
 Aphrodite drew nigh the island as she passed from Cythera to 
 Cypres, but she was driven from its shores by the sons of 
 Poseidon in their overweening pride. Wherefore in her wrath 
 she sent madness upon them so that they wronged their 
 mother and did many evil things to the people. And Posei- 
 don buried his sons beneath the earth because of the deed 
 they had wrought, and they were accounted dsmons of the 
 eastern lands. But Halia cast herself into the sea, and the 
 people worshipped her as an immortal under the name Leu- 
 cothea. Afterward the Telchines, foreseeing the deluge that 
 was to come, departed out of the island and were scattered 
 abroad''. — In other versions Rhodos is daughter of Oceanos 
 and of Aphrodite or Amphitrite'. This is the legend of a 
 sea-faring race: the sons of the sea and the daughter of the 
 ocean rear Poseidon, the lord of the waters; their sister is 
 Halia, the salt wave: and Aphrodite, the goddess born of the 
 sea foam, would visit them. But the legend has been pressed 
 too far on this side : and while an epic poet has pictured the 
 Telchines gathering themselves out of the void abyss of the 
 sea*, a prosaic archbishop has handed down the report that 
 they were amphibious and had webs between their fingers 
 after the manner of geese'. — The Telchines were the first to 
 work iron and bronze: they made the trident for Poseidon 
 
 ' Ergeias, Fr. i. * Nonnos, Dionysiaca, XIV. 37. 
 
 ^ Diodoros, V. 55, 56. ^ Eustathios of Thessalonica, ad Ho- 
 
 ' Pindar, 01. vii. 14, and Scholia. merum, p. 772. 
 
 10 — 2 
 
148 RHODES. 
 
 and the sickle for Cronos; and they were the first to fashion 
 images of the gods. They discovered certain of the arts and 
 gave to mankind other things advantageous to life. But they 
 were wizards and sorcerers. The charges against them are 
 for the most part general: rain and cloud, hail and snow 
 obeyed their will : they changed their own shapes : and so 
 forth. There is but one specific charge : they sprinkled sul- 
 phur in the water of the Styx with intent to destroy animals 
 and plants ; and did in fact by watering the fields therewith 
 make barren the soil of fruitful Rhodes'. Still, their evil re- 
 pute clung to them; and objectionable things, such as violent 
 deaths and eclipses and bookworms, came to be called Tel- 
 chines^ Crete was their first home, and they were closely 
 related to the Curetes and the Dactyls of Mount Ida: they 
 migrated thence to Cypres and afterwards to Rhodes'. Of 
 the two Telchines whose names are clearly Rhodian, Ataby- 
 rios is connected with Mount Atabyros and Mylas with Cape 
 Mylantia*. Both these places were near Camiros or Cretenia, 
 the home of the settlers from Crete in the legend of Althae- 
 menes. Another report, however, brings the Telchines from 
 Peloponnesos'. — The chronographers placed in the age of the 
 Telchines certain giants who dwelt in the eastward parts of 
 the island: also a people called the Gnetes or the Ignetes: 
 and Spartseos, Cronios and Cytos, whom the nymph Himalia 
 bore to Zeus". The legends of these are lost. The discovery 
 in the island of bones far larger than those of living men may 
 have given rise to that of the giants'. — Rhodos was beloved 
 by Helios, and she bore him seven sons, Ochimos, Cercaphos, 
 Macar, Actis, Tenages, Triopas and Candalos; and also a 
 daughter, Electryone or Alectrona, who died young: these 
 were the Heliadae. Tenages was the goodliest of them all, 
 and certain of his brethren made away with him out of envy. 
 
 ' Diodoros, V. 55; Strabo, p. 65+; * Stephanos, s.w. 'Aripvpoy, Mv- 
 
 Nonnos, Dionysiaca, xiv. 47 ; Calli- 'Kavria.. 
 machos, Hymn, in Delum. 32. ^ Syncellos, p. 149. 
 
 2 Stesichoros, Fr. 9.^; Anthologia ^ Diodoros, v. 55; Stephanos, s.v. 
 
 Falatina, XI. 321. T^^s; liesychios, s.v. 'lYJiip-e!. 
 
 ^ Strabo, p. 654. "^ Phlegon, Fr. 45. 
 
LEGENDS. t49 
 
 Their plot was afterward found out ; and Macar fled to Les- 
 bos, Candalos to Cos, Actis to Egypt and Triopas to Caria, 
 where he dwelt on the cape named from him Tn'opion. But 
 Ochimos and Cercaphos remained in Rhodes, for they were 
 innocent of the plot : and they dwelt in the district of lalysos, 
 and there founded the city of Achjea. Ochimos the elder of 
 these was king; and he took to wife one of the nymphs of the 
 country, Hegetoria by name, who bore him a daughter at first 
 called Cydippe but afterward Cyrbia. Cercaphos took her to 
 wife; and when his brother died, he reigned in his stead. 
 And when he died also, his three sons, Lindos, lalysos and 
 Camiros, ruled the island. In their days a great flood laid 
 waste the city of Cyrbe : wherefore they divided the land be- 
 tween them, and each built a city called after his own name'- 
 — In this legend Macar flees to Lesbos and Triopas to Caria, 
 while in others Macareus is father of Leucippos and Triopas 
 of Phorbas, both of whom lead migrations from those places 
 to the island. Then Actis flees to Egypt, whence comes 
 Danaos in another legend ; just as in others Danaos and Cadmos 
 go from Rhodes to Argos and Thebes, whence in others again 
 Tlepolemos and Hasmon come to Rhodes. And Electryone 
 is here the sister of the Heliadae, while in the legend of Tlepo- 
 lemos Electryon is the father of Licymnios. — Ochimos had 
 betrothed Cydippe to a certain Ocridion. But Cercaphos 
 in his desire for the maid persuaded the herald (for it was a 
 custom to summon the brides by heralds) to lead her to him. 
 And he fled away with her, and returned not again till Ochi- 
 mos was aged. Wherefore at Rhodes no herald may enter 
 the shrine of Ocridion^. — There is another legend of the Heli- 
 adae that served to explain an anomaly in Rhodian sacrifices. 
 — When by the wielding of Hephsstos' axe Athene was 
 loosed from her sire's brain, Helios bade his sons be first to 
 build an altar in very substance to the new-born goddess and 
 gladden with sacrifice the hearts of Zeus and of his daughter. 
 Albeit they had germ of glowing flame, they kindled not the 
 fire: and with flameless sacrifices they made ready a grove in 
 
 ' Diodoros, v. 56, 57; Pindar, 01. ' Plutarch, quaest. graec. 27. 
 
 VII. 71—76. 
 
ISO RHODES. 
 
 their acropolis. Zeus rained gold on them from tawny clouds, 
 and Athene granted them with cunning hands to master every 
 art of mortals'. — This rain of gold was afterwards personified 
 as the descent of Plutos upon the acropolis ^ Another version 
 is more explicit. — When Athene was born, Helios proclaimed 
 to the Heliadffi that the goddess would abide with those who 
 first made sacrifice to her. And this same proclamation was 
 made to the dwellers in Attica. The Heliadae in their haste 
 forgot to bring fire, and straightway set the victims on the 
 altar; while Cecrops the king of Attica tarried for fire and 
 was behind them in slaying the victims; and this custom en- 
 dures in the sacrifices to Athene in Rhodes. And the Helia- 
 dee surpassed all men in learning and most of all in astronomy: 
 and they discovered many things concerning seamanship and 
 the ordering of the hoursl — The legend of the Heliadae may 
 be a purely Rhodian version of that of the Telchines, which 
 occurs in several parts of Greece. Those of the Telchines 
 who settle in Crete after their dispersion from Rhodes become 
 the Curetes: the Curetes are very closely related to the Cory- 
 bantes : and the Corybantes, in a legend that was current at 
 Praesos in Crete, are sons of Helios ^ Hierapytna in Crete 
 which Corybas founded was also called Cyrbe and Camiros^ 
 This suggests that Cyrbe where the Heliadae dwelt in Rhodes 
 was Camiros under another name, and Camiros is connected 
 with the Telchines through Atabyrios and Mylas. Achaea, 
 the city of the Heliada, was in the district of lalysos, and the 
 temple of Alectrona was there*: and the Telchines are also 
 called lalysian'. But both Telchines and Heliadae very 
 curiously resemble the Phoenicians. In the legend of Phalan- 
 thos the Phoenicians are established at Achsa, in that of Cad- 
 mos they settle at lalysos, in that of Phalas they occupy both 
 lalysos and Camiros, and in that of Althaemenes they come 
 from Crete to Camiros or Cretenia at the foot of Mount Ata- 
 byros and found the temple of Zeus Atabyrios on its summit. 
 
 ■ Pindar, Ol. VII. 36 — 51. ^ Stephanos, s.v. 'Ic/jaTnirra. 
 
 ^ Philostratos, imag. II. 27. * N. 349. 
 
 ^ Diodoros, v. 56, jy. ' Ovid, metamorph. vil. 365. 
 
 * Strabo, p. 472. 
 
LEGENDS. 151 
 
 The group of three cities founded by the Heliadse is of a Phoe- 
 nician type, and the charges of sorcery against the Telchines 
 are such as simple rustics might make against the civilized 
 PhcEnicians in the cities. The Heliadas are endowed with 
 wealth and excellence in handicraft and the Telchines are 
 mighty workers of metal : while the Phoenicians were the rich 
 traders who supplied the early Greeks with all the more costly 
 objects of daily use and especially with metal work. And the 
 Telchines are a race in union with the sea gods and the He- 
 liadae are skilled in seamanship: while the Phoenicians were 
 the great navigators of antiquity. 
 
 The historical basis for all these legends of the peopling of 
 Rhodes was perhaps this. — Three cities were founded in the 
 island among a population presumably Carian by Phoenicians 
 coming from Phoenicia itself and from settlements in Crete. 
 Before these Phoenicians were firmly established at Lindos 
 they were expelled from that city by the Greeks : and some 
 generations later the Greeks expelled them first from Camiros 
 and then from lalysos. The Greeks migrated to the island 
 from various districts and at various times : the main body 
 coming from Peloponnesos and the chief of the minor bodies 
 from Thessaly. But these minor bodies were in time absorbed 
 by the ascendant body of Dorians, and the Carians were 
 expelled : and a homogeneous Greek population was thus 
 formed. 
 
 There was this legend of the island itself. — When Zeus 
 and the immortals meted out the earth, Rhodes was not yet 
 manifest amid the sea waves : the isle lay hidden in briny 
 depths. And Helios was away from Olympos, and they left 
 him without portion of land. When he spake thereof, Zeus 
 would cast the lots again : but this he suffered not, for he 
 beheld within the surging sea that land arising from below to 
 be a dwelling place for men and flocks. Straightway he bade 
 Lachesis proclaim the gods' great oath and join with Zeus in 
 granting him that isle, when it was born into the upper air, to 
 be his realm'. — According to the chronographers the Telchines 
 dwelt in the island long before it rose from the sea. To evade 
 
 1 Pindar, 01. VII. 55—68. 
 
152 RHODES. 
 
 this difficulty some writers supposed a deluge after the days of 
 the Telchines, while others rationalized the legend thus : the 
 myth is that Helios loved Rhodos and drove away the water that 
 was above, but the fact is that there was continuous pouring 
 rain which made the lower parts of the island very swampy 
 and muddy till the Sun dried up the damp'. But Rhodes cer- 
 tainly rose from the sea. The great limestone mass of Mount 
 Atabyros and the lesser limestone hills, Akramytis, Elias, 
 Archangelo and Lindos, must once have formed a group of 
 islands : and as these were gradually elevated, the lower hills 
 were being formed round them by volcanic action. These 
 facts were no doubt beyond the Rhodians of the mythopoeic 
 age : but the elevated beds of sea shells at the base of the hills 
 would readily have suggested the legend. 
 
 ' Diodoros, v. jS. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Academics, 127 
 
 Acanias (harbour), 2 
 
 Achsa, 3, 146, 149 
 
 Acheloos, 79 
 
 Acragas, 33, 75 
 
 Administrators, Rliodian, 60, 61 
 
 Admirals, etc., 47, 62, 63 
 
 Adoption, 67 
 
 jEschines, 135 
 
 Agrigentum, 33, 75 
 
 Alcibiades, 9 
 
 Alectrona, 3, 79, 83, 88, 148 
 
 Alexander the Great, 12, 51, 60, 61, 65, 
 
 105, 118 
 Alexandria, 29, 35, 43, 50, 6r, 119, 
 
 124 
 Althffimenes, 79, 141, 145 
 Amasis, 94, 106 
 Ambassadors, 63, 64 
 Antirrhodos, 35 
 
 Antoninus Pius, 52, 55, 118, 138 
 Apelles, 104, 105, 106 
 Apollo, 4, 77, 78 
 Argos, 6, 139—145 
 Aristeides, jElius, 2, 55, 138 
 Aristomenes of Messene, 67, 79, 81 
 Aristophanes, 122 
 Aristotle, 123, 125, 126 
 Artemis, 75, 77 
 Artemisia, 11, 12, 45, 89, 96 
 Asclepiadas, 78, 142 
 Asclepios, 2, 78, 88 
 Assyrian art, 109 ff. 
 Astyra, 4, 116, 118 
 
 Atabyros, Mount, i, 33, 75, 76, 77, 
 
 145 
 Athene, i, 4, 75, 84, 149, 150 
 Athene Lindia, 3, 74, 94, 95, 105, 106, 
 
 107, 123 
 Athenian art, iioff. 
 Athens and Rhodes, 7 — 14, 16, 18, 37, 
 
 38, 49, 64, 137 
 
 Black Sea, ij, 34, 50 
 
 Brutus, 29, 136 
 
 Bryaxis, 95 
 
 Building, 68 
 
 Bulls, 33, 75, 76 
 
 Byzantion, 11, 12, 15, 19, 39, 50, 51 
 
 Cadmos, 94, 144 
 
 Caesar, 28, 29, 43, 48, 136 
 
 Cakes, 6g 
 
 Camarina, 33 
 
 Camiros, ruins at, 4, 68, 90, 91 
 
 Caria, 18, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28, 36, 
 
 62,66 
 Cassius, 29, 43, 48, 107, 136 
 Cato, 26, 70, 137 
 Caunos, 26, 27, 28, 36, 62, 63, 66 
 Chalce, 5, 8, 36, 84 
 Chares, 96, 97 
 Chelidonisma, 120 
 Chersonese, Rhodian, 36 
 Chios, battle of, 17, 42, 48 
 Christianity, 92 
 Cicero, 128, 129, 131, 136 
 Circumnavigation, 130 
 
1 54 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cleobulos, 7i 94) 119* 120 
 
 Cnidos, 6, 8, 9, 34, 51, 95, 14I ; league 
 
 of, 9, 51, riS 
 Coins, 4, 35, 51, 52, 116 — ri8 
 Colonies, Rhodian, 31 — 37 
 Colossos, 96 — 98 
 
 Colossal statues at Rhodes, 95, loi 
 Comedy, 121, 122 
 Confederacies of Delos, 7, 9, 11,38 
 Constantinople, 107, 129 
 Consuls, 64 
 Corn, 9, 25, 49 
 Coronisma, 120 
 Cos, 6, II, 18, 36, 39, 42, 51, 95, 
 
 141 
 Crete and Rhodes, 14, 16, 17, 27, 32, 
 
 33. 42, 55, 59. 142, 145. 148, 150. 
 
 151, see Hierapytna. 
 Cretenia, 4, 145 
 Cronios, 148 
 Cronos, 75 
 Ctcense, 84 
 Cyrbe, 4, 5, 149, 150 
 Cyrene, 58, 116 
 Cytos, 148 
 
 Damagetos, 7, 67, 81 
 
 Danaos, 40, 94, 144 
 'Dareios, 7, 121 
 
 Deigma (bazaar), 2, 53, 96, 97 
 
 Delos, 27, 66, 86 99, see Confede- 
 racies. 
 
 Delphi, 35, 64, 67, 82, 95, 120, 123 
 
 Demes, 5 
 
 Demetrios Poliorcetes, 13, 14, 41, 44, 
 45, 89, 97, 104, 105 
 
 Democracy, 7 — 12, 65, 66 
 
 Demosthenes, 49, 135, 137 
 
 Despots, 7, 81, 120 
 
 Diagoras, 74, 81, 95 
 
 Diagorid^, 8r, 95 
 
 Diogenes, 70 
 
 Dionysos, 2, 76, 88, 106 
 
 Dockyard, 17, 45, 46 
 
 Dorians of Rhodes, 6, 139 — 142, 151 
 
 Doric dialect, 138 
 
 Dorieus, 8, 67, 81, 82, 95 
 
 Dragons, 143 
 
 Earthquakes. 15, 45, 54, 55, 138 
 
 Egypt and Rhodes, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 
 18, 25, 34, 35, 49, 144; Rhodians 
 in, 58, 82; gods of, 79, 80; art of, 
 108 ff. 
 
 Epaminondas, 11 
 
 Ephesos, league with, 10, 51 
 
 Epics, 119, 124, 125 
 
 Epicureans, 126 
 
 Erethimios, 138, see Apollo. 
 
 Ethnics, 5 
 
 Exports, 50 
 
 Farnese Bull, 93, 10 r, 102, 106 
 Festivals, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80—82, 
 
 84 
 Fighting cocks, 70 
 Figs, 69 
 
 Fire balls, 44, 56 
 Fire ships, 42, 44, 48 
 Fish, 69 
 
 Fleet, 37— 4i» 47 
 Floods, 53, 54, 149, 152 
 
 GagEE, 35, 138 
 
 Gambling, 70 
 
 Gela, 7, 32, 33, 35 
 
 Gems, 108 
 
 General average, 52 
 
 Generals, etc., 61, 62 
 
 Geographers, 129 — 131 
 
 Giants, 148 
 
 Gifts, state, 15, 6^, 90, 105, 106 
 
 Glass ornaments, no, 113 
 
 Gnetes, 148 
 
 Gods, foreign, 82 
 
 Gold ornaments, 108, 109, 116 
 
 Government, 6r, 62, 65, 66 
 
 Gracchus, 27, 137 
 
 Grammarians, 134 
 
 Grapes, 69 
 
 Guilds, 85—88 
 
 Gymnasion, 68 
 
 Haemon, 143 
 
 Halicarnassos, 6, 11, 12, 34, 45, 51, 80, 
 
 95, 141 
 Hannibal, 21, 22 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ISS 
 
 Harbours of the city of Rhodes, i, t, 44, 
 
 45 
 Helen, 79, 94, 141 
 Helepolis, 14, 56, 57 
 HeUadas, 93, 94, 148 — 151 
 HeUos, 24, 63, 64, 73, 74, 96, 107 
 Hera, 76, 78 
 Heracleidse, 139 — 142 
 Heracles, 78, 103, 114, 115, 119, 142 
 Hermes, 76 
 
 Herod of Judsea, 46, 64, 70 
 Hestia, 78 
 
 Hexapolis, 6, 34, 80 
 Hierapytna, Rhodian treaty with, 46, 
 
 48. 69. 63. 65. 81. 88 
 Hierothyteion at Lindos, 83, 90 
 Hippodamos of Miletos, 53 
 Historians, r3i — 133 
 Honours, 90 
 Human sacrifices, 75 
 Hypereides, 135, 137 
 
 lasos, 62 ; league with, 9,51 
 
 Ignetes, 148 
 
 Inessa {fountain}, 5, 34 
 
 Inscribed stelse, 87 — 89 
 
 Isis, 'It 80 
 
 Islands subject to Rhodes, 36 
 
 Ixia or Ixise, 4, 77 
 
 Jettison, 52 
 
 Jews, 92 
 
 Jus Gentium, 128 
 
 Lade, battle of, 18, 42 
 
 Laocoon, 93, 100 — 102, 106 
 
 Law, Rhodian naval, 52 
 
 Leucippos, 143 
 
 Lindopolitse, 65 
 
 Lindos, ruins at, 3, 74, 75, 91 j territory 
 
 of, 5, 65; colonies of, 37 
 Lipara, 34, 130 
 Luxury, 68 — 70, 72 
 Lycia, 21, 23, 26, 27, 28, 36, 62, 66 
 Lysander, 9, 38 
 Lysippos, 96 
 
 Macareus, 1 43 
 
 Macedonian Wars, 12 — 14, 16 — 20, 23 
 
 —27 
 Mastroe, 85, 88 
 Mausolos, II 
 Megiste, 22, 35, 118 
 Memnon, 59, 60 
 Mentor, 60, 126 
 Mercenaries, 57, 58, 59 
 Meridian of Rhodes, 139, 130 
 Mithridates, 27, 28, 44, 58, 61, 89 
 Monotheism, 91 
 Music, 74, 123 
 Mycenae, 107 if. 
 Mylas, 79, 148 
 Myndos, battles at, 27, 29, 43 
 
 Naples, 32, 93 
 Naucratis, 34, 50, 108 ff. 
 Naval law, 52 
 Nero, 70, 107, 137 
 Netteia, 4, 5, 88 
 Nymphs, 78, 79 
 
 Ocridion, 76, 79, 149 
 
 Oligarchy, 7 — 12 
 
 Olympia, 64, 70, 81, 95, 100, 112 
 
 Painting at Rhodes, 102 — 105 
 Parallel of Rhodes, 129, 130 
 Parrhasios, 103 
 Paul the Apostle, 92 
 Pausistratos, 19, 21, 46, 48, 59 
 Peloponnesian War, 7, 8, 9, 37, 38 
 Pentapolis, 6, 80 
 Pentecontoros, 40, 41, 144 
 Per^a, Rhodian, 19, 20, 24, 36, 58 
 Pergamos and Rhodes, 15, 17 — 24, 27, 
 
 102 
 Peripatetics, 125 — 127 
 Persia and Rhodes, 7, 10, 12, 37, 121 
 Phalanthos, 146 
 Phalaris, 33, 75 
 Phalas, 146 
 Pharos, 35, 97 
 Phaselis, 34, 35 
 Philosophers, 125 — 129 
 Phoenician art, 94, 109 ff. 
 Phoenicians in Rhodes, 76, 77,144 — 151 
 
156 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Phorbas, 79, 124, 143, 144 
 
 Physicians, 133 
 
 Pindar, 74, 123, 140 
 
 Piracy, 16, 27, 28, 31, 41, 42, 48, 49 
 
 Pistis, 80 
 
 Poets, 119 — 125 
 
 Polyxenidas, 21, 22, 59 
 
 Pompey, 28, 29, 48, 61, 70, 129, 136 
 
 Porcelain, Egyptian, 108, 112 
 
 Poseidon, 47, 73, 77, 83, 144 
 
 Poseidonios, 129 — 131, 137 
 
 Praxiteles, 95, 96 
 
 Priests, etc., 83 — 85 
 
 Protogenes, 103 — 105, 106, 116 
 
 Prytanes, 61, 62, 129 
 
 Ptolemy Soter, 13, 14, 36, 80 
 
 Ramming at sea, 41 — 44 
 
 Ransoms, 57, 58 
 
 Revenue, 66 
 
 Rhetoric, 134 — 138 
 
 Rhodes (city), ruins of, i, 2, 91; ac- 
 count of, 53 — 55; population of, 
 55; sieges of, 14, 28, 29, 44, 45, 
 
 S4-58 
 Rhodes (island), position and size, i ; 
 
 names for, 125; legend of, 151, 152 
 Rhodos (nymph), 82, 147, 148 
 Romans at Rhodes, 70, 71, 89 
 Rome and Rhodes, 14, 16 — 30, 50, 51, 
 
 63, 106, 107 
 
 Sacrilege, 89 
 
 Sailors, 47, 48, 59 
 
 Sambuca, 44, 45 
 
 Samos, league with, 10, 51 
 
 Sarapis, 79 
 
 Schedia (harbour), 3, 143 
 
 Sculpture, Rhodian school of, 98 — 102 
 
 Seamanship, 43, 47 
 
 Shells, engraved, 108, 109 
 
 Ship-building, 45, 46 
 
 Ships of war, 37 — 41 
 
 Shot, 44, 56 
 
 Siana, excavations at, 4, 107, 112 
 
 Sicilian Expedition, 7, 33, 37, 58 
 
 Sicily, 15, 32—34, 40, 49, 50 
 
 Simonides of Ceos, 120 — 123 
 
 Slaves, 50, 55, 57, 6r, 66, 85 
 
 Slingers, 58 
 
 Snakes, 143 
 
 Social War, 11, 39, 41 
 
 Solo:, 23, 35, 49 
 
 Sparta and Rhodes, 7 — 10, 67 
 
 Spart^os, 148 
 
 Statuettes, 109, no, 113 
 
 Statues, 89, 90, 93 — 102 
 
 Stoics, 127 — 129 
 
 Stratoniceia, 19, 20, 27, 36, 66 
 
 Syracuse, 7, 8, 33, 34, 105 
 
 Syria and Rhodes, 17, 20 — 22, 25, 50 
 
 * Tactics, naval, 41 — 44 
 Telchines, 78, 79, 93, 147 ff. 
 Thalassocratia, 31, 36, 133 
 Theatre in the city of Rhodes, -i, 54, 
 
 57, 63, 6s, 72, 88 
 Thebes and Rhodes, 11, 118 
 Themistocles, 7, I2i 
 Geots on statues, 89 
 Theophiliscos, 17 
 Theophrastos, 125, 126 
 Thera, island upheaved near, 36, 77 
 Thermydron (harbour), 4, 142 
 Thessalians in Rhodes, 140, 143, 144, 
 
 151 
 Tiberius, 63, 70, 71, 134, 137, 138 
 Tlepolemos, 79, 139 — 141 
 Tombs, 91 
 
 Toro Farnese, 93, loi, 102, 106 
 Totemism, 145 
 Trade, 15, 16, 49 — 51, 128 
 Tree worship, 79, 141 
 Tribes, 85, 141 
 Trierarchs, 47 
 Triopian Cape, 6, 80 
 
 Vases, metal, 106; terracotta, 107 — 116 
 Vines, 69 
 
 Wine, 50, 69, 70 
 Wine-jars, 50, 117 
 
 Zeus, 75, 76, 80; Atabyrios, i, i, 75, 
 76, 145 ; Polieus, 3, 33, 75 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED EY C.J. CLAY, M.A., & SON, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.