3DS7-J-6.5 AS1A 
 
 GUNNm&ttAM 
 
 Ouk Commercial 
 anl "political, 
 kelations with 
 China 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023496205 
 
C~* OMENTALIA 
 
 Pamphlets and Magazine Excerpts 
 
 OUR COMMERCIAL AND POLITICAL 
 RELATIONS WITH CHINA, By 
 
 An American Resident in China. 
 
 °S 740.5 C U5C97 niVers,,y Librar v 
 
OtfR COMMERCIAL AND POLITIcIaL RELATIONS 
 
 CHINA, 
 
 AN AMERICAN RESIDENT IN CHINA. 
 
 China is of so much importance to the people of the United States, both, 
 •for the present trade between them and for their probable future relations, 
 that a few remarks upon the state of that Empire, and the nature of the 
 present political convulsions, may not be out of place. 
 
 Situated as that country is with respect to the western coast of the United 
 States, and taking into view the European influences which now govern the 
 most fertile portions of the rest of Asia, it is apparent that a close connection 
 is most desirable for us, while it would be equally beneficial to her. By 
 Favor of their soil, climate, and patient industry, the Chinese produce the 
 two important articles of silk and tea, at a cost which will probably never 
 be equalled in cheapness by any other country. There are many other pro* 
 ducts or manufactures which help to swell the trade, and are important to 
 the civilized world, all making together a commerce surpasssing in value 
 any other of Asia. The importance of tea especially can scarcely be over* 
 rated. It is the most healthful beverage that the world knows — invaluable 
 in reducing the consumption of ardent spirits, and promoting health and 
 cheerfulness among the hard working classes of Society. 
 
 It needs, indeed, but little consideration of the subject to see that, with 
 the exception of one or two nations of Europe, China will become, in the 
 course of time, our most important commercial connection, if no untoward 
 event intervenes. Placed over against us, across a sea already covered 
 with our sails, swarming with a busy population employed in the produc- 
 tion of raw materials, the alliance which subsists between the two nations 
 is founded on such natural grounds that nothing is needed to render it per- 
 petual, and cause an almost unlimited increase to their mutual commerce, but 
 the exercise of reason arid judgment on the part of the stronger power. 
 Reason and judgment, however, while they require the exercise of self-res- 
 traint and the practice of justice, are not consistent with the treatment of 
 a nation of the 17th century in knowledge and policy as if it were one of 
 the 19th, with the treatment of a child, as if it were a grown man. The 
 civilized world, moved by philanthropic feelings, is too apt to consider any 
 
attempt to procure .further advantages of trade with Eastern nations, though 
 equally advantageous to them as to us, except by simple request, as unman- 
 ly and unchristian. _ 
 
 The sentiment is founded on a noble principle, but overlooking the child- 
 ish character of the people with whom we have to deal, and whom it may 
 be considered our mission to guide and enlighten, it leads to results quite op- 
 posite to the wishes of those who, while they would protect the weak, 
 desire earnestly to give them the blessings of civilization and Christianity. 
 It is a consequence of ignorance and self-conceit that those afflicted with 
 them will admit no new element into their system, believing their condition 
 perfect, and not to be improved by change. Arguments and representa- 
 tions are of no avail in inducing them to receive benefits, proofs of which 
 are before their eyes, for their mental sight is blinded by their preconceived 
 ideas of individual and national superiority. 
 
 Our treaty with China, and our recent success in Japan, both flowed 
 from the English war with the former, the first a direct consequence, and 
 the latter through the influence produced upon the minds of the Japanese 
 by the manifest effects of coming into collision with a powerful force from 
 a Western nation. 
 
 There seems indeed to be but two courses to extend western connection 
 with such nations ; one to require with firmness and determination such 
 concessions as are manifestly for the advantage of both parties in the eyes of 
 a civilized world, and to take them by intimidation and force if Tefused ; 
 the other, to wait for such opportunities as in the course of time present 
 theniselvas, and by taking advantage of their necessities, obtain what we 
 require without the appearance of coercion. "While the first is not to be 
 condemned hastily when required by the necessities of advancing civiliza- 
 tion, the latter is recommended by policy and good feeling when the op- 
 portunity is not too far distant from the necessity-to make the delay a 
 greater evil than the resort to strong measures. 
 
 England and America have now for some time stood in this position to 
 China. While never asking for more than they themselves give to others, 
 or than just international relations would warrant, they wish such conces- 
 sions of Chinese pride and exclusiveness as will allow the people of both 
 countries to profit to the full by their mutual productions, and have been 
 patiently waiting for their opportunity. It is not much that they ask for 
 the Chinese to give, but much in its ultimate iesults both for them and for 
 us. They wish to reach to the interior to obtain facilities, to foster and ex- 
 tend their trade in mauufactured goods inward, and in tea outward, 
 without hindrance from the exactions of corrupt officials and the in- 
 terference of interested speculators. They wish to know more of the re- 
 sources of the couutry than they can learn from most imperfect statistics, 
 and from the reports of half educated Chinese traders. Many of the intel- 
 ligent foreign merchants residing in China, and those connected with the 
 trade at home, are said to entertain the belief that no advantage can flow 
 from access to the interior and the opening of further ports. But as the 
 proof can only be in the result, and as precedent is against the opinion, it 
 is safer to lay their want of faith rather to the disinclination to change and 
 the convenience of retaining business concentrated at a few ports than to 
 unerring sagacity. 
 
 One of the leading merchants of Canton, writing ten years ago on the China 
 trade and after the treaty was signed, closes his article with these words : 
 
" And Canton must still, and for all time to come, remain the principal port 
 for foreign trade," and Sir John Davis in his second book on China says 
 complacently of Foochow : " Foochow, as I predicted remains without 
 trade, and will no doubt be ultimately abandoned by H. Majesty's Govern- 
 ment as a useless concession." 
 
 In 1852, the last year of undisturbed trade, Shaughae surpassed Canton 
 in the aggregate amount of trade, and Foochow, brought suddenly to 
 notice by successful American enterprise only one year since, sees its river 
 this season crowded with English ships taking to Great Britain at cheaper 
 cost, the tea for which it is the natural outlet, for both its opening and its 
 present trade are independent of the rebellion. 
 
 With such results to former prophecies who will believe in those now 
 made, or draw from them any inference but that the veil over China re- 
 quires but to be lifted to open new and fuller channels of trade. 
 
 To give but one illustration : the two provinces of Hunan and Hupeh, 
 on the Yang-tze Kiang, produce the best description of Congou tea, which 
 is the soundest and most wholesome class of the herb, and the kind un- 
 doubtedly destined, in time, to become the staple of the export to all 
 countries. These teas are now sent to Canton by a difficult and expensive 
 route over mountains and up rivers, 600 miles long. 
 
 Hankhow, on the Yang-tze Kiang, the river-port of these provinces, is 
 400 miles from the sea on one of the finest rivers in the world. This town 
 is already the great distributing point for foreign cotton goods, and we may 
 easily conceive the advantage to the foreign consumer of tea, if by the 
 advent of foreign influence to those parts, the produce should descend the 
 river at a slight expense, instead of paying tolls half through China, and 
 to the foreign producer and native consumer, if cotton goods could be placed 
 at such a point, without having the cost enhanced by the exactions of petty 
 mandarins, and the uninsurable danger of passage through the country. 
 
 The great points to gain are, the introduction of goods, and the delivery 
 of produce beyond the line of the sea-board under foreign influence and safe- 
 guard ; and the opportunity to acquire further knowledge of the wants and 
 capabilities of the country, afforded by free access to all parts, and free 
 communication with the natives of different provinces, which in so vast a 
 country is equivalent to acquaintanceship with so many distinct Kingdoms, 
 so various are they in their characters, customs, and wants. 
 
 If it be Conceded, that a closer intimacy with China than now exists, is 
 desirable, how much more readily will it be allowed, that on no account 
 can we suffer the present connection to be broken. Words need not be 
 wasted upon this point, for undoubtedly both the Governments of the 
 United States and England, would prevent or remedy such a catastrophe, 
 if in their power, at any cost. 
 
 Yet at this moment causes are at work, which may destroy that connec- 
 tion, only to be restored, if restored at all, by much expenditure of treasure, 
 and perhaps, to be lost forever, while on the other hand, at the same period 
 of time, and influenced by the same causes, the opportunity for which we 
 have waited, presents itself, and which, while allowing us to keep all we 
 have, opens the way for acquiring all we may wish, without violence, and 
 without greater expense and exertion, than the use of the ships of war 
 already stationed at the ports of the country. 
 
 , It may be fairly said, that it now depends upon the action of Great 
 Britian and the United States, whether we are to see the Chinese trade 
 
greatly jeoparded, and perhaps for a time destroyed, or advanced to a greater 
 prosperity than ever to the joint advantage of all. 
 
 To support these assertions, we must enter into & discussion of the char- 
 acter of the rebellion headed by Tae-ping-wang. • 
 
 This movement has been sanctified in the eyes of the Christian world 
 by the religious guise in which it has appeared through the erroneous, but 
 not unnatural interpretation of their use of the Christian Bible. At first 
 sight it was reasonable to suppose, especially for those not acquainted with 
 the peculiar literature and religious systems of the country, that the party 
 who acknowledged the authority of a foreign doctine were more or less 
 imbued with its spirit, and were at all events, liberal - in their ideas and 
 opposed to the narrow and bigoted policy of their countrymen. 
 
 This impression was heightened by the ready enthusiasm of the English 
 and American Missionaries, whose accounts, colored by the excitement into 
 which such unlooked for success had thrown them, penetrated to every 
 quarter of their two countries, spreading the undoubted belief that China 
 was upon the eve of evangelization. 
 
 As the movement progressed however, and the tenets of the supposed 
 reformers became developed, it was apparent to every observer, who looked 
 beneath the surface of things, that the use of the Christian Bible by Tae- 
 ping-wang, was precisely the use already made of the Jewish Bible thir- 
 teen centuries before, by Mahomet, in Arabia. 
 
 Every new dynasty in China, has been started with the promulgation of 
 an attachment to pure morals, love for the people, and obedience to the 
 precepts of the sages. Tae-ping-wang, wishing to add to these usual 
 sources of influence, connects himself directly with the Heavenly powers, 
 and as a result of this immediate connection and communication, produces 
 portions of a book which he finds ready written to his hand, most admira- 
 bly calculated from its oriental imagery for effect on Eastern minds, and 
 mingling with them, his own rhapsodies and edicts, imposes them on his 
 followers, as emanations from Heaven, to be added to the classics of the 
 sages and to be forever installed among the lights of the Chinese mind. 
 "When the Susquehanna was at Nanking, the chiefs distinctly told the 
 Americans that their new religion did not come from foreign nations, but 
 was derived from their own ancient philosophy and the revelations of God 
 to Tae-ping-wang, and on this point they have been so consistent in all 
 their statement to foreigners, whether English, French or American, that 
 nothing but intense desire, influencingits judgment, could have allowed the 
 impression of their Christianity to remain with the Christian world. 
 
 There is nothing whatever in the doctrine they profess, or the mode of 
 life they practice, which approaches Christianity nearer than the observances 
 of Mahometanism, or that is more or even so much in accordance with the 
 tenets and requirements of a pure religion, as the precepts inculcated 
 by Confucius. Of the English and American Missionaries in China, the 
 most intelligent have abandoned their belief, where entertained, in the sin- 
 cerity of Tae-ping-wang, and we can especially instance the opinion of the 
 Et. Rev. Bishop Boon, the head of the American Episcopal Mission, one 
 of the most sagacious minds that have visited China, and certainly not sur- 
 passed in intelligence by any now there. 
 
 He has become fully confirmed in his early views of Tae-ping-wang — that 
 he is a selfish and blasphemous adventurer, intent only upon his own ends, 
 and using the Christian faith, as far as he does use it, only as a tool in the 
 construction of his empire. 
 
Nor, -when closely examined, is there more to attract our respect in the 
 policy and military measures of this leader than there is claim to our 
 sympathy in his religion. 
 
 His policy is but a repetition of that which has prevailed in China for 
 ages, a simple despotism, rendered, however, more severe than was known 
 before in the country by his pretensions to especial authority from Heaven, 
 and the consequent rigor with which his decrees are enforced, at the pain 
 of instant death. The Government of China, hitherto, as well under the 
 Tartars as under their native sovereigns, has been remarkable in its des- 
 potism, for its attention to the wishes and interests of the people, and un- 
 doubtedly this singular feature, for an Asiatic Government, is the living 
 spring which has preserved its unity and stability for so many ages. Un- 
 like the domination of the Caliphs, and the thousand and one conquerors 
 of India and the west of Asia, the principles of Government in China were 
 founded on the disinterested inspirations of philosophy, inculcating that 
 the happiness and virtue of the people were the primary object, and their 
 care the main duty of the Sovereign. These principles are still recognised, 
 and though the corruption of the subordinates obscures their light, and 
 tyranny often oppresses the inhabitant of the cities, in the country the peo- 
 ple enjoy a liberty only known elsewhere to the subjects or citizens of the 
 free Governments of the globe. 
 
 Tae-ping-wang's edicts, while they occasionally profess care for the in- 
 terests of the governed, are principally to establish his own undisputed 
 authority and supremacy, and it is apparent to the considerate observer 
 that himself and his family of chiefs and dependents are the main objects 
 of his solicitude. 
 
 His military abilities cannot be considered as proved by his advance on, 
 and capture of, Nankin, as yet his only military exploit. A march through 
 provinces where there was no army in the open country, no garrisons in 
 the cities beyond a few disorganized battalions, enervated by idleness and 
 debauchery, and with no strength in their fortifications, was not an exploit 
 proving any great military talent. 
 
 Nankin reached and occupied, he had then for the first time to meet 
 actual and energetic opposition, and though his course of action showed 
 sufficient boldness, the result has not justified his judgment. His army, at 
 the north, far advanced beyond support, has been destroyed, and the best 
 of his men lost, without a counterbalancing advantage. 
 
 We have not yet commented upon that point in his pretensions of the 
 greatest moment to foreign nations, and in which lies the danger which 
 threatens our relations with China, should he prove sufficiently successful 
 in his enterprise as ultimately to hold the central and southern provinces. 
 
 It is a fundamental principle of his doctrine that he is supreme upon the 
 earth. Upon that foundation the superstructure is reared, and the fanatical 
 temper and overbearing self reliance displayed to the English, French, and 
 American visitors is sufficient assurance that he will treat with no potentate 
 on the earth as an equal, unless compelled at the point of the bayonet. 
 Much stress is laid, by missionary writers, upon the use of the word 
 " brethern " when addressing their foreign visitors, but it is overlooked 
 that that term is allowed to them only when they come reverently to pro- 
 fess submission and subjection, and that in every case they were forbidden 
 to return unless they did so with the proper gifts for tribute. 
 
 Here then is the certain germ of a war with the new party, perhaps in- 
 
 V 
 
volving the surprise and destruction of the foreign settlement at Shanghae, 
 with all its valuable property, as the first intimation that we are no longer 
 to flatter ourselves with the title of brethren. We should not consider this, 
 however, as emperilling our connection with China, for sucn a war could 
 not be refused by England and America, and, at the cost of some treasure 
 to them, and a good deal of blood to China, it could only end in the des- 
 truction of the party opposed to them. The greatest danger lies in such, a 
 result to the struggle between the rebels and the imperialists, as will leave 
 the former no heart to provoke foreigners to open conflict, and yet with, 
 sufficient strength to hold and distract the southern and central provinces, 
 the seat of the production of tea and silk. A long continuance of trouble 
 and disorganization, and unsettled government, and a division of the coast 
 from those provinces by hostile jurisdictions, would most effectually rum 
 foreign trade without a chance of remedy through the utmost exertions of 
 foreign powers. 
 
 If these views of the rebellion are eorrect, and the closer the examination 
 the stronger and more unquestionable will be found the proofe, we have 
 nothing to hope, and much to fear from it, if successful, while it gives no 
 promise of advancement to China, religiously or politically. 
 
 On the other hand, is the Imperial Government, to whom we are already 
 bound by solemn treaty, and which has maintained its faith with us through- 
 out the ten years which have expired since it was first pledged, and would 
 now doubtless enter into closer ties in consideration of aid, trifling to us, 
 in our strength, but important to it in the emergency which now oppres- 
 ses it. Its vitality and strength are much greater than would appear from 
 the recent course of events and from the representations made from China, 
 by residents interested for the success of the rebellion. Independently of 
 the great source of strength in the war-like Tartar tribes which live upon 
 the Northern border, and which would be too happy to march upon China 
 at the call of the Emperor, he has still possession of two-thirds of the 
 Empire, draws the greater part of the usual revenue from those quarters, 
 and can recruit his forces from several hardy races of men. The country 
 North of the Yellow river is difficult of attack by an army from the South, 
 as the great distance to be traversed, costs it its communications, while 
 every step in advance carries it nearer to the enemies resources, and against 
 positions growing stronger as their own force grows weaker. 
 
 The most therefore, that the rebel leaders can accomplish, with such, 
 strength as they have yet shown, is to dismember the country. Total con- 
 quest is out of the question. 
 
 The Imperial power, on the contrary is sufficiently great to retain the 
 whole of the Northern provinces, while the Western and many of the 
 central and Southern, still resist the entry of the rebels, or return to their 
 allegiance and to tranquility as soon as the insurgents have passed through. 
 The farmers and traders of the districts bordering upon the positions oc- 
 cupied by Tae-ping-wang's forces, look upon them with horror, dreading 
 their irruption into their fields and towns, and hiding their valuables in 
 the earth, at the first alarm. They are regarded as thieves by all peacea- 
 ble people, and that or similar names are invariably used by the Chinese 
 when they converse with foreigners concerning them. So general a feeling 
 is in itself a great element of strength to the Imperial party, as the various 
 districts, so far from aiding the rebellion, seize the first opportunity to re- 
 turn to their old goYernors. 
 
The main strength of the rebels is undoubtedly from the men trained in 
 the pirate fleets which have for several years preyed upon the commerce 
 of China, and, were their communication with the coast cut off, and their 
 places of strength upon the Yang-tye-kiang destroyed, they would soon 
 yield to to the pressure of the superior forces of the imperialists. To do ; 
 this would require the intervention of foreign ships of war, but the force to 
 be exerted would be small, as the Chinese fortifications and gunnery are 
 eomtemptible when opposed to European ships, though equal to the as- 
 saults of their own war junks. 
 
 As to the mode and points in and at which this assistance should be 
 rendered, such points could only be determined by the plenipotentiaries of 
 the two Governments after careful consideration of the circumstances ex- 
 isting at the time of the demonstration, and we need not venture to discuss 
 them here. It is probable that the mere knowledge of the fact, that the 
 imperialists had the aid and countennnce of foreigners would half extinguish 
 the insurrection, by giving energy and courage to the imperial officers. 
 
 With such terms as could be made by the foreign powers at this trifling 
 cost, the influence of Christian nations could be so extended through the 
 country that a sensible effect would be made upon the administration of 
 government, and much of the corruption, heretofore existing, be corrected, 
 while the Chinese themselves, acted upon by the free ideas of foreigners, 
 would rise in political knowledge, and in time be better prepared to main- 
 tain the cause of the people against their rulers when necessity appeared. 
 Even if such pleasing conjectures should be deemed too flattering, the most 
 practical will not deny that the constant presence of foreign power upon 
 the main thoroughfares of commerce will tend greatly to prevent disorders 
 when tranquillity is once restored, and give a security to our commerce 
 which it has never had yet, and which its importance well deserves. 
 
 The time has arrived when England and the United States are bound by I 
 every consideration of policy to take an energetic and decided part, and 
 that part on the side of the Government to which they are already pledged 
 by treaties to maintain friendly connections, and which alone can increase 
 their privileges and preserve to them those already enjoyed. On the one 
 side is the rebellion, without a particle of claim upon our respect or our 
 sympathy, offering the prospect of a bloody war for the mere maintainance 
 of our present rights, on the other is the Imperial Government with claims 
 upon us from previous friendly connections and pledges, ready to confirm 
 all present privileges, and meet us in our further wishes, for aid which 
 would not cost one tithe of the contest which threatens us on the other 
 side, and by which we should gain, without violence, and with an increase 
 of friendly feeling on the part of both the governors and the governed, all 
 that we can desire for the promotion of unrestrained intercourse. 
 
 It should not be overlooked that the force required for such desireable 
 results is only that which the two countries are, at all events, obliged to 
 keep in the ports of China, to protect the persons and property of their 
 subjects and citizens from destruction by the forces of either party, very 
 likely, at times, to be both in the attitude of foes, if the present policy of 
 neutrality is continued. Nor that all the intervention, that is believed to 
 be requisite, is the simple action of foreign governments in maintaining 
 their actual rights by force, proclaiming publicly their determination to do 
 so, thus giving only such support to the imperialist cause as would be 
 afforded by the maintainence of public order under their government at 
 
8 
 
 the ports, which we have already, or are to have, the right by treaty to 
 frequent. 
 
 The choice of alternatives seems to be unquestionable, ^.n opportunity, 
 which we might well have prayed for, presents itself, ana a catastrophe, 
 which we should feel for years in its effects, threatens us, and we have only 
 to move our little finger to profit by the one and prevent the other. 
 
 Washington, February, 1855. 
 
Date Due 
 
 NOV ° 1 
 
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 NO. 23233