OLIIMl PPI 6308 \ P35 IBSAa All books are subject to recall after two weeks Olin/Kroch Library DATE : DUE jOgggSjl ^WF Mff^ •^^t^ V iss??*^ j^a^ -H9Et**« 1 '^^a-^ "'MMytjjiso »a:S-« i=»B GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A. 3 1924 074 466 651 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924074466651 In compliance with current copyright law, Cornell University Library produced this replacement volume on paper tharmeets the ANSI Standard Z39.48-1984 to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. 1994 CICERO DE AMICITIA (ON FRIENDSHIP) AND SCIPIO'S DEEAM. TRANSLATED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. By ANDREW P. PEABODY. BOSTON: LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 1884 Copyright, ISS4., John Wilson and Sox, Camkidge. / Bt Akdeew p. Peaboet. / y, SYNOPSIS. DE AMICITIA. § 1. Introduction. 2. Reputation of Laelius for wisdom. The curiosity to know how he bore the death of Scipio. 3. His grounds of consolation in his bereavement. 4. He expresses his faith in immortality. Desires per- petual memory in this world of the friendship be- tween himself and Scipio. 5. True friendship can exist only among good men. 6. Friendship defined. 7. Benefits derived from fnendsHp. 8. Friendship founded not on need, but on nature. 9. The relation of utility to friendship. 10. Causes for the separation of friends. 11. How far love for friends may go. 12. Wrong never to be done at a friend's request. 13. Theories that degrade friendship. 14. How friendships are formed. 15. Friendlessness wretched. 16. The limits of friendship. 17. In what sense and to what degree friends are united. How friends are to be chosen and tested. 18. The qualities to be sought in a friend. 19- Old friends not to be forsaken for new. 20. The duties of friendship between persons differing in ability, rank, or position. iv Synopsis. § 21. How friendships should be dissolved, and how to guard against the necessity of dissolving them. 22. Um-easonable expectations of friends. Mutual respect necessary in true friendship. 23. Friendship necessary for all meil. 24. Ti-uth-teUing, though it often gives offence, an essential duty from friend to friend. 25. The power of truth. The arts of flattery. 26. Flattery availing only with the feeble-minded. 27. Virtue the soul of friendship. Laelias describes T.he intimacy of the friendship between himself and Scipio. SCIPIO'S DEEAM. § 1. Scipio's visit to Masinissa. Circumstances under which the dream occurred. 2. Appearance of the elder Africanus, and of his own father, to Scipio. Prophecy of Scipio's successes and honors, with an intimation of his death by the hands of his kindred. 3. Conditions on which heaven may be won. 4. The nine spheres that constitute the universe. 5. The music of the spheres. 6. The five zones of the earth. 7. Brevity and worthlessness of earthly fame. 8. All souls eternal. 9. The soul to be trained for immortality. The fate of those who merge their souk in sense. INTRODUCTION. DE AMICITIA. The Be Amicitia, inscribed, like the De Scncciiitc, to Atticus, was probably written early in the year 44 B. a, during Cicero's retirement, after the death of Julius Caesar and before the conflict with Antony. The subject had been a favorite one with Greek philosophers, from whom Cicero always borrowed largely, or rather, whose materials he made fairly his own by the skill, richness, and beauty of his elaboration. Some passages of this treatise were evidently suggested by Plato ; and Aulus Gellius says that Cicero made no little use of a now lost essay of Theophrastus on Friendship. In this work I am especially impressed by Cice- ro's dramatic power. But for the mediocrity of his poetic genius, he might have won pre-eminent honor from the Muse of Tragedy. He here so thoroughly enters into the feelings of Laelius with reference to Seipio's death, that as we read we forget that it is not Laelius himself who is speaking. "We find our- selves in close sympathy with him, as if he were tell- ing us the story of his bereavement, giving utterance vi Introduction. to Ms manly fortitude and resignation, and portray- ing Ms friend's virtues from the unfading image phototyped on Ms own loving memory. In other matters, too, Cicero goes back to the time of Laelius, and assumes his point of view, assigning to him just the degree of foresiglit which he probably possessed, and making not the slightest reference to the very different aspect in which he himself had learned to regard and was wont to represent the personages and events of that earlier period. Thus, while Cicero traced the downfall of the republic to changes in the body politic that had taken place or were imminent and inevitable when Scipio died, he makes Laelius perceive only a slight though threatening deflection from what had been in the earlier time.^ So too, though Cicero was annoyed more than by almost any other characteristic of his age by the prevalence of the Epicurean pMlosophy, and ascribed to it in a very large degree the demoralization of men in pub- lic life, with Laelius the doctrines of this school are represented, as they must have been in fact, as new and unfamiliar. In fine, Laelius is here made to say not a word which he, being the man that he was, and at the date assumed for this dialogue, might not have said himself; and it may be doubted whether a report of one of his actual conversations would have seemed more truly genuine. This is a rare gift, often sought indeed, yet sought in vain, not only by dramatists, who have very ' Scflexit jam aliquantulum. Introduction. vii seldom attained it, but by authors of a very great diversity of type and culture. One who undertakes to personate a character belonging to an age not Lis own hardly ever fails of manifest anachronisms. The author finds it utterly impossible to fit the an- tique mask so closely as not now and then to show through its chinks his own more modern features; while this form of internal evidence never fails to be- tray an intended forgery, however skilfully wrought. On the other hand, there is no surer proof of the genuineness of a work purporting to be of an earlier, but alleged to be of a later origin, than the absence of all tokens of a time subsequent to the earliest date claimed for it.^ In connection with this work it should be borne in mind that the special duties of friendship constituted an essential department of ethics in the ancient world, and that the relation of friend to friend was regarded as on the same plane with that of brother to brother. No treatise on morals would have been thought complete, had this subject been omitted. Not a few modern writers have attempted the for- mal treatment of friendship : but while the relation 1 Thus among tlie many proofs of the genuineness of our canon- ical Gospels, perhaps none is more conclusive than the fact that, though evidently written by unskilled men, they contain not a trace or token of certain opinions known to have heen life even before the close of the first Christian century ; while the (so-called) apocryphal Gospels bear, throughout, such vestiges of their later origin as would neutralize the strongest testimony imaginable in behalf of their primitive antiquity. viii Introduction. of kindred minds and souls has lost none of its sacredness and value, the establishment of a code of rules for it ignores, on the one hand, the sponta- neity of this relation, and, on the other hand, its entire amenableness to the laws and principles that should restrict and govern all human intercourse and conduct. Shaftesbury, in his " Characteristics," in his exqui- site vein of irony, sneers at Christianity for taking no cognizance of friendship either in its precepts or in its promises. Jeremy Taylor, however, speaks of this feature of Christianity as among the manifest tokens of its divine origin; and Soame Jenyns takes the same ground in a treatise expressly designed to meet the objections and cavils of Shaftesbury and other deistical writers of his time. These authors are all in the right, and all in the wrong, as to the matter of fact. There is no reason why Christianity should prescribe friendship, which is a privilege, not a duty, or should essay to regulate it ; for its only ethical rule of strict obligation is the negative rule, which would lay out for it a track that shall never interfere with any positive duty selfward, manward, or God ward. But in the life of the Founder of Christiauity, who teaches, most of all, by example, friendship has its apogee, — its supreme pre-emi- nence and honor. He treats his apostles, and speaks of and to them, not as mere disciples, but as inti- mate and dearly beloved friends ; among these there are three with whom he stands in peculiarly near Introduction. ix relations ; and one of the three was singled out by him in dying for the most sacred charge that he left on the earth ; while at the same time that disciple shows in his Gospel that he had obtained an inside view, so to speak, of his Master's spiritual life and of the profounder sense of his teachings, which is dis- tinguished by contrast rather than by comparison from the more superficial narratives of the other evangelists. But Christianity has done even more than this for friendship. It has superseded its name by ful- filling its- offices to a degree of perfectness which had never entered into the ante-Christian mind. Man shrinks from solitude. He feels inadequate to bear the burdens, meet the trials, and wage the conflicts of this mortal life, alone. Orestes always needed and craved a Pylades, but often failed to find one. This inevitable yearning, when it met no human response, found still less to satisfy it in the objects of worship. Its gods, though in great part deified men, could not be relied on for sym- pathy, support, or help. The stronger spirits did not believe in them; the feebler looked upon them only with awe and dread. But Christianity, in its anthropomorphism, which is its strongest hold on faith and trust, insures for the individual man in a Divine Humanity precisely what friends might essay to do, yet could do but imperfectly, for him. It proffers the tender sympathy and helpfulness of Him who bears the griefs and carries the sorrows of X Introduction. eacli and all ; while the near view that it presents of the life beyond death inspires the sense of un- broken union with friends in heaven, and of the fellow-feeling of "a cloud of witnesses" beside. Thus while friendship in ordinary life is never to be spurned when it may be had without sacrifice of principle, it is lefes a necessity than wlien man s relations with the unseen world gave no promise of strength, aid, or comfort. Experience has deepened my conviction that what is called a free translation is the only fit ren- dering of Latin into English ; that is, the only way of giving to the English reader the actual sense of the Latin writer. This last has been my endeavor. The comparison is, indeed, exaggerated ; but it often seems to me, in iinroUing a compact Latin sentence, as if I were writing out in words the meaning of an algebraic formula. A single word often requires three or four as its English equivalent. Yet the lan- guage is not made obscure by compression. On the contrary, there is no other language in which it is so hard to bury thought or to conceal its absence by superfluous verbiage. I have used Beier's edition of the Be Amicitia, adhering to it in the very few cases in which other good editions have a different reading. There are no instances in which the various readings involve any considerable diversity of meaning. Introduction. xi LAELIUS. Caius Laelius Sapiens, the son of Caius Laelius, who was the life-long friend of Scipio Africanus the Elder, was born B. c. 186, a little earlier in the same year with his friend Africanus the Younger. He was not undistinguished as a military comman- der, as was proved by his successful campaign against Viriathus, the Lusitanian chieftain, who had long held the Eoman armies at bay, and had re- peatedly gained signal advantages over them. He was known in the State, at first as leaning, though moderately and guardedly, to the popular side, but after the disturbances created by the Gracchi, as a strong conservative. He was a learned and accom- plished man, was an elegant writer, — though while the Latin tongue retained no little of its archaic rudeness, — and was possessed of some reputation as an orator. Though bearing his part in public affairs, holding at intervals the offices of Tribune, Praetor, and Consul, and in his latter years attend- ing with exemplary fidelity to such duties as belonged to him as a member of the college of Augurs, he yet loved retirement, and cultivated, so far as he was able, studious and contemplative habits. He was noted for his wise economy of time. To an idle ^[ Introduction. man who said to him, "I have sixty years "^ (that is, I am sixty years old), he replied, "Do you mean the sixty years which you have not ? " His private life was worthy of all praise for the virtues that enriched and adorned it; and its memory was so fresh after the lapse of more than two centuries, that Seneca, who well knew the better Avay which he had not always strength to tread, advises his young friend Lucilius to " live with Laelius ; " ^ that is, to take his Ufe as a model. The friendship of Laelius and the younger Scipio Africanus well deserves the commemoration which it has in this dialogue of Cicero. It began in their boyhood, and continued without inteiTuption till Scipio's death. Laelius served in Africa, mainly that he might not be separated from his friend. To each the other's home was as his own. They were of one mind as to public men and measures, and in all probability the more pliant nature of Laelius yielded in great measure to the stern and uncompromising adherence of Scipio to the cause of the aristocracy. A^Hiile they were united in grave pursuits and weighty interests, we have the most charming pictures of their rural and seaside life to- gether, even of their gathering shells on the shore, and of fireside frolics in which they forgot the cares of the republic, ceased to be stately old Eomans, and played like children in vacation-time. 1 Sexaginta annos haieo. ^ Vive aim Laelio. Introdv£tion. FANNIUS. Caius Fannius Strabo in early life served with high reputation in Africa, under the younger Afri- canus, and afterward in Spain, in the war with Viriathus. Like his father-in-law, he was versed in the philosophy of the Stoic school, under the tuition of Panaetius. He was an orator, as were almost all the Eomans who aimed at distinction ; but we have no reason to suppose that he in this respect rose above mediocrity. He wrote a history, of which Cicero speaks well, and which Sallust commends for its accuracy ; but it is entirely lost, and we have no direct information even as to the ground which it covered. It seems probable, however, that it was a history either of the tliird of the Punic wars, or of all of them ; for Plutarch quotes from him — probably from his History — the statement that he, Fannius, and Tiberius Gracchus were the first to mount the walls of Carthage when the city was taken. xvi Introduction. SCIPIO'S DEEAM. Palimpsests 1 — tlie name and the thing — are at least as old as Cicero. In one of his letters he banters his friend Trebatius for writing to him on a palLmpsest,^ and marvels what there could have been on the parchment which he wanted to erase. This was a device probably resorted to in that age only in the way in which rigid economists of our day sometimes utilize envelopes and handbills. But in the dark ages, when classical literature was under a cloud and a ban, and when the scanty demand for writing materials made the supply both scanty and precarious, such manuscripts of profane authors as fell into the hands of ecclesiastical copyists were not unusually employed for transcribing the works of the Christian Fathers or the lives of saints. In such cases the erasion was so clumsily performed as often to leave distinct traces of the previous letters. The possibility of recovering lost writings from these palimpsests was first suggested by Montfaucon in the seventeenth century ; but the earliest successful 1 Rubbed again, — tlie parcliment, or papyrus, having been first polished for use, and then ruhhed as clean as possihle, to be used a second time. ^ In palimpsesto. Introduction. xvii experiment of the kind was made by Bruns, a Ger- man scholar, in the latter part of the eighteenth century. The most distinguished laborer in this field has been Angelo Mai, who commenced his work in 1814 on manuscripts in the Amhrosian Library at Milan, of which he was then custodian. Transferred to the Vatican Library at Eome, he discovered there, in 1821, a considerable portion of Cicero's Be BepuUica, which had been obliterated, and replaced by Saint Augustine's Commentary on the Psalms. This latter being removed by appro- priate chemical applications, large portions of the original writing remained legible, and were promptly given to the public. This treatise Cicero evidently considered, and not without reason, as his master- work. It was written in the prime of his mental vigor, in the fifty-fourth year of his age, after ample experience in the affairs of State, and while he stiU hoped more than lie feared for the future of Eome. His object was to discuss in detail the principles and forms of civil government, to define the grounds of preference for a republic like that of Eome in its best days, and to describe the duties and responsibilities of a good citizen, whether in public office or in private life. He regarded this treatise, in its ethics, as his own directory in the government of his province of Cilicia, and as binding him, by the law of self-con- sistency, to unswerving uprightness and faithfulness. He refers to these six books on the Eepublic as so xviii Introduction. many hostages ^ for liis uncorrupt integrity and un- tarnished honor, and makes them his ai^ology to Atticus for declining to urge an extortionate demand on the city of Salamis. The work is in the form of Dialogues, in which, with several interlocutors beside, the younger Afri- canus and Laelius are the chief speakers ; and it is characterized by the same traits of dramatic genius to which I have referred in connection with tlie De Amicitia. The De Bepuhlica was probably under interdict during the reigns of the Augustan dynasty; men did not dare to copy it, or to have it known that they possessed it ; and when it might have safely reappeared, the republic had faded even from regret- ful memory, and there was no desire to perpetuate a work devoted to its service and honor. Thus the world had lost the very one of all Cicero's writings for which he most craved immortality. The por- tions of it which Mai has brought to light fully confirm Cicero's own estimate of its value, and feed the earnest — it is to be feared the vain — desire for the recovery of the entire work. Scipio's Dream, which is nearly all that remains of the Sixth Book of the De Bepuhlica, had survived during the interval for which the rest of the treatise was lost to the world. Macrobius, a grammarian of the fifth century, made it the text of a commen- tary of little present interest or value, but much 1 Praedibus. Introduction. xix prized and read in the Middle Ages. The Dream, independently of the commentary, has in more recent times passed through unnumbered editions, sometimes by itself, sometimes with Cicero's ethi- cal writings, sometimes with the other fragments of the De BejmUica. In the closing Dialogue of the De Bepuhlica the younger Africanus says : " Although to the wise the consciousness of noble deeds is a most ample reward of virtue, yet this divine virtue craves, not indeed statues that need lead to hold them to their pedes- tals, nor yet triumphs graced by withering laurels, but rewards of firmer structure and more enduring green." " What are these ? " says Laelius. Scipio replies by telling his dream. The time of the vision was near the beginning of the Third Punic War, when Scipio, no longer in his early youth, was just entering upon the career in which he gained pre-eminent fame, thenceforward to know neither shadow nor decline. I have used for Scipio's Dream, Creuzer and Moser's edition of the Be Bepiiblica. CICEEO DE AMICITIA. 1. QuiNTUS Mucius, the Augur, used to repeat from memory, and in the most pleasant way, many of the sayings of his father-iu-law, Caius Laelius, never hesitating to apply to him in all that he said his surname of The Wise. When I first put on the robe of manhood,^ my father took me to Scaevola, and so commended me to his kind offices, that thenceforward, so far as was possible and fitting, I kept my place at the old man's side.^ I thus laid 1 In the earliest time a boy put on the toga virilis when he had completed his sixteenth year ; in Cicero's time pupilage ceased a year earlier ; and by Justinian's code the period at which it legally ceased was the commencement of the fifteenth year. The Scaevola to whom Cicero was thus taken was Quintus Mucius (Scaevola), the Augur, already named. 2 It was customary for youth in training for honorable posi- tions in the State to attach themselves especially to men of established character and reputation, to attend them to public places, and to remain near them whenever anything was to be learned from their conversation, their legal opinions, their public harangues, or their pleas before the courts. Distinguished citi- zens deemed themselves honored by a retinue of such attendants. Cicero, in the De Offidis, says that a young man may best com- mend himself to the early esteem and confidence of the community by such an intimacy'. 1 2 Cicero de Amicitia. up in my memory many of his elaborate discus- sions of important subjects, as well as many of his utterances that had both brevity and point, and my endeavor was to grow more learned by his wisdom. After his death I stood in a similar relation to the high-priest Scaevola/ whom I venture to call the foremost man of our city both in ability and in uprightness. But of him I will speak elsewhere. I return to the Augur. n\'Tiile I recall many simi- lar occasions, I remember in particular that at a certain time when I and a few of his more intimate associates were sitting with him in the semicircular apartment 2 in his house where he was wont to re- ceive his friends, the conversation turned on a sub- ject about which almost every one was then talking, and which you, Atticus, certainly recollect, as you were much in the society of Publius Sulpicius ; namely, the intense hatred with which Sulpicius, when Tribune of the people, opposed Quintus Pompeius, then Consul,^ with whom he had lived ' As Cicero says, the most eloquent of jurists, and the most learned jurist among the eloquent. He was at the same time pre- eminent for moral purity and integrity. It was he, who, as Cicero {De Officiis, iii. 15) relates, insisted on paying for an estate that he bought a much larger sum than was asked for it, because its price had been fixed far below its actual value. ^ Latin, hcmicyclio, perhaps, a semicircular seat. ' » The quarrel arose from the zealous espousal of the Marian faction by Sulpicius, who resorted to arms, in order to effect the incorporation of the new citizens from without the city among the previously existing tribes. Hence a series of tumults and conflicts, in one of which a son of Pompeius lost his life. Cicero de Amidtia. 3 in the closest and most loving union, — a subject of general surprise and regret. Having incidentally mentioned this affair, Scaevola proceeded to give us the substance of a conversation on friendship, which Laelius had with him and his other son-in-law, Caius Fannius, the son of Marcus, a few days after the death of Africanus. I committed to memory the sentiments expressed in that discussion, and I bring them out in the book which I now send you. I have put them into the form of a dialogue, to avoid the too frequent repetition of " said I " and " says he," and that the discussion may seem as if it were held in the hearing of those who read it. While you, indeed, have often urged me to write something about friendship, the subject seems to me one of imiversal interest, and at the same time specially appropriate to our intimacy. I have therefore been very ready to seek the profit of many by complying with your request. But as in the Cato Major, the work on Old Age inscribed to you, I introduced the old man Cato as leading the discussion, because there seemed to be no other person better fitted to talk about old age than one who had been an aged man so long, and in his age had been so exceptionally vigorous, so, as we had heard from our fathers of the peculiarly memora- ble intimacy of Caius Laelius and Publius Scipio, it appeared appropriate to put into the mouth of Laelius what Scaevola remembered as having been said by him when friendship was the subject in 4 Cicero de Amicitia. hand. Moreover, this method of treatment, resting on the authority of men of an earlier generation, and illustrious in their time, seems somehow to be of sijecially commanding influence on the reader's mind. Thus, as I read my own book on Old Age, I am sometimes so affected that I feel as if not I, but Cato, were talking. But as I then wrote as an old man to aa old man about old age, so in this book I write as the most loving of friends to a friend about friendship.! Then Cato was the chief speaker, than whom there was in his time scarcely any one older, and no one his superior in intellect; now Laelius shall hold the first place, both as a wise man (for so he was regarded), and as excelling in all that can do honor to friendship. I want you for the while to turn your mind away from me, and to imagine that it is Laelius who is speaking. Caius Fannius and Quintus Mucius come to their father-in-law after the death of Africanus. They commence the conversation ; Laelius answers them. In reading all that he says about friendship, you will recognize the picture of your own friendship for me. 2. Faknius. It is as you say,^ Laelius ; for there never was a better man, or one more justly re- ^ In the Latin we have here two remarkable series of asso- nances, rhj'thmical to the ear, and though translatable iu sense, not so in euphony. " Ut turn setiex ad scnem, de smiectule, sic hoc libro ad amicum amicissimus de amicitia scripsi." ^ The reference is to what Laelius is supposed to have said already. The dialogue, as given here, is made to commence iu the midst of a conversation. Cicero de Amicitia. 5 nowned, than Africaiius. But you ought to bear it in mind that the eyes of all are turned upon you at this time ; for they both call you and think you wise. This distinction has been latterly given to Cato, and you know that in the days of our fathers Lucius Atilius ^ was in like manner surnamed The "Wise ; but both of them were so called for other reasons than those which have given you this name, — Atilius, for his reputation as an adept in municipal law ; Cato, for the versatility of his endowments : for there were reported to his honor many measures wisely planned and vigorously car- ried through in the Senate, and many cases skil- fully defended in the courts, so that in his old age The Wise was generally applied to him as a sur- name. But you are regarded as wise on somewhat different grounds, not only for your disposition and your moral worth, but also for your knowledge and learning ; and not in the estimation of the common people, but in that of men of advanced culture, you are deemed wise in a sense in which there is reason to suppose that in Greece — where those who look into these things most discriminatingly, do not reckon the seven who bear the name as on the list of wise men — • no one was so regarded ex- cept the man in Athens whom the oracle of Apollo designated as the wisest of men.^ In fine, you are 1 The first Roman known to have borne the surname of Sapiens. He was one of the earliest of the jurisconsults who took pupils. 2 Socrates. 6 Cicero de Amicitia. thought to be wise in this sense, that 3'0ii regard all that appertains to your happiness as within your own soul, and consider the calamities to which man is liable as of no consequence in com- parison with virtue. I am therefore asked, and so, 1 believe, is Scaevola, who is now with us, how you bear the death of Africanus ; and the question is put to us the more eagerly, because on the fifth day of the mouth next following,^ when w^e met, as usual, iu the garden of Decimus Brutus the Augur, to discuss our official business, you were absent, though it was your habit always on that day to give your most careful attendance to the duties of j-our office. ScAEVOL-A.. As Fannius says, Caius Laelius, many have asked me this question. But I answered in accordance with what I have seen, that you were bearing with due moderation your sorrow for the death of this your most intimate friend, though you, with your kindly nature, could not fail to be moved by it; but that your absence from the monthly meeting of the Augurs was due to illness, not to grief. Laelius. You were in the right, Scaevola, and spoke the truth ; for it was not fitting, had I been in good health, for me to be detained by my own 1 Latin, proxurais nonis. The rwncs, the ninth day liefore the ides, fell on the fifth of the month, except in March, ilay, June, and October, when the ides were two days later. 'We have else- where intimation that the Augurs held a meeting for business on the nones of each month. Cicero de Amicilia. 7 -sad feeling from this duty, which I have never failed to discharge ; nor do I think that a man of firm mind can be so affected by any calamity as to neglect his duty. It is, indeed, friendly in you, Fannius, to tell me that better things are said of me than I feel worthy of or desire to have said ; but it seems to me that you underrate Cato. For either there never was a wise man (and so I am inclined to think), or if there has been such a man, Cato deserves the name. To omit other things, how nobly did he bear his son's death ! I remem- bered Paulus,^ I had seen Gallus,^ in their bereave- ments. But they lost boys ; Cato, a man in his prime and respected by all.^ Beware how you place in higher esteem than Cato even the man whom Apollo, as you say, pronounced superlatively wise; for it is the deeds of Cato, the sayings of Socrates, that are held in honor. Thus far in reply to Fannius. As regards myself, I will now answer both of you. 3. Were I to deny that I feel the loss of Scipio, while I leave it to those who profess themselves wise in such matters to say whether I ought to feel 1 Paulus Aemilius, who lost two son.s, one a few days 'before, the other shortly after, the triumph decreed to him for the cou- q^uest of the Macedonian King Perseus. 2 Caius Sulpicius Gallus, mentioned as an astronomer hy Cicero, De Qfficiis, i. 6, and De Seiiectute, 14. ' The younger Cato had won fame as a soldier and distinguished eminence as a jurist. At the time of his death he was praetor elect. 8 Cicero de Amicitia. it, I certainly should be uttering a falsehood. I -do indeed feel my bereavement of such a friend as I do not expect ever to have again, and as I am sure I never had beside. But I need no comfort from without; I console myself, and, chief of all, I find comfort in my freedom from the apprehension that oppresses most men when their friends die; for I do not think that any evil has befallen Scipio. If evil has befallen, it is to me. But to be severely afflicted by one's own misfortunes is the token of self-love, not of friendship. As for him, indeed, who can deny that the issue has been to his pre-emi- nent glory ? Unless he had wished — what never entered into his mind — an endless life on earth, what was there within human desire that did not accrue to the man who in his very earliest youth by his incredible ability and prowess surpassed the highest expectations that all had formed of his boy- hood ; who never sought the consulship, yet was made consul twice, the first time before the legal age,i the second time in due season as to himself, but almost too late for his country ; ^ who by the ' He left the army in Africa, n. c. 147, for Rome, to oifer him- self as a candidate for the aedileship, for which he had just reached the legal age of thirty-seren ; but such accounts of his ability, efficiency, and courage had preceded him and followed him from the airmy, that he was chosen Consul, -(-irtually bv popular acclamation. - The war in Spain had been continued for several years, with frequent disaster and disgrace to the Eoman army, when Scipio, B. c. 134, was chosen Consul with a special view to this war. Cicero de Amicitia. 9 overthrow of two cities i"mplacably hostile to the Eo- man empire put a period, not onh^ to the wars that were, but to wars that else must have been ? What shall I say of the singular affability of his manners, of his filial piety to his mother,^ of his generosity to his sisters,^ of his integrit)' in his relations with all men ? How dear he was to the commuuity was shown by the grief at his funeral What benefit, then, could lie have derived from a few more years ? For, although old age be not burdensome, — as I remember that Cato, the year before he died, main- tained in a conversation with me and Scipio,^ — it yet impairs the fresh vigor which Scipio had not begun to lose. Thus his life was such that nothing either in fortune or in fame could be added to it ; while the suddenness of his death must have taken away the pain of dying. Of the mode of his death it is hard to speak with certainty ; you are aware which he closed by the capture and destruction of ITumantia, in connection with which, it must be confessed, his record is rather that of a relentless and sanguinary enemy than of a generous and placable antagonist. ' He was the son of Paulus Aemilius, and the adopted son of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus. His mother, divorced for no assignable reason, was left very poor, and her sou, on the death of the widow of his adopting father, gave her the entire patrimony that then came into his possession. 2 After his mother's death, law and custom authorized him to resume what he had given her ; but he bestowed it on his sis- ters, thus affording them the means of living comfortably and respectably. ^ The De Scnectuie. 10 Cicero de Ainicitia. what suspicions are abroad. ^ But this may be said with truth, that of the many days of surpassing fame and happiness wliich Publius Scipio saw in his lifetime, the most glorious was the day before Lis death, when, on the adjournment of the Senate, he was escorted home by the Conscript Fathers, the Ito- man people, the men of Latium, and the allies,^ — so that from so high a grade of honor he seems to have passed on into the assembly of the gods rather than to have gone down into the underworld. 1 He retired to his sleeping apartment apparently in perfect health, and was found dead on his couch in the morning, — as was rumored, with marks of violence on his neck. His wife was Sempronia, the sister of the Gracchi whose agi-arian schemes he had vehemently opposed. She was suspected of having at least given admission to the assassin, and even her mother, the Cornelia who has heen regarded as imparalleled among Eoman women for the virtues appertaining to a wife and mother, did not escape the charge of complicity. Her son Cains was also among those suspected ; hut the more prohable opinion is that Papirius Carbo was alone answerable for the crime. Oarbo had been Soipio's most bitter enemy, and had endeavored to inflame the people against him as their enemy. 2 Scipio had at that session of the senate proposed a measure in the utmost degree offensive to Cains Gracchus and his party. The law of Tiberius Gracchus would have disposed, at the hands of the commissioners appointed under it, of large tracts of land belonging to the Italian allies. Scipio's plan provided that such lands should be taken out of the jurisdiction of the commis- sioners, and that matters relating to them should be adjudged by a different board to be specially appointed, — a measure whicli would have been a virtual abrogation of the agrarian law. On this account he had his honorable escort home ; and on this account, in all probability, he was murdered. Cicero de Amicitia. 11 ~ 4. For I am far from agreeing with those who have of late promulgated the opinion that the soul perishes with the body, and that death blots out the whole being.i I, on the other hand, attach superior value to the authority of the ancients, whether that of our ancestors who established re- ligious rites for the dead, which they certainly would not have done if they had thought the dead wholly unconcerned in such observances ; ^ or that of the former Greek colonists in this country, who by their schools and teaching made Southern Italy ^ ^ The reference here is, of course, to the Epicureans. This school of philosophy liad grown very rapidly, and numbered many disciples when this essay was written ; but in the time of Laelius it had but recently invaded Rome, and Aniafanius, wlio must have been his contemporary, was the earliest Roman writer who expounded its doctrines. 2 This is sound reasoning, as these rites were annually re- newed, and consisted in great part of the invocation of ancestor's, — a custom which could not have originated if those ancestors were supposed to be utterly dead. This passage may remind the reader of the answer of Jesus Christ to the Sadducees, who denied that the Pentateuch contained any intimation of immortality. He quotes the passage in which God is represented as saying, " I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob," and adds, "God is not tlie God of the dead, but of the living, " implying that ancestors whom the writer of that record supposed to be dead could not have been thus mentioned. ' Latin Magnam, Oracciain, — the name given to the cluster of Greek colonies that were scattered thick along the shore of Soutliem Italy. At Crotona, in Magna Graecia, Pythagoras es- tablished his school, and these colonies were the chief seat and seminary of his philosophy, which taught the immortality of the soul. 12 Cicero de Artiicitia. -^ now in its decline, then flourishing — a seat of learning ; or that of him whom the oracle of ApoUo pronounced the wisest of men, who said not one thing to-day, another to-morrow, as many do, but the same thing always, maintaining that the souls of men are divine, and that when they go out from the body, the return to heaven is open to them, and direct and easy in proportion to their integrity and excellence. This was also the opinion of Scipio, who seemed prescient of the event so near, when, a very short time before his death, he discoursed for three successive days about the republic in the presence of Philus, Manilius, and several others, — you, Scaevola, having gone with me to the conferences, — and near the close of the dis- cussion he told uS what he said that he had heard from Africanus in a vision during sleep.^ If it is true that the soul of every man of surpassing excel- lence takes flight, as it were, from the custody and bondage of the body,' to whom can we imagine the way to the gods more easy than to Scipio ? I therefore fear to mourn for this his departure, lest in such grief there be more of envj' than of friend- ship. But if truth incline to the opinion that soul 1 The De MepvMica consists of dialogues on three successive days in Scipio's garden, and Scipio is the chief speaker. The work was' supposed to be iiTCCOverably lost, with the exception of this Dream of Scipio, and a few fragments ; but considerable portions of it were discovered in a palimp.sest in 1822. The Dream of Scipio will be found in the latter part of this -volume. Cicero da Amicitia. 13 ^ and body have the same end, and that there is no remaining consciousness, then, as there is notliing good iu death, there certainly is nothing of evil. For if consciousness be lost, the case is the same with Scipio as if he had never been born, though that he ^va3 born I have so ample reason to rejoice, and this city will be glad so long as it shall stand. Thus in either e^■ent, with him, as I have said, all has issued well, though with great discomfort for me, who more fittingly, as I entered into life before him, ouglit to have left it before him. But I so enjoy the memory of our friendship, that I seem to have owed the happiness of my life to my having lived with Scipio, with whom I was united in the care of public interests and of private affairs, who was my companion at home and -served by my side i^in the army,i and with whom -^ and therein lies" ""the special virtue of friendship —- 1 was in j)erfect , ^liarmony of purpose, taste, and sentiment. Thus I; am now not so much delighted by the reputation for wisdom of which Fannius has just spoken, espe- cially as I do not deserve it, as by the hope that our friendship will live in eternal remembrance; and this I have the more at heart because from all ages scarce three or four pairs of friends are on record,^ 1 Laelius went with Scipio on tlie campaign which resulted in the destruction of (iii-thage. 2 Those referred to are probably Theseus and Peirithous, Acliilles and Patroclus, Orestes and Pylades, Damon and Phin- tias, — all bui the last, perhaps the last also, mythical. 14 Cicero de Aniicitia. on which list I cannot but hope that the friendsliip of Scipio and Laelius will be known to posterity. Fannius. It cannot fail, Laelius, to be as you de- sire. But since you have made mention of friend- ship, and we are at leisure, you will confer on me a very great favor, and, I trust, on Scaevola too, if, as you are wont to do on other subjects when your opinion is asked, you will discourse to us on friendship, and tell us what you think about it, in what estimation you hold it, and what rules you would give for it. Scaevola. This will indeed be very gratifying to me, and had not Fannius anticipated me, I was about to make the same request. You thus will bestow a great kindness on both of us. 5. Laelius. I certainly would not hesitate, if I had confidence in my own powers ; for the subject is one of the highest importance, and, as Fannius says, we are at leisure. It is the custom of philos- ophers, especially among the Greeks, to have sub- jects assigned to them which they discuss even without premeditation.! This is a gi-eat accom- plishment, and requires no small amount of exer- cise. I therefore think that you ought to seek the treatment of friendship by those who profess this ^art. I can only advise you to prefer friendship toN all things else within human attainment, insomuch ■ as nothing beside is so well fitted -to nature, — so well adapted to our needs whether in prosperous 1 This was the boast and pride of the Greek sophists. Cicero de Amicitia. 15 ,or in adverse circumstances. But I consider tliis~; as a first principle, — that friendsliip can exist only/ ^between good men. In thus saying, I would not>, be so rigid in definition^ as those who establish specially subtle distinctions,^ with literal truth it may be, but with little benefit to the common mind ; for they will not admit that any man who is not wise is a good man. This may indeed be true. But they understand by wisdom a state which no mortal has yet attained; while we ought to look at those qualities which are to be found in actual exercise and in common life, not at those which exist only in fancy or in aspiration. Caius Fabricius, Manius Curius, Tiberius Coruncauius, wise as they were in the judgment of our fathers, I will consent not to call wise by the standard of these philosophers. Let them keep for themselves the name of wisdom, which is invidious and of doubtful meaning, if they will only admit that these may have been good men. But they will not grant even this; they insist on denying the name of good to any but the wise. I therefore adopt the standard of common sense.^ Those who ' Latin, Ncque id ad vivum reseco, literally, nor in this matter do I cut to the quick. ^ The Stoics of the more rigid type, who maintained that the wise man alone is good, but denied that the traly wise man had yet made Ms appearance on the earth. ' Latin, agmnus igilur 2'ing'ii {id aiuntj Minerva ; that is, with a less refined, a grosser wisdom, — a wisdom more nearly conformed to the sound, if somewhat crass, common-sense of the majority. 16 Cicero dc Amicitia. so conduct themselves, so live, that their good faith, integrity, equity, and kindness win approval, who are entirely free from avarice, lust, and the infirmi- ties of a hasty temper, and in whom there is per- fect consistency of character ; in fine, men like those whom I have named, while they are regarded as good, ought to be so called, because to the utmost of human capacity tliey follow Nature, who is the best guide in living well. Indeed, it seems to me thoroughly evident that there should be a certain measure of fellowship among all, but more intimate the nearer we approach one another. Thus this feeling has more power between fellow-citizens than toward foreigners, between kindred than between those of different families. Toward our kindred, Nature herself produces a certain kind of friendship. But this lacks strength ; and indeed frieudsliip, in its full sense, has precedence of kinship in this par- ticular, that good-will may be taken away from kinship, not from friendship ; for when good-will is removed, friendship loses its name, while that of kinship remains. How great is the force of friend- ship we may best understand from this, — that out of the boundless society of the human race which Nature has constituted, the sense of fellowship is so contracted and narrowed that the whole power of loving is bestowed on the union of two or a very few friends. 6. Friendship is nothing else than entire fellow- feeling as to all things, human and divine, with Cicero de Amicitia. 17 mutual good-will and affection;^ and I doubt 1 whether anything better than this, wisdom alone excepted, has been given to man by the immortal ^ gods. Some prefer riches to it ; some, sound health ; some, power; some, posts of honor; many, even sensual gratification. This last properly belongs to beasts ; the others are precarious and uncertain, dependent not on our own choice so much as on the caprice of Fortune. Those, indeed, who regard virtue as the supreme good are entirely in the right; but it is virtue itself that produces and sus- tains friendship, nor without virtue can friendship by any possibility exist. In saying this, however, I would interpret virtue in accordance with our habits of speech and of life; not defining it, as some philosophers do, by high-sounding words, but numbering on the list of good men those who are commonly so regarded, — the Pauli, the Catos, the Galli, the Scipios, the Phili Mankind in general 1 It may be doubted whether this close conformity of opinion and feeling is essential, or even favorable, to friendship. The amicable comparison and collision of thought and sentiment are certainly consistent with, and often conducive to, the most friendly intimacy. Friends are not infrequently the complements, rather than the likenesses, of each other. Cicero and Atticus were as close friends as Scipio and Laelius ; but they were at many points exceedingly unlike. Atticus had the tact and skill in worldly matters which Cicero lacked. Atticus kept aloof from public affairs, while Cicero was unhappy whenever he could not imagine himself as taking a leading part in them. Atticus was an Epi- curean, and Cicero never loses an opportunity of attacking the Epicurean philosophy. 2 18 Cicero de Amicitia. are content with these. Let us then leave out of the account such good men as are nowhere to be found. Among such good men as there really are, friend- ship has more advantages than I can easily name. In the first place, as Eunius says : — " How can life be ■worth li'S'ing, if devoid Of the calm trust reposed bj friend in friend ? What sweeter joy than in the kindred soul. Whose converse differs not from self-communion ? " How could you have full enjoyment of prosperity, unless with one whose pleasure in it was equal to your own ? For would it be easy to bear adver- sity, unless with the sympathy of one on whom it rested more heavily than on your own souL Then, too, other objects of desire are, in general, adapted, each to some specific purpose, — wealth, that you may use it ; power, that you may receive the hom- age of those around j'^ou ; posts of honor, that you may obtain reputation ; sensual gratification, that you may live in pleasure ; health, that you may be free from pain, and may have full exercise of your bodily powers and faculties. But^ friendship com- bines the largest number of utilities. Wherever you turn, it is at hand. K"o place shuts it out. It is never unseasonable, never annoying. Thus, as the proverb says, "You cannot put water or fire to more uses than friendship serves." I am not now speaking of the common and moderate type of friendship, which yet yields both pleasure and profit, but of true and perfect friendship, Kke that Cicero de Amicitia. 19 which existed in the few instances that are held in special remembrance. Such friendship at once en- hances the lustre of prosperitj'', and by dividing and sharing adversity lessens its burden. 7. Moreover, while friendship comprises the great- est number and variety of beneficent offices, it cer- tainly has this special prerogative, that it lights up a good hope for the time to come, and thus pre- serves the minds tliat it sustains from imbecility or prostration in misfortune. For he, indeed, who looks into the face of a friend beholds, as it were, a copy of himself Thus the absent are present, and the poor are rich, and the weak are strong, and — what seems stranger still ^ — - the dead are alive, such is the honor, the enduring remembrance, the longing love, with which the dying are followed by the living ; so that the death of the dying seems happy, the life of the living full of praise.^ But if from the condition of human life 3-ou were to exclude all kindly union, no house, no city, could stand, nor, indeed, could the tillage of the field 1 Literally, what is harder to say. ^ The sense of this sentence is somewhat overlaid hy the rhet- oric ; yet It undoubtedly means that an absent friend is esteemed and honored in the person of the friend who not only loves him, but is regarded as representing Mm ; that a poor friend enjoys the prosperity of his rich friend as if it were his own ; that a weak friend feels his feebleness energized by the friend who in need will iight his battles for him ; and that no man is suffered to lapse from the kind and reverent remembrance of those who see his likeness in the friend who keeps his memory green. 20 Cicero de Ainicitia. survive. If it is not perfectly understood what virtue there is in friendship and concord, it may he learned from dissension and discord. Por what house is so stable, what state so firm, that it cannot be utterly overturned by hatred and strife ? Hence it may be ascertained how much good there is in friendship. It is said that a certain philosopher of Agrigentum ^ sang in Greek verse that it is friend- ship that draws together and discord that parts aU things which subsist in harmony, and which have their various movements in nature and in the whole universe. The worth and power of friendship, too, aU mortals understand, and attest by their approval in actual instances. Thus, if there comes into con- spicuous notice an occasion on which a friend incurs or shares the perils of his friend, who can fail to extol the deed with the highest praise ? What shouts filled the whole theatre at the per- formance of the new play of my guest ^ and friend Marcus Pacuvius, when — the king not knowinT'<:is by selling com at a low price, and giving away large quantities of it, in a time of fam- ine. He was charged with seeking kingly power, and, on account of his alleged movements with that purpose, Cincinnatus was appointed dictator, and JIaelius, resisting a summons to his tribu- nal, was killed by Ahala, his master of the horse. There seems to have been little evidence of his actual guilt. "^ Bbspes, guest, host, or both. Cicero de Amicitia. 31 our enemies, and finally met the heavy and just punishment for his disloyalty to his country.' It is, then, no excuse for wrong-doing that you do wrong for the sake of a friend. Indeed, since it may have been a belief in your virtue that has made one your friend, it is hard for friendship to last if you fall away from virtue. But if we should determine either to concede to friends whatever they may ask, or to exact from them whatever we may desire, we and they must be endowed with perfect wisdom, in order for our friendship to be blameless. We are speaking, however, of such friends as we have before our eyes, or as we have seen or have known by report, — of such as are found in common life. It is frour these that we must take our examples, especially from such of them as make the nearest approach to perfect wisdom. We have learned from our fathers that Papus Aemilius was very intimate with Caius Luscinus, they having twice been consuls together, as well as colleagues in the censorship; and it is said also that Manius Curius and Tiberius Corun- canius lived in the closest friendship both with them and with each other. Now we cannot sus- pect that either of these men would have asked of one of his friends anything inconsistent with good faith, or with an engagement sanctioned by oath, or 1 He took refuge witli Aristonicus, King of Pergamus, then at war witli Rome ; and when Aristonicus was conquered, Blossius committed suicide for fear of being captured by tlie Roman army. 32 Cicero de Amicitia. with his duty to the State. Indeed, to -what pur- pose is it to say that among such men if one had asked anything wrong, he would not have obtained it ? For they were men of the most sacred integ- rity ; while to ask anything wrong of a friend and to do it when asked are alike tokens of deep de- pravity. But Caius Carbo and Caius Cato were the followers of Tiberius Gracchus, as was his brother Caius, at first with little ardor, but now^ most zealously. 12. As to friendship, then, let this law be enacted, that we neither ask of a friend what is wrong, nor do what is wrong at a friend's request. The plea that it was for a friend's sake is a base apology, — one that should never be admitted with regard to other forms of guilt, and certainly not as to crimes against the State. We, indeed, Fannius and Scae- vola, are so situated that we ought to look far in advance for the perils that our country may in- cur. Already has our public policy deviated some- what from the method and course of our ancestors. Tiberius Gracchus attempted to exercise supreme power; nay, he really reigned for a few months. What like this had the Eoman people ever heard or seen before ? What, after his death, the friends and kindred who followed him did in their revenge 1 Now; that is, at the time at which this dialogue has its assumed date, immediately after Scipio's death. At that time Caius Gracchus was acting as a commissioner under his brother's agrarian law. Cicero de Amicitia. 33 on PuUius Scipio^ I cannot say without tears. We put up with Carho ^ as well as we could in consideration of the recent punishment of Tiberius Gracchus; but I am in no mood to predict what is to be expected from the tribuneship of Caius Gracchus. Meanwhile the evil is creeping upon us, from its very beginning fraught with threats of ruin. Be- fore recent events,^ you perceive how much degen- eracy was indicated in the legalizing of the ballot, first by the Gabiniau,* then two years later by the Cassian law.^ I seem already to see the people 1 Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, who took the lead of the Senate in the assassination of Tiberius Gracchus, and iucurred such popular odium that he could not safely stay in Rome. He was sent on a fictitious mission to Asia to get him out of tlie way of the people, and, not daring to return, wandered with no settled habitation till his death at Pergamum not long before the assumed date of this dialogue. 2 Carbo succeeded Tiberius Gracchus on the commission for carrying the agrarian law into execution, and was shortly afterward chosen Tribune. He then proposed a law, i^ermitting a tribune to be re-elected for an indefinite number of years. This law was ve- hemently opposed by Scipio Africanus the Younger, and if he was really killed by Carbo, it was probably on account of his hostility to Carbo's ambitious schemes. 8 The reference undoubtedly here is to the Papirian law which had been passed just before the assumed date of this dialogue, having been proposed and carried through by (Caius Papirius) Carbo. By this law the use of the ballot was established in all matters of popular legislation. 4 By which magistrates were to be chosen by ballot. 5 By which the judges were to be chosen by ballot. With reference to the use of the ballot the parties in Rome were prototypes of like parties in England. The voice of the people 3 34 Cicero de Atnicitia. utterly alienated from the Senate, and the most im- portant affairs determined by the wiU of the multi- tude ; for more persons will learn how these things are brought about than how they may be resisted. To what purpose am I saying this ? Because no one makes such attempts without associates. It is therefore to be enjoined on good men that they must not think themselves so bound that they can- not renounce their friends when they are guilty of crimes against the State. But punishment must be inflicted on all who are implicated in such guilt, — on those who follow, no less than on those who lead. Who in Greece was more renowned than Themis- tocles 1 Who had greater influence than he had ? When as commander in the Persian war he had freed Greece from bondage, and for envy of his fame was driven into exile, he did not bear as he ought the ill treatment of his ungrateful country. He did what Coriolanus had done with us twenty years before. Neither of these men found any helper against his country ;i they therefore both was for tile tallot, on the ground that it made suffrage free, as it could not he when employers or patrons could dictate to their dependents and make them suffer for failure to vote in favor of their own candidates or measures. The aristocratic party opposed the ballot as fatal to their controlling iullueuce which many sincere patriots, like Cicero, regarded as essential to the public safety, while patrician demagogues, intri'niers and office-seekers made it subservient to their own selfish or partisan interests. 1 No one of hi.? own fellow-countrymen. Cicero de Amicitia. 35 committed suicide.^ Association with depraved men for sucli an end is not, then, to be shielded 'by the plea of friendship, hut rather to he avenged by punishment of the utmost severity, so that no one may ever think himself authorized to follow a friend to the extent of making war upon his coun- try, — an extremity which, indeed, considering the course that our public affairs have begun to take, may, for aught I know, be reached at some future time. I speak thus because I feel no less concern for the fortunes of the State after my death than as to its present condition. 13. Let this, then, be enacted as the_first-lawof friendship, that we demand of friends only what is right, and that we do for the sake of friends only ■what_is„right.^ This understood, let us not wait to be asked. Let there be constant assiduity and no loitering in a friend's service. Let us also dare to give advice freely ; for in friendship the authority of friends who give good counsel may be of the 1 If the story of Coiiolanus be not a myth, as Kiehuhr sup- poses it to be, his suicide forms no part of the story as Livy tells it. The suicide of Themistocles is related as a supposition, not as an established fact. If he died by poison, as was said, it may have been administered by a rival in the favor of Artaxerxes. 2 This is a virtual repetition of the law of friendship announced at the beginning of the ijrevious section, and Cicero probably so intended it. He states the rule, then demonstrates its validity, then repeats it in an almost identical form, implying what the mathematician expresses when he puts at the end of a demonstra- tion Quod erat demonstrandum. 36 Cicero de Amicitia. greatest value. Let admonition be administered, too, not only in plain terms, but even with sever- ity, if need be, and let heed be given to such admo- nition. On this subject some things that appear to me strange have, as I am told, been maintained by certain Greeks who are accounted as philosophers, and are so skilled in sophistry that there is noth- ing which they cannot seem to j)rove. Some of them hold that very intimate friendships are to be avoided ; that there is no need that one feel solici- tude for others ; that it is enough and more than enough to take care of your own concerns, and annoying to be involved to any considerable extent in affairs not belonging to you ; that the best way is to have the reins of friendship as loose as possi- ble, so that you can tighten them or let them go at pleasure ; for, according to them, ease is the chief essential to happy living, and this the mind cannot enjoy, if it bears, as it were, the pains of travail in behalf of a larger or smaller circle of friends.^ ^ This passage seems to be a paraphrase of a passage in the Sippolytus of Euripides, in which the Nurse say-s : " It behooves mortals to form moderate friendships -with one another, and not to the very marrow of the soul ; and the affections of the mind should he held loosely, so that we may slacken or tighten them. That one soul should he in travail for two is a hea^-j' burden." Euripides was regarded, and rightly, as no less a philosopher than a tragedian, and was not infrequently styled