CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library PS 92.H63 A reader's history of American ilteratur 3 1924 022 000 016 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924022000016 md. READER'S HISTORY OF AMERICAN LITERATURE BY THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON AND HENRY WALCOTT BOYNTON m^^^^m BOSTON, NEW YORK AND CHICAGO HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY ^ht iSibetjiitic ^te^^, "ffamfiriBoe COPYRIGHT 1903 BY THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON AND HENRY W. BOYNTON ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PEEPACE This book is based upon a course of lec- tures delivered during January of 1903 be- fore the Lowell Institute in Boston. Their essential plan was that of concentrating atten- tion on leading figures, instead of burdening the memory with a great many minor names and data. Various hearers, including some teachers of literature, took pains to express their approval of this plan, and to suggest that the material might profitably be cast into book form. This necessarily meant a good deal of revision of a kind which the lecturer did not care to undertake ; and he was able to secure the cooperation of a younger asso- ciate, to whom has fallen the task of modify- ing and supplementing the original text, so far as either process was necessary in order to make a complete and consecutive, though still brief, narrative of the course of American iv PREFACE literature. The apparatus necessary for its use as a text-book has been supplied in an appendix, and is believed to be adequate. It should be said further that the personal reminiscences, and, in general, aU passages in which the first person singular is employed, are taken over bodily from the original lec- tures. Elsewhere the authorship of the book as it stands is a composite, but, it is hoped, not confused affair. Acknowledgments are due to Messrs. Long- mans (of London and New York), who have permitted the use of some passages from Short Studies of American Authors, and to Messrs. Harper and Brothers, who con- sented to similar extracts from a work pub- lished by them, entitled BooJc and Heart (New York and London, 1899), both these books being by the senior author of this work. CONTENTS CHAFTEB PAGE I. The Puritan Weiteks 1 II. The Secular "Weitbrs 24 III. The Philadelphia Period .... 60 IV. The New York Period 79 V. The New England Period — Prelim- inary 108 VI. The Cambridge Group 134 VII. The Concord Group 167 VIII. The Southern Influence — "Whit- man 199 IX. The Western Influence 235 X. Forecast 257 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAOB Ralph Waldo Emerson, from a daguerreotype TAKEN IN 1859 Frontispiece Title-page of Anne Bradstreet's Tents Muse . 10 Title-page op Cotton Mather's Wojstders of the Invisible World 16 Titlb-Pagb of Poor Richard's Almanac for 1739 68 Letter from William Cullen Bryant to Mrs. R. C. Waterston 100 Postal Card from Francis Parkman to T. W. HlGGINSON 118 Letter from Harriet Bebcher Stowe to Hough- ton, Mifflin & Co 126 Lines by Emily Dickinson 130 Lines by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow . . 140 Letter from John GreenlbafWhittier to F. J. Garrison 150 Letter from Oliver Wendell Holmes to T. W. Higginson 158 Letter from James Russell Lowell to T. W. Higginson 164 Letter from Ralph Waldo Emerson to T. W. Higginson 174 Letter from Nathaniel Hawthorne to C. W. Webber 182 Letter from Henry David Thoreau to T. W. Higginson 196 A READER'S HISTORY OF AMERICAN LITERATURE CHAPTEK I THE PURITAJJ WBITERS When Shakespeare's Slender in " The Merry Wives of Windsor" claims that his cousin Shallow is a gentleman born, and The Point may write himself armigero, he °* V'«^- adds proudly, " All his successors, gone be- fore him, have done it, and all his ancestors that come after him may." Slender really builded better than he knew ; probably most of the applications at the Heralds' College in London, or at the offices of heraldic engravers in New York, are based on the principle he laid down. Its most triumphant application is that recorded by Gilbert Stuart. While he was in London the painter had a call from an Irishman who had become, through some lucky speculation, the possessor of a castle, and who appealed to Stuart to provide him 2 THE PURITAN WRITERS with a family portrait gallery. Stuart natu- rally supposed that there were miniatures or pictures of some kind which he might follow, but on arriving at the castle he found there was nothing of the sort. , " Then how am I to paint your ancestors, if you have no ancestors ? " he asked in some indignation. " Nothing is easier," said the Irishman ; " you have only to paint me the ancestors that I ought to have had." The proposal struck Stuart's sense of hu- mor, and he went to work, soon producing a series of knights in armor, judges in bushy wigs, and fine ladies with nosegays and lambs, to the perfect satisfaction of his patron. Here was Slender's fine conception literally carried out; the ancestors came afterward because their enterprising successor had gone before. Something hke this method has been em- ployed by many chroniclers of American lit- erature. Perceiving that America has pro- duced much that is creditable during the past century, they have set about finding a direct American pedigree for it. Yet they would readily agree that almost nothing which has attained permanent fame was writ- AMERICANISM 3 ten in America before the nineteenth century ; and they would not deny that, so far as its form, at least, is concerned, most of our later literature confesses an English ancestry. But if the spirit of those older writers, the writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was American, what does Amerioan- the form of their writing matter? '^™' The answer to this question depends upon what we mean by Americanism. Until the very outbreak of the Eevolution there were few persons in the American colonies who were not, in sentiment as well as in mental in- heritance, English. England was " home " to them, as it is now to the British Canadian or Australian. Circumstances were of course bringing about a gradual divergence in man- ners and in special sympathies between the colonist of Massachusetts or Virginia and the Englishman of London. Even the shock of the Revolution could, so far as literature was concerned, only hasten that divergence of type — not transform it into a difference of type. To this day, indeed, the course of that divergence has been so slow that we still find Mr. Howells uttering the opinion, not quite justly, that American literature is merely " a condition of English literature." 4 THE PURITAN WEITEKS It would be a remarkable fact if America had, in so short a time, created an altogether new and distinct type of literature. What American Fishcr Ames said nearly a century Literature, ^go is stiU true : " It is uo reproach to the genius of America, if it does not pro- duce ordinarily such men as were deemed the prodigies of the ancient world. Nature has provided for the propagation of men — giants are rare ; and it is forbidden by her laws that there should be races of them." Probably no more wholesome service can now be done to the elementary study of the literature of the United States than by directing it toward the sane and cheerf id recognition of the close relation which has always existed between American writing and EngUsh writing ; and toward a careful weighing of the American authors in whom we properly take pride, upon the same scales which have served us in de- termining the value of British authors. With such ends in view, the present book will attempt, not to be a hterary history of America, but simply to give a connected ac- count of the pure literature which has been produced by Americans. It will not assume to be in any sense a minute literary cyclopaedia PURE LITERATURE 5 of this work, but will rather attempt to select, as time selects, the best or representative names of each period in its course. The in- trinsic literary importance of these writers will be considered, rather than their merely histor- ical importance. Many minor names, there- fore, which might properly be included in a summary of respectable books hitherto pro- duced in America are here omitted altogether ; and others are given such minor mention as their literary merit appears to warrant. But it is time, you may say, to define more specifically what literature is. No definition of it ever yet given has surpassed Pure Liter- that magnificent sentence of Lord **"™- Bacon's which one marvels never to have seen quoted among the too scanty evidences that he wrote the works attributed to Shake- speare : — " It [literature] hath something divine in it, because it raises the mind and hurries it into sublimity, by con- forming the show of things to the desires of the soul, instead of subjecting the soul to external things, as rea- son and history do." It is only literature then, in Bacon's defi- nition, which truly " raises the mind and hurries it into sublimity." All else is reason (or reasoning) and history (or narrative). 6 THE PURITAN WRITERS "Where does literature find its source? Not in thought or feeling alone, else we should look to the cradle for our literature. Not even in the first impulses of speech ; the cradle supplies those, and so, in maturer life, do the street, the railway, the shop. Mere lan- guage is not a deUberate creation, but begins in an impulse ; and those who, like Emerson, have excelled in its use have long siace ad- mitted that language, as such, is the product of the people at large, not of the student. But the word "literature" implies that an- other step has been taken. Language is but the instrument of literature. Literature in- volves not merely impulse, but structure ; it goes beyond the word and reaches " the per- fection and precision of the instantaneous line." Its foundation is thought, but it goes farther and seeks to alter thought in contin- uous and symmetrical form. We must pass beyond the vivid phrase to the vivid line. Thought, emotion, the instinct toward ex- pression — the whole personality of the man and his skill as an artist — must work to- gether in perfect adjustment, in order to gain this end. Very few men are both strong and skillful enough for this ; and that is why. THE EARLY COLONISTS 7 out of the great mass of, written and printed matter which the world produces, so little is worth preserving in the treasury of pure liter- ature. In proceeding with our account of Ameri- can literature, then, we shall try to keep our- selves within the boundary here set. We shall find occasion from time to time to sug- gest the historical importance of an author or a book, but the final judgment on them will be based upon their relation to litera- ture. Such an account may properly begin with a consideration of the germs or frag- ments of pure literature which were produced in America before, with Franklin, what we may now more properly call American Litera- ture began. The earliest writing done in America was the work of persons who not only were of English bixth, but whose stay in The Early America was comparatively short. Coiomsta. Captain John Smith was the first American colonist to write a book, " A True Eelation of Virginia." It was a brilliant and vigorous piece of narrative, and was followed before his return to England by two other books of merit. But it is only in a historical sense that 8 THE PURITAN WRITERS we can call him one of the " fathers of American literature." ' He was, in fact, a sturdy and accomplished Englishman of the best Elizabethan type. The famous story of his rescue by Pocahontas apparently repre- sents the instinctive effort of a gallant gen- tleman-adventurer with a turn for expression to embellish his bluff narrative with a roman- tic incident. The first person of professedly literary pur- suits to come to America was George Sandys, already a poet of recognized standing when, in 1621, he crossed the ocean as an official under the Governor of Virginia. The first five books of his translation of Ovid's " Meta- morphoses " had just been published in Eng- land, and had been received with enthusiasm. On his departure for America he was sped by a rhymed tribute from Michael Drayton, exhorting him to go on with the same work in Virginia : — " Entice the Muses thither to repair ; Entreat them gently ; train them to that air," he urges. It was a rude air. To the ordinary privations of the pioneer, and the wearing routine of official duties, were added the ' Tyler, History of American Literature, i. p. 7. ANNE BRADSTREET 9 sudden horrors of the James River massacre (March, 1622), and the stress of the troubled days which followed. Yet when Sandys re- turned to England in 1625, he brought with him the ten books which completed his ver- sion of the " Metamorphoses." This transla- tion lived to be much admired by Dryden and Pope, and, what is more important, undoubt- edly had great influence upon their method of versification. The not altogether admira- ble distinction, therefore, belongs to Sandys of having laid the foundation for the form of heroic couplet which became a blight upon EngHsh poetry in the eighteenth century. At all events, the accident of his having lived for a time in America gives us a very shadowy claim upon him as an American writer. Even from the point of view of the liter- ary historian, the work of Sandys is of little significance. It does not ap- j^^^^ grad- pear that he influenced later Ameri- st^'^et. can writing, good or bad. The situation is very different with Anne Brad street, who, in- deed, represents a second step toward a type of writing which should be in some sense American in quality as well as in birthplace. Though born in England, she became abso- 10 THE PURITAN WRITERS lutely identified with American thought and Hfe, exerted an immense influence in her day, and was the ancestor of five especially intel- lectual famiUes in New England, counting among her descendants Wilham EUery Chan- ning, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Richard Henry Dana, Wendell Phillips, and Andrews Nor- ton. She was bom in 1612 of Puritan stock, her father being steward of the estates of the Puritan nobleman, the Earl of Lincoln. She was married at sixteen and came to America with her husband. Governor Bradstreet, in 1630. It is evident that, in spite of her Puritan sense of duty, she could not leave England for the raw life of the colonies without a pang. " After a time," she wrote many years later, " I changed my condition and was married, and came into this country, where I found a new world and new man- ners, at which my heart rose. But after I was convinced it was the way of God, I submitted to it." She was of delicate con- stitution and refined instincts, and was to become the mother of eight children. Yet most of her poems were written before she was thirty years old, in the midst of the daily toils of the wife of a New England I • THE *.' I TENTH ryl USE ^^ I Lately fprung up in A\i i k i c^a* I I OR ^ ^" . I. 3 Severall Poems, cc».-.piled I ^ vdch great variety of V Vic |. »| and Lcarning,full of delight. |^ I Wherein efpcciaUy is contained ^ com- | , 3 pleat difcourfe and defcripcioa of (^ \ rBmems, |, j C 5'e<7!'oi.J 6 f t be Tear. -T ' i Tozcther with an Exait Epitoraic of i' the Four Monarchies, vir^. ^ ^ Alio aDialogii!.- tu[vvc:en U'J /^?.';'j^?:ti and g* | iS Ncw-concc ni:. Li the lace rroublcs. ^ J •2 Wuh Jive!5 :!cher p'-.ii-ncr.rci :.'! ".15 Pctrnc. j^ ^ Prin7:J at L'/'~o-.' for .Sf.t •;" Bcwlt;.' at the (lone of the V* ^ 3,b!. ia p^.p.;. He;id;Al!(iyv 160 ^ ^-) The <- The >'^"J'^"' . . ,. , , ^ ANNE BRADSTREET 11 farmer, and under her rapidly increasing burden of motherhood. Her work at once gained such attention that she was called "a tenth muse" by her contemporaries. Her poems were published in London in 1650 under a title which gives a tabular view of her range of thought and knowledge, being as follows : " The Tenth Muse, lately sprung up in America, or Several Poems Compiled with Great Variety of Wit and Learning, Full of Delight, Wherein especially is Con- tained a Complete Discourse and Description of the Four Elements, Constitutions, Ages of Man, Seasons of the Year, together with an exact Epitome of the Pour Monarchies, viz., The Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, Roman. Also a Dialogue between Old England and New, concerning the late troubles. With divers other pleasant and serious Poems. By a Gentlewoman in those parts." (London, 1650.) Her name could not be properly mentioned here if her poems were not shorter than her title-pages, which possibly got intertangled with the messages of her husband, the gov- ernor. Her poetry would not now be con- sidered great, or in fact readable, except by 12 THE PURITAN WRITERS the special student, though it is in no way behind that of the most distinguished Eng- lish poetess of the same period, Mrs. Katha- rine Phillips. Yet Cotton Mather said of her works that " they would outlast the stateliest marble," and other admirers "weltered in delight " or were " sunk in a sea of bliss " on reading them. Her literary taste was, like that of other Puritans, fatally compromised by religious prejudice. Shakespeare and the other robust Elizabethan spirits were an abomination to her ; and she readily fell under the influence of " fantastic " poets like Herbert, Queries, and Du Bartas, upon whom she formed her own style. It is on the whole remarkable that she should have been able now and then to free herself from these chosen fetters, and speak her own heart in really simple and noble verse. Her " Contemplations," not published until after her death, contain verses which suggest that Spenser might have been her master, and require no apology. This is true, for instance, of her poem upon " The Sea- sons " : — " When I behold the heavens as in their prime, And then the earth (though old) still clad in green, ANNE BRADSTKEET 13 The stones and trees, insensible of time, Nor age nor wrinkle on their front are seen. If winter come, and greenness then do fade, A Spring returns, and they more youthful made ; But Man grows old, lies down, remains where once he 's laid. " Shall I then pi^ise the heavens, the trees, the earth. Because their beauty and their strength last longer ? Shall I wish there, or never, to had birth, Because they 're bigger and their bodies stronger ? Nay, they shall darken, perish, fade, and die, And when unmade so ever shall they lie ; But man was made for endless immortality. " O Time, the fatal wrack of mortal things. That draws oblivion's curtains over kings ; Their sumptuous monuments, men know them not, Their names without a record are forgot. Their parts, their ports, their pomp 's all laid in th' dust, Nor wit nor gold, nor buildings 'scape time's rust ; But he whose name is grav'd in the white stone Shall last and shine when all of these are gone. " Anne Bradstreet had the most genuinely poetic gift among our Puritan writers of verse. These formed, however, a surprisingly large class. " Lady Mary Montagu said that in England, in her time, verse-making had become as common as taking snufE ; in New England, in the age before that, it had be- come much more common than taking snuff 14 THE PURITAN WRITERS — since there were some who did not take snuff." * The New England divine, who had a horror of fine art, could not keep his hand from the making of bad verses. It was, to be sure, a sort of poetry in Sunday clothes which he allowed himself to cultivate. He loved to record his reKgious fears and ecstasies in thumping doggerel, knd to set his grim ser- mons to a taking jingle. The writer who better than Anne Brad- street or any one else represents this class, Michael Wig- is Michael Wigglesworth (1631- giesworth. 1705). His most famous work was " The Day of Doom ; or, A Poetical Descrip- tion of the great and last Judgment." A sufficient taste of its quality may be given by quoting the last words of the verdict upon those who have died in infancy : — " A crime it is ; therefore in bliss You may not hope to dwell ; But unto you I shall allow The easiest room in Hell." A generation which found it possible to accept such a passage without feeling it to be either revolting or ridiculous, could not be expected to produce real poetry. This 1 Tyler, ii. p. 267. PURITAN PROSE 15 poem, published about 1660, had, it has been claimed, " a popularity far exceeding that of any other work, in prose or verse, produced in America before the Revolution." It had, in- deed, far greater temporary fame than "Par- adise Lost," ■which was written at about the same time by the veritable poet of Puritanism, John MUton. The literary instinct of New England Puri- tanism by no means exhausted itself in verse- In prose as well as in poetry the Puritan most effective work of the period ^'■'^^■ was the product of Puritan zeal and Puritan narrowness. Two names stand out promi- nently as representative of this school of prose writing, mighty names in their day which have not yet ceased to echo in our memories : those of Cotton Mather and Jona- than Edwards. Cotton Mather was born in 1663, the third and greatest of the four Mathers who mor- ally and intellectually dominated Cotton America for more than a century. Mather. From his cradle he was petted and flattered into what his best critic calls " a vast Uterary and religious coxcomb." He was a Harvard freshman at eleven, a Master of Arts at eigh- 16 THE PURITAN WRITERS teen. At twenty-two, as assistant to his dis- tinguished father, he had entered the pasto- rate of the North Church of Boston, in which he remained until his death in 1728. All that was most acute, most pedantic, most rigid in the Puritan faith and practice ap- peared to be embodied in him. He fasted, he forced himself to incredible feats of mental endurance, he deliberately cultivated a habit of decorating the simplest experiences of life with pious reflections : " When he washed his hands, he must think of the clean hands, as well as pure heart, which belong to the citizens of Zion." . . . *' Upon the sight of a tail man, he said, ' Lord, give that man high attainments in Christianity ; let him fear God above many.' " More characteristic than either of these instances, perhaps, is his remark on the occasion of " a man going by without observing him, ' Lord, I pray thee help that man to take a due notice of Christ.' " He was an extraordinarily voluminous writer. He published fourteen books in one year, and a list of his known publications con- tains three hundred and eighty-three titles. Most of these titles, like a large part of his writing, are fearfully and wonderfully made : g!:!)cOTont>ccsof tl je 3nt)t fitiieTOorlP. : OBSERVATIONS As well HifioricaUs Theological, upon the NATURE, the ' MUMBER, and the OPERATIONS ofche | V,, Accompany d with, Wl. Some Accounts of the Grievous Moleftations, by D/E- l ' MONSand WITCHCRAFTS, which have lately ' aiinoy'd the Countrey ; and the Trials of feme eminent MalefAtlors Executed upon occafion thereof : with feveral Remarkable. CuriofiHes therein occurring. n. SomeGounfils DireAing a due Impioyement of the ter- rible things, lately done, by the Unulual & Amazing :, - Rangcof EVIL-SPIRITS, in Our Neighbourho-.^ : ^ ■ .' the methods to pre-cent the Wrongs which thofe Evil Angek may iticcnd again!!: all forts of people among us ; eipecially in Accmaupns of the Innocent. III. Some Conicaurcs upon the great EVENTS, likely ; to befall,, the WORLD in General, and NEW-EN- • GLAND in. Pardeular; as alfo upon the Advances of ■41 . the TIME,, when v\c lliallfee BETTER DAYES. D^:. iV A fhort Narrative of a late Oiitrsge committed by a pC- knot of W (TCHES in Swcdeland, very rnuch Refem- biing, and fo br Explaining, That under which our parts of Jimenez have labeurcd 1 : V. THE DEVIL DISCOVER,?:d ; In a Brief Difcourfe upon ■■H|^ thofe TE.MPTATIONS, which arc the more Ordinary De-vicss i of the Wicked One ''K By Cotton #8^g;;. &i?8s_Pnh{;cdijy£f?»^ Sarriikt Sam. Phillips. 169^. COTTON MATHER 17 "Christianus per Ignem; or, a Disciple Warm- ing of Himself and Owning his Lord ; " " Nails Fastened ; or, Proposals of Piety Com- plied Withal ; " and so on. No theme ap- peared to be simple enough for Cotton Mather to treat simply ; and in consequence most of his work is now dead. Even that greatest book of his, the formidable " MagnaUa Christi Americana," ^ can now be read only by the special student of history. "He was," says Professor Tyler, "the last, the most vig- orous, and therefore the most disagreeable representative of the fantastic school in lit- erature ; he prolonged in New England the methods of that school even after his most cultivated contemporaries there had outgrown them, and had come to dislike them. The exptdsion of the beautiful from thought, from sentiment, from language; a lawless and a merciless fury for the odd, the disorderly, the grotesque, the violent; strained analogies, unexpected images, pedantries, indelicacies, freaks of allusion, monstrosities of phrase; — these are the traits of Cotton Mather's writing, 1 Its sub-title was TTie Ecclesiastical History of Nero Eng- land from its first planting, in the year 1620, unto the year of our Lord 1698. It was first published in London in 1702. 18 THE PURITAN WRITERS even as they are the traits common to that perverse and detestable literary mood that held sway in different countries of Christen- dom during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Its birthplace was Italy ; New England was its grave ; Cotton Mather was its last great apostle." However true this may be of Mather at his worst, it is certain that at times he did suc- ceed, like Anne Bradstreet, in forgetting his artifice, and in producing passages of noble prose. Professor WiUiam James, after quot- ing that exquisite passage in which Cotton Mather bids farewell to his young wife, lying dead in the house with her two young chil- dren, also dead, finds in it " the impulse to sacrifice " only. We may see in it also the impulse to expression which, ultimately de- veloped, creates literature. Professor Wendell says truly of Mather that he frequently wrote " with a rhythmical bfeauty which recalls the enthusiastic spontaneity of Elizabethan English, so different from the English which came after the Civil War." It is when a Puritan clergyman ceases to be theological that he is most apt to touch our hearts and delight our ears. We find in Mather, for COTTON MATHER 19 instance, this rhythmical beauty when he describes the career of Thomas Shepard, the first minister of Cambridge, as " a trembKng walk with God," or gives this picture (1702) of what he calls " The Conversation of Gen- tlemen : " — " There seems no need of adding anything but this, that when gentlemen occasionally meet together, why should not their conversation correspond with their su- perior station ? Methinks they should deem it beneath persons of their quality to employ the conversation on trifling impertinences, or in such a way that, if it were secretly taken in shorthand, they would blush to hear it repeated. ' Nothing but jesting and laughing, and words scattered by the wind.' Sirs, it becomes a gen- tleman to entertain his company with the finest thoughts on the finest themes ; and certainly there cannot be a subject so worthy of a gentleman as this — What good is there to be done in the world ? Were this noble sub- ject more frequently started in the conversation of gen- tlemen, an incredible good might be done." Beyond the fact that they were both ar- dent defenders of the Calvinistic doctrine, Jonathan Edwards and Cotton Mather had really very Uttle in common, as to either char- acter or experience. Edwards was modest and gentle in character, and simple to the point of bareness in style ; and life was not arranged very smoothly for him. 20 THE PURITAN WRITERS Jonathan Edwards was born, the son of a Connecticut minister, in 1703. He took his Jonathan degree at Yale in 1720, and there- Edwards, after became college tutor, minister at Northampton, missionary to the Stock- bridge Indians, and finally president of Princeton CoUege. He died in 1758. As a child he showed ability in mental science and divinity. At twelve he displayed the acute- ness and courtesy in speculative controversy which were to be his lifelong characteristics. Until he had fairly entered the ministry he manifested just as keen interest and intelli- gence in other fields. At seventeen he had somehow evolved a system of idealistic phi- losophy much like that which Berkeley was to make famous a few years later. In physics and astronomy, also, he had, before the end of his tutorship at Yale, recorded specu- lative theories very far in advance of his time. Yet at twenty-four he deliberately cast all this intellectual activity behind him, to devote himself for the rest of his life to the championship of a rigid and belated sys- tem of theology. The doctrines that in the handling of Wigglesworth and Mather had often been grotesque, became terrific when JONATHAN EDWARDS 21 submitted to the calm and relentless logic o£ Edwards. Accepting without question the stern tenets of his inherited faith, he set him- self the task of giving them their full logi- cal development. He was not an orator, but his directness and earnestness gave him as- tonishing power over his audiences. Many passages from his sermons are almost too terrible to quote : " The God that holds you over the pit of heU, muth as one holds a spider or some loathsome insect over the fire, abhors you, and is dreadfully provoked ; ... he looks upon you as worthy of nothing else but to be cast into the fire. . . . You are ten thousand times more abominable in his eyes, than the most hateful, venomous serpent is in ours." It is one of the stran- gest of facts, only to be accounted for on the ground of that form of insanity which is called bigotry, that so acute a mind and so gentle a heart should have bent themselves to the enunciation of a creed so blind and so brutal. No modern audience could now hear, with- out a shudder amounting to detestation, some of those pages in the sermons of Jonathan Edwards by which he felt himself to be best 22 THE PURITAN WRITEKS serving God and man; but Jonathan Edwards wrote literature when, in 1725, at the age of twenty-two, he inscribed on the blank leaf of a book this description of Sarah Pierrepont, afterwards his wife : — " They say there is a young lady in New Haven who is beloved of that Great Being, who made and rules the world, and that there are certain seasons in which this Great Being, in some way or other invisible, comes to her and fills her mind with exceeding sweet delight, and that she hardly cares for anything, except to medi- tate on him — that she expects after a while to be re- ceived up where he is, to be raised up out of the world and caught up into heaven ; being assured that he loves her too well to let her remain at a distance from him always. There she is to dwell with him, and to be ravished with his love and delight forever. Therefore, if you present all the world before her, with the rich- est of its treasures, she disregards and cares not for it, and is unmindful of any pain or affliction. She has a strange sweetness in her mind and singular purity in her affections ; is most just and conscientious in all her conduct ; and you could not persuade her to do any- thing wrong or sinful, if you would give her all the world, lest she should ofEend this Great Being. She is of a wonderful sweetness, calmness and universal benevolence of mind ; especially after this great God has manifested himself to her mind. She wiU some- times go about from place to place, singing sweetly; and seems to be always full of joy and pleasure ; and JONATHAN EDWARDS 23 no one knows for what. She loves to be alone, walk- ing in the fields and groves, and seems to have some one invisible always conversing with her." This may fairly be called the high-water mark of Puritan prose. CHAPTER II THE SECULAB WRITERS So far we have had to do with the strictly Puritan period of Colonial writing. The clergy were stUl for a long time to produce much of the best work ; but by the begin- ning of the eighteenth century took place that rise of the secular instinct which found its best expression somewhat later in Frank- lin ; the humane instinct from which an es- sential part of any strong national literature must spring. At this particular period the impulse expressed itself in three principal forms : the almanac, the diary, and the hu- morous or satirical poem. The most striking of the early diarists was Madam Sarah Kemble Knight, who was born in Madam Bostou in 1666, taught school there, Knight. ^g^g reputed excellent as a teacher of English composition, and in 1706 was the instructor of Benjamin Franklin. Her account of a journey on horseback from MADAM KNIGHT 25 Boston to New Haven gives us an excellent impression of rustic Colonial Hf e on its homely side. It began on Monday, October 2, 1704, and occupied five days; and the amusing diary was written at odd moments during the journey. A kinsman rode with her as far as Dedham, where she went, as was apparently the custom in that period, to the minister's house to wait for the stage. She declined to stay there over night, but was escorted by Madam Belcher, the minister's wife, to the tavern to seek for a guide. The tavern- keeper's son offered his services, and she thus proceeds : — " Upon this, to my no small surprise, son John arose [the landlord's son], and gravely demanded what I would give him to go with me ? ' Give you ? ' says I, ' are you John ? ' ' Yes,' says he, ' for want of a bet- ter ; ' and behold ! this John looked as old as my host, and perhaps had been a man in the last century. ' Well, Mr. John,' says I, ' make your demands.' ' Why, half a piece of eight and a dram,' says John. I agreed, and gave him a dram (now) in hand to bind the bargain. " My hostess catechised John for going so cheap, saying his poor wife would break her heart . . . [Here half a page of manuscript is gone.] His shade on his horse resembled a globe on a gate post. His habit, horse and furniture, its looks and goings incomparably an- swered the rest. 26 THE SECULAR WRITERS " Thus jogging on with an easy pace, my guide tell- ing me it was dangerous to ride hard in the night (which his horse had the sense to avoid), he enter- tained me with the adventures he had passed by late riding, and imminent dangers he had escaped, so that, remembering the heroes in ' Parismus ' and the ' Knight of the Oracle,' I did n't know but I had met with a prince disguised. " When we had rid about an hour, we came into a thick swamp, which by reason of a great fog, very much startled me, it being now very dark. But nothing dis- mayed John ; he had encountered a thousand and a thousand such swamps, having a universal knowledge in the woods ; and readily answered all my inquiries, which were not a few. " In about an hour, or something more, after we left the swamp, we came to Billings's, where I was to lodge. My guide dismounted and very complacently helped me down and showed me the door, signing to me with his hand to go in ; which I gladly did — but had not gone many steps into the room, ere I was interrogated by a young lady I understood afterwards was the eldest daughter of the family, with these, or words to this purpose ; viz., ' Law for me ! — what in the world brings you here at this time of night ? I never see a woman on the road so dreadful late in all the days of my 'versal life. Who are you ? Where are you going ? I 'm scared out of my wits ! ' — with much more of the same kind. I stood aghast, preparing to reply, when in comes my guide — to him madam turned, roaring out : ' Lawful heart, John, is that you ? — how de do ! Where in the world are you going with this woman ? Who is she ? ' John made no answer, but sat SAMUEL SEWALL 27 down in the corner, fumbled out his black junk, and saluted that instead of Deb ; she then turned again to me and fell anew into her silly questions, without ask- ing me to sit down. " I told her she treated me very rudely, and I did not think it my duty to answer her unmannerly ques- tions. But to get rid of them, I told her I came there to have the post's company with me to-morrow on my journey, etc. Miss stared awhile, drew a chair, bade me sit, and then ran up stairs and put on two or three rings (or else I had not seen them before), and return- ing, set herself just before me, showing the way to Beding, that I might see her ornaments, perhaps to gain the more respect. But granam's new rung sow, had it appeared, would have affected me as much. I paid honest John with money and dram according to contract, and dismissed him, and prayed Miss to show me where I must lodge. She conducted me to a parlor in a little back lean-to, which was almost filled with the bedstead, which was so high that I was forced to climb on a chair to get up to the wretched bed that lay on it ; on which having stretched my tired limbs, and laid my head on a sad-colored piUow, I began to think on the transactions of the past day." Contemporary with Madam Knight was Judge Samuel Sewall, one of the raciest auto- biographers since Pepys. He will samuei be remembered mainly for his diary, SewaU. but not seldom struck a genuine hterary note elsewhere ; as when he describes the farms and marshes on the Merrimack : — 28 THE SECULAR WRITERS " As long as Plum Island shall faithfully keep the commanded post, notwithstanding all the hectoring words and hard blows of the proud and boisterous ocean ; as long as any salmon or sturgeon shall swim in the streams of Merrimac, or any perch or pickerel in Crane Pond ; as long as the sea-fowl shall know the time of their coming, and not neglect seasonably to visit the places of their acquaintance ; as long as any cattle shall be fed with the grass growing in the meadows, which do humbly bow down themselves before Turkey- HiU ; as long as any sheep shall walk upon Old-Town Hills, and shall from thence pleasantly look down upon the River Parker, and the fruitful marshes lying be- neath ; as long as any free and harmless doves shall find a white oak or other tree within the township, to perch, or feed, or build a careless nest upon, and shall voluntarily present themselves to perform the office of gleaners after the barley-harvest ; as long as Nature shall not grow old and dote, but shall constantly re- member to give the rows of Indian corn their educa- tion by pairs ; so long shall Christians be born there, and being first made meet, shall from thence be trans- lated to be made partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light." His diary, like the diaries of Evelyn and Pepys, was intended only for the writer. Samuel SewaU was born in England in 1652, but came to America with his parents when a child and graduated at Harvard in 1671, at nineteen. Till 1730 he was a conspicuous leader in the Massachusetts Colony, and was SAMUEL SEWALL 29 the only one of the judges concerned in the ■witchcraft trial who made public confession in later life, standing before the congregation to own that he had been wrong in his rulings, and spending one day in each of the remain- ing thii-ty-nine yeais of his life in fasting and prayer for the wrong he had done. In 1700 he wrote a tract against African slavery. In his diary he often wrote with energy and power, but never so quaintly as in describing his love affairs, if such they may be called, with Puritan ladies, in the effort to secure a third wife. His second having died on May 26, 1720, he proceeded Oct. 1 (four months later) to make overtures for a third : — 8r. 1. [1720] Saturday, I dine at Mr. Stoddard's : ^rom thence I went to Madam Winthrop's just at 3. Spake to her, saying, my loving wife died so soon and suddenly, 't was hardly convenient for me to think of marrying again ; however I came to this resolution, that I would not make any court to any person without first consulting with her. Had a pleasant discourse about 7 (seven) single persons sitting in the Fore-seat 7r. 29th, viz. Madm Rebekah Dudley, Catharine "Winthrop, Bridget Usher, Deliverance Legg, Bebekah Loyd, Lydia Colman, Elizabeth Bellingham. She propounded one and another for me ; but none would do, said Mrs. Loyd was about her age. [Mrs. Winthrop herself was 30 THE SECULAR WRITERS at this time fifty-six and had had twelve children ; Judge Sewall was sixty-eight and had had fourteen, of whom only three survived him.] Octobr. 3. Waited on Madam Winthrop again; 't was a little while before she came in. . . . Then I usher'd in discourse from the names in the Fore-seat ; at last I pray'd that Catharine [Mrs. Winthrop] might be the person assign'd for me. She instantly took it up in the way of denial, as if she had catch'd at an oppor- tunity to do it, saying she could not do it before she was asked. Said that was her mind unless she should change it, which she believed she should not ; could not leave her children. I express'd my sorrow that she should do it so speedily, pray'd her consideration, and ask'd her when I should wait on her again. She set- ting no time, I mention'd that day sennight. Gave her Mr. Willard's Fountain Open'd with the little print and verses ; saying, I hop'd if she did well read that book, we should meet together hereafter, if we did not now. She took the book, and put it in her pocket. Took leave. 8r. 6th. A little after 6 P. M. I went to Madam Win- throp's. She was not within. I gave Sarah Chickering the maid 2 s., Juno, who brought in wood, 1 s. After- ward the nurse came in, I gave her 18 d., having no other small bill. . . . Madam seem'd to harp on the same string. Must take care of her children ; could not leave that house and neighborhood where she had dwelt so long. I told her she might do her children as much or more good by bestowing what she laid out in house-keeping, upon them. Said her son would be of age the 7th of August. I said it might be inconvenient for her to dwell with her daughter-in-law, who must be SAMUEL SEWALL 31 mistress of the house. I gave her a piece of Mr. Bel- cher's cake and ginger-bread wrapped up in a clean sheet of paper : told her of her father's kindness to me when Treasurer, and I Constable. My daughter Judith was gone from me and I was more lonesome — might help to forward one another in our journey to Canaan. In the evening I visited Madam Winthrop, who treated me with a deal of courtesy ; wine, marmar lade. . . . 8r. 11th, 1720. I writ a few Lines to Madam Win- throp to this purpose : " Madam, These wait on you with Mr. Mayhew's Sermon, and Account of the state of the Indians on Martha's Vineyard. I thank you for your unmerited favours of yesterday ; and hope to have the happiness of waiting on you to-morrow before eight o'clock after Noon. I pray God to keep you, and give you a joyful entrance upon the two hundred and twenty-ninth year of Christopher Columbus his Dis- covery ; and take leave, who am. Madam, your humble Servt. S. S." 8r. 12. Mrs. Anne Cotton came to door ('t was before 8.) said Madam Winthrop was within, directed me into the little room, where she was full of work be- hind a stand ; Mrs. Cotton came in and stood. Madam Winthrop pointed to her to set me a chair. Madam Winthrop's countenance was much changed from what 't was on Monday, look'd dark and lowering. At last, the work, (bla«k stuff or silk) was taken away, I got my chair in place, had some converse, but very cold and indifferent to what 't was before. Ask'd her to ac- quit me of rudeness if I drew off her glove. Enquiring the reason, I told her 't was great odds between handling 32 THE SECULAR WRITERS a dead goat and a living lady. Got it ofE. I told her I had one petition to ask of her, that was, that she would take off the negative she laid on me the third of October ; She readily answer'd she could not, and enlarg'd upon it; . . . Told her the reason why I came every other night was lest I should drink too deep draughts of pleasure. She had talk'd of Canary, her kisses were to me better than the best Canary. . . . 8r. 19. Midweek. . . . Was courteous to me ; but took occasion to speak pretty earnestly about my keep- ing a coach : I said 't would cost £100. per annum : she said ' twould cost but £40. . . . 8r. 20. Madam Winthrop not being at Lecture, I went thither first ; found her very serene with her daughter Noyes, Mrs. Bering, and the widow Shipreeve sitting at a little table, she in her arm'd chair. She drank to me, and I to Mrs. Noyes. After awhile pray'd the favour to speak with her. She took one of the candles, and went into the best room, clos'd the shut- ters, sat down upon the couch. She told me Madam Usher had been there, and said the coach must be set on wheels, and not by rusting. She spake something of my needing a wig. Ask'd me what her sister said to me. I told her. She said. If her sister were for it, she would not hinder it. . . . She receiv'd me courteously. I ask'd when our pro- ceedings should be made public : She said They were like to be no more public than they were already. OfEer'd me no wine that I remember. I rose up at 11 o'clock to come away, saying I would put on my coat, she offer'd not to help me. I pray'd her that Juno might light me home, she open'd the shutter, and said SAMUEL SEWALL 33 'twas pretty light abroad ; Juno was weary and gone to bed. So I came home by starlight as well as I could. October 24. . . . Told her I had an antipathy against those who would pretend to give themselves; but nothing of their estate. I would a proportion of my estate with my self. And I supposed she would do so. As to a Perriwig, My best and greatest Friend, I could not possibly have a greater, began to find me with hair before I was born, and had continued to do so ever since ; and I could not find in my heart to go to another. Nov. 2. Midweek, went again and found Mrs. Al- den there, who quickly went out. Gave her about J pound of sugar almonds, cost 3s. per £. Carried them on Monday. She seem'd pleas'd with them, ask'd what they cost. Spake of giving her a hundred pounds per annum if I died before her. Ask'd her what sum she would give me, if she should die first ? Said I wohld give her time to consider of it. Novr. 4th. Friday. I ask'd her Whereabout we left off last time ; mention'd what I had offered to give her ; Ask'd her what she would give me ; She said she could not change her condition : She has said so from the beginning ; could not be so far from her children, the Lecture. Quoted the Apostle Paul afiSrming that a single life was better than a married. I answer'd That was for the present distress. . . . Found her rocking little Katy in the cradle. I excus'd my coming so late (near eight). She set me an armed chair and cushion ; and so the cradle was be- tween her arm'd chair and mine. Gave her the rem- nant of my almonds; She did not eat of them as before ; but laid them away ; I said I came to enquire 34 THE SECULAR WRITERS whether she had alter'd her mind since Friday, or re- mained of the same mind still. She said, Thereabouts. I told her I loved her, and was so fond as to think that she loved me ; she said had a great respect for me. I told her, I had made her an offer, without asking any advice ; she had so many to advice with, that 't was an hindrance. The fire was come to one short brand be- sides the block, which brand was set up in end ; at last it fell to pieces, and no recruit was made : She gave me a glass of wine. I think I repeated again that I would go home and bewail my rashness in making more haste than good speed. I would endeavour to contain myself, and not to go on to soUicit her to do that which she could not consent to. Took leave of her. As came down the steps she bid me have a care. Treated me courteously. Told her she had enter'd the 4th year of her widowhood. I had given her the News-Letter be- fore : I did not bid her draw off her glove as some- time I had done. Her dress was not so clean as some- time it had been. Jehovah jireh! ["The Lord will provide."] Midweek, 9r. 9. Dine at Bror. Stoddard's : were so kind as to enquire of me if they should invite Mm. Winthrop ; I answer'd No. About the middle of Deer. Madam Winthrop made a treat for her children ; Mr. Sewall, Prince, Wil- loiighby : I knew nothing of it ; but the same day abode in the Council Chamber for fear of the rain, and din'd alone upon Kilby's pies and good beer. In less than a year later, he called on Madam Ruggles, another widow, and says in his diary, " I showed my willingness to SAMUEL SEWALL 35 renew my old acquaintance [as a suitor] ; she expressed her inability to be serviceable. Gave me cider to drink. I came home." Eight months later he married Mrs. Mary Gibbs, still another widow, and himself made the prayer at the wedding, as if the time had come to take matters into his own hands. This is not, it may seem, a very noble kind of literature ; but it is, at its best, one of the most permanent. The masterpieces in such intimate or first-hand literature, with its tri- umphs of self-revealment, are few. Samuel Sewall was not a Montaigne, or even quite a Pepys, but enough has been quoted to indi- cate his real if inferior success in a vein simi- lar to theirs. In judging the early poetry of America, we must remember that the poetic product of England was of secondary value from the death of Milton, in 1674, till the pubhcation of Burns's Scotch poems, in 1786, and of Coleridge's and Wordsworth's lyrical ballads, in 1798. We cannot wonder that in America, during the same period, among all the tasks of colonial and Revolutionary life, no poetry of abiding power was produced. The same year that saw Burns's first poems pubHshed 36 THE SECULAR WRITERS (1786) saw also those of the first true Amer- Ptiiip ican poet, Philip Freneau, who, if Frenean. lie left a humbler name than Burns as befitted a colonist, at least dictated a line of poetry to each of two leading EngHsh poets. It has been said that there was no book published in America before 1800 which has now a sure place in general literature. But Freneau before that date gave two lines to general literature which in a manner saved his time, although the lines bore to the gen- eral public the names of Scott and Campbell, who respectively borrowed them. The first is found in Freneau's Indian Burying-Grround, the last image of that fine visionary stanza : — " By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews, In vestments for the chase array'd, The hunter still the deer pursues, The hunter and the deer — a shade." Campbell has given this line a rich setting in O'Connor's Child: — " Now on the grass-green turf he sits. His tassell'd horn beside him laid ; Now o'er the hills in chase he flits, The hunter and the deer a shade." PHILIP FRENEAU 37 There is also a line of Si^ Walter Scott which has its origin in Freneau. In the in- troduction to the third canto of Marmion in the apostrophe to the Duke of Brunswick, we read : — " Lamented chief ! — not thine the power To save in that presumptuous hour, When Prussia hurried to the field, And snatch'd the spear but left the shield." In Freneau's poem on the heroes of Eu- taw, we have this stanza : — " They saw their injur'd country's woe ; The flaming town, the wasted field, Then rush'd to meet the insulting foe ; They took the spear ■ — but left the shield." " An anecdote which the late Henry Bre- voort was accustomed to relate of his visit to Scott, affords assurance that the poet was reaUy indebted to Freneau, and that he would not, on a proper occasion, have hesitated to acknowledge the obligation. Mr. Brevoort was asked by Scott respecting the authorship of certain verses on the battle of Eutaw, which he had seen in a magazine, and had by heart, and which he knew were American. He was told that they were by Freneau, when he (Scott) remarked, ' The poem is as fine a 38 THE SECULAR WRITERS thing as there is of the kind in the lan- guage.' " ^ Circumstances did not allow Freneau to develop a disinterested poetic art. In those stirring days there was, as he complained, little pubHc favor for anything but satire. He had inherited hatred for tyranny with his Huguenot blood ; and there was a vein of bitterness in him which was ready enough to be worked, no doubt, when the time came. Mr. Tyler calls him " the poet of hatred rather than of love ; " certainly his reputation at the moment was won as a merciless satirist. Freneau was a classmate of James Madi- son at Princeton. Contemporary . with him The Hartford Were three men of Connecticut and Wits Yale,— Timothy Dwight, Joel Bar- low, and Jonathan Trumbull. Like Freneau, these writers began by tentative experiments in prose and verse, and like him they were swept into the current of the Revolution and into the service of political satire. For a time these three writers, who came to be known as the " Hartford Wits," constituted a gen- uine literary centre in Connecticut. ^ Mary S. Austin's Life of Freneau, quoted from Duyckinck, pp. 219, 220. JOHN TRUMBULL 39 The period o£ their brief supremacy was a remarkable one. The year 1765 marks the end of the colonial period of Amer- ^ . '■ _ Liiterature lean writing. Much was stiU to be of the uttered from the colonial point of ReTointion. view, but it could no longer go unchallenged. For the next twenty years little was written which did not concern itself in some way with the question of American rights or American independence. The influence ex- erted during the first half of this period by the satirical verses of Freneau and the Hart- ford group would be hard to exaggerate. We have to do only with the literary quahty of this work ; and from such a point of view, at least, Freneau and Trumbull stand clearly above the rest. John Trumbull was born in 1750. He passed his examination for Yale College at the age of seven, sitting in the lap jo^n of an older man to write. When TrumbnU. his body was big enough, he entered college, retaining some sort of connection with the institution for most of the time until 1773. He was a close and intelligent student of English literature, and it is not surprising that his early prose and verse are imitative 40 THE SECULAR WRITERS in form. So is most of the prose and verse in any age. The fact remains to be insisted upon that if his essays and his verse are Ad- disonian and Butlerian, they have the un- mistakable quality of literature. His Ode to Sleep, -written at about the close of his New Haven residence, owns a greater master than Pope or Butler : — " Descend, and graceful in thy hand, With thee bring thy magic wand, And thy pencil, taught to glow In all the hues of Iris' bow. And call thy bright, agrial train. Each fairy form and visionary shade, That in th' Elysian land of dreams. The flower-inwoven banks along. Or bowery maze that shades the purple streams. Where gales of fragrance breathe th' enamor'd song. In more than mortal charms array'd. People the airy vales and revel in thy reign." This was written at twenty-three, an age which may be expected to produce imitative work. In the mean time, during 1772 and 1773, Trumbull gave unmistakable evidence of his power as a satirist, by producing The Power of Dullness, a long poem in three parts, published separately, and ridiculing PRINTED ORATORY 41 the current method of university education. The book is forgotten, but some of its epi- grammatic couplets still linger, like : — " For metaphysics, rightly shown, But teach how little can be known." Or: — " First from the dust our sex began, But woman was refined from man." This is the measure of Butler's Hudibras, which Trumbull was to employ again in his masterpiece, McFingal. The first canto of McFingal was published in April, 1775, soon after Lexington and Concord. The hero is a Scottish-American Tory, and the scene is laid at a New England town meeting ; an admirable setting for the most famous of the Eevolutionary satires. It has not become quite a classic ; for, with all his wit and taste, Trumbull lacked the fire of imagination, and the exquisite sense of fitness in expression which belong to creative genius. Critics who wish to confine themselves to considering the expression of hfe in litera- ture, must often be embarrassed by Printed the fact, that, in very important his- Oratory. torical periods, life often finds an intense and 42 THE SECULAR WRITERS effective, though not in itself permanent, ex- pression outside of literature. At the dawn of our national life, American intellect found its strongest utterance, not like Greece in poetry, but like Eome in oratory. It has always been recognized that, as be- tween the two nations from whom all modern European civilization depends, the Uterature of Greece began in poetry, and the intellect- ual life of Kome in oratory and statesman- ship. Cicero points out that literature did not come to the Romans until after their habits were fully formed. " It is natural to associate the idea of poetry with youth, both in nations and individuals. Yet the evidence of their language, of their religion, and of their customs leads to the conclusion that the Romans, while prematurely great in action and government, were in the earher stages of their national life httle moved by any kind of poetical imagination." Cicero ex- pressly points out in his Tusculan Disputa- tions that poets came late to Rome but orators early. All this is singularly true of the United States of America as compared with European states. America had aston- ished Europe with oratory and statesmanship PRINTED ORATORY 43 before its literature was born. If it has been often asserted that there was no book pubKshed in America, before 1800, which retains a place in literature, it has also been more than once asserted that since 1800, with the exception of Daniel Webster and Wendell Phillips, America has not produced an orator. Both opinions are one-sided ; but what is true is that in America, as in Rome, ora- tory reached its climax first ; literature came later. Europeans did not, of course, hear the early congressional speeches, but they often went across the ocean in the shape of pam- phlets. In many cases, those early orators re- tain their English reputation to this day, but not in aU. My friend, Mr. Ernest Hart- ley Coleridge, grandson of the poet, who is now engaged at the British Museum on an annotated edition of Byron, once crossed the great reading-room to ask me if I had ever heard of any such American name as P. Henry, and showed me such a reference in a note to one of Byron's poems. He ex- pressed pleasure when I told him that there certainly was a man named Patrick Henry, with whom I was not personally acquainted. 44 THE SECULAR WRITERS but who had apparently been rather promi- nent during the war of the Revolution. It is to be remembered that the newspaper was then practically nothing, but the pam- phlet was everything, and the English Civil War, it was often said, was fought in pam- phlets. We know now what amazement was produced in Europe when the men who had been supposed to be ignorant backwoodsmen showered the world all at once with state- ments and arguments which really had dig- nity, nobility, and force. Such were those four documents sent out by the very first Continental Congress : (1) John Jay's De- claration of Rights and Ghrievances ; (2) Richard Henry Lee's Memorial to the In- habitants of the British Colonies ; (3) John Dickinson's Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec; (4) Lee and Dickinson's Petition to the King's Most Excellent Majesty. These are to be classified not as literature, but rather as printed oratory. An opinion of their high quahty does not rest on American judgment alone, but on the verdict given by Lord Chatham in the House of Lords, on Jan. 20, 1775 : — " When your lordships look at the papers transmitted PRINTED ORATORY 45 us from America," said Lord Chatham, " when you con- sider their decency, firmness and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must declare and avow, that in all my reading and observation — and it has been my favorite study — I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master-states of the world — for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclu- sion, — under such a compilation of difficult circum- stances, no nation or body of men can stand in prefer- ence to the General Congress at Philadelphia. I trust it is obvious to your lordships, that all attempts to im- pose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal." This fine intellectual exhibition, if it be- longed rather to statesmanship than to Ktera- ture, should have prepared the way for lit- erature. The more cultivated English people were not unprepared for seeing it in the American colonies ; for Horace Walpole, the most brilliant man of his time, had written to his friend Mason, two years before the Decla- ration of Independence, that there would "one day be a Thucydides in Boston and a Xeno- phon at New York." Unfortunately a differ- ent influence came in the way. In New Eng- land, whence much of this intellectual work had proceeded, the prevailing party among 46 THE SECULAR WRITERS educated men consisted soon after the war of an essentially conservative class, the Federal- ists, who had lost all faith in popular gov- ernment, on the election of JefEerson. In the Massachusetts circle under that name of which George Cabot was the leader, the ablest Fisher Writer was confessedly Tisher Ames, Ames. -^Ijo ^v^rote the first elaborate and reaUy thoughtful essay on American litera- ture (first published in 1809, after his death), in which he cuts o£E all hope of any such product, at least until some future age may have destroyed all free institutions, and the return of despotism may bring in literature and art among its ornaments. Like most men in that day, he believed literature the world over to be in a dying condition ; and at the time when Wordsworth and Coleridge were just beginning to be read, he wrote as follows : — " The time seems to be near, and, perhaps is already arrived, when poetry, at least poetry of transcendent merit, will be considered among the lost arts. It is a long time since England has produced a first-rate poet. If America has not to boast at all what our parent country boasts no longer, it will not be thought a proof of the deficiency of our genius." PRINTED ORATORY 47 He looks gloomily upon the future, how- ever, as regards America, and predicts only a social and political ruin, out of which litera- ture may yet revive amid the ruins of freedom. He goes on to say : — " But the condition of the United States is changing. Luxury is sure to introduce want ; and the great ine- qualities between the very rich and the very poor will be more conspicuous, and comprehend a more formidable host of the latter. The rabble of great cities is the standing army of ambition. Money will become its instrument, and vice its agent. Every step, and we have taken many, towards a more complete, unmixed democracy is an advance towards destruction: it is treading where the ground is treacherous and exca- vated for an explosion. Liberty has never yet lasted long in a democracy ; nor has it ever ended in any- thing better than despotism. With the change of our government, our manners and sentiments will change. As soon as our emperour has destroyed his rivals and established order in his army, he will desire to see splendour in his court, and to occupy his subjects with the cultivation of the sciences. "If this catastrophe of our publick liberty should be miraculously delayed or prevented, still we shall change. With the augmentation of wealth, there will be an increase of the numbers who may choose a liter- ary leisure. Literary curiosity will become one of the new appetites of the nation ; and as luxury advances, no appetite will be denied. After some ages we shall have many poor and a few rich, many grossly igno- 48 THE SECULAR WRITERS rant, a considerable number learned, and a few emi- nently learned. Nature, never prodigal of her gifts, will produce some men of genius, who wUl be admired and imitated." ^ This despairing kind of hopefulness was the utmost to which this highly cultivated man could attain. So deep-rooted was this pessimism among them that in talking in my youth with the survivors of the old Federalists, I was never really able to trace a ray of light among them, or even a word of vivacity, in their days of defeat, except one reported to me as uttered, I am happy to say, by my grandfather, who was one of what were called the "Essex Junto " by Jefferson, and who probably wrote the once noted "Laco" letters, attacking John Hancock. Mr. James Richardson of Rhode Island, perhaps the last survivor of that circle, has testified that once, in George Cabot's house in Brookline, there was a gen- eral moaning among these leaders of a lost cause, and it became a serious question how to treat the victorious Democrats. All were in favor of going down with their colors fly- ing and treating all Democrats as criminals, * Works of Fisher Ames, pp. 468, 472. PRINTED ORATORY 49 with sternness only ; until Stephen Higgin- son said, " Gentlemen, if you have to live in the house with a cat, you cannot always call her cat, sometimes you must call her pussy." Here came in the value of a sunnier clime and sunnier tempers in Philadelphia, which, whatever Horace Walpole may have thought, was destined to be, rather than Boston or New York, the pioneer in American litera- ture, as in social refinement. It may be that Stephen Higginson, who had been for a year a member of the Continental Congress in its closing period, at Philadelphia, may have learned in the society of that city to "call pussy" CHAPTER III THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD It is impossible to get the key to the early development of American literature without remembering that for fifty years the nation had no weU-defined capital city, at least for literary purposes ; and it had only a series of capitals, even politically. In the very middle of the nineteenth century, James Russell Lowell was compelled to write as follows: " Our capital city, unKke London or Paris, is not a great central heart. . . . Boston, New York, Philadelphia, each has its literature, almost more distinct than those of the differ- ent dialects of Germany ; and the young Queen of the West has also one of her own, of which some articulate rumor has barely reached us dwellers by the sea." ^ In this local development of literature, Philadelphia, the first seat of our govern- ment, naturally took the lead. 1 " Our Contributors," Graham's Magazine, Feb., 1845. THE FIRST NATIONAL CAPITAL 51 The first monthly magazine, the first daily newspaper, the first religious magazine, the first religious weekly, the first penny paper, mathematical journal, juvenile magazine, and illustrated comic paper ever pubHshed in the United States had started on their career in Philadelphia; and that city produced, still more memorably, in Benjamin FranMin the first American writer to gain a permanent foreign reputation ; and America's first imagi- native writer and fii-st professional writer of any description, in Charles Brockden Brown, the novelist. In 1774 the first and second Continental Congresses met in that city, which was then the largest in America. In 1776 ,j^ j,j^^ Philadelphia sent forth the Decla- National ration of Independence. In 1787, ^*p'**^- in the same hall which had given birth to the Declaration, the Federal Convention as- sembled and formulated the Federal Consti- tution. The new Constitution met partic- ularly strong opposition in Pennsylvania, which was, however, the second state to ratify it. The first Congress under the Federal Constitution met in New York in March, 1789, and Washington was inaugurated there 62 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD a month later. After that event, New York grew rapidly into a supremacy of numbers, of intellectual life, and of literary achieve- ment. A year later, however. Congress re- turned to Philadelphia, there to remain until, in 1800, Washington became the permanent seat of government. During and just after the Revolution, then, Philadelphia had the right to be regarded as A Social the American metropolis. Public Centre. j^g^ gathered there from all parts of the country, and cultivated women came with them. French visitors, who soon be- came very numerous, criticised the city, found its rectangular streets tiresome and the hab- its of the people more rectangular still; but Americans thought it gay and delightful. Brissot de Warville declared that the preten- sions of the ladies were " too affected to be pleasing" and the Comte de Rochambeau said that the wives of merchants went to the extreme of French fashions. The sarcastic Talleyrand said "their luxury is frightful " ("leur luxe est affreux"), leaving it an open question whether it was the amount of luxury to which he objected, or the kind of it. Mrs. John Adams, who had lived in Europe, com- A SOCIAL CENTRE 53 plained of a want of etiquette, but found Philadelphia society eminently friendly and agreeable. Superior taste and a liveHer wit were habitually claimed for the Philadelphia ladies. It was said by a vivacious maiden who went from that city to make a visit in New York — Rebecca Franks, afterward Lady Johnston — that the Philadelphia belles had " more cleverness in the turn of an eye than those of New York in their whole composi- tion." There was in Philadelphia a theatre which was much attended, and which must have had a rather exceptional company of actors for that period, inasmuch as Chief Justice Jay assured his wife that it was composed of "de- cent moral people." In society, habits were not always quite moral, or conversation always quite decent. Gentlemen, according to John Adams, sat till eleven o'clock over their after- dinner wine, and drank healths in that elab- orate way which still amazes the American visitor in England. Nay, young ladies, if we may accept Miss Rebecca Franks as authority, drank each other's health out of punch tank- ards in the morning. Gambling prevailed among both sexes. An anonymous letter- 64 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD writer, quoted in Mr. Griswold's " Kepublican Court," declares that some resident families could not have supported the cost of their entertainments and their losses at loo, but that they had the adroitness to make the temporary residents pay their expenses. At balls people danced country dances, the part- ners being designated beforehand by the host, and usually remaining unchanged during the whole evening — though " this severity was sometimes mitigated," in the language of the Marquis de Chastellux, when supper was served, which was usually at midnight. This picture of Philadelphia life sets be- fore us the conditions under which a litera- The First *^^^ ^^^ produccd which obtained Literary immediate recognition, and in some Centre. instances permanent reputation, here and abroad. From Philadelphia had come, at the end of the colonial period, the remarkably effective work of the conserva- tive John Dickinson, and, somewhat later, the trenchant arguments of the radical Thomas Paine, and the brilliant sallies of the Whig humorist, Francis Hopkinson. The Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania were written by Dickinson in 1767-1768, THE FIRST LITERARY CENTRE 55 and first printed in a Philadelphia newspaper. Later they were published in book form, ■with an introduction by Franklin, and had an astonishing popularity, not only in Amer- ica, but in England, Ireland, and France. They were highly praised by such foreign critics as Voltaire and Burke, and their au- thor was idolized at home until, as the Revo- lution approached, the public grew impatient ■with his temperate policy. He wished for constitutional liberty ; they demanded inde- pendence. Thereafter probably the most in- fluential pieces of Revolutionary prose, out- side of documents, -were Paine's Comvion Sense, Hopkinson's The Battle of the Kegs, and Franklin's Examination Relative to the Repeal of the Stamp Act.^ Such writing as this had greater flexibil- ity, and therefore a more promising literary quality, than those pamphlets -which Lord Chatham admired. The long series of vol- umes bearing the names of our early states- men deal mainly with questions now past, and are rarely of interest to the modern reader. '■ The title is, in full, The Examination of Doctor Benja- min FranHin, i» the British House of Commons, Relative to the Repeal of the American Stamp Act, in 1766. First pub- lished in Loudon, 1767. 56 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD Fortunately two authors, at least, among them possessed impulsiveness, vivacity, and humor as well as solid statesmanship ; and made, at times, a purely literary use of these qualities. Those two were John Adams and Benjamin Franklin. As the former had a wife of simi- lar quality, their very letters form some read- able literary memorial of that period, even though, after the practice of their time, her epistles were signed with such high-sounding names as " Portia." In Frankhn, on the other hand, we come upon a man who could not be said to turn Benjamin *o literature, but by his very nature Franklin, made it a part of his various en- dowments ; and who might justly be called the first great writer in America; the first to produce, in his Autohiography, a book now recognized by the world as classic. He was born in Boston on January 17, 1706, and died on April 17, 1790. He was appren- ticed to his brother, a printer, but ran away to Philadelphia at the age of seventeen. He went to London and practiced his trade there for a time, returned to Philadelphia in a year and a half, printed and published newspapers and almanacs there, distinguished himself as BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 67 a founder of libraries, as an investigator of electricity, as postmaster-general, and as agent for the American colonies abroad. After the Kevolution, he represented this country as ambassador to France, where he still stands nearest of all foreigners to the French heart. But he received from temperament, not from French influence, his most striking qualities, — the want of high spirituality, the this- worldly quaUty of his thought, and the cool sanity of his manner. His style has been called Addisonian, but it is primarily Frank- linian. He lived at the period when Dr. Johnson's influence was at its greatest, yet he chose to keep to the simple idioms of common speech. During his long life Franklin's genius ex- pressed itself in many ways ; he became famous as a scientist, as a morahst, as (Hke most great moralists) a humorist, as a states- man, and as perhaps the greatest of autobio- graphers. Before the beginning of the Revolutionary period he had gained wide reputation in science and in practical affairs ; yet, says Professor Tyler, " undoubtedly his best work in letters was done after the year 1764, and thenceforward down to the very 58 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD year of his death ; for, to a degree not only unusual but almost without parallel in liter- ary history, his mind grew more and more vivacious with his advancing years, his heart more genial, his inventiveness more sprightly, his humor more gay, his style brighter, keener, more deft, more delightful." ^ One of the two works of pure literature for which he is now best known, however, Poor Poor Richard's Almanac, belongs Eiehard. to the earlier period. The alma- nac was an established institution long before Franklin gave it standing as literature. The first matter of any length to be printed in America was an almanac published in Cam- bridge in 1639 ; and when, nearly a century later (1733), Poor Richard began to ap- pear, it could differ only in degree of excel- lence from many of its predecessors and con- temporaries. Among its most formidable competitors were the Astronomical Diary and Almanac of Nathaniel Ames, a Massa- chusetts man, father of Fisher Ames, and the Rhode Island Almanac of Franklin's brother James. These publications were re- ^ Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, ii. 365. ; p'oor Richard, 1 7 3^ Almanack :t>r the Ye^r of Chfift I >)t 4 Being the Third afterl-E^ivP YE: aU. ^rf makfs jlnfe the Crrutien '• : By t&Ci Aj&coum of (lis E-iflcVn Grc.'h j^rBythe 'Latin V harch; wlitn ©^miC;. ^ ■'' Bv the Computaii'ii of 'f li '. !iv tllc J'-.oi^nn Chror.fiipcy By the j--'i''/' Rabbics /'/ /.\7\-/'/? is C(n:taitied^ ; ^ Th- Lunations, Edipit,;s, 'Judgrrtent of rlic V^'c.'uil^J■, Sp.iiig 'FitifN-,; Pi3i>ei,s Mntions ^ mu;uil .Mlnftv., Sun and MoonV RiTin»^ ;ini-i Set- rin'j, X-ciij^O-, of Diiy*'i TiiriC o{ High Water, , Fjiri, Cv.i;.;s, and onfciva'pte D.iys ;- !**«(»;- j Fitted 10 ih.- Latituik of Furry -Be^ree^^' ■ • 31H! li Mciidi. :i «->f Fli'C Hours Wi-ft fiom /.ordo), ' but miv witiioiit fcnfiblc Ejtw. feive sit the ad- i.ic(.-nc Places, evca ftom Sevjl cKiiJUit^ to South-' Ct'rsHK.r ' ' \ PHIL AD E L PH JA: i^iforcd and I'ol^ by B. FR.il NKL J : l iiibc Kew Piinrinp Office ne'ai the Maiket. ^ '. ; r '} its 1 ■; I POOR RICHARD 59 spectively eight and five years older than the Philadelphia almanac ; and they have much of the varied humor and wisdom which, touched with the subtle charm of personality that belonged to everything Franklin wrote, made Poor Richard so famous. The incidents of the last twenty-five years of Franklin's life cannot be more than touched upon here. His diplomatic career in England and France kept him away from America dinging almost the whole of the Re- volutionary period ; yet his influence both at home and abroad was incalculably great. He did a great deal of writing, with entire indif- ference to literary fame ; for he had always a practical end to gain. During those years of absence he was continually flinging off pamphlets in the American cause, written with imperturbable good-humor and telling irony. From the very beginning of the Re- volution he turned to the advantage of his country the pungency, directness, and humor of his style. On the 16th of May, 1775, he wrote to Priestley this condensed sketch of the battle of Lexington, in which each sen- tence is an epigram : — " You will have heard, before this reaches you, of a mai'ch stolen by the regulars into the country by night, 60 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD and of their expedition back again. They retreated twenty miles in six hoars. The governor had called the assembly to propose Lord North's pacific plan, but, before the time of their meeting, he began cutting their throats. You know it was said he carried the sword in one hand and the olire branch in the other ; and it seems he chose to give them a touch of the sword first. . . . All America is exasperated by his conduct, and more firmly united than ever." His public career he might perhaps have explained as his friend Lord Dunning did his legal business, when he said, " I do one third of it, another third does itself, and the re- maining third remains undone." Industry ■was, however, the habit of Franklin's nature so thoroughly that it entered into the blood of his race. The Rev. Dr. Furness used to speak with dehght of an aged Philadelphia lady, Franklin's grand-niece, who was in the habit of saying her prayers while coming down stairs to breakfast, in order to ^ave time. On the fifth of July he writes to Strahan : " You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. Look upon your hands — they are stained with the blood of your relations ! You and I were long friends ; you are now my enemy, and I am, Yours, B. Franklin." THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY 61 On the third of October, Franklin again writes to Priestley : " Tell our dear good friend, Dr. Price, who sometimes had his doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is determined and unanimous, — a very few Tories and placemen excepted, who will probably soon export themselves. Britain, at the expense of three million pounds, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees this campaign — which is twenty thousand pounds a head ; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time sixty thousand children have been born in America. From these data, his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kiU us all, and conquer our whole territory." There we see the literary touch, but it is stiU more clearly to be felt in his autobio- graphy ; as, for example, in the The Auto- account of his first entry into ^^"S'^v^y- Philadelphia : — "... I was in my working dress, my best clothes be- ing to come round by sea. I was dirty from my journey ; my pockets were stuffed out with shirts and stockings, and I knew no soul, nor where to look for lodging. I 62 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD was fatigued with traveling, rowing, and want of rest ; I was very hungry ; and my whole stock of cash con- sisted of a Dutch dollar and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of the boat for my pas- sage, who at first refused it, on account of my rowing ; but I insisted on their taking it, a man being sometimes more generous when he has but little money than when he has plenty, perhaps through fear of being thought to have but little. " Then I walked up the street, gazing about, till near the market house I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where h.6 got it, I went immediately to the baker's he directed me to, in Second Street, and asked for a biscuit, intending such as we had in Boston -, but they, it seems, were not made in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a threepenny loaf, and was told they had none such. So not considering or knowing the difference of money and the greater cheapness, nor the names of his bread, I bade him give me threepenny worth of any sort. He gave me, accord- ingly, three great puffy rolls. I was surprised at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walked off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market Street as far as Fourth Street, passing by the door of Mr. Bead, my future wife's father ; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut Street and part of Walnut Street, eating my roll all the way, and, coming round, found myself again at Market Street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of river water ; and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY 63 two to a woman and her child that came down the river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther." Every sentence ends with a snap. Proba- bly Franklin eating his rolls in the street is the best-known figure in American history, after Washington and his little hatchet ; and the fact is due not to any extraordinary character in the situation, but to the literary skiU with which he brings it before us. Note the felicity with which he defends in the autobiography that failure to acquire orderly habits with which John Adams re- proached him : — " I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty char- acter in that respect, like the man who in buying an axe of a smith, my neighbor, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith con- sented to grind it bright for him, if he would turn the wheel; he turned, while the smith pressed the broad face of the axe hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on ; and at length would take his axe as it was, without further grinding. 'No,' said the smith, ' turn on, turn on, we shall have it bright by and by ; as yet it is only speckled.' ' Yes,' said the man, ' but I think Hike a speckled ax/e best.' And I believe this 64 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD may have been the case with many, who, having for want of some such means as I employed, found the difiBculty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that ' a speckled axe is best.' For some- thing, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me, that such extreme nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridic- ulous ; that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated ; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order ; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it." It is amusing to notice in this connection that " Order " stands third among the thir- teen practical virtues which Franklin early tabulated and set himself to acquire ; a -whim- sical digest of the system of thrifty morality which he perceived to be at the basis of worldly success. Franklin lacked spiritual power — the imaginative grasp of truth which belongs to creative minds. He had, however, what is perhaps the best working substitute for such power, the ability to state homely truths in such effective form as to offer to im- imaginative minds a practical rule of living. THE PORTFOLIO 65 • His famous saying "Honesty is the best policy " suggests very fairly the range of his power as a moralist, and the secret of his suc- cess as a man. Franklin was born in Boston, but his dis- tinctive flavor belonged to a city where the hterary touch was earher recog- The nized. A certain proof of the cul- Portfolio- tivated character of Philadelphia, beyond New York or Boston, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, may be found in the remarkable magazine called The Portfolio, a weekly quarto which may fairly be described as the first essentially literary periodical in America. Joseph Denny, the editor, was a Bostonian and a Harvard graduate, and had edited newspapers in New England. He had been nominated for Congress and defeated in New Hampshire, and went to Philadelphia in 1799, as private secretary to Thomas Pick- ering, Secretary of State. The Portfolio was established at the beginning of 1801 ; was for five years a quarto and then for many years an octavo, following precisely the development which periodicals now sus- tain, substituting octavo for quarto, monthly for weekly, introducing illustrations and some- 66 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD times going down hiU. He had for assistant writers John Quincy Adams, whose Letters from Silesia first appeared there, after be- ing pubKshed in London in 1800, and Charles Brockden Brown, the so-called " Father of American Fiction," of whom we shall pre- sently speak. Eeadiag these volumes now, one finds them with surprise to go be- yond similar periodicals even at the present day, in the variety of sources whence their cultivation came. The Portfolio translates portions of Voltaire's Henriade ; recog- nizes the fact that fresh intellectual activity has just begun in England; quotes early poems by Coleridge and Wordsworth and Leigh Hunt, sometimes without giving the names, showing the editors to have been at- tracted by the poems themselves apart from the author. There is no want of color in the criticism. German books are apt to be found rather abhorrent to the Philadelphia critic, which is not surprising when we re- member that it was the age of Kotzebue, whose travels it burlesques and who drives the editor into this extraordinary outburst: " The rage for German literature is one of the foolish and uncouth whims of the time and THE PORTFOLIO 67 deserves all the acrimony of the lampooner. We are sick, heart-sick of the rambhng bom- bast, infamous sentiments, and distempered sensibility of the Teutonic tribe." He, how- ever, thinks but little better of William God- win, and prints a burlesque of Dr. Johnson as bitter as if Johnson had written in Ger- man. He states an important truth in say- ing somewhere that punning is an humble species of wit, much relished in America; but in a later issue tones down this assertion by giving three columns from Dean Swift in favor of punning. He often gives letters from Europe, coming from various directions ; discusses the theatre fuUy, both in Boston and Philadelphia ; discloses to us the import- ant fact that books in America still had to be published by subscription at that day and almost never off-hand ; and he finally shows us the limitation of even Philadelphia cultiva- tion by telling us that the Loganian library, pioneer of all American libraries, was then kept shut all the morning and became a mere coffee-house lounge in the afternoon. It is one indication of the early leadership of Philadelphia that the first considerable collection of miscellaneous poetry published 68 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD in this country appeared there in 1809, under ™ . . the title of The American Poet- The Amen- can Poetical icol Miscellauy, Original and 8e- MisceUany. i^Qted. The editor says o£ it, in that florid style which still prevailed in pre- faces : " The volume of poetry is made valu- able by enfolding in its embraces some of the richest and deepest tinted flowers which ever bound the brows of Melancholy, or sparkled under the heavenly gem which drops from Pity's eye. Its pages are also strewed with many a wild and fragrant flower, gath- ered by Genius and Fancy, as they together strolled amid the wild luxuriance of the fields of nature." This belonged to the period when men wrote " Inoculation, Heavenly Maid ! " It is worth noticing, however, that the ed- itor's taste is much better than his style, and he shows unquestionably that the best Eng- lish poetry of that day, as was true of the poetry of Tennyson and Browning at a later day, was earlier appreciated in America than at home. The volume opens with Burns's Scots wha hae wi' Wallace hied and closes with Coleridge's Ancient Mar- iner, in its original and more vigorous form ; CHARLES BROCKDEN BROWN 69 and this at a time when Coleridge's new theory of versification, now generally ac- cepted, that verse should be read by the ac- cents, not by the syllables, was pronounced by the London Monthly Review to yield only "rude unfashioned stuff ; " and Burns's poems were described by it as " disgusting " and "written mostly in an unknown tongue." The Lake poets were described by Jeffrey in the Edinburgh Review as " constituting the most formidable conspiracy that has lately been formed against sound judgment in mat- ters poetical ; " and yet they were eagerly re- ceived, apparently, in America. It must not be supposed, however, that all the contents of this Philadelphia volume represent the same scale of merit; it also includes a poem of a dozen long verses by one Joseph Smith entitled Milogium on Rum. After Philadelphia's prestige as a literary centre bad begun to wane, she was still to produce the second American writer charies who commanded the attention of Brockden trans - Atlantic readers. Charles Brockden Brown was born in Philadelphia, Jan. 17, 1771, and died there of consumption at the age of twenty-nine, Feb. 22, 1810. By 70 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD his own statement, made in a letter written just before his death, we learn that he never in his life had more than one continuous half- hour of perfect health. In spite of his short life and his ill-health, he accomplished much. At first he studied law, but abandoned it for literature. He was a frequent contributor to the magazines of the time, and was himself the editor of the Monthly Magazine and American Review (1799), and the lAterary Magazine and American Register (1803-8). His first published work. The Dialogue of Alcuin (1797), dealt with questions of mar- riage and divorce, and he was also the author of several essays on political, historical, and geographical subjects. His novels followed each other with astonishing rapidity : Sky Walk ; or the Man Unknown to himself (1798, not published), Wieland; or the Trans- formation (1798), Ormond ; or the Secret Witness (1799), Arthur Mervyn ; or Me- moirs of the Year 1793 (1799-1800), Edgar Huntly ; or Memoirs of a Sleep Walker (1801), Jane Talbot (1801), and Clara Howard ; or the Enthusiasm of Love (1801). When, thirty years later, in 1834, the CHAULES BROCKDEN BROWN 71 historian Jared Sparks undertook the pubH- cation of a Library of Ainerican Biogra- phy, he included in the very first volume — with a literary instinct most creditable to one so absorbed in the severer tasks of history — a memoir of Charles Brockden Brown by W. H. Prescott. It was an appropriate trib- ute to the first writer of imaginative prose in America, and also the first to exert a positive influence upon British literature, laying thus early a few modest strands towards an ocean-cable of thought. As a result of this influence, all manner of wheels began to move, in fiction ; concealed doors opened in lonely houses ; fatal epidemics laid cities deso- late ; secret plots were organized ; unknown persons from foreign lands died in garrets leaving large sums of money ; the honor of innocent women was constantly endangered, though usually saved in time ; people were subject to somnambulism and general frenzy ; vast conspiracies were organized with petty aims and smaller results. Brown's books, pubUshed between 1798 and 1801, made their way across the ocean with a promptness that now seems inexplicable ; they represented American literature to England. Mrs. Shel- 72 THE PHILAE^ELPHIA PERIOD ley in her novel of The Last Man founds her whole description of an epidemic, which nearly destroys the human race, on "the masterly delineations of the author of Arthur Mervyn." Shelley himself recognized his obligations to Brown ; and it is to be remembered that Brown himself was evidently f amiUar with God- win's philosophical writings and with Caleb Williams, and that he may have drawn from Mary Wollstonecraft his advanced views as to the rights and education of women, a sub- ject on which his first book, Alcuin, provided the earliest American protest. Undoubtedly his tales furnished a point of transition from Mrs. B,adcliffe, of whom he disapproved, to the modern novel of realism, although his immediate influence and, so to speak, his stage properties, can hardly be traced later than the remarkable tale, also by a Philadel- phian, called Stanley ; or the Man of the World, the scene of which was laid in Amer- ica, though it was first published in 1839 in London. This book was attributed, from its profuse literary material, to Edward Everett, but was soon understood to be the work of a young man of twenty-one, Horace Binney THE STYLE OP THE PERIOD 73 Wallace. It is now forgotten, except one sen- tence : " A foreign nation is a kind of con- temporaneous posterity." In this book the later influence of Bulwer and Disraeli is pal- pable, but Brown's concealed chambers and aimless conspiracies and sudden mysterious deaths also reappear in full force, not with- out some lingering power ; and then vanish from American literature forever. Brown's style, and especially the language put by him into the mouths of his charac- ters, is perhaps too severely criti- xhe style of cized by Professor Woodberry as be- *•*» Period, ing " something never heard off the stage of melodrama." What this able critic does not sufficiently recognize is that the general style of the period at which they were written was itself melodramatic, and that to substitute what we should caU simplicity would then have made the picture wholly unfaithful. One has only to read over the private letters of any educated family of that period to see that people did not then express themselves as they do now ; that they were far more or- nate in expression, more involved in state- ment, more impassioned in speech. Even a comparatively terse writer like Prescott, in 74 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD composing Brown's biography only sixty years ago, shows traces of the earlier period. Instead of stating simply that his hero was a born Quaker, he says of him : " He was descended from a highly respectable family, whose parents were of that estimable sect who came over with William Penn, to seek an asylum where they might worship their Creator unmolested, in the meek and humble spirit of their own faith." Prescott justly criticises Brown for saying, " I was fraught with the apprehension that my hfe was en- dangered ; " or " his brain seemed to swell beyond its continent ; " or " I drew every bolt that appended to it ; " or " on recovering from deliquium, you found it where it had been dropped ; " or for resorting to the cir- cumlocution of saying, " by a common appa- ratus that lay beside my head I could pro- duce a light," when he really meant that he had a tinderbox. Nothing is more difficult than to teU, in the fictitious literature of even a generation or two ago, where a faithful de- lineation ends and where caricature begins. The four-story signatures of Micawber's let- ters, as represented by Dickens, go but Uttle beyond the similar courtesies employed in a THE STYLE OF THE PERIOD 75 gentlewoman's letters in the days of Anna Seward. All we can say is that within a century, for some cause or other, English speech has grown very much simpler, and human happiness has probably increased in proportion. In the preface to his second novel, Edgar Huntly, Brown announces it as his primary purpose to be American in theme, " to ex- hibit a series of adventures growing out of our own country," adding " That the field of investigation opened to us by our own country should difEer essentially from those which exist in Europe may be readily con- ceived." He protests against " puerile super- stition and exploded manners, Gothic castles and chimeras," and adds : " The incidents of Indian hostility and the perils of the west- ern wilderness are far more suitable." All this is admirable, but unfortunately the in- herited thoughts and methods of the period hung round him to cloy his style, even after his aim was emancipated. It is to be remem- bered that all his imaginative work was done in early life, before the age of thirty and before his powers became mature. Yet with all his drawbacks he had achieved his end, 76 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD and had laid the foundation for American fiction. Notwithstanding his inflation of style, he was undoubtedly, in his way, a careful ob- server. The proof of this is that he has pre- served for us many minor points of life and manners which make the Philadelphia of a century ago now more familiar to us through him than is any other American city of that period. He gives us the roving Indian ; the newly arrived French musician with vio' lin and monkey; the suburban farmhouses, where boarders are entertained at a doUar a week ; the gray cougar amid caves of Ume- stone. We learn from him " the dangers and toils of a midnight journey in a stage coach in America. The roads are knee-deep in mire, vnnding through crags and pits, while the wheels groan and totter and the curtain and roof admit the wet at a thousand seams." We learn the proper costume for a youth of good family, — " nankeen coat striped with green, a white silk waistcoat ele- gantly needle-wrought, cassimere pantaloons, stockings of variegated silk, and shoes that in their softness vie with satin." When dressing himself, this favored youth ties his THE STYLE OF THE PERIOD 77 flowing locks with a black ribbon. We find from him that " stage boats " then crossed twice a day from New York to Staten Island, and we discover also with some surprise that negroes were freely admitted to ride in stages in Pennsylvania, although they were liable, hal£ a century later, to be ejected from street-cars. We learn also that there were negro free schools in Philadelphia. All this was before 1801. It has been common to say that Brown had no literary skill, but it would be truer to say that he had no sense of literary construc- tion. So far as skill is tested by the power to pique curiosity. Brown had it ; his chap- ters almost always end at a point of especial interest, and the next chapter, postponing the solution, often starts the interest in a wholly new direction. But Hterary structure there is none : the plots are always cumula- tive and even oppressive ; narrative is in- closed in narrative ; new characters and new complications come and go, while important personages disappear altogether, and are per- haps fished up with difficulty, as with a hook and line, on the very last page. There is also a total lack of humor, and only such efforts 78 THE PHILADELPHIA PERIOD at vivacity as this : " Move on, my quill ! ■wait not for my guidance. Reanimated with thy master's spirit, all airy Hght. A heyday rapture ! A mounting impulse sways him ; lifts him from the earth." There is so much of monotony in the general method, that one novel seems to stand for all; and the same modes of solution reappear so often — somnambulism, ventriloquism, yellow fever, forged letters, concealed money, secret closets — that it not only gives a sense of childish- ness, but makes it very difficult to recall, as to any particular passage, from which book it came, and leaves us quite willing to doubt whether it came from any. It is easy enough to criticise Brown, but he unquestionably had his day and served his purpose. He Hved among a circle of Philadelphians who took habitually a tone like that of Cherbuliez' charming heroine, who declares that for her the world ends at fifty leagues from Paris and she leaves all beyond to the indiscreet curiosity of geographers. He did not live to see the centre of statesmanship transferred in one direction, that of business in another, that of Hterature for a time in a third. CHAPTER IV THE NEW YORK PERIOD During the course of the Revolution, as we have seen, Philadelphia's position of au- thority in literary matters became a New gradually less firm. The best verse Centre. of the period had come from Connecticut and New Jersey, and the best prose from New York and Virginia. The removal of the first Congress to New York in 1783 was a sign of waning political prestige ; and when six years later New York was chosen as the scene of the final organization of the American Eepublic, in April, 1789, the transfer of au- thority, political, social, and literary, was made sure. At this date what is commonly called the National Period of American literature be- gins; but it will be seen that from this time poKtical belief or practice had very little to do with the substance or quality of the best literature which was produced. Social 80 THE NEW YORK PERIOD conditions, on the other hand, had much to Social do with the character of this work ; Conditions, and it is quite necessary to under- stand the composition of New York society after the Revolution in order to understand its literary product. It was probably both less refined and less provincial than that of Philadelphia had been during its precedence. In its lighter aspects it may be best judged, like all other social matters, by the testimony of women. The most brilliant belle of the period, Miss Vining of Philadelphia, — who was a correspondent of Lafayette and was so much admired by the French officers that Marie Antoinette invited her, through Mr, Jeffer- son, to the Tuileries, — complains in a letter to Governor Dickinson in 1783 that Phila- delphia has lost all its gaiety with the re- moval of Congress from the city, but adds, " You know, however, that here alone [i. e., in Philadelphia] can be found a truly in- tellectual and refined society, such as one naturally expects in the capital of a great country." Miss Franks, from whom we have already quoted, speaks in a similar tone : " Few ladies here [in New York] know how to SOCIAL CONDITIONS 81 entertain company in their own houses, unless they introduce the card-table. Except the Van Homes, who are remarkable for their good sense and ease, I don't know a woman or girl who can chat above half an hour, and that on the form of a cap, the color of a ribbon or the set of a hoop, stay ovjupon, . . . With what ease I have seen a Chew, a Penn, an Oswald, an Allen, and a thousand others, entertain a large circle of both sexes, [in Philadelphia] the conversation, without the aid of cards, never flagging or seeming in the least strained or stupid ! " We may reasonably suspect that this judgment is somewhat prejudiced. For the testimony of a more staid witness, with an eye chiefly for the mascuKne aspect of society, we may turn to a description from a volume called The Talisman purporting to be written by one Francis Herbert, and con- taining very graphic reminiscences of New York by Gulian C. Verplanck and William C. Bryant the poet. This passage, probably by Mr. Verplanck, gives a glimpse at the semi-ofl&cial society of the city in those days. " Cedar street, since that day, has declined froni its ancient consequence. I had the pleasure of seeing 82 THE NEW YORK PERIOD Mr. JefiEerson in an old two-story house in that street, unbending himself in the society of the learned and polite from the labors of the bureau. And there was Talleyrand, whom I used to meet at the houses of Gen- eral Hamilton and of Noah Webster, with his club-foot and passionless immovable countenance, sarcastic and malicious even in his intercourse with children. He was disposed to amuse himself with gallantry too ; but who does not know, or rather, who ever did know Tal- leyrand? — About the same time I met with Priestley — grave and placid in his manners, with a slight difficulty of utterance — dry, polite, learned and instructive in his conversation. At a period somewhat later, I saw here the deputy Billaud de Marennes, who had swayed the blood-thirsty mob of the Faubourg St. Antoine, turned the torrent of the multitude into the Hall of the Legislative Assembly, and reanimated France to a bolder and more vigorous resistance against her foreign enemies. I visited him in the garret of a poor tavern in the upper part of William Street, where he lived in obscurity. But why particularize further ? We have had savans, litterateurs, and politicians by the score, all men of note, some good and some bad — and most of whom certainly thought that they attracted more atten- tion than they did — Volney and Cobbett and Tom Moore, and the two Michaux, and the Abb^ Correa, and Jeffrey, and others : the muster roll of whose names I might call over, if I had the memory of Baron Trenck, and my readers the taste of a catalogue-making librarian. Have we not jostled ex-kings and ex-em- presses and ex-nobles in Broadway ; trod on the toes of exotic naturalists, Waterloo marshals, and g^eat foreign academicians, at the parties of young ladies ; and seen THE KNICKERBOCKER SCHOOL: IRVING 83 more heroes and generals all over town than would fill a new Iliad ? " ^ It is worth while to lay so much stress upon the composite character of this new so- ciety because it helps to account for the sort of literature New York was to produce. These French exiles could not help impart- ing an additional lightness and vivacity and polish to the manners of their American hosts ; and the most characteristic and gen- uine literary product of New York during the next half-century was to be urbane and elegant in character rather than profound or forcible — a "polite" literature in the narrower sense of the term. The father of the " Knickerbocker School," as the most prominent group of New York au- thors came to be called, was Wash- The Kniok- . T • mi !_• erboeker ington Irvmg. ihe one achieve- g^^^^^. ment of this " school " was a con- Irving. siderable body of light social satire in prose and verse, which is now of value to the stu- dent of past manners. It is an interesting fact that Irving's first work of merit was done in precisely this field, and that never thereafter, though he tried very hard, did he ' Griswold's Republican Court, p. 448. 84 THE NEW YORK PERIOD succeed in producing anything which could be called deeply imaginative. This, how- ever, is equally true of the great English writers to whom (without being in any pro- per sense their imitator) he was most nearly akin. John Trumbull had produced, just before the Kevolution, a series of Addisonian essays of real elegance and acuteness. In the Salmagundi papers, written mainly by Irving and his friend James K. Paulding in 1807, the method of the eighteenth-cen- tury essayists is employed with a much freer hand. It pretends to be nothing but a hu- morous commentary upon town follies, though in the opening number the authors whimsi- cally profess their intention to be " to in- struct the young, reform the old, correct the town, and castigate the age." Whatever we may now think of the limitations of this work — its exuberance not seldom degenerat- ing into facetiousness, its inequaUty, its oc- casional lapses iuto banality, we must own that it did for the New York of that day precisely what Addison and Steele did for the London of a century before, and what nobody appears to be likely to do for the New York or London of a century later. THE SKETCH BOOK 83 The Salmagundi papers amused the town for a time, and were suddenly discontinued. The Knickerhocker History of ^he Knick- ^ew York, published two years erbocker later, brought Irving his first real "^ °'^^' fame. He employed his theme, a burlesque history of the three Dutch governors of New York, as a stalking-horse for purposes of light satire. Everybody in New York enjoyed it except a few descendants of the old Dutch ' worthies with whose names he hald made free ; and it won high praise abroad, notably from Walter Scott. The book was a real success. Irving had proved himself master of a fluent humorous style which might have been employed indefinitely in the treatment of similar themes. But for many years he was, according to the New York standard, a man of fashion, with no need and no desire to write for a living. Middle age was at hand, when, ten years later, the pinch of necessity forced him to begin his career as a professional man of let- ters. The Sketch Book was The sketch published in 1819. Two years ^°°^- later Bryant's first volume of poems was published and Cooper's novels had begun to 86 THE NEW YORK PERIOD appear ; but at this time Irving had the field to himself. The Sketch Book was the best original piece of Hterature yet produced in America. It was followed during the next five years by Bracebridge Hall and Tales of a Traveler. In May, 1815, Irving had embarked for Liverpool, with no very distinct plans, but without expectation of being long abroad. It was seventeen years before be saw Amer- ica again. The qualified success of the Tales of a Traveler (1824) led him to feel that his vein was running out, and he began to turn toward the historical studies which were to occupy him mainly during the rest of his life. Not long after his return to America, in May, 1832, the Tales of the Alhambra were published. In the somewhat florid con- cert of critical praises which greeted the book, a simple theme was dominant. Every- body felt that in these stories Irving had come back to his own. The material was very different from that of The Sketch Book, yet it yielded to similar treatment. The grace, romance, humor, of this " beauti- ful Spanish Sketch Book," as the historian HISTORICAL WORK 87 Prescott called it, appealed readily to an au- dience which had listened rather coldly to the less spontaneous Tales of a Traveler, and had given a formal approbation to the History of Columbus without finding very much Irving in it. Thereafter, except for the Crayon Miscellanies (1835) and Wolfert's Boost (1855), Irving's work was to be almost entirely in biography and history. Of his historical work it Historical is enough to say that he was not W°'''^- eminently fitted for it by nature. Of course he could not write dully ; his historical nar- ratives are just as readable as Goldsmith's, and rather more veracious. But he plainly lacked the scholar's training and methods which we now require in the historian ; nor had he a large view of men and events in their perspective. He had, at least, a faculty of giving life and force to dim historic figures, which gained the praise of such men as Pres- cott and Bancroft and Motley. Washington, for example, had begun to loom vaguely and impersonally in the national memory, a mere great man, when Irving turned him from cold bronze to flesh and blood again. Irving's services to America in diplomacy 88 THE NEW YORK PERIOD were not small. In spite of his long absences abroad, his true patriotism never wavered. The mere existence of such a figure, calm, simple, incorruptible, honored wherever he was known, and known prominently through- out Europe, was a valuable stay to the young republic in that perilous first half of the nineteenth century. But all his career in statesmanship and, perhaps we may add, the very books on which his fame seemed to him- self to be founded, have now become a wholly secondary fact as regards the basis of his fame. They obtained for him his degree at Oxford, but Mr. Warner has well pointed out that the students were more far-seeing when they shouted, by way of applause, on that occasion, the names of Rip Van Winkle and Ichabod Crane. It is after all, in Ed- mund Quincy's phrase, not " specific grav- ity," but "specific levity " which often serves to keep a reputation afloat. When Irving came back to New York he might be seen, as George Curtis describes him, about 1850, " on an autumnal aftei^ ' noon, tripping with an elastic step along Broadway, with low-quartered shoes neatly tied, and a Talma cloak — a short garment IRVING'S ORIGINALITY 89 that hung from the shoulders like the cape of a coat. There was a chirping, cheery, old- school air in his appearance which was unde- niably Dutch, and most harmonious with the associations of his writings." My only per- sonal observation of Washington Irving was too much like his description of his only glimpse of " the Stout Gentleman," after watching for him through a whole wet Sun- day in a country inn, to be of mucL real value. He came to Cambridge for a hurried visit at the house of his kinsman Henry Van Wart, a singularly handsome young English- man who had married an American wife, a relative of my own. I remember that he called briefly at my mother's house and that I saw him getting in and out of the chaise. I remember the general testimony of the ladies of the house that he was a nice, kindly, elderly gentleman — perhaps about sixty — and did not seem a bit like a man of genius. It is common to criticise Washington Irv- ing as being a mere copyist of Goldsmith, which is as idle as if we were to irving's call Lowell a copyist of Longfellow. OriginaUty. They belonged to the same period, that of the ieighteenth-century essay. Irving equaled 90 THE NEW YORK PERIOD Goldsmith in simplicity and surpassed him in variety, for the very first number of The Sketch Book had half a dozen papers each of a different type. He struck out paths for himself ; thus Sir Walter Scott, for instance, in his paper on Supernatural and Fictitious Composition, praised Irving's sketch of The Bold Dragoon as the only instance of the fantastic then to be found in the English language. Irving did not create the legends of the Hudson, for as Mrs. Josiah Quincy tells us, writing when Irving was a little boy, the captains on the Hudson had even then a tradition for every hillside ; but he immortal- ized them. Longfellow, Hawthorne, and even Poe, in their short stories, often showed glimpses of his influence, and we see in the Dingley Dell scenes in The Pickwick Pa- pers how much Dickens owed to them. The style is a little too dehberate and measured for these days, but perhaps it never wholly loses its charm. The fact that its character varies little whether his theme be derived from America, or England, or Spain, shows how genuine it was. To this day the American finds himself at home in the Alhambra, from his early reading of this one writer. The IRVING'S ORIGINALITY 91 hotels are there named after him, " Wash- ington Irving " or more frequently " Wash- ington," evidently meaning the same thing ; and Spanish gratitude has furnished him with what all America could never give him, a wife. In the reading room of the chief hotel, opposite the Alhambra, there is a portrait of Irving hanging on one side and one of " Mrs. Irving " on the other. No opinion of Irving's was more remark- able and perhaps less to be expected than that which he expressed toward the end of his life as the sum of his judgment in regard to the prospects of American letters. After spending the greater part of his mature life in Europe, he wrote to Motley as his con- clusion : " You are properly sensible of the high calling of the American press, that ris- ing tribunal before which the history of all nations is to be revised and rewritten and the judgment of past ages to be corrected or confirmed." ^ This was written on July 17, 1857, before the Civil War, and this was the opinion of a man the greater part of whose working Ufe, like Motley's, had been passed in Europe ; and who had thus a right ' Motley's Correspondence, i. 203. 92 THE NEW YORK PERIOD to hazard a guess as to which tribunal was likely to be the tribunal of the future. As marked in its triumph over European criticism, though as stormy as Irving's was peaceful, was the career of James Fenimore Cooper. He was not, of course, our earliest Some Popu- novelist, inasmuch as Charles Brock- lar Novels, (jgjj Browu had preceded him and a series of minor works of fiction had inter- vened ; novels commonly of small size but of wide circulation and written usually by women. First of these was The Coquette, or the History of Eliza Wharton, a novel founded on fact by a lady of Massachusetts, this being published in Boston in 1797. It was the work of Hannah Webster of Boston, who married the Rev. John Foster, D. D., and who also wrote The Lessons of a Preceptress in 1798, perhaps to excuse her- self for the daring deed of writing fiction about a coquette. Many editions of her novel were published, the thirteenth appear- ing so lately as 1833, in Boston. Another book of similar popularity was Charlotte Temple, a Tale of Truth, by Mrs. Rowson of the New Theatre, Philadel- phia, 1794. It was a little book containing SOME POPULAR NOVELS 93 one hundred and seventy-five pages of un- mixed tragedy for the benefit of the young and thoughtless. If you took the headhnes of a modern " yellow journal " and bound them up in a volume of one hundred and seventy-five pages you could scarcely equal their horrors. Yet Mr. Joseph T. Bucking- ham, the leading Boston editor of that period, describes it as a book " over which thousands have sighed and wept and sighed again, and which had the most extensive sale of any work of the kind that had been published in this country, twenty-five thousand copies having been sold in a few years." Mrs. Eawson's biographer, the Eev. EHas Nason, says of it that " editions almost innumerable have appeared of it, both in England and America." Up to the time of Scott, he says, no fiction had compared to it in England, and he claims that even in America, up to the time at which his memoir was written (in 1870), a greater number of persons could be found who had read it than who had read any one of the Waverley novels. It was with her and her alone, that Cooper at the outset had to compete. James Fenimore Cooper was born in 1789, 94 THE NEW YORK PERIOD the year of Washington's inauguration and James Feni- ^^^ establishment of the new re- more Cooper, pubhc. Ipviug's first book appeared just twenty years afterward, and Cooper's eleven years later still. It took that much time, not unreasonably, for the long-expected child, literature, to be born. The immediate literary descendants of these two writers were, as is not uncommon, of less merit than their ancestors ; though many of them had their period of popularity and died celebrities be- fore the American public awoke to the fact of their essential triviaUty. Such transitions belong to the literary history of the world ; in no department is it truer than in litera- ture that, as our racy old American proverb says, " It takes but three generations from shirt-sleeves to shirt-sleeves." In temperament, Irving and Cooper were as difEerent as possible, except in their com- mon sensitiveness to criticism. Cooper was impatient, opinionated, suspicious of offense, and was in consequence never on very good terms with the world, or the world with him. He was the obnoxious kind of reformer who is disposed to build everything over on theo- retical principles, but seldom gets beyond JAMES FENIMORE COOPER 95 the stage of tearing down. He belabored his fellow- Americans for having ceased to be English, and scolded the English for having remained as they were. As a result, he be- came equally unpopular in both countries. The London Times called him " affected, offensive, curious, and ill-conditioned," and Fraser's Magazine, with a preference for the forcible substantive, pronounced him " a liar, a bihous braggart, a full jackass, an insect, a grub, and a reptile." These tributes might have seemed to take the burden of reproof from American shoulders; yet it re- mained for an American, Park Benjamin, to do the best, or the worst, possible under the circumstances. In Greeley's I^ew Yorker he called Cooper, with sweeping conclusive- ness, "a superlative dolt, and a common mark of scorn and contempt of every well- informed American." Such criticism may safely be left to itself : Cooper was foolish enough to bring it into the courts and to spend much time and money in advertising his traducers. A far keener thrust, touching the very quick of Cooper's weakness, was Lowell's quiet remark : " Cooper has written six volumes to show he's as good as a lord." 96 THE NEW YORK PERIOD With all his irascibility and his injudicious zeal about trifles, Cooper undoubtedly pos- sessed disinterestedness and nobility of pur- pose. He never puffed his own work, or depreciated the work o£ others for personal reasons. At a time when Americans were dis- posed to confound hyperbole with patriotism, he spoke his mind with a truly patriotic candor. He knew honor and he wished to know justice. His faults were faults of tem- perament, and perhaps inevitable ; for inven- tion has never yet devised an inexplosive gunpowder. Cooper's personal unpopularity did not prevent his novels from acquiring immediate success in America and England, and a per- manent fame far beyond the limits of the Eng- lish tongue. It is said that his tales have been translated into thirty-four languages. His first success was made at the height of Scott's fame, and his novels have held their own in popularity beside Scott's, ever since. Indeed, the lists of German booksellers show a greater number of editions and versions to the credit of the American romancer. Cooper's childhood was spent at Coopers- town, N. Y,, then on the frontier. After COOPER'S NOVELS 97 some years in Yale College, and a dismissal for insubordination, he spent nearly five years at sea, became a midshipman, and in- tended to enter the navy for Hfe. In 1811, however, he married, resigned from the navy, and became a man of leisure. His first strictly American novel appeared cooper's ten years later, and in the thirty Noveb.. years which followed he produced more than thirty novels, of which eight or ten are still widely read. Of these the Leather- Stocking Tales are of course the most famous. Lite Scott, Cooper was less successful with his heroes and heroines than with his minor characters. The conversation of his civilian worthies is, as Professor Lounsbury has said, in his admirable biography of Cooper, " of a kind not known to human society." His women are particularly uninteresting, though in uniformly describing them as " females " he is simply conforming to the usage of his day. When he says of one heroine that " her very nature is made up of religion and fe- male decorum," and of another that " on one occasion her little foot moved," in spite of the fact that " she had been carefully taught too that even this beautiful portion 98 THE NEW YORK PERIOD of the female frame should be quiet and unobtrusive " — he is hardly extending the bounds of " decorum " which Scott laid down for his insipid heroines. On the other hand, it must be admitted that he never created a living, breathing woman of any sort ; while Scott, once rid of considerations of etiquette, could create such heroic figures as Jeanie Deans, Meg Merrilies, and Madge Wildfire. Many of Cooper's subordinate mascuUne char- acters, on the contrary, are entirely unconven- tional, strong, fresh, characteristic, human. Harvey Birch the spy, Leather-Stocking the woodsman. Long Tom Coffin the sailor, Chin- gachgook the Indian, are direct and vital creations of genius. In his interpretation of Indian character, moreover. Cooper discerned the presence of a poetic element which was ignored later even by such an historian as Parkman, but which has since been recog- nized as actual fact. His long introductions and his loose-jointed plots he had in common with Scott ; but, like Scott, he found it easy to hold his readers when once he had gained their attention. He had, too, Scott's faculty of realism in the treatment of minor incidents and characters ; COOPER'S NOVELS 99 and where they led the way, the best literary practice has followed. The Edinburgh Review was severe upon him for his accu-. rate descriptions of costume and localities, declared that they were " an epilepsy of the fancy " and maintained that a vague general account would have been far better. " Why describe the dress and appearance of an In- dian chief, down to his tobacco-stopper and button-holes ? " It now turns out that this very habit has made Cooper's Indian a per- manent and distinct figure in literature, while the so-called Indians of his predecessor, Charles Brockden Brown, were merely shad- owy and unreal. " Poetry or romance," con- tinued the Edinburgh Review, " does not descend into the particulars." Yet Balzac, a far higher authority, arid one who handled the details of buttons and tobacco pipes as fearlessly as Cooper, said of The Path- finder, " Never did the art of writing tread closer upon the art of the pencil. This is the school of study for literary landscape painters." He says elsewhere : " If Cooper had succeeded in the painting of character to the same extent that he did in the paint- ing of the phenomena of nature, he would 100 THE NEW YORK PERIOD have uttered the last word of our art." Upon such praise as this the reputation of James Fenimore Cooper may well rest. The third of the three recognized found- ers of American literature during the New WiUiam c«i- York period was a New Englander len Bryant, by birth, the .poet Bryant. There was never a more curious illustration of the unexpected channels by which literature cre- ates itself in a new country than was offered by the fact that the first recognized Ameri- can poet should be by personal temperament and bearing one of the last men to whom the poetic function would at first be attri- buted. Quiet, prim, grave, reticent, slender, he seemed more like an old-fashioned lawyer or conveyancer, than one through whom a new world of song should come into being. In his actual pursuits, moreover, even as an editor, he was among the more formal and staid of his class, held aU his assistants to the greatest accuracy and hung lists of cor- rect spellings in his countiag room, whereas most newspaper editors are chiefly anxious to accumulate words and trust Providence with the spelling. This was his daily life, and it resulted in founding what must to this N^"^'^ i. COOPER'S NOVELS 101 day be called, all things considered, the best newspaper in the United States, the New York Evening Post. But it is maintained by those who knew him best, that from be- ginning to end he loved to be known as a poet, rather than in any sense a business man. That was the impression made on me when I saw him occasionally, in his later years, in Newport ; especially on one occasion where at some public reception I saw him and Gen- eral Sherman meet. General Sherman, the antipode of General Grant, was the heartiest and most outspoken among noted men, and he stretched out his hand to Mr. Bryant with the most exuberant cordiality. " What," said he, "Mr. Bryant? Why, I have heard of him all my life. He is one of the regular old stagers. Why, he edited a paper as long ago as when I was a boy at West Point," and shook his hand violently. Mr. Bryant drew away his hand quietly with a rather wounded expression, I fancied, as if the pio- neer American poet might perhaps have en- joyed some other recognition. Perhaps it was this life-long and rather prosaic atmosphere which left him less personally impressed upon the public as a poet than those who came just 102 THE NEW YORK PERIOD after him. But I, who grew up on his poetry as a boy, just before Longfellow stepped into his tracks, can testify that the diet he af- forded, though sparing, was uplifting, and, though it did not perhaps enrich the blood, elevated the ideal of a whole generation. He first set our American landscape to music, named the birds and flowers by familiar names. He first described the beauty of the " Painted Cup," for instance, without calling it Castilleia, and he sang the snowy blos- soms of the " Shad-Bush " which even Whit- tier called the Aronia : — " When the Aronia by the river Lighted up the swarming shad." Professor Woodberry finely says of the Pu- ritans, " Their very hymns had lost the sense of poetic form. They had in truth for- gotten poetry ; the perception of it as a noble and exquisite form of language had gone from them, nor did it come back imtil Bryant recaptured for the first time its grander lines at the same time that he gave landscape to the virgin horizons of the country." ^ He alone, of all the poets, reached far enough 1 Harper's Magazine, July, 1902. COOPER'S NOVELS 103 into the zenith to touch the annual wonder of migrating wild fowl — what the fine old Transcendentalist, Daniel Ricketson, well calls " the sublime chant of wild geese " — and to bring it into human song. His merely boyish poems sent by his kindred for publica- tion, — the Thanatopsis in particular, writ- ten at seventeen, — have perhaps never been equaled in literature by any boy of that age ; his blank verse was beyond that of any American poet. His fame has not quite held its own, and the latest edition of the Ency- clopmdia Britannica does not mention him at all, but his collected poems, which ap- peared in 1821, — in the same year with ' Cooper's Spy and two years after the Sketch Book, — form the true beginning of our lit- erary annals. In 1825 his verses brought him an invitation to New York which he accepted, and he became thenceforth a part of the New York influence. It was said of Mr. Bryant by an accom- plished English critic that " he partook, in an eminent degree, of that curious and al- most rarefied refinement, in which, oddly enough, American literature seems to surpass even the literature of the old world." He 104 THE NEW YORK PERIOD disliked long poems, pronouncing them with much truth to be, almost without exception, " unspeakably tiresome." " The better the poem is," he said, " the less it is under- stood, as a general rule, by a promiscuous assembly." His translation of the Odyssey, on the whole one of the least valuable of his works, was the only breach of this principle of brevity that he himself formulated. This he began on a voyage to Europe, which he made with a copy of Homer in his pocket and a fixed purpose of rendering at least forty lines out of Greek into English every day. It is a curious fact that he had, like Long- fellow, a special gift for foreign languages and liked to translate, and, also Hke Long- fellow, had an occasional impulse toward hu- mor, though the result was never very happy. Bryant, though sometimes classed among Knickerbocker authors, did not really be- TheKniek- ^^^^ *" ^^^^ clique; not being a erbocker native of New York, as were Hal- ™"^' leek and Drake, both of whom wrote poems which were declaimed with de- light and many gestures by the school-boy of fifty years ago, but which perhaps are no longer heard even in school. The group also THE KNICKERBOCKER GROUP 105 included many of those minor writers on ■whom it cannot be our object to dwell. Among these was George Pope Morris — stiU remembered for two or three songs — the editor of the New York Mirror, then the leading literary journal of the nation. Be- sides being an editor, he held the ornamental position of general of the militia and was commonly given the benefit of his title. He was often mentioned by his admirers as " he of the sword and pen," this being perhaps based on the ground that he did about as much execution with the one as with the other. Another was Nathaniel Parker WilHs, once so famous that he boasted to Longfel- low of making ten thousand dollars a year by his writings at a time when Longfellow wished he himself had made ten hundred. He was also the first to demonstrate the truth, long since so well established by others, that the highest circles of English society are only too easily penetrable by any American not hampered with too much modesty. Still an- other was Charles Fenno HofEman, whom Dr. Griswold describes as the "Knicker- bocker Moore," and who wrote the song Sparkling and Bright. There was no doubt 106 THE NEW YORK PERIOD a certain imitativeness about these men which may well be called provincial. The Knick- erbocker Magazine, for instance, they Hked to personify as " Maga " after the fashion of Blackwood ; the only bit of such affecta- tion, it may be said, which survived long enough to disfigure even the early Jitlantie. The whole New York school, apart from Irving and Cooper, has undergone a reaction in fame, a reaction perhaps excessive and best exhibited in the brilHant article called Knickerbocker Literature pubhshed many years ago in the Nation^ written by a young Harvard graduate named John Richard Den- nett, long since dead. He sums up his dia- tribe — perhaps rather exaggerated — by say- ing that " all these men were our first crop and very properly were ploughed in, and though nothing of the same sort has come up since, and we may be permitted to hope that nothing of just the same sort will ever come up, yet certainly they did something toward fertiHzing the soil." All this period is now removed by half a century ; and while New York, unlike Philadelphia, has pro- duced no new group of native writers as 1 Dec. 5, 1867 (XIX. 362). THE KNICKERBOCKER GROUP 107 conspicuous as that of which we had been speaking, yet it has drawn from all direc- tions not only journalists, but accomplished men of letters, who have made of it a na- tional literary centre. CHAPTER V THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD PRELIMINARY Some time before the impulse toward a graceful if shallow " polite " literature ex- The New hausted itselE in New York, a new England im- kind of impulse had begun to make P"^'- itself felt in New England. Up to the time of the Revolution an extraordinary ignorance of contemporary European litera- ture and art had prevailed throughout the colo- nies. It is even said that America did not possess a copy of Shakespeare tiU a hundred years after his death. In the eighteenth celitury the colonists were by no means slow in getting the latest fashions and the latest deKcacies from London ; yet they displayed a surprising apathy toward the books which were then to be found on every London table. In 1723 the best college library in America contained nothing by Addison, Pope, Dry- den, Swift, Gay, Congreve, or Fielding. Ten years later Franklin founded the first public THE NEW ENGLAND IMPULSE 109 library in America by an importation of some forty-five pounds' worth of English boobs ; among which the work of many of those au- thors was doubtless included. They were, in fact, the authors upon whom the taste of our best writers during the next century was to be formed. They were the fashionable Eng- lish models for the cultivation of " poHte letters." But whatever the pursuit of such a practi- cal ideal might be able to do for the Hterary manners of a still provincial people, it could not lead to the production of an original and robust literature. What Americans needed toward the middle of the nineteenth century was to be given contact, not merely with the courtly pens of England and France, but with the great minds of all the world and of all times. It was this impulse toward wider contact, or culture, which was first ap- parent, not unnaturally, in serious New Eng- land. The intellectual movement which fol- lowed. Professor Wendell suggestively calls " the New England Renaissance." " In a few years," he says, " New England developed a considerable political hterature, of which the height was reached in formal oratory ; it de- 110 THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD veloped a new kind of scholarship, of which the height was reached in admirable works of history; in religion it developed Unita- rianism; in philosophy, Transcendentalism; in general conduct, a tendency toward reform which deeply affected our national history ; and meantime it developed the most mature school of pure letters which has yet appeared in this country." ^ The period at which Boston began to as- sert itself as a literary centre which in some Period of sense rivaled New York may be Transition, get, perhaps, at the year (1830) when Webster and Channing were at the height of their reputation ; when Webster's Reply to Hayne was delivered, and Chan- ning was just entering upon that career of social and political reform which gave him both American and European fame. Boston was then a little city of some sixty thousand inhabitants, still a small peninsula hemmed in by creeks and mud banks, without water pipes or gas, but with plenty of foreign com- merce and activity of brain. The area of the peninsula was then 783 acres ; it is now 1829 acres. There was no Back Bay in the 1 Wendell's Literary History of America, p. 245. THE ORATORS HI present sense, but it was all a literal back bay, without capital letters. Water flowed or stagnated where the Public Garden now blooms; the Common still had room for mihtia drilling and carpet-beating and ball games for boys and even girls. Down by the wharves there were many ships, mainly of small tonnage, yet square-rigged. There, moreover, were foreign sailors sometimes, and rich Oriental odors always; and that family was eccentric or unfortunate which had not sent one of its sons as mate or super- cargo to Rio Janeiro or Canton. This was, externally speaking, the Boston of Channing and of Webster. The fact has been already noted that in America, as in Greece and Rome, the first really national impulse toward ex- q^jj^ pression took the form of oratory. Orators. Naturally, then, we find the new spirit of cul- ture in New England uttering itself first through the mouths of men like Edward Everett and Daniel Webster. When, in 1817 or thereabouts, Mr. Everett, Mr. Cogswell, Mr. Ticknor (they were followed somewhat later by Mr. Bancroft), went to study in Ger- man universities, they went not simply to 112 THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD represent the nation, as they did so well, but to bring back to the nation the standard of intellectual training of those universities. When Edward Everett came back here, it was to exert a very great and beneficent in- fluence. To the American oratory of that day he contributed the charm of training, of precision, of wide cultivation. He had not in a high degree the power of original thought, or of inspired feeling. He had not even the charm of simplicity, though, like Webster, and unlike the other of the great trio of New England orators, Euf us Choate, he strove in later life to rid his style of the florid rhetorical quality which belonged to his early speeches. The power of Everett and Choate is past, but Daniel Webster is still far more than the Daniel shadow of a name. His memory Webster. jg yg^ armed, with a certain awe even for the youngest generation. His very physical presence will not be forgotten, the strong, sohd, majestic figure, the great lumi- nous black eyes, the head of massive power. It is easy to see what an effect this magnifi- cent physique must have had upon the ora- tor's audiences; but the need remains for DANIEL WEBSTER 113 some other explanation of the interest in his printed speeches which continues fifty years after his death. It is not altogether easy at first to discover the secret of their literary power. Many of his phrases became famous ; but it is astonishing to find upon examina- tion how large a proportion of them are statements of simple truth, such as one would think hardly needed to be made. Here are a few of those which are recorded in Bartlett's Dictionary of Quotations : " Mind is the great lever of all things;" "Knowledge is the great sun in the firmament ; " " Thank God I also am an American ; " " Independ- ence now and independence forever ; " " Jus- tice is the great interest of man on earth ; " and so on. These are universal truths, but unfortunately they are a little too obviously true when we come to take them by them- selves; they are too much what any of us might say. We do npt really go on a great occasion to hear things said just as we might have said them, but to hear them said better than we might have said them. On the other hand, a structure built upon a large scale cannot always be condemned for lack of saliency in detail. Webster's ora- 114 THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD tory, like his physique, was impressive from its massiveness, not' from its subtlety. More nearly than any other American he ap- proached the fervor and the stately force of classical oratory. He was not a Demosthenes or a Cicero or even a Burke ; but he did find spoken discourse so natural a medium for the expression of his powerful personality as to give the best of his work some security of permanence. The first American clergyman, after Jona- than Edwards, to achieve a positive liter- Wiiiiam ^T ^^^'^ upon the English-speaking EUery world was William EUery Chan- anning. niug, who must not be confused with his son and two nephews, each bearing the William with a different middle name, and all men of marked intellectual activity. The hold taken at one time by Dr. Channing is seen in the fact that six different reprints of his little book on Self-Culture were pub- lished in England by different publishers in a single year. During his whole life, it is said, Channing never knew a day of unim- paired health, yet during that life, which ended in 1842, he was the recognized leader of New England thought ; known first as a WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING 115 theologian in this country, bujb in Europe later as a writer on social questions. His books were pubHshed, either wholly or in part, in the German, Trench, ItaUan, Hunga- rian, Icelandic, and Russian tongues. For some reason, never fully explained, there has been some reaction in his popular fame. Probably the absence of any trace of humor in his work was one of the reasons why its hold has been more short-lived than that, for instance, of Emerson, from whom a delicate sense of humor was as inseparable as his shadow. Yet in the purely literary quaUty, in the power to sum up in words a profound or independent thought, a selection of max- ims from Channing would be scarcely infe- rior to one from Emerson. The little volume, for instance, edited by his granddaughter from his unpublished manuscripts, is a book which bears comparison, in a minor degree, with the work of Rochefoucault or Joubert. Consider such phrases as this : — " Great wisdom of God is seen in limiting parental influence. The hope of the world is that parents can not make their children all they wish." " We are not to conquer with intellect any more than with arms. Conquest is not kindly, not friendly." 116 THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD Again : — " Avarice is foresight wasted." " He who, being insulted, loses self-possession, insults himself more." " It is one of the wretchednesses of the great that they have no approved fi-iend. Kings are the most solitary beings on earth.'' " When I meet a being whom I cannot serve, I know my ignorance." " I am no leveler. I have no favors to gather of the poor. ... I have learned it not from demagogues, but from divine sages. A man who labors is fit for any society." " Habit not merely confirms, but freezes what we have gained. It gives a dead stability." And this fine saying : — " Nothing which has entered into our experience is ever lost.'' These are not merely examples of thought, but of expression; they prove their author to have been not only a speculative philoso- pher, but a man of letters. One remarkable outcome of the transfer to New England of the literary centre was The Hiato- the development of a school of his- nans. torians who for the first time took up the annals of the nation for serious treat- ment. It was Jared Sparks who first chose THE HISTORIANS 117 the task of collecting and reprinting succes- sively the correspondence of Washington and of Franklin. He was intimate at my mother's house and used to bring whole basketfuls of letters there ; and I remember weU studying over and comparing the sepa- rate signatures of Washington, as well as the variety of curves that he would extract from the letters Oeo. of his baptismal name. Sparks was the honestest of men, and has been unfairly censured for revising and re- modeling the letters of Washington as he did. His critics overlooked the fact that in the first place it was the habit of the time, and all editors in his day felt free to do it ; and again that Washington did it freely him- self, and often entered in his letter book something quite different from what he had originally written and sent out, which was in fact falsifying the whole correspondence. Then followed George Bancroft, with a style in that day thought eloquent, but now felt to be overstrained and inflated ; William H. Prescott, with attractive but colorless style and rather superficial interpretation; Tick- nor, dull and accurate ; Hildreth, extremely dry ; Palfrey, more graceful, but one-sided ; 118 THE NEW ENGLAND PERIOD John Lothrop Motley, laborious, but delight- ful ; and Francis Parkman, more original in his work and probably more permanent in his fame than any of these. But it must be remembered, as the draw- back to historical writing, that very little History and work of that kind can, from the Literature, nature of things, be immortal. Just as the most solid building of marble or gran- ite crumbles, while the invisible and wan- dering air around it remains unchanged for ages, so a narrative of great events is likely to last only until it is superseded by other narrative, while the creations of pure imagi- nation, simply because they are built of air, can never be superseded. The intuitions of Emerson, the dream-children of Hawthorne and of Poe, remain untouched. Systems of philosophy may change and supersede one another, while that which is above all system has a life of its own. The most valuable part of historic work, as such, moreover, consists not in the style, but in the substance. It is the result of research. The books that sell and are quoted are those of the popularizer, those, for instance, of the late John Fiske, which no historical student would for a mo- ^fc-1.*^ ^^«>««^ 'U. t^ , •^ ^ -^ ^ _ ^^ z^ Cl ^tr '^Oe^^t^- J- ^^^^ :^?^Z^^<.c^ /t' i^t-^ /«i^ iJ^z: ^"^^^ -^ 4.A,^;^ut^^/ #- ^^4^^ ^-^^h^^ /it.y^ "^ •^^^^y^tt...^ iH^^s-i-c^^ yt€,<^ .-ui^ <^ ^^^>^Il^ ^:^^i^^ y^cJ^ ^ /ZtLy ^£U>C- /^-eur- ^^^"^^"2*^ >^5t<_^ , Jii-tf'ti- <;^it^ ./iL^/^ y:£>/iij>-t>^a, ^a,^ ^J-zi^ /^i*» ^mr'^ , JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL 169 him. Among authors, too, it was a time of defiant and vehement mutual criticism ; it was thought a fine thing to impale somebody, to make somebody writhe, to get even with some- body, and it was hard for the younger men to keep clear of the flattering temptation. Poe in New York proceeded cheerfully with these tactics, and Lowell in Cambridge was only too ready to follow his example. In Lowell's Fable for Critics you find the beginning of aU this : in his prose you will find an essay on " Percival " which is essentially in the line of these English examples, and that on " Thoreau " is Uttle better ; and worse than either, perhaps, is his article on " Mil- ton," nine tenths of which is vehement and almost personal in its denunciation of Profes- sor Masson, a man of the highest character and the most generous nature, though some- times too generous of his words. What makes the matter worse is that Lowell charges the sin of " wearisomeness " upon both Masson and Milton himself, and yet the keen Fitz Gerald selects one sentence of Lowell's in this very essay as an illustration of that same sin. Lowell says of Milton's prose tracts : — " Yet it must be confessed that, with the single excep- tion of the Areopagitica, Milton's tracts are weari- 166 THE CAMBRIDGE GROUP some reading, and going through them is like a long sea voyage whose monotony is more than compensated for the moment by a stripe of phosphorescence leaping before you in a drift of star-sown snow, coiling away behind in winking disks of silver, as if the conscious element were giving out all the moonlight it had garnered in its loyal depths since first it gazed upon its pallid regent." The criticism on Lowell comes "with force from Fitz Gerald, who always cultivated con- densation, and it also recalls the remark of Walter Pater, that " the true artist may be best recognized by his skill in omission." Apart from his bent for personalities, how- ever, and from the question of his ability to practice what he preached, there is in the substance of his best prose work a sound body of criticism such as no other American has yet produced. For scholarship, incisiveness, and suggestiveness, such papers as the essays on Dryden, Pope, and Dante have been surpassed by very little criticism written in English. The special service of the New England literature of the middle of the nineteenth century was to achieve an enlargement of the national horizon. In Cambridge, as we have seen, the expansion was primarily mental and aesthetic ; in Concord, as we are about to see, it was mainly speculative and spiritual. ' CHAPTER VII THE CONCORD GBOUP Before proceeding to deal with the indi- vidual members of the Concord group, we must understand what that " Tran- Transcen- scendentalism " was with which we dentaiism. commonly associate their names. Perhaps one ought not to speak of understanding it, for it hardly understood itself. It was less a philosophy than an impulse, and our interest in it must now be due to the fact, first, that it was an impulse most useful to the Amer- ica of that day, and, second, that it was strongly felt by many of the leading spirits of the time. It was, in brief, an impulse toward an absolute freedom, intellectual, spiritual, and social. Naturally, its best re- sults were in the nature of subtle suggestion and inspiration to a generation which greatly needed to broaden its horizon. Its more con- crete experiments were often fantastic and short-lived, though pever ignoble. That 168 THE CONCORD GROUP curious journal of the Transcendentalists, the Dial, lived only four years ; the Brook Farm community held together for seven years. The whole movement had about it much that was visionary and merely odd as well as much that was true and noble ; but it had, on the whole, great power for good in that day, as, through the expression of its spirit by Emerson, it has even now. In coming to Emerson we arrive at the controlling influence, if not the creator, of modern American thought. Emerson never could have said what Lady Diana Beauclerc wrote from Bath, one foggy day : " A thou- sand children are running by the window. I should like to whip every one of them for not being mine." In Emerson's case the spiritual children are aU his; they are still running by, and perhaps we must admit that the day sometimes looks foggy, and the chil- dren sometimes deserve whipping. Emerson was born in Boston, May 25, 1803, and had a clerical ancestor for eight Ralph generations back, on one side or Waldo the other and sometimes on both. His mother, a widow, was obliged to economize strictly, and it is recorded that RALPH WALDO EMERSON 169 Emerson once went without the second vol- ume of a book because his aunt had con- vinced him that his mother could not afford to pay six cents upon it at the Circulating Library. At coUege he was yoimger than most of his classmates, but was apt to be suc- cessful in competition for the few Uterary prizes then offered by the college. His class- mate Josiah Quincy, who gained the first prize in one case where Emerson got the second, on an ethical subject, remarked in his diary that " the dissertation on ethics was dull and dry ; " and as he also regarded Emerson's Class Day poem as " rather poor," it is worth while to remember that there is no known criticism quite so merciless as that of coUege boys upon one another. It was with these credentials, at any rate, that Emerson went forth into the world in 1821 and became himself a clergyman. Ten years later he had retired from the pulpit and was on his way to Europe, where he stayed nearly a year. It was during this visit that he made the acquaintance of Landor and Wordsworth, as described in English Traits. He also went to Craigenputtock to see Carlyle, who long afterwards, talking 170 THE CONCORD GROUP ■with Longfellow, described his visit as being like the visit of an angel. This was the be- ginning of that lifelong friendship the terms of which are recorded in their published correspondence. "The dear Emerson," said Carlyle to an American forty years later, " he thinks that the whole world is as good as him- self." After his return to Boston, Emerson entered that secular pulpit called in those days the Lyceum, or lecture platform. For half a century he was one of the leading lecturers of the country. He spoke in forty succes- sive seasons before the Salem Lyceum. Much of the success, of these addresses came from the unique simplicity and dignity of his man- ner. There was a legend of a woman in a town near Concord, who once avowed frankly that she could not understand a word he said, but she loved to watch him lecturing, because he looked so good. His calm and sonorous oratory, once heard, seemed to roll through every sentence of his that the student afterwards read, and his very peculiarities, the occasional pause, accompanied by a deep gaze of the eyes into the distance, " looking in the corner for rats," as an irreverent Boston young lady once described it, or an apparent KALPH WALDO EMERSON 171 hesitation in the selection of a word, — felici- tously preparing the way, like Charles Lamb's stammer, for some stroke of mother-wit, — these were a part of the man. It sometimes occurred that his auditors helped him, uncon- sciously, in the effect of his oratory. Thus I can recall the occasion when he exclaimed, in the middle of a lecture, " Beware how you unmuzzle the valetudinarian ! " when a slight bustle was noticed among the seats, and one of the best known men in Boston, a man of striking appearance, was seen bearing out in his arms his wife, one of the best known women in Boston and a good deal of an in- valid, who had apparently been unmuzzled . by that particular sentence. Emerson always shrank from extemporaneous speech, though he was sometimes most effective in its use. He wrote of himself once as " the worst known public speaker and growing continu- ally worse ; " but his most studied remarks had the effect of offhand conviction from the weight and beauty of his elocution. It was in the year 1834 that Emerson re- tired to his father's birthplace. Concord, and became a dweller for the rest of his life in what was at first a small rural village. If 172 THE CONCORD GROUP Cambridge was small compared to Boston, Concord was still smaller compared to Cam- bridge ; and, like Cambridge, it held, then or soon after, an unusual proportion of culti- vated people. It is said to have been re- marked by Bret Harte, when he first came to Cambridge from California, that the town was so full of authors " you could not fire a revolver from your front door without bring- ing down a two-volumer." The same state of things soon presented itself at Concord, al- thojigh the front doors were fewer, and the dwellers rarely limited themselves to two volumes. Emerson soon sent forth from this , new retreat his first thin book, entitled Na- ture. From the beginning to the end of this first volume, the fact is clear that it was con- sciously and deHberately a new departure. Those ninety brief pages were an undisguised challenge to the world. On the very first page the author complains that our age is re- trospective, — that others have " beheld God and nature face to face ; we only through their eyes. Why should not we," he says, " also enjoy an original relation to the uni- verse? Why should not we have a poetry and philosophy of insight and not of tradi- RALPH WALDO EMERSON 173 tion ? " Thus the book begins, and on the very last page it ends, " Build, therefore, your own world ! " At any time, and under almost any condi- tions, the first reading of such words by any young person would be a great event in life, but in the comparative conventionalism of the Uterature of that period it had the effect of a revelation. It was six years later, July, 1840, that the first number of the Dial was pub- lished, and on the very first page the editors speak of " a strong current of thought and feeling which for a few years past has led many sincere persons in New England to make new demands on hterature." In Emer- son's paper in the second number of the Dial, he says, " What shall hinder the genius of the time from speaking its thought? It can- not be silent if it would. It will write in a higher spirit and wider knowledge and with a gi'ander practical aim than ever yet guided the pen of poet . . . and that which was ecstasy shall become daily bread." From this time he was identified with Con- cord, and his house was for many years what Lord Clarendon called the house of Lord Falkland, " a college situated in purer air " 174 THE CONCORD GROUP and "a university in less volume." Emer- son's books appeared in rapid succession, and his fame extended far beyond his native land. It is probable that no writer of the English tongue had more influence in Eng- land thirty years ago, before the all-absorbing interest of the new theories of evolution threw all the so-called transcendental phi- losophy into temporary shade. This influence has now plainly revived, since the stress of the Darwinian period has passed, and one is sure to see one of Emerson's books on any English or American list of republished classics. As a master of language, it may be fear- lessly said that within the limits of a single sentence no man who ever wrote the English tongue has put more meaning into words than Emerson. In his hands, to adopt Ben Jonson's phrase, " words are rammed with thought." In all Hterature you will find no man who has better fulfiUed that aspiration stated in such condensed phrase by Joubert : " To put a whole book into a page, a whole page into a phrase and that phrase into a word." Emerson himself said of the Greeks that they " anticipated by their very lan- guage what the best orator could say ; " and ~^^ Z^-^-^^ur^ /^y^^^L^ >2£-X-2i^ ^C^^z^^cJc^ ^i^^-^-^^^^ns^ /^ A^/^i/^^ Or^^^xcJ:^ ^h'^U.f^ ^^ /^ ^^^^^L^^^^^^'^^-^^^^/^'^^-'-^yC^ j>>t---^««<:7 /^ /^^ RALPH WALDO EMERSON 175 neither Greek precision nor Roman vigor could produce a phrase that Emerson could not match. Who stands in all hterature as the master o£ condensation if not Tacitus ? Yet Emerson, in his speech at the anti-Kan- sas meeting in Cambridge, quoted that cele- brated remark by Tacitus as to the ominous- ness of the fact that the effigies of Brutus and Cassius were not carried at a certain state funeral ; and in translating it Emerson bet- tered the original. The indignant phrase of Tacitus is, " Praef ulgebant . . . eo ipso quod . . . non visebantur," " They shone conspicu- ous from the very fact that they were not seen," thus enforcing a moral lesson in four- teen Latin syllables ; but Emerson gives it in seven English syllables and translates it, even more powerfully : " They glared through their absences." After all it is such tests as this which give literary immortality, — the perfec- tion of a phrase, — and if you say that never- theless there is nothing accomplished unless an author has given us a system of the uni- verse, it can only be said that Emerson never desired to do this ; and, indeed, left on re- cord the opinion that the world is " too young by some ages yet to form a creed." The 176 THE CONCORD GROUP system-makers have their place, no doubt, but when we consider how many of them have risen and fallen since Emerson began to write, — ScheUing, Cousin, Comte, Mill, down to the Hegel of yesterday and the Spencer of to- day, — it is evident that the absence of a sys- tem is not the only thing which may shorten fame. Emerson's precise position as a poet cannot yet be assigned. He has been likened to an seolian harp which now gives and then per- versely withholds its music. Nothing can ex- ceed the musical perfection of the lines : — " Thou canst not wave thy staff in air, Or dip thy paddle in the lake, But it carves the bow of beauty there, And the ripples in rhymes the oar forsake." Yet within the compass of this same fine poem ( Woodnotes) .there are passages which elicited from Theodore Parker, one of the poet's most ardent admirers, the opinion that " a pine tree which should talk as Mr. Emerson's tree talks would deserve to be plucked up and cast into the sea." His poetic reputation came distinctly later in time than his fame as an essayist and lecturer. Like Wordsworth and Tennyson, he educated the RALPH WALDO EMERSON 177 public mind to himself. The same verses which were received with shouts of laughter when they first appeared in the Dial were treated with respectful attention when col- lected into a volume, and it is possible that some of them may take their places among the classic poems of all literature. It is evident from Emerson's criticisms in the Dial, as that on EUery Channing's poems, that he had a horror of what he called " French correctness " and could more easily pardon what was rough than what was tame. When it came to passing judgment on the details of poetry, he was sometimes whimsical ; his personal favorites were apt to be swans, and, on the other hand, there were whole classes of great writers whom he hardly re- cognized at all. This was true of Shelley, for example, about whom he wrote " though uni- formly a poetic mind, he is never a poet." About prose writers his estimate was a shade more trustworthy, yet he probably never quite appreciated Hawthorne, and certainly dis- couraged young people from reading his books. He died May 6, 1882. There were grouped about Emerson in Concord, or frequently visiting it, several per- 178 THE CONCORD GROUP sons of the Transcendental School whom we Theodore i^^st not pass by. One o£ these Parker. -^ras Theodoie Parker, that eminent heretic, who has had the curious experience of being at last held up to admiration by the very churches which once cast him out. In a literary way, he was the most profitable con- tributor of the Dial, his manner being much more popular than the rest, so that Mr. Emerson used to say that the only numbers which sold well were those which had Theodore Parker's articles in them. He was a syste- matic student on a large scale, which Emer- son was not, and he was also a man of action, wearing himself out by such a variety of la- bors that his lifetime was short. There is no one whom LoweU hits off better in the Fa- blefor Critics : — " Here comes Parker, the Orson of parsons, a man Whom the Church undertook to put under her ban. But the ban was too small or the man was too big, For he reeks not their bells, books, and candles a fig. Every word that he speaks has been fierily furnaced In the blast of a life that has struggled in earnest : There he stands, looking more like a ploughman than priest, If not- dreadfully awkward, not graceful at least. MARGARET FULLER OSSOLI 179 His gestures all downright and same, if you will, As of brown-fisted Hobnail in hoeing a drill ; But his periods fall on you, stroke after stroke, Like the blows of a lumberer felling an oak ; You forget the man whoUy, you 're thankful to meet With a preacher who smacks of the field and the street, And to hear, you 're not over-particular whence, Almost Taylor's profusion, quite Latimer's sense." A more immediate ally of Emerson, as the first leading editor of the Dialy was the most remarkable American woman Margaret up to our time, in the hterary path FuUer at least, Margaret Fuller, after- wards Madame Ossoli. She not only had to edit it for nothing and man it with good con- tributors for nothing, but to criticise even Emerson's contributions, sometimes greatly to his advantage, and to steer between the demands of the popular and matter-of-fact Theodore Parker, on the one side, and the dreamy Alcott, on the other. Of one num- ber she was forced to write eighty-five out of its hundred and thirty-six pages herself, and after two years had to resign the task. Carlyle, who always criticised the American Transcendentalists severely, excepted only her, besides Emerson, among its writers. He . called her writings " the undeniable utter- 180 THE CONCORD GROUP ances of a true heroic mind, altogether unique, so far as I know, among the writing women of this generation." The last of Emerson's immediate and clos- est friends, and one whom he always placed Bronson far ahovc himself, was Amos Bron- Aicott. gon Alcott, in one respect a more characteristic New England product than any of the others, inasmuch as he rose from a very humble source to be one of the leading influences of the time, in spite of all whims and oddities. Kegarding himself as a fore- ordained teacher and always assuming that attitude to all, he yet left on record utter- ances which show an entire lack of vanity at heart. For instance, he wrote thus from Con- cord in 1865 : " Have been also at Lynn and HaverhiU speaking lately. Certainly men need teaching badly enough when any words of mine can help them. Yet I would fain believe that not I, but the Spirit, the Per- son, sometimes speaks to revive and spare." In the children's stories of his daughter he took a father's satisfaction, however far her sphere seemed from his own. There were one or two occasions when he showed him- self brave where others had flinched. One BRONSON ALCOTT 181 of the heroic pictures yet waiting to be painted in New England history is that of the tranquil and high-minded philosopher at the time during a fugitive slave case, when the rear entrance of the Boston Court House, then temporarily used as a slave-pen, had been beaten in, and the few who got inside had been driven out by the police, the mob hesitating to follow them. There was the open door with the gashghts burning brightly upon it and the pistols of the marshal's men showing themselves above the inner stair- way. Outside were the vacant steps and the crowd of lookers-on. Quietly there pene- trated the mob the figure of a white-haired man, like the ghost of an ancient Puritan ; he mounted the steps tranquilly, cane in hand, and pausing near the top said to one of the ringleaders of the attack, pointing placidly forward, " Why are we not within ? " " Be- cause," said the person addressed, " these people win not stand by us." He paused again at the top, the centre of all eyes from within and from without. A revolver was fired from within, and finding himself wholly unsupported he turned and walked down, without hastening a step. Neither Plato nor 182 THE CONCORD GROUP Pythagoras could have done the thing better; and the whole event brought back vividly the appearance of the Gray Champion in one of Hawthorne's tales. But Alcott now bids fair to be remembered only for the influence which he had upon greater men. His personality could impose itself upon those who saw him and heard his words, but could find no effective expression in literature. Just the contrary was true of Nathaniel Hawthome. He was, to be sure, a Hawthorne, jjian of Striking presence, and his physical strength and stateliness irresistibly connected themselves in the minds of those who saw him with the seK-contained pur- pose, the large resources, the waiting power, of the great writer. I first met him on a summer morning in Concord, as he was walk- ing along the road near the Old Manse, with his wife by his side, and a noble-looking baby-boy in a little wagon which the father was pushing. I remember him as tall, firm, and strong in bearing ; his wife looked pen- sive and dreamy, as she indeed was, then and always. When I passed, Hawthorne lifted upon me his great gray eyes, with a look too keen to seem indifferent, too shy to be sym- A' l»- «e» ^^e-l-Zi^ic— i^ '■'"*~7 /tU~mt -—<»:? ^,,»-«a— <>«. /^.C'-e-A^ y^ti^ --6^~^^ yu ^ ^ y^^ a