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 FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY 
 
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^ttinojoglcal studies 
 
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ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 
 
 AMONS THE 
 
 NORTH-WEST-CENTRAL 
 
 Q UEENSLAND A BORIGINES. 
 
 WALTER E. ROTH, 
 
 B.A. OxoN,, M.B.G.S. Eng., L.E.C.P. Lond., J.P. Qu.; late Nat. Scienck Dkmt op Magdalen College, Oxfoeu, 
 
 WITH 438 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 BRISBANE : 
 
 BY AUTHOEITY: EDMUND GREGOEY, GOVEBN'MENT PEINTEB, TTILLIAM STREET. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 QUEENSLAND AGENT-GENERAL'S OPl'ICE, WESTMINSTEB CHAMBERS, 1 VICTORIA STREET. 
 
 1897. ('1>UI\![- I I 
 
TO THE SONOUBABLE 
 
 Sir HORACE TOZER, K.O.M.G., 
 
 HOME SECSETAEY AND ACTING PEKMIER OF 
 QUEENSLAND, 
 
 AS A SLI&HT TEIBUTE 
 
 IN APPEECIATION OF HIS BETEEMIlfED EITOETS 
 
 TO AMELIOBATE THE CONDITION 
 
 OP THB 
 
 QUEENSLAND ABOEIGINAL, 
 
 THE EOLLffWING PAGES AEE, WITH PEEMISSION, 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOB. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Since 1894 my tenure of office as Surgeon to the Boulia, Cloncurry, and 
 Normanton Hospitals, respectively, has afforded unrivalled opportunities for 
 making inquiry- into the language, customs, and habits of the North- West- 
 Central Queensland aboriginals. The following pages embody the notes collected 
 during that period. 
 
 At Boulia, where strictly professional work was conspicuous by its absence, 
 almost my whole time was devoted to a careful study of the local (Pitta-Pitta) 
 language : only when this was sufficiently mastered did I find it possible to 
 understand the complex system of social and individual nomenclature in vogue^ 
 and ultimately to gain such amount of confidence and trust among the natives as 
 enabled me to obtain information concerning various superstitions, beliefs, and 
 ceremonial rites which otherwise would in aU probability have been withheld. 
 To any future observers of, and writers on, the Queensland aboriginal, I would 
 most strongly recommend this method of making themselves familiar with the 
 particular language of the district before proceeding to make any further inquiries. 
 I would also draw the attention of the reader to the chapter on the Sign 
 Language, which I first accidentally hit upon at Roxburgh Downs, on the Upper 
 Q-eorgina, I was out on horseback one day with some blacks when one of the 
 "boys" riding by my side suddenly asked me to halt, as a mate of his in front 
 was after some emus, consisting of a hen-bird and her young progeny. As there 
 had been, apparently to me, no communication whatsoever between the boy in front 
 and.the.one close to me, separated as they were by a distance of quite 150 yards, I 
 naturally concluded that my informant was uttering a falsehood, and told him so 
 in pretty plain terms, with the result that, after certain mutual recriminations, 
 he explained on his hands how he had received the information, the statement to 
 be shortly afterwards confirmed by the arrival of the lad himself with the dead 
 bird and some of her young in question. The reported use of "masonic" signs 
 attributed to the blacks by Captain Sturt, who had been ia close proximity to 
 these districts some half a centuiy ago, immediately flashed across my mind, 
 and the possibility of such signs being ideagrams, the actual expressions of ideas, 
 led me on step by step to making a study of what I subsequently discovered to 
 be an actual weU-defined sign-language, extending throughout the entire North- 
 "West-Central districts of Queensland. It may be interesting to note that I have 
 during the past few months discovered traces of a gesture-language, with some 
 of the ideagrams expressed by identical signs, in the coastal district around 
 Kockhampton. 
 
 The pronunciation of aU aboriginal words from Chapter IV. onwards will 
 be found in the Index and Q-lossary. 
 
 With regard to the chapter on Bthuo-pornography, I am weU aware that it 
 is far from suitable for the general lay reader ; the subject matter, however, 
 being essential to a scientific account of these aboriginals, I have decided *ipon 
 
n. PEErACE. 
 
 its publication, at the same time placing it at the very last, in the hope that 
 those who do not wish to peruse its pages need not unwittingly find themselves 
 doing so. 
 
 I take this opportunity of thanking my old friend and teacher, Mr. P. M. 
 Bailey, Queensland Government Botanist, for his kindness in determiniag the 
 various plants, grasses, &c., submitted to him for examination. Mr. C. de Vis, 
 Curator of the Brisbane Museum, did me a similar service with regard to the 
 fauna. I also wish to express my obligations to the many station-managers 
 — ^notably, Mr. Sam. Eeid, of Clonagh; Mr. J. Craigie, late of Roxburgh Downs 
 (now of Stockport) ; Mr. J. Coghlan, late of Glenormiston ; Mr. Eeardon, of 
 Carlo ; Mr. A. Cameron, of Marion Downs ; and Mr. Dan. "Wienholt, of Warenda 
 — ioT all their trouble and help in furthering my investigations. Messrs. E. 
 Etheridge, junr., and Chas. Hedley, of the Australian Museum, Sydney, have 
 also given me continuous advice and encouragement in carrying out these Ethno- 
 logical studies : the former gentleman has laid me under a deep debt of gratitude 
 in drawing up the Bibliography. My greatest thanks of aU, however, are due 
 to Mr. Parry-Okeden, Commissioner of Police, Brisbane, who has given me every 
 facility and assistance in preparing the work for publication. I look forward to 
 the day when Mr. Parry-Okeden will have the satisfaction of seeing his words 
 verified, that "Queensland wUl be proud of her aboriginals" — a consummation 
 in which he has made up his mind to take an active part. 
 
 In the arrangement of the tabular matter, and in the setting of the different 
 types necessary for the elucidation of the text, the reader cannot fail to appreciate 
 the many difficulties that have been so successfully overcome by the various 
 officials at the Grovemment Printing Office — Mr. E. Gregory, Mr. G. A. Vaughan, 
 and the staff generally. 
 
 "W.E.E. 
 Brisbane, Queensland, Sept., 1897. 
 
 EEEATA. 
 
 Sect. 62, subsection f.—Omit "an absence which was also met with around 
 Rockhampton and Gladstone (sect. 70rf)." 
 
 Sect. 70, subsection {d).— Omif " the gamo-matronyms being alone deficient." 
 
BIBLIOQUAPHY. 
 
 A List of the Moee Impoetant Publications beaeing on the Disteict and Teibes 
 Descsibed in the Following Pages, oe that should be Eefeeeed to 
 IN Conjunction with the Matter theeein Contained. 
 
 E. ETHEEIDGE, June., 
 
 Curator of the Australian Museum, Sydney, N.S.W. 
 
 N.B. — While away in the North working at his MSS., Dr. Koth was unaware of the existence 
 of the following literature, and hence has described certain tribes under names spelt differently from 
 
 those given in Mr. Etheridge's List. To prevent ambiguity the accompanying table is appended : — 
 
 Names in Mr. Etheridge's List. Names in Dr. Roth's Work. 
 
 Karrandee = Karunti 
 
 Kulkadoon = Kalkadoon 
 
 Miappe = Miubbi 
 
 MoorloobuUoo = Mooraboola 
 
 Mykoolon = Mikoolun 
 
 Oonoomurra = Woonamurra 
 
 Ringa-Ringaroo — Ringo Ringo 
 
 Runga-Eungawah = Rungo Rungo 
 
 Wollongurma = Wollangama 
 
 Yanda = Yunda 
 
 Yelina = Yellunga 
 
 Aemit, W. E.— 
 
 Vocabulary and Account of the Tribe at the Mouth of the Leiehhardt Eiver. 
 
 "Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 300-305. 
 Vocabulary and Account of the Karrandee Tribe at the Mouth of the Eiver 
 
 Norman. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 306-309. 
 Vocabulary and Account of the WoUongurma Tribe on the Middle Norman 
 
 Eiver. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886, ' ii., pp. 310-313. 
 
 Banceoft, J. — 
 
 The Pituri Poison. "Trans. Phil. Soc, Queensland, 1859-72," 42nd Article, p. 2. 
 Pituri and Tobacco. " Trans. Phil. Soc, Queensland, 1878-82," iii., 2nd Article, 
 p. 16 ; 2 Plates. 
 
 Baelow, H. — 
 
 Vocabulary of Aboriginal Dialects of Queensland. " lourn. Anthrop. Inst., 1872," 
 ii., pp. 166-175. 
 Beddoe, J. — 
 
 On the Aborigines of Central Queensland. "Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1877," vii., 
 pp. 145-148. 
 Bedfoed, C. T. — 
 
 Eeminiscences of a Surveying Trip from Boulia to the South Australian Border. 
 "Proc. E. Geogr. Soc, Austr. (Queensland Branch), 1886-87 [1887]," ii. 
 pp. 99-113. 
 
Vlii. BIBLIOGEAPBT. 
 
 Chaenoce, 
 
 On Queensland Dialects. " Joum. Anthrop. Inst., 1873," ii., p. 175. 
 
 Cheistison, E. — Q 
 
 Vocabulary of Language used on the Upper Thomson (Lat. 22°, Long. 144 , or 
 thereabouts). "Curr's Australian 'Eaoe, 1887," iii., p. 10. 
 
 Coward, T. — „ 
 
 Language of the Aborigines about Burtetown. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886, 
 ii., p. 298. 
 
 Cox, J. C— . ^ 1 J 
 
 Notes on Some of the Habits and Customs of Australian Natives m Queensland. 
 "Proc. Linn. Soc, N. S. Wales, 1881," v., pp. 633-636. 
 
 Ceaigie, J. — 
 
 Voca;bulary of the Eunga-Eungawah Tribe, Eoxburgh Downs Station. "Currs 
 Australian Eace, 1886," ii., p. 356. 
 CUEL, S. M.— 
 
 On Pituri, a New Vegetable Product that deserves further Investigation. " Trans. 
 N. Zealand Inst, for 1878 [1879]," xi., pp. 411-415. 
 
 Cube, E. M.— 
 
 The Australian Eace : Its Origin, Languages, Customs, Place of Landing m 
 
 Australia, and the Eoutes by which it spread itself over that Continent. 3 vols. 
 
 and atlas. 8vo and folio. Melbourne, 1886. 
 Cube, E.— 
 
 Language Spoken on the West Bank of the Leiohhardt Eiver, near the Sea. " Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1886," ii., p. 314. 
 Language Spoken on the Leichliardt Eiver, twenty miles below Kamilaroi Station. 
 
 " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., p. 316. 
 Vosabulary of the Birria Language. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 384-85. 
 Vocabulary of Language used at the Head of the Gilbert Eiver. " Curr's Australian 
 
 Eaoe, 1886," ii., p. 416. 
 Vocabulary of the Groa Tribe, Middleton Creek, Diamantina Eiver. -"Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1887," iii., p. 14. 
 Cube, M. — 
 
 Vocabulary of the Tribe at Kamilaroi Station, Leichhardt Eiver. " Curr's Australian 
 
 Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 318-321. 
 Vocabulary of Language used at the Head of the Diamantina Eiver. " Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1887," iii., p. 12. 
 
 CtTEE, M. AND E.^ 
 
 The Pooroga Language : Dialects of the Upper Flinders, Hughenden, and Dutton 
 Eivers. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii. pp. 460-463. 
 
 Eglington, E. — 
 
 Vocabulary and Manners of the Yelina Tribe, Burke Eiver. " Curr's Australian 
 
 ,, Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 346-319. 
 Vocabulary and Customs of the Yanda Tribe, Head of the Hamilton Eiver. " Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 360-363. 
 "Vocabulary of a Tribe on the Hamilton Eiver. near Eoulia. " Curr's Australian 
 Eace, 1886," ii., p. 364. 
 
 Etheeidge, E., Jimr. — 
 
 The Knife used by the Mulligan Eiver (North-Central Queensland) Aborigines in 
 
 the Mika Operation. "Proc. Linn. Soc, N. S. Wales, 1890," v. (2), pp. 251- 
 
 258, pis. 9 and 10. 
 Additional Eemarks on Mika Knives. " Proc. Linn. Soc, N. S. Wales, 1890," v. (2), 
 
 pp. 289-291, pis. 11 and 12. 
 Spear Heads from Settlement Creek and Nii'holson Eiver. " Proc Linn. Soc, N. S. 
 
 Wales, 1891," vi. (2), p. 37, pi. 4, f. 2 and 3. 
 Contributions to a Catalogue of Works, Eeports, and Papers on the Anthropology, 
 
 Ethnology, and Geological History of the Australian and Tasmanian Aborigines. 
 
 Parts i.-iii. " Pal. Mom. Geol. Survey, N. S. Wales," No. 8. 4to. Sydney, 
 
 1890-95. By authority. 
 
 FiSON, L.— 
 
 On Australian Marriage Laiys. " Journ. Anthrop. Inst, for 1879 [1880]," 35 1-57. 
 
BIBIitOGEAPHT. IX, 
 
 Feasee, J. — 
 
 Some Eemarks on tlie Australian Languages. "Journ. E. Soo. W. 8. Wales for 
 
 1890 [1891]," xxiv., pp. 231-253. 
 Heagney, J.^ 
 
 Vocabulary and Account of tlie Birria, Koongerri, and Eungarditcti Tribes, at the 
 
 Junction of the Thomson and Barcoo Eivers, also the Whitula Creek. " Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 374-383. 
 HowiTT, A. W.— 
 
 Notes on the Australian Class Systems. " Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1883," xii., 
 
 pp. 496-512, pi. 15. 
 Further Eemarks on the Australian Class Systems. " Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1889," 
 
 xviii., pp. 31-70, pi. 5. 
 The Organisation of Australian Tribes. " Trans. E. Soc. Vict., 1889, i., pp. 96-137." 
 Note on the Use of G-esture-Language in Australian Tribes. " Proc. Austr. Assoc. 
 
 Adv. Sci. for 1890 [1891]," ii., pp. 637-646. 
 
 HOWIIT, A. W., AND FiSON, L. 
 
 On the Deme and the Horde. " Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1884," xiv., i^p. 142-169. 
 Lamond, M. S. — 
 
 Vocabulary and Account of the Mykoolon Tribe, between the Gregory and Leich- 
 hardt Eivers. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 322-325. 
 
 LiVEESIDGE, A. — 
 
 The Alkaloid from Pituri. "Journ. E. Soc, N. S. Wales, for 1880 [1881]," xiv., 
 pp. 123-132. 
 
 IiTJMHOLTZ, C. — 
 
 Among Camiibals : An Account of Four Years' Travels in Australia, and of Camp 
 Life with the Aborigines of Queensland, pp. xx., 396. Plates, maps. 8vo. 
 London, 1890. 
 
 Macgiliiveay, a. — 
 
 Manners and Languages of the Oonoomurra Tribe, Flinders and Cloncurry Country. 
 '•' Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 340-345. 
 Machaitie, J. O. — 
 
 Vocabulary and Customs of the Moorloobulloo Tribe, at the junction of King's Creek 
 and the Georgina or Herbert Eiver. "Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., 
 pp. 366-369. 
 
 Mathew, J. — 
 
 The Australian Aborigines. " Journ. E. Soc, N. S. Wales, for 1889 [1890]," xxiii., 
 pp. 335-349. Plate and map. 
 
 Miklotjho-Maclat, N. von — 
 
 tJber die Mika-opei'ation in Central Australien. "Zeitsch. fiir Ethnol. (Verhandl.), 
 
 1880," xii., p. 85. 
 Stellung des Paares beim Coitus und das Ausschlendern des Sperma's vom Weibe. 
 
 "Zeitsch. fiir Ethnol (Verhandl.), 1880," xii., p. 87. 
 Langteinigkeit der Australischen Frauen. " Zeitsch. fiir Ethnol. (Verhandl.), 1880," 
 
 xii., p. 89. 
 Gesclileehtlicher Ilmgang mit Madchen vor der Geschlechtsreife. " Zeitsch. fiir 
 
 Ethnol. (Verhandl.), 1880," xii., p. 88. 
 Bericht iiber Operationen Australischer Eingeborner. "Zeitch. fiir Ethnol. 
 
 (Verhandl.), 1882." xiv., pp. 26-29. 
 
 McLean, A. — 
 
 Vocabulary of the Einga-Eingaroo Tribe, between the Georgina and Burke Eivers, 
 between Lat. 20° and L. 21° S. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., p. 358. 
 
 MOWBEAT, H. M.— 
 
 Vocabulary and Customs of a Tribe at the Granite Eange, close to the head of the 
 Mitchell Eiver, and east of the Hodgkinson Gold Fields. " Curr's Australian 
 Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 402-407. 
 
 MUELLEE, F. VON — 
 
 Origin of the Stimtdant called Pitury. " Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, 1878," 
 i., p. 222, note. 
 
 MUEEAT, J. P. — 
 
 Pituri. " Pharm. Journ,, 1879," i. (3), p. 638. 
 
X. BIBLIOSEAPHT. 
 
 Palmbe, E. — 
 
 Notes on Some Australian Tribes. " Joum. Anthrop. Inst., 1884," xui., pp. 276-347. 
 On Plants used by the Natives of North Queensland, Flinders and Mitchell E.ivers, 
 
 for Food, Medicine, &c. "Joum. E. Soc. N. S. Wales for 1883 [1884]," xvii., 
 
 pp. 93-113. 
 Vocabulary and Account of the Miappe Tribe, Cloncurry Eiver. "Curr's Australian 
 
 Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 330-333 and 338. 
 Vocabulary and Account of the Mirkin Tribe, Akoonkoon, Palmer Eiver. "Curr's 
 
 Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 396-399. 
 
 Petit, A. — 
 
 The Alkaloid of Pituri. " Pharm. Journ., 1879," ix. (3), p. 819. 
 Smyth, E. B. — 
 
 The Aborigines of Victoria, with Notes relating to the Habits of the Natives of other 
 parts of Australia and Tasmania, &c. 2 vols. E. 8vo. Melbourne, 1878. By 
 authority. 
 
 Taplin, G.— 
 
 Notes on a Comparative Table of Australian Languages. "Joum. Anthrop. Inst., 
 1872," i., pp. 84-88, table. 
 Thozet, a. — 
 
 List of some of the Eoots and Fruits used as Vegetable Food by the Aborigines of 
 Northern Queensland, Australia. " OS. Eecord, Intercol. Exhib. Australasia, 
 Melbourne, 1866-67 [1867]," pp. 259-263. 
 Theelkeld, L. E. — 
 
 An Australian Language, as Spoken by the Awabakal, &c., &c., Ee-arranged, 
 Condensed, and Edited, with an Appendix by John Eraser, B.A., LL.D., &c., 
 pp. Ixiv., X., 227, and 148. Map, plates. 8vo. Sydney, 1892. By authority. 
 
 Uequhaet, F. — 
 
 Language and Account of the Kulkadoon Tribe, Seymour, Templeton, and Cloncurry 
 Eivers. " Curr's Australian Eace, 1886," ii., pp. 326-329. 
 
 Wells, F. H.— 
 
 The Habits, Customs, and Ceremonies of the Aboriginals on the Diamantina, 
 Herbert, and Eleanor Eivers, in East-Central Australia. " Proc. Austr. Assoc. 
 Adv. Sci. for 1893 [1894]," v., pp. 615-522. • 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Spoken Language of the Pitta-Pitta Aboriginals : An Elementaet 
 
 G-EAMMAE 1-40 
 
 Section 1. Where Spoken. 2. Geographical Limits of the Boulia District. 3. Pro- 
 nunciation. 4. Gender, Number, and Person. 5. Personal Pronouns — Nominative. 
 6. Personal Pronouns Objective — Direct Object. 7- Personal Pronouns Objective — 
 Indirect Object. 8. Auxiliary Verbs. 9. Indefinite Articles. 10. Personal Pronouns- 
 Possessive. 11. Nouns — Nominative. 12. Nouns — Vocative. l.S. Nouns — Possessive. 
 14. Nouns— Objective. 15. Nouns— Plural and Dual. 16. Nouns — Gender. 
 17. Verbs— Active, Indicative. 18. Verbal Pronouns. 19. Verbs, Active— Imperative. 
 20. Adjectives. 21. Adverbs. 22. Prepositions — Motion. 23. Prepositions — Rest. 
 24. Prepositions — Purpose, Reason, Means. 25. Prepositions — Time. 26. Conjunctions. 
 27. Comparison of Adjectives. 28. Comparison of Adverbs. 29. Verbs — Active, 
 Infinitive. 30. Verbs — Special Forms of the Future. 31. Verbs — Special Forms of the 
 Imperative. 32. Reflexive Verbs. 33. Special Forms of Transitive and Intransitive 
 Verbs. 34. Relative Pronouns. 35. Interrogative Pronouns. 36. Numerals, &o. 
 37. Ideas of Quantity and Size. 38. Ideas of Time. 39. Ideas of Place, Direction, and 
 Distance. 40. Interrogation, Double, and Uncertainty. 41. Notes of Exclamation, &c. 
 42. Participles and Perfects. 43. Introduction to the Pitta-Pitta Vocabulary. 44. Pitta- 
 Pitta Vocabulary. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Tabulae Compaeison bbtweek Vaeious Selected Woeds Used in the 
 
 DlFFEEENT EtHNOGBAPHICAI DiSTBICTS OF NoETH-WeST-CeNTBAL 
 
 Queensland .- 41-55 
 
 Section 45. Boulia District and the Various Tribes Occupying it. 46. Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District. 47. Cloncurry District. 48. Flinders District. 49, Upper Georgina 
 District. 50. North- West-Central Queensland, 51. Introduction to the Philological 
 Tables. 52. Words Relating to Parts of the Body. 53. Fauna and Flora. 54. Other 
 Objects of Nature. 55. Weapons, Utensils, &c. 56. Numerals. 57. Abstract Ideas. 
 58. Family Relationships. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Social AND Individual NoMBHCLATUEE : Class Systems, &c 56-70 
 
 Section 59. Introductory. 60. Patronym. 61. Gamomatronym. 62. Paedoma- 
 tronym. 63. Heteronym. 64. Geneanym. 65. Genealogical Tree in the Pitta-Pitta 
 Language. 66. Aboriginal and European Relationship Equivalents. 67. Autonym. 
 68. Climanym. 69. Summary of Nomenclature. 70. Similar Systems in Other Portions 
 of Queensland. 71. Probable Interpretation of the Class Systems. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Expeession of Ideas by Manual Signs: A Sign Language 71-90 
 
 Section 72. Introductory. 73-74. Mammals. 75-76. Birds. 77-78. Reptiles. 
 79-80. Fish. 81-82. Molluscs. 83-84. Arthropoda. 85-86. Plants. 87-88. Other Objects 
 of Nature. 89-90. Individuals, Family Relatives. 91-92. Ornaments, Weapons, Imple- 
 ments, Utensils, Huts. 93-94. Number. 95-96. Locality, Direction. 97-98. Time. 
 99-100. Interrogation. 101-102. Simple Acts, States, and Conditions. 103-104. Complex 
 Conditions, Abstract Ideas. 
 
Xll, 
 
 CONTENtS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Seaboh foe Food. Pituei 
 
 Section 105. Seed-food in the Boulia District. 106. Eleusine mgyptiaca. 
 107. Sporobolus actinoeladus. 108. Coolibar-seed. 109. Pig-weed. 110. "Nardoo." 
 111. Seed-food in the Clonourry District. 112. Seed-food in the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District. 113. Kdible Roots in the Boulia District ; 114, in the Cloncurry District ; 
 115, in the Leichbardt-Selwyn District. 116. Fungi. 117. Fruits and Vegetables. 
 118. Flowers and Honey. 119. Insects and Crustaceans. 120. Molluscs. 121. Frogs. 
 122. Lizards, Iguanas, Crocodiles. 123. Snakes. 124. Fish-catching with Nets ; 12-5, with 
 Dams ; 126, by poisoning the water-holes ; 127, by Spearing ; 128, by " treading " with the 
 feet. 129. Killing and Transporting Fish. 130. Methods of Hunting Emus ; 131, with 
 Ket alone ; 132, with Net and Palisading; 133, by means of Pit-falls ; 134, by Muster ; 
 135, by Tracking and Spearing, &c. 136. Turkey-Bustards. 137. Fl(ick Pigeons. 
 138. Small Birds. 139. Cockatoos, Corellas, Galahs. 140. Ducks, Cranes, Diver-birds. 
 141. Pelicans. 142. How Birds are Prepared for Eating. 143. Bandicoots, "Porcupines," 
 &c., &c. 144. Opossums. 145. Kangaroos. 146. Dingoes. 147. Pituri. 
 
 f^gK. 
 91-100 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Domestic Implements and Utensils. Fike-sticks and Tam-sticks. Hcts 
 
 AND Shelters 
 
 Section 148. Koolamons. 149. Chisels. 150. Cementing Substance. 151. Artificial 
 Bending and Straightening of Timber. 152. Water-bags. 153. Dilly-bags. 154. Grind- 
 stones. 155. Nardoo-stones. 156. Baking Ovens. 157. Fire-sticks. 158. Yam-sticks. 
 159. Huts and Shelters in the Boulia District ; 160, in the Cloncurry District ; 161, in the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 
 
 CHAPTER VIL 
 
 Pebsonal Osnamentation and Decobation. Mubal Painting, &c. 
 
 Section 162. Method of Working-up the Hair. 163. Decoration and Ornamentation 
 of the Head. 164. Feather Tufts. 165. Knuckle-bones. 166. Tooth Ornaments. 
 167. Artificial Whiskers. 168. Head-net. 169. Fcrehead-net. 170. Fillets. 171. Circlets. 
 172. Spiral Band. 173. Wooden CroFS-piece : Handkerchiefs. 174. Ornamentation of the 
 Face. 175. Piercing of the Nose. 176. Piercing of the Ears. 177. Avulsion of the Teeth. 
 178. The Beard. 179. Grass Necklaces. 180. Opossum-string Necklaces. 181. Armlets, 
 Anklets, Body-cords. 182. Chest Ornaments. 183. Waist-belts, Aprons. 184. Phallo- 
 crypts. 186. Painting and Feathering of the Body. 186. Mutilations, Flesh-cuts. 
 187. Mural Painting, Art, and Draughtsmanship. 
 
 101-107 
 
 108-116 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 EeCEBATION : COEEOBBOEEES, SpOETS, AND GaMES 117-131 
 
 Section 188. The Corrobboree. 189. Time of Performance. 190. Authorship and 
 Plot. 191. May be Taught and Carried to ether Tribes. 192. Performers. 193. Dress 
 and Decorations. 194. Dancing Ground, Dressing Room. 195. The Dance. 196. Words 
 of the Song. 197. Music of the Song. 198. Beating of the Time. 199. The " Molouga " 
 Corrobboree. 200. Tales and Yarns, Fables, Folk and Animal Lore. 201. The Water- 
 hen and the Emu. 202. The Galah-parrot and the Lizard. 203. The Opossum and the 
 Wild Cat. 204. The Laughing-jack iss and the BlackfeUows. 205. The Snake and the 
 Fish. 206. The Red-tit and the Brown-tit. 207. The Two Fishermen. 208. The Porcu- 
 pine and the Eagle-hawk. 209. The Black Crow and the Hawk. 210. The Hawk and 
 the Bower-bird. 211. The Moon. 212. The Galah-parrot and the Opossum. 213. The 
 "Return" or "Come-back" Boomerang. 214. The Toy Throwing Stick. 215. The 
 "Whirler." 216. The Ball. 217. The Skipping-rope. 218. " Hunt the Eye." 219. Hide 
 and Seek. 220. Smoke Spirals. 221. Mimicking Animals and Birds. 222. Cuursing. 
 223. Pit-Throwing. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Teatel, Teade, and Baeter. The So-called Lettee oe Message-stick ... 132-138' 
 
 Section224. The "Walk-about." 225. Signs and Signals on the Road. 226. Names 
 of Water-holes, Camping-grounds, &c. 227. The Points of the Compass. 228. The 
 Arrangements at the Camping-ground. 229. Trade-routes ; 230, in the Boulia District ■ 
 231, in the Upper Georgina District ; 232, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 233, in the 
 Cloncurry District. 234. Transmission of Customs, Beliefs, and Language by means of 
 these Trade-routes. 235. The So-called Letter or Message-sticks. 2.S6. Notes to 
 Illustrations of these Sticks. 237. How a Message-stick is put into use. 
 
CONTENTS. Xm. 
 
 PAGE, 
 
 CHAPTEK X. 
 
 The Maintenance of Law and Oedee : Fighting, Fighting Weapons ... 139-151 
 
 Section 238. The Maintenance of Law and Order : Methods o! Fighting. 
 239. Classification of Fighting Boomerangs. 240. Material, Manufacture, and Flight of 
 Boomerangs. 241. The Ornate Boomerang. 242. The Fluted Boomerang. 243. The 
 Plain Boomerang. 244. The Hook Boomerang. 24.5. The Two-handed Sword. 
 246. Spears. 247. The Acicular-tip Hand-spear. 248. The Spatulate-tip Hand-spear. 
 249. The Spatulate-tip Wommera-spear. 250. Wommera Eeed-spears. 251. The Quartz- 
 tip Wommera Reed-spear. 252. Non-indigenous Spears. 253. Wommeras. 254. Shields. 
 255. Fighting-poles. 256. Nulla-nuUas. 257. Stone-knives. 258. Stone-tomahawks. 
 
 CHAPTER. XI. 
 
 Disease, Accident, Death. Cannibalism 152-166 
 
 Sections 259-268. The Death-bone. 269. Death from Snake-bite. 270. Other 
 Diseases and Accidents produced by the Death-bone. 271. Women Doctors. 272. The 
 Pearl-plate. 273. The Death-powder. 274. The Bone-pin. 275. Incurable Blindness. 
 276. Drowning. 277. Sudden Disappearance. 278. Mental Disease. 279. Belief in Death 
 as a Punishment— a Future State. 280. Treatment of Non-fatal Snake-bite. 281. Fractures. 
 282. Chants and Dirges for exorcising Ailments. 283. Smearing of Blood, of Perspiration ; 
 DrinkingofBlood, of Seminal Fluid. 284. Smearing of Fat. 285. Poultices. 286. Amulets 
 and Charms. 287. Medicinal Plants. 288. Clay-pills. 289. Burial in the Boulia District ; 
 290, of a Murderer. 291. Burial in the Cloncurry District ; 292, in the Upper Georgina 
 District. 293. Cannibalism. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Eain-making, Thundee and Lightning-making 167-168 
 
 Section 294. Rain-making in the Boulia District ; 295, at Roxburgh ; 296, at 
 Headingly, Lake Nash, &c. ; 297, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 298. Thunder and 
 Lightning-making. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 Ethno-pobnogeaphy 169-184 
 
 Section 299. The Degrees of Social Rank. 300. First Ceremonial (Male) in the 
 Boulia District ; 301, at Roxburgh ; 302, at Headingly ; 303, in the Cloncurry District ; 
 304, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 305. First Ceremonial (Female) in Boulia 
 District ; 306, in Upper Georgina District ; 307, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 
 308, at Birdsville. 309. Remarks on the Vaginal Laceration. 310. Second 
 Ceremonial (Male and Female) among the Pitta- Pitta Blacks ; 311, in the Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District ; 312, in the Cloncurry and Flinders Districts. 313. Third and Fourth 
 Ceremonials in the Boulia District ; 314, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 315, in the 
 Cloncurry District. 316.. Introcision ; 317, in the Boulia District ; 318, among the 
 Yaroinga ; 319, among the Undekerebina. 320. The commonly-alleged object of Introcision 
 discussed. 321. An Hypothesis offered. 322. Physical Inconveniences. 323. Marriage. 
 324. Betrothal. 325. "Love-charms." 326. Consanguinity. 327. Venery. 328. Pregnancy 
 and Labour. 329. Abortion. 330. Babyhood. 331. Menstruation. 332. Micturition 
 and Defseoation. 333. Foul Language, &c. 
 
 Index and Glossaet 185-199 
 
 IIiLUSTEATIONS 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS. 
 
 Plate I. Sketch Map of Noeth-West-Centeal Queensland. 
 Plate II. SiGN-LANGirAGE (Chapteb IV.) — 
 
 Fig. 1, Bingo, Dog; 2-3, Horse; 4-5, Cattle; 6-7, Eat; 8-10, "Porcupine"; H-16, 
 Bandicoot ; 17-20, Opossum, &c. ; 21-23, Paddymelon, &c. ; 24, Kangaroo. 
 
 Plate III. Sign-Language (continued) — • 
 
 Fig. 25, Kangaroo ; 26-29, Bird ; 30, Small Hawk ; 31-32, Large Eagle-hawk ; 33-34, 
 Pigeon ; 35-37, Emu ; 38-40, Turkey-bustard ; 41-43, Pelican ; 44-45, Cockatoo, &c. ; 46, Duck. 
 
 Plate IV. Sign-Languaqb (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 47, Black Crow ; 48, Diver-bird, &c. ; 49-50, Native Companion ; 51-52, Large 
 Spoonbill ; 53-55, Lizard, Iguana ; 56, Iguana ; 57-59, Snake ; 60, Water-snake ; 61, Carpet- 
 snake; 62, Black-headed Snake ; 63, Frog ; 64-69, Fish, &c. 
 
 Plate V. Sign-Language (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 70-72, Fresh-water Mussel ; 73-74, Any small Fly ; 75, Sand-fly ; 76-77, Mosquito ; 
 78, Sand-fly ; 79, Any small Fly ; 80-82, Honey, Honey-bee, &a. ; 83-84, Caterpillar ; 85, Hair- 
 louse ; 86, Cray-fish; 87, Wild Orange ; 88-89, Yams; 90, "Witooka"; 91, "Mungaroo"; 
 92, Native Flax, &c. ; 93-95, Pig-weed ; 96, Nardoo. 
 
 Plate VI. Sign-Language (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 97-100, Seed-food, &c. ; 101, Wild Rice ; 102-104, Pituri ; 105, Water, &o. ; 106, 
 Eiver, &o. ; 107, Waterfall, &o. ; 108-109, Mountain ; 110, Adult Man, &c. ; 111, Adult 
 Woman ; 112-113, Mother ; 114, Husband, Wife ; 115-119, Woman, &o. ; 120, Brother, Sister ; 
 121, Child, Infant. 
 
 Plate VH. Sign-Language (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 122-124, Child, &o. ; 125-127, Doctor, &c. ; 128-129, Waist-belt ; 130, Necklace ; 
 131, Chest Ornament ; 132-133, Dilly-bag ; 134-136, Grass-necklace ; 137-139, Stone Knife ; 
 140-141, Boomerang ; 142-144, Spear ; 145, Fighting-pole. 
 
 Plate VIII. Sign-Language (continued) — • 
 
 Fig. 146-147, Fighting-pole, &c. ; 148-149, Stone-tomahawk ; 150-151, Shield ; 152-157, 
 Koolamon,&o. ; 158-159, Net, &c. ; 160-162, Hut, &c. ; 163-166, Large Number; 167, Hither!; 
 168, Thither ! 
 
 Plate IX. Sign Language (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 169-170, Thither ! ; 171-172, Place, Direction ; 173, Sunrise, &c. ; 174, Sunset, &c. ; 
 175, Interrogation ; 176, Request, Demand ; 177-178, Silence ! ; 179, Out of the Road ! ; 180, 
 Run!; 181-182, Stay! &c. ; 183, To Cover with Earth, &c. ; 184-187, Corrobboree; 188-189, 
 Fire, &o. 
 
 Plate X. Sign-Language (continued) — 
 
 Fig. 190-192, Fire, &c. ; 193, Sleep; 194-195, Swimming ; 196-197, To Grasp, &c. ; 198, To 
 Eat; 199-200, An^er, &o. ; 201-204, Sickness, &c. ; 205-206, Forgetfulness ; 207, Yes! ; 208, No!; 
 209-210, Goodness, &c. ; 211, Evil, &c. ; 212, Ghost ; 213, Water-sprite. 
 
 Plate XI. The Seaech foe Food. (Chaptee V.) — 
 
 Fig. 214, Woman, resting her weight on the Tripod, is treading upon the crushed Star- 
 grass in the shallow circular hole ; 215, The Rotary Motion exerted by one foot upon the other ; 
 216, The Seed-food treated upon the .Grindstones ; 217-218, Stages in the Preparation of the 
 " Katoora" grass ; 219, Pig-weed Seed obtained by rubbing the plant between the flattened palms ; 
 220, 222, Fishing in Shallow Water with small-sized flat nets ; 221, Fishing with a Long Net in deep 
 water; 223, Fishing with single small oval net ; 224, Stone Weir for trapping fish ; 225, Dam com- 
 posed of women huddled close together, holding bunches of boughs, leaves, &c. , m front of them ; 
 226, Diagram, showing two Emu-nets, in situ ; 227, Individual in the act of Weaving an Emu-net ; 
 228, Long Alley-way, built of boughs, &c., into and along which the emus are driven and caught by 
 net; 229, Circular Fence, with "wings" and pit-falls for trapping emus ; 230, Drop-net for catching 
 .flock pigeons, &c.; 231, Alley- way and Net for trapping small birds in general ; 232, Three Emu- 
 nets placed in form of an enclosure, into which the kangaroos are driven. 
 
 Plate XII. Domestic Implements and Utensils. Fiee-sticks and Yam-sticks, 
 Huts and Shbltees. (Chaptee VI.) — 
 Fig. 233, Koolamon ; 234, Koolamon, carried at side of the body ; 235, Chisel ; 236, 
 Operator using a chisel ; 237, Marsupial-skin Water-bag ; 238, Method of carrying Water-bag ; 
 239a, b, 0, Dilly-bags ; 240, Individual making Flax-twine ; 241, Diagram of the different meshes 
 met with in a dilly-bag ; 242, Upper Movable Grindstone ; 243, Nardoo-stone ; 244, Making 
 Fire by twirling the fire-stick between the flattened palms ; 245, Making Fire by a sawing move- 
 ment of one stick upon the other ; 245a, Yam-stick ; 246a, b. Different ways of fixing together 
 the two curved saplings which form the primary supports of a hut scaffolding ; 247a, b. Bird's- 
 eye and side view of the primary and secondary supports of same ; 248, Framework of Temporary 
 Bough-shed, for protection from rain, at hut entrance ; 249, Another form of Bough-shed ; 250, 
 Hut covered with sheets of bark, which are being kept in position by heavy timbers ; 251, Hut 
 built somewhat after the style depicted in 249. 
 
XVI. HST 01' ILIiUSTEATIOlfS. 
 
 Plate XIII. Pbesonal Ornamentation and Decobation: MtrEAL Painting, &c. 
 (Chaptee VII.) — 
 Kg. 252, Method of using the "Crochet "-needle in making Hair-twine; 253, Tooth 
 Ornament; 254, Netted Cap ; 255, Pa,ttera of the Mesh in same;' 256, 257, Forehead Net; 
 258, 259, Oposaum-string Fillet ; 260, Portions of Head-circlets ; 261, Method of cutting out a 
 leather strip for a "Kulgo"; 26lA, Method of wearing Handkerchief over the Head; 262, 
 Knocking out of the two Upper Incisors; 263,T3eard tied up for flash purposes; 264, 265, 
 Double-bellied form "of Reed-necklace ; 266, Single-bellied form ; 267, Endless string form, 
 rolled up into athiok,loop; 268, 269, Opossum-string Necklace; 270,, Eagle-hawk Claw Chest- 
 ornament ; 271, White Shell Chest-ornament ; 272a, b, Male and Female Opossum-rope Waist- 
 belts ; 273, 274, Opossum-string Phallocrypt. 
 
 Plate XIV. Peesonal Oenamentation, &c. (continued). (Chaptbe VII.)^- 
 
 Fig. 275, A Pitta-Pitta Adult Male in Holiday Costume ; 276-279, Figures Showing the 
 Flaiih-scars ; 280, Mural Painting at the 6-Mil6 Waterhole, on the Old Nprmanton road, from 
 Cloncurry ; 281a, b, and 282, Aboriginal Drawings representing respectively a Goat, a Man 
 in general, and a Figure in the Molonga Corrobboree. 
 
 Plate XV. Eeceeation : Coeeobboeees, Spoets, and G-ames. (Chaptee VIH.) — 
 
 Figs. 283-286, Male Corrobboree Costumes of the Boulia District; 287-288, Female Costumes 
 of same ; 289-290, M!ale Corrobboree Costumes of the Cloncurry District ; 291, Bough-shed 
 "Green-room"; 292, Individual representing a Bullock; 293, Arrangement of Aiidience at a 
 Corrobboree, the Males in the Front Kows. 
 
 Plate XVI. Eeceeation, &c. (continued). (Chaptee VIII.) — 
 Figs. 294 to 308,. Costumes of the Molonga Corrobboree. 
 
 Plate XVII. Eeceeation, &c. (continued). (Chapter VIII.) — 
 
 Fig. 309, Return-boomerang with Empirical Pattern of Emu and Emu-net; 310, Return- 
 boomerang, similarly, with Iguanas ; 311, Playing with the Return-boomerang ; 312, 313, Diagrams 
 Showing its Flight ; 314, 315, Varieties of Toy Throwing-sticks ; 316, Whirler; 317, Method of 
 Swinging it; 318, 319, Special Forms of Whirlers Used at the Initiation Ceremonies; 320, 
 Special Form of Whirler Used as a Love-charm ; 321, Method of Starting the Spin-ball ; 322, 
 323, 324, Various Ways of Throwing Leaves for Smoke-spirals, &c. ; 325, Mimicking an Emu. 
 
 Plate XVIII. Teavel, Trade, and Barter: The Letter-Stick. (Chapter IX.) — 
 Figs. 326-332, Letter-sticks, of the Boulia District; 333-336A, of the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District ; 337, of the Flinders District ; 338, of the Cloncurry District. 
 
 Plate XIX. Methods of Fighting. Boomerangs. (Chapter X.) — 
 
 Fig. 339, Men Fighting with Stone-knives; 340, Women Striking with Fighting-pole; 
 341, Diagram showing flight of a Hook-boomerang; 342, Various forms of finishing off the 
 Extremities of an Ornate Boomerang; 343-347, Longitudinal and Interstitial Gravings on 
 the Ornate Boomerangs ; 348-349B, Transverse Gravings on same ; 350, Remaining Interstitial 
 Gravings on same; 351, Boomerang, showing the bend and thin proximal (handle) as compared 
 with the thick distal extremity. 
 
 Plate XX. Boomeeangs, Two-handed Swoeds, Speaes. (Chapter X.) — 
 
 Fig. 352, Fluted Boomerang ; 353, Hook-boomerang ; 354-358, Examples of Two-handed 
 Swords; 359, Acicular-tip Hand-spear; 360-361, Spatulate-tip Hand-spears; 362-365, Wom- 
 mera-spears ; 366, Non-indigenous (Gulf Coast) Fish-spear. 
 
 Plate XXI. Wommbeas and Shields. (Chaptee X.) — 
 
 Fig. 367, 368, Lath-shaped Wommera ; 369, Showing how the " peg" is fixed with tendon 
 
 into two drilled holes ; 370, Method of using this Wommera ; 371, Variety with shell haft • 
 
 • 372, Leaf -shaped Wommera ; 373-375, Shields Manufactured in the Boulia an.i Upper Georeina 
 
 Districts ; 376, 377, Shields Manufactured in the Cloncurry and Leichhardt-Selwyn Dislricts • 
 
 378-380, Transverse Sections across Handles of these Shields. ' 
 
 Plate XXII. Stone-Knives, Tomahawk, &c. (Chapter X.) — 
 
 Fig. 384, Fighting-pole ;;^385,Nulla-nulla Throwing-stick ; 38G, Stone-knife in its Bark 
 and Opossum-strmg Sheath; 387-389, Stone-knives showing the Facetted Blades; 300 Knife 
 with Handle lengthened by a piece of flat wood ; 391, Stone-tomahawk. 
 
 Plate XXIII. Disease, Accident, Death, &c., Eain-making. (Chaptess XI. and 
 
 JlJ.±. j — - 
 Fig. 392, The Death-bone, Bone-apparatus, &c.; 393-395, Different Ways of AonlvinD' it- 
 ?2^'u^'i" ?«?f:l-Pl^te; 397,398 Methods of Applying 'the Plate; 399, The Bone ph,^.''lS)^40i' 
 Method of Blinding an Individual at a Distance ; 402a, B, Positions in which the Arm is' held 
 during Vensesection ; 403, Emu-feather Bundle for Alleviating Pain, &o. ; 404, Amulet buna- on 
 the Chest to Relieve Sickness, &c. ; 405, Ground-burial with Superimposed Logs &o • 406 
 Example of Tree-burial; 407, Mourning-patterns of Red and Yellow Ochre; 408\ 'The 'Rain 
 stone ; 408b, A Rain-maker. " ' 
 
 Plate XXIV. Ethno-Poenography. (Chapter XIII.) — 
 
 Fig. 409-416, Costumes, &o., of the First Male Initiation Ceremony in the Boulia District • 
 41G, 417, Relating to Similar Rite on the Upper Georgiua ; 418-420, in the Cloncurry District ' 
 421, Female Costume at First Initiation Ceremony in Boulia District; 4i;2 4'>3 Relating t> 
 Similar First Female Ceremonial on the Upper Geor^na ; 424, Stick used at 'Birdsvillf at 
 Similar Rite ; 425-428, Costumes at Second Ceremonial in Boulia District ; 429 An Intiocised 
 Penis ; 430, Position in which Adult is held during Introcision ; 431, 432, Methods of making 
 the Cut for Introcision ; -433, Copulation; 434, 435, Kalkadoon Woman in Labour- 43i3-43<f 
 Different ways of Carrying Infants. ' ■"' 
 
ETHNOJ.OGICAL STUDIES 
 
 AMONa THE 
 
 NOETH-WEST-CENTRIL QUEENSLAND ABOHieiNES. 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA ABORIGINALS : 
 AN ELEMENTARY GRAMMAR. 
 
 Contents. — Section 1. Where Spoken. 2. Geographical Limits of the Boulia District 
 8. Pronunciation. 4. Gender, Number, and Person. 5. Personal Pronouns — Nominative. 6. Per- 
 sonal Propouns Objective — Direct Objept. 7. Personi^l Prpnouns Objective — Indirect Object. 
 8. Auxiliary "Verbs, 9. Indefinite Articles. 10. Personal Pronouns— Possessive. 11. Nouns — 
 Nomin9.tive. 12. Novms — Vocative. 13. Nouns— Possessive. 14. Nouns- Objective. 15. Nouns- 
 Plural and Dual. 16. Nouns— Gender. 17. Verba— Active : The Indicative. 18. Verbal Pronouns. 
 19. Verbs— Active : The Ipaperative. 20. Adjecj^ives. 21. Adverb^. 22. PrepositioM— Motion. 
 2.^. Prepositions — Rest. 24. Prepositions— ^Purpose, Reason, Means. 25. Prepositions — Time. 
 26. Conjunctions. 27. Comparison of Adjectives. 28. Comparison of Adverbs. 29. Verbs — 
 Active : The Infinitive. 30. Verbs— Special Eorms of the Future. 31. Verbs— Special Fprms qi 
 the Ipaperative. 32. Verbs — Reflexive. 33. Special Forms of Transitive an(i Intransitive Verbs. 
 34. Relative Pronouns. 35. Interrogative Pronouns. 36. Numerals, &e. 37. Ideas of Quantity 
 and Size. 38. Ideas of Time. 39. Ideas of Place, Direction, and Distance. 40. Interrogation — 
 Doubt and CTnoertainty. 41. Notes of Exclamation, &c. 42. Participles si,nd Perfects. 43. Intro- 
 duction to the Pitta-Pitta Vocabulary. 44. Pitta- Pitta Vocabulary. 
 
 J. The Pitta-Pitta language is spoken mainly at Boulia, the chief encampinent 
 of the Pitta-Pitta blacks, as well as throughout the surrouiiding neighbourhood 
 wherever any of their members rn&j be scattered. It bears intimate relationship, 
 as will subsequently be shosyn, to several other languages in close proximity, arid 
 ought rather to be considered in the light of one particular dialect out of many 
 which together constitute the language of the Boulia district. Though the exact 
 ethnographical limits of such a district must necessarily prove a matter of some 
 difficulty, there is nevertheless a certain portion of country kppwn to the Pitta- 
 Pitta aboriginals as the " ooroo-ena mie-ena" — i.e., " one-and-the-same country " — 
 throiighout which the various dialects spoken by the different tribes are pretty 
 similar, and more or less mutually intelligible. 
 
 2. Tor present purposes, therefore, the Bqulia District will be understood 
 as comprising the area bounde4 : — On the north by Buckingham Downs, Mount 
 Merlin, and Chatsworth ; on the east by Tooleybupk country and Springvale ; on 
 the south by Clifny, Bedouri, and Sandringham ; on the west by Carlo (vel 
 Miingerebar) and G-lenormistpn (vel Idamea) country. In other words, it 
 includes the district drained by the Hamilton, Burke, Wills, King's Creek, Upper 
 Mulligan, Cottonbush Creek, and Middle Georgina Rivers, and measures approxi- 
 mately about 10,000 square miles. 
 
 3. The following Spelliiig, upon an English basis, has been adopted through- 
 out the text. Unfortunately, it was not until after I had taken my departure from 
 Boulia that I learnt of the "continental" system now being followed in the old 
 country. The vowel-sounds used are represented by^ 
 
 a = more of the sound of a short u, as in womanly. (Except in two or three 
 proper names, the Pitta-Pitta blacks have no open-sounded short a as in can.) 
 a — fate a = tar e = bet e = feet 
 
 i = bit i = hite o = got o = mote 
 
 ii = rawi u := new 00 = boot ou = cow 
 
 oy =: boy 
 The consonant-sounds used are expressed by 5, c, d, g,j, k, I, m, n, p, r, f, 
 and V). There is no aspirate. 
 
 c is only used in the softened form of ch&. 
 ff is pronounced hard ; it is often indi^tinguisha^ile from is- 
 i with p, and d with f, is often interchangeable, 
 4.ePWtuft^ion }§ g3^pesse4 by p, ^yJHWe being pFinted in it#licgt 
 
2 THE SPOKEN LANGUAaE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 There can be little doubt that the absence of certain consonants, and various 
 jeculiarities of pronunciation, are due to the mutilation of the vocal apparatus, 
 separately or conjointly, in the avulfion of the two upper incisor teeth (sect, ^"'h 
 nnd the perforation of the nasal septum (sect. 175), Ihe constant use ot the 
 nose-pin producing increased dilation of the nostrils. The circumsta-nce that an 
 aboriginal in this district is unable io utter the sounds of ./, th, or v is incontest- 
 ably due to the former defect, which may also account for the total absence in the 
 language of all true sibilants, such as e (soft), s, z, although the sounds of cA and 
 «A can be well expressed. He can pronounce sUrt quite correctly, but when he 
 comes infish he calls it hUh ovpish, and speaks of a woman's husband or Fancij- 
 man aa her Bell jamin : he can only feebly imitate the sounis oi size and tJie. 
 On the other hand, a native who has not been so mutilated can articulate all the 
 above fairly well. It is further probable that the true pronunciation of the 
 initial ng in the first and second personal pronouns, and a few other words, also 
 depends upon physical peculiariiies. The nearest, though far from absolute, 
 approach to tin's sound is the nff of sing, without a trace of the guttural tacked 
 on to the succeeding syllable, but, eveu after months' careful practice, I have 
 personally failed in giving it its proper utterance ; its orthographical significance, 
 unless very marked as in the first and second personal pronouns, has been omitted 
 in the text. Except in the case cf pronouns and personal nouns, which are fully 
 analysed as they occur, the couii)onent syllables, accentuation, &c., of all words 
 noted as being used in the Boulia District are described in the Pitta-Pitta 
 vocabulary, which should be freely consulted (sect. 44!),'otherwise all words will 
 be found in the main index. 
 
 4. There are three Numbers -singular, dual, and plural. In connection with 
 the dual it is interesting to note that the Pitta- Pitta aboriginals reckon by twos — 
 that is, on a dual notation as compared with the European decimal one; instead 
 of the ten fingers they have only reached the stage of grouping with the two 
 hands. 
 
 The sign of the dual would appear to be -li or -la, which can be recognised 
 throughout the series of pronouns (sect. 5, 6, 7, &c.) in the dual imperative of the 
 verbs (sect. 19, 31) in the word " pakoo-la" (=two), &c. 
 
 Each number has three persons, the third having two forms of the gender- 
 one for the masculine and neuter, the other for the feminine. Furthermore, both 
 genders have additional inflexions in the form of suffixes according as the person 
 or object referred to is either (a) close up in front, or at side of, (6) close up at 
 the back of, or (c) anywhere yonder, at some distance away from — the person 
 speaking. In the first case («) an additional variation takes place according as 
 present and piist, or future, time is referred to. Hence, the third person has six 
 inflexions at least in the singular, three in the dual, and three in the plural : they 
 are made up as follows : — 
 
 Numbar. 
 
 Proximity to Speaker's Front 
 or side. 
 
 Proximity to Speaker's Back. 
 
 Eemoteness imy where from 
 Speaker. 
 
 
 -i-S or -yS in present or past 
 time ; -ii in futuie time. 
 
 -liS. in all tenses. 
 
 -ii-rl in all tenses. 
 
 sing. ni. 11. 
 
 dual 
 
 plur 
 
 he, it, this 
 
 she, this ... 
 
 tliese two, both these 
 
 these all 
 
 he, it, this 
 
 she, tliis 
 
 these two, both these 
 
 these all 
 
 he, it, that, yonder. 
 
 she, that, yonder. 
 
 those two, both those, 
 
 yonder, 
 all those, yonder. 
 
 The special indication for proximity close to one's back is paralleled by the 
 London "coster" pointing his thumb over his shoulder. 
 
 5. Personal Pronouns — Nominative. 
 
 Like other personal pronouns, these are inflexed according as they refer to 
 present aud past, or to future, time. In the latter, the suffix -ng-o, peculiar to 
 
ABOEIGINALS: AN ELEJIENTAKr ORAMMAR. 
 
 3 
 
 nouns governing verbs in the fiilure, should bo noted. Bjsides acting as 
 pronouns proper, these personal pronouns nominative are used to expiess tlie 
 diiii^erent forms of the European auxiliary verb " to be" (sect. 8, IS.) 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person. 
 
 a. Present or Past. 
 
 b. Puture. 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 niZ»-ja = I, I am, or I wivs 
 
 mm-yo = I, I shall be 
 
 
 2nd. 
 
 lOT-pS = thou, tliou art, m- wast 
 
 ing-o =■ thou, thou shalt be 
 
 
 3rd. 
 
 noo-i-i =he, it, this, close up in front or 
 
 noong-Q-^ — he, it, this, close up in front 
 
 
 
 at side, is or was 
 
 or at side, shall be' 
 
 
 ti 
 
 noo-S,-ktl — he, it, this, close up at bade, 
 
 moont/oka = he, it, this, close up at back. 
 
 
 
 19 or was 
 
 shall he 
 
 S 
 
 
 »ioo-a-(rl) = he, it, that, yonder, is or 
 
 noong-o-(&-il) = he, it, that, yonder, shall 
 
 3 
 
 
 was 
 
 be 
 
 c' 
 
 
 nS»-i-6 = She, this, close up in front or 
 
 n&ng-u-u = she, this, close up in front 
 
 Oi 
 
 
 at side, is or was 
 
 or at side, shall be 
 
 
 
 mtn-a-lia = she, this, close up at back, is 
 
 nUng-o-'k^ = she, this, close up at back. 
 
 
 
 or was 
 
 shall be 
 
 
 
 nSn-pa-(rl) = she, that, yonder, is or 
 
 «finjf-o-(3-rI) = she, that, yonder, shall 
 
 
 
 was 
 
 be 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 nUl-\i = we both, are or were 
 
 m-SMIng-o = we both, shall be 
 
 
 2nd. 
 
 7100-la = you both, are O)' were 
 
 noo-lang-o = you both, shall be 
 
 "3 
 
 3rd. 
 
 poo-li-S = they both, close up in front or 
 
 J30o-lang-o-u = they both, close up in 
 
 a 
 
 
 at side, are or were 
 
 front or at side, shall be 
 
 O 
 
 
 poo-lS-kS = they both, close up at back. 
 
 ^oolang-e-ka = they both, close up at 
 
 
 
 are or were 
 
 back, shall be 
 
 
 
 2)oo-ia-(rI) = they both, yonder, are or 
 
 j3oo-]ang-o-(a-rl) =: they both, yonder. 
 
 
 
 were 
 
 shall be 
 
 
 Ist. 
 
 nS?i-S = we are or were 
 
 jifei-ang-o = we, shall be 
 
 
 2nd. 
 
 noo-rS, = you, are or were 
 
 »?oo-rctng-o = you, shall be 
 
 
 3rd. 
 
 tfin-I-S = they close up in front or at 
 
 <itn-itng-o-u = they, close up in front, or 
 
 g 
 
 
 side, are or were 
 
 at side, shall be 
 
 B 
 
 
 iSw-a-kd. — they close up at back, are or 
 
 ifin-iSng-o-ka = they, close up at back, 
 
 Ph 
 
 
 were 
 
 shall be 
 
 
 ») 
 
 iiin-a.-(rl) = they yonder are or were 
 
 <itn-ang-o-(a-rI) = they, yonder, shall be 
 
 The final syllables of certain of the third persons in preceding and succeedino; 
 prononiial tables are placed in parentheses to indicate that they may often ii 
 omitted in quick conversation. 
 
 6. Personal Pronouns Objective— Direct Object. 
 
 In this series can be recognised traces of the objective case which is -na for 
 the present or past, and -ko for future, tenses (sect. 14). 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person. 
 
 a. Present or Past. 
 
 b. Tutare. 
 
 
 Ist. 
 
 nUn-y^ = me 
 
 nSn-io-ko = me 
 
 
 
 2nd. 
 
 irt'TiS, = thee 
 
 i)io-ko = thee 
 
 
 
 3rd. 
 
 Jji-nl-S = him, it, close up in front or at 
 
 nd-ko-n = him, it, close up in front o) 
 
 at 
 
 § 
 
 
 side 
 
 side 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 fe-nS-kS, &c. 
 
 no-ko-k«, &o. 
 
 
 „ 
 
 J>i-na-(r() 
 
 no-ko-a-(rl) 
 
 
 CQ 
 
 11 
 1} 
 
 nfim-ni-6 ^ 
 »ifift-na-k.t 
 nfin-na-{rt) 
 
 nUn-ko-a 
 
 niin-ko-ka, 
 
 nan-k5-a-(rl) 
 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 nUl-Vi-na = us both 
 
 j!i!Mr-ko = us both 
 
 
 • 
 
 2nd. 
 
 7ioo-13.-nX, &c. 
 
 »oo-lS-ko, &c. 
 
 
 a 
 
 3rd. 
 
 poo-lS-ni-e 
 
 yioo-la-ko-u 
 
 
 P 
 
 11 
 
 ^oo-lS-na-kJt 
 jpoo-lS-na-iiI) 
 
 poO'la.-ko-ka, 
 jpoo-lako-a-(rl) 
 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 rifin-a-nS = us all 
 
 nan-St-ko = us all 
 
 
 •-I 
 
 2nd. 
 
 
 nod-ra-kB, &o. 
 
 
 i 
 
 3rd. 
 
 tUn-^-nl-^ 
 
 tun-^-ko-a 
 
 
 
 
 
 tare-S-ko-kS 
 
 
 PM 
 
 I) 
 
 «fi»s-a-na-{rl) 
 
 t«ft-a-ko-a-(rI) 
 
 
4 THE SPOKEN LAWGTJA&B OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 7. Personal PronoTins 01)jective — Indirect Object. 
 
 As will be seen when dealing with prepositions (sects. 22, 23) the ideas or 
 " motion towards" and " reat with, at" are indicated by the suffixes -e-no and -e-na 
 respectively: traces of these prepositional inflexions can be recognised in the^two 
 following series of personal pronouns objective (a), (6) where the indirect object 
 is either : — 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person.' 
 
 u. Person^motion towards (In all tenses). 
 
 b. Person— rest witU (in aU tenses). 
 
 
 Ist. 
 
 nUn-yo-M-no = towards me 
 Ing-o-M-no = towards thee 
 
 niin-yo-e-nS = with roe, by piy aide 
 
 
 2nd. 
 
 Ing-o-e-nS = with thee, by thy side 
 
 , 
 
 3id. 
 
 noong-a-no-a = towards him, it, cloee up 
 
 nlng-^-vi-&, &c. 
 
 s 
 
 
 in front o)' side 
 
 
 "a 
 
 a 
 
 11 
 
 nooRjr-o-nS-ka, &c. 
 noong-o-nS-(m.)(t-ri 
 
 rdng-e-ni^% 
 nlng-e-na-(m)ij-rl 
 
 E£ 
 
 
 nUng-o-nHu 
 
 niing-e-m-S 
 
 
 " 
 
 nUng-o-no-ka, 
 
 nSmflr-e-nS-ka 
 
 
 » 
 
 niing-o-no-(»i)i-rl( 
 
 nttngre-na-(m)(jTrI 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 nftUttS-no = towards both of ua 
 
 n&l-ll-e-na. = alongside, with, both of us 
 
 . 
 
 2nd. 
 
 noo-lS.-e-no, &c. 
 
 noo-l^e-nS,, &c. 
 
 s 
 
 3rd. 
 
 poo-lS,-e-no-u 
 
 poo-lSre-ni-g 
 
 p 
 
 
 poo-13,-e-no-ka 
 
 poo-lS,-e-nSl-kS 
 
 
 ») 
 
 poo-la,-e-no-(m)(^^l 
 
 poo-lS-e-na-(m)(i-rI 
 
 
 1st. 
 
 niin-S-e-no = towards us all 
 
 ntin-a-e-nJt = alongside, with, all of us 
 
 "3 
 
 2ad. 
 
 noo-rS-e-no, &c. 
 
 noo-ra-e-na, &o. 
 
 S 
 
 3rd. 
 
 tftn-a-e-n5-u 
 
 t)in-a-e-ni-8 
 
 
 tiin-a-e-no-kS 
 
 tlin-a-e-na-ka 
 
 If 
 
 ttln-a-e-np-('?i)iJ-rI 
 
 tiin-a-e-na-(m)d-ri 
 
 The parenthesised "m" in the above third persons is euphonic. 
 
 There are no personal pronouns objective, indirect object, indicating motion 
 from the actual person ; this idea being expressed with the help of possessive 
 pronouns indicating motion from the person's place-of-residence or location 
 (sect. 10), 
 
 Again, the suffix -e^-ya also bears prepositional traces (sect. 24S) and 
 expresses t]\e person or place whence something is obtained, brought, or received ; 
 tacked on to pronouns, as in the following series (c),it demonstrates the personal 
 pronoun objective, indirect object, person whence something is obtained or 
 received. The suffix undergoes further inflexion according as the act referred to 
 takes place in present and past, or future time, by the additional -na or -ko respec- 
 tively of the objective ease (sect, 14). 
 
 c. Person — from whom something is obtained or received. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person. 
 
 I.— In Present or Past Time. 
 
 n.— In Future Time. 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 in 
 
 1st. 
 
 2nd. 
 
 3rd. 
 
 »» 
 
 n 
 
 »> 
 
 nttn-yt-em-yit-na = obtained, received 
 
 from me 
 Ing-I en-ya-na = obtained, received from 
 
 thee 
 nlng-I-CT-y^-ni-S, &c. 
 ning-l-en-ya-na-ka 
 nIng-^en-ya.-7^<t-rI 
 nting-I-Sn-yS-'^i-S 
 nttng-I-en-ya-nit-kJt 
 nling-l-en-y.t-m,t-rl 
 
 niin-yl-eii-yS-ko = obtained, received 
 
 from me 
 Ing-1-en-yS-ko = obtained, received 
 
 from thee 
 nlng-I-en-yiS^io-ti, &o. 
 nlng-l-eji-ya-k3-k& 
 nIng-I-en-ya-ko-(S-rI 
 nttug-I-en-yS-io-u 
 ntlng-1-cn-yS.-ko-kS 
 nung-I-(3n-y.>i,-ko-({-rI 
 
 "3 
 
 1st. 
 
 2nd. 
 3rd. 
 
 »J 
 1) 
 
 niSl-lI-e«-yanS = obtained, reoeived 
 
 from us both 
 noo-ia,-e)t-y.1-n<t, ftc. 
 poo-lS-en-yS-nl-S 
 poo-ia,5ft-y.1 na-kS 
 poo-ia,-5n-ya,-n(trl 
 
 nftl ll-en-yS-ko = obtained, reoeived 
 
 from us both 
 noo-la-ere-yS-kS, &o. 
 poo-lS-en-yS-ko-tt 
 poo-la-e?i-ya-ko-kS 
 poo-la-en-ya-ko-d-rl 
 
 
 Ist. 
 
 2nd. 
 3rd. 
 
 n 
 ii 
 
 ntln-S-enyS-na = obtained, received 
 
 from Us all 
 noo-rS-en-yilna. &o, 
 ttin-a-«n-ya-nJ-S 
 tnn-aen-yri-n.^-ka 
 tfin-8-en-ya-«d!-rI 
 
 nan-S-en-yS-kS = obtained, reoeived 
 
 from us all 
 noo-rS-en-ya-ko, &a. 
 tan-a-em-ya-ko-a 
 tan-a-e/i-ya-ke-kS 
 ttln-a-Sn-yS-kS-d-rJ 
 
ABOElGIIfAI,S : AN ELBMENTAET GEAMMAE. 
 
 The remaining series (d) of personal pronouns objective, indirect object, refer 
 to the person's benefit, use, or advantage : their inflexions are similar to those 
 characterising the possessive pronouns (sect. lOJ), and take the additional -na 
 or -ko already referred to, according as the action takes place in present and past, 
 or future time. 
 
 d. Person — for whoso benefit, use, or advantage, something is done. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person. 
 
 I. — In Present and Past Time. 
 
 II.— In Putuve Time. 
 
 
 1st 
 
 nun-ysL-ti-ni, = for me, for my benefit, 
 
 manya-tl-ks = for me, for my benefit. 
 
 
 
 for my advantage 
 
 for my advantage 
 
 
 2ad 
 
 Jng'-ka.-tl-na = for thee, for thy benefit. 
 
 fofl'-ka-ti-ko = for thee, for thy benefit. 
 
 ti 
 
 
 for thy advantage 
 
 for thy advantage 
 
 S 
 
 3rd 
 
 tio-ka-tIi!.i-S, See. 
 
 no-ka- tl-io-u, &c. 
 
 "3 
 
 
 no-kS-tl-na-ka 
 
 no-ka-ti-ko-ka 
 
 a 
 
 
 no-ka-tl-rwi-rl 
 
 no-ka-tI-ko-(i-rI 
 
 ic 
 
 
 ntin-ka-tl-jM-g 
 
 niin-ka-ti-i-o-u 
 
 
 
 m!(m-ka-tl-na,-ka 
 
 »M«-ka-tl-ko-ka 
 
 
 
 nftn-ka-tl-miJ-rl 
 
 ntin-ka-tI-ko-(J-rI 
 
 
 1st 
 
 7MjWlng-a-na = for the benefit, use. 
 
 nifZ-llng-a-ko = for the benefit, use. 
 
 
 
 advantage of us both 
 
 advantage of us both 
 
 ■3 
 
 2nd 
 
 jioo-l&ng-S-nS, &;c. 
 
 moo-18ng-a-ko, &e. 
 
 
 3rd 
 
 poo-lSng-a-ni-g 
 
 jjoo-lang-a-ko-O 
 
 )) 
 
 poo-l^ng-^ n^-kS, 
 
 ^oo-lSng-a-ko-ka 
 
 
 
 jpoo-ia,ng-a-na-rI 
 
 poo-iaag-a-ko-(i-ri 
 
 
 1st 
 
 TCfin-Sng-S-nS = for the benefit, use. 
 
 jiun-ang-S-ko = for the benefit,- use. 
 
 . 
 
 
 advantage of us all 
 
 advantage of us all 
 
 & 
 
 2nd 
 
 »!oo-rang-a-na, &c. 
 
 noo-rang-^-ko, &c. 
 
 s 
 
 3rd 
 
 iMTi-ang-a-ni-S 
 
 «S7i-ang-a-ko-1i 
 
 s 
 
 ,] 
 
 ifi»-ang-a-na-ka 
 
 *&ji-ang-a-ko-ka, 
 
 
 )) 
 
 tttn-ang-a-mil-rl 
 
 tiin-ang-a-k5-(i-rl 
 
 8. The Auxiliary Verbs " to be" and " to have." 
 
 The verb " to be" is in reality not expressed; it is only understood by the 
 various inflexional forms of the personal pronouns nominative which, as we have 
 seen (sect. 5), undergo modification in present and past, or future time. There is, 
 however, a verb " kunna-linga" — " to be," in the sense of " to become." 
 
 With regard to the verb "to have," i.e., "to possess," the Pitta- Pitta 
 aboriginals adopt the following method of translating, or rather transposing it : 
 thus, instead of saying, like a European, " t have, had, or shall have, a boomerang," 
 they would express themselves, literally, as "I am, was, or shall be, the boomerang- 
 possessor." The possessor, the sign of possession, &c., is rendered by the suffix 
 -md-To {cf. mur-ra = hand) in present and past, or -»?a-r6-ngo in future time 
 (sect. 22) ; hence the sentence would read eithet " bibapooro-maro nunja" or 
 " bibapooro-marongo nunyo" as the tense requires. 
 
 [The Mitakoodi blacks of the Cloncurry district have a similar means of 
 denoting possession by means of the suffix -5oo-na.] 
 
 Another form of the verb " to have," i.e., in reply to a question involving a 
 transitive verb, can be translated by the transitive verbal pronouns (sect. 18). 
 
 9. The Indefinite Articles "a" and "the" are not Translated. 
 
 Example 1. 
 1. Nunkartinari. 2. Ingoena. 3. Ningienyanaka [toka-ka nutto]. 4. 
 Nungonou [pun-ni-a noo-a]. 5. Poolakoari [pite nunyo],. 6. Inna [pite-anutto]. 
 7. Poolanganaka. 8. Nulliena. 9. Nooraenyana [toka-ka nutto]. 10. Poolaenoka 
 [pun-ui-a noo-a]. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. For the benefit of that woman yonder. 2. At thy side. 3. [I brought 
 (it)] from the man close-up-at-the-back-of-me. 4. [He is running] towards the 
 woman-in-front. 5. [I will strike] both of them. 6. [I am beating] you. 7. 
 
6 
 
 THE SPOKEN LASarAGE OF THE PIT*A-P1TTA 
 
 For the advantage of these two-people at-the-back-of-me. 8. Close beside us two. 
 9. [I brought (it)] from all of you. 10. [He is running] towards the coupje a,v 
 the back. 
 
 Example 2. _ . 
 
 1. Nunkou [pite nunyo]. 2. Noolana [pite-ka nutto]. 3. Tunanari [pl-pi-a 
 nutto]. 4. Ingkatina. 5. Nunyoeua [nung-ki-a tun-a]. 6. Ingienyana [to^a-Ka 
 ]iutto]. 7. Tunaenomari [puti-nauuQvo]. 8. Nunnari [pipa-kanutto]. 9. Noolako 
 [pite nunyo]. 10. Nokatinie. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. [I will strike] this-woman-here-in-front. 2. [I was beating] both of you. 
 3. [I see] those-people-yonder. 4. For thy benefit. 5. [They are sitting down] 
 alongside me. 6. [I brought (it)] from thee. 7. [I will run] to those-folks- 
 yonder. 8. [I saw] that- woman-over-there. 9. [I will strike] both of you. 10. 
 To the advantage of this fellow-close-in-frout-of-me. 
 
 Example 3. 
 ]. Noolaena. 2. Poolaenyanari [toka-ka nutto]. 3. Nunyouno [pun-ni-a 
 noo-a]. 4. Nokoka [pipa nunyo]. 5. Nooie. 6. Poolie. 7. Tunanganaka. 8. 
 Tunaenamari. 9. Niingienyanaka [toka-ka nutto]. 10. Koolangana. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Alongside both of you. 2. [T brought (it)] from those-two-people-yonder. 
 3. [He is running] towards me. 4. [I shall see] him-close-up-at-the-back-of-me. 
 5. This fellow close- up-at-my-side. 6. This couple in-front-of-me. 7. For the 
 benefit of all-those-behind. 8. Alongside those-people-yonder. 9. [I brought 
 [(it)] from this-woman-here-at-the-back. 10. For the benefit of both of you. 
 
 10. Personal Pronoxms — Possessive. 
 
 There are two forms of these pronouns, according as the article possessed is a 
 person or thing. In the former case, it must be borne in mind, however, there is 
 no pronoun possessive expressed for the first person : this is somewhat after the 
 style of a European speaking of " Father" or " Mother," the "my" being under- 
 stood. In the latter case, where ihe article possessed is a thing, the pronoun of 
 the first person is used only for distinctiveness or emphasis ; otherwise it is always 
 understood. 
 
 In either case, for purposes of subsequent inflexion, the possessive pronoun 
 and the article possessed together form one word, the article possessed being 
 placed first. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Person. 
 
 a. Article Possessed— a Person. 
 
 6. Article Possessed — a Thing. 
 
 
 1st 
 
 
 nUn-jk-ti = my [dog, boomerang, &0.] 
 
 
 2nd 
 
 mfiZ-la = thy [mother, son, &c.] 
 
 liiii-kd-tl = thy „ „ 
 
 i 
 
 3rd 
 
 wa-rS,, &c. 
 
 nu-ka-tt-yS, &c. 
 
 3 
 
 )) 
 
 TOa-rS, 
 
 mo-ka-tJ-ka 
 
 3i 
 .g 
 CO 
 
 )1 
 
 wS-rS 
 
 no-ka-tt-(?-rl 
 
 )J 
 
 wa-ra, 
 
 nfin-kft-tl-yf 
 
 
 
 warS 
 
 nit ft- ka-tl-ita 
 
 
 )> 
 
 WJtt-rS, 
 
 nun-kii-tl-a-ri 
 
 
 1st 
 
 niiWlug-ii = [the sister] of us two 
 
 iifiMlng-.T, = [the spear] belonging to us 
 two 
 
 "a' 
 
 2nd 
 
 noo-lang-a, &c. 
 
 iwo-lang-a, &c 
 
 O 
 
 3rd 
 
 W(i-Y\\ 
 
 poo-lang-»-y6 
 
 ,, 
 
 wa-ra, 
 
 poo-lang-ftk,1 
 
 
 »» 
 
 wa-ra 
 
 poD-lftng-({-rI 
 
 
 1st 
 
 nte-Sng-it = [the father] of us all 
 
 «fi)i-ang-a = [the trees] belonging to as 
 
 -i 
 
 2nd 
 
 noo-rang-S., &o. 
 
 noo-ritng-S, &c. 
 
 S 
 
 3rd 
 
 wa-rii 
 
 <&i-a,ug-a-y6 
 tam-!4ng-a,-kii 
 
 S 
 
 
 wn-rit 
 
 
 »» 
 
 wa-r.t 
 
 ttin-a,ng-(t-rl 
 
AfiOKIGlNAlS: AN ELEMElfTABT GRAMMAR, 7 
 
 From the personal pronoims possessive, article possessed — a thiag, certain 
 groups of secondary possessives are formed : the thing possessed is now understood 
 to be the particular individual's place of residence or location, while the preposi- 
 tional suffixes -e-na, -e-no, en-ysi (sects. 22, 23) indicate respectively " rest in, 
 motion towards, direction whence." Thus : 
 
 nunyati-ena = in, or, at my place, residence, hut, &c. 
 
 nuntatiko-eno = towards the hut, &c , belouging-to-the-woman-at-the- 
 
 back-of-me. 
 nooranga-enya = from the direction of your cauip, &c. 
 
 ^Example 4. 
 
 1. Bibapooro ingkati. 2. Berdaje nunkatiye. 3. Poolangaka-ena. 4. 
 Nunkatika-ena. 5. Kokooro noolanga. 6. Tunangari-eno. 7. Makowala 
 nokatiye. 8. Mali nunkatiari. 9. Nullinga-enya [pua-ui-a noo-a]. 10. Piouli 
 nokatika. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. Thy boomerang. 2. This woman's dilly-bag. 3. At their [dual] place. 
 4. At this woman's camp. 5. The yam-stick belonging to you two. 6. Towards 
 the hut, &c., belonging-to-those-people. 7. The spear belouging-to-this-man-close- 
 up-in-front. 8. Yonder-woman's net. 9. [He is running] from the direction-of- 
 our-place- 10. The dog belonging-to-the-man-at-the-back-of-me. 
 
 Hx ample 5. 
 1. Titi mulla. 2. Wungata nunyati-ena. 3. Koopa-koopa ingkati-ena. 4. 
 Koonpara nokatiari. 5. Poolangaye-ena. 6. Bibapooro poolaiieari. 7. Kooroui 
 noolanga. 8. Pooti nunyati. 9. Tarembola nunkatiye. 10. Pooti nunyati-ena. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Thy brother. 2. A woman (is) at-my-place. 3. (There is) an old man 
 at-your-camp. 4. The shield belonging-to-that-man-yonder. 5. At the camp of- 
 those-two-men-in-tront. 6. The boomerang belonging-to-that-couple-yonder. 7. 
 A hut beI6nging-to-you-both. 8. My fire-wood. 9. The pituri belonging to- 
 this-woman-here-beside-me. 10. (There is) firewood at-thy-place. 
 
 JEx ample 6. 
 1. [Oota-na] ingkati-eno. 2. [Punna-na] nunkatika-enya. 3. Pokara 
 nooranga-ena. 4. Untitiri nokatiye. 5. Berdaje nullinga. G. Kootakapo 
 nunyati-ena. 7. [Kunda-na] tunangari-eno. 8. Koonpara, noolanga-ena. 9. 
 Piouli poolangaka nullinga-eno [oo-ti-a]. 10. Konupa nnnkatika uokatika-ena. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 I. [Come back] to-thy-place. 2. [Run] from-this-woman's hut, &c. 3. Grass 
 (grows) at-your-residence. 4. A sword belonging-to-this-man. 5. Our dilly-bag. 
 6. (There is a) white-flower at-my-place. 7. [Uo] to yonder-people's camp, &c. 
 8. (My) shield (is) at-your-place. 9. The dog belonging-to-the-couple-at-the 
 back-of-me [is returning] to-our-hut, &c. 10. lier necklace (is) at-his-place. 
 
 II. Nouns —Nominative. 
 
 The nominative denotes the subject, and is usually placed foremost in the 
 sentence. If the subject governs a transitive verb in present or past time, it takes 
 the suffix -16 (sect. 18) : with an intransitive verb, under similar conditions, no 
 addition is made (sect. 18). In future time, with both transitive and intransitive 
 verbs, the subject take the suffix -ng-o. 
 
 kana [nung-ki-a] = the man [sits-down]. 
 
 machoomba-lo [tiche-a] = a kangaroo [eats]. 
 
 kana [nuugka-ka] = a man [sat-down]. 
 
 machoomba-lo [tiche-ka] = the kangaroo [was eating]. 
 
 kana-ngo [nungka] = the man [will sit-down]. 
 
 machoomba-ngo [tiche] = a kangaroo [will eat]. 
 
8 THE BPOKEH XiNGTTAGE OP THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 12. Noims — Vocative. 
 
 The vocative is used only in connection with persons, and has no special 
 inflexion of its own. However, when any North-West-Cenlral Queensland 
 aboriginal wishes to greet, or attract another's attention, at a comparative 
 distance away, he will shout " Hoo ! " sharply and abruptly, followed may be by 
 " upperi," " "titi," etc., i.e., " father, brother," etc. When at closer quarters, a 
 Boulia district native would begin with " kou-& !" i.e., " Hullo ! come here !" etc., 
 according to the context of the conversation which is about to talce place. Strictly 
 speaking, this "kou-a" is a defective verb, used only in the imperative (sect. 31c), 
 and undergoing the usual inflexions for the singular, dual, and plural: its remain- 
 ing moods and tenses are supplied by " ka-ki-a nutto" = " I call, beckon to," etc. 
 The resemblance of " Hoo" and " Kou-a" to the anglicised " Coo-ee 1 " is very 
 striking. [The Kalkadoon shout out " nd-vio ! " when attracting someone's 
 attention at a distance.] 
 
 13. Nouns — Possessive. 
 
 The inflexions of the possessive case vary according as the possessor, and that 
 which is possessed, are persons or not : 
 
 a. When the possessor is a person, -ng-a is suffixed — 
 
 koopa-koopa-nga bibapooro = an old-man's boomerang. 
 5. When that which is possessed is also a person, the latter takes the 
 suffix -wa-ra 
 koopa-koona-nga titi-wsra = the old man's brother, 
 koopa-koopa-nga titi-wara-iiga bibapooro = the old-man's brother's 
 boomerang. 
 e. When both possessor and that which is possessed are things, the two 
 nouns are put into close apposition without flexion — 
 machoomba wapa = a kangaroo's pup. 
 It must be borne in mind that in all these cases the terms signifying possessor 
 and possessed constitute one word, so far as any subsequent inflexions are concerned. 
 (See Examples 11, 12.) 
 
 14. Nouns — Objective. 
 
 a. Where the object is in the direct action of the verb, the noun objective 
 takes the suffix -na in present or past time, and -ko in future time (sect 6) — 
 
 wungata-lo uttapeukka-na [pite-a] = the wom.in [strikes] the child, 
 kana-lo upperi-na [pite-ka] = the man [struck] the father, 
 koopa-koopa-ngo nopo-ko [pite] = an old man [will strike] the wife. 
 
 b. In those cases where the object is in the indirect action of the verb, 
 recourse is had to the various prepositional inflexions (sects. 22-25). 
 
 16. Nouns— Plural and Dual. 
 
 The plural is indicated by the suSix -pit-ji-ii, the compound so formed 
 undergoing similar inflexions aa the original word — 
 wungata [oo-ti-a] = a woman [returns], 
 wungata-pityiri [kun-di-a] = the women [depart], 
 uttapeukka-pityiri-lo [tiche-a] = children eat. 
 
 upperi-lo uttapeukka-pityiri-na [pite-a] = the father [strikes] the children, 
 umma-lo uttapeukka-pityiri-wara-na [pite-a] = a mother [is striking] her 
 children. 
 The dual is expressed by ya-koo-la = "two," which is used in exactly the 
 same manner as pUyiri. 
 
 16. Nouns— Gender. 
 
 Gender is expressed either by separate words, e.g., 
 
 ka-na = man, wungata = woman, 
 
 kooliungo = he-dog, kenja = slut ; 
 or affixing the two latter terms, which are then treated as adjectives, 
 
 kenja tinnapulli = female opossum, 
 
 kooliungo kooridala = male eagle-hawk. 
 
AiOEIGINAia: AIT EMMEKTAET flEAMMAB. 
 
 Example 7. 
 1. TJpperi-nga mali. 2. Kooridala wapa. 3. Moyerjo^Bgauttapeukka-wara. 
 4. Muiigiini-maro^nga nopo-wara. 5. Piouli wapa. 6. £oopa-koopa-nga kako- 
 wara, 7. Moyerjo-nga titi-wara. 8. TJpperi mulla. 9. Jummi-pityiri iiullinga. 
 10. TJttapeukka-pityiti. 
 
 Translation. 
 1 (My) father's net. 2. The eagle-hawk's young-one. 3. An old woman's 
 child. 4. The doctot's wife. 5. A dog's puppy. 6. The old-man's sister. 
 7. The old-woman's brother. 8. Tour father. 9. Our aunts. 10. (My) 
 children. 
 
 Example 8. 
 1. Ullo-wara. 2. Koopa-koopa-nga uttapeukka-pityiri-wara. 3. Moyerjo- 
 nga uttapeukka-wara-ngo berdaje. 4. TJllo-mulla-nga bibapooro. 6. Titi-wara-nga 
 tittapeiikka-wara. 6. Kenja koofidala. 7. Uppefi-mulla-uga jfiakoWata-pityiri. 
 
 Umma-wara-n 
 kooroui 
 
 berdaje. 9. Kako-pityiri-wara. 10. Kako-nullinga-nga 
 
 1. Their uncle, 
 old-woman's child, 
 female ea?le»hawk. 
 
 Translation. 
 2. The old-man's children, 3. A dilly-bag belonging to the 
 4. Thy uncle's boomerang. 5. Her brother's child. 6. A 
 7. Thy father's spears. 8. His mother's dilly-bag. 9. Their 
 sisters. 10. Our sister's hut. 
 
 Example 9. 
 1. Titi-wara-nga koonpara. 2. Konupa jummi-mulla-nga. 3. Kenja ma- 
 choomba wapa. 4. Munguni-maro-nga kako-pityiri-wara. 5. Eako-wara-nga 
 uttapeukka-pityiri-wara. 6. Nopo-mulla-nga titi-wara. 7. Umma-wara-nga 
 uttapeukka-pityiri-wara. 8. Chata-mulla-nga untitiri. 9. TJpperi-nga makowata. 
 10. Umma noolanga berdaje-pityiri. 
 
 Translation. 
 2. Thy aunt's necklace. 
 
 1. Her brother's shield. 2. Thy aunt's necklace. 3. A female kangaroo's 
 young one. 4. The doctor's sisters, 5. Their sister's children. 6. Thy wife's 
 brother. 7. Her mother's children. 8. Thy grandfather's sword. 9. (My) 
 father's Spear. lO. Your mother's dilly-bags. 
 
 17. Verbs — Active : The Indieative, 
 
 In the indicative mood the verb agrees with its subject in point of time only, 
 as shown by means of special inflexions for present, past, and future : the 
 particular number and person is indicated only by the subject noun or verbal 
 pronoun (sect. 18). 
 
 The root-stem of all verbs ends either in a- or e-, whence the three tenses are 
 formed as follows : — ■ 
 
 Koot-stem. 
 
 Present. 
 
 Past. 
 
 Future. 
 
 
 
 
 either — 
 
 a- 
 
 the a- beoomea -i-S 
 
 -ka is added to the root- 
 
 Ung-Si is added to the foot- 
 
 
 
 stem 
 
 stem; 
 or— 
 
 e- 
 
 the e- becomes -e-S 
 
 
 the root-stem is unaltered, 
 but the terminal vowel 
 emphasised and length- 
 ened. 
 
 oO'ta- 
 
 oo-i2-a r= come-back 
 
 oo-ta-ka — came back 
 
 oo-ta-Knff-a, oo-ta = will come- 
 back 
 
 pun-na- 
 
 piin-m-^ = run 
 
 ^i^Ti-na-ka — ran 
 
 ptin-nSi-?2n.5r-a, p1in-na= will run 
 
 kun-da- 
 
 kfin-dj-a = go 
 
 AMTC-da-ka = went 
 
 kiin-da-Krajf-S, kiln-da = will go 
 
 ti-ohe- 
 
 ti-cfee-S. = eat 
 
 iz-che-ka = ate 
 
 ti-ohe-fin^-a, ti-ofee = will eat 
 
 pi-te- 
 
 pl-te-S, = strike 
 
 pl-te-'kii = struck 
 
 Tpi-te-ling-a,, pl-te — will strike 
 
 woon-]e- 
 
 woon-^e-S = give 
 
 MJ007i-je-ka = gave 
 
 woon-je-Zingr-S, woon-Je = will 
 give 
 
 For certain special forms of the future see sect. 30. 
 
10 
 
 THE SPOEElf lAlfarAGE O'P THE PtTTA-PITTA. 
 
 18. Verbal Pronouns. 
 
 The particular pronouns used with the verbs to distinguish the required 
 number and person may be spoken of as verbal pronouns : there are tbree series 
 of them — 
 
 (a) "With iulransitive verbs, in present and past time, they are identical 
 with the personal pronouns nominative for the corresponding tenses 
 (sect. 5) ; 
 
 (b) With transitive verbs, in present and past time, these verbal pronouns 
 take on a special inflexion, identical with the -lo, already referred to 
 in sect. 11 (which indicates a subject governing a transitive verb) ; 
 
 (c) With transitive and intransitive verbs, in the future, the pronouns are 
 identical with the personal pronouns nominative used in the corres- 
 ponding tense (sect. 5). 
 
 Number. 
 
 a. Present and Past. 
 Intransitive. 
 
 1st 
 
 2nd 
 
 3rd 
 
 let 
 2nd 
 3rd 
 
 Ist 
 2nd 
 3rd 
 
 nun-ja ootia, ootaka 
 
 hn-pK ,, ,, 
 
 nooi-S ,, ,, 
 
 noo-S-kS ,, ,, 
 
 7100-^ ,, ,, 
 
 nitn-i 6 ,, ,, 
 
 nzi7i-S.-k3. ,, ,, 
 
 niil-ll oolia, ootaka 
 noo-13, ,, ,, 
 
 poo-}&-k& „ ,, 
 
 POO'I^ ,, ,, 
 
 nUn-^ ootia, ootaka 
 noo-T& ,, ,, 
 
 tun-i-^ ,, ,, 
 
 b. Present and Past. 
 Transitive. 
 
 niit-tu tichea, ticheka 
 nhi-do ,, 
 noo-Ioo-u ,, 
 noo-loo-kS. ,, 
 lioo-loo-d-Tl 
 nUn-doo-n ,, 
 »fi™-doo-ka 
 niln-doo-(£-rI 
 
 nUl-ll-lo tichea, ticheka 
 moo-lS-lo „ ,, 
 
 ^oo-lS,-lo-u ,, ,, 
 
 poo-l<t-lo-k& ,, 
 
 poo-lS-lo-d-rl ,, 
 
 niin-S,-\o tichea, ticheka 
 
 noo-TS.-lo ,, ,, 
 
 tUn-^lo-u ,, „ 
 
 tiZm-a-lo-kS. ,, 
 tttn-a-lo-tJ-rl 
 
 c. Future. 
 In trans, and Trans. 
 
 nun-yo oota, tiche 
 
 i7ig-o ,, ,, 
 
 noong-o-VL „ 
 
 noont/-6-k^ „ 
 
 noong-o-((i-rI) „ 
 
 nUng-o-u „ 
 
 niing-o-k& „ 
 
 nfing-o-((J-rI) „ 
 
 niil-\lng-o oota, tiche 
 moo-13.ng-5 ,, 
 
 j)00-l&ng-6-u ,, 
 poo-]^xig-o-k& „ 
 poo-13.ng-o-((i-rl) ,, 
 
 niiii-ing-o oota, tiche 
 
 7l00-r&Dg-O ,, 
 
 tiin-^ug-o-u. „ 
 tun-^ng-o-h^ ,, 
 ttin-3.ng-o-((J-rI) ,, 
 
 The forms "' nutto," " nindo," &c., may sometimes do duty as translations for 
 the expressions " I have or had," " Tou have or had," in reply to a query involving 
 a transitive verb : thus, " Who has taken my spear?" might quite grammatically 
 be answered by " nutto !" = " I have !" the verb itself, the word " taken," being 
 understood (sect. 8). 
 
 In ordinary conversation, verbal pronouns are placed immediately after the 
 verbs they qualify, and generally at the very end of the sentence. 
 
 Example 10. 
 1. Moyerjo-nga uttapeukka-wara-lo koondara-na tiche-ka. 2. Munguni- 
 maro-nga nopo-wara-ngo koopa-koopa-nga-ko kako-wara-ko pite. 3. Jummi- 
 pityiri-noolanga-lo upperi-nga mali-na mare-ka. 4. Koopa-koopa-nga uttapeukka- 
 pityiri-wnra-lo berdaje-na umma-wara-nga mare-ka. 6. Ullo-wara-lo kenja-na 
 kooridala-na tiche-ka. 6. TJpperi-nulliuga-lo bibapooro-na ullo-muUa-nga marea. 
 7. Titi-wara-ngauttapeukka-wara-ngo uungka. 8. Umma-wara-nga kako-pityiri- 
 wara-lo tichea. 9. Upperi-nga titi-wara-lo umma-muUa-na tarea. 10. Kenja-lo 
 machoomba-lo wapa-lo pokara-na tichea. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The old woman's child was eating a snake. 2. The doctor's wife will beat 
 the old man's sister. 3. Tour aunts brought my father's net. 4. The old man's 
 children fetched his mother's dilly-bag. 5. Their uncle was exting the female ea"le- 
 hawk. 6. Our father is bringing thy uuclo's boomerang. 7. Her brother's child 
 will sit down. 8. Her mother's sisters are eating, f). (My) father's brother is 
 kicking thy mother. 10. The female-kangaroo's pup is eating the grass. 
 
ABOEIGINALS : AN ElEMElTTAUr GRAMMAR. 11 
 
 Example 11. 
 1. Munguni-maro-nga kako-wiira-lo munta-na mare-l<a. 2. TJpperi-wara-nga 
 makowata-ngo inachootnba-ko wapa-ko touc-la. 3. Umma-iiuUinga-lo wungata-na 
 pite-ka. 4. Kako-wara-lo berdaje-pityiri-na tarea. 5. Kooridala wapa [pinji- 
 ena] nuuglda. 6. Koopa-koopa-nga liti-wai-a-lo iipperi-nga koonpara-iia mare-ka. 
 7. Ullo-ngo kuttamulla-ko tiraa. 8. J\Iiinguni-maro-nga kako-pityiri-wara-ngo 
 pappa-ko wire. 9. Upperi-lo titi-mulla-na pitea. 10. Koopa-koopa-nga nopo- 
 Avara-ngo uttapeukka-pityiri-muUa-ko mullo pite. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The doctor's sister was bringing the food. 2. His father's spear will hit 
 the kangaroo's pup. 3. Our mother was beating the woman. 4. Her sister was 
 weaving dilly-bags. 5. The eagle-hawt's young-one is sitting [in the nest]. 0. 
 The old-man's brother brought my father's shield. 7. (My) unule will drink the 
 water. 8. The doctor's sisters will grind the pappa-seed. 9. (My) father is 
 beating your brother. 10. The old-man's wife will not strike thy children. 
 
 Example 12. 
 
 1. Koolpari wapa-pityiri [punna-mia]. 2. Upperi-lo kako-pakoola-mulla-na 
 kite-ka. 3. Kako-mulla-ngo tili-ko kite. 4. Moyerjo-nga uttapeukka-pityiri- 
 wara nungkia. 5. Titi-wara-lo munta-ingkati-na tiche-ka. 6. Kako-ngo pooti- 
 ingkati-ko mare. 7. Untitiri iugkati munna. 8. Berdaje-nunkatiye-ko mare 
 nunyo. 9. Makowata-ingkati-lo machoomba-na-touela-ka. 10. TJmma-lo munta- 
 nokatiari-na tichea. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. The emu's young-ones [are running about]. 2. (My) father married tliy 
 two sisters. 3. Thy sister will marry (my) brother. 4. The old-woman's 
 children ai'e sitting down. 5. His brother was eating thy food. 6. (My) sister 
 will bring thy fire-wood. 7. Thy sword (is) bad. 8. I will fetch the dilly-bag 
 belonging-to-this-woman-here-in-front. 9. Thy spear hit the kangaroo. 10. 
 (My) mother is eating yonder-man's food. 
 
 19. Verbs— Active: The Imperative. 
 
 The imperative is formed by the addition to the root-stem of — 
 
 -na for the singular. 
 
 -na-]a for the dual. 
 
 -na-ra for the plural. 
 Thus— 
 
 tiche-na = eat thou ! 
 
 kunda-nala = go, both of you ! 
 
 oota-nara =: come back, all of you ! 
 For certain special forms of the imperative see sect. 31. 
 
 20. Adjectives. 
 
 a. Adjectives are generally placed before the nouns they qualify, and take 
 the same inflexions — 
 tuari-lo machoomba-lo piouli-ua tare-ka = a tall kangaroo was kicking the 
 
 dog. 
 munna-ngo kana-ngo kunda = the bad man will go away. 
 
 J. But when an adjective qualifies a noun in the plural, the plural sign is 
 attached to the noun only — 
 munna-lo kana-pityiri-lo uttapeukka-na pitea = the bad men are beating 
 (my) child. 
 
 c. All adjectives can be, and very often are, used by themselves as nouns — 
 kooyungo = good, a good fellow, a good thing. 
 
 munna = bad, a bad fellow, a bad thing. 
 
 d. With one exception, all adjectives can be used with the suffix -ng-oo-ro 
 
 to signify more distinctly a noun, person or thing, understood. This 
 -ng-oo-ro = ng (interpolated for euphony) + oo-roo-roo (one, unity) ; 
 hence — 
 
 kooyungo-ngooro = a good fellovv, a good thing. 
 
 munna-ngooro = a bad fellow, a bad thing. 
 
12 THE SrOEEN tANQtfAGE 01" THE MTTA-PITTA 
 
 The exception mentioned above is nuno = tired, which interpolates the verb 
 kunna = to become : thus, nnno-kunnia-ngooro = a tired fellow, a weary body. 
 e. Adjectives may also sometimes be used as adverbs — 
 kana malooaka punnia = the man is running quickly. 
 
 21. Adverbs. 
 
 Adverbs may be formed from adjectives by means of the suffix -miin-da, 
 munna = bad kooyungo = good, 
 
 munna-munda = badly kooyungo-munda = well. 
 
 It is interesting to note that this adverbial suffix is identical with the 
 prepositional term denoting, from direction, neighbourhood, of-a-place (sect. 22d). 
 The use of adjectives as adverbs has already been referred to. 
 
 lEacample 13. 
 
 1. Koopa-koopa-nga titi-wara-ko marali pipa nunyo. 2. Mierli-ngo wungata- 
 pakoola-ngo berdaje-pityiri-ko tare. 3. Kanari-pakoola-lo pappa-na wire-ka. 
 4. TJpperi-lo uttapeukka-pityiri-na pitea. 5. Wungata-pakoola-na kite-ka nutto. 
 6. Machoomba4o wapa-lo pooriti-na pokara-na tichea. 7. Perkilli-lo koolpari-lo 
 kindooro-nakuttamuUa-na timia. 8. TJttapeukka-pityiri-ngo nungka. 9. Munna- 
 ko wungata-pityiri-ko pite nunyo. 10. Papatooro-ngooro-ngo tuari-ko untitiri-ko 
 mare. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. I will see the old-man's brother to-morrow. 2. The two good women will 
 be weaving dilly-bags. 3. Two girls were grinding pappa-seed. 4. The father is 
 beating his children. 5. I married two women. 6. The kangaroo's pup is eating 
 all the grass. 7. A big emu is drinking the clear water. 8. (My) children will 
 sit down. 9. I will beat the bad women. 10. The short-fellow will fetch the 
 long swords. 
 
 Sa:ample 14. 
 
 1. Papatoorobibapooro [tikkara-ena] malooaka-mundajrannia. 2. "Wungata- 
 lo kooyungo-ua berdaje-pityiri-na mare-ka. 3. TTmma-lo mie-mie-na kutta- 
 mulla-na timia. 4. Makowata-ngo kenja-ko machoomba-ko touela. 5. Koopa- 
 koopa-nga kako-wara prinna-na [tunpa-mulle-ka]. fj. Koondungari-pityiri-na 
 tichea nunalo. 7. Mierli-ko munta-ko mare poolangoka. 8. Munna-lo kana- 
 pityiri-lo kooyungo-na bibapooro-pityiri-na tare-ka. 9. Berdaje-pityiri-na tarea 
 poolaka. 10. Mie-mie-na kuttamuUa-na tima-ka nullilo. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. A short boomerang flies (i.e., runs) swiftly [along the sky]. 2. The 
 women fetched the good dilly-bags. 3. Mother is drinking dirty water. 4. A 
 spear will hit the female kangaroo. 5. The old-man's sister [cut] (her) leg. 
 6. We are eating diver-birds. 7. They will both bring good food. 8. The bad 
 men were making good boomerangs. 9. Both are weaving dilly-bags. 10. We 
 were both drinking the muddy water. 
 
 Example 15. 
 
 1. Tie-na takoko-na tarea nindo. 2. Wallara machoomba punnia. 3. 
 Parawanga-lo munguui-maro-lo [punjea-ngooro-na] pokara-na wooojea. 4. Pulye- 
 ngooro-lo pari-ua munta-na tichea. 5. Tarimuugkora-lo wungata-pityiri-lo 
 tano-na kanari-pityiri-na pite-ka. 6. Wallara-ngo koolpari-ngo pari-ko 
 kuttamulla-ko tima. 7. Chalo-chalo-ngo kana-ngo parawanga-ko wungata-ko 
 tare. 8. Munna-ngo wungata-pityiri-ngo mullo nungka : kunda. 9. Kooyungo-lo 
 umma-pityiri-lo munna-na uttapeukka-pityiri-na pitea. 10. Munna-ko pappa-ko 
 mullo wire poolangou. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. Thou art kicking (my) little infant. 2. A young kangaroo is running. 
 3. The mad doctor gives grass [to the sick-fellow]. 4. A fat-fellow eats a lot-of 
 food. 5. Strong women were striking the weak girls. 6. A young emu will 
 drink plenty of water. 7. The clever man will kick the mad woman. 8. The bad 
 women will not sit down : they will go-away. 9. (lood mothers thrash (their) 
 bad children. 10, These two-people-here will not grind bad pappa-seed. 
 
ABOBietlNAXS : AJT EIEMENTAET GBAMMAB. 13 
 
 22. Prepositions — Motion. 
 
 Ppepositions, or what would correspond to them in our own language, are 
 signified in the Pitta-Pitta language by various suffixes added to both adjeotiye 
 and noun, or by separate words, find may be classsified according as they refer to 
 motion, rest, purpose, or time. Motion will be considered firsts— 
 
 a. To, in, into, at = -e-no (sect. 7a!) — 
 
 kooroui-eno punnia nooaka = he is running to the hut. 
 
 munna-eno wungata-eno makowata-na touelia nutto = I am throwing a 
 
 spear at the bad woman, 
 wungata-lo makowata-na nuna-eno touelia = the woman is throwing a 
 spear at i;g. 
 I. Prom, person or place = -en-ja, (sect. 7c) — 
 oora-enya kundia nuna = we are going from the camp, 
 kanari-enya oota-ka noora =: you oame-baok from the girl, 
 
 c. Prom the direction, neighbourhood, of a person = -e«-yang-o 
 munua-enyango wungata-pityiri-enyango kunda nunango =we will go- 
 away from the neighbourhood of bad women. 
 
 d. Prom the direction, neighbourhood, of a place = -mun-da, (sect. 21) — 
 Booly o-raunda oota-ka poolie = both these people came from the direction 
 
 of Boulia. 
 
 e. Across, oyer = -ko 
 
 perkilliTko miriwinni^^ko punna tunango = they will run across, over, the 
 big mountain. 
 
 f. After, to be after, on the look out for, to hunt, &c. = -ng-a 
 
 upperi-mulla koolpari-nga kundia = thy father is going after an emu. 
 pari-pari-nga tinungara-eno kunda nunango = we will go northwards 
 after (our) belongings. 
 
 y. Around, round about = koo-di-ja-ko-re-a (sect. 43y) with the suffix -na 
 attached to the object referred to (sect. 235) — ^ 
 koodijakorea kooroui-na upperi punnia = father is running around the 
 hut. 
 h. Among, up, through, alongside of = -e-na 
 
 tinnapulli moorra-ena katea = an opossum is climbing up among the 
 
 branches, 
 koopa-koopa-nga bibapooro tikkara-ena punnia = the old-man's 
 boomerang flies (i.e., runs) through the sky. 
 
 Jc. In company with, things or persons = -md-ro in present or past time, 
 -md-To-vgo in future time (c/. the verb " to have" in sect. 8) — 
 kana nopo-maro kundia = the man is going away with (his) wife, 
 tunari-maro kundia nunja = I am going away ^ith them, 
 bibapooro-maro-ngo kunda noongou = he will depart, taking his 
 boomerang with him. 
 
 [JVoTE. — " With, in company with," including two persojjs only — provided 
 these two persons £^re not represented by pronouns — can also be expressed by the 
 double use of the third personal pronoun dual (sect. 18a) — 
 
 kana poola wungata poola kundia = the man find the woman go away 
 together, in company.] 
 
 Example 16. 
 1. Marali kooroui-eno kunda nunango. 2. Munna-ngo kana-pityiri-ngo 
 tikkara-eno mullo kunda. 3. Munguni-maro-lo makowata-na kbolpari-eno touelaka. 
 4. Bibapooro-na machoomba-eno touea nutto. 5. Poolaka punnia oora-enya. 
 6. Kanari-pityiri^ngo umma-pityirirwara-enya oota. 7. Munna-enyango kana- 
 pityiri-enyango kunda noolango. 8. Teriwa-munda punna-ka nooaka. 9. Perkilli- 
 ko miriwinni-ko kunda noorango: nari, parapi-ko. 10, Machopmba-nga kurri 
 kunda punango, 
 
14 THE SPOKEN LAN ar AGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 Translation. 
 1. To-morrow we will all go to the hut. 2. Biid men will not go to heaven 
 (i.e., to the sky). 3. The doctor threw a spear at the emu. 4. I am throwing a 
 hoomerang at the kangaroo. 5. They are both riimiing away from the camp. 
 
 6. The girls will return from their mothers. 7. Tou both will go away from the 
 neighbourhood of bad men. 8. This man was running from the direction of the 
 east. fl. Tou all will go over a big mountain ; also, across a creek. 10. We will 
 all go a-hunting {i.e., after) kangaroos to-day. 
 
 Example 17. 
 1. Teriwa-eno pari-pari-nga kunda niinyo. 2. Moyerjo oota-ka perkilli-maro 
 piouli-pityiri-maro. 3. Titi punna-ka koodijakorea kooroui-na. 4. Piouli-maro 
 bibapooro-maro [nopo-ena] nooaka nungkia. 5. Tuppieri-pityiri-ngo pari- 
 marongo munta-marongo marali oota. 6. Tunangari-eno tunari-marongo kunda 
 nunyo. 7. Uttapeukka-marongo punna nullingo. 8. Koopa-koopa-ngo biba- 
 pooro-pityiri-ko punnare. 9. Kanari-pityiri kooyungo-maro berdaje-pityiri-maro. 
 10. Takoko-pityiri-maroiigo noolango. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. I shall go eastward after (my) possessions. 2. The old woman returned 
 
 with (her) big dogs. 3. (My) brother was running round the camp. 4. He is 
 
 sitting down [alongside his wife] with his dog and boomerang. 5. The boys wiU 
 
 come-back with plenty of food to-morrow. 6. I will go with them to-their-place. 
 
 7. "We will both run (and take) the child with us. 8. The old man will steal 
 the spears. 9. The girls have good dilly-bags. 10. Both of you will have babies. 
 
 23. Prepositions — Eest. 
 
 a. In, at, close to, among, alongside of, &c. = -e-na {cf. Personal Pronouns, 
 indirect object, rest with whom, sect. 76) — 
 kooroui-ena nungkia nunja = I am sitting down in the hut. 
 miilkari ! tikkara-ena = Lord! (who dvvellest) amongst the sky. 
 tarembola kana-ena nara-ena echea = the pituri rests on (behind) the 
 man's ear. 
 I. Around, round about = koodija korea and -na (used similarly as in 
 sect. 22g)— 
 koodijakorea tillimurri-na koopa-koopa-pifyiri nungkia = the old 
 men are sitting around the gidyea-tree. 
 
 c. Between, jiersons = na-Va., used as an adjective — 
 
 naka-ena wungata-pityiri-eua nungka ingo = thou shalt sit down 
 between the women. 
 
 d. Between, things = koou-raj-a, with -lo suffixed to that which limits; if 
 
 there is no verb in the sentence, that which is limited, that which is 
 between, takes -na 
 miriwinni-pakoola-lo koonmia parapi echea = the stream lies between 
 
 two mountains, 
 miriwinni-pakoola-lo koonmia parapi-na = between two mountains 
 
 (is) a stream. 
 prinna-pakoola-lo koonmia merkoo-na = a lizard (is) between (my) legs, 
 prinna-pakoola-lo koonmia merkoo punnia = a lizard is running be- 
 tween (my) legs. 
 
 e. Above, on top of = ka-ti-?jOT-pa-ka-la {i.e., the " crown-of-the-head"), 
 
 used as an adjective — 
 tinnapulli katiumpakala-eua kooroui-ena nungkia = the opossum is 
 sitting on the top of the hut. 
 /. Under, below, beneath, things = /ce-re-pre-te, with -lo suffixed to that 
 which is ahove ; if there is no verb in the sentence, that which is 
 beneath takes -na 
 koonpara-lo kereprete tarembola echea = the pituri lies beneath the 
 
 koolamon. 
 koonpara-lo kereprete tarembola-na = under the koolamon (is) the 
 pituri. 
 
ABOEIGIKALS : AN ELEMENTAEY QBAMMAB. 15 
 
 ff. Under, below, beneath, persons = -e-ua (sect. 23a!.). With pronouns 
 personal, the form of indirect object — per.ion with whom, rest (sect. 
 76.) — is used : a slight modification is found only with the first 
 and second persons singular which become »?w.i-yi-e-na, wy-i-e-na 
 respectively {i.e., " underneath me, underneath thee"). 
 
 h. On this side of, in front of = ik-kil-lim-me-u'«-ri, with- 16 suffixed to 
 that which is behind; if there is no verb in the sentence, that which is 
 in front takes -na 
 ikkillimmewari parapi-lo nungkia tuna = they are sitting down on this 
 
 side of the creek, 
 ikkillimmewari moolka-lo machoomba tukkia = the kangaroo is 
 
 standing in front of the tree trunk, 
 ikkillimmewari miriwinni-lo parapi-na = on this side of the mountain 
 (is) a stream. 
 
 h. On the other side of, behind = 
 
 (i.) oo-ro-koo-na-wa-ra {cf. ooro- = unity, and ko-ko = the back, 
 dorsum) used as an adjective — 
 oorokoonawara-eno kokotoongo-eno punna-na = run to the other 
 
 side ot the hill, 
 oorokoonawara-ena kooroui-pna tinnapuUi-lo merichi-pityiri-na 
 tichea = the opossum is eating leaves behind the hut. 
 
 (ii.) ^o-ko {i.e., the back, dorsum, of a person) used as a nouu — 
 nungka-na koko-ena = sit down (at-my-back, i.e.) behind me. 
 nungka-na kana-ena koko-ena = sit down (at the man's back, i.e?) 
 behind the man. 
 
 (iii.) ma-r-e-ka, with -16 suffixed to that which is in front ; if there is no 
 verb in the sentence, that which is behind takes -na — 
 
 kokotoongo-lo mareka = on the other side of the hill. 
 
 kokotoongo-lo katiumpakala-lo mareka kana-pityiri moochea = 
 behind the top of the hill the men are sleeping. 
 
 kokotoongo-lo mareka parapi-na = on the other side of the hill 
 (is) a creek. 
 
 24. Prepositions — Purpose, reason, means. 
 
 a. To, donation, &c. =: -na in present or past, and -ko in future, time (of. 
 the simple objective case, sect. Ma) — 
 upperi-lo makowata-na munguni-maro-na woonjea := (my) father gives a 
 
 spear to the doctor, 
 umma-ngo berdaje-ko kanari-ko woonje = mother will give the girl a 
 dilly-bag. 
 
 h. From — obtained or received — person or place = e«-ya (sect. 7c) with the 
 additional -na in present or past time, and -ko in future time (sect. 
 14ffi)— 
 koopa-koopa-enya-na makowata-na mare-ka nutto = I brought the spear 
 
 from the old man. 
 tillimurri-enya-na bibapooro-na tinchia nindo = thou art cutting a 
 
 boomerang from a gidyea tree, 
 wungata-enya-ko berdaje-ko mare nunyo = I will fetch the dilly-bag 
 from the woman. 
 
 c. Por— advantage, benefit, use — person or thing = -ng-a, with the addi- 
 tional -na in present or past time, and -ko in future time (sec. \ia) — 
 kana-lo wungata-nga-na munta-na indamuUea = the man is begging 
 
 food for the woman, 
 piouli-nga-ko pokara-ko toka nunyo = I will bring grass for the dog (to 
 
 lie upon, etc.) 
 woonje-na nunya toota-na makowata-nga-na = give me grease for {i.e., 
 to smear on) a spear. 
 
16 TBE SPOKEN las-ottag:?! op the pitta-pitta 
 
 d. For^bargaining, swapping, exchanging sometHng for somethmg 
 
 = -ng-a for all tenses — 
 yuppieri-lo makowata-na bibapooro-nga pulkiwoonjea = the boy swaps 
 
 a spear for a boomerang, 
 kana-lo wungata-na berdaje-na taiembola-nga pulkiwoonje-niullea= the 
 
 man is exchanging a dilly-bag for pituri with-the-woman. 
 
 e. Per — manufacturing, constructing, or building = -ng-ang-q. — 
 k^nda-na raoorra-iiga kooroui-nganga = go after {i.e., to fetch, sect. 
 
 22/) wood for a hut {i.e., to build it with), 
 mali-nganga pokara-na tinchia nunpa = she is cutting grass for a net 
 {i.e., to make it with). 
 
 / With, by, through — the physical agency of = -16 in present or past 
 time, -ug-6 in future time — 
 yuppieri-lo kope-na mali-lo kachea = i\e boy is catching a fish with 
 
 the net. 
 kana-pityiri-lo machoomba-iia bibapooro-lo toue-ka = the men struck 
 
 the kangaroo with a boomerang, 
 wungata-ngo kanari-ko moorra-ngo pite = the woman will hit the girl 
 with a stick, 
 
 g. With, by, through — the effects of = -la 
 
 kanari bilba tarembola-la kundia = the girl's fore-head goes-away {i.e., 
 
 is dizzy) through the effects of pituri {i.e., drunk with pituri). 
 munta-]a poolki-tumia nunja = I am become full-up from the efEects 
 of food {i.e., I have had enough food). 
 
 l^xample 18, 
 
 1. Piouli wapa moolka-ena nungkia. 2. Merichi-pityiri moorra-pityiri-ena 
 echea. 3. Merkoo prinna-pakoola-lo koonmiapunnia. 4. Me-pakoola-lo koonmia 
 koongari-na. 5. Munna-ngo kana-ngo naka-ena wungata-pityiri-ena nungka. G. 
 Tarembolaingiena. 7. Koko-ena wuegata-pityiri-ena nungka nunyo. 8. Tuari-ena 
 moolka-ena yatea impa. 9. Machoomba-pakoola parapi-ena punna-ka. 10. 
 Kooridala tikkara-ena punnia. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. The dingo's pup lives {i.e., sits down) in the tree-trunk. 2. Leaves rest 
 
 on branches. 3. A lizard is running between (my) two legs. 4. The nose (is) 
 
 between the two eyes. 5. The bad man will sit down between the women. 
 
 6. The pituri (is) underneath you. 7. I will sit down behind the women. 
 
 8. Tou are climbing up along the tall tree-trunk. 9. Both kangaroos ran 
 alongside the creeli. 10. The pagle-hawk is flying {i.e., running) through the sky. 
 
 .Example 19. 
 
 1. Perkilli-na berdaje-na kako-lotiti-nawoonjea. 2. TJpperi-ngo uttapeukka- 
 ko bibapooro-ko woonje. 3. Koonpara-lo kereprete tarembola-na. 4. Wungata- 
 enyako pinnta^ko indamuUe nnnyo. 5, Pinkipoora-na munta-na : nunyatina: 
 nunkatinie. 6. Kana-ngo pulye-ngo munta-la poolki-kunna. 7. Koopa-koopa- 
 ngp koqlpari-]{0 mali-nga kache. 8. Moyerjo-lo wakerdi-na miriwinni-lo touea. 
 
 9. Eooyungo-na bibapooro-pityiri-na kako-lo nunya woonje-ka. 10. Tie merichi- 
 pityiri perkilli-ena moorra-pityiri-ena echea. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The sister is giving a big dilly-bag to (her) brother. 2. The father will 
 give a, boomerang to (his) child. 3. The pituri (is) under the shield. 4. I will 
 ask-for food from the woman. 5. Divide the food : fop me : for her. 6. The fat 
 man will be full-up with food. 7. The old man will oatch an emu with the net. 
 8. An old woman is hitting the crow with a stone. 9. (My) sister gave me good 
 boomerangs. 10. Small leaves rest on big branches. 
 
ABOEIGINALS : AN ELEMENTAET GEAMMAE. 17 
 
 25. Prepositions — Time. 
 
 There are no prepositions signifying specially time, duration, how long 
 (sect. 38). 
 
 a. Time when — relating to the future = -e-no 
 
 wolka-wirea-eno pretipamulle nunango = we two will meet when the 
 
 sun goes down (i.e., at sunset), 
 oorooroo-eno jungi-eno nungka-linga nunyo = I shall stay here {i.e., 
 
 sit down) for one month, 
 jungi-pakoola-eno oota ingo = thou wilt return in two months' time. 
 1). Time when — relating to the present or past = e-na (sect. 42a) — 
 wolka-pakoola-ena innaka pretipaka nunja = I met him two days 
 
 (».e., suns) ago. 
 wolka-pakoola-ena prinnapoorte-ka nunja = I walked for two days. 
 c. Time after or since, with a past verb = -e;i-ya (sect. 42'j) — 
 
 nunya tare-ka-enya machoomba-lo, nungka-ka nunja = after or since 
 the kangaroo kicked me, I sat down. 
 
 Example 20. 
 1. Pakoolangooro-ena wolka-ena oota-ka nuna. 2. Pakoolangooro-eno 
 wolka-eno oota nunyo. 3. [Wolka-wunjea-eno] pooriti-ngo katiwire nuuango. 
 
 4. [Koopa-koopa-ena kunda-ka-ena] munguni-maro-lo nopo-na punnare-ka. 
 
 5. [Upperi-ngo tiehe-le] kunda nunyo. (3. Ooro-wolka-ena koondara-na pite-ka 
 nutto. 7. Pakoola-wolka-eno koopa-koopa-ko pite nunyo. 8. Munna-ngo 
 munguni-maro-pltyiri-ngo juugi-eno oota. 9. Pulye-ngo wungata-ngo munta- 
 ko jungka-ko piou.li-ko marali woonje. 10. Kindooro-ena kuttamuUa-ena utia 
 noolooka. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. We all returned three days ago. 2. I will fionie back in three days' time. 
 3. [At sunrise] we will all go for a dive. 4. [While the old man went away] 
 the doctor stole the wife. 5. [When my father will be eating] I shall go away. 
 
 6. I hit a snake yesterday. 7. The day after to-morrow {i.e., in two sun's time) 
 I will strike the old man. 8. The wicked doctors will return in a month. 9. The 
 fat woman will give (her) thin dog (some) food to-morrow. 10. He is swimming 
 in the clear water. 
 
 26. Conjunctions. 
 
 a. Also, and, = na-ri, but only expressed when particular emphasis is 
 required — 
 woonje-na nunya bibapooro-na nari makowata-na = give me a 
 boomerang, and also a spear. 
 
 J. Too, = miit-td, taking past and present, or future, sufiBxes, but like the 
 preceding only used to express particular emphasis — 
 tinnapulli parapi-ena nungkia : machoomba-mutto =: an opossum is 
 
 sitting down alongside the creek : and there's a kangaroo too. 
 kana -ngo bibapooro-ko mare : makovvata-mutto-ko = the man will fetch 
 a boomerang : and a spear too. 
 
 c. Or, = f^d-ti — 
 
 [wara pulye-yetcha ? ] kana kati wungata ? = [who (is) the fatter ?] 
 the man or the woman ? 
 
 Example 21. 
 1. "Woonje-na wungata-na berdaje-na : tarembola-mutto-na. 2. Tarimung- 
 kora wungata kokooro-maro punnia. 3. Kana ootia oora-eno : nopo-mutto. 4. 
 Koopa-koopa-pityiri-ngo bibapooro-pityiri-ko mare: makowata-pityiri-mutto-ko. 
 5. Kako-lo koondara-na tiohea : titi-mutto-Io. 0. Bibapooro-pakoolangooro-maro 
 nooari. 7. JMokatiari-na makowata-pakoolangooro-na puunare-ka nindo. 8. 
 Uttapeukka-pityiri-ngako untitiri-pityiri-maro-ngo noorango. 9. Koodijakorea 
 kooroui-na punna nunango. 10. Koopa-koopa-ngo nopo-ena nungka. 
 
18 THE SPOKEN LAlf&TJAGE OF THE MTTA-PITTA 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Give the woman a dilly-bag: and pituri too. 2. The strong woman is 
 running with a yam-stick. 3. The man is returning to camp : and his wife too. 
 4. The old men will bring the boomerangs ; and the spears too. 5. (My) sister 
 is eatinp a snake : and so is (my) brother. 6. That fellow yonder has three 
 boomerangs. 7. Tou stole that individual's three spears. 8. Tou shall have the 
 swords for the benefit of (your) children. 9. We will run around the hut. 
 10. The old man will sit down alongside (his) wife. 
 
 27. Comparison of Adjectives. 
 
 a. Equality = iL-la-^a-koola {cf, pakoola) — 
 
 poolie illapakoola koopa-koopa = these-two (are) equally old — i.e., one 
 
 is as old as the other, 
 kana wungata, poolie illapakoola koopa-toopa = the man (and) the 
 
 woman, these-two (are) equally old — i.e., the man is as old as the 
 
 woman. 
 Another method of giving expression to the same idea would lie in the 
 
 omission of illapakoola, and the substitution of adjectives by 
 
 nouns, e.g. — 
 nooie koopa-koopa : nunnie moyerjo = he is an old man : she is an old 
 
 woman. 
 
 h. Similarity = yUn-un-a. 
 poolie yununa bibapooro-pakoola = these two boomerangs (are) similar, 
 
 the same, 
 woonje-na nunya yununa-na makowata-pakoola-na = give me two 
 
 similar spears. 
 
 c. Difference = oo-roo-yara 
 
 poolari oorooyara berdaje-pakoola = those two dilly-bags (are) different. 
 
 When the special sign of the plural or dual (pityiri, pakoola) is not 
 
 employed, oorooyara becomes duplicated — 
 tunari untitiri oorooyara-oorooyara = all those swords (are) different, 
 oorooyara-na oorooyara-na bibapooro-na woonje-na innaka = give him 
 
 different boomerangs. 
 
 d. Comparative. The comparative of adjectives may be said to be formed 
 
 in four different ways, all of which are applicable to persons or things: 
 the adjective denoting the opposite attribute is brought into requisi- 
 tion in three of the cases — 
 
 (i.) -yet-cha, used with both things compared — 
 
 kooyungo-yetcha nunja : munna-yetcha impa = good-more I am : bad- 
 more you are— I.e., I am better than you. 
 
 wungata munna-yetcha : kana kooyungo-yetcha = the woman (is) 
 bad-more : the man is good-more— i.e., the woman is worse than 
 the man. 
 
 bibapooro papatooro-yetcha: untitiri tuari-yetcha = the boomerang (is) 
 short-er : the sword is long-er — i.e., the boomerang is shorter than 
 the sword. 
 
 (ii.) -^e^cha used only with the person or thing about whom or which the 
 comparison is made. Thus the three preceding sentences can be as 
 correctly stated — 
 
 kooyungo-yetcha nunja : munna impa. 
 munna-yetcha wungata : kooyungo kana. 
 bibapooro papatooro-yetcha : untitiri tuari. 
 (iii.) Similar use of -.ve^cha as in (ii.) but the second adjective takes the 
 suffixal form -ng-oo-ro (sect. 20rf). Thus the preceding sentences 
 may again lie quite correctly spoken of as — 
 kooyungo-yetcha nunja : munna-ngooro impa. 
 munna-yetcha wungata: kooyungo-ngooro kana. 
 bibapooro papatooro-yetcha : untitiri tuari-ngooro. 
 
ABOR[GIlfALS: AN ELEMENTAET GEAMMAE. 19 
 
 Though every adjective may be used with -yelcha, it must be 
 remembered that " nuno" (= tired) always, and " poolki " (= full up) 
 sometimes, has the intervening " kunnia " (= to become) — 
 
 nuuo-kuania-yetcha = more tired. 
 
 poolki-kunnia-yetcha = more full-up. 
 
 (iv.) It sometimes happens that the exactly ojjposite attribute may be 
 temporarily forgotten, or is non-existent : for instance, there are no 
 adjectives indicative of the opposite to " glad, thirsty, tired," &c. In 
 such cases recourse is had to the use of the negation miil-lb, used 
 either by itself in its primary form, or secondary adjectival form 
 (mullo-ngooro, sect. 20d), or true comparative (mullo-yetcha) form. 
 
 f mullo 
 poolela-yetcha nunja : wungata < mullo-ngooro 
 
 ( mullo-yetcha 
 1 Tnot 
 
 Thirsty-more I-am : the womiin < not fellow 
 
 (. not more 
 i.e., I am more thirsty than the woman. 
 
 ( mullo "> 
 
 yuppieri kitye-yetcha : kanari < mullo-ngooro r = 
 
 (. mullo-yetcha ) 
 ( not 
 The boy (is) glad-more : the girl (is) < not fellow 
 
 (. not more 
 i.e., The boy is more glad than the girl. 
 
 e. Superlative = nd-iA ye/-cha {i.e , nari = and, also, still more, + 
 -yetcha = sign of the comparative) — 
 koopa-koopa yarimuugkora-nari-yetcha pari-ena = the old-man (is) 
 
 the strongest among the lot. 
 kooridala perkilli-nari-yetcha pia-ena == the eagle-hawk (is) the biggest 
 
 among birds, 
 innie moorra tuari-nari-yetcha = this tree (is) the longest, very long. 
 
 28. Comparison of Adverbs. 
 
 Adverbs can also undergo comparison just like adjectives. 
 
 malooaka-munda-yetcha punnia nunja, kunjo-munda-yetcha nooa'ta 
 
 punnia = I run more swiftly than he does. (Literally, = I run 
 
 more swiftly : he runs more slowly.) 
 
 Exnmple 22. 
 1. Makowata-pakoola nullinga yunuua. 2. Bibapooro nunyati mie-mierli- 
 yetcha ingkati mullo-ngooro. 3. Piouli machoomba : poola illapakoola malooaka 
 punnia. 4. Kana tinnapulli : poola illapakoola kunjo-munda prinnapoortea. 
 5. Wungata kope : poola illapakoola pari-na timia. 0. Kokooro ingkati untitiri 
 nunyati: poola illapakoola tuari. 7. Nooie pulye-yetcha : piouli jungka. 8. 
 Nooari poolela-yetcha: wungata mullo-yetcha. 9. Nuudata-yetcha tunie 
 noougaye: pari-yetcha tuna noongari. 10. Koonpara taroua-yetclia : makowata 
 choporo-ngooro. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Our two spears are similar. 2. My boomerang is smoother than yours. 
 3. A dog runs as quickly as a kangaroo. 4. The man is walking as slowly as an 
 opossum. 5. The woman drinks as much as a fish. 6. Tour yam-stick is aa long 
 as my sword. 7. This man is fatter than a dog. 8. That fellow is more thirsty 
 than the girl. 9. There are fewer people here than there. 10. A shield is 
 broader than a boomerang. 
 
 Hscample 23. 
 1. Kooliungo nuno-kunnia-yetcha kenja mullo-ngooro. 2. Wallara-yetcha 
 nunja : mullo-ngooro impa, 3. [ Wara pulye-yetcha ?] Kana kati wungata ? 
 
20 THE SPOKEN LAIfaiTAaE 01' THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 4. Wungata poolela-yetcha : impa touIIo. 5. Kitye-yetoha impa : mullo-ngooro 
 nooaka. G. Kana-ngo poolki-kunna-yetoha-iigo nopo-ngo mullo. 7. JNooie 
 miriwinni-pitjiri peripa-nari-yetcha. 8. Nooari kokotoongo perkilli-uari-yetena. 
 9. Malooaka-nari-yetcha punna-ka nuiiie. 10. Koopa-koopa tie-nari-yetcha 
 pari-ena. 
 
 TransJaHon. 
 
 1. The dog is more tired than the slut. 2. 1 am younger than you. 3. [Who 
 is the fatter ?] the man or the woman ? 4. The woman is more thirsty than 
 you. 5. Tou are happier than he ia. 6. The man will be more full-up than- his 
 wife. 7. These mountains (are) the highest. 8. That hill (is) very big. 9. This 
 woman-here was running very q[uickly. 10. The old-man (is) the smallest among 
 the lot. 
 
 Example 24. 
 
 1. Pijerdo malooaka-nari-yetcha pia-ena. 2. Uutitiri-ko tuari-nari-yetcha-ko 
 mare nunyo. 3. Berdaje-maro tie-yetcha-maro oota-ka impa. 4. Titi-muUa-lo 
 papatooro-yetcha-na bibapooro-na marea. 5. TJmma uttapeukka : poola illapa- 
 koola parawango. 6. Pulkiwoonje nunyo koonpara-ko papatooro-nari-yetchako 
 makowata-nga tuari-nari-yetcha-nga. 7. Woonje-na tie-yetcha-na nntitiri-na. 
 8. Tie-nari-yetcha-eno kooroui-eno punna noongoka. 9. Oorooyara-na ooroo- 
 yara-na berdaje-na mare-ka nundooari. 10. Woonje-na yununa-na makowata-na. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The hawk (is) the swiftest among birds. 2. Twill bring the longest sword. 
 3. Tou were coming back with a smaller dilly-bag. 4. Your brother is fetching 
 a shorter boomerang. 5. The mother is as mad as her child. 6. I will exchange 
 the shortest shield for the longest spear. 7. Give me a smaller sword. 8. He 
 will be running to the smallest hut. 9. That woman yondei' was bringing different 
 dilly-bags. 10. Bring a similar spear. 
 
 29. Verbs : Active. The Infinitive. 
 
 The infinitive is formed by adding -Kng-& to the root-stem — 
 oota-linga = to come back ; 
 tiche-linga = to eat ; 
 and is often used to denote purpose or design. 
 
 Example 25. 
 
 1. tTpperi-ngo uttapeukka-ko mierli-korelinga pite. 2. Oora-ena Pitta- 
 Pitta-na parari-kunna-linga nungkia nunja. 3. Wungata-lo nopo-na yunka-ka 
 nunjo-ko pitelinga. 4. Titi-na machoomba-nga kunda-linga yunkia nindo. 5. 
 Koopa-koopa-nga-ko illa-ko tiche-linga woonje nullingo. 6. Titi-na tapo-kunna- 
 linga yunka-ka nindo. 7. Nunkoka Boolyo-muuda kunda-linga yunka nunyo. 
 8. Munta-na oora-eno woonje-linga iudamullea nooie. 9. Umma-lo takoko-na 
 uta-linga woonje-woonjea. 10. Moyerjo-ngo kanari-ko woonje-woonje berdaje-ko 
 tare-linga. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. A father will beat his son to keep-him-good. 2. I am sitting down in the 
 camp to learn Pitta-Pitta. 3. The woman told her husband to hit me. 4. Tou 
 are telling my brother to hunt kangaroo. 5. We will both give the old-man 
 something to eat. 6. Tou told (my) brother to be silent. 7. I will tell her to 
 go away from the direction of Boulia. 8. This man is asking for food to bring to 
 the camp. 9. A mother teaches her infant to swim. 10. The old woman will 
 teach the girl (how) to weave a dilly-bag. 
 
 30. Some Special Forms of the Puture. 
 
 a. About to, just, &c. By means of the lengthened future form of the 
 verb, with the present or past transitive or intransitive verbal pronouns 
 as the case may be — 
 
 oota-linga nunja = I am about to come back, I am just now sroinff 
 to return. ^ '' 
 
 tiche-linga nutto ^ I am about to eat, I am just going to eat, 
 
ABOEiaiJTALS : AK ELEMENTAET GEAMMAE. 
 
 21 
 
 5. May, perhaps, might, &c. — 
 
 (i.) Similar to preceding, but aa intervening we-ii 
 
 kunda-Iinga weri nunja = I may perhaps, might, go. 
 tiche-linga weri nutto = I may perhaps, might, eat. 
 (ii.) Translated by the ordinary future tense with the intervening 
 miln-na, 
 kunda munna nunyo = I may perhaps, might, go. 
 tiche munna nunyo = I may perhaps, might, eat. 
 
 c. Must. Translated by means of the lengthened future form of the veA, 
 
 the present or past transitive or intransitive verbal pronoun, as the 
 
 case may be, and the intervening nd-ri 
 kunda-linga nari nunja = I must go. 
 tiche-linga nari nutto = I must eat. 
 
 d. Would, would like to, &c. ; -mul-la, or -mid-la-tul-la, is added to the stem- 
 
 root, and the present or past transitive or intransitive verbal pronoun, 
 as the case may be — 
 kunda-mulla nunja, vel kunda-mulla-tulla nunja = I would go, I would 
 
 like to go. 
 tiche-mulla nutto, vel tiche-mulla-tuUa uutto = I would like to eat, I 
 would eat. 
 
 ^Example 26. 
 1. Kako-muUa-eno kooroui-eno kunda-mulla-tulla noongoka. 2. Koolpari- 
 ko marali tiche-munna-nunango. 3. Wolka-pakoola-eno oota-linga weri nunja. 
 4. Munna-ko wungata-pityiri-ko pite-linga nari nutto. 5. Munna-enyango kana- 
 pityiri-enyango punna-linga nuUi. 6. Ifungka-mulla nunja ingkati-ena. 7. Wolka- 
 pakoolangooro-eno oota-linga nari impa. 8. Koolpari-nga kurri kunda-mulla- 
 tulla tunangoka. 9. Mali-maro-ngo oota-linga weri nooaka. 10. Papatooro-ngo 
 kana-ngo tuari-ngooro-ko munna pite. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. He would like to go to your sister's hut. 2. "We might eat the emu 
 to-morrow. 3. I may perhaps come back in two days. 4. I must beat the bad 
 women. 5. We-two are about to run away from the direction of the bad men. 
 6. I would like to sit down (i.e., live) at your place. 7. Tou must return in three 
 days. 8. They would like to go emu-hunting soon. 9. He is thinking-about 
 (i.e., may be) coming with a net. 10. The short follow might hit the tall one. 
 
 31. Some Special Forms of the Imperative. 
 
 The suffixes already given for the singular, dual, and plural in the imperative 
 (sect. 19), indicate the required order or command without any limitation or 
 reservation — 
 
 a. Certain conditions can, however, be accentuated .' a the command — 
 (i.) Proximity to person commanding = -ta, -ta-la, -ta-ra 
 oota-ta = come (thou !) here, close up ! 
 tiche-tala = eat (you two !) here, close up ! 
 tukka-tara = stand (all of you !) here, close up ! 
 (ii.) Remoteness from person commanding = -iia-pa, -na-pa-la, -na-pa-ra 
 kunda-napa = go (thou !) over there, far yonder, 
 tiche-napala = eat (you two !) over there, far yonder, 
 tukka-napara = stand (all of you!) over there, far yonder, 
 (iii.) Reiteration of a command already given, &c. == -li-ko, -li-ka-lS, 
 -li-ka-ra 
 kunda-liko = go (thou !) whither-you-are-told, &c. 
 mare-likala = fetch (you two !) what-you-are-told, &c. 
 tukka-likara = stand (all of you !) where-you-are-told, &c. 
 I. The suffix -ko {cf. kou-a, sect. 12 and sect. 31c) with an object by itself 
 in the simple singular form expresses the idea of bringing or CQpveying 
 that same object or objects to the person speaking, with an imperative 
 force — 
 bibapooro-ko ! = fetch the boomerangs up here ! 
 
22 THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE Or THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 c. The use of kou-& in the imperaiive mood has already been _ reterred to, 
 
 when dealing with the vocative case (sect. 12). It is detective, 
 being used only in the singular, dual, and plural imperative 
 
 ^0M-a3«= come (you) here ! 
 
 kou-&-]& = come (both of you) here ! 
 
 Aow-a-ra = eome (all of you) here! 
 
 d. The second person singular, dual, and plural of the simple imperative 
 
 can be supplemented as follows by the remaining persons : — 
 (i.) Let me, allow me to, &c. This can be translated in two ways : 
 Eilher: The past-lense form of Ihe verb and suffix -e-no, with 
 nunyo (the future verbal pronoun, sect. 18c) — 
 kunda-ka-eno nunyo = let me go, 
 tiche-ka-eno nunyo = allow me to eat ; 
 
 Or: By the use of the verb "nungkala-" (= to permit) in the impera- 
 tive, the objective case, and the infinitive — 
 nungkala-na nunya punna-linga = permit me to run. 
 
 (ii.) Let him, her, it, &c. = mul-\& added to the root-stem, with the future 
 verbal pronouns (sect. 18c) — 
 
 +■ Vi _L ( inuDa noongou = let him, close up at front or side, go, eat- 
 
 „ noongoka = let him, close up at back, „ 
 
 „ nooEgoari = let him, close up yonder, „ 
 
 „ iiungou = let her, close up at front or sido, „ 
 
 „ nungoka = let her, close up at back, „ 
 
 „ nungoari = let her, close up yonder, „ 
 Of course, as in the preceding case, the verb nungkala- may be again used: 
 nungkala-iia innie, &c., kunda-linga, tiehe-linga, &e. 
 
 (iii.) Let us, &c. The past-tense form of the verb and suffix -e-no with 
 the fuiure pronouns (nullingo or nunango, &c., sect. 18c), accord- 
 ing as the dual or plural is referred to — 
 kunda-ka-eno nullingo = let us both go. 
 tiche-ka-eno nunango = let us all eat. 
 Or again, the form — 
 nungkala-na nullina, nunana, &c., can be used. 
 
 (iv.) Let them, &c. Pormed similarly to that of the 3rd person singular 
 kunda-mulla poolungoka = let these two-at-the-back-of-me go. 
 tiche-mulla tunangoari =: let those-folks-yonder eat. 
 Or again, the same idea can be stated as — 
 nungkala-na poolanaka, tunanari, &c. 
 
 32. Verbs. Reflexive. 
 
 a. Self: translated by »!oo«-di, inGexed like a noun — 
 
 berdaje-na moondi-lo tare-ka nutto = I myself weaved the dilly-bag. 
 I. Eeflexiye verbs are formed by adding -mul-le- to the root-stem, and 
 inSexing the compound so formed according to the ordinary rule 
 (sect. 17), e.g. — 
 
 Present tense— mul-le-a 
 Past tense — mul-le-ka 
 Future tense — mul-le, mul-le-linga. 
 The transitive verb so transformed will of course be rendered intransitive, 
 bibapooi'o-na oondia nutto = I am greasing a spear. 
 oonda-nuiUea nuuja = I am greasing myself, 
 moorra-na koorea nindo = thou art cutting wood. 
 koore-muUea impa = thou art cutting thyself, 
 kauari-na pite-ka nooloou = he struck the girl, 
 pite-mulle-ka nooie = he struck himself, 
 makowata-na poondia nutto = I am breaking a spear, 
 prinna-na poonda-muUea nunja = I break (myself, my) leg. 
 
ABOEIGINAIS : AN ELEMENTAET GEAMMAE. 23 
 
 In addition to this meaning of " self," -nmlle has an additional interpreta- 
 tion in the sense of " one another, one with the other, each other," &c. : — 
 
 pite-muUe-ka nuna = we were all striking one another — i.e., we were 
 
 fighting. 
 woonje-muUe poolungou = they-both will-be-giving one-with-the other 
 
 — i.e., they both will barter, 
 koore-mullea tunaka = they are cutting one another, 
 yunka-mullea nuna = we all are telling one with the other — i.e., we 
 
 . are all chattering together, 
 pretipa nunyo noko = I will meet him. 
 pretipa-muUe nuUingo = we two will meet one another. 
 
 33. Some Special Forms of Transitive and Intransitive Verbs. 
 
 a. A transitive verb can be made intransitive by the addition of -le to the 
 root-stem, and conjugating accordingly. 
 
 tichea nutto ^= I eat. 
 
 tiche-le-a nunja = I am at-eating, at dinner, &c. 
 
 tiche-ka nutto = I ate. 
 
 tiche-le-ka nunja = I was at-eating, at dinner, &c. 
 
 tiche nunyo = I will eat. 
 
 tiche-le nunyo = I will be at-eating, at dinner, & j. 
 Similarlj^: — 
 
 katipulka- = to hit someone on the heal. 
 
 katipulka-le-a = a headache. 
 
 timia nutto =^ I drink. 
 
 tima-le-a nunja = I am at-drinking, at the bottle, &c. 
 
 pipia nutto = T see. 
 
 pipa-le-a nunja = I am at-seeing, on tho look-out, &c. 
 
 h. A transitive verb can be made intransitive by means described in 
 sect. 32J. 
 
 c. A certain iudefiniteness of action is indicated by the addition of -ma 
 
 to the root-stem of an intransitive verb, and conjugating accordingly — 
 
 punnia nunja = I run. 
 
 punna-mia nunja = I run about here and there. 
 
 punna-ka nunja = I ran. 
 
 punna-ma-ka nunja = I ran about here and there. 
 
 punna nunyo = i will run. 
 
 punna-ma nunyo = 1 will run about here and there. 
 
 utia nunja = I swim. 
 
 uta-tnia nunja = I swim about hei'e and there. 
 [South of Boulia, e.g., Bedouri, the suflEx -cha is used in place of -ma-, 
 and hence we find occasionally the forms punna-chia, punna-cha-ka, &c., used by 
 the Pitta- Pitta aboriginals.] 
 
 d. Special definiteness or purpose, &c., is sometimes expressed by the 
 
 addition of -re to the root-stem of an intransitive verb, which is 
 thus rendered transitive — 
 punnia nunja = I run. 
 punna-re-a nutto = I run with-special-attention-to something, taking- 
 
 something-with-me — i.e., I steal, 
 nungka-ka nunja = I sat down. 
 
 nungka-re-ka nutto = I sat down with-special-attentiou to somebody, 
 &c. — i.e., I attended to, looked after, took care of, &c. 
 
 Hxample 27. 
 1. Kunda-napala ! mullo oota-tala. 2. Perkilli-na koolpari-na tiche-likara. 
 3. Oota-td ! munguni-maro ! tiche-ta ! 4. Tunka-na pooriti-na tapo kunna- 
 linga. 5. "Woonje-woonje-ta Pitta- Pitta-na yunka-linga: parari kunna-linga 
 
24 THE SPOKEN LANGrAGE 01' THE PITTA-PITIA 
 
 nunyo. 6. "Woonje-na nuna-na munta-na kurri tiche-linga. V. Nungka a-na 
 nunya munna-enyango wungata-enyango kunda-linga. 8. Nungka-ka-eno nunyo 
 umma-wara-ena kooroui-ena. 9. Perkilli-na moolka-na muUo yuppien-ngo yate- 
 muUa. 10. Mullo pite-muUe-mulla tunangoka : makowata-ko. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Go away ! you two fellows ! far yonder ! — don't come back to me here. 
 2. Here ! all you people 1 eat the big emu as you are bidden. 3. Come-back 
 here, doctor ! and dine with me ! 4. Tell the whole-lot-of-them to be quiet. 5. 
 Teach me to speak Pitta- Pitta : I will learn. 6. Give us this day food to eat. 
 7. Let me. avoid (i.e., go-away from the direction of) a bad woman. 8. Let me 
 rest in mother's hut. 9. Do not allow the boy to climb the big tree-trunk. 10. 
 Do not let them fight : bring the spears up here ! 
 
 ^Example 28. 
 1. Pooriti munguni-maro-pityiri pite-mulle-ka. 2. Kulli-na wolka-pa- 
 koola-ena poonda-rauUe-ka nunja. 3. Marali toota-ngo oonda-mulle noongoka 
 4. Makowata-na bibapooro-nga pulki-woonje-mullea nulli. 5. Wolka- 
 wirea-eno pretipa-mulle poolangoka. G. Miriwinni-lo pite-mulle-ka nooaka. 7. 
 Noko kulla-pakoola-ena pretipa-mulle ingo. 8. Kooroui-ena nunkatiari-ena 
 yunka-mulle-ka tunaka. 9. Moyerjo-ngo koopa-koopa-ngo bibapooro-pityiri- 
 ngo pite-mulle. 10. Prinna-ko poonda-mulle-linga weri nunja. 
 
 • 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The whole lot of the doctors were fighting between themselves. 2. I broke 
 my arm two days ago. 3. He will smear himself with fat to-morrow. 4. We 
 are bartering together a spear for a boomerang. 5. They two will meet one 
 another when-the-sun-goes-down. 6. He was hitting himself with a stone. 7. 
 Tou will meet him at-the-two-rivers (i.e., where the rivers meet). 8. They were 
 all chattering together in that woman's hut. 9. The old man and the old woman 
 will be hitting each other with boomerangs. 10. I might break my leg. 
 
 lExample 29. 
 1. Moyerjo-nga uttapeukka-pityiri-wara kulla-ena uta-mia. 2. Machoomba 
 wapa-pityiri pokara-ena punna-ma-ka. 3. Xana tiche-le-ka : wungata tima-le-ka. 
 4. TIpperi kurri mullo kunda : bilba tarembola-la kunda-lea. 5. Kenja-ngo wapa- 
 pityiri-ngo parapi-ena uta-ma. 6. Punjea-na wungata-na nungka-rea noolooka. 
 7. Tano-ko kanari-ko nungkare nullingo. 8. Bibapooro-na mullo punnare-muUa 
 noongoka. 9. Koopa-koopa-ngo ticho-le. 10. Kooyungo-ngo kana-pityiri-ngo 
 mullo eche-le. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The old woman's children are swimming about in the river. 2. The 
 kangaroo's pups were running about among the grass. 3. The man was at-dinner: 
 the woman was having-a-drink. 4. Father will not go away to-day : he is drunk 
 (f.e., the forehead is "going" with pituri). 5. The slut's pups will be swimming 
 about in the creek. 6. He is attending-to the sick woman. 7. We will both 
 look-after tho delicate girl. 8. Do not let him steal the spear. 9. The old man 
 will be at-dinner. 10. Good men will not die. 
 
 34. Eelative Pronouns. 
 
 a. Nominative. Who, which, &c., are not translated, the relative sentence 
 
 being put into close apposition with the subject : thus, 
 
 "The man, who takes care of his wife, is a good fellow" becomes " The 
 man takes care of his wife ; (he is) a good fellow"— J e., kana-lo 
 nopo-na nungkarea ; kooyungo-ngooro. 
 So again, 
 
 wallara nunja koopa-koopa-na nungkarea = I, who am young attend 
 upon the old. °' 
 
ABOEIGINAliS : AN ELEMENTAET GEAMMAR. 25 
 
 h. Objective. The relative " whom, wliich " is again omitted : the whole 
 sentence, towever, is put into the objective ease, verb as well as noun 
 bearing the suffixal inflexions -na or -ko, as the tense directs. 
 Thus, " I see the man whom you are beating," becomes " I see the 
 
 you-are-beating man " — i.e., pipia nutto innaka indo-pitea-na. 
 Similarly : — 
 
 innaka ingo-woonje-linga-na makowata-ko pipa-ka nutto = I saw 
 the you-will-give-a-spear-to man — i.e., I saw the man to whom you 
 will give a spear. 
 [Note tliat in the future relative sentence the lengthened form only of the 
 future is used.] 
 
 c. Possessive. 
 
 (i.) B.elative to persons only, " whose" = -wa-ra-nga inflexed of course 
 as usual {of. wa-ia, in sects. 10, 35, and the possessive suffix -ng-a in 
 sect. 13flr). 
 tare-ka nutto yuppieri-na waranga-na bibapooro-na mare-ka niado = 
 
 I kicked the boy whose boomerang you took, 
 pite-ka nindo kanari-na waranga-ko berdaje-ko mare nunyo = Tou 
 struck the girl whose dilly-bag I propose taking (I will take), 
 (ii.) lielative to things — not translated. 
 
 35. Interrogative Pronouns. 
 
 a. Relating to persons : who ? which ? = wa-r&, inflexed like any other 
 noun — 
 wara nungkia ? = who is sitting ? 
 wara-lo tichea ? ^ who is eating ? 
 wara wungata kundia r* = which woman goes-away ? 
 wara-lo wungata-lo timia ? = which woman is drinking ? 
 wara-nga bibapooro ? = whose boomerang ? 
 wara-enya-na ? -enya-ko ? = from whom? (present or past, future). 
 
 h. Relating to things : which ? what ? = min-na,, also inflexed like any 
 other noun or adjective — 
 minna punnia ? = what is running ? 
 minna-nga kundia impa ? = what are you going after ? 
 minna-na marea nindo ? = what are you bringing ? 
 minna-la? ^ (thro ugh-the-effects-of what ? i.e.) why? 
 minna-mundi ? = (what much ? i.e.) how much ? how many ? 
 
 Example 80. 
 1. Nopo, koopa-koopa-nga kako, kundia. 2. Pipia nutto kooroui-na ingo 
 mooehe-linga-na. 3. Woonjeta bibapooro-na niudo toka-ka-na. 4. Tincha-ka 
 nindo moolka-na yuppieri-lo yate-ka-na. 5. Pite nunyo piouli-ko ingo-woonje- 
 linga-ko nopo-ko. 6. Pipa-ka nuUilo wungata-na ingo woonje-linga-na berdaje- 
 ko. 7. Kana-lo tichea pari-na munta-na poolki-kunnia. 8. Amachiella-ngooro- 
 Bgo pari-ko tiche. 9. Moyerjo-ngo pooti-ko tineha. 10. Munguni-maro, titi- 
 mulla, nungkia nunkatiye-ena. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. My wife, who is the sister of the old-man, is going away. 2. I see the 
 hut you will be sleeping in. 3. Grive-me-here the boomerang which you fetched. 
 4. Tou were cutting the tree which the boy climbed. 5. I will strike the dog 
 which you iutend-giving-to your wife. 6. We both saw the woman whom you will 
 give the dilly-bag to. 7. The man who eats too much food will be full-up. 
 8. A fellow who is hungry will eat plenty. 9. The old-woman will cut the fire- 
 wood. 10. The doctor, your brother, is sitting-down at-her-place. 
 
 Hxample 31. 
 1. Mierli impa muUo eche-le. 2. Ooranga-ko bibapooro-pityiri-ko punnare 
 nunyo. 3. Makowata-ko ingkati-ko poonda noongoka : ingko ooroo-ko woonje 
 nunyo. 4. Pipa-ka nutto kanari-na waranga-na berdaje-na punnare-ka nindo. 
 
26 THE SPOKBIf lAKaUAGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 5. Pipianutto wungata-Ba waranga-ko uttapeukka-ko pumjare ingo. 6. Toua 
 noongoka machootnba-ko wapa-ko tiche-linga-ko nunyo. 7. Kacbe-linga nunyo 
 kope-ko ingo tiche-linga-ko. 8. Koopa-koopa waranga-na makowata-pityiri-na 
 toka-ka nindo niinyati-ena nungljia. 9. Pite noongoa kana-ko waranga utta- 
 pcukka twinjea. 10. Tiche nunyo tinnapuUi-ko wapa-pityiri punna-inia-na. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Thou, who art good, will not dis. 2. I will steal another-man's hoome- 
 raiigH. 3. He will break your spear: I will give you another. 4. I saw the girl 
 whoKe dilly-bag you stole. 5. 1 see the woman whose child he is going to steal. 
 G. lie will hit the kangaroo whose pups I intend eating. 7. I will catch the fish 
 which you will eat. 8. The old man, whose spears you brought, is sitting-down 
 at-my-place. 9. He yonder will strike the man whose child is crying. 10. I will 
 eat the opossum whose young are running-about. 
 
 Example 32. 
 
 1. Wara-lo woonje-ia inna bibapooro-na ? 2. Wara wungata takoko-maro ? 
 3. Wara-eno kundia impa ? 4. Wara-ngo uttapeukka ? mulla. 5. Wara-ena 
 nungkia nunpari ? 6. Minna-eno mie-eno prinnapoortea nooa ? 7. Minna-la 
 punjea impa ? 8. Minna-enyana moorra-enyana tinnapuUi-na tincha-ka 
 noolooka ? 9. Tunka-na nunya, npperi, minna-na ? 10. Minna-ko machoom- 
 ba-nga-ko tiche nunango ? 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. Who gave you ihe boomerang ? 2. Who is the woman that has a baby ? 
 3. To whom are you going? 4. Whose child? thine. 5. Alongside whom is 
 that woman-yonder sitting? 6. To which country is that fellow travelling ? 7. 
 Why (through the effects of what) are you sick? 8. From which branch did he 
 fetch the opossum ? 9. Tell me, father, what (do you want, &c.) ? 10. Which 
 kangaroo shall we eat ? 
 
 36. Numerals, &c. 
 
 The Pitta-Pitta aboriginal has words for the two first numerals only. 
 
 one = oo-roo-roo, shortened into oo-roo or oo-to, (cf. oora-nga = 
 another's, another person's). 
 
 two = pa-koo-la (sect. 43A). 
 
 Eemaining numbers are compounded from these, thus : 
 
 three = pakoola-ng-ooro, the -ng- being inserted for euphony. 
 
 four = pakoola-pakoola. 
 
 five = pakoola-pakoolangooro. 
 
 Beyond four, the savage will generally speak of everything as pd-n, i.e., a 
 lot, a large number. He certainly has visible conceptions of higher numbers, and 
 I have often had a practical demonstration of this fact by asking him to count 
 how many fingers and toes he has, and telling him to mark the number in the 
 sand. Thus, he commences with the hand open, and turns the fingers down by 
 twos, and for every two he will make a double stroke in the sand. [This method of 
 closing the fingers into the palm after cimnting is like that of a Japanese boy: an 
 English lad will generally close his fingers on to the palm previous to enumeration, 
 and then extend them as he calls them.] The strokes he makes in the saud are 
 parallel one beside the other, and when the numeration is complete, he calls 
 "pakoola" for every two of them. This method of counting is common 
 throughout the district, and often practised by the elders of the tribe to ascertain 
 the number of individuals iu camp. Pea-te- = to count: pin-ki-poo-ra- = to 
 divide, to share equally. 
 
 Other ideas of number are the followins : — 
 
 «2««-da-ta = few, scarce — used as adjective or noun. 
 
 pd-m, poo-vi-ii, poo-m = a large crowd, all, the whole lot, &c. : also used 
 
 as adjective or noun (sect. 43 h). 
 pd-ri pd-yi = belongings, possessions, property, one's " all" (sect. 43^). 
 h-e = together, collectively, in a body. 
 
ABOEIGIN.UiS : AW ELEMENTAET aEAMMAE. 27 
 
 37. Guantity and Size. 
 
 Ideas on these matters are very limited, and apparently interchangeable : — 
 fi-e = small in quantity as well as small, diminutive, in size. 
 mun-di = much, many. 
 mUnff-koT-k = (the largest size of dilly-bag made, and hence =") large both 
 
 in quantity, number, and size, 
 minna-mundi? =ho-w much ? how many? 
 minna-mungkora ? = what size ? what quantity ? 
 ^e-ri-pa = big, large {cf. pari-pari). 
 
 per-\l\-\i ^large, immense, big, in size and extent (sect. 43A). 
 tu-a-ri = big in length, long. 
 
 Example 33. 
 1. Tie-maro tarembola-maro nunaka. 2. Pari-maro-ngo munta-maro-ngo 
 koopa-koopa-ngo. 3. Woonje-na nunnari pari-na. 4. Mungkora-maro tarembola- 
 maro nunja. 5. Mungkora-ko kope-ko mali-ngo kache nunyo. 6. Pari-pari- 
 maro-ngo oota tunangoka. 7. Pooriti-ngo kana-ngo kulla-pakoola-eno kunda. 
 8. Wungata-pityiri pooriti Boolyo-munda ootia. 9. Koopa-koopa oora-eno oota- 
 ka : wungata mutto. 10. Tuppieri-lo tichea : wungata mutto-lo. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. She has a small quantity of pituri. 2. The old man will have a lot of 
 food. 3. Grive that woman yonder a large quantity. 4. I have a great deal of 
 pituri. 5. I shall catch a large quantity of fis-h with my net. 6 They will come 
 with all their possessions. 7. All the men will go to where-the-rivers-meet (to 
 the two-rivers). 8. The whole lot of women are returning from the direction of 
 Boulia. 9. The old-man returned to camp : and so did the woman. 10. The boy 
 is eating — and the girl too. 
 
 Example 34. 
 
 1. Kana-ngo bibapooro-ko mare ; makowala-mutto-ko. 2. Munguni-maro — 
 pakoolangooro lie nungkia. 3. IVIinna-mundi makowata-pityiri ingkati ? 4. 
 Minna-mungkora uttapeukka ? 5. Yunka-'na licha minna-mundi-na tarembola- 
 ingkati-na. G. Minna-mungkora-na kope-pityiri-na mare-ka nindo? 7. Kaclie- 
 ka noolooa nundata-na kope-pityiri-ua : kache-ka nutto mungkora-na. 8. 
 Koondungari-pityiri tie: nari nundata. 9. Wungata-pityiri tillimurri-ena lie 
 nungkia. 10. Koolpari-pityiri perkilli : nari pari. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. The man will fetch the boomerang; and the spear too. 2. Three doctors are 
 sitting together-apart. 3. How many spears are yours ? 4. How big is the child ? 
 5. State correctly how mach pituri you have. C. What quantity of fish have you 
 brought ? 7. He caught a few flsh : J caught a lot. 8. Diver-birds are small : 
 and they are also scarce. 9. The women are sitting apart-in-a-body near the 
 gidyea tree. 10. The emus are large: they are also plentiful. 
 
 38. Ideas of Time. 
 
 As has already been mentioned under prepositions (sect. 25), Time- when is 
 indicated by -ena or -eno according as it refers to the present and past, or to the 
 future. 
 
 Time — duration, how long — is measured in days by the number of suns, and 
 in months by so many moons : — 
 
 wolka-pakoolangooro-ena = during the past three days {i.e , three suns in 
 
 past-time), 
 jungi-pakoola-eno = during the next two month's (i.e., two moons in 
 future time). 
 The length of the day is measured by sun-rise, sun-risen {i.e., mid-day), and 
 sun-sinking — 
 
 wolka-wunjea = sun-rise (tbe sun rises), 
 wolka-wunje-ka = mid-day (the sun risen), 
 wolka-wirea = sunset (the sun sinks, dives), 
 wolka-wunjea-eno oota nunyo = I will return at sunrise. 
 wolka-wunje-ka-ena kunda-ka nunja = I went away at mid -day. 
 
28 tSE SPOKEN LAlfGrAGE OF THE PITtA-PITTA 
 
 Tlie following are some terms, other than those already giren, relating to 
 ideas of time : — 
 
 wen-ko ? = when. 
 
 k&r-ri = now, immediately, soon, to-day. 
 
 w8l-lia.-Jia,, »!a-ra-li = to-morrow. 
 
 e-la-Zi-e = to-morrow. 
 
 tiia-a-e-la-Z^-e = every-day, daily, always, ever and ever. 
 
 yd-Vst ya-ka-ye = night-time. 
 
 too-rb, wan-ta,, kun-na, = by-and-by, later on. 
 
 MMo-ka-la a-ioo-na = before after. 
 
 tiche-linga nunyo ungkala : tima-linga nuuyo akoona = I will eat before 
 I drink {lit. = I will eat before : I will drink after). 
 Beyond a few months' duration, Time-when cannot be accurately expressed : 
 reference is made to some event of more than passing importance — such as a big 
 flood, or drought, or some special initiation ceremony, or a tribal fight, perhaps. 
 Very long lapses of time are called to memory by expressions somewhat after 
 this fashion : "When I was a child," " Before the white-fellow came," "Before 
 the blackfellow jumped-up here," " When the animals and birds were all black- 
 fellows," represent pretty accurately the comparative and progressively increasing 
 past eras of the aboriginal calendar. 
 
 39. Ideas of Place, Direction, and Distance. 
 
 Attention will be directed elsewhere to lopal nomenclature (sect. 226) as 
 well as to the limits of direction (sect. 227), the cardinal and intermediate points 
 of the compass being known. 
 
 The following are some of the more ordinary terms used to define place and 
 direction : — 
 
 il-Id = hither (to front or side). 
 
 iZ-la-ka = hither (to elose-up-at-the-back). 
 
 il-/a-ri = thither (yonder). 
 
 noon ff-a-ye = here (at front or side). 
 
 noonff-a-ka, =^ here (at close-up-at-the-back). 
 
 noonq-d-vl = there (yonder). 
 
 »»-ta-lim-me ? = whither ? 
 
 tn-\a ?, win-ta, ? = whereabouts ? what, which, place ? 
 
 «-a-ra-ra, to = a long-way off, far away from. 
 
 moong-\a,-\3, = in the neighbourhood of, close to. 
 
 ye-ni-OToo?zy-ka-ta ? = how far ? 
 Distance is measured by the number of "suns" or "sleeps" taken in 
 performing the journey — the day's travel of course varying in different directions 
 according to the waterholes, &c., or else by enumerating the number of creeks, 
 hills, &c., which require to be traversed. 
 
 40. Interrogation— Doubt or Uncertainty. 
 
 a. The direct question is indicated by — 
 
 (i.) Some form of the relative interrogative, already referred to in 
 
 86Ct. Ot>— ' 
 
 wara? = who? which? minna ? = what ? which ? mm-na-li = why ? 
 (ii.) The suffix -pa? when the answer "yes" or "no" only is expected— 
 kooyungo-pa ? = was it (is it) a good man ? 
 munna-pa ? = was it (is it) a good one ? 
 (iii.) In all other cases nd-ii is used, placed immediately after the verb— 
 mare-nari nunyo nokou makowata-ko ?= shall I bring this spear ? 
 kunda-linga-nari nunyo tinungara-eno pari-pari-nga ? = shall 1 go 
 northwards after my belongings ? 
 h. Expressions of doubt or uncertainty. 
 
 (i.) May, perhaps, might, &c. = wg-n (already referred to in sect. 30J). 
 (ii.) "It is doubtful whether," "One hardly knows," " One would think 
 so, but can't be sure," &c. —Ml-h Ml-li (sects. 99, 100), ma-ia,. 
 
ABOEIGUfAXS : AN ELEMEKTAET GEAMMAB. 29 
 
 41. Notes of Exclamation, &c. 
 
 The only examples (besides those mentioned in sect. 12) which I can gather 
 in this connection are the following : — 
 mS. = thanks ! thank you ! 
 kd-ie ! = right-you-are ! all-right ! 
 «^-ri = ready! off! &c. 
 
 Mitny-ka-Da Mn-da-na-pa! =^ ta-ta ! good-bye I 
 
 [It w^ill be noticed that bare we have "sit down" "go away" in the 
 
 imperative : the former expression is used by the individual departing, the latter 
 by the one remaining.] 
 ko ! e-a ! = yes ! 
 miil-lo ! = no ! 
 
 Example 35. 
 1. Mierli mara nooaka. 2. KuUi-kulli mierli munna nunaka. 3 Kulli- 
 kulli kunda-ka nooa. 4. Macboomba mara utia. 5. Piouli-ko munta-ko woonje 
 nari nunyo ? 6. Tukka-nari kati nungka-nari nunango. 7. Minnali wungata- 
 pityiri nungkia ? 8. Oora-eno ingkati-ngako punna-nari nunyo ? 9. Tunaelalie 
 wolka wunjea. 10. Oota-nari ingo kunna ? ea ! 
 
 Translation. 
 
 1. One hardly knows whether this fellow is a good one. 2. This woman may 
 be good or bad — 1 don't know. 8. One hardly knows whether he went or not. 
 4. One would think that a kangaroo swims, but you can't be sure. 5. Shall I 
 give the dog (some) food ? 6. Shall we stand or sit ? 7. Why are the women 
 sitting-down ? 8. Shall I ruu up to the camp for you (i.e., for your advantage, 
 to save you trouble, &c.) ? 9. The sun rises daily. 10. Will you return later 
 on ? Certainly ! 
 
 JSxample 36. 
 
 1. Tima-linga ingo ungkala : tiche-linga ingo akoona. 2. Berdaje-na woonje- 
 na nunya ungkala : kunda-na akoona. 3. Oora-enya kunda nunyo ungkala : 
 kundanoongoka akoona. 4. Inta-enyanabibapooro-na toka-kanindo. 5. Minna- 
 ena nungkia kokola ? mie-ena. 6. Intalimme kundia impa ? 7. Wara-nga -ena 
 nungkia nooaka ? 8. Tenimoongkata Boolyo ? warara. 9. Oota-linga nunango. 
 wenko ? kurri. 10. Ma ! nungkana-kundanapa. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Tou shall drink before you eat. 2. Give me a dilly-bag before you go. 
 3. He will be going away from the camp after I do. 4. Prom whereabouts did 
 you fetch the boomerang ? 5. In what (place) does a bandicoot live ? In the 
 ground. 6. Whither are you going ? 7. At whose (place) is he staying ? 
 8. How f ar is Boulia ? A long way off. 9. We shall come back. When? Soon. 
 10. Thanks ! good-bye ! 
 
 42. Participles and Perfects. 
 
 a. Present. The present participle can be indicated by adding the suffix 
 -e-na = time-when (sect 25S) to the present or past tense of the verb, 
 kana punnia = the man runs. 
 kana punnia-ena prinna-na tunpa-muUea = tie man, while running, cuts 
 
 (his) leg. 
 makowata-na pukka-ka noolooka = he was making a spear, 
 pukka-ka-ena noolooka makowata-na, mooche-ka nooaka = while making 
 a spear, he fell asleep. 
 i. Past and Perfect. These are translated by the suffixes -en-ja, = time- 
 after, since (sect. 25e) or -md-ro = sign of possession (i.e., act 
 possessed, and so, done-with), with the past tense of the verb, 
 punua-ka nunja = I ran. 
 
 punna-ka-enya, vel punna-ka-maro, nunja, &c. = (after I ran, I have 
 run, I had run — t}ie act done with, i.e.) havjng run, I &p. 
 
30 THE SPOKEN LAU&tTAGE Or THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 c. Future. Expressed by -enya-n^o = time-after or since (in its future 
 form), with the past tense (act completed) of the verb : this sumx is 
 often contracted into -ngo. 
 ticTie-l<a nutta = I ate. 
 
 tiche-ka-enya-ngo, vel tiche-ka-n^o, nunyo, &c. = when I shall have 
 eaten, having eaten, I will, &c. 
 [It will thus be seen in the following examples how various are the English 
 methods by which these perfects and participles may be translated.] 
 
 JSxample 37. 
 1. Kulli-na poondomulle-ka-enya kanari oora-eno punna-ka. 2. Tiche-ka- 
 enyanindo poolki-kunna-kaimi)ii. 3. luna pite-ka-enya nutto, nieri-nieri kunna-ka 
 irapa. 4. Tvvinje-ka nunja, nunya tare-ka-enya nindo. 5. Koopa-koopa prinna- 
 na pooudo-muilo-ka-enya nungka-ka. 6. Murra-na koore-ka-enya wungata 
 nunyouno oota-ka. 7. Uta-ka-enya-ngo (nunyo) toota-ngo oonda-mulle nunyo. 
 
 8. Kunda-ka-ngo nunyo, takoko-na nungkare-na. 9. Mojerjo-lo uta-ka-ena 
 tinna-na miriwinni-lo tunpa-mulle-ka. 10. Punna-ka-ena prinna-iia poonda- 
 muUe-ka nooa. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. Having broken (her) arm, the girl ran up to the camp. 2. After having 
 had-your-food, you were full-up. 3. Being struck by me (after I had struck 
 you) you got away. 4. I cried because you kicked me (after you kicked me). 
 5. Having broken his leg, the old man sat down. 6. The woman came back to 
 my place : she had cut her hand. 7. When I (shall) have had a swim, I will 
 grease myself with fat. 8. Look-after (my) child when I am (shaJl have) gone. 
 
 9. While swimming, the old woman cut (her) foot with a stone. 10. That 
 fellow yonder broke his leg when running. 
 
 Example 38. 
 
 1. TinnapuUi-nga-ena kulli-na poondamuUe-ka nnnja. 2. Kunda-na upperi- 
 lo yunkaka-enya. 3. Tarembola oota-ka-ko uunjo-ko oora-eno woonje-nari 
 ingo ? 4. Umma-lo yunka-ka-enya nungka nuUingo. 5. Yunka-ka-enya-ngo 
 noongoka kunda ingo. 6. Mierli-lo umma-lo yunka-ka-ko tiche noongoka. 7. 
 Ooro-wolka-ena munta-na yappieri-na oota-ka-na woonje-ka nutto. 8. Tiche-ka- 
 enya punna-ka nooa. 9. Pite-ka-enya wungi-lo yuppieri twinjea. 10. Nung- 
 ka-na ! kunda-napa ! nuno-kunnia nunja. 
 
 Translation. 
 1. While after opossums, I broke my arm. 2. Go where you father told 
 you [time-when, since, your father told you to]. 3. Will you give me pituri if 
 (when) I come back to camp ? [Note the relative sentence : me-who-have-come 
 in future time]. 4. We shall stay (where) mother told us. 5. Tou will go 
 when he shall have told you. 6. He will eat what his good mother told him 
 [relative sentence: the-gooJ-mother-told-hiin-what in future time]. 7. I gave 
 food yesterday to the boy who came up. 8, Having had his dinner, that fellow 
 ran away. 9. The boy is crying because his brother hit him. 10. Good-bye! I 
 am tired. 
 
 43. Introduction to the Pitta-Pitta Vocabidary. 
 
 In the following vocabulary, formed of words noted as being used by the 
 Pitta-Pitta aboriginals, it must bo remembered that the spelling as originally 
 transcribed into my note-books was purely phonetic, the subsequent etymological 
 orthography, such as It IS, being only gradually learnt and understoo'd in pro- 
 portion as my familiarity with the language increased. 
 
 Verbs are given in their crude or root form, in order that the subsequent 
 inflections may be the more easily applied. Individual proper names are not 
 included here. Personal pronouns also are omitted, these parts of speech having 
 been already detailed both in spelling and pronunciation in their respective sec- 
 tions 5, 6, 7, 10 ; the repetition of upwards of two hundred of these particular 
 
ABOEIGINALS : AN ELEMENTARY GEAMMAE. 31 
 
 parts of speech was considered unnecessary and cumbersome. With these ex- 
 ceptions, all Pitta- Pitta words used throughout the entire text will be found 
 included in the vocabulary. 
 
 Opportunity must be taken here of drawing attention to certain root-stems 
 possibly indicating a correspondence of origin in the names applied to things with 
 common attributes, properties, or peculiarities. The more important of these may 
 be tabulated as follows : — 
 
 a. KOO : — Signifying that which is moist or wet, water. 
 hoota, = water. iMttamuUa = creek, 
 ^ooroui ^ a particular kind of hut specially designed for withstanding 
 
 rain (sect. 1.59). 
 ^ooroomundo = the rain-stick (sect. 294). 
 
 /coondea = wet, moist. huni&-hunta, = raia. kunga. = water-spring. 
 ^oondungari = any species of diver-bird. 
 Aope = fish. (= koopn, among the neighbouring TJlaolinya blacks of 
 
 the Upper Mulligan Eiver ; sect. 53.) 
 of. A:ooria = rain, a Miorli word (sect. 54) ; also ko = rain, and koa.= 
 
 water, creek (both Kalkadoon words, sect. 54). 
 
 h. KA : — Expressing a tree, timber of any sort, bushes, &c. 
 folara = stick for digging up yams (sect. 158). 
 A?alori = letter- or message- stick (sect. 235). 
 Morungoro ^ tree-grub (sect. 119). 
 felouari = ti-tree. 
 
 forapari = coolibar seed-food (sect. 108). 
 ^arabadi := coolibar-tree. 
 kalo = native-flax plant (sect. 124). 
 ^aroora = tree-root. 
 Aatoora = sp. of barley-grass (sect. 107). 
 
 (koota)-^«po = sp. of white flower (growing along water's edge), 
 ya^apari = grass allied to the katoora (sect. 107). 
 po^ara = short meadow-grass (see root po). 
 po^angudye (sect. 287) = sp. of penny-royal (see root^o). 
 poo/catika (sect. 147) = sp. of wattle (see root^o). 
 moor^a = tree-root, 
 mool^fl = tree-butt, trunk, 
 yara^a = grass allied to the katoora (sect. 106). 
 
 c. PO : — Indicating grass, and so, hairs or feathers Tt may be noted here 
 
 that grass and hair are terms often used synonymously by these 
 aboriginals when speaking "pidgin" English; indeed, in the Pitta- 
 Pitta language itself the word " wunje" means either hair or grass. 
 
 ^okara = short meadow-grass (see root ka). 
 
 ^okangudye (sect. 287) = sp. of penny-royal (see root ka). 
 
 jjookatika (sect. 147) = sp. of wattle (see root ka). 
 
 poonjo = hair of the head, hair-string (sect. 52). 
 
 ;30orono = feather. 
 
 (koota)-kapo = sp. of white flower, &c. (see root ka). 
 
 d. KO : — Signification similar to root PO. 
 koTue = hair. 
 
 ^onupa = grass necklace (sect. 179). 
 hooni = pig-weed (sect. 109). 
 konano = feather, 
 ^ooramara =^ spinifex grass. 
 
 e. PI : — That which travels or lives in the air. 
 pis. = any bird in general (sect. 53). 
 jjijerdo = small hawk (sect. 53). 
 ^«ralko= " native companion" bird (sect. 53). 
 ^jpinmia = lightning. 
 
 Jj'bapooro = any boomerang in general (sect. 55). 
 chin6* = star. ^ ohiha = moon (sect, 54). 
 
32 THE SPOKEN lANGUAGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 /. MOO : — Expressing the idea of straightness, a straiglit stick. 
 mooTia = brancli, stick (c/! tiWimurri = gidyea-tree) . 
 TOOorka = tree-root. 
 OToolka = tree-butt, trunk. 
 
 OToorro = straight throwing-stiek toy (sect. 214). 
 OTorro = " nuUa-nulla" (sect. 214). 
 wtoorrindi = thumb, big toe. 
 
 wiurra = hand. This connection of the hand, thumb, big toe, with the 
 idea of straightness, straight sticks, is not over-estimated when it is 
 remembered that in tlie Boulia district itself among the TJIaolinya 
 blacks (sect. 52) we find 
 meoToo = arm, fore-arm. 
 
 jabamoko = little toes (where "jaba" = small, diminutive), 
 uriwooko = elbow. 
 
 ]?urthermore as emphasising the above, there is the Pitta- Pitta word 
 "mingko" = the "forks" of the fingers and toes, the fork of a 
 tree, a forked stick, and so a netting-needle. 
 ff. KOO : — Indicating that which ia crooked, bent, curved, or rounded. 
 ^ocmdi-A;oondi = crooked. 
 
 Jcundi-kunAi = bent throwing-stiek toy (sect. 2 14) . 
 ^oondara = snake in general (sect. 53). 
 Aoorimara = carpet-snake (sect. 53). 
 Aroompata = bent-handled native chisel (sect. 149). 
 A;oonpara = shield, koolamon (sect. 55). 
 A;oondachi (sect. 119) = crayfish (cf. rounded claws, tail), 
 ioodingberi = zig-zag wavy line (sect. 241). 
 ioodija-Aoodija = a wavy zig-zag ornamentation (sect. 211). 
 ^oodijakorea == around (sect. 22y, 23S). 
 werAroo = two lines placed cross-wise (sect. 241). 
 ^oolyo = testicles (sect. 52). 
 wa^oola = waist-belt (sect. 183). 
 uronj'ooto == circle (sect. 199c). 
 poorn^oo = knee (sect. 52). 
 ko-Jio = back, dorsum of the body (sect. 52). 
 h. PA : — Signifying quantity, number, or size, 
 ^akoola =: two, more than one (sect. 36). 
 pari = a lot (sect. 36). 
 
 pari-paii = property, belongings, possessions (sect. 36). 
 pevipa = big, large, 
 perkilli = big, large (sect. 37). 
 ^ooriti = all, the whole lot (sect. 36). 
 h. UTTA : — Expresses blood-relationship. 
 ««apeukka = child (sect. 58). 
 w^^areka = nephew on sister's side (sect. 58). 
 uttana, = maternal grandfather, paternal grandmother (sect. 58). 
 uttakaXo = relationship between husband's and wife's mothers (sect. 
 
 64 J). ^ 
 
 ■puffa = a young boy. 
 jutla — = to love, copulate. 
 
 unjakoorta = a man's daughter-in-law, a woman's father-in-law (sect. 
 646). 
 
 I. KA ; — Indicates the female sex. 
 
 ^nlari = a woman's mother-in-law, a mother's daughter-in-law (sect. 5S). 
 ^abudyo = nipple, breast, milk, 
 ^onari = young woman. 
 
 ^anyiui = a man's son's-daughter, a man's mother's-mother (sect. 58). 
 
 A:ariouo = widow. ' 
 
 kako = sister, whether by blood or not (sect. 58). 
 
 cAata = female cousin (sect. 58). 
 
 wttaiflilo^ reJatjoBsbip between Imsband's mi wife's wotbers (sect, 645). 
 
ABOEieiNAT/S : AN ElEMKNTAET GEAMMAB. 
 
 33 
 
 44. A Vocabulary of Pitta-Pitta words. 
 
 i-koo-va, = afterwards, secondly («/. 
 
 pat cola). 
 a-ma-ehi-e/-la ^.hungry. 
 
 ba-la-ba-Zwi^-a = big spoonbill (water- 
 bird). 
 
 bdm-ho = (what is inside, hence) egg, 
 brain. 
 
 ie/--da-je ^ dilly-bag in general. 
 
 Ji-ba-poo-ro = boomerang in- general. 
 
 S»/-ba = forehead, penis (whether or 
 not circumcised or introcised). 
 
 btl-hl = species of bandicoot (a doubt- 
 fully local word). 
 
 boom-ho = short variety of throwing- 
 stick-toy. 
 
 b&l-ka,-hwe-i = species of black bream. 
 
 bun-huv-i = one of the four paedo- 
 matro-nyms. 
 
 c^^-ker-ti cia-ker-ti = rough (to the 
 
 touch). 
 chd-lo ehd-io = clever. 
 cM-ta = sister-in-law, female cousin, 
 che-kiil-a-ri = pearl-shell phallocrypt. 
 cAeZ-ke-ri = loud, noisy. 
 cM-ha, = moon. 
 cMn-hi = star. 
 
 cM-ri = handle of stone-tomahawk. 
 cM-Too-kb = instrument for producing 
 
 venereal and other diseases. 
 choon-da, = dirty, muddy (e.g., water). 
 chop-b-vb = narrow. 
 cJiuk-ul-hxir-Ta, = hook-boomerang. 
 
 duh-\& diih-\a, = a bough-shed or 
 green room for the coiTobborees, 
 formed by standing up sapling.^ 
 resting at the top against each 
 other (cf. tukka). 
 
 e-a = yes, certainly, etc. 
 e-cha-la-mul-le- = to dance (in a cor- 
 
 robboree). 
 e-che- = to lie down, to rest, to die. 
 e-la-ZJ-e = to-morrow, 
 e-pa-la = species of gum-tree, 
 e-ra-ka-la = flat, 
 er-rul-li = bush-palisading, built at the 
 
 first of the initiation rites, 
 
 C 
 
 ik-kil-lim-me-wa-ri = this side of, in 
 
 front, 
 ik-oo-wr-ra ^ wild spotted cat. 
 U-\a. = something. 
 
 li-ld = hither, close up at front or side. 
 W-la-ka = hither, at the back, 
 il-la-pa-koo-la = both, equally (cf. 
 
 pakoola). 
 il-Za-ri = thither, 
 in-da-mul-le- = to ask for, to beg. 
 ing-ga-miil-le- := to kiss. 
 tn-ia, = what, which, place? (cf. winta). 
 ««-ta-lim-me ^ whither? 
 in-ft-no = whither abouts ? (= inta-eno) . 
 
 ja-ra, jd-ra, = the larger sandstone 
 
 grinding slab. 
 jjl-lor-a, = spin-ball toy. 
 jim-ha, = black, blue. 
 ]i-unff-\ia, = a man's son's-son, a man's 
 
 father' s-father. 
 Joo-Tb = road-track. 
 jutiff-i = moon, month. 
 Jung-\a.= thin, lean. 
 jum-vol = father's sister. 
 
 ^o-biid-yo = milk, breast, nipple, 
 ka-che- = to catch with a net {e.g., fish, 
 
 emus), 
 ka-ka- = to call, beckon to (cf. kona). 
 M-ko = elder sister, 
 ka-^o-ma = rat. 
 
 ka-Mm-bo-le -■= wooden netting-needle, 
 ^a-la-ra = yam, a special stick for 
 
 digging it up. 
 ha-\a,-n = a woman's mother-in-law, a 
 
 woman's daughter-in-law. 
 ka-la-t«a-ri = paddymelon. 
 hd-\b = native-flax plant. 
 ka-Zor-i = message-stick. 
 ka,-\b-rung-b-Tb = a larger kind of edible 
 
 grub found in trees. 
 ka-ZoM-a-ri = ti-tree. 
 M-lo-wa-ri = a baby just born. 
 M-na = adult man in general. 
 ka-«o-ri = young woman at full puberty. 
 A^o«-ma-re = huge supernatural water- 
 snake. 
 han-ji-Vii = a man's son's-daughter, a 
 
 man's mother' s-mother 
 A«-pa-ra = smaller kind of edible grub 
 
 and caterpillar. 
 Aa-fa-ba-di = coolibar-tree. 
 ka-ra-miil-le- = to tie round (head, arm, 
 
 stomach, etc.) 
 ^a-ra-pa-ri = coolibar seed, 
 
S4> 
 
 THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE OP THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 44. A Vocaljulary of Pitta-Pitta words — continued. 
 
 ;fco-ko-la, or id-ko = bandicoot. 
 Ad-koo-ro = fighting pole, 
 ko-ko-to-ka- = to carry on the hack, 
 
 (cf. koko, toka-). 
 ko-ko-foon-go = hill {cf. koko = back). 
 yfcoWoo-ra = white-cockatoo, corella. 
 
 ka-rin^-a-ra = small iguana. ] 
 
 Ad-rin-ga-ri = cough, cold. 
 
 'ka.-rznff-o = young, youthful. 
 
 ka-ri-OM-o = widow. 
 
 ka-roo-ra = tree-root, root. 
 
 Aa-rum-min = wommera. 
 
 kd-ta, = head-louse (c/". kati). 
 
 Aa-ta-pa /ca-ta-pa = hornet. 
 
 ;fc^.te = all right ! right you are ! 
 
 ka-te- = to climb. 
 
 kd-ti = or. 
 
 A-tt-ti = head, top, etc. 
 
 ka-ti-a-^oo-na = (head secondly, i.e.) 
 
 feet first. 
 kd-tl kd-ti md-TO = the head-covering 
 
 possessor, an individual of 2nd 
 
 degree {cf. kati, maro). 
 M-ti-lo-a = large species of frog, 
 ka-ti-moonrt-ka- = to nod the head 
 
 vertically. 
 ka-ti-7ij-a-pa = bald-headed, 
 ka-ti-pi-te- =^ to hit a peg, etc., on its 
 
 head (cf. pite-). 
 ka-ti-piil-ka- = to hit someone on the 
 
 head. 
 ka-ti-pul-ka-/(s-a := head-ache {cf. kati- 
 
 pulka-) 
 ka-ti-/d-ka-ra = a short-haired indi- 
 vidual {cf. tokara). 
 ka-ti-M»i-pa-ka-]a = crown of the head, 
 
 crest of a hill, etc., top. 
 ka-ti-M?jy-ka-la = head-first {cf. ung- 
 
 kala). 
 ka-ti-wa-re- = to nod the head laterally, 
 ka-ti-wi-re- = (head, to sink, i.e.) to 
 
 dive {cf. wire-), 
 ka-too-ra = species of Ayrshire Downs 
 
 Barley Grass, 
 kat-yo-piil-le- = to pierce with a spear, 
 kel-pi = bush-palisading for the second 
 
 and subsequent initiation cere- 
 monies. 
 ke-Zji^-ji = galah-parrot. 
 ken-\a, = she-dog, slut, sign of the 
 
 female gender, 
 ke-re-pre-te = under, below, beneath, 
 ^i-biil-yo := whistler-duck, 
 ^j-ki = vagina. 
 ktm-hk (often pronounced ^i»j-ba) = 
 
 blood. 
 kim-bama-ro=(the blood-possessor, I.e.) 
 
 a woman during her menstrual 
 
 period. 
 7i;t«-doo-r6 = clear, pure, {eg., water), 
 ki-te- = to copulate, marry '{cf kiki). 
 ktt-ye = happy, pleased, 
 ko = yes. 
 Ad-ka = blood-wood -gum, -tree {see 
 
 rechindi). 
 Ad-ko = back, dorsum. 
 
 /fcd-ma = bandicoot's nest in ground 
 
 {ef. kokola). 
 ^o-ne = short-hair at back and nape of 
 
 the neck. 
 Ad-nu-pa = grass necklace. 
 Aoo-di-ja Aoo-di-ja = trilinear bodily 
 
 ornamentation of red or yellow 
 
 ochre, 
 koo-di-ja-ko-re-a = around. 
 \oo-dmg-h&-ri == a zig-zag wavy line, 
 koo-e-ri = a boy at earliest sign of 
 
 puberty, 
 ioo-koo-ri = yellow ochre. 
 ioo-koo-n. ma-ro = the yellow-ocbre 
 
 possessor : an individual of the third 
 
 degree, 
 ioo-la-bi-la = kangaroo. 
 koo-Kw-je-ri = white-shell ornament 
 
 worn on chest. 
 koo-K-iing-6 = he-dog, sign of male-sex 
 
 {cf. koolyo). 
 kool-ia, = tail (of kangaroo, etc.) 
 iooZ-pa-ri ^ emu (the bird with the 
 
 nodding head). 
 kool-poo-Too = netted head-cap. 
 kool-yo = testicle. 
 Aoom-pa-ra = opossum-string tassel, 
 
 covering the privates : phallocrypt. 
 io5jn-pa-ta= stone-chisel {ef. pata-). 
 koo-na, = excrement, faeces, 
 koo-no-pa = shadow, reflexion. 
 koon-dk-chi = cray-fish. 
 Aoon-da-ra = snake (iu general). 
 koondara-lo-pa-cAe-a ^ snake-bite, 
 koon-rfe-a = wet, moist. 
 kc-on-di koon-di = crooked. 
 Aroon -do-mo ^ beef -wood tree. 
 koon-(lung-a.-Ti = diver-bird, shag, etc. 
 ^oo«-ga-rI :^ nose. 
 koo-rd = pig-weed. 
 
 koo-iiin-je- = to take away, to remove, 
 koon-n/i-a := between. 
 koon-pa, = sp. of frog. 
 *oo«-pa-ra = cork-tree shield, koolamon. 
 koon-ta, = corpse, male or female. 
 hoo-nun-je-ri = common house-fly. 
 *oo-pa koo-ps, = old, old-man, "boss." 
 ^oo-poo-roo = one of the four paedo- 
 
 niatro-nyms. 
 ^oo-ia-ma-ra = spinifex-grass. 
 koo-ra = the pubes. 
 koor-do = large koolamon. 
 koo-re- = to cut with a (stone) kuiff, 
 
 to incise {cf. kooya). 
 
ABORIGINALS: AN ELEMENTAET GRAMMAE. 
 
 85 
 
 44. Vocabulary of Pitta-Pitta words 
 koo-rc-a = a cut, incision {of. koore-). 
 A oo-re-ko = red-ochre (cf. koorikoori). 
 A-oo-ri-da-la = large eagle-hawk. 
 koo-ri koo-n = red. 
 koo-r»«-a-ra = carpet-snake, 
 ^oor-kil-la ^ one of the four paedo- 
 
 matro-nyms. 
 A-oo- roo-muu-do = "rain"-stick. 
 koo-roM-i = hut specially designed for 
 
 withstanding rain. 
 kooAa, = water. 
 
 Aoo-ta-ka-p6 = small white flower grow- 
 ing along the water edge. 
 koo-ya, = stone, stone-knife, stone- 
 chisel. 
 koQ-i/uiiff-o = good. 
 kd-[je = fish. 
 
 Ad-pi = a sort of white plaster, gypsum ; 
 not atrue N.W.C. Queensland word, 
 though much used (see pata). 
 ko-fo = spider, 
 /tor-da = navel, umbilicus, 
 ko-re- = to remain, keep, continue, in 
 
 same condition. 
 ko-to = smoke. 
 
 ko-to-iin-je- = to make a smoke-signal, 
 etc. 
 ■ kou-a, = hullo ! come here ! (Impera- 
 tive singular, etc.) 
 i'OM-a-ra = dog, dingo. 
 kou-U-To = feather. 
 kiil-ka, = west. 
 kulAa = river, creek, water (cf. kutta- 
 
 mulla). 
 kiilAi = arm, fore-arm. 
 kul-\i kulAi = expression of doubt, etc. 
 kiiJ-yl-Va, = green. 
 
 kum-ho = bone-apparatus used for pro- 
 ducing sickness and death, death 
 itself, 
 kun-da- = to go, depart. 
 kiin-di kiin-ii =^ curved throwing-stick 
 
 toy. 
 kiin-rfor-a = variety of reed-spear. 
 Aunff-a, = water-spring. 
 kun-]6 = slow (in movement). 
 kuii-]img-o = steady. 
 kUii-kur-i == stone-knife. 
 kun-i\a, = bye and bye, later on. 
 kun-na- = to become, to reiiiain. 
 kiin-ta, kiin-lS, = rain. 
 kUn-ti = a tenacious comenliiig- 
 substance, made from porcupine 
 grass, etc. 
 kunti-maro=(cementing-siibKt!ince])os- 
 sessor, i.eS) handle of a stone-knife. 
 kur-rk = wind, storm. 
 kui--Ti = now, immediately, soon, to-day. 
 kuf-ta,-mnl-la, = water, creek, small 
 stream. 
 
 -continued. 
 
 L. 
 
 Zj-cha = correctly, " no gammon." 
 li-e = together, collectively, in-a-body. 
 liing-a, lung-a. = variety of boomerang. 
 
 M. 
 
 ma ! = thanks ! thank you ! 
 
 ma-cAooOT-ba = kangaroo. 
 
 maAia, = fire. 
 
 ma-\a, ma-ka. = hot, hot water, etc. 
 
 md-ke = return-boomerang. 
 
 ma,-k6-wd-\a, = spear in general. 
 
 ma-Mn-ye = one of the terminal posts 
 
 supporting the emu net. 
 OTfl-la-ka = dog, dingo. 
 md-]i = fishing-net. 
 ma-?oo-a-ka = swift, quick. 
 mdm-ho = elbow. 
 md-ub = large intestines, 
 ma-pa-la- = to take one's departure, 
 fflia-ra = may be, perhaps, expressive of 
 
 doubt, 
 wia-ra-li = to-morrow. 
 ma-T3. md-Ta. = nude, i.e., not painted, 
 ma-rp- = to fetch, bring with the hand 
 
 (cf. murra). 
 OTa-re-a = axe (tomahawk) head, or 
 
 whole implement, 
 ma-re-ka = on the other side of. 
 jno-ri-mo = a variety of hand spear. 
 md-rb = sign of possession (cf. murra) 
 md-ti = a knot (in net, piece of string, 
 
 etc.). 
 md-ti = fingers, toe. 
 me = eye. 
 me-kb = the vulva. 
 
 meko-maro = the vulva-possessor, i.e., 
 the penis which has been introcised, 
 a " whistle-cock." 
 mel-^Z-bo = eye-brow (cf. me). 
 mel-ja, = nose, 
 melya-^er-kil-li = (nose-big) nose-pin 
 
 ornament. 
 Taelya.-p'&l-isi.-piil-ta. = flat-nosed (cf. 
 
 pulye). 
 melya-!»a-ka-ra = big-nosed, 
 melya-wil-ye-ri-kun-na- = to make 
 
 grimaces (cf. wallichimpa-). 
 me-piik-koo-re-a = the punishment of 
 blinding another (cf. me, pukka-), 
 we-ri-chi = leaf. 
 mer-koo = lizard. 
 
 meT-Tpul-li-miinff-i = a " whirler, " 
 " roarer," etc. (rather a Eoxburgh 
 word). 
 mi-e = country, district. 
 ml-e mi-e = earthy, muddy, dirty, 
 mi-e-mi-er-li = smooth, 
 mi-er-li = good. 
 
36 
 
 THE SPOKEN LANQUAGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 44. A Vocabulary of Pitta-Pitta words — continued. 
 
 mil-\& = tooth, tooth-ornament. 
 mi\-ya-Ab = bandicoot (cf. melya). 
 mlng-Vs. = nostril. 
 Biinj'-ka-ra = toe- or finger-nail, a claw, 
 
 a claw-ornament, a scratch or mark. 
 ming-\.b = fork of the fingers, toes: 
 
 fork of a tree, a forked stick, a 
 
 netting neeiUe. 
 mill-ma, = wiwi-ta-ra. 
 min-na, = which ? what ? 
 mtn-i\a,-\i = why ? 
 min-na-OTMn-di = how many ? how 
 
 much? 
 OTiM-ta-ra = mul-ta,-Ta, 
 »jt-ri= young girl (from four or five 
 
 years of age up to first signs of 
 
 puberty). 
 mi-Ti iMi-ri = netted fore-head band, 
 mi-ri-iotn-ni = mountain, rock, small 
 
 stone, 
 mo-fl-ri = poisonous white powder for 
 
 producing sickness or death. 
 
 (Rather an Upper Georginaword.) 
 mo-M = small fly in general, 
 mok-ifa-ri = specially-shaped pigeon- 
 net. 
 OToZ-l6-ro = mountain-top. 
 OTO-ma = "ghost " or " spirit " of those 
 
 departed. 
 OTO-na = upper-part front-of-chest. 
 monff-ksi = thunder, 
 nioo-che- = to sleep. 
 wjooZ-ka = tree-trunk, -butt, 
 moo-na-mul-ya-ri = opossum - string 
 
 apron belt. 
 moo-na-tim-pi-eZ-la ^ sp. of small red 
 
 tit. 
 moon-di = -self. 
 moon-do = a circumcised penis. 
 TOOore^-ka-la ^ opossum-string, and the 
 
 various ornaments, etc., made from 
 
 it. 
 OTOo«^-ka-ta = close up, near, in the 
 
 neighbourhood of. 
 TOoon-ta-bil-la :^ opossum-slruig sheath 
 
 of a stone-knife. 
 moor-\a, = tree-root. 
 moor-ra, = branch, stick, 
 moorra-kumbo = (sticks-death, i.e., re- 
 ferring to the piling over with 
 
 branches), grave, 
 moor-rire-di ^ thumb, big-toe. 
 moor-Tb = large variety of throwing- 
 
 stick toy. 
 moo-too-roo = vertical " flash." cuts on 
 
 the shoulders. 
 mo-rooZ-ka = mosquito (of. moki). 
 mdr-To = nulla-nuUa. 
 moy-er-jo = old-woQian. 
 miil-}&-Tl = flank, side, of the body. 
 
 mul-ha. = north-west. 
 
 •»!M/-ka mul-ka. = painted, decorated. 
 
 m&l-ka-ri = a benevolent, omnipresent, 
 supernatural being. Anything in- 
 comprehensible. 
 
 mul-\a, = thigh. 
 
 mul-]e = cold. 
 
 mul-le- = reflexive suffix added to the 
 root-stem of certain verbs. 
 
 mUI-li-vauT-rb = pelican. 
 
 mul-\b = sign of negation, no, not. 
 
 mul-ta-ra, = roll of emu feathers worn 
 over portion of body wherever pain 
 is. 
 
 multara-maro = (emu-feather-roll pos- 
 sessor, i.e.) the emu. 
 
 miin-da- = to kill with the mungu'ii. 
 
 mun-da = the adverbial sufiSx. 
 
 mun-da-koo-e-a = a flattened spindle- 
 shaped chest-ornament. 
 
 mun-de-?i-a = round, curved. 
 
 viUn-di = much, many (ef. mundia, 
 mungkora) 
 
 nmn-di-a, = heavy. 
 
 mung-a,-TOO = seed of a sp. of edible 
 nut-grass. 
 
 mung-\bi'-a. = largest kind of dilly-bag, . 
 and so, very great in size or 
 quantity. 
 
 mting-wa-l = bone-apparatus used for 
 producing sickness or death. 
 
 munguni-maro = bone -apparatus- pos- 
 sessor, i.e., medicine-man, doctor. 
 
 ■mting-un-i--par-Ti = porcupine. 
 
 miln-ji = sp. of fibrous flax-plant. 
 
 miin-na, = may, perhaps, might. 
 
 ma«-na = bad, evil (ef. munda-, mun- 
 guni). 
 
 munna-ko-re- = to make a mistake 
 (= evil, bad, to keep). 
 
 munna-moorra = the brothers and 
 sisters of a deceased adult male. 
 
 mun-ia. = food of any description. 
 
 mur-ia. = hand (cf. moorra). 
 
 mur-ra-i-««-ta ^ small square-shaped - 
 dilly-bag. 
 
 murra-^oo-no ^ boulder pebble held 
 in hand, used for crushing nardoo 
 (cf. murra toua-). 
 
 mur-uk-A'wn-di := individual initiated 
 into the fourth degree. 
 
 mut-tb =: too, also, in addition. 
 
 N. 
 «a-ka = between. 
 nd-ra, = ear. 
 na-ra-o-pa-ri ^ porcupine (sect. 74, 
 
 fig. 10). 
 nS,-ra-poon-ga- = to forget (sect. 104, 
 
 fig. 205). 
 
ABORIGINALS : AN ELTSMENTAIIY OUAMMAR. 
 
 37 
 
 44, A yocaT)Tilary of Pitta-Pitta wor 
 
 nd-Tti-ro = floocl. 
 
 n^-ra-vve- = to hear (cf. nara). 
 
 nd-Ti = and, also, still yet. 
 
 nd-Ti ! = now ! ready ! ofE ! 
 
 nd-Ti = sign of. interrogalion. 
 
 «a-ri-muQ-ta = flood {cf. iiararo). 
 
 nd-roo-a, = spear in general. 
 
 ndr-Tpi = river-bank, the water's edge 
 
 with its ripples (cf. nararo) 
 ne-md-ka, = smallest species of edible 
 
 frog. 
 neng-b = any small frog in general, 
 ni-e-ri ni-e-ri = angry. 
 ntZ-pa = native animal-hide water-bag. 
 ni-M-mor a = soft to the touch. 
 «ooMy-a-ka = here, at the back, 
 noong-a-ri = there, yonder. 
 noonff-a,-je = here, in front or side. 
 «o-p6 = wife, husband. 
 nul-\a. = skin, flesh, 
 nulla-maro = (the skin-possessor, i.e.) 
 
 a penis that has not yet been cir- 
 cumcised. 
 «MZ-loo-cha = sp. of pear-shape-fruited 
 
 vine. 
 niil-ja, = cheek (c/". nulla). 
 «j*n-da-ta = few, scarce, 
 niing-ka- :=: to sit-down, stay, reside, 
 
 live, 
 niing-ka-la- = to allow, permit. 
 nung-ka-Zew-ya =^ old, aged. 
 nuug-ka-re- = to attend to, to wait-on, 
 
 to look-after. 
 njjw-mo-T 6 ^long-pointed (like a spear). 
 nu-no = tired, exhausted, faint. 
 niin-ie-Ti = slip-noose, for catching 
 
 ducks, etc. 
 
 O. 
 
 pl-\6 = fore-head. 
 ooZ-lo = bee. 
 oon-da- = to grease, 
 oo-no = sand-fly. 
 oo-ra = camp (of. oorooroo). 
 oo-rang-o = another's ( „ ) 
 oo-ro-koo-na-wa-ra = other side of ( „ ) 
 oo-roo-roo, oo-ro = one, unity. 
 oo-roo-ya-ra ^= different (cf. ooronroo). 
 oo-ta- = to come back, return. 
 oo-ta-roo = one of the two gamo- 
 raatro-nyms. 
 
 ^a-koo-la = two, dual. 
 pa-koo-Zawy-oo-ro =. three (cf. pakoola, 
 
 oorooroo). 
 ^a-koo-ta = one of the two gamo- 
 
 matro-nyms. 
 
 'ds—coiifii7iied. 
 pal-]& = rain. 
 pa-pa-^(3-ro = sliort. 
 /ja-pol-la = shoulder. 
 pirp-^ia, = any kind of seed-food in 
 
 general. 
 pa-)-a-pa-ra= large species of iguana. 
 pa-rri-ri-l<iin-ua- =^ to learn. 
 pa-;'o-pi = creek, stream. 
 \^a-ra,-iuanff-a, = mad. 
 pd-ri = ])knty, a lot of, big mob of. 
 pd-ri pd-ri = property, belongings, . 
 
 possessions. 
 pd-voo = yellow, pale. 
 pa-ro!«-li = flock-pigeon, 
 pa-ta- = to hold in the hand, 
 pa-ta = " kopi," white-plaster, gyp- 
 
 . sum. 
 pa-ta-maro = white-plaster possessor, 
 
 i.e., the one who mourns, a mourner, 
 pen-te- = to count. 
 per-cha, = a wooden-peg, -hook, 
 percha-marvo = the peg-possessor, i.e., 
 
 a variety of hooked spear, 
 pe-ri-pa = big, large, 
 pe-ri-ri = soft, low (sound). 
 per-Iai-li = big, large, 
 pe-ta-bur-i = edible water-lily root: 
 
 <he whole plant, 
 ^j-a = bird in general, 
 pi-jer-do = small hawk. 
 pin-di pin-di = sp. of " Mitchell "-grass. 
 ^My-ka-ra = eagle-hawk feather orna- 
 ment. 
 jDwt-ja-ne = the breast. 
 pvi-ji = bird's nest (cf. pia). 
 pin-ki-poo-ra- = to divide, share. 
 pm-na. = bone. 
 pin-ta, = short-pointed. 
 pin-ta-pooJi-da-ka = finished entirely, 
 
 completed. 
 pi-OM-li = dog, dingo, 
 pi-pa- ^ to see. 
 pi-pin-mz-a = lightning. 
 pi-r«Z-k6 = native-companion bird, 
 pi-te- = to hit, strike (with anything 
 
 except a spear), 
 pite-nml-le- = to fight (cf. mulle). 
 pit-ji-ri = sign of the plural. 
 p6-kan-(77:«fZ-ye = sp. of penny-royal, 
 ^o-ka-ra = short meadow-grass, 
 ^oo-cho-poo-cho-tou-e-miil-le- = to play 
 
 at stick and ball (cf. tou-a-). _ 
 poo-M-ti-ka = sp. of wattle used in the 
 
 preparation of pituri. 
 pool-\Ci = full-up. 
 poolAe = dry. 
 BooZ-le-la = (dry with i\iB effects of, 
 
 i.e.), thirsty, 
 poolle-ko-re- = (dry,, to keep, i.e.), to 
 
 dry something. 
 
38 
 
 THE SPOKEN LAKGUAGE OF THE PITTA-PITTA 
 
 44. A Vocabulary of Pitta-Pitta words — continued. 
 
 6 = weak, helpless, delicate, sickl 
 
 peon -da- = to break a bone, leg, etc. 
 (in Miorli, poonda = bone). 
 
 poo-vii = all, the whole lot. 
 
 pdon-jo = hair of the head, human- 
 hair twine. 
 
 poon-ta- = to suet a wound. 
 
 poor-ra, = urine. 
 
 poor-ra-e^i-a = bitter, salty, taste (cf. 
 poorra). 
 
 poo-Ti-\i = all, the whole lot. 
 
 /;oor«-koo ^= knee. 
 
 poo-ro-no = feather. 
 
 ^oo-roo-ro = (poorono, oorooroo, ».e.) 
 the feathered one, the emu. 
 
 poor-pa-le = rhythmic clapping with the 
 hands on the groin at corrobborees. 
 
 poo-ii = fire- wood. 
 
 pre-ti-pa- = to meet. 
 
 pril-\ir\g-a, = the whirring-stick toy. 
 
 pril-]i pril-li = black, blue 
 
 prm-nk = leg, the side-scafEolding of a 
 hut. 
 
 prinna-poor-te- = to walk (cf. prinna). 
 
 puk-ka- = to cut with the chisel, etc., 
 to manufacturj (a spear, boome- 
 rang, etc.) (cf. pukkangi). 
 
 ■puk-kany-i = native chisel (a word 
 used more in the extreme west of 
 the Boulia district). 
 
 pul-ki-woon-je- := to take in exchange, 
 to swap {cf. woonje-). 
 
 piil-Ya, = lip. 
 
 p-ill-ye = fat, stout. 
 
 pun-de-pHn-^e-jSk = yellow. 
 
 pUn-di-ra, = sweetheart, wife of one's 
 choice. 
 
 pUn-ja, = knee. 
 
 pun-JA-pHn-ji-a, = sweet (taste). 
 
 pun-je-a, = sick, ill, diseased. 
 
 pun-na- = to run. 
 
 piin-na-re- = to steal. 
 p&t-ta, = a boy from four or five years of 
 age up to the first signs of puberty. 
 
 B. 
 
 re-chin-di = " bloodwood"-tree 
 doubtful Pitta- Pitta word). 
 
 (a 
 
 ta-kS, = small variety of koolamon (of. 
 toka-). 
 
 M-k&-\e = the cross-stick head-orna- 
 ment worn at certain corrobborees, 
 rites, etc. 
 
 td-kd-\6 = a child, male or female, up 
 to four or five years of age (cf. tauo). 
 
 td-le = tongue. 
 
 /a-no = weak, heip'esB- uciii;a,Lc, =.v«.y. 
 td-no = mountain. / ^ , , x 
 
 td-^o = quiet, silent, silence (cf. tale). 
 la-raZ-ko =biggest variety of bull-frog, 
 la-re- = to kick. 
 
 la- re- = to weave a dilly-bag, net, etc. 
 
 ia-rem-ho-la, = pituri (cf. tare — to kick, 
 
 as expressive of its therapeutic 
 
 effects) . 
 
 ta-ro-piil-le- = to speak, articulate (of. 
 
 tale, pulla). 
 ta-row-a = broad, wide. 
 ^a-ta = ant. 
 
 ie-ra, = door, entrance, of hut. 
 te-ranff-a-xa, = high river-bank. 
 te-ra-to-M-ra = open country. 
 te-Ti = the " pointer "-portion of the 
 
 " bone "-apparatus, 
 le-ri-niing-ka- = to quarrel, have words 
 
 with, 
 ti-che- = to eat. 
 ti-e = small in size or quantity. 
 fik-ka-ra = clouds, sky. 
 /»/-]i-miir-ri = gidyeatree (cf. moorra). 
 til-yffi-rl = bunch of emu-feathers for 
 
 hanging over the buttocks, 
 ti-ma- = to drink, 
 tin-cha- = to cut down, gather, collect 
 
 grass or wood. 
 itn-er-ta = sp. of small brown tit. 
 tin-ja, = the rough marks on handle of 
 boomerang, nuUa^nulla, etc , to 
 prevent the weapon slipping out of 
 thrower's hand. 
 iin-ja, = one of the intermediate slicks 
 
 supporting the emu-net. 
 ^«n-jin-na ^ kind of miniature koom- 
 
 para, but fixed on the pubic hair. 
 tin-nsL = foot, road-track. 
 ^Mi-na-piil-li = opossum. 
 ti-nif«y-a-ra ^ north. 
 f«-pa-d6 = transverse " flash " incisions 
 
 on chest. 
 ti-ti = elder brother, 
 to = a long way off. 
 to ka- = to bring, fetch, carry, 
 ^o-ka-ra = short hair on temples, nape 
 
 of neck, etc. 
 ^oZ-koo-roo = a plain, a flat piece of 
 
 country. 
 too-che-ra, = straight, straight-line. 
 <oo-che-ra = south-east. 
 tool-chi = small-intestines, the " guts." ' 
 toolchi koondi-koondi =: (guts crooked, 
 
 i.e.) stomach-ache. 
 toor-/fca-pa-lo = white. 
 toor-kla-je = fire-stick. 
 too-ro = by-and-by (cf. to). 
 too-?-ooZ-ka = freshwater mussel. 
 too-ia. = grease, fat. 
 
ABOEIGINALS : AN ELEMENTAHT GBAMMAB. 
 
 39 
 
 44. A Vocaoulary of Pitta- Pitta yroris—cm finned. 
 
 fd-]ib = buttock. 
 
 7o-t6-ka-na = child. 
 
 tou-a- = to hit (with anything except a 
 speiir). 
 
 tou-e-la- =: to liit (with a spear only). 
 
 fou-er-]i = concavity, cup, hole, recep- 
 tacle ot" the " bone "-apparatus. 
 
 tn-d-Ti = long, tall. 
 
 tuk-ka- = to stand up. 
 
 tiim-J«-ra = variety of spear. 
 
 tun-a-e-la-7i-e = always, ever, every 
 day (cf. elalie). 
 
 tiin-pa- =: to cut with a stone-knife, 
 stone, etc. 
 
 twin-je- = to cry. 
 
 XT. 
 
 ul-]d = mother's brother. 
 
 u-/or-a = south-west. 
 
 «wj-ba == abdomen, belly, 
 
 umba put-ya.-put-\a,-mu\-Ie-a. = belly- 
 ache {cf. umba). 
 
 MHj-ma, MOT-raa-ra = mother, mother's 
 sister. 
 
 M-mo-lo = night, darkness. 
 
 M«y-ka = beard, chin. 
 
 iinff-kh-la, = before, first-time, previous 
 to. 
 
 M«-ia-koot-ta = a man's daughter-in- 
 law, a woman's father-in-law. 
 
 iin-na-^Mrf-ye = a hut specially con- 
 structed for withstanding cold. 
 
 un-ti-^i-ri = two-handed sword. 
 
 iip-Tpe-ri = father, father's brother 
 (<</■ yuppieri). 
 
 u-ro-OTO-ko = north-east. 
 
 ii-ron-yoo-to = a circle. 
 
 Mj^-rung-ga-ri = sugar-bag, honey. 
 
 u-ta- = to swim. 
 
 M^ta-ka-l6 = relationship between 
 husband's and wife's mothers. 
 
 «^ta-na = paternal grandmother, ma- 
 ternal grandfather. 
 
 iit-ta-pe-w*-ka = child, boy or girl. 
 
 ut-ta-r-e-ka = nephew on sister's side. 
 
 n-wwi'ua, = top-cord supporting the 
 length of the extended emu-net. 
 
 W. 
 
 im-cha-ma = handle of a stone toma- 
 hawk. 
 
 tfa-ka-je = emu. 
 
 ?»a-ka-ia = black crow. 
 
 j«a-ker-di = black crow. 
 
 tod-ko = the smaller of the two sand- 
 stone grindstones, 
 
 i6"a-koo-ia = human-hair waist-belt. 
 
 wdl-lk-ta, = young, youthful. 
 
 wal-li-chin-pa- = to rest the side of the 
 
 face on arm or hand, when lying on 
 
 ground. 
 ladn-doo = heel, 
 wan-ta = by-and-by. 
 2oa-pa = pup, litter, 
 wa-ra = who, whose, etc. 
 toa-ra-per-ta = tomahawk, 
 tca-ra-ra = a long way off. 
 wen-ko = when ? 
 we-pe we-pe = quiet, silent. 
 we-ri = perhaps, may be. 
 uie-n we-T\ = sandy channel. 
 ioe;--koo = two lines placed cross-wise ; 
 
 a sign of mourning, etc. 
 we-ye-To = hard to the touch, 
 wil-la-kun-na- = to shield the face with 
 
 the arm or hand {cf. walli chinpa-). 
 wtl-pa, = a punctured wound {e.y. from 
 
 a spear). 
 wm-ii ■wm-\\ = any temporary grass- 
 shed for protection from rain, 
 win-ne- = to come up to, to arrive at. 
 win-ni-OTz»n-ca-ri == connecting-string 
 
 of the bone apparatus {cf. mun- 
 
 guni). 
 win-rew = witooka. 
 
 ivin-ia, = whereabouts (rest)? {cf. inta). 
 wi-re- = to grind, seed, etc. 
 wi-re- := to sink. 
 
 wi-too-k& = a radish-like edible root. 
 wol-ka, = sun, day. 
 wdl-ka,-na, = to-morrow {cf. wolka). 
 i6'o»!-ma = snake in general, 
 toow-yel-la = black-headed snake {cf. 
 
 womma). 
 woom-6Jt«-ye = wild orange. 
 looong-ko = one of the four pa«do- 
 
 matro-nyms. 
 woon-je- = to give, 
 woon-je-mul-le- = to swap, exchange 
 
 (cf. woonje-). 
 woon-je-woon-je- = to teach {cf 
 
 woonje-). 
 iDor-a-ka, = emu-feather amulet worn 
 
 over the chest {cf warkaje) 
 2£'or-ka-ra = south. • 
 
 wor-za, = shield. 
 uul-\d-SL = a break-wind on either side 
 
 of a hut, built of twigs, grass, etc. 
 wiil-Zoo-ka = a modifieatioQ of the mun- 
 
 guni. 
 wfll-/Mny-a-ra = stone tomahawk as a 
 
 whole, its stonehead. 
 wul-pa-TSi = sp. of stickleback, a very 
 
 small kind of iish. 
 tc'2'<«-da-roo = the backbone, and so the 
 
 curved framework of a hut. 
 ivuiig-a-ta, = adult woman in general. . 
 wunff-i = younger, brother or sister. 
 
40 
 
 THE SPOKEN LANGITAaE OP THE PITTA-PITTA ABOBIGIKAXS. 
 
 44. A Vocabulary of Ktta-Pitta words — continued. 
 
 wiin-ie- = to rise. 
 
 wun-je = hair, grass. 
 
 wun-je-la- = to make hair or grass; to 
 
 grow (c/; wunje). 
 wun-ka- = to sing at a corrobboree 
 
 {cf. wunni). 
 wUn-ni = corrobboree as a whole. 
 
 Y. 
 
 grass 
 
 allied to the 
 
 ya-ka-pa-ri = 
 katoora. 
 ^a-ka ya-ka-ye = night-time. 
 yd-ki = light in weight. 
 ffal-kk = drought. 
 yal-ka-ra, = dark, heavy, clouds. 
 yal-l6-wiin-je- = to send (ef. woonje). 
 t/d-Ta,-i& = species of star-grass 
 
 ja^n-miinff-koT-a. = strong, powerful 
 (of. mungkora). 
 
 ya-te- = to build a hut, palisade, etc. 
 
 yel-ka, = neck. 
 
 yei-ka yeZ-ka = bush alley-way into 
 which the hunted emus are driven 
 
 yeZ-pi = emu-net. 
 
 ye-ni-OTOOM^-ka-ta = how far ? how 
 near? (cf. moongkata). 
 
 ywOT-bi = a man's mother-in-law, a 
 woman's son-in-law. 
 
 yun-di = brother-in-law, male cousin. 
 
 yiing-'kb = wulloa. 
 
 yiin-ka- = to tell, to report," inform. 
 
 yun-wa-a, = similar. 
 
 yup-pi-e-ri = young lad at full develop- 
 ment of puberty Qrf. upperi). 
 
 yiit-ta- = to like, love, copulate. 
 
K(ya5»^^qi(iai3]3!jjo9g^a^^^^^QMcop;Q mc^^^ 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TABULAR COMPARISON BETWEEN VARIOUS SELECTED WORDS USED IN THE 
 DIFFERENT ETHNOGRAPHICAL DISTRICTS OF NORTH-WEST-CENTRAL 
 
 QUEENSLAND. 
 
 Contents. — Section 45. Boulia District — the various tribes oceupying it. 46. Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District. 47. Cloncurry District. 48. Flinders District. 49. Upper Georgina District. 50. 
 North-West-Central Queensland. 51. Introduction to the Philological Tables. 52. Words relating 
 to parts of the body. 53. Fauna and Flora. 54. Other Objects of Nature. 55. Weapons, 
 Utensils, &c. 56. Numerals. 57. Abstract Ideas. 58. Family Relationships. 
 
 45. The Bonlia District, the limits of which have already been defined in 
 section 2, comprises in all a score or so of tribes, each having its head centre or 
 chief encampment. Speaking generally, these same tribes are able to render 
 themselves pretty mutually intelligible, and possess in common various trade- 
 routes, markets, and hunting-grounds, customs, manners, and beliefs ; in other 
 words they might, as a whole, be well described as " messmates," though in the 
 aboriginal language there appears to be no one word which would express them 
 collectively. Still deeper bonds of comradeship connect them in that all these 
 tribes, within certain individual limitations to be subsequently discussed, are inter- 
 marriageable, and furthermore, in cases of warfare with outsiders, would join in 
 making common cause against the enemy. 
 
 Owing to the opening up of the country with the advent of the Europeans, 
 some of these tribal camps have been shifted of late years from their original 
 quarters or else amalgamated with others, while in a few cases, what with priva- 
 tion, disease, alcohol, and lead, the whole community has been annihilated. Even 
 during my sojourn at Boulia, the head-centre of the Pitta-Pitta tribe, I have never 
 seen more than about 50 of these individuals congregated there on any one 
 occasion, though this number might occasionally have been augmented by visitors 
 coming in from neighbouring districts for purposes of trade and barter. At the 
 present day I do not suppose that the whole tribe numbers more than 200 souls, 
 scattered here, there, and everywhere. So again, the Tdlunga people of Noran- 
 side are fast disappearing, while the Tunda folk, originally of Warenda, are now 
 scarcely ever to be met with on that station, their quarters having been shifted 
 northwards towards Tooleybuck. The tribes indigenous to the Boulia district 
 can therefore only be located within certain limits, as follows : — The Boinji, Dun- 
 gadungara, Tunnateunnea, Bingo-Hingo, &c., in the neighbourhood of Marion 
 Downs, the Pitta-Pitta at Boulia, the Ooloopooloo at Bedouri, the Eukkia and 
 Tinka-Tinki at Cooraboolka, the B,ungo-Eungo in the country between Herbert 
 and Roxburgh Downs, the Koonkoolenya at Mooraboola, the Kwokwa and 
 "Weelko at PilJiou Creei, the Tellunga along Noranside and the Burke River, the 
 Tunda at Booloo-Booloo, Warenda, Muckunda Creek, and Tooleybuck, the 
 Karanya at Cluny, the Tuntauntaya at Breadalbane, the Ulaolinya at Carlo (vel 
 Mungerebar) and Upper Mulligan River, the Miorli at Springvale, the Lakes, 
 Cork, and Middle Diamantina River, the Wonkajera in the neighbourhood of 
 Glenormiston (vel Idamea) and Herbert Downs, &c. "Why there should be such a 
 multiplicity of communities in this particular district, as compared with the others, 
 it is somewhat difficult to understand, except on the supposition that a composite 
 society is actually undergoing a process of agglutination ; on the other hand, some 
 of the above tribes cannot boast of more than a score or two of individuals. 
 
42 TABULAB COMPAEISON BETWEEN TAEIOTJS SELECTED WOEBS 
 
 The Miorli have only of late years amalgamated with the Boulia District 
 aboriginals so far as general friendly intercourse and trade relationBhip is con- 
 cerned, a circumstance which will explain the fact that while many of their words 
 possess roots in common with those given in the contiguous lists (section 52, &c.), 
 there is a large proportion of others which are totally peculiar and independent. 
 The Miorli language seems, indeed, to connect that of the Goa (Upper Diaman- 
 tina), itself allied by common roots to the Woonamurra and Mitakoodi (Upper 
 Flinders and Doncurry) with the Pitta-Pitta and other Boulia District dialects. 
 Again, in the lists of words of the Wonkajera and Ulaolinya, two neighbouring 
 tribes of the Boulia District, are to be found a few roots in common with one 
 another, yet distinct from those belonging to the district in general : a proportion 
 of these common roots indicates a connection with the language of theUndekerebina 
 aboriginals occupying the contiguous Toko country. 
 
 The Boulia District tribes, whence words have been chosen for comparison, 
 are the Pitta-Pitta, "Wonkajera, Ulaolinya, Karanya, and Miorli. Unfortunately, 
 I never succeeded in obtaining a reliable Yunda or Tellnnga vocabulary — e.g., a 
 dialect spoken in the northerly portions of the district. 
 
 46. The Leichliardt-Selwyii District includes the Selwyn Banges and the 
 highlands (Barkly Tableland, &c.) drained by the Leichhardt and various tribu- 
 taries {e.g., Buckley Eiver, Moonah Creek) of the Upper Georgina : its southern 
 limits extend to Chatsworth, Mount Merlin, and Buckingham Downs. In the 
 main, this area may be described as wild mountainous country, watered by natural 
 springs. It is occupied chiefly by theKalkadoon tribes, though in what particular 
 portion of it is their main camp, if any, it is difficult to learn. Messmates of 
 theirs are the Workoboongo, Injilinji, and Oborcondi. Their eastern and 
 northern neighbours, the Mitakoodi of the Cloucurry District, sometimes speak of 
 these Kalkadoon as consisting of two main divisions — theMuntaba {i.e., southern) 
 and the Roongkari {i.e., western). It is the southern Kalkadoon who are referred 
 to throughout the following text. Contrary to what might have been expected, 
 there are very few words or roots common to the Leichhardt-Selwyn and Cloncurry 
 Districts, which, being contiguous, have their lists (section 52, &c.) accordingly 
 placed in apposition. 
 
 47. The Cloncurry District comprises all the country drained by the Clon- 
 curry Kiver and its branches as low down as its junction with Dismal Creek. • It 
 is occupied by the Mitakoodi, with their head encampment at Fort Constantine: 
 around Canobie messrnates of theirs are the Mikoolun and Miubbi. On the 
 west and south this district is bounded by Kalkadoon, and on the east by 
 Woonamurra, country. 
 
 48. The "Woonamurra inhabit the watershed of the Saxby and Minders, as far 
 as Cambridge and Eichmond Downs, an area which for present purposes may be 
 referred to as the Upper Flinders District. Southwards it extends to the Ranges 
 and to Kynuna, where it becomes contiguous with Goa country. The Nouun 
 tribes at Mullangera are messmates both of the Woonamurra and Mitakoodi. 
 Both the latter, as well as the Wommin, come to barter here at Mullangera. 
 
 49. In the Upper Georgina District, stretching along the river between 
 Roxburgh and Carandotta and onwards, with head-quarters at the latter locality, 
 are the Elookera or Walookera, a small tribe using words absolutely distinct, 
 showing no traces of contact with neighbouring peoples. The Tunnalinta, who 
 also had their head-quarters at Carandotta only a few years ago, are now probably 
 extinct. Beyond the Walookera are the comparatively numerous Taroinga, 
 scattered from between Urandangie and Headingly; these extend northwards 
 along the Georgina as far as Lake Nash, and westwards along the course of 
 Gordon's Creek. Here the Yaroinga come into contact with the Undekerebina 
 of the Toko Ranges and surrounding country, with whom they are friends and 
 messmates, and, as will be noticed in the lists referring to their respective dialects, 
 the similarity of many of their words is very marked. The Yaroinga are also 
 messmates with the powerful and warlike Workia people, who live north of them. 
 
rSED IN THE DISTEICTS OF NOHTH-WEST-CElfTBAL QrEENSLAND. 43 
 
 50. An examination of the map (Plate 1.) will show pretty clearly how 
 the five foregoing ethnographical districts together constitute the major portion 
 of the area henceforth to be referred to as North- West-Central Clueeiisland. 
 The distinctiveness with which these various districts are separated one from 
 the other, even in language alone, is well illustrated in the succeeding comparative 
 philological tables. 
 
 51. In drawing up the following lists, not a little care has been exercised in 
 eliminating all words concerning the meaning of which, to the aboriginal mind, 
 there could be the least suspicion of doubt. This possibility I was confirmed in 
 when studying the per.'sonal and other pronouns, family and individual relation- 
 ships, &c., among the Pitta- Pitta blacks, and even as it is, the various names for 
 certain genera among the fauna may still be open to this objection. With this 
 purpose in view, the particular word.s selected for philological comparison are 
 confined to the various portions of the human body, to animals, plants, and other 
 objects of nature, to weapons, implements, and numerals, a few' abstract ideas, 
 and certain family relationships (with limited significations). It will be noticed 
 that the various tribes are tabulated in Ihe lists not only collectively according 
 to their ethnographical districts, but also individually in such manner that neigh- . 
 bouring communities aie placed in close proximity. This has been done in order 
 to show more forcibly how many a word will undergo gradual yet marked 
 transformation within comparatively limited tracts of country. All words are 
 analysed into their component syllables, and accentuated and pronounced accord- 
 ing to the basis laid down in section 3. Opportunity may be taken here of 
 drawing attention to the words "galah," "corella," "wommera," for comparison 
 with their respective Australian aboriginal terms used in these districts. 
 
44 
 
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USED IN THE DISTRICTS OF NOETIT-WEST-CENTHAL QUEENSLAND. 
 
 45 
 
 
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46 
 
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^ ^ (i:i^i(b(i^(^ ci:t(±i(^cb^oo^^ ^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 SOCIAL AND INDIVIDUAL NOMENCLATURE : CLASS SYSTEMS, &c. 
 
 Contents.— Section 59. Introductory. 60. Patronym. 61. Gamomatronym. 62. Faedo- 
 matrdnym. 63. Heteronym. 64. Geneanym. 65. Genealogical Tree in the Pitta-Pitta Language. 
 66. Aboriginal and European Relationship-Equivalents. 67. Autonym. 68. Climanym. 69. Sum- 
 mary of Nomenclature. 70. Similar Syclems in other portions of Queensland. 71. Probable Inter- 
 pretation of the Glass-Systems. 
 
 59. Introductory. — The complex nature of tliis subject, and the difficulty 
 usually encountered in rendering it intelligible, will be my excuse for offering such 
 elaborate detail as follows. At the outset it must be remembered tbat every indi- 
 vidual aboriginal is related or connected in one way or another, not only with all 
 other members of his own tribe, but also with those of other friendlies perhaps 
 hundreds of miles distant, the majority of whom he has neither seen, dreamt, or 
 heard of. Unfortunately, in the white man's languages, there are no adequate 
 words of suitable application to give expression to these connecting ties, and henee 
 the various terms that will here be brought into requisition must be understood 
 as having a far more extended range of signification than would ordinarily be 
 applied to them among Europeans. Every male is primarily someone's brother, 
 father, brother-in-law, or mother's brother, while every female is similarly some- 
 one's sister, mother, sister-in-law, or father's sister. But these terms, "brother," 
 "sister," "father," "mother," &c., in addition to their usual and generally accepted 
 signification of relationship-by-blood, express a class or group-connection quite 
 independent of it. For instance, the aboriginal uses the one and the same term, 
 e.ff., "mother," to indicate the woman that gave him birth, the sisters (virgin or 
 not) connected with her by blood, and the dozens of women connected with her 
 by class or group on a basis of classification to be presently expounded (sect. 63). 
 The same thing holds equally true for "fathers," "sisters," "brothers," &c., of 
 each commodity of which an individual may have perhaps a handful in the camp, 
 and heaps elsewhere. The term "sister-in-law," as here used signifies any female 
 member of the particular group or class from among whom a man is allowed to 
 choose a mate : hence the one and the same appellative will include a man's wife, 
 and her blood-sisters, as well as the multitudinous sisters — other women — of the 
 same group (sect. 63) . A " brother-in-law " has a correspondingly similar meaning. 
 Among all these aboriginals it may be said that blood aud class bear equal nominal 
 significance. 
 
 60. The Patro-nym, or Tribal name : depending on the blood-father. Each 
 person belongs to the same camp or tribe as his or her own blood-father. Thus, 
 if a Pitt a- Pitta man marries a Tunda woman, their child is Pitta- Pitta ; on the 
 other hand, supposing a Tunda male has a child by a Pitta-Pitta female, the 
 youngster becomes a Tunda — the sex of the offspring being immaterial. Hence 
 the name of the blood-father's tribe may be well designated as the patro-nymic of 
 the individual. 
 
 61. The Gamo-matro-nym : the name depending upon the suitable marriage- 
 union and the blood-mother. Every person in North-West-Central Queensland . 
 belongs to one of two classes, as follows : — 
 
 oo-ta-roo or pd-koo-ta among the Pitta- Pitta and their messmates. 
 ' ■^* .< i-i i- Mitakoodi. 
 
 oo-t5-roo „ pd-kut-ta, 
 
 woo-da,-Too ,, pd-knt-ts, 
 
 Mr-t3,-roo „ bur-gut-ta, 
 
 woo-da-roo „ pd-kut-ts, 
 
 oo-ta-roo „ mul-la-Ta, 
 
 Miubbi. 
 
 Eoxburgh (Georgina E.) blacks. 
 
 Woonamurra and Q-oa. 
 
 Kalkadoon. 
 
 In the absence of a better etymological interpretation the resemblance at first 
 sight of the above words to the equivalents of the Pitta-Pitta numerals for " one " 
 and "two," respectively (sect. 36), is somewhat remarkable (gee also sect. 62/). 
 
SOCIAL ASD INDITIBTJAL NOMENCLATUEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 57 
 
 [Tt may be noted that all the difEerent appellatiyes mentioned in this chapter 
 as being Pitta-Pitta are not limited alone to this particular tribe residing at 
 Boulia, but equally refers to all the neighbouring friendlies occupying that tract 
 of country which has been described in sects. 2 and 45 as the Boulia District.] 
 
 An Ootaroo can only marry a Pakoota, or vice versa — that is to say, these 
 two groups are exogamous ; but the offspring follows the mother always. Thus, 
 no matter its sex, the child of an Ootaroo mother becomes an Ootaroo, while that 
 of a Pakoota mother becomes a Pakoota. This double signification of marriage- 
 able-ness and of blood-mother-ship is intended to be expressed in the term — gamo- 
 matronym — now applied. 
 
 62. The Paedo-matro-nym : the name particularising the blood-mother from 
 her offspring. Every Ootaroo is either a ioo-poo-roo or a Woonff-ko, while 
 every Pakoota is either a -2bor-kil-la or a £un-bxa-i -. the etymological significa- 
 tion of these four terms is not obtainable. If the blood-mother is a Koopooroo 
 her offspring will be a Woongko, and vice versa. If the blood-mother is a Koor- 
 killa, her child is a Bunburi, and viae versa — the sex of the offspring is again 
 immaterial, the same four terms being applied equally to boys or girls, adult men 
 or women, according to the particular one of the four groups of which they are 
 members. Concerning this quartet of classes, a considerable amount of informa- 
 tion is available, as follows : — 
 
 a. They are universal throughout the Boulia District among the dozens of 
 different tribes occupying it; each tribe having these four identically-named 
 divisions. Also outside this area, exactly the same terms are applied at Eoxburgh 
 on the Georgina Biver, among the Miorli and Goa people of the Middle and Upper 
 Diamantina Biver; and among the aboriginals of the Cloncurry and Flinders Dis- 
 tricts. In three other tribes of North- West-Central Queensland, with which I also 
 personally became acquainted, these four groups are named as follows : — 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 
 Kalkadoon. 
 
 Miubbi. 
 
 Workoboongo. 
 
 Koopooroo = 
 Woongko = 
 Koorkilla = 
 Bunburi = 
 
 Pa-ting-o 
 KUng-gl-Vrng-o 
 Ma-ri-nttng-o 
 roon-be-iing-o 
 
 Sa-dlng-o 
 Slm-wl-ltng-o 
 Yau-iag-o 
 Mdr-lng-o 
 
 Po-Mng-o 
 Jlm-mWfa^f-o 
 -ffii-poo-dting-o 
 Mar-\xig-o 
 
 Unfortunately, to the far west of the Boulia District, I "omitted to gather 
 information concerning the paedo-matronyms : at the time that I did have 
 opportunities of conversing with the blacks of the Toko Eanges I was not suffi- 
 ciently conversant with the Pitta-Pitta language to have even a tittle of suspicion 
 of the importance of these four group-ships. Enough, however, has been stated 
 to demonstrate their universality throughout North- West-Central Queensland. 
 
 h. Every individual, as soon as he or she arrives at the necessary age, is 
 forbidden to eat — not necessarily to kill — certain animals, each paedo-matronymic 
 group having its own particular group of things that are "tabooed." Notwith- 
 standing very careful search, I can find no plants, trees, shrubs, or grasses, as 
 prohibited. Upon this point these aboriginals appear to be extremely particular, 
 and should one of them wilfully partake of that which is "tabooed," he is firmly 
 convinced that sickness, probably of a fa'tal character, will overtake him, and that 
 certainly it would never satisfy his hunger. Should such a delinquent be caught 
 red-handed by his fellow-men, he would in all probability be put to death. 
 
 "With regard to the food not permissible, it has to be noted that the lists of 
 prohibited articles though constant for each tribe are not identical throughout 
 North-West-Central Queensland for the corresponding paedo-matroyms : this 
 fact appears to be well known enough among the more civilised and intelligent of 
 the aboriginals 
 
 Among the Pitta-Pitta blacks and their messmates throughout the Boulia 
 District, the Koopooroo are not allowed to eat iguana, whistler-duck, black-duck, 
 "blue-fellow " -crane, yellow dingo, and small yellow fish " with-one-bone-in-him"-! 
 
58 SOCIAl AND IlirDITIDXJAI, NOMENCLATTTEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 the WooDgko have to avoid scrub-turkey, eagle-hawk, bandicoot or " bilbi," brown 
 snake, black dingo, and " white-altogether" duck: the Koorkilla have to do vnth- 
 out kangaroo, carpet-snake, teal, white-bellied brown-headed duck, various kinds 
 of "diver" birds, "trumpeter" fish, and a kind of black bream: the Bunbun dare 
 not eat emu, yellow snake, galah parrot, and a certain species of hawk. 
 
 Along the Leichhardt-Selwyn Ranges, the following dietaries are prohibited 
 by the Kalkadoon in their respective groups :— The Patingo (i.e., Koopooroo) do 
 not eat emu, carpet-snake, brown-snake, "mountain" snake, &e., porcupine, 
 wallaby, rat, opossum, and "mountain" kangaroo: the Marinungo {i.e., Koorkilla) 
 are not allowed to partake of pelican, whistler-duck, black-duek, turkey, "plain" 
 kangaroo {i.e., living on the plains), and certain kinds of fish : the Kunggilungo 
 {i.e., Woongko) are forbidden to eat emu, "mountain" kangaroo, wallaby, " sugar- 
 bag" {i.e., honey), porcupine, opossum, carpet, brown, and "mountain" snake, and 
 various fish : the Toonbeungo {i.e., Bunburi) must avoid whistler and wood-duck, 
 the "native-companion," rat, bandicoot, "plain" kangaroo, and carpet-snake. 
 
 In the Cloncurry District, with the Mitakoodi, the forbidden foods are in the 
 main — iguana, whistler-duck, and carpet snake for the Koopooroo ; porcupine, 
 emu, and kangaroo for the Woongko ; water snake, corella, eagle-hawk, black-duck, 
 and turkey for the Koorkilla ; carpet snake and dingo for the Bunburi. 
 
 In the Flinders district, among the Woonamurra, the eagle-hawk and black 
 and brown snakes are principally prohibited to the Koorkilla ; carpet snake and 
 emu to the Koopooroo ; black duck and turkey to the Bunburi, &e. 
 
 On the Upper Diamantina the G-oa Koopooroo avoid both emu and kangaroo. 
 
 c. The paedo-matronymic groups have also an important bearing at the first 
 and subsequent rites or initiation ceremonies which admit the individual to his or 
 her respective grade or rank in the social status. Thus the persons with whom 
 one may converse by speech or sign on certain of these occasions depends upon 
 these particular groups : so also does the choice of " bucks" in the general coition 
 to which, at her first initiation ceremony, the young woman is forced to submit 
 (sect. 305-6). 
 
 d. It has already been laid down (sect. 61) that an Ootaroo can only marry a 
 Pakoota, andi)ice versa, that every Ootaroo is either Koopooroo or Woongko, that 
 every Pakoota is either Koorkilla or Bunburi. The members of these four 
 paedo-matronymic groups can be married as follows only, no other arrangement 
 being allowed, the rule being constant throughout the North- West- Central 
 Queensland district (sects. 323, 826). 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 
 male. -1- female. = 
 
 resulting offspring. 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 Woongko 
 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 KoorkiUa 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 Woongko 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 
 Woongko 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 Or, in the case of the Kalkadoons, the foregoing Table might be written : 
 
 TABLiE III. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 resulting offspring. 
 
 Patingo 
 
 Marinungo 
 
 Toonbeungo 
 
 Kunggilungo 
 
 Toonbeungo 
 
 Marinungo 
 
 Marinungo 
 
 Patingo 
 
 Kunggilungo 
 
 Toonbeungo 
 
 Kunggilungo 
 
 Patingo 
 
SOCIAL AOT) HTDITTDTTAL NOMENCLATrEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 59 
 
 Or, with the Miubbi, it would read : — 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 resulting offspring. 
 
 Badingo 
 
 Youingo 
 
 Maringo 
 
 Jimmilingo 
 
 Maringo 
 
 Youingo 
 
 Youingo 
 
 Badingo 
 
 Jimmilingo 
 
 Maringo 
 
 Jimmilingo 
 
 Badingo 
 
 e. Domestic and private quarrels are generally settled or continued by 
 members of the same paedo-matronymic group — i.e., by the brothers or sisters, 
 mother's brothers or mothers. 
 
 f. In spite o£ every inquiry I found no signs or passwords used to distinguish 
 the individuals comprising one paedo-matronym from those of another : this is 
 mutually made known by word of mouth. It will also be noted that when an 
 aboriginal is asked what he is, he will almost always mention his paedo-matronym: 
 only on subsequent interrogation will he state his gamo-matronym, thus giving 
 one the impression that the latter is only of secondary importance. The 
 etymological interpretation of the gamo-matronym suggested in sect. 61 is 
 therefore quite within the realms of probability: indeed, in one of the local 
 Normanton tribes, I could find no special terms for these two main primary 
 divisions (sect. 70c), an absence which was 'also met with around Eockhampton 
 and Gladstone (sect. 70c^). 
 
 63. The Hetero-nym : depending on the particular paedo-matronymic group to 
 which the individual belongs. It was shown in sect. 59 that every male is primarily 
 someone's brother, father, brother-in-law, or mother's brother, while every female 
 (virgin or matron) is someone's sister, mother, sister-in-law, or father's sister. 
 This comes about as follows: The individuals belonging to the same paedo- 
 matronym call each other " brothers" and " sisters," bearing in mind of course 
 the reservations laid down at the commencement of this chapter, i.e., whether 
 related by blood or not ; the members of the corresponding paedo-matronym 
 (belonging to the same gamo-matronym) being "mother's brothers" and 
 " mothers " to them whether related by blood or not. Similarly (in the opposite 
 gamo-matronym) the members of the paedo-matronym into which they are 
 allowed to marry are group-related to them as " brothers-in-law " and " sisters-in- 
 law " (although not already married perhaps), while the individuals comprising 
 the remaining paedo-matronym are called their " fathers " and " fathers' sisters," 
 respectively, whether blood-related or not. Thus, throughout North- West-Central 
 Queensland, every person holds one or other of these eight group-relationships 
 to everybody else, the particular term of relationship varying of course with the 
 particular paedo-matronyims to which the compared parties belong. It is owing 
 to this circumstance of these particular names varying with the paedo-matronym 
 that the adoption of the term " hetero-nym " has appeared suitable to give 
 expression to them. 
 
 To show this arrangement the more clearly, the following table has been 
 compiled, in which the lists can be read either vertically or horizontally. To 
 learn from it the particular hetero-nymic group-relationship subsisting between 
 any two people, no matter the tribe or tribes to which they belong, one has only 
 to look along the horizontal line for the one person and down the vertical column 
 for the other : where these intersect one has what is required. 
 
60 
 
 SOCIAL AND INDIVIDUAL NOMENCIATUEB : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 
 
 
 
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SOOIAI AND IlfDIVIDrAL NOME NCLATUBE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 61 
 
 In the case of the heteronyms " brother " and " siBter," a |distinctiou is 
 sometimes made between those older or younger than the person speaking of them. 
 In the Pitta-Pitta and cognate languages, a younger brother or sister is wUng-i, 
 those who are older being designated as above : with the Kalkadoon, while Jo-a 
 signifies both older and younger sister, the term 6ng-gb-\o indicates a younger 
 brother: the Mitakoodi speak of a younger brother as Soo-gul, a younger sister 
 as ^oo-ro-go : the Miubbi call a younger brother Ja-ja-mon, while Aoo-la-mo is 
 applied to both an older and younger sister : the Woonamurra speak of a younger 
 brother as Jo-ga. 
 
 Hence, the preceding group-relationship Table I. of heteronymic (English) 
 terms may be written for the Boulia District, with the Pitta- Pitta equivalents as 
 follows : — 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 paedomatronym 
 
 KOOPOOROO. 
 
 WOONGKO. 
 
 KOOBKILLA. 
 
 BnNBCRI. 
 
 sex 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 titi 
 
 kako 
 
 uUo 
 
 umtua 
 
 yundi 
 
 chata 
 
 upperi 
 
 jummi 
 
 Woongko 
 
 uUo 
 
 umma 
 
 titi 
 
 kako 
 
 upperi 
 
 jummi 
 
 yundi 
 
 chata 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 yundi 
 
 chata 
 
 upperi 
 
 jummi 
 
 titi 
 
 kako 
 
 uUo 
 
 umma 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 upperi 
 
 jummi 
 
 yundi 
 
 chata" 
 
 uUo 
 
 umma 
 
 titi 
 
 kako 
 
 In the Mitakoodi language of the Cloncurry District, the same table may 
 be framed thus : — 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 paedomatronym 
 
 KOOPOOROO. 
 
 WOONGKO. 
 
 KOORKILLA. 
 
 BUNBURI. 
 
 sex 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 naboon 
 
 moona 
 
 ummin 
 
 meriga 
 
 chalin 
 
 nuttea 
 
 yutto 
 
 kundoon 
 
 Woongko 
 
 ummin 
 
 meriga 
 
 naboon 
 
 moona 
 
 yutto 
 
 kundoon 
 
 chalin 
 
 nuttea 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 chalin 
 
 nuttea 
 
 yutto 
 
 kundoon 
 
 naboon 
 
 moona 
 
 ummin 
 
 meriga 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 yutto 
 
 kundoon 
 
 chalin 
 
 nuttea 
 
 ummin 
 
 meriga 
 
 naboon 
 
 moona 
 
 Por the Kalkadoon of the Leichhardt-Selwyn Eanges the same would read — 
 
 TABLE V. 
 
 paedomatronym 
 
 PATINGO, 
 i.e., Koopooroo. 
 
 KUNGGILUNGO, 
 i.e., Woongko. 
 
 MARINUNGO, 
 
 i.e., Koorkilla. 
 
 TOONBBUNGO, 
 i.e., Bunburi. 
 
 sex 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 Patingo 
 
 Kunggilungo ... 
 Marinungo ... 
 Toonbeungo ... 
 
 tapo 
 bobe 
 moungo 
 kola 
 
 boa 
 mado 
 koongi 
 ortyer 
 
 bobe 
 tapo 
 kola 
 moungo 
 
 mado 
 boa 
 ortyer 
 koongi 
 
 moungo 
 kola 
 tapo 
 bobe 
 
 koongi 
 ortyer 
 boa 
 mado 
 
 kola 
 moungo 
 bobe 
 tapo 
 
 ortyer 
 koongi 
 mado 
 boa 
 
62 
 
 SOCIAL AND INDITIDUAl NOMEKCLATTJEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 Knally, in the Miubbi language, Canobie country, our heteronymic table 
 could be expressed as — 
 
 TABLE VI. 
 
 paedomatronym 
 
 BADINGO, . 
 
 i.e., Koopooroo. 
 
 JIMMILINGO, 
 
 i.e., Woongko. 
 
 YOUINGO, 
 
 i.e., Koorkilla. 
 
 MABINGO, 
 i.e., Bunburi. 
 
 sex 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 Badingo 
 Jimmilingo . . . 
 Youingo 
 Maringo 
 
 naboon 
 nummin 
 moola 
 moojo 
 
 koolamo 
 yakora 
 nuttea 
 kundoon 
 
 nummin 
 naboon 
 moojo 
 moola 
 
 yakora 
 koolamo 
 kundoon 
 nuttea 
 
 moola 
 moojo 
 naboon 
 nummin 
 
 nuttea 
 kundoon 
 koolamo 
 yakora 
 
 moojo 
 moola 
 nummin 
 naboon 
 
 kundoon 
 nuttea 
 yakora 
 koolamo 
 
 As will be shown in sect. 65, the heteronyms may be occasionally supplanted 
 by special geneanyms. 
 
 64. The Genea-nym : the name depending on the person's own true family 
 connections (as understood among Europeans). The various terms denoting such 
 relationship would, in JSnglish, comprise the following : — 
 
 a. In the contemporary generation : brother, sister, husband, wife, husband's 
 brother, wife's brother, husband's sister, wife's sister, male cousin, female cousin. 
 The translations into the various languages of the terms for brother, sister, 
 husband's and wife's brother (brother-in-law), husband's and wife's sister (sister- 
 in-law) have already been given in the heteronymic tables (sect. 63). No special 
 names are applied to denote male or female cousins ; they are simply known by 
 the particular heteronymic groups into which they fall — i.e., either as brothers or 
 sisters (if father's brother's-sons and -daughters, mother's sister's-sons and 
 -daughters) or brothers-in-law or sisters-in-law (if father's sister's-sons and 
 -daughters, or mother's brother's-sons and -daughters). (See cousin-ship, Genea- 
 logical Table, in sect. 65.) With regard to husband and wife, the Kalkadoon 
 calls the husband w-ko-ta, the wife bearing the name of a sister-in-law — i.e., the 
 group from which he is allowed to choose her; the Mitakoodi name husband and 
 wife respectively piin-ZiZ and ^wre-y a; the Miubbi and "Woonamurra have nothing 
 to express them further than as brother-in-law and sister-in-law ; while the Pitta- 
 Pitta applies the word «o-p6 to both, the term pUn-di-rk being retained only for a 
 man's sweetheart, the wife of his own personal choice (not the one assigned him 
 by the community). (See sect. 323.) 
 
 h. In the preceding generations : father, mother, a father's-brother, -sister, 
 -father and -mother, a mother's-brother, -sister, -father and -mother, a man's 
 mother-in-law and father-in-law, a woman's father-in-law and mother-in-law. 
 The aboriginal equivalents for father and mother, father's sister, and mother's 
 brother, have already been noted in the heteronyms (sect. 63, Table II.) : father's 
 brother and mother's sister are called respectively by the same names as for 
 father and mother (sect." 59). The reason why the terms uncle and aunt are 
 avoided will thus be rendered intelligible: as I will next show, the words 
 grandfather, grandson, nephew, with their female equivalents, are similarly 
 studiously omitted. 
 
 In connection with the remaining terms of this category, it is curious to note 
 that, in all these tribes, a father's father passes by the same name as a son's son, 
 a mother's mother by the tame as a son's dauuhter; in some— e.y., Pitta-Pitta— a 
 man s mother-in law goes by the same name as a woman's son-in-law, a woman's 
 father-ni-law the same as a man's daughter-in-law. In all of these tribes a 
 father's father is designated differently from a mother's father, and a father's 
 mother differently from a mother's mother. The Pitta-Pitta, Kalkadoon, 
 and Mitakoodi speak of a man's father-in-law by the same heteronymic term 
 as a man's mother's-brother. Another curiosity is the existence of a mutual 
 
SOCIAL AOTJ INDITIDlTAIi NOMENCLATTTEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 63 
 
 term for the relationship — unknown among us Europeans — ^between the mother of 
 the husband and the mother of the wife. These particular connections as expressed 
 by the different tribes may be tabulated as follows : — 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 Pitta-Pitta, 
 and mess-mates. 
 
 Kalkadoon. 
 
 Mitakoodi. 
 
 Miubbi. 
 
 Woonamurra. 
 
 Father's father (or 
 
 son's son) 
 Mother's father 
 
 Father's mother 
 
 Mother's mother {or 
 
 son's daughter) 
 Man's mother-in-law 
 
 Woman's mother-in- 
 law 
 Man's father-in-law... 
 
 Woman's father-in- 
 law 
 
 Kelationship between 
 husband's and wife's 
 mothers 
 
 S^tS-nS, 
 
 fii-tS-nJt 
 
 ia«-yl-nl 
 
 yUm-hi (') 
 
 H-la-rl (») 
 
 ai-Xo C) 
 
 fe-jS-koot-tS 
 
 (=)(») 
 ««-ta-ka-lo (») 
 
 mo-jo 
 chd-ii 
 
 mo- jo 
 wft-poo-to 
 wd'^Q-to 
 6o-bS C) 
 
 (') 
 
 (*) 
 
 Poo-\6l\ 
 
 tl-m&ft-boo-roo 
 2J(4-pIn 
 Mm-min 
 wBp-poo-to (') 
 wffp-poo-to (') 
 &n.-mln (°) 
 mtin-(Ja-rI {') 
 mii-koo-do 
 
 .6oo-loon 
 
 6o-b() 
 
 pa-ptn 
 
 gUm-iaaXa 
 
 tnii/m-ml 
 
 miim-ml 
 
 tUl-a,r-m& [ 
 (*) 
 
 poo-lttl 
 
 pd-pln 
 k&m-mln 
 koong-l (^) 
 
 (*) 
 
 (*) 
 
 (*) 
 
 w8r-ring-0' 
 ka-ra (») 
 
 (') Also = woman's son-in-law. (^) i.e. Heteronym = father's sister. (') Also = a woman's 
 daughter-in-law. (*) [Jn fortunately omitted to inquire. (') Also = a man's daughter-in-law. 
 
 (°) Heteronym = mother's brother. (') Note the special term — not heteronymid (') In the 
 Wommin language TOiir-rlng-o in a son's sou or daughter. (') Sect. 434. 
 
 0. In the succeeding generations : son, daughter, son's son and daughter, 
 daughter's son and daughter, brother's son and daughter, sister's son and daughter, 
 a man's son-in-law and daughter-in-law, a woman's son-in-law and daughter-in- 
 law. The translation of son's son and son's daughter, identical with father's 
 father and mother's mother respectively, has just been dealt with : daughter's son 
 and daughter's daughter have no special names applied to theai beyond the 
 ordinary heteronyms into which they fall — i.e., brother-in-law and sister-in-law 
 («ee Table I., sect. 63 : also Table sect. 65). In all these tribes, son, daughter, 
 brother's son, brother's daughter have no distinguishing terms, each language 
 having but one word to describe them all : similarly, sister's son and sister's 
 daughter pass by the same cognomen. Thus : — 
 
 TABLE 11. 
 
 
 Pitta-Pitta, etc. 
 
 Kalkadoon. 
 
 Mitakoodi. 
 
 Miubbi. 
 
 Woonamurra. 
 
 Son, daughter, brother's 
 son, brother's daughter 
 
 lit-ta-pe-«S-ka 
 
 koong-go-yo 
 
 iin-hfin 
 
 »*m-biln 
 
 *a-ta-go 
 
 Sister's son, sister's 
 daughter 
 
 iit-ta-re-ka 
 
 «Mo 
 
 TO-ai 
 
 m-iU 
 
 too-fin-nl 
 
 The term applied by a man to his daughter-in-law is often, e.ff., in the Pitta- 
 Pitta language, the same as that applied by a woman to her father-in-law (sect. 
 64J). In the case of a woman's daughter-in-law, this individual is identical with 
 a woman's mother-in-law among the Pitta- Pitta and Mitakoodi : by the Kalkadoon 
 she is known as ul-\6 {i.e., sister'si daughter. Table II., sect. 64), and by the 
 Miubbi as j?a-pin (i.e., father's mother, Table I., sect. 64), Similarly, a woman's 
 son-in-law is known by the same name as a man's mother-in-law among the Pitta- 
 Pitta and Mitakoodi: by the Kalkadoon he is known again as Hl-lo {i.e., sister's 
 soDjiiTable II., sect. 64), and by the Woonamurra as un-hmi. In all tribes a 
 man speaks of bis son-in-law as his sister's son. 
 
64 
 
 SOCIAL AITD HTDITTDTTAIi NOMElSrCLATTTEB : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 65. Genealogical Tree.— This table has been drawn up in order to show 
 more graphically the connection of group and blood-relationship — i.e., heteronyms, 
 &c., and geneanyms — existing between one individual and all the others con- 
 stituting a small tribal encampment, say, of the Pitta-Pitta blacks. For the 
 sake of convenience and simplicity the number of terms given is the minimum 
 consistent with the proper elucidation of the different relations by which the 
 central figure, Charlie, a Koopooroo male, would persor.ally know and speak of 
 them. The diversity of English equivalents for identical aboriginal terms is very 
 striking. Where special geneanyms are present, the heteronyms are discarded : 
 e.g., a man speaks of his paternal grandfather as jiungka although he is primarily 
 a titi (brother), a member of the heteronymic group into which he is born. 
 
 66. Aboriginal and European EelationsMp-equivalents.— From the immediately 
 preceding and other tables we see now how "Charlie," our Pitta-Pitta Koopooroo 
 male adult, can speak of any other member, not only in the camp, but outside of 
 it, as being one or other " connection" of his as follows : — 
 
 paedomatromym 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 European equivalent. 
 
 
 titi 
 
 kako 
 
 blood : -brother, -sister 
 
 
 ,, 
 
 »» 
 
 group : -brother, -sister 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 J) 
 
 
 father's brother's : -son, -daughter 
 mother's sister's : -son, -daughter 
 
 
 jiungka 
 
 kanyini 
 
 father's father, mother's mother 
 
 
 » 
 
 » 
 
 son's: -son, -daughter 
 
 
 uUo 
 
 umma 
 
 blood-mother's : -brother, -sister 
 
 
 )» 
 
 >5 
 
 group-mother's : -brother, -sister 
 
 
 »» 
 
 )» 
 
 father's : -sister's husband, -brother's wife 
 
 Woongko ... 
 
 
 
 blood-mother 
 group-mother 
 
 
 uttareka 
 
 uttareka 
 
 blood-sister's : -son, -daughter 
 
 
 » 
 
 » 
 
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 nnjakootta 
 
 son's wife 
 
 
 yundi 
 
 chata 
 
 blood : -sister's husband, -brother's wife 
 
 
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 f) 
 
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 KoorkiUa ... 
 
 )» 
 
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 nttana 
 
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 )) • 
 
 tj 
 
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 >» 
 
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 son, daughter 
 
 
 1* 
 
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 wife's blood-mother 
 
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SOCIAI, ASH rPTDXVIDTJAL NOMENCLATUEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 65 
 
 67. The Auto-nym : personal or individual name. 
 
 In the Boulia District the names applied to individuals are based for the most 
 part upon physical peculiarities or objects of nature. Whether any connection is 
 to be traced between parents and their offspring, so far as names is concerned, it 
 is difficult to decide absolutely, though probably it would be negative ; in great 
 measure this uncertainty on my part is due to the determined unwillingness on the 
 pa^t of survivors to mention anything concerning those deceased, their names, 
 exploits, or other particulars (seets, 190, 289). 
 
 The names of women are given them at birth, and throughout life do not 
 usually change ; exceptions, however, are met with in cases where some physical 
 defect or unusual habit is brought into prominence. 
 
 So-called " pet " names, e.g., ;joo-koo-too (= a small ant crawling), oo-too (= 
 small fish skimming the water surface), &c., are applied to young males, but these 
 become dropped at the first of the initiation ceremonies (sect. 300, &c.), when, 
 amid much ceremony, they receive their permanent names. 
 
 I have never met with two people bearing the same adult individual names. 
 Some of these latter, with their meanings, collected in the Boulia District, are the 
 following : — 
 
 a. MALE.— 
 
 Moor-ra-mZ-ul-li. — The one who is always cutting sticks (of. moorra = 
 
 stick). 
 Wiin-je-Tpe-xi. — He who always sits in the shade (e/. wunji-wunji = 
 
 bough shed). 
 Mool-kb md-io. — Enduring as a stone ; (literally = stone-possessor) . 
 Mur-ra-pi-te-a-miil-li. — The angry fellow, the striker with the hand (c/! 
 
 murra = hand, pile- = to strike). 
 Ter-Tpoo-]i. — He who has been speared through the thigh. 
 Ckd-koo-li. — One who has blood on him. 
 Che-Aoo-to-^oo-to. — Sticks his elbows out when walking. 
 5iZ-ka-bur-i. — Pish-eater {of. bulkaberi = species of bream). 
 Ee-joo-pa-re-a. — One who is always chattering. 
 
 Poor-i-chi-li. — Makes the dust fly about iu hot weather, when walking. 
 Ze-riing-i-li. — The tree-climber. 
 e/aZ-ki-li. — He who can use the fire-stick. 
 JfMZ-loon-doo-miil-/e-li. — The one who never greases himself (cf. muUo 
 
 = sign of negation, oondamulle- = to grease oneself). 
 
 (i) FEMALE.— 
 
 Mel-/i-in-a. — A species of small pink flower. 
 
 Wi-er--pa,. — Long-necked, like an emu. 
 
 Jfe-le-la. — Slow, like'a caterpillar on the ground (of. mie = ground). 
 
 Pd-la,-md-ro. — The " kopi " (i.e., white plaster) possessor, and so "the 
 
 one in mourning." Hence also applied to a widow or widower. 
 Yiin-ii-Ta,. — The one who is always going away. 
 
 Choo-ka-M«y-a-li. — A small kind of snake that moves about very rapidly. 
 Miin-da-toi-a-ya. — The woman who is always soliciting a man. 
 'Bil-la-runff-o. — She who runs away when a boomerang is thrown. 
 Toon-toon-«?M;e-a.— She who is always crying (cf. twinje = to cry). 
 Neng-a,. — Skipping about like a little frog {cf. nengo = frog). 
 ilf^Moon-diing-o.— She who won't dip her feet in the water {cf. mullo = 
 
 sign of negation). 
 Me-la-oo-te-ri. — The woman with a good nose {of. mel3-a = nose). 
 
 68. To make the subject the more complete, I might include here the 
 Clima-n3rm, the " step-ladder " or titular name of the individual, depen ling upon 
 his social degree, his status on the social ladder. Details of the various steps, 
 
66 
 
 SOCIAL AND INDITIBUAL S-QMENCLATTJEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 ceremonies, or degrees over which a person nasses to win these honours are 
 given in sects. 300-315. I'or the present it will be sufficient to draw attention to 
 the particular terms applied to the members of these degrees in certain tribes as 
 follows : — 
 
 
 sex. 
 
 Pitta-Pitta, &o. 
 
 Kalkadoon. 
 
 Yaroinga. 
 
 Mitakoodi. 
 
 Woonamurra. 
 
 At first sign 
 of puberty 
 
 m, 
 
 f. 
 
 koo-e-ri 
 mi-rl(') 
 
 kob-e-rl 
 
 (w!Sm-p& 
 \««-do (2) 
 
 O-we-a 
 a-Za-Bk-a 
 
 (kilMff-gi 
 Xkti-riimg-glk 
 
 mUng-gfm 
 
 glng-go 
 nUng-gtm 
 
 After 
 1st degree 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 yiip-pt-g-rl 
 kS-nrS-rl 
 
 ytip-pa.-m-rl 
 
 e-rS-jI 
 
 ttr-poo-ta 
 fimft-ba, 
 
 yiip^pl-S-rl 
 
 ytip-pj-g-rl 
 e-rS-jI 
 
 After 
 2nd degree 
 
 » 
 
 m. 
 f. 
 
 M-a-M-a md-TO 
 
 v/o-br&n-it 
 wSl-loo-mSrTa, 
 
 
 o-briin-jl 
 ioaUa-ma-rS 
 
 o-briin-jt 
 
 After 
 3rd degree 
 
 in. 
 f. 
 
 koo-'koo-ii md-io 
 11 
 
 kttn-tS-pe-ifnp-o 
 mocm-ta-moon-ta 
 
 
 nl-nlng-Sn-nl 
 mttr-iik-Mn-dl 
 
 miir-llk-i&i-dl 
 
 After 
 4th degree 
 
 m. 
 
 f. 
 
 mtir-tik-W»-dI 
 
 
 
 mtir-tik-ijin-dl 
 
 
 (') TTa-pa-rl among the Ulaolinya. (^) Doubtfully correct. (') A full-grown adult woman. 
 
 69. In recapitulation, the complete nomenclature of any individual would be 
 enumerated somewhat as follows: — 
 
 Patronym e.g. 
 
 G-amo-matronym „ 
 Paedo-matronym „ 
 
 Heteronym „ 
 
 Geneanym „ 
 
 Autonym ,, 
 
 Climanym „ 
 
 Pitta-Pitta, Kalkadoon 
 Ootaroo, Pakoota 
 Koopooroo, Woongko 
 Titi, Eako 
 Jiungka, Uttana 
 MoorrawiluUi, Melliina 
 Tuppieri, Murukkundi 
 
 70. Similar Systems of Nomenclature in other portions of Gueensland. — Out- 
 side the immediate districts (North-West-Ceiitral) under consideration, I have 
 personally found similar systems of social and individual nomenclature among 
 tribes living in other parts of Queensland. 
 
 (a) The Pi«?--g6-ma tribe, inhabiting the Palm Isles, a little to the north of 
 Townsville. 
 
 Gamo-matronyms.— i^-ka (=Ootaroo, sect. 61), Tun-ria. (=Pakoota, 
 
 sect. 61). 
 Paedo-raatronyms (Naka=) Koopooroo, "Woongko, (Tunna=) Koorkilla, 
 
 Bunburi. (Identical with those given in sect. 62.) 
 Heteronyms (which it is well to compare with Table II., sect. 63)— 
 
 Brother ... M<-ta 
 
 Father 
 
 a-po 
 
 Sister ... ««y-pa-ri 
 
 Father's sister ... 
 
 kum-vai 
 
 Mother ... a-ka 
 
 Bister-in-law 
 
 Aa-en 
 
 Mother's brother howS, 
 
 Brother-iU'law.,, 
 
 h^l-pi 
 
SOCIAL AJSTD IIN-DIVIDTJAL NOMENCLATTJEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 67 
 
 Whence the heteronymie table (Table I., sect. 63) of Purgoma group- 
 relationship equivalents can be written as follows : — 
 
 gamo-matronym ... 
 
 Naka. 
 
 TUNNA. 
 
 paedo-matronym ... 
 
 KOOPOOROO. 
 
 WOONGKO. 
 
 KOOKKILLA. 
 
 BDKBUBI. 
 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 kutta 
 
 uppari 
 
 koua 
 
 aka 
 
 bnljin 
 
 kaen 
 
 apo 
 
 kummi 
 
 Woongko 
 
 koua 
 
 aka 
 
 kutta 
 
 uppari . 
 
 apo 
 
 kummi 
 
 buljin 
 
 kaen 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 buljin 
 
 kaen 
 
 apo 
 
 kummi 
 
 kutta 
 
 uppari 
 
 koua 
 
 aka 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 apo 
 
 kumml 
 
 buljiu 
 
 kaen 
 
 koua 
 
 aka 
 
 kutta 
 
 uppari 
 
 Greneanyms (c/. sect . 64) : — 
 
 Husband, wife = expressed by the same heteronymie terms as brother- 
 in-law and sister-in-law respectively. 
 Father's brother = father. 
 
 Mother's sister = apparently a new geneanymic term, bdl-\6ng-gd. 
 Father's father, son's son = Aroo-pa. 
 Mother's father = nd-ji. Father's mother = koom-'bo. 
 Mother's mother, son's daughter = pd-pi. 
 Man's mother-in-law = io«-min-gil. 
 Woman's son-in-law =ptm-mo. 
 
 Man's father-in-law = kou-a, {i.e., heteronym, mother's brother). 
 Woman's father-in-law = id-io. 
 
 Man's daughter-in-law, a man's sister's son or daughter = M/i-pa. 
 Son = m-iul. Daughter = ge-ri. 
 
 (J) The Jou-on sub-tribe, with headquarters at Cooktown, travelling to the 
 Laura, Maytown, and the Bloomfield. 
 
 Gamo-matronyms. — Che-pa. (= Ootaroo, sect. 61), Jun-na, ( = Fakoota, 
 
 sect. 61). 
 Paedo-matronyms. — (Chepa:^ ) Koopooroo, Woongko, (Junna = ) Koor- 
 killa, Bunburi. (Identical with those given in sect. 62.) 
 Heteronyms (cf. Table II., si.ct. 63) : — 
 
 Brother ... yw^-pa 
 Sister ... kd-uul 
 Mother ... ud-mo 
 Mother's brother mo-kur 
 Whence the heteronymie table (Tal 
 ship equivalents can be drawn up as folic 
 
 )le I. 
 WS :- 
 
 Father 
 
 Father's sister ... 
 Sister-in-law 
 Brother-in-law ... 
 , sect. 63) of Jouon 
 
 Ja-ba 
 «io-ka-ga 
 c^e-riil 
 don-yb. 
 group-relation- 
 
 Gamo-matrony m . . . 
 
 
 Chepa. 
 
 
 
 JUSNA. 
 
 
 Paedo-matronjran . . . 
 
 KOOPOOROO. 
 
 WOONGKO. 
 
 KOORKILLA. 
 
 BUNBURI. 
 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male, 
 mokur 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 Koopooroo 
 
 yuppa 
 
 kanul 
 
 namo 
 
 donyo 
 
 cherul 
 
 baba 
 
 mokaga 
 
 Woongko 
 
 mokur 
 
 namo 
 
 yuppa 
 
 kanul 
 
 baba 
 
 mokaga 
 
 donyo 
 
 cherul 
 
 Koorkilla 
 
 donyo 
 
 cherul 
 
 baba 
 
 mokaga 
 
 yuppa 
 
 kanul 
 
 mokur 
 
 namo 
 
 Bunburi 
 
 baba 
 
 mokaga 
 
 donyo 
 
 cherul 
 
 mokur 
 
 namo 
 
 yuppa 
 
 kanul 
 
68 
 
 SOCIAL AUD INDITIDUAL NOMEKCLATTJEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 Genearyms (of. sect. G4) : — 
 
 Husband, wife = expressed by the same heteronymic terms as brother- 
 in-law and sister-in-law respectively. 
 
 Father's father, son's son = na-ji. 
 
 Mother's father = wm-mb. Father's mother, son's daughter =^a-pi. 
 
 Mother's mother = hUm-vai. 
 
 Man's mother-in-law = -pe-orl. 
 
 Son, daughter, a man's son's wife, a woman's daughter's husband = 
 w-mor. 
 
 Man's sister's son = jo-L 
 
 Man's sister's daughter = «or-jor. 
 
 Man's father-in-law = o-jor. 
 
 Woman's father-in-law = md-knr {i.e., heteronym for mother's brother). 
 
 (c) The JPoZ-lang-a-ma (originally from between Spear Creek and Croydon), 
 one of the four tribes occupying the country in the neighbourhood of Normanton, 
 Gulf of Carpentaria. 
 
 G-amo-matronym. — No term obtainable (sect. 62/). 
 
 Paedo-matronyms. — i?a-ra (= Koopooroo), i2o»-ya (='Woongko),a-WMBy-a 
 ( = Koorkilla), ioo-ra ( = Bunburi). 
 
 Hfcteronyms (which it is well to compare with Table IT., sect. 63) :- 
 
 Brother ... eZ-in-j 6-k a 
 
 Sister ... Mr-pet-ya 
 
 Mother . . . ^toi^«.^-iil-wiir-riil 
 Mother's brother woo-liin-diin 
 
 Father's sister 
 Father ... 
 Sister-in-law 
 Brother-in-law 
 
 loom-ha, 
 wa-ra ma-ra, 
 
 or^-mun-na. 
 
 Whence the heteronymic table (Table I., sect. 63) of Wollangama group- 
 relationships can be written as follows : — 
 
 Paedo- 
 
 Raba 
 
 Ranta 
 
 AWUNOA 
 
 LOOEA 
 
 raatronym 
 
 (Koopooroo). 
 
 (Woongko). 
 
 (KoorkiUa). 
 
 (Bunburi). 
 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 male. 
 
 female. 
 
 Eara 
 
 elinjoka 
 
 korpetya 
 
 wooluu- 
 dun 
 
 twungul- 
 wurrul 
 
 ortmun- 
 na 
 
 unnel 
 
 mara- 
 mara 
 
 loomba 
 
 Kanya 
 
 woolun - 
 dun 
 
 twungul- 
 wurrul 
 
 elinjoka 
 
 korpetya 
 
 mara- 
 mara 
 
 loomba 
 
 ortmun- 
 na 
 
 unnel 
 
 Awunga 
 
 ortmun- 
 na 
 
 unnel 
 
 mara- 
 mara 
 
 luomba 
 
 elinjoka 
 
 korpetya 
 
 woolun- 
 dun 
 
 twungul- 
 wurrul 
 
 Loora .. 
 
 mara- 
 mara 
 
 looinba 
 
 ortmun- 
 n:a 
 
 unnel 
 
 woolun- 
 dun 
 
 twungul- 
 wurrul 
 
 elinjiika 
 
 korpetya 
 
 Geneanyms (sect. 64) : — 
 Husband = «or-la. 
 Wife = ten-ya.. 
 Fatheris brother = yu-via,. 
 Mother's sister = bd-ra. 
 Father's father = (J-wflng-a-da. 
 Mother's father = cftanff-a,-da,. 
 Father's mother = ?He-wa. 
 Mother's mother = «!«-ma. 
 
 Son, daughter, sister's son, sister's daughter = ^i^M^-iil. 
 Son's son, son's daughter = yd-v/a-ns.. 
 Daughter's son, daughter's daughter ^ yoo-nung-a. 
 Brother's sou, brother's daughter =yi?«-mun. 
 Man's or woman's mother-in-law = fo/'-ro-ga. 
 Woman's son-in-law or daughter-in-law = to««y-ka. 
 
SOdlAL AND INDIVIDUAL XOMENCLATUBE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 69 
 
 Climanyms (sect. 68) : — 
 
 Male. Pemale. 
 
 At 1st degree ... ... /cor-an-kor-ii ... A^or-ma-ka. 
 
 At 2nd „ ... ... da-re-koa-ua, ... bel-ea-ha-ra,. 
 
 At 3rd „ dp-ma, ... jdr-m-ja,. 
 
 At ftth „ ... ... roOT-a-ra 
 
 (d) Among the tribes around liockhampton, Gladstone, and still further 
 south, I have also met with similar systems of nomenelature — the gamo-matronyms 
 being alone deficient. Particulars of these, however, I am reserving for a future 
 work. 
 
 71. Probable Interpretation of these Class Systems.— Prom a consideration 
 of Table II., sect. 62, it will be seen which paedo-matronymic groups are allowed 
 to marry, and, comparing this with Tables I. and III. in sect. 63, the fact 
 clearly comes into prominence that by the marriage-rule a man can only 
 marry his (sister-in-law, &c., i.e.) chata, Ac, while a woman can only marry her 
 (brother-in-law, Ac, -i.e.) yundi, &e. But even then, as will be seen in sect. 326, 
 these can only marry wben they are not connected by blood : i.e., when they do 
 not happen to be true blood-cousins, or a father and his daughter's daughter, or a 
 son and his father's mother. Over and over again have I both seen and heard the 
 proposition laid down almost as a sine qua non that tlie various groups, classes, 
 &c., have been devised in order to prevent consanguinity and incest : the more 
 intimate, however, that I have become with the language and traditions of the 
 aboriginals in the Boulia District and elsewhere, the more convinced am I that in 
 these localities, at all events, this is not the case. The following three or four 
 facts appear to be very strong arguments in contradiction to the generally accepted 
 view ■.^- 
 
 a. The marriage-rule, according to sect. 62 J, which is common throughout 
 
 North- West-Central Queensland does not per se prevent consanguinity. True 
 
 blood-cousins fall within these otherwise intermarriageable groups, and yet 
 
 they are not allowed to marry : similarly a man and his daughter's daughter, &e. 
 
 ■ (sect. 326 ; also Table, sect. 65). 
 
 5. The marriage-rule does in fact actually prevent the union of couples whom 
 we know full well could not be possibly connected by any true blood-relationship 
 whatsoever. For instance, a Koopooroo male at Boulia cannot marry a Koopooroo 
 female belonging to a totally different tribe, say 150 miles distant, whom 
 perhaps he or his family has never previously seen or mixed with : but of that same 
 tribe he can marry a Koorkilla woman, and Koorkilla only. Again, as another 
 example of the rule precluding marriage where again there is certainly no true 
 consanguinity, is the fact that a man cannot marry the mother of his living or 
 deceased wife. (He may have at least two wives, sect. 323.) 
 
 c. The marriage-rule, or rather its consummation, in the Boulia, Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn, and Upper Georgina Districts, is totally disregarded at that most important 
 of the ceremonial rites, the first of which every female has to undergo ' when 
 ready to enter womanhood. The novitiate has here (sects. 305-308) to undergo 
 promiscuous and general intercourse with all the "bucks " in camp, these gentry 
 being members of any other paedo-matronym except that to which the woman 
 herself belongs, and barring only her own father: should, in addition, any bucks 
 be present from some other tribe, and yet belonging to the same paedo-matronym 
 as herself, they are allowed to personally partake in the sexual orgie. 
 
 d. Group and blood-relationship is not to be distinguished : not only are 
 similar terms applied (sects. 59, 63, 66), but the penalties for any infringement of 
 the peculiar rights of either relationship are identical (sects. 238, 323, &c.). 
 
 What, then, is the interpretation of the various classes, groups, &c., mentioned 
 in this chapter ? Let me answer this question as follows : — I am strongly of opinion 
 that, independently of all questions of consanguinity, the paedo-matrouyms upon 
 which the marriage-rules depend (and which paedo-matronyms remain constant as 
 compared with the heteronyms) have been devised, by a process of natural 
 
70 
 
 SOCIAL AND IlfDlYIDrAI, NOMENCLATrEE : CLASS SYSTEMS, ETC. 
 
 selection, to regulate the proper distribution of the total quantity of food avail- 
 able. Thus the husband, according to his paedo-matronvtn (sect. 62S) lives on 
 articles of diet different from those of his wife (or wives) :'both of whom again are 
 different from those permissible to their resulting offspring, which (sect. 62i) 
 belong to a third paedo-matronymic group. Hence, to put it shortly, whereas in a 
 European community with a common dietary, the more children there are to feed, 
 the less will become the share for the parents, in this North-West-Central Queens- 
 land aboriginal system, the appearance of children will make no appreciable difference 
 in minimising the quantity of food available for those that give them birth. 
 Any scarcity in the total quantity of all the food is met by a change of camping 
 ground. A further circumstance that appears to lend great pJausilaility to this 
 view is that, although practically identical terms and rules are followed throue;h- 
 out North-West-Central Queensland, the different animals, birds, fish, &c., 
 ' tabooed " by each paedo-matronymic group vary with each ethnographical 
 district (sect. 626). (For further information bearing on this matter of marriage, 
 the reader is referred to sect. 320, dealing with the operation of " whistling" or 
 introcision, where it will be shown that its ordinarily alleged object, that of 
 limiting procreation, so as to equalise demand and supply, is untenable.) 
 
CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF IDEAS BY MANUAL SIGNS : 
 A SIGN-LANGUAGE. 
 
 Contents.— Section 72. Introductory. 73-74 Mannmab. 75-76. Birds. 77-78. EeptiUs. 
 79-80. Fish. 81-82. Molluscs. 83-84. Arthropods. 85-86. Plants. 87-88. Other Olijects of Nature. 
 89-90. Individuals, Family Relatives. 91-92. Ornaments, Weapons, Implements, Utensils, Huts. 
 93-94. Number. 95-98. Locality, Direction. 97-98. Time. 99-100. Interrogation. 101-102. Simple 
 Acts, States, and Conditions. 103-104. Complex Conditions, Abstract Ideas. 
 
 72. Introductory, — Although the signs collected together in this chapter can 
 be spoken of as constituting a sign-language, it would be more correct to describe 
 them as idea-grams, each sign conjuring up an idea, modified more or less by the 
 context of the mute conversation. Thus, the sign for a boomerang may express 
 not only the idea of the article itself, but also, according to the " run of the 
 ' text,' " the idea of hitting or killing something by its means, or of swapping, 
 manufacturing, or stealing it, &c. The sign of interrogation conjures up the idea 
 of a question, but the nature of the query will depend upon what has gone before 
 or is coming after. 
 
 The value of these ideagrams is apparent in the case of individuals travelling 
 over country the spoken, language of whose inhabitants they are ignorant of or 
 only partially acquainted with ; also, on the war-path or the chase, where silence 
 is so essential an adjunct to success. Por reasons difficult to estimate, their use 
 is strictly enforced on certain special occasions, such as some of the initiation 
 ceremonies (sect. 300, &c.). 
 
 1 have personally proved the existence of these ideagrams for the whole of 
 North- West-Central Queensland, this area being understood as comprising the 
 various ethnographical districts known as the Boulia, Leichhardt-Sehvyn, Clon- 
 curry. Upper Georgina, and Flinders (sects. 2, 4.6-49) ; furthermore, on the 
 Middle and Upper Diamantina they are also met with. Prom the fact that many 
 of the indigenous aboriginals travel or go on the "walk-about" beyond these 
 limits (sect. 224) there is every probability of these or similar signs being met with 
 elsewhere than just mentioned.* 
 
 The various tribes from among which the following information concerning 
 this subject of sign-language was collected may be tabulated as follows : — 
 
 Name of Tribe. 
 
 Country Occupied. 
 
 Abbreviation 
 
 in Notes to the 
 
 Illustrations. 
 
 Pitta-Pitta 
 
 Boulia District 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Boinji 
 
 Boulia District 
 
 Bo. 
 
 Ulaolinya 
 
 Boulia District 
 
 Uli. 
 
 Wonkajera 
 
 Boulia District 
 
 Won. 
 
 Walookera 
 
 Upper Georgina District 
 
 Wal. 
 
 Undekerebina 
 
 Upper Georgina District 
 
 Und. 
 
 Kalkadoon 
 
 Leiohhardt-Seiwyn District 
 
 Kal. 
 
 Mitakoodi 
 
 Cloncurry District 
 
 Mit. 
 
 Woonamurra 
 
 Flinders District 
 
 Woo. 
 
 Goa 
 
 Upper Diamantina District 
 
 Goa 
 
 * Since the above lines were penned I have learnt of their existence among the Workia tribss, 
 extending from the head of the Georgina waters to the McArthur River in Northern Territory. 
 
72 
 
 THE EXPEESSION 01' IDEAS BY ITANTJAI. SIGNS : A SlSlf LASGTf AGE. 
 
 "Wherever in the Jiotes to the illustrations the abbreviation referring to the 
 tribe is placed in between parentheses, this will indicate that the particular sign, 
 though actually sought for, has been found wanting; without the parentheses its 
 general use has been confirmed. By this means it will the more easily be recog- 
 nised that many of these signs or ideagratns are identical over large tracts of 
 country, some of them being almost common throughout all North-West-Central 
 Queensland ; among such are the ideagrams for a dingo, kangaroo, large eagle- 
 hawk, snake, fly, water, creek, adult man, mother, brother and sister, boomerang, 
 hut, sunrise, the sign of interrogation, silence, by-aud-by, anger, signs of affirmation 
 and negation. 
 
 Of the various ideas that find expression through these signs may be 
 mentioned those relating to animals, plants, and other objects of nature ; to the 
 various individuals constituting a camp or other family relationship ; to weapons, 
 implements, and utensils; to certain simple and complex states or actions; to 
 number, place, interrogation, and to various abstract notions. 
 
 Although almost all the signs are executed with the one or other, or perhaps 
 both hands, a few can be indicated by the head and face only, e.g., the ideas of 
 " yea " and " nay," with corresponding head movements exactly after the European 
 style, the sniffing of the nostrils to indicate the smelling of the wild-orange (sect. 
 86), the biting of the beard to express anger (sect. 104), the pouting of the lips 
 towards the required quarter to show direction (sect. 95), &c. One or two signs 
 can be expressed with the trunk, Ac, e.g., the shrugging of the shoulders to 
 denote doubt, interrogation, being a common example of the kind. Again, the 
 greatest insult which it appears one woman can offer to another (among the Pitta- 
 Pitta at least, and which is generally preliminary to mutual recriminations) is the 
 protrusion forwards of the abdomen and exposure of the person simultaneously 
 with the vibration of the knees and thighs one against the other, the heels being 
 kept pretty close together. 
 
 Except, of course, where both hands are necessary to execute the required 
 movement, it is immaterial which one, the right or left, is brought into requisi- 
 tion. In some cases the movement has a first and second, while in rare instances 
 it may even have a third, position. In the illustrations the initial are distinguished 
 from the final positions by having the lines indicating the latter dotted. 
 
 It may be mentioned that it was in these districts, some fifty years ago, that 
 Captain Sturt made mention of the discovery of certain masonic signs among the 
 aboriginals. So far as my limited knowledge of the craft allows, I have tested 
 these people over and over again, repeatedly submitting them even to strict 
 cross-examination, but have never succeeded iu corroborating the gallant explorer's 
 statement. I can only conclude that what he conscientiously believed to be 
 aboriginal masonic signs are really the ideagrams which I am now about to 
 describe. 
 
 73. Mammals. — That ubiquitous companion of the Australian savage, the dog 
 and its half-brother the dingo, is clearly intelligible in the soft rounded toe-pads 
 represented by the finger-tips in Fig. 1, while the animal's normal proclivities in 
 " wolfing" up its food finds expression in Fig. 198. Among comparatively 
 recently-introduced animals, the horns for a bullock in Figs. 4, 5, and the rounded 
 hoof with corresponding motion for a horse in Fig. 2, are very clear: Fig. 3, 
 perhaps not so evident, expresses more the pawing of the horse's foot. In the 
 case of the rat, the motion of the head and nibbling action of the teeth are 
 attempted with no small success in Fig. 6 : the idea of digging up rats (or 
 porcupines) from their burrows and striking them on the head with a waddy is 
 utilised iu Fig. 7. The porcupine has a curious habit of digging up the earth, 
 and shovelling it laterally outwards as it were, an idea which is evidently 
 intended in Fig. 8: the animal's spines are shown j\s the extended fingers in Fig. 
 9, while the pricking-up of its tiny ears is expressed in Fig. 10. With regard to 
 the bandicoot, the long nose is evidently its strong point in more senses than one, 
 if we are to judge by the comparatively large number of ideagrams devised to 
 represent this particular organ. In Fig. 11 this is carried out by the finger moving 
 forwards from the nasal organ of the signaller, and, without the latter, by means 
 
THE EXPKESSION OP IDEAS BT MAJfUAL SIGNS : A SIGN LANGUAGE. 73 
 
 of the thumb (Fig. 12), or forefiuger (Fig. 13), or bent-knuckle (Fig. 14) : other 
 tribes look upon the big belly as the salient characteristic of the creature, and a 
 corresponding ideagram is met with in Fig. 15. Only in one example, Fig. 16, 
 are its underground burrowing habits brought into prominence. The opossum, 
 or rather its claw-marks on the tree-trunks by means of which it is hunted and 
 tracked, is represented in Fig. 17, where the two hooked and separated fingers 
 indicate the two toes in the act of scratching on the bark : Figs. 18, 19 show 
 the foot and toes similarly engaged, while Fig. 20 demonstrates the aboriginal 
 hand in the act of twisting the animal's hair into twine. With regard to the 
 paddymelon, one ideagram has some bearing upon its roundish elongate face in 
 Fig. 21, while in another stress is laid upon its hop-like progression (Fig 22), or 
 upon its slender toes (Fig. 23). A similar idea — the " hop " — is put into execution 
 in Fig. 24 referring to the ordinary large kangaroo, also represented in Fig. 25 by 
 the pricking up of its big ears when on the alert. 
 
 74. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Fig. 1. Dingo, Bog. — Finger-tips all touching top of thumb: flexion at 
 wrist. Finger-tips represent the toe-pads. Among the Pitta-Pitta this sign 
 represents more especially a small dog, as distinguished from a very large one 
 {see Fig. 198). P.P., Bo., TJla., Won., Wal., (Und.), Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 2. Horse. — Fingers closely apposed and all flexed at proximal joints 
 with tips just touching palm : wrist flexed. Forwards and backwards movement 
 from elbow to show the flat hoofs coming to the ground in rhythmic succession. 
 Among the Boinji this sign, in addition, signifies a dog or dingo. P.P., Bo., 
 IJla., Won., Wal., IJnd. 
 
 Fig. 3. Horse. — A somewhat similar sign to that of a dog, but instead of 
 the flexion there is an inwards rotation at the wrist — a kind of " pawing." Mit. 
 
 Fig. 4. Cattle. — The horns of the beast are rendered prominent by the 
 extended forefingers placed close to the front and side of the head. P.P., Bo., 
 (Ula.), TJnd., (Mit.) 
 
 Fig. 5. Cattle. — The hand represents the head, while the movement forwards, 
 upwards, and outwards signifies the curvature of the horn. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 6. Rat. — Forefinger fixed at an angle apart from thumb signifies the 
 prominent incisor teeth : vibratory movement with fixed wrist shows the 
 " nibbling" movement. P.P., Bo., IJla., Won., Wal., TJnd., (Kal., see Fig. 89). 
 
 Fig. 7. Mat. — The one hand is the animal's head : it is in the act of being 
 struck with a slick, &c. Woo., G-oa. 
 
 Fig. 8. Por«<pj«e (Echidna hystrix). Forefinger held downwards, forwards, 
 and slightly inwards : a lateral movement outwards to show the turning up of 
 the soil. P.P., (Bo.), U!a., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 9. Forcupine. — All fingers and thumb slightly flexed and pretty widely 
 separated — to express the " spears," i.e., spines: motion forwards from elbow. 
 Hit. 
 
 Fig. 10. Forcupine. — Tipping the ears backwards and forwards with the 
 forefingers — an indication of the animal's little ears when alarmed, &c. (Cf. the 
 Pitta-Pitta word nara-apari, where nara = ear.) (P.P.), Bo., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 11.' Bandicoot. — Drawing attention to the animal's long nose. (P.P.), 
 Bo., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 12. Bandicoot.— The thumb between the two fingers represents the long 
 nose. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 13. Bandicoot. — The lengthy snout is here expressed by the extended 
 forefinger : the thumb rests upon the side of this digit, and there is a vertical 
 flexion at wrist. P.P., (Bo.), (TJla.), Won., Wal., (Und.), (Mit.) 
 
 Fig. 14. Bandicoot.' — The same idea, but indicated with the knuckle of the 
 proximal joint of the forefinger. Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 15. Bandicoot. — The forefinger circles over the signaller's stomach, to 
 show the comparatively big belly of the animal. (P.P.), Bo., (Mit.). 
 
74 THE EXPEESSION OP IDEAS BT MANUAL SIGNS : A SIGN LANGUAGE. 
 
 Pig. 16. Bandicoot. — ringers somewhat separate, and extended ; forward 
 movement from elbow. The animal's toes digging into the ground. (P.P.), 
 (Bo.),U]a.,{Mit.), Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 17. Opossum (Triclioglossus vulpecula). — The separated and hooked fore 
 and middle fingers conjure up the idea of the double-claw mark on the tree-bark : 
 movement of hand downwards. Kal. 
 
 Fig 18. Opossum. — Very similar to preceding, the two fingers touching each 
 other only at their tips, where they meet the thumb : similar downwards movement. 
 Mit. 
 
 Fig. 19. Opossum. — Hand in position depicted, with more or less rapid flexion 
 at wrist : the clawing movement. Among the TJlaolinya blacks the thumb points 
 upwards and outwards, and therefore, of course, does not touch the tip of fore- 
 finger. (P.P.), Bo., Ula , Won., Wal., (Und.), (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 20. Opossum, Opossum string. — The rolling of the fingers on the thumb 
 — the idea of tvpisting the prepared opossum hair into twine (sect. 162). P.P., 
 Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 21. Paddymelon. — Circular movement made in front of and about the 
 same size as the face : the animal's elongate roundish head. P.P., (Bo.), TJla., 
 Won., Wal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 22. Paddymelon: Small Species of Kangaroo, Sfc. — Fingers together and 
 flexed, their tips with the thumb being all on same horizontal plane: flexion only 
 at wrist — to show the comparatively short hop of the animal (ef. Fig. 24). 
 Mit. 
 
 Fig. 23. Paddymelon : Small Species of Kangaroo. — Flexion of the first two 
 fingers conjointly : indicative of the long foot. (Mit.), Kal. 
 
 Fig. 24. Kangaroo : Any Large Species of Macropus. — Both hands are held 
 forwards with cupped palms down and bent fingers — the animal's paws : the 
 movement consists in a short spring forwards — the big " hop." As often as not 
 this ideagram is expressed with one hand only. P.P., (Bo.), TJla., Won., Wal., 
 Und., (Kal, see Fig. 55), Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 25. Kangaroo : Any Large Species. — Similar to Fig. 10, but instead of 
 the forefingers denoting 'the small ears, the whole hand denotes the big ears 
 turning backwards and forwards. (P.P.), Bo., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 75.. Birds. — All birds collectively, except those with something individually 
 sufficiently distinctive, can be indicated by the flapping of either one or other 
 hand, or both together synchronously — to call up the idea of flight, the beating of 
 the wings. The variations in which the hand and fingers are held, the celerity 
 and range of movement, &c., have all appreciable meanings, though as a matter of 
 fact, these minute differences in such directions are almost inappreciable to the 
 European eye. Figs. 26, 27, 28, 29, referring to birds in general, will give but a 
 limited idea of them. Different from the ordinary run is Fig. 30, indicating the 
 common brown hawk, with fixed and extended wing, swooping down upon, and 
 up again with, its prey ; so also the eagle-hawk, whose fe .thers are so prized for 
 decorative purposes, is dopicted by its big claws as the separated and " clawed " 
 fingers clasping on its victim in Fig. 31, in addition to the ideagram representing 
 the " circling " nature of its flight in Fig. 32. With the " flock "-pigeon again, 
 besides the more or less peculiarly vibratory manner of its flight indicated in Fig. 
 33, the imitation of its capture by net is shown in Fig. 34. The emu, valued for 
 both flesh and feathers, is shown by the toe-tracks in Fig. 35, the shape and 
 motion of the long-necked head in Fig. 36, while an attempt has been made in 
 Fig. 37 to illustrate the " wobbling " movements of the bird when running. With 
 the turkey-bustard the characteristic side-to-side jerking motion of the head, the 
 bird undisturbed, is expressed in Figs. 38, 39, 40. The pelican, or rather its 
 immense lower beak, as might have been expected, could hardly have escaped 
 notice: in Fig. 41 this is denoted by the hollowed hands resting horizontally from 
 the protruded chin, in Fig. 42 by the flexed fingers twisted one behind the other, 
 and in Fig. 43 by the hand ladling up an imaginary large volume of water. 
 Cockatoos, parrots, galahs, &c., and all similar birds are represented by imitations 
 
THE EXPRESSION OP IDEAS BT MANTTAL SIGNS : A SIGN LANGrAGE. 75 
 
 of the beak or top-knot. Thus Fig. 44 affords a view of the upper and lower 
 beak ; the movement, a sudden extension forwards of the digits, indicating the 
 top-knot feathers. In Pig. 45 the upper mandible alone is expressed by the 
 hooked forefinger tapping on the upper gums or incisors. A " whistler " and 
 certain other species of duck is notified either by the method adopted of capturing 
 it, or the flattened nature of its beak, in Fig. 46. The idea of a black crow 
 turning up the soil for food is expressed in Fig. 47. " Diver "-birds, " shag," 
 and others with similar sub-aqueous habits are represented in Fig. 48 in the act 
 of diving into the water and out again. The " native-companion " and the 
 "spoon-bill" form an interesting couplet for comparison, the elongate beak in 
 the former case being indicated by one finger solely (Fig. 49), or by two 
 overlapping (Fig. 50), in the latter similarly by one finger (Fig. 51), or by two in 
 close apposition (Fig. 52) : the contrast between the vertical movement of the 
 head in the case of the native-companion and the lateral movement in that of the 
 spoon-bill is very striking. 
 
 76. Notes to lUustrations. 
 
 Fig. 26. Bird: in general.— Movement from elbow: to represent the beating, 
 flapping, of the wings. P.P., Bo., TJla., (Und.), (Kal), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig 27. Bird: in general. — Similar movement and idea. P.P., Bo., Ula., 
 (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 28. Bird: in general. — Similar movement and idea. (P.P.), (Bo.), (Ula.), 
 Won., Wal., (Und.), (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 29. Bird: in general. — Similar movement and idea. P.P., Bo., (Ula.), 
 (Won.), (Wal.), Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 30. Small JiawTc. — -The bird with fixed wing is swooping down and up 
 again with its prey. P.P., Und., (^Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 31. Large Eagle-JiawTc (Uroaltus audas). — The cupped palm and 
 hooked fingers represent the claws : movement consists in the closure of these 
 over its quarry. Among the Ulaolinya and Boinji blacks instead of the palm 
 looking upwards, it is turned downwards. P.P., Bo., Ula., "Won., Wal., Und., 
 (Mit.), Woo., G-oa. 
 
 Fig. 32. Large Eagle-liawh. — Expressive of the '' circling" nature of the 
 bird's flight. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 33. Pigeon : "Jloch" and other species. — Thumb, palm, and fingers all in 
 the one same median vertical plane with fixed wrist : vibratile motion at wrist with 
 simultaneous forward movement of forearta. P.P., (Bo.), (Ula.), Won., Wal., 
 Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 34. " Floole" pigeon, Sfc. (Histriophagus histrionica). — The idea of turn- 
 ing over the net in the act ot capture ; the two hands are holding the long wooden 
 handle {see sect. 137. Fig. 230). Woo., G-oa. 
 
 Fig. 35. Emu (Dromaius novae-hollandiae). — The ring-finger is held down 
 with the thumb, the three free digits indicating the bird's toes ; the '" tread " is 
 represented by movement forwards of the arm with simultaneous flexion at the 
 wrist. (P.P.), (Bo.), (Ula.), (Won.), (Wal.), Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 36. JEmu. — Fingers fixed in flexed position and closely apposed, with 
 thumb close to base of forefinger, and wrist flexed laterally: the arm and hand 
 thus show the head and neck of the bird " nodding," the movement taking place 
 at the elbow. P.P., Bo., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 37. Emu. — Here, there is indication of two legs : the movement — 
 "wobbling" of bird's body and tail-feathers — is expressed by a vibratory motion at 
 fixed wrist with simultaneous progression forwards. Palm of the hand is in median 
 vertical plane. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., (Und.), (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 38. TurTcey-lustard. — Thumb touching top of forefinger, which, with the 
 other closely apposed fingers, is semi-flexed and lies in a horizontal plane ; sharp 
 rotation at wrist. The side to side rotation of the bird's head. P.P. 
 
76 THE EIPBESSION OE IDEAS BY MANrAL SIGNS : A SIGN LANGUAGE. 
 
 Fig. 39. Turkey-huBtard. — Similar movement to preceding. The bird's head 
 is here expressed by the open hand and extended digits in a vertical median plane ; 
 the hand is fixed in a flexed position with wrist. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 40. Turkey-bustard — Similar movement to preceding. The hand is held 
 in similar position as Fig. 39, but the ingers are flexed into palm, with thumb — 
 the beak — uppermost. "Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 41. Pelican (Pelicanus conspicillatus). — The closely apposed hands in 
 a more or less cupped position are placed horizontally with theballs of the thumbs 
 just touching the chin : the large lower " bill." (P.P.), Bo., (Kal.), (Mit.J, Woo., 
 Goa. 
 
 Fig. 42. Pelican. — The same distinctive feature represented by the fingers 
 twisted one behind the other. (P.P.), (Bo.), Ula., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 43. Pelican. — Fingers semi-flexed, and fixed wrist; rapid rotation in- 
 wards, with simultaneous movement of forearm slightly forwards and inwards. 
 The idea of the bill "ladling" up the water, Ac, in large quantities. P.P., (Bo.), 
 (Ula.), Won., Wal., Und., (Kal), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig 44. Cockatoo, galah, parrot, Sfo. — Fingers closely apposed and flexed — 
 the upper beak : the idea of a fop-knot is expressed by the subsequent sudden 
 extension and separation of the digits. (P.P.), (Bo.), (Ula.), (Won), (Wal.), Und., 
 (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 45. Cockatoo, galah, parrot, Sfc. — The beak is here indicated by the hooked 
 forefinger tapping upon the upper gums or incisors. P.P., Bo., (Ula.), Won., 
 Wal, (Und.), (Kal.), (Mit.), Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 46. Buck. — The forefinger is brushed horizontally in front of the mouth. 
 Two interpretations of this ideagram have been given me : one, expressive of the 
 flattened and wide bill ; the other, indicative of the method of its capture by 
 means of a slip-noose (sect. 140). Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 47. Black crow (Corvus). — Fingers all clawed and separate: a swift 
 rotatory movement at wrist: the idea of digging up the earth for offal, &c. {see 
 Fig. 183). P.P., Won., Wal. 
 
 Fig. 48. Diver-hird, " shag," Sfc. : anything that dives, to dive. — The move- 
 ment of diving down into the water, and out again, is evident. P.P., Bo., Ula., 
 Won., Wal., Und., Kal. 
 
 Fig. 49. Native Companion (Grus australiasianus). — Flexion at wrist : the 
 forefinger represents the long-necked head and beak of the bird moving vertically 
 down into the water. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., Won., AVal., Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 50. Native Companion. — The neck and beak is here signified by fore and 
 middle fingers, the former overlapped : movement similar to preceding. Kal. 
 
 Fig. 51. Large Spoon-hill (Platylea). — The finger, again giving the idea of 
 head and beak as in Fig. 49, is now moved from side to side, at the elbow, 
 in imitation of the bird's habit. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), 
 Mit. 
 
 Fig. 52. Large Spoon-bill. — The two first fingers are put to the mouth, and 
 moved forwards and downwards : the bird's flattened beak. (P.P.), Bo, (Kal.), 
 (Mit.). 
 
 77. Reptiles. — Beyond the meaning of the quick side-to-sido oscillatory or 
 vibratory movements from elbow, with fixed wrist — the indication for rapidity of 
 speed — with which the ideagrams for lizards, iguanas, <fcc., in Figs. 58, 54, 55 are 
 executed, it is diflicult to recognise anything characteristic unless it be in the long 
 snout or tail. {Cf. the movements of these three with those of fish in Figs. 
 64-67.) In Fig. 56 is a representation of the clumsy, wobbling, twisted, side-to- 
 side gait of the limbs in one of the larger varieties of iguana. Snakes in general 
 are expressed by the forearm with closed hand in imitation of the body and head 
 respectively, as'in Figs. 57, 59, 60: the position of the hand in the last-mentioned 
 shows the characteristic movement of the animal's head protruding from out the 
 surface when crossing water. In Fig. 58 the same reptile is indicated with the 
 finger only, the simultaneous movements of the wrist and ai'm mimicking, its 
 
THE EXPEESSION OF IDEAS BT MAIfUAL SIGKS : A SIGN LANGUAGE. 77 
 
 sinuous progression. A carpet snake is shown at repose in Pig. 61, with its head, 
 the thumb, raised from within the centre of its coils. The fact of drawing atten- 
 tion to the colouration of the snout conveys the idea of a black-headed snake in 
 Pig. 62. In the ideagram for a frog (Fig. 63), the "jump,"eoupled with the 
 outstretched fingers (its toes), is unmistakeable. 
 
 78. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Pig. 53. Lizards, Iguanas : any small species. — Oscillatory motion at wrist — 
 rapidity of animal's movements. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.). 
 (Among the Pitta- Pitta blacks the initial position of this ideagram also holds good 
 for a particular fish, a species of black bream : the final, however, is a quick 
 to-and-fro short lateral movement at elbow — see Pig. 64.) 
 
 Pig. 54. Lizards, Iguanas : in general. — Pingers and thumb all extended, 
 and in close apposition : vibratory, &c., motion at wrist. Eal., Mit., Woo., 
 Goa. 
 
 Pig. 55. Lizards, Iguanas : in general. — Forefinger tip and thumb touching, 
 the remaining fingers being extended ; similar movement to preceding. (P.P.), 
 (Bo.), Ula., Won., Wal., IJnd,, (Kal.), (Mit.). Among the Kalkadoons, any 
 large kangaroo is represented by the same initial position, but the subsequent one 
 consists in a wrist-flexion and forwards motion to express the amimal's " hop." 
 (Of. Pig. 24.) 
 
 Pig. 66. Iguana : large species in general. — The elbow, strongly flexed, is 
 held out laterally on a level with the shoulder, the wrist rotated inwards : the 
 idea of drawing attention to the wobbling twisting gait is expressed by the rotation 
 of the wrist outwards. P.P., Bo., Ula., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 57. Snake . in general. — The closed fist and forearm express the head 
 and body respectively •. the course of the arm on same plane forwards, outwards, 
 and backwards indicates the sinuous track of the animal. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., 
 Wal., Und., (Mit.), Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 58. Snake : in general. — The forefinger here indicates the animal, 
 while the wrist -rotation and simultaneous forwards motion of the arm express 
 the course of its progression. Kal., Mit. (With the Kalkadoons this ideagram 
 means rather any land snake in general as opposed to the ideagram of Pig. 60.) 
 
 Fig. 59. Snake : in general. — Finger-tips touching top of palm, which is held 
 on a level with the face, palm turned towards signaller : the movement is more 
 or less of an ellipse. (There is strong suspicion that this ideagram also often 
 indicates a water snake— c/. Pig. 60.) (P.P.), (Bo.), (Ula.), (Won.), (Wal), 
 Und., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 60. Water snake. — Hand and forearm again signify the animal's head 
 and body : the head is out of the water, and revolving from side to side as the 
 creature swims along. Kal. 
 
 Pig. 61. Carpet snake (Morelia variegata).^The head, standing erect from 
 within the centre of the coils, is shown by the thumb protruding from between 
 the closed fore and middle fingers. P.P., Bo., Ula., (Und.), Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 62. Black-headed snake. — ^The signaller is trying to draw attention to 
 the black snout of the creature. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 63. Frog. — The hand, with closed thumb and fingers, is thrust forwards 
 and downwards, while at the same time all the digits are extended and separated : 
 the jump with the webbed feet. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 79. Fish. — With two exceptions, all the signs to denote fish — no matter what 
 the initial position of the hand — are executed with a more or less rapid side-to-side 
 oscillatory or vibratory movement from the elbow, the wrist being fixed : this 
 serves to show the appearance which these creatures offer when observed through 
 the ripples on the water-surface. {Cf. this movement with that already described 
 in connection with lizards, iguanas, &o., sect. 77.) The various initial 
 positions of the hand itself in Figs. 64, 65, 66, 67 have been described to me as 
 sigpif jing t)ie tail, tjie finsi, sfcc. Jn the case of Pig. 68, one pf the two expeptions 
 
78 THE EXPEESSION OF IDEAS BY MiNUAl SIGNS : A SIGN LANGUAGE. 
 
 referred to, is to be seen the scraping off of the " scales" previous to being eaten, 
 the idea being sometimes completed by the other hand — ihe fish itself— held close 
 below : the other exception is Pig. 69, where the method of capture, &c. (sect. 
 129), is referred to. 
 
 80. Notes to lUustratioiis. 
 
 Pig. 64. Fish. — The shape of the hand, with finger-tips touching top of 
 palm, represents the tail. The usual m(,vement as iust described. P.P., Bo.,Ula. 
 
 Pig. 65. Fish.— Wrist at an angle with forearm, and all the digits extended 
 and separate. Similar movement. (P.P.), (Bo.), (TJIa.), (Won.), (Wal.), Und. 
 
 Pig. 60. Fish. — Hand fixed at an anyle sideways with the forearm, and 
 flexed slightly backwards : the palm looks forwards and upwards. Similar 
 movement. (P.P.), (Bo.), Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 67. Fish. — Similar initial position as Pig. 66, save that the little finger 
 alone is flexed on to the palm. Similar movement. (P.P.), Bo. 
 
 Pig. 68. Fish : to prepare them, Sfc. — Hand in more or less cupped position 
 with fingers semiflexed and in close apposition : flexion takes place at wrist, the 
 arm remaining in fixed position. The idea of scraping the scales off (in the case 
 of a big-sized fish especially) previous to eating. Among the Pitta-Pitta 
 aboriginals the ideagram is completed by sometimes holding the other hand out 
 horizontally underneath, to show the actual animal. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., Won., 
 Wal., (Und.), Kal. 
 
 Pig. ()9. Fish : to capture them, Sfc. — The closed hand is brought up to the 
 mouth, which is closed upon it sharply, when the hand is withdrawn, and a wave 
 made of it. This represents the aboriginal biting the back of the fish's head, to 
 kill it, previous to throwing it on to the river bank — whence it can be collected at 
 leisure — the fisherman remaining in the water to catch more. (Sect. 129.) 
 
 81. Molluscs. — The fresh-water mussel, an important ingredient of the 
 aboriginal menu, is cleverly illustrated in Pig. 70, with the two overlapping 
 fingers — the shells — rocking from side to side as the animal makes its progress 
 along the mud. In Fig. 71 each hand represents a shell, the "hinge" being at 
 the thumbs. In Pig. 72 each finger is a shell working on an imaginary hinge 
 extending from the thumb-tip to the fork between the fore and middle fingers. 
 
 82. Notes to Jllustrations. 
 
 Fig. 70. Fresh-water mussel. — Porefinger tucked under middle finger, ring 
 and little finger flexed into the palm : position of thumb immaterial. Slow out- 
 and-in rotatory motion at wrist, to imitate the "rocking" of the animal. P.P., 
 Bo., Ula., Won., Wal, Und., (Kal.), (Mit.) 
 
 Pig. 71. Fresh-water mussel. — The thumbs remain stationary,, as the hinge, 
 while the fists, as the two shells, open outwards. Kal. 
 
 Pig. 72. Fresh-water mussel. — The two finger-tips of the fore and middle 
 fingers remain in contact with the thumb-lop, while the former digits become 
 separated in their lengths at the proximal joints : each finger is a shell working 
 on an imaginary hinge. 
 
 83. Arthropoda, &c. — There are certain small flies which form quite an 
 interesting group among themselves in connection with the expression of ideas by 
 signs : thus the circular or lateral flight, as the case may be, of some of these little 
 wretches is well portrayed in Pigs. 73, 74, while the region which they may 
 particularly affect or annoy is shown in Pig. 75 by a sand-fly alighting on the eye. 
 Again, the methods adopted by the victim in obtaining relief from the scourge 
 can be seen in Fig 76 with a mosquito suddenly crushed by the palm of the hand, 
 or deftly caught in Pig. 77 between the finger and thumb, or, in the case of a 
 small sand-fly (Pig. 78), being picked off with the finger-nail, or with some larger 
 member of the same fraternity being brushed away from either side of the face 
 in Fig. 79. I nowhere found any ideagrams directly intended for a honey-bee, 
 though those for the " sugar-bag" itself— i.e., the honey — are common : one of these 
 
THE EXPEESSION OP IDEAS BT MAlfgAL SIGNS : A SlSlf LANGUAGE. 79 
 
 (Fig. 80) signifies the idea of its viscosity, while the other two (Pigs, bl, 82) are 
 expressive of the means employed in obtaining it. Eemaining insects requiring 
 notice are the edible caterpillar represented in Figs. 83, 84; the former showing 
 the animal in statu quo, the latter in the act of being devoured. Ideagram Fig. 
 85 is intended for a hair-louse being squeezed between the thumb-nails— a practice 
 not unknown among more civilised peoples. A cray-fish is indicated by the claws 
 opening and shutting in Fig. 86. 
 
 84. Notes to Illustratioiis. 
 
 Fig. 73. Any small (Jiouse)fly. — The tip of the forefinger serves to indicate the 
 small circles which the insect flies in. (P.P.), Bo., (Kal.). 
 
 Fig. 74. Any small fly. — Fingers slightly flexed, and rapid lateral movement 
 — in imitation of the insect's flight. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 75. Any sort ofi^sand) fly. — The two fingers are in the act of catching the 
 sand-fly which has alighted on the eye. Kal. 
 
 Fig. 76. Mosquito. — The cupped palm and fingers coming down with a quick 
 and sudden rush upon the doomed creature : either done on the opposite arm or 
 upon one of the thighs. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 77. Mosquito. With a swift forward movement the thumb and fore- 
 finger are just about to pounce upon it. The other fingers remain closed. (P.P.), 
 Bo., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 78. Sandfly. — The hooked forefinger is scraping up the minute creature 
 which is supposed to be biting into the flesh : performed upon opposite arm, or 
 upon a thigh. P.P., Bo., TTla , Won., Wal., IJnd. 
 
 Fig. 79. Any small -fly. — The idea of brushing away from off the sides of the 
 face the insect which is hanging about there. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., 
 Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 80. Soney : {a honey lee) . — Its distinctive physical characteristic, its 
 viscosity, is expressed by the circular motion imparted to the stick or finger to 
 prevent its dropping off, somewhat after the fashion in which a European would 
 twirl the spoon when taking treacle, &c., froui out the tin on to a plate. P.P., Bo., 
 Ula., Won., Wal., (Und.), (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 81. Honey. — Where the tree which bears the comb is too massive or too 
 tall to be cut down, the aboriginal will climb it by means of " nicks " cut alternately 
 into either side, so as to form successive steps (sect. 118) : this is the idea pro- 
 posed to be conveyed here. Kal., Mit. 
 
 Fig. 82. B.oney. One way of learning whether the tree trunk is hollow, and 
 therefore likely to contain a " sugar-bag," is to sound it by tapping with the 
 fingers (sect. 118) : this is what is being done now. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 83. Small Caterpillar, " qrub" Sfc. — B/epresented by the little finger 
 alone extended. P.P., Bo., (Ula.),'(Und.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 84. Large Edille Caterpillar, " grul." — The hooked forefinger, the 
 animal itself, is drawn Irom the side of the mouth upwards over the cheek. The 
 insect's head, not being eaten, is in the act of being pulled off (sect. 119). P.P., 
 Bo., Ula. 
 
 Fig. 85. Hair-louse. — The insect is in the act of being squeezed between the 
 two thumb-nails. P.P., Bo., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 86. Cray-flsh. — The forefinger and thumb opening apart from each 
 other represent a " claw." P.P., (Mit.). 
 
 85. Plants. — Only those with an economic value in the eyes of the aboriginals 
 are represented by signs. Certain of the illustrations draw attention to the 
 manner in which the plant, fruit, Ac, is gathered or collected: the plucking off of 
 the wild-orange from its branches in Fig. 87, the digging up of the yams in Figs. 
 88, 89, and the care necessary in pulling up the radish-like " witooka " root in 
 Fig. 90, without breaking it, are all characteristic. Other series of ideagrams 
 iudicate methods of preparation or treatment, previously to being eaten, such 
 
80 THE EXPEESSION OE IDEAS BT MAJTUAL SIGNS: A SIGN LANGUAGE. 
 
 as — the rubbing ojBE of the husks of the " mungaroo " seeds between the finger 
 and thumb in Pig. 91 ; the rolling into threads of the flax fibre, subsequently to 
 soaking, along the surface of the thigh in Pig. 92 ; the shaking out or scraping off 
 of the " pig-weed " seeds in Pigs. 93, 94, 95 ; the operation of pounding the 
 "nardoo " in Pig. 96. Similarly with ordinary grass-seed, the various stages in its 
 preparation are all unmistakable: the shaking of a plant into a koolamon in 
 Pig. 97, the grinding with a stone in Pig. 98, and the licking off of the subsequent 
 mixture from the fingers in Pigs. 99, 100, require but little further elucidation 
 The tying-up of the " wild-rice " into bundles, when first collected, is shown in 
 Pig. 101. " Pituri" is represented not only during the process of mixing previous 
 to chewing in Pigs. 102, 103, but also in its completed stage when, as a small roll, 
 it is kept in position behind and above the pinna of the ear in Pig. lOi. 
 
 86. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Pig. 87. Wild Orange. — The marked odour of the fruit is represented by the 
 nostrils in the act of " snifiing"; this is the complete ideagram among the Pitta- 
 Pitta blacks. With the Ulaolinya there is the addition of the hand plucking 
 down the fruit. The Undekerebina have a variation in plucking it down as just 
 mentioned, and then, apparently, biting a piece off. The Kalkadoons express this 
 ideagram by the movement of the hand only, the palm of which may be turned up 
 or down. P.P., (Bo.), Ula., Und., Kal., (? Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 88. Yam : a yam stich. — The idea of digging the root up with the 
 s'patulate-tipped stick (sect. 158). P.P. 
 
 Pig. 89. Tam. — The act of digging up the root with a stick, and corresponding 
 movement of arm and hand. (Among the Kalkadoons this ideagram expresses 
 anything which is dug up out of the ground with a stick, e.g., rat, &e., see Pig. 6.) 
 Kal. Mit. 
 
 Pig. 90. " Witooha" (Boerhaavia diffusa). — The edible root of this plant is 
 slender, brittle, and shaped much like an ordinary long radish, the fingers are in 
 the act of pulling it very carefully out of the soil (sect. 118). "With the Ulaolinya 
 aboriginals the forefinger is half extended, the thumb being closed on the 
 remaining fingers: there is a similar movement. P.P., Bo., Ula., "Won., 
 Und., Kal. 
 
 Pig. 91. "Mungaroo" (a species of nut-grass, sect. 113). — "Winnowing the 
 husks off the sefeds between thumb and forefinger by rolling the former verti- 
 cally upon the latter while moving horizontally. The movement itself is somewhat 
 slow. P.P., Bo., Ula., Und., Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 92. "Native-flax": a net : to make a net. — The fiax, after soaking, is 
 rolled backwards and forwards along front and side of thigh : pressure during 
 each " roll " is exerted alternately on palm or ball of thumb and length of the 
 fingers (sect. 124, 158). Among the Boinji and Undekerebina blacks the other 
 hand is held up with a twisting motion in the digits, to indicate the further 
 extremity of the newly manufactured piece of twine. P.P., Bo., Ula., Und., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 93. "Pig-weed" (Portulaca oleracea). — The thumb aud fingers are 
 holding a twig of the plant, and by means of a shaking movement at the wrist 
 dropping the seed into a koolamon (sect. 109). P.P., Bo., Ula. (Und.), (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 9-1. Pig-weed. — Same shaking movement at wrist as in preceding, but 
 the plant held somewhat differently. Kal. 
 
 Pig. 95A.B. " Pig-weed." — Eubbing or scraping off the Seeds from a bunch : 
 two slight variations in the way of imitating the movement. "Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 96. "iVfl!»-(foo" (Marsilea). — The palm of one hand with a nardoo-stone 
 (sect. 155) is beating on and along the dorsum of the other in " measured time 
 and slow" : the " pounding" of the seed between the two stones to crush the hard 
 shells. P.P., (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 97. Seed-food, in general. — The grass-tufts, held in the hands, are 
 undergoing a rapid shaking of their seed into the koolamon lying below. P.P., 
 Bo., Ula. 
 
THE EXPBESSION OP IDEAS BT MAinjAl SIGNS : A SIGN lANGXTAGE. 81 
 
 Kg. 98. Seed-food, in general. — The way in wMcli the two hands are 
 held when pressing upon the flat " pappa" stone and grinding the seed with a 
 fore-and-aft movement (sect. 154). Kal., Mit. 
 
 Fig. 99. Seed-food, in general : to eat. — During the process of grinding, 
 some of the " mess" gets stuck on the fingers. Here the forefinger is being 
 drawn across the two lips, which are licking away any of the sticky mixture 
 adhering : in the second movement any particles left are being jerked back on to 
 the grindstone. P.P., Bo., Fla., Won., Wal. (TJnd.). 
 
 ]?ig. 100. Seed-food, in general : to eat. — The fore and middle fingers, well 
 in the mouth, are firmly held there by the suction of the lips, and thence are drawn 
 out slowly downwards : the mouth sucks ofi anything that may be sticking to 
 them. (Compare with preceding.) Among the Pitta-Pitta this ideagram 
 expresses the act of eating, especially any sticky stuff, e.g., seed-food, &c. P.P., 
 (Bo ), (Ula.), (Won.), (Wal.), Und. 
 
 Pig. 101. " MoJconmrdo," " Wild-rice" (sect. 111).— The plant is being tied up 
 into bundles, when ripe enough, as soon as collected. Mit. 
 
 Pig. 102. " Pituri " (Duboisia.) — The forefinger is being pressed forwards 
 from behind the thumb in the act of mixing up the pituri with ashes, &c., during 
 its preparation previous to being made up into a roll (sect. 147). Kal. 
 
 Kg. 103. Pituri. — The same idea as in preceding, but a somewhat different 
 position — rubbing the forefinger on the thumb. Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 104. Pituri. — The "roll" of pituri when not in use — i.e., being chewed 
 — is kept behind and above the pinna of the ear (sect. 147). The forefinger is 
 brought round forwards and downwards from behind the ear to signify this. 
 P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., TJnd. 
 
 87. Other Objects of Nature. — These are somewhat limited, the " lapping-up" 
 of water for drinking or for splashing over the body in Fig. 105, the flowing 
 river or creek of Figs. 106, 107 as a " wave" of the arm, and the open hand with 
 corresponding movements to denote the convexity of a hill or mountain in Figs 
 108, 109, being all that have been met with. (The rising and setting sun, &c., 
 will be dealt with under the ideagrams relating to Time, in sect. 97). 
 
 88. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Fig. 105. Water : to drink, Sfc. — This ideagram shows the manner in which 
 the aboriginal laps up the water, handful by handful. P.P., Bo., Ula., Und., 
 Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 106. Miver, creek, Sfc. — Elbow flexed and raised with arm, forearm and 
 hand on same horizontal plane, fingers semiflexed, executing a more or less rapid 
 movement in imitation of the flowing water, the hand being turned upward at its 
 completion (?the source). The Mitakoodi have a similar representation, but the 
 digits are more extended, and no upward movement at the termination. Among 
 the Goa and Woonamurra, the Mitakoodi variation signifies a large creek, &c. 
 P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und , (? Kal.), Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 107. Waterfall, spring, small creele. — The extended hand is rapidly 
 drawn backwards and downwards, as an indication of the torrent of water rushing 
 down. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 108. Mountain, hill. — The hollowed hand, with slightly flexed and 
 separated digits, is made to fit over the imaginary convex surface — the mountain, 
 &c. — by means of S> rotation at the wrist. P. P., (Kal.), Mit. 
 
 Fig. 109. Mountain, hill. — The hand in its initial position is raised over the 
 level of the head, to express the idea of height, the subsequent elliptical 
 movement of arm denoting its natural configuration. Mit. 
 
 89. Individuals, Family, Eelatiyes, &c. — Any adult man, a father, &c., is 
 signalled by means of the beard, a sign of manhood, as in Fig. 110 ; while any 
 adult woman, a mother, &c., is represented by her development of breast, as iii 
 Figs. Ill, 112, 113. A husband or wife is indicated by a tapping of the buttock 
 
^2 THE EXPEESSION OI' IDEAS BT MAOTTAli filGNS : A SlflW lANGirA&E. 
 
 (Kg. 1 14) to express the idea of their occupancy of, or rather their sitting down in, 
 the same hut. Satisfactory explanations for a woman, as regards venery, in Pigs. 
 115, 116, are wanting, although the universality of the former ideagram is very 
 marked ; they may have something to do possibly with the idea of sleeping or 
 lying down. Venery is suggested in Figs. 117, 118, and its consummation expressed 
 in Fig. IIP. The sign for a brother or sister (Fig. 120) is a tapping of the shoulder, 
 expressive of the fact that they have both been carried on the same spot. A 
 little child is denotrd by the idea of diminutiveness in Fig. 121, by its " babbling " 
 in Fig. 122, by the source of its origin in Fig. 123, and by the fact of its 
 " thinking-all-the-same " (as its parent) in Fig. 124. The " doctor," " medicine- 
 man," &c., is shown (Fig. 125) in the act of pointing or insinuating the dreaded 
 "bone" (sect. 264) ; Fig. 126 suggests his mystical power of removing the same 
 evil after it. is believed to have been maliciously inserted into the victim's body 
 (sect. 263) ; while Fig. 127 is emblematical of his cutting a person's throat, the 
 one hand holding the neck in position, while the other is doing the damage. 
 
 90. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Fig. 110. Adult man . a father. — The chin, or beard if present, is held in the 
 closed hand while a slight rotatory movement backwards and forwards is eiierted 
 at the wrist. The beard of course is the sign of male adolescence. The Mitakoodi 
 attach an additional signification to this ideagram as " one's own flesh and 
 blood," &c. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 111. Adult woman. — Circular movement of the cupped hand to express 
 the rotundity of the fully-developed breast. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 112. Mother. — Resting the inner edge of the hollowed hand against the 
 fihest — the act of supporting the heavy milk-laden breast. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 113. Mother. — Depicted by a picking at or pulling of the nipple. P.P., 
 Bo., TJla., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., (Mit.), Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 114. Husband, wife. — The flat hand is made to smack the buttock in 
 order to conjure up the idea of both mates sitting down, &c., in the same hut. 
 With the Woonamurra and Goa tribes the tapping takes place on the middle and 
 outer half of the thigh, and possibly suggests the position of the legs during 
 copulation (sect. 320(?). P.P., Bo., TJla., (TJnd.), (Kal.), Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 115. Woman .- in general. — The fingers are but loosely closed on to the 
 palm which looks towards and up to the signaller's face : flexion of wrist 
 alternately backwards and forwards — a sort of "shaking" movement. No 
 satisfactory explanation of this ideagram is forthcoming. A comparison between 
 it and that of Fig. 202 (to lie down, &c.), affords ground for thinking that the 
 above expresses the idea of lying down, for copulatory purposes especially, as it is 
 only the female who assumes this particular position under those circumstances ; 
 possibly it is a modification of the Mitakoodi variation of Fig. 119. P.P., Bo., 
 Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 116. Woman . in general. — Instead of the palm being turned towards 
 speaker's face as in the preceding, this position is now assumed by the back of 
 the thumb : the shaking movement takes place from the elbow vertically. Kal., 
 (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 117. Woman: Copulation. — The forwards and backwards flexion of the 
 middle finger is a very suggestive invitation : the palm may be turned up or down, 
 in fact, in any position. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 118. Woman: Copulation. — The little finger takes the place of the 
 middle finger in preceding : the ideagram is completed by a rotation inwards and 
 upwards — a half-screwing motion. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 119. Woman : Copulation. — The thumb on the third finger leaves the 
 first two free which, held in a more or less clawed position, represent the two 
 thighs and knees. Among the Mitakoodi the ideagram is similar, but the palm 
 turned upwards instead of downwards, and a slight fore-and-aft flexion at the 
 wrist : possibly Fig. 115 is a modification of this variation. Kal., Mit. 
 
THE EX5BESSI0N OF IDEAS BX MAWrAL SiaifS : A Siaif LAN-GTJAGE. 83 
 
 Fig. 120. Brother, sister, Sfc. — The tapping of the shoulder here indicates 
 that all the brothers and sisters hare been alike carried on the same parent's 
 shoulders (sect. 330). P.P., Bo., TJla., Woa., Wal., (TJnd.), Kal., Mit., 
 Woo., G-oa. 
 
 Fig. 121. Child, infant, Sfc. — The forefinger defines a small circle on a hori- 
 zontal plane — the idea of dimiuutiveness. With the Boiuii aboriginals all the 
 fingers together take part in the smill circular movement, while among the 
 TJndekerebina only the forefinger takes part in it, but instead of the circle, 
 it performs a short vertical-like movement. P.P., Bo., Ula., TJnd., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 122. Ohild, infant, ^c.—The two first fingers are tapping upon the pro- 
 truded lips to express the infant's "babbling." Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 123. Ghild, infant, Sfc. — Tapping with the finger-tips upon the abdomen 
 to draw attention to its source of origin. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 124. Child — one's own flesh and blood : mother-in-law. — The closed hand 
 and thumb tapping upon the forehead, the idea of " think-all-the-same " in the 
 case of one's child ; its interpretation for one's mother-in-law was not obtainable. 
 P.P., (Bo.), ina., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 125. Doctor, Sfc. — The medicine-man, &c., is in the act of " pointing " 
 the dreaded " bone"-apparatus held between the thumb and forefinger (sect. 264). 
 P.P., Bo., TJnd., (Kal.); (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 126. Doctor, Sfo. — The mouth being well opened, the back of the tongue 
 is touched with the forefinger. This ideagram draws attention to one of the 
 mystical attributes of the medicine-man, Ac, in being able to remove by suction 
 from the invalid's body the " evil-bone" into his own mouth (sect. 263). (P.P.), 
 TJnd., (Kal). 
 
 Fig. 127. Doctor, Sfc. — The one hand, stationary, has seized the victim by 
 the neck, and has got him down : the other passes rapidly forwards, downwards, 
 and outwards, executing the imaginary damage required. P.P., (Bo.), (Kal.). 
 
 91. Articles of Manufacture: Ornaments, Weapons, Implements, Utensils, 
 Huts, &c. — These are all enumerated by ideagrams, according to any striking 
 peculiarity in their design and manufacture, or dependent upon their method and 
 manner of use. Thus, in the cases where any special ornament happens to be 
 worn : the two hands in the act of tying up the waist (Figs. 128, 129) afford an 
 idea of a belt ; in the position of encircling the neck and fixing it up behind, 
 represent a necklace (Fig. 130) ; of being slipped over the head produce a very 
 fair notion of some chest ornament (Fig. 131); while the drawing up of the 
 supporting-string over the opposite shoulder in Fig. 132 gives us a dilly-bag, 
 which is also expressed through the sense of a receptacle in Fig. 133. According 
 to the method of manufacture, three interesting ideagrams for a grass necklace 
 are to be seen in Figs. 134, 135, 136. Dependent upon their method of use, a 
 very complete and intelligible series is to be found among fighting weapons : a 
 stone knife being pulled out of its sheath in Fig. 137, or gashed deeply into an 
 adversary's buttock, &c., in B'ig. 138, or slicing off a piece of wood, Ac, in Fig. 
 139 ; a boomerang just at the moment of its leaving the hand, Fig. 140, or while 
 in the act of " circling" in Fig. 141 ; a spear under corresponding conditions of 
 just being let fly, &c., in Figs. 142, 143, 144 ; a fighting-stick is held in position 
 ready to deliver a blow in Figs. 145, 146, and to receive one in Fig. 147; a 
 tomahawk is doing its work in Figs. 148, 149. A shield held in position 
 by the handle is indicated in Fig. 150 ; the convexity of the face of the weapon 
 is expressed by the opposite hand in a concave position tapping upon it in 
 Fig. 151. Notions of convexity or concavity are again to be seen in the case of 
 a "koolamon" in Figs. 152, 153, the same vessel being expressed through another 
 channel, the method of carrying, in Figs. 154, 155, 156, 157. The same ideagram 
 for the native flax-plant of Fig. 92 is utilised to represent a net, the object which 
 is most commonly manufactured from it, though, to prevent any misconception, 
 the actual in-and-out movement of the shuttle is imitated in Figs. 158, 159. In 
 the case of huts or "gundis" the two main-bars fixed tdgether at their apices— 
 the primary scaffolding, so to speak, of the hut— is represerited io Figs. 160, 161 j 
 while the framework generally is iiidicated in Fif . 162. 
 
84 THE EXPEESSION OP IDEAS BT MAJifTJAI; SlfiNS : A SIGBT LANGTTAGE, 
 
 92. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 rig. 128. Waist leU.-^Tho two hands are in the act of winding the hair- 
 twine (sect. 183) round the waist. P.P., Bo., Uia., TJnd., (Kal.), Mit., Woo., 
 Goa. 
 
 Eig. 129. Waist belt. — The encircling of the waist by the belt is indicated by 
 the movements of the two fingers. Kal. 
 
 Pig. 130. NecUace : the wearing of one.— The two fingers indicate the 
 encircling of the neck and the tying of the ornament at the nape. "With the 
 Mitakoodl, "Woonamurra, and Groa only one hand usually is used. P.P., Bo., 
 TJla., Und., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 131. Chest-ornament. — This ideagram shows the putting of the " loop " 
 over the head, so as to let the ornament hang from over the shoulders. P.P., 
 Bo., tria., TJnd. 
 
 Pig 132. " Dilly " % (sect. 1.53,. &c.).— The " moving " hand is putting the 
 string supporting the bag upon the shoulder of the fixed arm and closed hand. 
 P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), Mit. 
 
 Pig. 133. " Dilly " hag. — The idea of a cavity or receptacle, the two hollowed 
 bands being placed close together in the form of a cup. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 134. Orass nechJace : its mannfacture. — The fixed hand is holding the 
 grass-reed, from the extremity of which the moving hand, with a mussel-shell, is 
 cutting off in quick succession the individual pieces which are subsequently to 
 be threaded (sect. 179). P.P., Bo., Ula., (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 135. Qrass-neehlace : its manufacture. — Similar idea to preceding, but 
 here the one forefinger represents the grass-reed which is being cat off by the 
 stone-knife, the other forefinger, with a rapid, saw-like motion. Kal., (Mit.). 
 
 Pig. 136. Qrass-necJclace : its manufacture. — Similar idea as in Fig. 135, but 
 the stone-knife represented by the entire haud. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 137. Stone-knife. — The lower hand is holding tightly the bark-sheath in 
 position, while the upper hand is pulling out the flint-blade (sect. 257). P.P. 
 (Bo.), Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.). 
 
 Pig. 138. Stone-knife. — The haud, clasping the stone-knife firmly, is slashing 
 it round into the back or buttock of the adversary (sect. 238). P.P., Bo., Kal., 
 Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 139. Stone-knife. — The one hand represents the blade cutting into the 
 other, whatever article that may be, e.g., wood. Ula., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 140. Boomerang. — The remaining fingers being held down by the thumb, 
 the forefinger is curved into the shape of a boomerang ; a sharp, external rota- 
 tion at the wrist indicates the weapon just at the moment when it is about to 
 commence flight. Among the Goa and Woonamurra tribes the remaining fingers 
 are only loosely flexed into the hand ; there is also more of a " sweep " with the 
 forearm. The Pitta-Pitta, Boinji, and Ulaolinya aboriginals have the little finger 
 open and curved as well ; perhaps something to do with the carrying, manufac- 
 turing, or bartering of these weapons in pairs (sect. 240). P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., 
 Wal., Und., Kal., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 141. Boomerang. — Hand strongly flexed laterally inwards at wrist ; the 
 hand and arm thus together represent the weapon : a sort of " sweep" with the 
 forearm to indicate the circle of flight. Mit. 
 
 Pig. 142. Spear : Wommera-spear. — This ideagram shows how, when the 
 wommera is held between the fore and middle fingers, the spear glides between 
 the forefinger and thumb ; the movement expresses that of the spear just being 
 let fly (sect. 253). (P.P.), (Bo.), (Ula), (Won.), (Wal.), Und., (Kal.), (Mit.), 
 Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 143. Spear : Wommera-spear. — The extended forefinger represents the 
 wommera : inwards rotation at wrist, except among Mitakoodi, where there is 
 movement forwards but no rotation. P.P., (Bo.), (Ula.), Won., Wal., (Und.), 
 Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
THE EXPBESSION or IDEAS BY MAJfUAI, SIGNS : A SIGHT LANGUAGE. 85 
 
 Fig. 144. Spear : Sand-spear. — The ordinary hand-spear just in the act of 
 being thrown (sect. 247). P.P., Bo., TJla., (Kal.), Mit., "Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 145. Mghting-pole (sect. 255). — The two hands are in their relative 
 positions of holding the weapon and moving it up and down. Among the Kal- 
 kadoons the same ideagram denotes a stone tomahawk. (P.P.), (Bo.), (TJla.), 
 (Won.), (Wal.), TJnd., Kal. (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 146. MgJiting-pole : Stone Tomahawh. — An imaginary blow through the 
 air downwards, forwards, and inwards : the hands held in position depicted are 
 striking a side-blow. With the same tribe a stone tomahawk is expressed by the 
 same sign, but only the lower hand used in its execution. Mit. 
 
 Fig. 147. Wighting-pole. — The hand, with palm towards face, is closed over 
 the stick which he moves from side to side, in the act of warding off his adver- 
 sary's vertical blow. Among the Boinji tribes the knuckles, instead of pointing 
 upwards, look forwards as in Fig. 145. P.P., Bo., TJla., Won., Wal., (TJnd.), 
 (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 148. {Stone-) tomahawh. — Fingers in close apposition, and together flexed 
 at right angles with the palm : the digits represent the blade (sect. 258). The 
 movement, a sudden rotation at the wrist, indicates the blade falling. P.P., Bo., 
 (Ula.), Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 149. (Stone-) tomahawk. — The two hands extended and placed close 
 together, are moved from the elbow sharply, to express the idea of the blade 
 falling. (P.P.), Ula., (Kal.), (Mit.). • 
 
 Fig. 150. Shield. — The hand at the handle (sect. 254) is holding the weapon 
 in position. (P.P.), Bo., TJla., (Kal.), Mit., Woo., G-oa. 
 
 Fig. 151. Shield. — The upper hand is holding the handle on the posterior 
 flattened side of the weapon, while the lower hand is moulding and tapping' itself 
 upon the anterior convex surface (of. Fig. 200). P.P., (Bo.), (TJla.), Won., Wal., 
 TJnd., (Kal.), (Mit.). 
 
 Fig. 152. " Koolamon." — The idea of the hollow hands, placed together 
 at their finger tips, is to give expression to the concavity (or convexity) of the 
 wooden vessel (sect. 148). Kal. 
 
 Fig. 153. " Koolamon." — Similar idea as preceding, but only one hand is 
 used, and a rotation at the wrist : the expression of rotundity, &c. P.P., Bo., 
 Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.). 
 
 Fig. 154. " Koolamon" : to carry one on the head. — The hands are placed, 
 palms upward, upon either side of the head to balance the vessel which is carried 
 there. (P.P.), Bo., Ula., (Kal.). 
 
 Fig. 155. " Koolamon" : to carry one on the head. — One arm only, held above 
 the vessel, is keeping it in position. Kal. 
 
 Fig. 156. " Koolamon" : to carry one at the side. — The palm of the hand, 
 together with the forearm, is maintaining the vessel close against the hip and flank. 
 P.P., Bo., Ula. (Won.), (Wal), Und., (Kal.). 
 
 Fig. 157 " Koolamon" : to carry one at the side. — Similar idea as preceding, but 
 in this case the act is represented just previously to the arm being shifted to 
 support it, Kal., Mit., Woo., Q-oa. 
 
 Fig. 16%. Net: tomahe one (see also Fig. 92). — The fixed hand is holding 
 the net in process of manufacture, while the other is imitating the movement of 
 weaving. P.P., Kal. 
 
 Fig. 159. Net: tomahe one. — The forefinger tapping on the open palm is 
 said to represent the " mesh." Mit. 
 
 Fig. 160. Kut : to construct one. — The two curved forefingers are brought 
 downwards and inwards, so as to touch each other : these fingers indicate the two 
 curved sticks which, firmly driven into the ground at their bases, are fixed 
 together at their apices, thus constituting the scaffolding or "back bone" to which 
 all the other timbers are attached (sect. 159). Among the Mitakoodi the action 
 of the ideagram is reversed ; it commences with the two fingers touching and theii 
 opening outwards. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), Mit. 
 
86 THE ErPKESSION 01' IDEAS BY MAWrAI, SI&NS : A SI&N LANGITAGE. 
 
 Pig. 161. Sut : to make one. — Similar idea as in preceding: the two super- 
 posed hands are the two sticks fixed at their apices.- Kal. 
 
 Pig. 162. But : to make one. — The general convexity and timbering is 
 indicated by the fingers of both hands being interlocked. Woo., Goa. 
 
 93. Number. — In addition to actual enumeration on the digits, the idea of a 
 " big mob, a large number," is represented by the utilisation of them all — the 
 notion of these constituting the whole lot. In Figs. 163, 164, both the open 
 hands are used, in Pig. 165 only one, the want of the ether being supplied by the 
 side-to-side rapid motion. Pig. 166 shows a slight contrast in that both half 
 open hands are made to circle one around the other, giving rise to the idea of a 
 whole lot running up, being jumbled up, together, the idea of number in a 
 collective sense. 
 
 94. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Pig. 163. Large number : a lot. — The two hands with palms held up towards 
 the signaller's face — the idea of all the digits, the whole lot of them. P.P., Bo., 
 Ula., Won., Wal., TJnd., (Kal.). 
 
 Pig. 164. Large number, Sfc. — Same idea as preceding ; but fingers separated, 
 and backs of palms towards signaller's face. Kal., Mit., Woo., Groa. 
 
 Pig. 165. Large number, Sfc. — Oscillation of open hand with palm facing the 
 signaller. Among the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals, the dorsum is turned towards the 
 signaller, and expresses the idea of a " big mob on the walk-about." P.P., TTnd., 
 (Kal.). 
 
 Pig. 166. Large number, all-together-in-a-lody. — Hand half-closed: the idea 
 of the whole lot, all being jumbled up together. P.P., Bo., Ula., (Kal.). {Gt. 
 Pig. 180.) 
 
 95. Locality and Direction. — These ideas are all expressed on lines very 
 similar to those in vogue among Europeans: e.g., the beckoning of a "come 
 here " in Pig. 167, the waving of a " go away" in Pigs. 168, 169, 170, or a 
 " go along round" in Pig. 171, together with the curt indication of direction or 
 propinquity by means of the thumb or forefinger in Pig. 172. Direction is also 
 indicated by a pronounced pouting of the lips towards the required quarter. 
 
 96. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Pig. 167. Hiiher .'—The idea of beckoning with the forefinger. P.P., Bo., 
 ria.. Won,, Wal., IJnd., Kal., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 168. Thither! — Antagonistic to the preceding, the position of arm and 
 hand indicating required direction. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 169. Thither ! — The fiat of the hand down, and strongly marked flexion 
 at wrist : the direction is expressed by the whole hand extended" in its entirety. 
 Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 170. Thither! There! A long tcay off.—K longer sweep of the arm 
 than in the preceding, and a " click" of the thumb and forefinger at end of. the 
 movement. Position of the arm and hand indicates the direction. Among the 
 Pitta-Pitta blacks this idea is sometimes expressed by suitable position of the 
 head with protruded lips. 
 
 Pig. 171. Direction. Go along round! ^c— The direction, where to go 
 round, is indicated by the long sweep of the forefinger. P.P.. Bo. Ula Won., 
 Wal., Und , Mit. .... 
 
 Pig. 172. Place: Here! In this spot !— The thumb acts as the indicator 
 among the Wonkajera and Walookera (c/. the London costermonger with his 
 thumb pointing over the shoulder) : in remaining tribes, the forefinger usuallv. 
 P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 97. Time. — The same notion of " Stay-where-you-are," in Pig. 182, also 
 furnishes the idea of "Wait-a-bit" and so "By-and-by"; hence it happens 
 that this ideagram is utilised for both purposes — position and time — though the 
 
THE EXPEESSION OF IDEAS BT MAJfUAL SICHfS : A SIGN LAN-GTTAGB. 87 
 
 direction in which the whole arm and hand would be pointing in the former case 
 is, of course, subject to variation ; contrast this with the sign seen in Fig. 1 81. 
 The idea of the sun rising above, or sinking below, the horizon finds itself well 
 expressed in Figs. 173, 174, and hence we see the development of two fresh 
 notions — sunrise, to-morrow, &c., on the one hand; and sunset, evening, night- 
 time, &c., on the other. The moon is sometimes substituted for the sun, but with 
 a slower movement; and thus moonrise, a month, &c., and similar expressions of 
 thought signalled. 
 
 98. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Fig. 173. Sunrise, a day: moonrise, a month, Sfc. — The outstretched and 
 cupped hand and fingers, by a slow flexion at the elbow, is moved up to the side 
 and back of the'speaker's head : the sun is rising slowly from the horizon. "With 
 the Kalkadoon tribes, the digits are all closed, except the forefinger, and the 
 palm straight, not cupped : among the Woonamurra and G-oa aboriginals, the 
 digits are all closed. P.P., Bo., TJla., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Fig. 174. Sunset : nigJit-time, &o. — Antagonistic movement and position to 
 the preceding: the sun sinking below the horizon. Same variations with 
 Kalkadoon, Woonamurra, and G-oa, as the preceding. P.P., Bo., Ula., Und., 
 KaL, Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 99. Interrogation. — This is indicated either in the ordinary European fashion of 
 shrugging the arms and shoulders, or by a special movement of the arm and hand 
 as in Fig. 175. In either case it is curious to note that with the Pitta-Pitta tribes 
 the spoken word denoting doubt or interrogation is " kulli-kulli," a reduplication of 
 the word denoting an arm. The nature of the interrogation will, of course, depend 
 entirely upon the context of the dumb conversation. 
 
 100. Note to lUustration. 
 
 Fig. 175. Interrogation. — The fingers are loosely flexed, the movement con- 
 sisting of a tossing of the hand outwards from the elbow, in a comparatively 
 larger " sweep" than that represented in the diagram. Among the Kalkadoon, 
 all th ) flngers are thrown open at the termination of the act ; among the Pitta- 
 Pitta, only the forefinger. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won , Wal., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., 
 Goa. 
 
 101. Simple Acts, States, and Conditions. — The expression of request or 
 demand in the outstretched arm and open hand of Fig. 176, as well as the incul- 
 cation of silence in the movement of shutting-up the mouth in Figs. 177, 178, 
 require no further elucidation. The same may be said of " Get out of the way" in 
 Fig. 179, "Eun" in Fig. 180, or "Stay where you are," " Sit dowQ " in Figs. 181, 
 182. The act of covering with earth is represented in Fig. 183 : that which is 
 covered — e.g., excreta, &c. — is a development of the same idea. A corrobboree, music 
 and dancing, is expressed in imitation of the men beating their boomerangs in 
 rhythmic unison (Figs. 184, 185) ; or of the women clapping their opened hollowed 
 hands upon the upper and inner aspects of the thighs (Fig. 186) ; or of the manner 
 of raising the feet, the commonest step adopted by the performers engaging in 
 the dance (Fig. 187). When the ways of making fire are understood, the blowing 
 of the sparks and tinder in Figs. 188, 189, or the friction of the fire-sticks in 
 Figs. 190, 191, 192, are perfectly intelligible. The same may be said of sleeping, 
 Fig. 193; swimming. Figs. 194, 195; diving. Fig. 48; grasping or holding. Fig. 
 196 ; as well as the stealing of a woman from her lawful owners by dragging her 
 away by the wrist, in Fig. 197. In the case of eating, any of the ideagrams 
 referring to seed-food — the " daily -bread " of the aboriginal — can be made to do 
 duty, e.g.. Figs. 99, 100: an additional means of conveying the same idea is 
 Fig. 198, the full hand being put up to the mouth, and returned empty. Water 
 (Fig. 105) plays for drinking the same part that seed-food does for eating. 
 
 102. Notes to Illustrations. 
 
 Fig. 176. Bequest, demand. — The attitude of the outstretched arm and open 
 hand is very definite. P.P., Kal., Mit. 
 
88 THE EXPEESSION OF IDEAS BT MASUAX SIGJTS : A SIGN lANGtrAGE. 
 
 Fig. ] 77. Silence : le quiet 1 — The slightly open hand is moved pretty 
 quickly up to, round, and down again from the mouth : as it passes the mouth 
 wie hand is closed, and in that position completes the movement. P.P., Bo., TJla., 
 Won., Wal., TJnd., Kal., Mit. 
 
 Kg. 178. Silence : le quiet ! — The flat of the hand is held over the open 
 mouth : it is then quickly turned forwards, downwards, and outwards. "Woo., Groa. 
 
 Pig. 179. " Get out of the road," Sfc. — The plane of the palm and extended 
 fingers held vertically, is pointed forwards : the movement of the forearm 
 outwards from the elbow signifies the idea of brushing something aside. Mit,, 
 "Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 180. "i2«w» .'"— Both fists closed and circular movement with each: the 
 feet hurrying onwards. Mit. (jOf. Pig. 166.) 
 
 Pig. 181. " Stay where you are : sit down," Sfc. — The hand is held out towards 
 the necessary quarter, and the bidding the person stay there by means of a gentle 
 fall of the arm. P.P., Bo., TJla., "Won., "Wal, "Und., Kal., Mit, 
 
 Pig. 182. " Sit down" : hy-and-ly : " wait a lit." — Thumb on the closed fist : a 
 sharp vertical movement from the elbow. (No holding outwards of the arm as in 
 preceding.) P.P., Bo., "Ula., "Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 183. To cover with earth : corpse, excreta, Sfc. — The idea of shovelling 
 earth over the dead body, fsBces, &c. Somewhat of a rotation inwards. {Of. Pig. 
 47.) P.P., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 184. Gorrolloree. — The two boomerangs {see Pig. 140) are being tapped 
 together to keep the time. Among the Ulaolinya and Kalkadoon aboriginals, the 
 two little fingers are not used ; with the Mitakoodi all the fingers of each hand 
 are used, the one hand similarly tapping on the other. P.P., Bo., "Ula., Kal., Mit., 
 Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 185. Gorrolloree. — The same idea as in the preceding, but the two fore- 
 fingers alone used, the hands kept apart, and alternate rapid outward and inward 
 rotation at the wrists. P.P., (Bo.), ("tJla.), Won., Wal., (tTnd.), Kal. 
 
 Pig. 186. Gorrolloree. — This ideagram represents the method of beating time 
 adopted by the gins (sect. 198) ; the hollowed hands placed one above the other 
 are made to resound upon the crutch of the legs. P.P., TJla. 
 
 Pig. 187. Gorrolloree. — Baising each hand alternately to indicate the com- 
 monest form of dance — the alternate raising of each leg (sect. 195). P.P., (Bo.), 
 (Ula.), (Won.), (Wal.), TJnd. 
 
 Pig. 188. Fire : to mahe one. — The mouth is blowing upon the smouldering 
 ember held in the hand, which remains stationary. (P.P.), (Bo.), (TJla.), (Won.), 
 (Wal.), TJnd., (Kal.), Mit. ^ 
 
 Pig. 189. Mre, Sfc. — Mouth is blowing upon the smouldering ember held 
 between the fingers and thumb : vibratory movement of forearm from elbow. 
 P.P., Bo., "Ula., Won., Wal., (TJnd.), (Kal.). 
 
 Pig. 190. Mre, Sfc. — The two hands held closely, one above the other, are 
 rubbing the more or less slanting firestick forwards and backwards across the 
 horizontally placed one lying below (sect. 1576). (? P.P.), (Bo.), (TJla.), (Won.), 
 (Wal.), Und., (Kal.). 
 
 Pig. 191. Mre, ^o. — Similar idea as in preceding, but here the hands are 
 held, one around the other, overlapping. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 192. Fire, Sfc. — Another form of firestick to the two preceding (sect 157o). 
 The vertical component is being twirled backwards and forwards between the two 
 firmly extended hands. P.P., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 193. Sleep. — The side of the head, with eyes shut, resting upon the 
 hollowed hand. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 194. Swimming. — Both hands, on a horizontal plane, imitating natatory 
 movements. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit. 
 
THE EXPEESSION OP IDEAS BX MASrAl SIGNS : A SiaiT lAITarAGE. 89 
 
 Pig. 195. Swimming. — The one hand, with palm in a vertical plane, is thrust 
 out directly forwards, and slowly redrawn. Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 196. To grasp, catcli- hold of, 8fc. — The outstretched hand pulled 
 backwards and upwards, being simultaneously closed. P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., 
 Wal., TJnd. 
 
 Pig. 197. To grasp, to steal a gin. — The idea of dragging her away by the 
 wrist. Kal., Mit. 
 
 Pig. 198. To eat : food, S{c. — The closed hand is put up to the mouth, and 
 then redrawn pretty quickly in a downwards and forwards direction, when the 
 |)alm shows forwards : the idea of the full hand, being put up to the moutb, 
 whence it is returned empty. Prom the idea of thus bolting the food, the same 
 ideagram is in addition used among the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals to express "a large 
 dog" (c/ the English idiom of " wolfing up one's food"). P.P., Bo., TJla., 
 Won., Wal, Und., Kal., Mit. 
 
 103. Complex Conditions, &c. Abstract Ideas. — Anger is represented by a 
 biting of the ball of the thumb in Pig 199, or, if more convenient, by the 
 lapping over of the beard into the mouth and holding it there between the teeth : 
 another means of expressing anger, &6., is by the idea of hitting or striking, as in 
 Pig. 200. Illness, sickness, disease, &e., is expressed in various ways. The 
 practice of smearing blood over the body of the patient (sect. 283) is indicated in 
 Pig. 201 ; on account of the complaint usually necessitating the patient's lying 
 down or going to sleep, we find the ideagram I'ig. 202 doing duty under both 
 circumstances ; also by the pressing of the hand to the side, as in Pig. 203, a 
 sufferer in extremis — a dramatic trick practised among even European people ; 
 and, to express a fatal issue, the stiffening of the legs after death in Pig. 204. In 
 loss of memory, forgetfulness, &c. (Pig. 205), attention is drawn to something 
 having gone into the head, through the ear, but which is not willing to come out 
 again — it is therefore being picked out with the fingers : in Pig. 206 a somewhat 
 similar notion is expressed with the forehead. The true interpretations of the 
 ideagramsfor "yes" (Pig. 207), "no" (Pig. 208), "good" (Pigs. 209,210), 
 " bad" (Pig. 211), I have not succeeded in obtaining from among the aboriginals 
 whence 1 learnt them. Nevertheless, the similarity of Pig. 210 and the expression 
 adopted by a European child patting itself in the sense of self-satisfaction, 
 goodness, &c., is interesting ; while an explanation of Pig. 211 may possibly be 
 found in a comparison with Pig. 204, death from a non-physical {i.e., aboriginally 
 unapparent) cause being always looked upon as a punishment for crime committed 
 (sect. 279). The ideagrams indicative of two of the articles of faith, &c., though 
 arbitrary, are recorded in Pigs. 212, 213. 
 
 104. Notes to lUustiations. 
 
 Pig. 199. Anger : intention of fighting, Sfc. — The biting of the ball of the 
 thumb. The same intention can also be expressed by the signaller holding his own 
 beard between his teeth. It is possible that both these variations may be but 
 reminiscences of the times when enemies were eaten after battle. {Of. the biting 
 of the lip in the case of a European ; also the expression of a man having " hair on 
 his teeth.") P.P., Bo., Ula., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 200. Anger : intention of fighting, Sfc. — The dorsum of the one hand 
 rapping sharply upon the hollowed palm of the other : the idea of punching, 
 hitting, &c. P.P., Mit. {cf. Pig. 151). 
 
 Pig. 201. Sickness : a sick person. — A rubbing of the chest and breast slowly 
 up and down in a more or less circular movement with the flats of the hands : an 
 imitation of the method adopted in times of sickness of rubbing human blood over 
 these same parts (sect. 283). In both these tribes, sickness, &c., can also be 
 expressed in imitation of the treatment (sect. 283) in taking the sweat with each 
 hand alternately from the opposite armpit, and either smelling them or rubbing 
 them over the affected parts. P.P., Und. 
 
 Pig, 202. Sickness : to lie down : to sleep. — Pingers loosely closed, palm 
 towards signaller's face, and to^and-fro flexion at wrist. Kal. 
 
90 THE EXPEESSION OF IDEAS BT MANUAL SIGNS : A SlftN LANGUAGE. 
 
 Kg. 203. Sickness: a seriously sieh person. — The cupped hand is pressed 
 well into the flank, the trunk being at the same time time flexed laterally : the 
 hand supports the side which is just going to fall over. (Of. the similar European 
 sign.) P.P., (Bo.), TJla., Won., "Wal., TJnd., Kal., Mit. 
 
 Fig. 204. Sickness : moribund : a corpse. — The hand, palm up, held hori- 
 zontally, with forefinger and little finger fully extended: the idea of a dead 
 person with the legs stiffened out, {Of. Pig. 211 : a corpse has already been 
 referred to in Pig. 183.) Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 205. Forqetfulness, loss q/ memory, Sfc. — Picking at the centre or lobe of' 
 the ear with thumb and forefinger: the idea of bringing forth that which was , 
 originally put into it. (Compare the Pittar Pitta word narapoonga — i.e., to forget — 
 where nara == ear.) P.P., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 206. I'orgetfulness, loss of memory, Sfc. — Hand in corresponding position 
 over brow as a European in deep thought : motion of the hand forwards and 
 downwards. Similar idea as the preceding. Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 207. Tes! all right! Sfc. — The fingers are loosely hooked at the 
 proximal joints : a single vertical flexion from the elbow. P.P., Bo., TJla., Won., 
 Wal., Und., Kal, Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 208. No ! negation, Sfc. — Hand towards signaller's face with the fingers 
 conveniently flexed : a sudden movement downwards with simultaneous rotation 
 inwards, the fingers being at the same time extended and separated. P.P., Bo., 
 Fla., Won., Wal., Und., Kal., Mit., Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 209. Oood : person or tMng. — ^Thumb working more or less circularly 
 upon the middle and forefingers : the hand may often be pointed in the direction 
 of the person or thing referred to. P.P., Bo., TJla., Won., Wal., Und., (Kal.), 
 (Mit.), Woo., Goa. 
 
 Pig. 210. Good: person (Jor tMng). — Patting of the lower portion of the 
 breast with the flattened hand. Compare the expression of a European child 
 patting itself in self-satisfaction. Mit. 
 
 Pig. 211. Bad : person, or thing. — The extended fore and little fingers are 
 pointed at the person or thing indicated, palm up or down. In addition to this 
 ideagram, the Woonamurra and Goa have a variation : the fore and middle fingers 
 widely separated and extended do the pointing. Compare this with Fig. 204, the 
 ideagram for sickness, a corpse, &c. : sickness and death from a non-physical (i.e., 
 aboriginally unapparent) cause being always considered a punishment for crime 
 committed (sect. 279). 
 
 Fig. 212. Ghost ("Moma.," sect. 260) .—The idea of the big snout being held 
 in the hand and drawn over the head to get it out of the way. P.P. 
 
 Pig. 213. Water-sprite ("Kanmare," sect. 260). — Eepresenls the snake-like 
 individual swimming away along the surface of the water above which its head is 
 protruded. (Of. Fig. 60.) P.P. 
 
Wi 
 
 ■^ •*■ |-^ tfl l#l ft llltl l1-| lit llill l-^ tl !#■ If 
 
 'Jim 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 THE SEARCH TOE, FOOD. PITURI. 
 
 Contents. — Section 105. Seed-food in the Boulia District. 106. Eleusine tegyptiaea. 107. 
 Sporobolus actmocladus. 108. Coolibar-seed. 109. Pig-weed. 110. Nardoo. 111. Seed-food in the 
 Clonourry District. 112. Seed-food in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 113, Edible Roots in the 
 Boulia District ; 114. in the Cloncurry District ; 115. in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 116. 
 Fnngi. 117. Emits and Vegetables. 118. B'lowers and Honey. 119. Insects and Crustaceans. 120. 
 Molluscs. 121. Erogs. 122. Lizards, Iguanas, Crocodiles. 123. Snakes. 124. Eiah : Catching with 
 Nets ; 125. with Dams ; 126. by Poisoning the Water-holes ; 127. by Spearing ; 128. by Treading 
 with the Eeet ; 129. Killing and Transporting Eish. 130. Methods of Hunting Emus ; 131. 
 with Net Alone ; 132. with Net and Palisading ; 133. by means of Pit-falls ; 134. by Muster ; 
 135. by Tracking and Spearing, &;c. 136. Turkey Bustards. 137. " Elook"-pigeons. 138. Small 
 Birds. 139. Cockatoos, Corellas, Galahs. 140. Ducks, Cranes, Diver-birds, &o. 141. Pelicans. 142. 
 How Birds are prepared for Eating. 143. Bandicoots, "Porcupines," &c. 144. Opossums. 145. 
 Kangaroos. 146, Dingoes. 147. Pituri. 
 
 105. Throughout the Boulia District all Seed-Food has the generic term of 
 pap-pa applied to it : the following, with their Pitta-Pitta names, unless otherwise 
 stated, are some of the varieties utilised. 
 
 106. The ya-ra-lca "star-grass" (Meusine eggj/ptiaca, Pers.). A sufficient 
 quantity haying been collected — a woman always preparing all plant food — it is 
 more or less broken up with the hands, next brushed into a heap, and then put 
 into a circular hole in the ground (Pig. 214). Within this hole, about 12 inches 
 in diameter and 7 or 8 in depth, the woman stands : pressing alternately one foot 
 upon the other (Fig. 215) she exerts a sort of rotary motion into which she 
 throws all her weight, with the result that the grass upon which she treads 
 becomes more and more disintegrated, the seed itself gradually working its way 
 to the bottom. To "throw all her weight upon the legs, she either supports 
 herself on a sort of tripod of forked sticks erected in front of ber, or else, when it 
 happens to be handy, some low-lying limb of a tree. From the hole the seed is 
 transferred to a koolamon, any of the larger sprigs, &c., are removed with the fingers, 
 and the rest winnowed with the breath or a current of air : it is now clean enough 
 and ready for grinding on the pappa-stone (sect. 154) . This is effected by a more 
 or less forwards and backwards movement, the position of the operator being 
 shown in the illustration. Fig. 216. During the grinding process the seed is 
 moistened with water, and as each handful is adequately ground it is smeared over 
 the edge of the slab into a koolamon ; when sufficient of this pasty mass has 
 been prepared, it is roasted after the manner of a " damper," though sometimes 
 it is eaten raw. "Whatever opinion may be expressed as to the taste, it is always, 
 as might have been expected, extremely gritty ; indeed, the flattened " ground- 
 down" appearance of the crowns in the teeth among all these aboriginals must, in 
 great measure, be ascribed to the sandy nature of their seed-food. 
 
 107. The ha-too-ra [Sporobolus actinocladus, F. v. M.) reminds one of the 
 Ayrshire Downs Barley-grass. This is cut down, tied into small bundles, taken 
 down to the nearest water-hole, and dipped under just for a minute or two : the 
 bundles are next laid out to dry in the sun for a quarter- of -an-hour or so, but to 
 prevent the process taking place too rapidly, especially on a very hot day, they 
 may be covered over with some other grasses or bushes. When the moisture has 
 been sufficiently removed, each bundle is firmly held by the stalk-portion with one 
 hand, vphile the head-portion is gently brushed over and squeezed with the other, 
 the seed so loosened being allowed to fall into the water contained in a koolamon 
 beneath (Fig. 217). The water is drawn off subsequently by tipping up the 
 vessel, and so letting the fluid escape through the interdigital spaces of the 
 hollowed hand (Fig. 218) : the seed itself is then dried again before being ground 
 and made up into a damper. 
 
92 THE SEAECH FOB POOD. PITTJEI. 
 
 Another grass similar to the katoora, but much larger, is the ya-Jca-pa-ri 
 {8porobolus Lindleyi, Benth.) : its seeds are prepared by an identical process. 
 
 108. The seed of the coolibar {Hucalyptus hicolor, A. Cunn.) also constitutes 
 a staple article of diet, when grass-seed is scarce : locally it is known as ka-ra-pa-ri. 
 With a hooked stick some terminal branches of this tree are pulled down and, 
 just as they are, spread out to dry on a piece of ground cleared for the purpose. 
 Here they lie, according to the heat of the sun, for half-a-day, a day, till sunset, 
 or the following morning. The ends of the branches are then all collected together, 
 and the seed obtained by damping the distal extremities and brushing them off into 
 water, as in the case of the kaioora. Before the ultimate drying, however, the 
 coolibar seed is kept for a couple of hours or so in water, which during this time 
 is repeatedly changed, so as to remove all traces of the " gum." After being 
 ground on the pappa-stone it is eaten raw. 
 
 109. The " pig-weed " (JPortulaca oleracea, Linn.), t}\e Tcoo-ni of this district 
 may be eaten raw in its entirety, its taste very much resembling water-cress, or 
 only its seed used. This latter is obtained by taking a goodly-sized bunch and 
 rubbing it between the two hands held more or less horizontally (Kg. 219), the 
 seeds dropping into a koolamon, and subjected to washing and grinding as before. 
 It is eaten raw. 
 
 110. The hard-shelled seed of the "nardoo" (JfarsjZea;). easily and speedily 
 collected from the plant when growing in marshy swamps, is pounded and broken 
 up with a special stone, the " nardoo"-stone (sect. 155), previous to grinding. 
 
 111. In the Cloncurry District, among the Mitakoodi, the jil-groo-bur-i {Sporo- 
 holws indicus, R. Br.) , closely allied to the hatoora and yakapari of the Boulia District, 
 is prepared by similar process. Pig-weed, known as tun-ga-ra or tal-lo (Woona- 
 murra ya-ma-ri, Goa fe«-yo-yj), and a species of " star-grass" called Un-dil {Pani- 
 cum decompositum, R. Br.) are also treated the same, but neither nardoo nor coolibar 
 seed is eaten up here. " Wild-rice" or mo-ko-mur-do {Oryza safiva, Linn.), is 
 prepared as follows : — After gathering, when the seeds are ripened, it is tied up 
 in bundles and dried (sect. 86) : the heads of these bundles are beaten on a piece 
 of ti-tree bark, and the seeds falling out are collected and winnowed, subsequently 
 ground, and cooked like a damper. The seeds of the water-lily, foo-lum-bool, and 
 of the Portulaca napiformis, F. v. M., or ka-re-dil-la, are also eaten, but, as their 
 roots are more commonly partaken of, these plants will be referred to in sect. 114. 
 
 112. In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, the Kalkadoon eat various forms of 
 grass-seed under the name of Jeun-yel : pig-weed, or poon-jo, and the wild-rice are 
 also common dietaries. 
 
 113. The following are some of the Edible Roots met with in the Boulia 
 District : — The wi-too-ka or win-nu {BoerJiaavia diffusa, Linn.), a peppery sort of 
 small "yam," something like a radish, is found everywhere, is pretty brittle, and 
 has to be plucked out of the ground somewhat carefully (sects. 85, 86) to prevent 
 snapping : it is eaten roasted. Other yams, ka-la-ra, are dug up with a special ■ 
 stick (sect. 158) and eaten cooked or uncooked. The root of a species of water- 
 lily, pe-ta-hur-i, known to me as growing at Wandetta and Idamea Lakes, on 
 portions of the Burke River, on Tooleybuck Station and elsewhere, tastes not 
 unlike a potato after roasting. Mung-a-roo is the root of a kind of " nut-grass " 
 growing to a height of about 6 inches from the ground on soft sandy flats, 
 having knobby or almost globular roots about one-sixth of an inch and more in 
 diameter ; the husks are removed ordinarily by a rolling between the fore-finger 
 and thumb (sect. 86) or occasionally between the open hand and the thigh : eaten 
 raw or roasted. 
 
 114. In the Cloncurry District, the Mitakoodi also eat several kinds of roots, 
 either roasted or raw. There are two species of edible waterlily root, the one, 
 un-dul, with a smooth-surfaced root, the other, tin-da, with a hairy surface : it is 
 the seed, too-lum-bool, of the former variety only (sect. Ill) which is eaten. Among 
 yams, four at least are relished : the short-rooted ma-la-ga ( Vigna lanceolata, 
 Benth.), and a long-rooted one, wol-le, growing on sandy ground ; a third variety, 
 
a?HE SEAECH FOB FOOD. PITTJBI. 93 
 
 UT-ruTc-M-un, tLriviDg on the mountain ranges ; and a fourth small one, called the 
 Tcoo-jo, identical with the witooha of Boulia, which can be found pretty well 
 everywhere. The ma-hor-a is identical with the mungaroo of the Boulia District ; 
 the roots of the Jca-re-dil-la (sect. Ill) are also very commonly eaten. 
 
 115. In the Leiehhardt-Selwyn District, the Kalkadoon eat the Boerhaavia- 
 root, known locally as wa-roo-po (the wi/ooka of Boulia), the " nut-grass" root or 
 to-Jco (mungaroo of Boulia), and various species of yams, ng-ga. 
 
 116. I have no personal knowledge of Fungi, mushrooms, Ac, as articles of 
 diet in these districts. However, Mr. Coghlan, of Grlenormiston, a careful 
 observer, says that just on the western side of the Mulligan a sort of truiHe, 
 with a yellowish flesh after roasting, appears to be a delicacy. This, he tells me, is 
 very difficult to find even with the practised eye, a small undulation on the surface 
 of the ground being its only indication : when once it has pushed its way through 
 it rapidly gets " bad " through exposure to the sun. 
 
 117. Fruits and Vegetables. — Throughout North-"West-Central Queensland 
 the '' wild orange" (Aialantia glauoa. Hook., Pitta-Pitta woom-hun-ye, Kalkadoon 
 in-pa-lca-to, Mitakoodi hun-doo-tul) , "emu-apple," (Oioenia acidula, P. v M., 
 Mitakoodi el-din, oo-ro-Tca), wild-currant (Mitakoodi kung-ga-pa-ri, yul-hoong-go'), 
 several kinds of vine, caper, trefoil, and numerous berries and peas for which there 
 are no European equivalents are all eaten. Indeed, it is difficult under this 
 heading to know what is refueed. 
 
 118. Flowers and Honey. — The blossoms of the "blood-wood" (Eucalyptus 
 corymbosa, Sm.), and Bauhinia-trees at Glenormiston, and of the ti-trees 
 (Cordyline, Comm.) at Eoxburgh, are sucked for the sake of the sugar or honey 
 contained. 
 
 Honey or " sugar-bag," as the more civilised aboriginals call it, is found 
 throughout the North- West- Central Districts, especially along the river courses, 
 except perhaps the Upper Mulligan, and obtained by one or other of the following 
 methods. Its locality in the particular tree is tracked : during the winter-time, 
 by watching carefully for the minute pellets of dung lying on the ground around 
 the butt ; in the summer months, by observing the bees going in and out of their 
 nest ; and at occasion by putting the ear down to some natural orifice at the base 
 of the tree, and listening for the insects' hum and buzz. The trunk is often 
 tapped lightly with the fingers (sects. 83, 84) or with a stone for indications of a 
 hollow core : a likely situation for a nest. "When the nest has been discovered, 
 the limb may be removed bodily, or the tree climbed : the latter measure can be 
 effected by cutting nicks or steps alternately higher and higher on either side of 
 the trunk, and stepping from one on to the other (sect. 84, Fig. 82). To remove 
 the honey from out of the cavity either the hand or a stick is inserted : this is 
 swept round and round to prevent the glutinous mass from dropping off, somewhat 
 after the style of a spoon with some thick syrup on it (sect. 84, Fig. 80). A bee 
 is known as ool-lo in the Boulia District, hung-go bung-go in the Cloncurry : honey 
 in the latter is koong-ga. 
 
 119. Insects and Crustaceans. — Certain species of ants (for local names, see 
 sect. 53) — a green variety among the Mitakoodi — are eaten raw : the individual 
 stands or stamps upon an ant-bed from which these creatures will run up his legs 
 and thighs, and get scraped or swept off as fast as they come up. Smaller kinds 
 of grubs and caterpillars, especially those found on the grass (ka-pa-ra, both of 
 the Boulia and Cloncurry Districts) may be eaten raw and whole : the larger 
 varieties, found in trees, (ka'-lo-rung-or-o of the Boulia) are usually roasted, the 
 heads not being eaten (sect. 84, Fig. 84), or may be dried in the sun, and put 
 away for future occasion. Crayfish (Pitta- Pitta koon-da-chi, Mitakoodi pe-hool) 
 are also relished. 
 
 120. MoUuscs. — The freshwater mussel (TTnio'), which is a very common 
 article of diet is roasted in its shell, whole. It is tracked usually by feeling for it 
 in the mud with the feet. The Mitakoodi call it by three different names : pe-je 
 
&4 THE SEAECH POE POOD. PITrEI. 
 
 or yung-un when obtained from water-covered mud, and lul-ka-rin -when got out 
 of dry mud. The Pitta-Pitta, "Wonkajera and Kalkadoon apply the terms 
 too-rool-ha, too-roo-ka, hoo-joo-roo respectively to express the animal. 
 
 121. Frogs are eaten everywhere, and partaken of, roasted. In the Boulia 
 District three kinds are eaten : the big bull-frog, ta-ral-ho, from 41 to 5 inches 
 long ; a smaller variety, hoor>-pa, about 3| inches, and a still more diminutive 
 species ne-ma-ka, about 2i inches long. True green-frogs do not appear to be 
 used as articles of diet. These creatures are dug up from their burrows, the 
 particular surface indications and tracks being weU-known to them, by means of 
 yam-sticks, &c., in hard ground, or with the hands in sandy soil. The two kinds 
 of frogs which the Mitakoodi eat in the Cloncurry district are the jou-un or 
 larger, and the nel-li or smaller variety. 
 
 122. Lizards are usually caught while running along the grass; Iguanas are 
 generally dug up from out of the ground. The iguana-burrow is not vertical, but 
 sloping, and very often in close proximity to some tree. These, like all the 
 remaining animals and birds, to be successively mentioned, are eaten roasted, 
 (sect. 156.) 
 
 Crocodiles (Mitakoodi pa-mi-ie-ra) are hunted by the "Workoboongo in the 
 upper reaches of the Leichhardt, with hand-spears : it must be remembered in 
 this connection that the reptiles (Fhilas Johnstonii) found up here are of much 
 smaller size than those {Orocodilus porosus) found lower down the river. 
 
 123. Snakes are sometimes found in an old iguana-hole or in burrows of their 
 own. The aboriginals will eat a snake when killed by themselves or others : as to 
 any avoidance whether the animal has previously bitten itself or not appears to 
 be a myth on the part of the Europeans. 
 
 124. Fish are caught by various methods and contrivances, the most general 
 throughout North- West- Central Queensland being with special nets. The material 
 of which these nets are manufactured is some form of plant-fibre, e.g., native flax, 
 ( .*" Linum marginale, A. Cunn., Pitta- Pitta ka-lo) woven on a pattern identical with 
 that in use by Europeans (sect. 153). The wooden needle, over a foot long, with 
 a small lump of cementing-substance at either end, has no " eye " in it, the twine 
 being just wound on and off as required: in the Boulia District, this needle is 
 called the ka-kum-ho-le. No wooden mesh is used in their manufacture, the 
 regularity and uniformity of each loop being dependent upon the skill of the 
 maker. The size of the net-mesh varies, some nets having theirs larger or smaller 
 than others : about an inch and a-half to two inches is a fair average. The sides 
 of the smaller nets are rounded off so as to allow for the " concavity," when on the 
 stretch. The smaller nets reach from 6 to 12 feet in length, the larger from 50 to 
 70 or 80 feet, the width varying proportionately from about 2 to 6 or 7 feet : for 
 decorative purposes, they may be painted with transverse bands of alternately red 
 and yellow ochre. The longer nets are not to be too often met with, and would 
 appear to be brought to these parts by the Miorli boys, on the Diamantina, who 
 make them. In- the Boulia District it may be stated generally that when fishing in 
 shallow water the smaller-sized nets are brought into requisition ; when in deep 
 water, the larger ones. With the former, where three or four may be used in 
 conjunction, a long tbin stick is attached along the sides of each, not only to keep 
 them open, but also to allow of their being the more easily handled. Two men 
 start into the water from the river-bank, with the net between them (Eig. 220, A) 
 followed successively by another and another pair, and perhaps a fourth (B, 
 C, D), each couple coming up from behind so as to overlap the one immediately 
 preceding, and together forming a gradually more and more enclosed space, into 
 which the " beaters " (K), from the front are driving the fish. The chief objection, 
 if such it may be considered, to employing the small variety of net in this manner, 
 is that so many people are as a rule required to assist. The Boulia District 
 aboriginals, who make these smaller nets, call them ma-li : the Kalkadoon, who 
 obtain them by barter, wun-to. 
 
 With the long nets, only two people are necessary, though more may lend 
 a hand, who work it after the manner illustrated in the diagram (Eig. 221). A 
 
THE SEAECH POE POOD. PITUEI. 95 
 
 and B are the two individuals in charge of the net Z, with pole at each extremity, 
 the net lying parallel with the river-bank, a few feet from its edge. A swims out 
 with one end of the net, sweeping along the water to the extent of almost a 
 quarter-circle, until he reaches 0, a point about opposite to B. B now slowly 
 swims along the bank, which he hugs pretty closely, while his companion, making 
 another and larger sweep, joins him at D, a spot about another 50 or 60 yards 
 onwards, may be, from the starting point, where they land. Another method of 
 using the long net is for two swimmers to take it straight across the width of the 
 stream. The Miorli men who make these nets, as already mentioned, on the 
 Diamantina, do not bring them into the district under consideration much further 
 north than Marion Downs. I have neither seen nor heard of any weights, sinkers, 
 &c., being used, their object being replaced by the fisherman holding down the 
 extremity of the side pole under water with the big toe. 
 
 In the Cloncurry District the Mitakoodi use the smaller kind of net, the 
 moo-na, which is usually obtained in barter from the Woonamurra. It is from 
 8 to 10 feet long by 3 to 4 feet wide, the sides being rounded off as 
 before, and the mesh being about 2 inches. Along all four edges are fixed 
 four curved sticks bound together at the corners, those on the two longer sides 
 being sometimes made of two pieces braced together at a very open angle. Pour 
 or five of these nets are generally used at a time (as in the diagram Fig. 222), each 
 individual holding two nets more or less on the flat under water, one with either 
 hand. These boys move together in line from the river-bank to some distance out, 
 their companions circling round, splashing about, and driving the fish into the nets, 
 which are then raised horizontally from the surface. Another kind of net which 
 the Mitakoodi use, similarly obtained from the Woonamurra, isthe lil-lin-ya. It 
 is about 3 feet or a little more in height and about 20 inches in width, having 
 two strongly curved sticks, fixed loosely at their extremities, attached along the 
 sides (Fig. 223). The fisherman goes into the water, usually its shallower parts, 
 and quietly and slowly gropes along with the net held there in front of him by 
 the sticks : thus, like a folding purse he encloses in his net any fish that may pass 
 in through his open thighs or round his flanks. 
 
 125. Independently of nets, another contrivance for catching fish, and one 
 greatly adopted after floods when the waters are going down, is the building of a 
 dam or weir right across the stretch of water. These dams, which may be used 
 again and again, season after season, constructed of rocks and stones, have 
 " breaks " in them (AA in diagram Fig. 224) through which the water rushes on 
 to platforms (BB) built immediately below: these platforms, also on a foundation of 
 and surrounded with stone, are covered with boughs and a top layer of grass which 
 in between its meshes catches the fish as they are carried over the breaks with the 
 receding waters. Instead of, or sometimes in addition to, the platforms, a mali 
 net may be fixed up with two sticks on the lower side of the breaks, and so catch 
 them as in a large bag. These stone dams have been met with, so far as I know, 
 only in the Boulia District. 
 
 In the Cloncurry, "Woonamurra, and Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts an artificial 
 movable dam formed of grass, bushes, &c., is worked as follows : In a pretty 
 shallow water-hole, the whole diameter is blocked by all the gins from the camp 
 taking up their positions close together side by side, progressing forwards on their 
 hands and knees, and pushing thick bundles of grass tussets and leafy boughs in 
 front of them (Fig. 225) : a " grass " dam is thus formed which shifting onwards 
 and onwards drives the fish before it close on to the banks, where they are easily 
 killed and caught. 
 
 126. The practice of poisoning the water by special plants and capturing the 
 fish as they rise to the surface is met with in the Cloncurry and Woonamurra 
 Districts. The Mitakoodi use the too-ta {Tephrosia astragaloides, E. Br.), a blue- 
 flowered shrub growing about 3 or 4 feet high. Its leaves are crushed and bruised, 
 and whole bundles-full thrown into the water-hole which may be waist-deep and 
 20 to 30 feet in diameter ; in the course of a quarter or half an hour the fish 
 come up to the surface where they are knocked over by the hunters. In the 
 Cloncurry, "Woonamurra, and Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts, especially with large 
 
96 THE SEAECH EOE FOOD. PITTTBI. 
 
 water-holes, numerous leafy boughs and branches of " gum-tree" (Mitakoodi, 
 joo-a-ro) are utilised for a similar purpose. The whole camp of blacks working at 
 it, will start throwing these in first thing in the morning ; during the day the 
 water becomes darker and darker and strongly-smelling until by the following 
 morning at sunrise when it is almost black, the fish all lie panting at the surface 
 and are easily caught. The simple "muddying" or "puddling" of the water 
 by the feet, in small shallows, and hitting the fish as they come up with a stick, is 
 a procedure common throughout North-West-Central Queensland. 
 
 127. Though the probability of the method is likely, I have not met with any 
 spearing in the Boulia District ; it is certainly in vogue among the Cloneurry and 
 riinders District aboriginals. Thus, going into still and shallow water, the 
 Mitakoodi will, with a lot of splashing and noise, spear the fish as they shoot past. 
 In running water or in flood time, the natives take up their position on an over- 
 hanging trunk or branch. On the Upper Leichhardt Eiver, as is mentioned in 
 sect. 252, spearing with foreign-made d,nd specially constructed spears was found 
 to be practised. 
 
 128. On some portions of the G-eorgina Eiver, and in certain other creeks, 
 the aboriginals will grope carefully along the mud and so transfix with their feet 
 a sort of " cat-fish" to be found there. 
 
 129. A. common way of killing fish is to bite into them deeply just at the 
 back of the head; this is very frequently done by a fisherman before he is ready to 
 leave the water, and who thus makes sure that on throwing the fish already caught 
 on to the river bank, there is no chance of their skipping back into their native 
 element (sects. 79, 80). 
 
 Fish are carried home to camp, &c., by passing a thin twig through the 
 gills and mouth, the hook at its extremity — a shoot cut short— preventing the 
 creature from slipping off. 
 
 130. Emus are trapped by being driven into nets with or without palisadings 
 and enclosures ; caught in pit-falls; surrounded and mustered in mobs ; tracked 
 and speared ; or hunted with dogs. 
 
 131. Emus generally make for the water-hole day by day along the same 
 track, coming either at early morn or mid-day. The hunters, having noted these 
 tracks, will wait in ambush and allow the bird to pass down on its way to water, 
 but while drinking will sneak round and silently as well as expeditiously rig up the 
 emu-net some 30 or 40 yards behind the creature and right across the tracks. 
 Since the emu usually spends some time at the water-hole, the fixing up of the 
 net is not necessarily quite so hurried a performance as might have been expected, 
 though it can be placed in position within a very few minutes. All being ready 
 by the time the bird returns, the hunters will suddenly emerge from their hiding- 
 places, and as the bird rushes headlong (any diversion from the path being 
 prevented by the men stationed in suitable positions), drive it into the net, where 
 it becomes entangled, and, with boomerangs and nulla-nuUas, soon despatched. 
 This method of emu-hunting is practised throughout all the ethnographical districts 
 of North-West-Central Queensland. 
 
 The general appearance of two of these nets, as made in the Boulia district, 
 is shown in the diagram, Fig. 226. The names given to the constituent parts are 
 those applied by the Pitta-Pitta natives. These two nets were fixed up in 
 position for my special inspection, close to the Boulia camp, in well under five 
 minutes. A B C D are the strong terminal supports, ma-kun-ye, between 4^ and 
 5 feet long, fixed firmly into the ground. E E E are the slender intermediate 
 supports, tin-ja (cf. sect. 241), about 8 or 9 feet long, forked at their upper 
 extremities, which support the top-string of the net on the stretch, and lightly 
 planted into the ground at on angle. X X X is the net itself, the yel-pi, made of 
 flax-rope about | inch in diameter, and with meshes about 12 inches by 9 inches, 
 the top ones hanging like curtain-rings from a top-string E, the u-wun-na, 
 attached to the terminal posts. Each knot is called a ma-ti. By means of the 
 intermediate supports on the top-string, the net in some places touches the 
 
THE SEAECH FOB TOOK. PITTJEI. 97 
 
 ground from a height of quite 7 feet. The distance between A and D, the space 
 enclosed by these two nets, was over 120 feet. The Mitakoodi obtain their emu- 
 nets by barter from the Kalkadoon. 
 
 In the weaving of the net, no true needle whatever is used, both this and the 
 mesh-stick being substituted as follows (Fig. 227) : — The former is replaced by the 
 thick cord being rolled as required upon a twig or two about 18 inches long : 
 the place of the latter is taken by the maker's foot which keeps each successive 
 mesh, as it is netted, perfectly firm and regular by pulling on it with the back of 
 the ankle. The net, as it is gradually completed bit by bit, is wound round a 
 spear implanted firmly into the ground. 
 
 132. Sometimes a long alley-way (Pitta-Pitta yel-ka yel-ka) is built up in a 
 convenient situation with bushes, boughs, and saplings intertwined : one end of 
 this is closed in with the emu-net, while the other is left open and divergent. 
 Its general shape is shown in the diagram (Fig. 228). Close to the opening, and 
 about midway between the two sides, are the hunters who, concealed under cover 
 of some bushes, &c., start imitating the emu's "call." The bird coming up, in 
 answer to the sound, struts along either side of where the men are in ambush : 
 the latter, rushing out, making a sort of wheeling movement and, once getting 
 behind the creature, have no difficulty in driving it before them along the alley 
 into the net where it becomes entrapped. The " call," a sort of " drumming" 
 sound is imitated by blowing into a hollow log some 2i- to 3 feet long, from which 
 the inside core has been burnt so as to form an aperture about 3 inches in diameter : 
 when in use, the tube is held close to the ground in which a slight excavation has 
 been made. These " call-tubes" are met with throughout North- West-Central 
 Queensland. The alley-ways I only know of being employed in the Boulia 
 district. 
 
 133. On the sandhills round above the Hamilton Eiver in the Boulia District, 
 a deep pit is dug during the middle of the day in close proximity to some wild 
 vine bush, emu-apple tree, &c., and, to avert suspicion, the excavated sand 
 removed to a considerable distance. The mouth of the pit is carefully covered in 
 with light boughs and saplings hidden up with sand and not visited again until 
 the following morning, by which time a bird, coming after the fruit, will probably 
 have fallen in. The same method of single pitfalls is employed among the 
 Kalkadoon along the Leichhardt-Selwyn Eanges. At lioxburgh, Carandotta, and 
 in the Upper Georgina District generally, pitfalls were used in the old days, but 
 such methods are now dying out. 
 
 From Jilr. Coghlan, of Glenormiston, on the Georgina Eiver, I have the 
 following account of the "multiple" pit-falls to be met with on that station : — 
 Arrived at the hunting-ground frequented by the emus, the men make a more or 
 less circular fence or enclosure with trees, bushes, and saplings about 60 feet in 
 diameter. Along this fence some half-dozen gaps are left, and at each of them 
 a pit is sunk (Diagram Tig. 229, P.) about 2 or 3 feet wide and 4 feet deep, the 
 mouth being cunningly concealed with boughs and grass. In the centre of the 
 circle a bigger hole is dug, similarly masked by bushes, into which three or four 
 men can crouch. "With the "call-tubes" they imitate the emu's call, and the 
 birds making for the direction in which they hear the sound, come up to the 
 fence and run along it to the next gap where they fall unsuspectingly into the 
 pit. Sometimes there are external wings to the circular fence also with gaps. 
 The same enclosure may be used for three or four years in succession, the birds 
 being hunted by this method during the pairing season. 
 
 134. In the Boulia District, on occasion, when a mob of emus happens to come 
 within the neighbourhood of a camp, all the men and women may assist in 
 surrounding and mustering them like cattle, subsequently driving them down to 
 the nearest water-hole, where they are killed with nulla, boomerang, or spear. 
 
 135. In the Cloncurry District the Mitakoodi's commonest plan of catching 
 emus is to sneak up to them while feeding and spear them with a. heavy wommera 
 spear. To prevent the bird seeing him the hunter covers himself with bushes, 
 
 H 
 
98 THE SEAECH TOE POOD. PITrEI. 
 
 and holds others in front of him : to prevent the bird " smelling" him, he gets rid 
 of the-perspiration from under the armpits and from between the thighs by rubbing 
 these parts with earth. 
 
 At Eoxburgh, and higher up the Georgina, emus may be hunted with dogs, 
 the latter always making for the bird's neck. 
 
 136. In the Boulia District Turkey Bustards are either caught with a grass- 
 hopper and noose {cf. sect. 140) fixed to the extremity of a long thin switch held by 
 the hunter, who gradually creeps forward unobserved enveloped in boughs and 
 bushes, or else quietly surrounded in the open. In the latter case, numerous fires 
 are simultaneously raised in more or less of the line of a circle right round the 
 group of unsuspecting birds, which, dazed with the smoke and din, are rushed 
 upon and easily knocked over with boomerangs, nulla-nullas, &c. 
 
 137. "Flock "-Pigeons (BistriophagusMstrionica) along the Burke, Georgina, 
 and other rivers, where they can be met with in thousands, are caught in small- 
 mesh nets of a particular shape, the mok-wu-ri of the Pitta-Pitta language. The 
 upper edge of this net is attached along its whole length to a long thin curved 
 stick, the handle of which is free, and held by the hunter when all is in 
 readiness: its lower edge, about 10 or 12 feet in length, is about 3 feeb 
 longer than the upper, and when in use fixed along its entire extent into the 
 ground by means of little forked twigs. The diagram in Fig. 230 is intended to 
 explain this more graphically. A small artificial water-hole A, about 6 feet 
 long and 2 or 3 wide, is made parallel with, and at a little distance from, 
 the main channel B, where the birds have been noticed to usually alight : this 
 miniature lake is effected by a scooping up with the hands, and, what with the 
 sandy formation of the soil, it quickly fills with beautiful clear water. When in 
 the late afternoon the birds come down to drink they will in all probability make 
 for it, thinking it to be a new hole, and its water fresher. The hunter knows this, 
 and lays his net quite flat upon the ground, with the lower edge fixed close to that 
 side of the artificial water-hole further removed from the oreek : he hides himself in 
 a crouching position under some bushes and sand close enough to have full control 
 of the long handle. The pigeons settle down in time, walk on and over the net, 
 and collect on the miniature lake where they " sit " the water like ducks. As soon 
 as the individual in ambush thinks the opportunity suitable, he revolves the net 
 around its fixed axis by a very swift movement of the arm and wrist, thus enclosing 
 the unsuspecting birds beneath. 
 
 A similar but smaller moTcwari net is used by the Mitakoodi in- the 
 Cloncurry District, not only for fiock pigeons, but also for galah parrots and other 
 birds : the handle, however, is more curved, and the lower edge of the net itself 
 only just a little longer than the upper. The artificial water-hole is not 
 necessarily made near a river, but usually anywhere in the open. A small 
 excavation is made, 18 inches to 2 feet in diameter, and filled with water 
 carried in big koolamons, &c. The gin comes forward and fills the hole as it dries 
 up : as she retires, the birds of course think the coast is clear and come down to 
 drink, when they are easily caught by the hunter, who is lying concealed all the 
 time half-hidden underground, and covered with bushes. This method is adopted 
 especially in the summer months when all the natural water-chaanels have dried 
 up. 
 
 On the head-waters of the Georgina, the "Workia and Taroinga tribes 
 bring down flock-pigeons by throwing a hook-boomerang into the middle of a mob 
 of them. 
 
 138. The green " shell-back" ("love"-bird or "budgeregar") and other similarly 
 small birds are caught with net and alley-way at Herbert Downs, Glenormiston, 
 Eoxburgh, Carandotta, &c. — i.e., in the Boulia and Upper Georgina Districts — by a 
 method which the diagram l?"ig. 231 is intended to illustrate. Stretching from 
 some water-hole D, two long divergent palisades A B are built : these are made 
 with thick bushes, saplings, and twigs about 8 or 10 feet high, and 40 or 50 yards 
 long. The space C C C in the narrower, portion of the alley is cleared of trees, 
 Ac, those in the diverging portion E EE being left untoucheii In the very early 
 
THE SEAKCH TOB FOOD. PITTTEI. 99 
 
 morning a number of men sneak up towards the trees, and with loud shouting and 
 every kind of noise will suddenly commence throwing sticks and boomerangs into 
 them. The birds, being thus driven from their roosts by what they think to be 
 hawks, fly low and in a direction opposite to whence the noise proceeds, but not 
 being able to penetrate the bushes forming the palisade, make straight for the 
 water -hole, where they are intercepted in scores by a fine-meshed net P ¥ held up 
 by two men standing just in front of it. 
 
 139. Corellas {Licinet'ts nasicd), Galahs (Gacatua roseicassila). Cockatoos, &c., 
 are entrapped on the water in the late afternoon, at Roxburgh, Carandotta, &c.,in 
 the Upper Greorgina District. The hunter, after tying numerous grass twigs and 
 leafy boughs round his head, neck, and face, which are thus completely concealed, 
 swims out to some log or " snag" projecting just out of the water, and supports 
 himself there by its aid, with only his head out. As the birds come down to drink 
 they fly round the bushes, and alighting on the log, &c., are easily caught by the 
 legs, pulled under the water, their necks wrung, and stuck one after another in 
 the hunter's waist-belt. 
 
 Another and very common method throughout North-West-Central Queens- 
 land of catching these and other birds which fly in mobs, is to throw a light 
 boomerang into their very midst when on the wing. " 
 
 140. Ducks, Cranes, Diver-birds, and others, if not caught in the nesting-season 
 by sneaking upon them unawares, may at other times be noosed with a long slender 
 stick to the extremity of which a feathor-quiil with slip-noose (Pitta-Pitta nun- 
 te-ri) is attached. The hunter, concealed with leafy bushes tied round his head 
 and face, waits patientlj in the water for his prey, which, paddling along the water, 
 soon comes into suitable position for the loop to be slipped over its neck. In the 
 Boulia District at least, this method is employed. 
 
 141. The Pelican (Pelicanus conspicillatus) is caught as follows in the Boulia 
 District : — A t that portion of a creek or water-hole which the bird is known to 
 frequent, the hunter will be sitting in the water in ambush under cover of the 
 bushes or suitable overhanging tree, &c., and throwing empty mussel shells one after 
 another to some considerable distance on the water. The bird, thinking that these 
 are fish " jumping" on the surface, comes closer to see; at the same time the 
 individual concealed, and still otherwise immovable, taps the water with his fingers 
 to mimic the fishes splashing. The pelican, more and more convinced of the 
 plenteous supply of fish in and around these very same bushes, &c., swims more 
 into danger, and when arrived close enough is either hit with a boomerang or 
 sometimes even caught by the bands. 
 
 In the Upper Georgina, at Headingly, &c., pelicans are caught at night when 
 asleep on the river banks. The hunters, their bodies greased with ashes, and 
 heads covered with bushes to conceal themselves the better in the darkness, will 
 noiselessly swim up to the unsuspecting creatures and despatch them with 
 boomerangs, nuUas, &c. The Kalkadoon, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, often 
 sneak upon these birds in the daytime. 
 
 142. All birds are roasted whole ; in the larger kinds, the skin is subse- 
 quently removed by making a longitudinal incision down along the centre of the 
 back, and thus turning the creature inside out, as it were. 
 
 143. Bandicoots, "Porcupines," " bilbi-rats," &c., are tracked and dug out of 
 their holes in the ground. This"bilbi" (a doubtful locally-aboriginal term) is 
 really a bandicoot — FeragaU lagotis, Reid. 
 
 144. The Opossum {Trichoglossus vulpeculd) is now rarely met with in the im- 
 mediate vicinity of Boulia. Elsewhere it may be caught either in the daytime or at 
 night by moonlight : in both cases by climbing the trees with, if necessary," " steps" 
 cut alternately on either sides of the trunk. In the daytime the presence of the 
 animal in the particular tree is determined by the nature of the double-claw 
 marks; in the moonlight by actually seeing the creature, one man climbing up 
 while another waits below as it is driven down. 
 
100 THE SEARCH TOE TOOD. PITTTEI. 
 
 145. Kangaroos and similarly large marsupials are hunted in various ways. 
 They may be tracked and sneaked upon during the extreme midday heat, and 
 caught while resting in the shade by means of a wommera-spear or boomerang. 
 In rainy weather, and over boggy soil, they are run down with dogs. In other 
 cases they may be caught in nets, which are quickly rigged up along their beaten 
 tracks to water with exactly the same contrivance and method as that employed 
 in catching emus (sect. 131). Occasionally they may be driven into an enclosure 
 formed of three nets fixed in the position somewhat of the three sides of a square 
 (Fig. 232) • the hunters, having previously determined upon the locality where the 
 kangaroos are encamped, will drive them into this enclosure with the assistance of 
 numerous " beaters" stationed in such manner as to compel the animals running 
 into the required' direction. 
 
 146. Dingoes are tracked up on very hot days over the sandhills, and are 
 then speared, 
 
 147. Though not an article of food, a few notes concerning Pituri (Duloisia) 
 will not be quite out of place here. If all is well, pituri arrives in Boulia in the 
 rough about the beginning of March. By "in the rough" is meant the condition, 
 very much like half-green half-yellow tea with plenty of chips, in which it is 
 conveyed in the dilly-bags for barter, &c. The pituri shrub itself flowers about 
 January. The supply for the Boulia District is obtained in the neighbourhood 
 of Carlo (vel Mungerebar), on the Upper Mulligan. As a matter of fact, the 
 plant grows further eastwards than this, though in scattered patches only — e.y., 
 about sixteen miles westwards of Glenormiston head station ; a patch of it is also 
 said by the Mitakoodi aboriginals to be growing in one of the gullies at Clon- 
 curry, on the Eifle Mountain (where the old target- range used to be). From 
 Boulia and Marion Downs, from Herbert Downs and Eoxburgh, messengers 
 are sent direct to the Ulaolinya tribes at Carlo with spears and boomerangs, 
 " Government" and other blankets, nets, and especially red-coloured cloths, 
 ribbons, and handkerchiefs to exchange and barter for large supplies of the drug. 
 On its advent at Roxburgh the pituri may travel partly up the Georgina and partly 
 along the ranges to the Kalkadoon, who may supply the Mitakoodi with it, 
 but very little gets further eastward. From Boulia it is sent up the Burke, and 
 so through the Yellunga and Kalkadoon, again carried to the Mitakoodi, or may 
 be forwarded on to Warenda and Tooleybuck. Marion Downs sends it via 
 Springvale, &c., to the Middle Diamantina, whence it may go up as far as 
 Eiderslie and Winton, very little, if any, ever reaching the Thomson Eiver. 
 
 Arrived at its destination, the pituri is prepared for use as follows : — After 
 roasting in the ashes the pituri- chips become pliable, so as to be easily bent, and 
 are then wetted with water if in large quantity or with the mouth if in small, and 
 teased up with the fingers so as to remove all the bigger pieces. Some leaves of a 
 certain species of " wattle" (Fitta.-'Piita. poo-ka-ii-ka^, or of gidyea when the former 
 is not obtainable, are next heated over the fire, and then burnt, the ashes being 
 retained. The pituri in its moist state is now mixed with these ashes on some 
 smoothed surface, a " pituri-plate," koolamon, &c., and worked with the fingers 
 into small rolls, about 2^ inches long by -f inch diameter, which " quids" are 
 now ready for chewing. [Sometimes the quid is teased up with some threads of 
 native flax to give it compactness and iutercoherence, as it were. When not being 
 chewed, these rolls are carried worn above the top of the ear, the position: being 
 indicated in the ideagram Fig. 104, sect. 86, At Quarmby, I learn that the 
 Kalkadoon will often prepare their tobacco in similar manner" to the pituri, which 
 is made into a quid with certain gidyea leaf ashes for chewing. 
 
 Among the aboriginals themselves everywhere as great a craving appears to 
 exist for pituri as alcohol for Europeans, a fact which is put into practical 
 and economical effect by drovers, station-managers, and others. Mr. Eeardon, the 
 manager of Carlo (1895), tells me that when on the xMuUigan the supply of 
 tobacco runs out the aboriginals will smoke pituri in their pipes. Pituri is 
 certainly never used in any of these districts for contaminating the water-holes 
 with the object of drugging the birds and animals drinking therein. 
 
 Some of the native names for pituri will be found in sect. 53. 
 
CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTS AND UTENSILS. FIRE STICKS AND YAM STICKS. 
 
 HUTS AND SHELTERS. 
 
 Contents.— Section 148. Koolamons. 149. Chisels. 150. Cementing Substance. 151. Arti- 
 ficial Eendingand Straightening of Timber. 152. Water-bags. 153. Dilly-bags. 1-54. Grind-stones. 
 155. Nardoo-stones. 156. Baking Ovens. 157. Fire-sticks. 158. Yam-sticks. 159. Huts and 
 Shelters — in the Boulia District ; 160. in the Clonourry District ; 161. in the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District. 
 
 148. The Koolamon, or elongate wooden trough (Pig, 233), with rounded 
 extremities, is manufactured out of the same material and in the same localities as 
 the shield, and travels in exchange and barter along identical routes (sect. 254). 
 When made from the "cork," or " coral" tree {Erythrina, Linn.), &c., they are 
 cut out straight away, two, three, or four at a time, like the shields, into the 
 particular shape required, and then finished ofi with the native chisel (sect. 149). 
 Where the wood does not lend itself to " splitting," — e.g., the coolibar — a trunk 
 or limb is selected as near as possible to the required shape — i.e., having a slight 
 bend in it — ultimately to become the outer convex surface of the vessel. The 
 proper length is next cut off the tree, and what will be its ultimate concave side 
 slightly burned, so as to make the subsequent scooping-out with the chisel so 
 much the easier; when roughly got into shape it is steeped in water, may be some 
 days, wound round with twine to fix its permanent contour, and then finished off 
 again with a chisel. Koolamons usually show a longitudinal fluting, and may be 
 coloured red or black. They vary greatly in size from under a foot to over two 
 and a-half in length, and up to 9 or 10 inches in width, and are either convex or 
 slightly flat-bottomed. They are carried either on the head, or at the side or back 
 of the body ; in the latter cases, supported by a cord passed over the opposite 
 shoulder assisted, as often as not, with the arm (Fig. 234). Some of the names 
 applied to these wooden vessels are given in sect. 55. 
 
 149. The Native Chisel, one of the most useful tools in the possession of the 
 aboriginals, and universal throughout North- West-Central Queensland, is not 
 used for purposes of exchange or barter. It consists of a smoothed and rounded 
 piece of wood up to 2 feet in length and thick in proportion, generally made of 
 gidyea, and bent into the shape of an arc (Fig. 235). At either end of this 
 wooden handle is a piece of flint-flake (Pitta- Pitta, leoo-ya ; Mitakoodi, kum-bo) 
 firmly secured in position with cementing substance : it is this sharp little stone 
 which is responsible for the fluted ornamentation so commonly found upon the 
 other weapons, &c. Of recent years, one of these flints has been substituted by a 
 portion of disused shear-blade (Mitakoodi, o-Z«»), barrel-band, or other form of iron 
 ground down and rounded olf to the required shape, and with this modification 
 the implement is most commonly now found. It is, in its entirety, a cutting, 
 shaving, and scooping tool, a true chisel, and used with both hands, moving 
 towards the operator as shown in Fig. 236. The verb expressing the action of 
 this instrument is puh-lca- in the Pitta- Pitta language : the name of the implement 
 itself is at Boulia (Pitta-Pitta) koom-pa-ta (sect. 43y), at Glenorriiiston puk- 
 hanq-i, at Lake Nash (Taroinga) el-hil-la and jor-je-ra : of these two last-men- 
 tioned terms, the former is the larger variety of implement for " cutting in the 
 rough," while the latter is the smaller kind used especially for " finishing off." 
 The Mitakoodi and Kalkadoon call the weapon by the same name as that applied 
 to it at Boulia : sometimes tlie Mitakoodi speak of the whole instrument as o-lun, 
 after its shear-blade tip (see ante) . 
 
 150. The Native Cementing Substance, of which so much is said in connection 
 with various weapons, Ac, is manufactured throughout North- West- Central 
 Queensland with the possible, though doubtful, exception of the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District, In the Boulia and Upper G-eorgina Districts it is called kim-H, and 
 obtained either from the " porcupine" or " Bpinifex"-grass (Trioda, E. Br.). The 
 
102 DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTS AITD TTTEKSILS. 
 
 plant is gathered in large quantities, broken up into small pieces with the fingers, 
 and still further disintegrated and pounded with stones : it is then rolled over and 
 over, pounded upon a heated flattened stone, and so with the sticky matter in 
 it, rendered down into a dullish brown-black pasty mass, which, soon hardening, is 
 put by for subsequent use. Ko water, wax, or other ingredients are used in its 
 manufacture. It remains remarkably hard and firm, and only requires heat to 
 soften it again. The Kalkadoon would seem to obtain some of the kunfi which 
 they require at Buckingham Downs, whither it is brought Boulia-way. The 
 Mitakoodi of the Cloncurry District can also make a cement with similar materials 
 and methods, though the usual substance which is brought into requisition on the 
 north of the ranges is the gum of the " beefwood " tree, Grevillea striata, E.. Br., 
 Stenocarpus saUgnus,'R. Br. (Mitakoodi, toong-ga-ro). This, after being collected, 
 is roasted over a fire, and then, when melting, allowed to run out below on to a 
 sheet of bark : after cooling, it is only just warmed again, beaten upon, and 
 hammered, and while still pliable mixed up with powdered charcoal. It hardens 
 on cooling, and only requires heat to soften it again. 
 
 151. Artificial Bending and Straightening of Timber. — The aboriginals 
 throughout all the different ethnographical districts both know and practise 
 various methods of bending or straightening timber, either when already cut or 
 in the rough. Thus, a dry heat in ordinary sand, a moist heat from burning 
 freshly-gathered gum-leaves, or moisture in general, sucli as soaking in water, 
 is employed for bending any of their wooden implements into shape as required. 
 In order to maintain and preserve the timber in the position attained by one or 
 other of the preceding processes, the whole is covered thickly with grease and 
 fat, saurian or mammalian. 
 
 152. Water-bags. — For the conveyance of water over long distances, water-bags 
 (Fig. 2.37) used to be manufactured whenever and wherever this commodity was 
 scarce, such as along the Leichhardt-Selwyn Banges, and also on the ranges on the 
 other side of Carlo. They were formerly made at Boulia, but what with the far better 
 canvas water-bags obtainable from the whites, their manufacture both here and 
 elsewhere has long ago ceased. They'are as rare now in these particular districts 
 as the complete stone-tomahawk. Made from kangaroo, paddymelon, or opossum, 
 the skin is cut all the way round, high up in the neck, the front-paws and tail 
 removed close to their bases, and the whole skin pulled away inside out from the 
 carcass : it is subsequently tanned with bloodwood gum. The front paw and 
 tail-hole openings, together with those of the natural passages, are closed by 
 means of a bone or wooden peg pierced through opposite edges, below which some 
 strong twine or tendon is wound : teaa-s in the skins may also be seen mended 
 with pegs supported by a figure-of-8 twine, reminding one very much of the 
 surgeon's fixing of a " hare-lip pin." Finally the two hind legs are tied together, 
 so as to act conjointly like a strap which may either be slung over a shoulder 
 (Fig. 238) or carried in the hand. What was once the neck of the animals forms 
 now the mouth of the bag : the tanned side of the skin is inside. The water-bag 
 is called nil-pa by the Pitta-Pitta, nor-lo by the Kalkadoon. 
 
 For the conveyance of water between short distances, e.g., the creek and the 
 camp, a koolamon may be used : this will often be carried on the head, and the 
 epijling of the fluid markedly limited, almost prevented, by laying small twigs of 
 leaves upon its surface. 
 
 153. Dilly-bags are made somewhat after the manner of a satchel, in such a 
 way that, when empty, the two sides lie one upon the other perfectly flat. They 
 vary between a square and a boat-shape, all intermediate forms being discoverable 
 (Fig. 239, A B c). The larger kinds — and the larger are mostly navicular or 
 inclined to be so — measure over 30 inches along the upper edges : these are carried 
 on the back, invariably by women, by means of a cord or string attached to the 
 opposite ends of the opening slung over one or other shoulder, the base of the bag 
 being supported by the corresponding arm turned up behind. The mouth of the 
 dilly-bag may be of the same extent as the upper edge, as in the smaller and 
 square kind, or much smaller as in the larger and navicular variety. The material 
 
MEE STICKS AlTD YAM STICKS. HUTS AlfD SHELTEES. 103 
 
 employed in tlieir manufacture is "wMte-fellow's" twine and blanket-thread, 
 opossum stringy, human hair mixed with twine, &c., or plant-fibre (i.e., flax twine). 
 "When made from the usual Government blankets, the threads are carefully 
 picked out and sorted, the bluish-gray and black ones being respectively utilised 
 for patterns : in other kinds of blankets, the red and yellow may be similarly 
 sorted, and the bag woven in various linear-coloured stripes. Otherwise the 
 whole receptacle may be stained or painted uniform red. If opossum string is 
 used, human-hair twine is often mixed with it. The plant-fibre is that obtained 
 from the beautiful yet common blue-fiowered native flax (Pitta-Pitta Tca-lo). 
 Another plant, which unfortunately I have not had opportunities of identifying, 
 was formerly employed for the same purpose by the Boulia blacks, who used to 
 fetch it in from Oarlo, Marion Downs, Cooraboolka, &c., where it might be seen 
 growing on the sandhills to a height of about 2 feet, with yellow flowers; they 
 called it mun-ji. So again, on the northern side of tho Selwyn Eanges, are other 
 kinds of flax-plants ; but, for the same reason, I must again plead my excuses for 
 not acquainting myself with their true botanical names. I have come across no 
 cases up here where a true tree-bark fibre is utilised in the manufacture of any 
 utensils, &c. 
 
 The kalo flax is worked up as follows : — The plant is collected into thick 
 bundles, up to 4 and 5 feet long, and each tied round with string, the whole being 
 then immersed in water for several days, with rock or stones on top to prevent its 
 being washed away. Its fine outer skin is next stripped off the stems, one at a 
 time, and beaten up and teased out until such time as it becomes quite sott, when 
 it is sun-dried and rolled into skeins or bundles about a couple of feet in length. 
 As the individual, who is sitting in the squatting position(Pig. 210), wants to work 
 it up, he pulls out of the skein a piece or two, some 3 or 4 inches long, and moist- 
 ening it either with his mouth, or dipping it into some water provided in a koola- 
 mon at his side, places it crossways on his thigh; another and another thin and 
 small length is picked off, treated similarly, and placed side by side upon the thigh, 
 along which all three or four are rolled backwards and forwards with the open 
 hand, until by twisting and rolling these few thin sets of shreds become a single 
 composite one. When the next piece of composite thread is in similar manner 
 made up from its three or four simple components, it is placed end on end (not 
 sideways, of course) with the first-made composite one, and by a little rolling 
 manipulation of the fingers, intertwined with it : a piece of about 7 or 8 inches is 
 now obtained. By a repetition of this process the length of the newly-manu- 
 factured twine is gradually increased, while, what is already made and completed, 
 is rolled up into a ball. When two such balls have been made, the moistened 
 strings from each, while twisted in opposite directions, are in similar manner rolled 
 into one, in these relative positions, the double plait so formed being wound up as 
 manufactured into a third ball, and in this last condition it is ready for use. It 
 may be stated here that any increase in the thickness of the twine, when required, 
 can be effected to any extent by this method of doubling, with the simultaneous 
 rolling or twisting of each of the two strings in opposite directions. 
 
 There are three kinds of mesh to be found in the weaving of a dilly-bag. The 
 most common, what may be called the "type," is that marked A in the diagram 
 (Fig. 241) : rarer forms are the "hair-net" B, and its modification, the " twist" C. 
 The type-pattern may be alone used in the weaving of the bag throughout, and 
 under such circumstances it would be pretty safe to infer that it had been made 
 by women, who do not usually weave the other forms of mesh. The hair-net 
 pattern has been so described because of its identity with what is met with in that 
 particular article of dress (sect. 168), which can certainly only be made by males : 
 there are generally two' or three rows of this mesh connecting the type with the 
 twist pattern surrounding the mouth of the bag. No dilly-bags made in their 
 entirety with the hair-net or twist pattern are discoverable : these particular 
 meshes would seem to be only subsidiary to the type one. The making of the bag 
 starts with the thin strip, constituting ultimately its lower edge, around and along 
 which the remainder is woven step by step. Unfortunately those, tho smaller 
 varieties, which I have watched in the process of manufacture, were in the hands 
 of women, who invariably used an ordinary darning or small packing needle to. get 
 
104 DOMESTIC IMPIEMENXS AOT5 TTTESrStLS. 
 
 the thread in and out with : what kind of a needle, if any, is used in areas outside 
 civilising influences, it is impossible for me to say. In this connection it is 
 interesting to note that in the Cloncurry District I was assured over and again by 
 Mitakoodi blacks that it has only been of late years (i.e., since their childhood 
 days) that woven dilly-bags have put in an appearance in those parts at all, and 
 that their women have learnt to make them from their eastern and southern 
 neighbours, the "Woonamurra and the Goa : they can well call to mind the grass 
 (i.e., plant fibre) dilly-bags which used to be made there, but of which, at the time 
 of my visit, none were procurable, though their particular name Tcoon-ya koon-ya 
 (both Mitakoodi and "Woonamurra) was remembered. Again, it was only in the 
 Cloncurry District that I frequently observed a form of bark envelope or 
 receptacle, known locally as the wa-ra-ka. Jt is formed of two separate longish 
 pieces of ti-tree bark, one placed above and the other below the particular article 
 or articles it is wished to enclose : the edges of the one are next turned up over 
 those of the other, and the whole bundle tied up with string wound round and 
 round from end to end. In the various districts some of the local names applied 
 to dilly-bags are given in sect. 55. 
 
 154. Grindstones are met with throughout North-West-Central Queensland* 
 Each set consists of a movable stone and a fixed slab upon which it is 
 rubbed and pressed : both made from a kind of sandstone. The movahle one 
 is round, flattened, with thinned edge, and about 5, 6, or more inches in diameter 
 (Fig. 242) ; it is pressed with both hands (sect. 106, Pig. 216) backwards and 
 forwards, each change in direction being accompanied by a sort of preliminary 
 half-circular movement at the wrist (sect. 86). The slab, beyond its general 
 elongate shape, is more or less irregular : the upper grinding surface, however, is 
 invariably comparatively flattened. The movable stone is known as the wa-ko in 
 the Boulia and Upper Georgina (certainly at Roxburgh), and as the A:oo-fi-?a in the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn and Cloncurry Districts : the fixed slab is called _/o-rfl!./a-ra in 
 the Boulia District. The particular material of which these grindstones are made 
 is found only in the country around Walaya and along the Toko ranges, where 
 the natives cut, hew, and grind it into the required shapes and bring them for 
 barter either to Carandotta or to Eoxburgh. At Carandotta they come into the 
 possession of the Kalkadoon and other tribes living along and north of the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn Eanges. At Koxburgh they start on their journey down the 
 Georgina Eiver, branching off at Glenormiston for Carlo and the Upper Mulligan, 
 or at Herbert Downs for Boulia, whence, via Springvale, they may reach the 
 Middle Diamantina. It seems almost incredible that some of these large slabs 
 should be carried such immense distances : but then, the poor women of course 
 are the beasts of burden. 
 
 155. Nardoo-stone. — In connection with the preceding may be mentioned 
 the nardoo-stone used in the Boulia and Upper Georgina Districts. It is a sort 
 of boulder-pebble (Pig. 243) ground more or less into the shape of an oval with 
 flattened upper and under surfaces, and just big enough to be clutched firmly 
 with one hand. It is only used for pounding or hammering the hard nardoo 
 shell with (sect. 86). There is no nardoo-stone, or for that matter any nardoo, 
 in use among the Kalkadoon or Mitakoodi ; it therefore does not travel into the 
 districts occupied by these tribes for the purposes of exchange or barter. By 
 the Pitta- Pitta tribes at Boulia this stone is called mur-ra-too-no {cf. Pitta-Pitta 
 murra^ hand, tone- = to strike) ; at Glenormiston and Eoxburgh it is known as 
 por-ri {cf. Ulaolinya and "Wonkajera ^oo*--* = rock, stone, &c., in sect. 54). 
 
 156. Baking Ovens.— It will be noticed in the accounts of the different 
 animals and birds utilised for food, that they are all eaten roasted — that is, 
 cooked on the ashes. A modification of the process, it may almost be called 
 " baking," is effected as follows, and may be met with throughout North-West- 
 Central Queensland : — A pretty large fire is made and a number of biggish-sized 
 stones rendered as hot as possible : at the same time a hole is dug close alongside 
 and some of these hot stones put in to line it. The " meat," whatever it is, is 
 now put in and covered over with another layer of hot stones, to be followed by 
 
FIEE STICKS A.WD YAM. STICKS. HrTS AOT) SHELTEHS, 105 
 
 a " hide" of some sort, and a final covering of mud, the whole constituting a kind 
 of primitive bake-house. It is used especially for any very large sized piece of 
 flesh, emu, kangaroo, bullock, &c. 
 
 157. Fire Sticks. — Throughout North- West-Central Queensland two methods 
 are adopted for kindling fire, though the second to be described is perhaps com- 
 moner along the Upper Georgina. 
 
 a. Twirling the stick between the flattened palms. A very dry piece of wood 
 is selected, a little nick or concavity cut into it, and fixed with the legs or feet 
 lengthways on the ground in front of the operator (Fig. 241!). Another long 
 stick of the same material is taken, like it peifectly dry, and its roughly-sharpened 
 ex'remity placed vertically upon the nick already cut on the fixed piece. The 
 vertical one is now twirled, rolled backwards and forwards, as rapidly as possible, 
 between the flat opened palms, the hands all the time being pressed gradually and 
 firmly downwards. The smoke, followed by a spark or two, soon appears : with 
 some very dry grass and a little " blowing " this is soon fanned into flame. 
 
 b. Eubbing one stick over another like a saw (Fig. 245). The fixed piece of the 
 preceding is here replaced by a piece split at its extremity into which a wedge (a) 
 is placed so as to allow of some fine dry grass, &c. (d}, being placed and firmly 
 clutched in the fork (c) so produced. Across the edges of the split, a more or 
 less deep notch (b) is cut, along which another piece of wood with an angular 
 edge made to fit, is rapidly rubbed forwards and backwards. The horizontal piece, 
 what with the attrition, becomes pulverised and heated at the notch, so that sparks 
 soon arise and catch on to the grass which thus becomes ignited. 
 
 As a rule, these fire-sticks (Pitta-Pitta toor-hin-je) are thrown aside or 
 discarded after use : they are made only as they are wanted, and in these districts 
 are certainly not to be seen carried about for future use. The particular timber 
 of which they are made would appear to vary, though the root portion is said to 
 be usually requisitioned : it is said to be a kind of " box-wood," at other times 
 " lavender "-wood (Grlenormiston), sometimes " wild-orange "(Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District), &c. 
 
 158. The true Yam-stick is a thin, roughly-cut, light stick, on an average about 
 4 feet in length, with a flattened tip (Fig. 2ioA), and is essentially a woman's 
 implement. It is used for digging up yams and other roots, shifting the ashes 
 (whence its extremity may often be seen charred), and other domestic purposes. 
 It is called the ka-la-ra (sect. 43J) in the Boulia, tan-de in the Cloncurry District, 
 and is met with throughout all the ethnographical districts under consideration. 
 It must on no account be confounded with the two-handed fighting pole (sect. 255). 
 
 159. Huts and Shelters. — In the Boulia District three kinds of habitation are 
 constructed, each of them designed for different purposes, and all possessing 
 various points of interest : these are the koo-rou-i, the un-na-hud-ye, and the win-ji 
 viin-ji, to give them their Pitta-Pitta names. 
 
 The hooroui, originally designed for withstanding rain, but now devoted to 
 indiscriminate use, is almost always constructed on a piene of high ground, any 
 little hillock or mound, so as to ensure the more rapid dispersal of the water. 
 Building operations are commenced with two naturally more-or-less bent saplings 
 stuck at an angle well into the earth to a depth of 8 or 10 inches and fixed at 
 their apices by the interlocking of the fork or forks in which they are cut (Fig. 
 
 246, A b). These two primary supports pass by the name of wun-da-roo (signifying 
 the back-bone or vertebral column) their lengths varying according to the size of 
 the hut required, the summit of which on an average is about 4 feet and upwards 
 from the ground-level. On either side, resting up against the wundaroo, are 
 numerous secondary sticks, called the prin-na {i.e., legs) placed more or less 
 parallel with one another and fixed into the ground below in the position required: 
 these "legs" constitute the frame-work over which the hut-wall is built (Fig. 
 
 247, A b). Along the intervals between i^e prinna, and these intervals may form 
 no inconsiderable spaces, are placed and intertwined some light bushes, the foliage 
 downwards, these being t'oUowed by tussets of gra.s8, then a coating of mud, and 
 
106 • DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTS AND TTTENStLS. 
 
 lastly another layer of bushes : the layer of mud, requiring both time and sl<ill, is 
 often omitted. The ground-space enclosed by the hut-wall is more or less circular 
 in the smaller varieties, somewhat elliptical in the larger. To allow for an 
 entrance or te-ra, the prinna are omitted over the larger portion of the base end 
 of one of the wundaroo, and should subsequently the rain beat in here, the 
 aperture is just covered in with an armful of bushes thrown up in front of it. 
 Sometimes a kooroui is built with an entrance at each extremity, and especially is 
 this the case with the larger-sized huta, so that from whichever quarter the rain 
 may come, it can always be easily blocked. The level of the ground inside is not 
 purposely lowered, though what with constant use and treading upon, it often 
 gives one this appearance. 
 
 The unnakudye is designed especially for warmth, and for use in the winter 
 months. A flat-bottomed hole is dug into the ground to a depth of about l^feet, 
 or even more, the rather elliptical outline of its sides forraiug the limits of the 
 habitation to be erected over it, the bottom of the excavation forming of course 
 the actual floor. The scaffolding of wundaroo and prinna is next built in. Wet 
 grass is now collected and wedged into the spaces intervening between the prinna, 
 and mud covered on ; the mud thus moistened soon becomes hardened and, by 
 means of the grass, fixed in place. A ring of wet mud about a foot in width is then 
 placed round the edges of the entrance, for which it forms a sort of artificial 
 door-frame, and at the same time gives it rather an ornamental appearance. On 
 completion a big fire is kindled inside in the corner opposite the door, with the 
 result that by sundown, when the embers are removed, the place is quite warm 
 enough to sleep in. 
 
 Strictly speaking, the loinji-winji is any temporary bough-shed for protection 
 from rain should it suddenly come up, and is but lightly built of grass and bushes. 
 A very common form is to have it attached to the hut with a view to shelter the 
 fire which is usually kept burning there just outside. The two wundaroo of this 
 kind of wivji-winji are built as high as, or higher evea than those of the attached 
 habitation (Pig. 2i8), and the prinna, instead of being fixed vertically, are kept 
 in position more or less horizontally one above the other by being stuck into the 
 vertical interspaces surrounding the original entrance- way. Individuals pass in 
 and out of the kooroui or unnakudye, as the case may be, on either side of the fire. 
 Another form of winji-winji which I have noticed on the Birdsville road, some 
 three or four miles from Boulia, is where the boughs and saplings rest on a tree- 
 trunk with a marked natural slope, the trunk acting the part of a wundaroo (Fig. 
 249). 
 
 So far as the district around Boulia is concerned, the use of bark as a wall- 
 covering is unusual in the construction of any variety of hut : whether this is 
 directly due to scarcity of timber it is impossible to say. It must be borne in 
 mind also that the advent of the European with his accompaniments has been produc- 
 tive of certain appreciable changes in the construction of these aboriginal habitations. 
 Thus, at Boulia in particular, to obviate the trouble of finding and cutting suit- 
 able lengths of timber with the orthodox forked extremities the wundaroo may be 
 occasionally seen manufactuied with timbers spliced at the apices, and bound with 
 rope. Again, the facility with which a hide can be obtained all over this cattle 
 country is gradually making itself more and more apparent in the supplanting of 
 the mud and grass wall-coverings by skins. The most interesting change of all, 
 however, is the gradual and marked disappearance of the unnakudye form of hut 
 with the introduction of clothes and Government or other blankets. Finding that 
 they can obtain protection from cold witlithe aid of such coverings, the aboriginals 
 are dispensing more and more with these particular structures, which entail no incon- 
 siderable amount of time, toil, and patience in their making ; the change itself, 
 owing to such civilising influences, has not been a sudden but a gradual one, the 
 depth of the floor below the ground surface having been slowly decreased, while 
 the height of the hut above ground has been correspondingly increased. It is 
 only due to state that Mr. Craigie, of Roxburgh, had originally noticed this gradual 
 modification in height and depth during a stay out west of sixteen or seventeen 
 years : its explanation was given me by the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals. 
 
FIBE STICKS AND TAM STICKS. HUTS AND SHELTEES. 107 
 
 Thouglt the entrance of the hut is generally made on the side opposite to 
 the quarter whence the prevailing winds rise, a "break-wind" is often constructed 
 on one or both sides of the door-way so as to protect not only the fire itself but 
 also the individuals who may choose to be squatting down in the open around it. 
 The structure itself, the wul-lo-a or yung-ho is about 2^ to 3 feet high, and com- 
 posed of light leafy saplings fixed into the ground and intertwined with others 
 and grasses placed crossways. 
 
 It remains to be noted that, while the koolamons, dillybags, boomerangs, &c., 
 of the occupants may be kept, when not in use, on the ground outside or inside, 
 or allowed to lie upon or against the roof of the huts, all spears are always stuck 
 vertically into the walls with their butt-ends downwards, probably to prevent them 
 being trodden upon or otherwise injured. 
 
 The relative positions of the huts, &e., at a main camping-ground will be 
 referred to in section 228. 
 
 160. In the Cloncurry District, among the Mitakoodi, a hut or gundi is called 
 a yin-lur. It is built after the same style as the kooroui of the Boulia District, so 
 far as the general scaffolding is concerned, the intervals being filled in with tussets 
 of grass, &e., but the whole is usually covered with sheets of bark kept in pontion 
 by the agency of heavy boughs resting on top (Fig. 250). The gundi floor is 
 apparently flush with the ground-surface : at any rate, no earth is certainly dug 
 out of it. Any of the sticks, primary or secondary, forming the framework of 
 the hut are known as ta-li. 
 
 161. In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District the Kalkadoon name a hut wul-li-he-ri 
 (of. Pitta-Pitta term wul-lo-a). It is built very much like the second variety of 
 winji-winji mentioned as being met with at Boulia. Either a markedly-bent tree- 
 trunk or a luw-lying horizontal branch is utilised against which to fix the vertical 
 saplings and boughs (fig. 251) : the latter, of course, are wider apart below than 
 above, where they practically touch. Where these sticks (hoong-ga) are fixed into 
 the ground a mound of earth is collected all round, which forms the limit of the 
 surface-space to be enclosed : from this ring of earth is piled up bundle upon 
 bundle of grass, bushes, &c , twined and intertwined among the slanting sticks, 
 which are thus assisted in maintaining their position. Occasionally, bark may be 
 seen superimposed in addition. 
 
CHAPTER YII. 
 
 PERSONAL ORNAMENTATION AND DECORATION. MURAL PAINTING, &o. 
 
 Contents. — Section 162. Method of Working-up the Hair. 163. Decoration and Ornamentation 
 of the Head. 164. Feather-tufts. 165. Knuckle-bones. 166. Tooth Ornaments. 167. Artiacial 
 Whiskers. 168. Head-net. 169. Porehead-nefc. 170. Fillets. 171. Circlets. 172. Spiral Band. 
 173. Wooden Cross-piece ; H.andkerchiefs. 174. Ornamentation of the Face. 175. Piercing of 
 the Nose. 176. Piercing of the Ears. 177. Avulsion of the Teeth. 178. The Beard. 179. Grass 
 Necklaces. 180. Opossum-string Necklaces. 181. Armlets, Anklets, Body-cords. 182. Chest 
 Ornaments. 183. Waist-belts, Aprons. 184. Phallocrypts. 185. Painting and Feathering of the Body. 
 186. Mutilations, Flash-cuts. 187. Mural Painting, Art, and Draughtsmanship. 
 
 162. Method of Working-up the Hair. — The hair of the head — and especially 
 is this the case with the males — is dressed with grease after growing a certain 
 length, and put up very much after the style of the throms in a mop-hroom. This 
 facilitates not only its removal when required for subsequent use in making hair- 
 twine, but also prevents its becoming too closely matted together. 
 
 The method of procedure for making hair into twine, only practised by the 
 men, is as follows: — The hair is cut off, throm by throm, as it is required, cleaned, 
 and teased out very much after the manner of horse-hair for a cushion : in this 
 condition it is loosely wound round a stick, the whole then moistened, and when 
 dry the " skein" removed and put aside. A fine thin stick, Pitta- Pitta ming-ko, a 
 sort of " crochet-needle," about 1 foot long and i-inch in diameter with a short 
 wooden barb attached to its lower extremity by means of "cement," is next brought 
 into requisition (Fig. 252). With this instrument rolled backwards and forwards 
 between the thumb and forefinger of the one band, the varying lengths of hair, 
 sorted, arranged, and rolled by the moistened fingers of the other hand, become 
 one single thread, into which another and another length i<> successively entwined; 
 as this thread is produced it is wound on to the needle, off which the barb prevents 
 it slipping, and when some few feet of it have been made it is unwound 
 and rolled up into a tight ball.* Two such balls are now taken and put into a 
 koolamon containing water, and the twine from each fixed to the lower end of the 
 ming-ko stick : the two strings are now twisted separately along the thigh, 
 as in the case of native-flax (sect. 153), each in opposite directions, and in 
 these relative positions they are together wound en the wooden needle, the 
 resulting double-twist hair-twine being soon ready for use. Though I have not 
 had the opportunity of watching the process of " spinning " opossum-hair, I am 
 informed that it is very similar to what takes place in the case of human hair. 
 
 163. Decoration and Ornamentation of the Head. — The decoration of the 
 head involves a consideration ot the following ornaments: feather-tufts or 
 " aigrettes," kangaroo and dingo bones, tooth-ornaments, artificial " whiskers," 
 head-nets, fore-head nets, fillets, circlets, spiral-bands, the wooden cross-piece, 
 and handkerchiefs. 
 
 164. Feather Tnfts. — Feather- tufts or " aigrettes " are formed with various 
 birds' feathers tied on to a small sprig, which is stuck indiscriminately here and 
 there into the hair : among birds so utilised are the emu, eaglehawk, pelican, turkey, 
 crow, &c. These feather-tufts are very generally used in times of rejoicing, at 
 corrobborees : they may sometimes bo stuck into the waist-belt either at its side 
 or back, or may be fixed under the armlets. Common throughout North- West- 
 Central Queensland. On the Upper Georgina I met with " bilbi"-tails put to 
 similar use. 
 
 165. Knuckle-bones.—" Knuckle" and similar bones from the kangaroo or 
 dingo, and up to about 2\ inches in length, are fixed with cement by string to the 
 tuft of hair over the temporal region, whence they dangle one on each side in 
 front of the ears. In the Boulia and tipper Georgina Districts. 
 
 * Just like a white woman makes a ball of a woollen skein. 
 
PEESONAL OHrrAMEKTATION AND DECOEATION. MTJEAL PAINTING, ETC. 109 
 
 166. Tooth Ornaments. — The " tooth"-ornameiit, Pitta-Pitta mil-lea, is formed 
 of two kangaroo (rarely dingo) teeth fixed into a more or less oval-shaped base 
 (Pig. 253). The base is made of spinifex or beef-wood cement, having a small 
 aperture through which a small lock of hair from over the centre of the forehead 
 is passed and thus fixed: the ornament is hung so that its tip rests midway 
 between the eye-brows. Sometimes it is made to hang from a forehead band 
 instead. Though used by both sexes at corrobborees and other festive occasions, 
 it ia manufactured, by men only, in the Upper Qeorgina, Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 (Kalkadoon yer-ra-ra), Cloncurry (Mitakoodi yer-rang-guT), Upper Diamantina, 
 and portions of the Boulia Districts : it is not made at the present time at Marion 
 Downs, nor on the Mulligan, Lower Georgina, nor middle Diamantina Rivers. 
 
 167. Artificial Whiskers. — The Mitakoodi women and little boys for " flash" 
 purposes wear an ornament, an artificial " whisker," formed of locks of hair 
 cemented together at one extremity by means of beef-wood gum : such a wol-la- 
 hoo-ja is attached on either side to the temporal hair in front of the ear, and 
 hangs to a length of about 2 inches below the jaw. 
 
 168. Head-net. — The hool-poo-roo, its Pitta-Pitta name, is a sort of netted 
 cap with circular ring at the top (Fig. 254) from around which the body of the 
 net is woven, the pattern of the stitch being shown in the diagram (Kg. 255) : 
 the twine used is made of flax-fibre, &c., coated thickly with red-ochre grease. 
 The use of this netted cap is to prevent the hair (when being cultivated to an 
 adequate length for subsequent requirements) fi'om dangling over into the eyes. 
 It is manufactured, by men only, in the Boulia and Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts: 
 its Kalkadoon name is kun-fa-ma-ra. Another form of head-net, an undoubtedly 
 modern innovation, is made by the women, though not necessarily worn by them 
 alone, after the manner and of same mesh as a fishing net, with a conical 
 " bhnd " extremity. 
 
 169. Forehead-net. — The forehead net, the mi-ri mi-ri — a name common 
 throughout North-West-Central Queensland — is a spindle-shaped piece of fine 
 netting quite a foot long (Figs. 256, 257) worn over the forehead so as to keep 
 the hair well back, the two strings passing above the ears and tied together at the 
 back of the head. It is really an exquisite piece of workmanship, woven after the 
 style of an ordinary fishing-net, though no mesh-stick is used : when it is borne in 
 mind that, in some examples, each individual mesh is only about i-inch in size, its 
 regularity calls both for wonder and for admiration. When lying on the flat, the 
 total depth of this ornament averages about 2 inches, but it can be stretched to 
 between 4^ and 5. The material used in its manufacture is either human hair, 
 ordinary flax-fibre, or opossum-twine : with the two latter a correspondingly larger- 
 sized mesh is of course employed. The mi-ri mi-ri is one of the badges of the last 
 of the initiation ceremonies (sect. 313) in the Boulia District, and can be worn by 
 both men and women, subsequently to that stage, at all times, whether corrobboree 
 or not. It is made by males only. 
 
 170. Fillets.— The opossum-string fillet (Figs. 258, 259) is made of four 
 separate circlets of opossum-twine bound together flat by means of four " ties," 
 with the result that a band-like ornament, over a foot long, consisting of eight 
 closely apposed strands, is produced : the extremities of this composite band are 
 looped into the two tying strings to be knotted at the back of the head. Upon 
 making a closer investigation into the strands the opossum string is seen to be 
 closely wound spirally round a central human-bair core, while, so far as the " ties " 
 have been examined, these are always made of plant-fibre. The strands, as well 
 as the ties, are greased with red ochre : all opossum string ornaments indeed are 
 invariably coloured red. This fillet has been observed sometimes as being worn 
 like a necklace in the Boulia District, and both as a necklace and armlet in the 
 Cloncurry District : it is still manufactured in the former, but rarely now in the 
 latter, and may be worn by either sex any time subsequently to the first of 
 the initiation ceremonies (sect. 300). Its Pitta- Pitta name is moong-ka-la, the 
 same as applied to some other opossum-string ornaments : in the Mitakoodi 
 language it is the cha-lo of the Leichhardt-Selwyn District where exceptionally it 
 used sometimes to be made of roek-waUaby hair. 
 
110 PEESONAIi OENAMEITTATIOIT AlTD DECOEATION. 
 
 In the BoTilia District a dingo-tail may sometimes be worn over the forehead, 
 like a fillet, and tied by strings at the back : sometimes feather-tufts may be stuck, 
 and so supported in position, underneath it. 
 
 The band-fillet, though strictly speaking not an aboriginal ornament, might 
 nevertheless be mentioned here, it being so very common throughout all these 
 districts. Instead of the net, Ac, any thin strip of linen, calico, or riband, 
 especially anything of a red colour, passes over the forehead, and is tied behind. 
 Fixed in it may be the usual feather-tufts, or even, as I have seen at Glenormiston, 
 some small wooden pegs which, cut and curled at their upper ends, gave rise to the 
 appearance of a sort of tiara or diadem. 
 
 171. Circlets. — There are two varieties of the ring or circlet (Pitta-Pitta 
 moong-ka-la, Mitakoodi up-poo-la-ra or wop-poo -la-ra}, according as they are single 
 or double : both are made with opo.ssum-string. In the former case, according 
 as the central core is thick or thin, around which the string is spirally and closely 
 wound, the diameter varies for different examples (Fig. 260). In the latter, the 
 two circlets are fixed together with two ties, at places more or less opposite : 
 when measured out each ring in its continuous length is about 16 inches. As 
 usual, coloured red and greased. 
 
 173. The Spiral Band, the kul-go of the Mitakoodi, but hardly ever made now, 
 and extremely rarely met with, is a long strip of opossum skin, with the hair left 
 on, about 7 or 8 feet in length, and about -f-iuch in width. This used to be made 
 out of an opossum skin by starting from about the centre of the back, and cutting 
 out concentrically round and round, the strip being subsequently stretched and 
 dried (Fig. 261 ) Starting from just above the ears, it was wound round the 
 head, and ostensibly served to keep the hair from falling over the eyes and face: 
 both men and women wore it, and were in the habit of removing it at night. 
 
 173. ■Wooden Cross-piece: HandkercMefs. — The ia-Tca-le wooden cross-piece, 
 which I have met with in the Boulia and Cioncurry Districts, at corrobboree limes 
 only, is described in sect. 310. 
 
 The red and other handkerchiefs, obtained originally from civilised centres, 
 and then bartered from tribe to tnbe, throughout North- West-Central Queensland, 
 are commonly worn by the aboriginals as articles of head-dress (b'ig. 261a). 
 The handkerchief is folded diagonally, and the two extremities of the fold tied in 
 a knot over the forehead : under the knot a knife, pipe, &c , may be carried, while 
 the angle falling over the back of the head and neck serves to protect these parts 
 from the heat of the sun. 
 
 174. Ornamentation of the Pace.— Throughout the North-West-Central 
 Districts the entire face may be smeared with greased yellow or red ochre, or else 
 decked with transverse bands of white (Fig. 275), as in the country round about 
 Boulia. This white (? Pigeon English " Jco-pi" Pitta-Pitta pa-la) is a sort of 
 gypsum, which is first of all burnt, and subsequently immersed in a comparatively 
 small quantity of water, so as to make a viscid mass which dries hard like plaster 
 of paris. 
 
 175. Piercing of the Kose. — The piercing of the nasal septum is practised 
 everywhere, by both sexes, at any time of life, and voluntarily, to "make 
 him flash-fellow" : there is no compulsion about it, and certainly has no special 
 signification. It is made withany sharply-pointed bone, and the wound kept open 
 for a few days with a piece of stick which is shifted and dragged upon at intervals. 
 The nose-pin {^ititk-Yxii&mel-yaper-kil-li = nose big- fellow), up to 9 or 10 inches 
 long, is either a turkey, pelican, kangaroo, or emu bone: when these are not 
 handy, a grass-reed, green cockatoo feather-quill, &c., can be used. 
 
 176. Piercing of the Ears. — Alone among the Mitakoodi of the Cioncurry 
 District, and then only with some of the older men, ear-holes are sometimes 
 present. Piercing which, in reply to inquiry, was practised pretty commonly in 
 past times, is never done nowadays : a kangaroo bone is said to hare been worn, 
 
MTJEAL PAINTING, ETC. Ill 
 
 177. Avulsion of the Teeth. — The knocking out of the two central upper 
 incisors is practised among the Boulia District tribes as followa : — The gums all 
 round the teeth to be extracted are loosened with the thumb and finger nails : 
 this loosening is then aided by biting hard into a stick held transversely ia the 
 mouth for a good ten minutes or so. The patient in squatting position, with 
 head raised, now holds the stick vertically behind the two to be extracted, and 
 pushes it firmly upwards and forwards while a triend hammers away with a 
 wooden chisel driven by a heavy stone for a mallet (Fig. 262). The whole opera- 
 tion is thus over from beginning to end within a quarter of an hour, and all 
 soreness is said to disappear by about the third day. In the Upper Georgina 
 District, among the Yaroinga, the patient lies on his back with head touching the 
 ground, while his friend takes a stick which he presses against the teeth to be 
 removed (these having been previously loosened with the finger-nails), and 
 hammers on it until they are broken out. This custom of avulsion is common 
 throughout North- West-Central Queensland as well as up and down the Diaman- 
 tina, though it is gradually dying out : it is a mutilation which is perfectly 
 voluntary, may be practised by both sexes, and most certainly at the present time 
 has nothing whatever to do with any of the initiation ceremonies. That it has 
 been in vogue for ages past is probable from the fact that in none of the languages 
 of these districts, as pointed out in the philological section (sect. 3), are there a 
 th. v,f, or s, sounds which require these teeth for their proper enunciation. 
 
 178. The Beard.— In the Boulia District the beard is often tied close to its 
 base with a piece of twine to make it look " flash," both at corrobboree-time and 
 on other occasions (Pig. 263). 
 
 179. Grass Necklaces. — Necklaces in North-West-Central Queensland are 
 mainly of two kinds, according as they are manufactured from grass-reed or 
 opossum-string. The reed necklace is manufactured everywhere, and usually by 
 the women. It is the badge of the " first " degree (sect. 300), whence it can be 
 worn subsequently, and on any occasion, by both male and female : the same 
 name of ko-nu-pa is applied to it in the Boulia, Leichhardt-Selwyn, and Cloncurry 
 Districts. The most ordinary form of this ornament is represented in Pigs. 264, 
 265. The maiu portion of the necklace may be considered as consisting of an 
 upper and lower belly joined together with twine or thread at their extremities, 
 these two joining strings being each again looped into a tying-string ; the two 
 latter together fix the ornament at the nape of the neck. Each belly consists of 
 numerous threads, two dozen and more, on which are beaded the grass-reed bugles 
 cut into lengths of from about \ to 1-inch and over : these reed-beads are cut out 
 with either the sharp edge of a mussel-shoU (Boulia, <fcc.) or a stone-knife (Kal- 
 kadoon country), the exact procedure being depicted under sect. 91, 92, illustrating 
 the sign-language. Some of the beads may have one or two rings cut into them. 
 
 The second variety of the reed-necklace (Pig. 266), first noticed at 
 Glenormiston, and subsequently in a few examples at Boulia and at Cloncurry, 
 is made of a single belly, the extremities of which, being strengthened with twine, 
 &c., are looped directly into the tying-string. The tying-string, as in all these 
 necklaces, may be of any material, from a shread of moleskin to a piece of 
 hair-twine. 
 
 The third kind of necklace, manufactured certainly by both Kalkadoon and 
 Mitakoodi, consists of one endless beaded string (Fig. 267), about 12 to 
 16 feet in its continuous length, rolled up into a thick loop so as to make two 
 bellies of it, the extremities being attached to tying-strings. It can also on other 
 occasions be worn as a coil wound round and round the neck. 
 
 180. Opossum- string Necklaces. — The true opossum-string necklace (Pig. 268) 
 as will be seen from a study of the diagram (Pig. 269), consists of a main supporting 
 string, in itself more or less composite, from which hang some dozens of secondary 
 strings somewhat after the manner of a frinse : these secondary strings are in 
 reality formed of one continuous length, which, successively twisted upon itself 
 and around the main-string, produces the fringe-like appearanpe. The length of 
 
112 PEESONAL OENAMENTATIOTT AND DECOEATIOH. 
 
 each hanging-twist is about 4 inches. In those cases where the supply of opossum- 
 string is deficient, the red worsted obtained from out of a blanket may be sub- 
 stituted. 
 
 The opossum-string necklace, Pitta-Pitta moo-na-mul-ya-ri, Ealkadoon and 
 Mitakoodi mi-ta-mi-ko, is manufactured in the Boulia, Leichharclt-Selwyn, and 
 Cloncurry Districts, usually by women ; it is coloured red, and primarily intended 
 for use at corrobhorees. When made somewhat larger than usual, as is sometimes 
 the case in the Boulia District, &c., it may be worn by women as an apron, hanging 
 from the hips. 
 
 Another form of necklace, and manufactured of the same material, was met 
 with at Glenormiston, and Roxburgh : this is made after the style of the single- 
 bellied variety of grass necklace, with all the opossum-hair strands fixed at either 
 extremity to the tying-strings. One specimen which I obtained from the latter 
 station was manufactured after the same plan, but, instead of opossum-string, the 
 cotton threads pulled out of an old sock were brought into requisition, while the 
 tying-strings were made of twisted moleskin. The opossum-string fillet referred to 
 in sect. 170 has been already noted as being occasionally used as a necklace : the 
 same may be said of the dingo-tail. 
 
 181. Armlets, Aaklets, Body-cords. — Opossum-string armlets and anklets. 
 Pitta- Pitta moonq-lea-la, in the form of rings, are met with everywhere : in times 
 of corrobboree, feather-tufts, &c., may be stuck into the former. In the Cloncurry 
 District, armlets are either single — i.e., made of one string, yL\\akooAi jum-mul ; 
 or multiple — i.e., made of three or four, Mitakoodi mul-la-ri, and then almost 
 identical with the chabo (sect. 170). Body-cords of opossum-string have been now 
 and again observed in the Boulia District, but beyond the way in which they are 
 worn by the leaders on the fighting expeditions of the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals, 
 nothing particular is noticeable : a loop thrown over the head hangs loosely upon 
 the chest. 
 
 182. Chest Ornaments. — The chest ornaments in these districts are mainly of 
 the claw and shell varieties. The former is made from the claws of the large 
 eagle-hawk, two being attached moon-shape-like into a piece of black cement: 
 two of these double-claw hoops may be attached to the same neck-string (Fig. 
 270). The claw is brought to Boulia from the north, both from down the 
 Georgina B,iver, and down the Burke and Wills : its Pitta- Pitta name is ming-Tca-ra 
 (= a nail, claw), and its Ealkadoon ^e-Ao (=a nail, claw). 
 
 The shell ornament is a concave piece of white shell (a species of Melo) cut 
 into more or less the shape of an oval, about 2 to 2| inches in its longer diameter, 
 and fixed either by a small drilled aperture, or a piece of cement, to the neck- 
 string (Fig. 271). It is met within the Boulia District, which it enters i-ja Spring- 
 vale, Ac, from Diamantina Gates and Cork, whither it is brought by the Goa 
 blacks of Elderslie : the Goa have themselves obtained it both at the headwaters 
 of the Diamantina, Kynuna, &c., Irom the Mitakoodi and Woonamurra, and 
 around Hughenden from the Terunduili, the latter having bartered it from the 
 Woonamurra on their own account. These Upper Flinders and Cloncurry 
 District aboriginals {i.e., the Woonamurra and Mitakoodi) get possession of it 
 from the Nouun blacks at Mullangera, to whom it was originally brought by the 
 Karunti, &c., people living around Normanton. At Boulia the shell is occasionally 
 but irregularly seen worn on the forehead like a kangaroo-tooth ornament. In 
 the Boulia District this shell-ornament is known as the koo-lin-je-ri -. in the Clon- 
 curry and Flinders as the che-ka-ra {cf. the che-ka-la-ri pearl-shell phallocrypt, 
 sect. 184)- At Roxburgh, and south of that station, as well as elsewhere, I have 
 observed this shell ornament being imitated by grinding and chipping down pieces 
 of broken chinaware. 
 
 It may be noted that the woraTca, referred to in sect. 283, is sometimes worn 
 as a true chest ornament, though its primary use is as a charm against certain 
 
 183. Waist-belts, Aprons.— Waist-belts, aprons, &c., are made either of 
 human or opossum hair-twine. 
 
MTJEAL 7A1HTTS&, ETC. 113 
 
 The human-hair belt, found throughout North-West- Central Queensland, is 
 known as lua-Tcoo-la in the Boulia, wun-ni-ga in the Leichhardt-Selwyn, and u-ro-do 
 in the Cloncurry District. It is one of these ornaments allowed to be worn by 
 both sexes subsequently to the first initiation eereraonies (sect. 300) ; the men 
 usually don it continuously from this time forwards, but the women only at 
 corrobborees and other special occasions, though not necessarily even then. It 
 consists of a long piece of double-plaited hair-twine wound round and round the 
 waist, so as to form a thick belt or band : the thickness resulting may be gauged 
 from the fact that a comparatively small example in my possession when unravelled 
 measured a length of over 26 yards. The end of the hair-twine is often attached 
 to a little wooden peg which, by its speedy recognition, enables the wearer to 
 start unravelling all the mere readily. This hair-belt, into which a stone-knife, 
 pipe, &c., is often to be seen stuck, may not be removed from the body for weeks, 
 perhaps months, at a time; its very nature precludes it from getting rotten 
 through moisture, Ac. 
 
 Throughout the Boulia District, in times of eorrobboree and other occasions 
 for rejoicing, certain, ornaments are fixed or rather suspended from this hair-belt 
 in the case of males only ; to give them their names, as used by the Pitta-Pitta 
 tribe, these are the ping-Tca-ra, til-ya-ri, hoom-pa-ra, and clie-ka la-ri, though from 
 what actual sources these terms have been derived it is impossible to say. The 
 pinghara is a bunch of eagle-hawk feathers tied tightly round at their shafts into 
 the form of a " feather-duster" and attached by the quill end on either side of the 
 belt so as to dangle over each hip (Fig. 275, 294, &c.) ; it is called wun-pa by the 
 Mitakoodi, who let it hang down in the central line behind instead of at the sides. 
 The tilyari is a similarly bound bundle of emu feathers, but fixed behind so as to 
 fall between the fold of the buttocks. The hoompara and chehalari will be dealt 
 with in the next section. 
 
 The larger-sized example of opossum-string moonamulyari necklace has 
 already been noted (sect. 180), as occasionally worn by the women in the- Boulia 
 District in place of an apron. 
 
 What may be termed an opossum-rope waist-belt (Mitakoodi moon-do-lo) is 
 met with in the Cloncurry and Flinders Districts. It is in the form of a ring, 
 upwards of an inch in diameter, through which the wearer has to squeeze to get 
 it on, the outer circumference of the belt running up to 37 inches and more. It 
 is made of a thick skein of fibre (Fig. 272a) acting as a sort of core, around which 
 a single external strand of opossum string, fibre, &c., is wound transversely. A 
 pattern representing areas of black bands is worked in with hair-twine in this external 
 layer. In the smaller varieties'of belts (those for females) the internal core or skein 
 may be made of human-hair twine instead of fibre. The belt is worn by adult males 
 at eorrobboree time only, by women at any or every occasion, and by young boys at 
 any time previous to reaching the first stage of social rank (sect. 303). In the case 
 of a woman's belt, there are usually a few opossum-string tags, a thin fringe as it 
 were, hanging down from it in front (Fig. 272b). 
 
 184. Phallocrypts. — " Phallocrypts" or " penis-concealers," only used by the 
 males at corrobborees and other public rejoicings, are either formed of pearl-shell 
 or opossum string. 
 
 The che-ha-la-.ri (see che-lca-ra, &c., in sect. 182, and her-ha-la in sect. 272) 
 is a flat, more or less oval, piece of pearl-shell of varying size, from 3 to 4 inches 
 in length, fixed with cement to a huraan-hair-string which in turn is attached to 
 the middle of the belt in front, so as to cover in the privates. This pearl-shell 
 which I have only met with in the Leichhardt-Selwyn, Upper Georgina, and 
 Boulia Districts, comes into these parts from the headwater country of the 
 Georgina Eiver, though from which portion of the coast it is originally brought I 
 have not been able to discover. 
 
 The hoom-pa-ra {ef. the Pitta-Pitta term Jooon-pa-ra, a shield) is the Pitta-Pitta 
 name for the opossum-string form of phallocrypt (Fig.273A) manufactured on exactly 
 the same plan as the moonamulyari necklace (sect. 180) which is subsequently' 
 
 t 
 
114 PERSONAL OENAMENTATIOir AND BECOEATIOlf : 
 
 wound in a spiral round itself (Fig. 273b), and fixed in this position, so as to 
 form a kind of tassel, and coloured red. It is hung, from the waist-belt in the 
 middle line in front on occasion of corrobboree and other public ceremonials : 
 sometimes it is used in the hand as a kind of fan, or duster, to brush the flies 
 away from the face, &c. It is manufactured in the Boulia, Leiehhardt-Selwyn, and 
 Cloncurry Districts, and by males only : the Kalkadoon name is mon-a-ro, the 
 Mitakoodi one toong-ga. The Mitakoodi under the same name of toong-ga possess 
 a phallocrypt in the form of two tassels made of opossum-string, pined by an 
 intermediate portion which suspends the article from the waist-belt (Fig. 274) : 
 the individual threads of each tassel are upwards of, and sometimes over, a foot 
 in length, each thread being looped upon itself. The Hn-jin-na is the Pitta- Pitta 
 name for a sort of miniature Jcoompara, which I have met with only in the Boulia 
 District, and peculiar in that, instead of being attached to the belt, it is fixed to 
 the pubic hair : it is made after the same plan and with similar material as the 
 larger variety, though only about 2 or 2j inches in length, but at corrobborees, 
 &c., when it is worn, it may be painted white — the only occasion on which an 
 opossum-string ornament is coloured otherwise than red. 
 
 It is needless to point out that with both sexes the privates are only covered 
 on special public occasions, or when in close proximity to white settlements. 
 
 185. Painting and Feathering of the Body.^ — The ordinary painting of the body 
 as practised in time of general warfare is referred to in sect. 238. Throughout 
 North-West-Central Queensland, at corrobborees, or just for the sake of appearing a 
 bit "flash," certain transverse and semi-lunar bands of white paint, Pitta- Pitta pa-/a, 
 or greased yellow and red ochre may be daubed on : a good example of the white 
 ornamentation is shown in Fig. 275 — a Pitta-Pitta adult male in full "flash" costume. 
 On similar occasions, and other public rejoicings, and also at any time, the women 
 throughout the Boulia District may adopt a greased yellow or red tri-linear 
 pattern : this is put on by means of the three first fingers dabbed simultaneously 
 on the paint, and then smeared sinuously along the limbs, both upper and lower, 
 and more or less transversely across the trunk. The females look upon themselves 
 thus decorated as being in the height of fashion : the particular marking itself, the 
 Ttoo-di-ja hoo-di-ja, is noted in the female corrobboree decorations (sect. 193) as well 
 as in the ornamentation of the ornate boomerang (sect. 241). This grease colour 
 painting must not be confounded with the general smearing of the body and 
 limbs with fat ; the latter practice is only adopted in times of sickness (sect. 
 284) or to relieve the fatigue and languor consequent on a long and tiresome 
 journey — on no other occasions. 
 
 J' Feathering" of the body is in vogue throughout all these ethnographical 
 districts, but limited to corrobborees and to men only. " White'' feather-down 
 required for this purpose is obtained from duck, wild turkey, &c. : it can be 
 made " red," when this colour is wanted, by dusting the feathers over with greased 
 red ochre, which has been previously pounded up by means of a nardoo-stone. 
 These two sets of feathers (no yellow ones are made) are put by and retained in 
 respective dilly-bags, koolamons, &c. A sufiieient supply of blood, obtained by 
 the ordinary bleeding process (sect. 283), is collected into any convenient recep- 
 tacle — anything, from an old disused jam tin to a piece of curved bark or 
 a koolamon ; this blood, by means of rag or feathers tied to the end of a stick, is 
 painted over the required surface, which has been previously deliminated with its 
 " ko|ii " pattern, and dab after dab, just a pinch, of feather-down put on— this 
 remaining in position with the coagulation. Sometimes the whole day may be 
 thus occupied in preparing for the night's festivities, but no women or children 
 are ever allowed to watch the procedure. 
 
 186. Mutilations, Plash-cuts.— The " flasli"-cuts, scars, or mutilations on the 
 trunk and hmbs, other than the sexual (sect. 316, &c.), the mourning (sect. 
 289, Ac), and the fighting (sect. 238, &c ), will now be considered : these are met 
 with in both sexes throughout North- West-Central Queensland. As a rule they 
 consist of numerous transverse scars cut across the trunk from about the level 
 of the nipples to the navel, and a few, from one to three, longitudinal cuts along 
 
MUEAL PAINTISra, ETC. 115 
 
 the top and front aspect of each shoulder (Fig. 276) ; using Pitta-Pitta terms, 
 the former marks are spoken of as H-pa-do, and the latter as moo-too-roo. These 
 positions are the ones adopted most commonly in all the ethnographical districts, 
 but additional ones may occasionally be found, as on the upper portions of the 
 chest (Figs. 277, 278) and on the back. Thus, among the Mitakoodi especially, 
 on the back are five or six pairs of small cuts on either side of the vertebral 
 column from the loins up, and intervening between these may be found two or 
 three pairs of longer bands coming right round the flanks to join those in the 
 front (Fig. 279). Again, here and there may be found additionally small dots 
 scattered irregularly on the arms and back. Among the Taroinga tribe I have 
 noticed a couple of transverse scars on the upper arms just below the orthodox 
 longitudinal shoulder ones. 
 
 Flash-marks in these districts, whatever may have been their original 
 signification, have certainly at the present day no connection with any of the 
 initiation ceremonies : they are optional, and their infliction is certainly dying 
 out, so far as the numerous examinations enabled me to judge, more rapidly in 
 the females than the males. The results also of my various inquiries into any 
 pictorial or other hidden signification proved fruitless. Flash-marks can be 
 recognised from all other scars, not only by their same constant position on the 
 body, but from the fact that they are invariably raised more or less artificially, in 
 some cases quite a quarter of an inch, above the surrounding surface : to the 
 naked eye these scars appear to be of cicatricial tissue, yet sometimes containing 
 traces of pigment, quite smooth, and having rounded edges. The actual procedure 
 of elevating these scars I have not had opportunities of witnessing, and the 
 explanations and descriptions offered me appear unsatisfactory: to judge, however, 
 from what I have observed in the making of the raised dots (see subsequently) there 
 is ground for believing that some particular idiosyncrasy in the skin itself is 
 responsible for the peculiarity. In all cases the initial incision appears to be 
 made with a sharpened flint or glass-chip along a previously marked charcoal or 
 "kopi" line : the account of what follows varies. At Boulia the aboriginals tell 
 me that bits of " pig- weed" plant are rubbed well into the freshly-made wound 
 for upwards of a quarter of hour, and that the nature of the elevation depends 
 upon whether the particular individual has a "tight" or a "loose" skin: the 
 picking at the wound with the fingers is also subsequently adopted at intervals to 
 make it " jump-up." At Grlenormiston and at Eoxburgh a quantity of bird's or 
 other blood was said to be put on the incision so as to increase the size of the 
 clot. A Taroinga boy told me that among his own people the wounds are rubbed 
 into with charcoal. 
 
 At Cloncurry, the aboriginals assured me that feather-down is first of all put 
 on to cause coagulation, that is, to prevent the blood running off, and left there 
 for two or three days until such time as the wound gets rotten and the " yellow 
 muck " {i.e., the pus) runs out : the latter is next removed by rubbing fat into it, 
 and the wound " grows himself then." The dotted, elevated scars on the arms 
 I have witnessed being made among the Mitakoodi as follows: — The individual 
 takes a small cold piece of charcoal, about i or | inch in height, and places it on 
 the spot where he intends the flash-mark to be : he then puts a light to the top of 
 the charcoal which, after the preliminary flame is extinguished, goes on glowing 
 until the base is reached, thus letting it burn out to a white ash, with the 
 simultaneous scorching and destruction of the subjacent skin. In two or three 
 days the " pimple " of cicatricial tissue begins to form. These flash-marks are 
 said to remain for a good many years, but eventually decline : what lends colour 
 to this statement is that, as a rule, the scars among the older men are apparently 
 not so strongly elevated as those in the younger people. In marked contrast with 
 all the preceding flash-marks, are the usual non-elevated fighting scars, which may 
 be met with in the males on the back of the shoulders, the flanks, the buttocks, 
 and lower masses of flesh — the only parts one is allowed to tackle in duelling with 
 stone knives (sect. 238). These scars, of which many a man is proud to possess 
 at least one or two, can be distinguished from the true " flash "-marks by their 
 comparatively large size, irregular direction and outline, non-elevation, and general 
 asymmetry. 
 
116 PEESONAIi OENAMENTATION MTD DECOEATION : MUEAIi PADfTmO, ETC. 
 
 187. Mural Painting, Art, and Draughtsmanship.— The only two localities where 
 examples of mural painting have been met with, to my knowledge, in these North- 
 West-Central Districts are on Oorindimindi Station, and at a small water-hole on the 
 old Normanton road, about six miles from Cloncurry. At the latter, these consist 
 of a saurian type of figure, varying from about 12 inches to over 6 feet in length, 
 and hence possibly representing a lizard, an iguana, or crocodile, painted in red 
 ochre upon the blocks of granite. I counted seven or eight of these figures in 
 January, 1896. They are nearly all weather-worn, and except under very careful 
 scrutiny the majority of them would pass unnoticed : the best-preserved and one 
 of the largest, over 6 feet long, is that under an overhanging ledge of rock; 
 represented in Fig. 280, which, in addition, is distinguished from all the 
 others by holding what could very well pass for a stone-tomahawk. The local 
 aboriginals knew nothing of these paintings or their signification. 
 
 In Glenormiston country, yet on the Toko Ranges, Mr. J. Coghlan, the 
 station manager (1895), informed me that up in one of the caves he came across 
 a circle of about 18 inches diameter cut pretty accurately in a piece of solid rock: 
 it may be mentioned here that the representation of a circle is only met with on 
 ornaments and implements coming from, and to the west of, the Upper Georgina 
 Districts. 
 
 The ornamentation of the various boomerangs, letter-sticks, &c., will be 
 referred to in their respective sections. 
 
 A s examples, of draughtsmanship, three drawings, all of them first attempts, 
 are given.. Fig. 28 La drawn by an adult woman at G-lenormiston, represents her 
 idea of any man in general ; while Fig. 281b is a fair representation of a goat : 
 Fig. 282, sketched by a Pitta- Pitta male, depicts one of the figures (Fig. 296) in 
 the " Molonga " corrobborce referred to in sect. 199. 
 
 So far as colour is concerned, all the tribes concerned have distinct names for 
 red and yellow (.ochre) : blue very often is confounded with black, so far as 
 nomenclature is concerned, although their visible differences are appreciated. 
 
-^occcoccococccecococcooocoocecoccoDcoccoMoaaaoS- 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 RECREATION : CORROBBOREES, SPORTS, AND GAMES. 
 
 Contents. — Section 188. The Corrobboree. 189. Time of Performance. 190. Authorship and 
 Plot. 191. May be taught and carried to other Tribes. 192. Performers. 193. Dress and 
 Decorations. 194. Dancing ground, Dressing-room. 195. The Dance. 19G. The Words of the Song. 
 197. Music of the Song. 198. Beating of the Time. 199. The Molonga Corrobboree. 200. Tales 
 and Yarns, Fables, Folk and Animal lore. 201. The Water-hen and the Emu. 202. The Galah- 
 parrot and the Lizard. 203. The Opossum and the Wild-oat. 204. The Laughing-jackass and the 
 Blackfellows. 205. The Snake and the Fish. 206. The Red-tit and the Brown-tit. 207. The two 
 Fishermen. 208. The Porcupine and the Eagle-hawk. 209. The Black-crow and the Hawk. 210. The 
 Hawk and the Bower-bird. 211. The Moon. 212. The Galah-parrot and the Opossum. 213. The 
 Return, "Come-back," Boomerang 214. The Toy Throwing-stiok. 215. The "Whirler." 216. The 
 Ball. 217. The Skipping-rope. 218. "Hunt the Eye." 219. Hide and Seek. 220. Smoke-spirals. 
 221. Mimicking Animals and Birds. 222. Coursing. 223. Pit-throwing. 
 
 188. The Corrobboree (Pitta-Pitta wun-ni, TJlaoliiiya won-ni-na, Kalkadoon 
 wa-ma, Undekerebina wun-tun-i/a) consists of siuging (Pitta-Pitta wun-ka-), 
 accompanied by dancing (Pitta-Pitta e-cJia-la-mul-Ie-) and accompaniments : 
 throughout North- West-Central Queensland the performance has certain features 
 in common. 
 
 189. (a) Time of Performance. — ^The corrobboree commences at sunset and 
 may be continued until sunrise, the whole performance being extended sometimes 
 over three, four, or even five nights consecutively. Exceptions to this rule of night 
 performance are some unimportant local dances, or one danced by the women only, 
 or the corrobboree for bringing up rain, &c., and those dependent upon certain of 
 the initiation ceremonies : to these particular last-mentioned ones, described in 
 sects. 294-297 and in chap. XIII., the following notes do not refer. 
 
 190. (b) Authorship and Plot. — Anybody may " find," i.e., compose a corrob- 
 boree, and more often a " doctor" as not : sometimes it is alleged to have been found 
 in a dream. The corrobboree may be held just for the sake of the amusement that 
 is in itself afforded, and beyond the repetition of some simple statement or asser- 
 tion may have no meaning whatsoever behind it (see Boulia songs in sect. 196) : 
 on the other hand, as on the Tipper Q-eorgina, at Eosburgh, Carandotta, and in 
 the Cloncurry District, &c., a sort of pantomime relating to some event of individual 
 interest or tribal importance may be enacted. Thus I have known where the 
 climbing of a tree after honey, the stealing of cattle (the " horns" represented in 
 Kg. 292) by blacks with the tracking and shooting of the marauders, or again, 
 the rescue of a European by three aboriginals in the late floods (which had actually 
 occurred) was staged with full histrionic powers and accoutrements. I have not 
 come across any songs or dances dealing with the prowess, life-history, battles, 
 &c., of any individual deceased : indeed, not in any way to refer to the dead 
 appears to be an understood rule among all these tribes (sect. 67). 
 
 191. (c) May be Taught and Carried to other Tribes. — Corrobborees may be 
 taught and conveyed from one tribe to another. Like articles of exchange and 
 barter, corrobborees may travel in various directions and along identical trade- 
 routes and markets (sect. 229). "When taught to one tribe, the latter may take 
 it on to the next, and so on, the visitors being paid in blankets or other presents 
 in return for the instruction imparted. Sometimes picked men may be sent to a 
 distant tribe just for the sake of learning one : from Boulia to Herbert Downs or 
 Eoxburgh, from Cloncurry, via the Upper Diamantina, to Cork, &c. It may thus 
 come to pass, and almost invariably does, that a tribe will learn and sing by rote 
 whole corrobborees in a language" absolutely remote from its own, and not one 
 word of which the audience or performers can understand the meaning of. That 
 the words are very carefully committed to memory, I have obtained ample proof 
 by taking down phonetically the same corrobborees as performed by different- 
 speaking people living at distances upwards of 100 miles' apart ; as, for instance, 
 
118 EECEEATION: COEUOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AKD GAMES. 
 
 in the case of the Molonga performances, to be subsequently dealt with, where it 
 had already passed through at least three separate and distinct camps (sect. 
 199). This same Molonga also afEords a good illusti'ation of the distance and 
 time taken by one of these dances in its peregrination. Whether the Workia, of 
 the Georgina headwaters and Northern Territory, invented it themselves or only 
 received it from others, it is impossible for me to say : nevertheless, from them it 
 travelled to Camooweal and Lake Nash, whence the Headingly men, the Taroinga, 
 brought it down to Caranddtta, where it made its appearance for the first time in 
 1893. Hence, it branched along in three directions : westwards, to the Toko 
 Eanges, to Carlo, and down the Mulligan ; eastwards, along the Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn Eanges, including Mount Merlin, Buckingham Downs, Ac, and to 
 Cloncurry; southwards, to Eoxburgh and Glenormiston, at both of which localities 
 it appeared at the end of 1894, and so to Herbert Downs and Boulia, where it 
 arrived in 1895. From Boulia, it travelled on the one hand, via Marion Downs 
 down the Georgina, making for the Lower Diamantina, and, on the other, via 
 Springvale for the " Gates," Davenport, and Cork on the Middle Diamantina, where 
 it was met with at the beginning of 1896. Even at Eoxburgh all traces of the 
 meanings of the words had been lost by, or rather were unintelligible to, the 
 individuals singing it. 
 
 192. (si) Performers. — Adults of either sex may take part in the dancing, but 
 as a rule women only perform in the daytime. Men may occasionally join in these 
 day-light ones, but in such circumstances are never blood-feathered (sect. 185) : 
 they are only grease-painted. 
 
 193. (e) Sress and Decorations. — Each tribe appears to have its own particular 
 designs and decorations so far as the accoutrements and paraphernalia are con- 
 cerned (c/! the various articles of attire described in Chap. VII.J, the newly 
 invented corrobboree-song in each district consisting in the main of a new song in 
 an actually old "dress ": of course when it is one that has been imported the 
 accompanying flew " dress " is adopted. Blood-feathering (sect. 185) is invariably 
 used in the male costumes, but never in the female. The following illustrations 
 represent typical local costumes of the Boulia District : — 
 
 Eig. 288. Male.— On the top of the head are fixed two light sticks at right 
 angles, tipped at their extremities with white-owl or corella feathers: this ornament 
 is the ta-ka-le. Over Va&miri-miri, or forehead-net, are stuck a few vertical white- 
 feather bands. The face, trunk, and limbs, as far as the wrists and ankles, are 
 covered with red-ochre grease. Two charcoal spirals reach from the forehead to just 
 below the knees, one spiral passing in front, and the other behind the trunk : also, two 
 semi-ovals of charcoal over the front and side of each elbow. The remaining white 
 stripes, running parallel with the charcoal ones, consist of feather-down put on in 
 the usual way with blood (sect. 185). The "get-up" is completed with a human- 
 hair waist-belt, a hoompara, a bunch of emu or eagle-hawk feathers (the tilyari 
 or pinghara) hanging over the fold of the buttocks, and a bunch of singed leaves 
 tied on to the ankles and wrists. The object of these singed leaves (used only by 
 the men) is to cause a rustling or crackling noise when dancing. The " leaders " 
 in the dance are not to be distinguished, so far as dress is concerned, from the 
 other performers. 
 
 Pig. 284. Male.—M&Y be adopted even during the same performance, 
 indiscriminately with the preceding, than which it is said to be easic^r to properly 
 design. Instead of spirals, the bands are vertical, and the two main charcoal ones 
 are each composed of two closely apposed ones. 
 
 Fig. 285. JfaZe.— Sometimes a design with transverse instead of vertical 
 stripes may be noticed : the easiest of all to manipulate. It consists of thick 
 charcoal bands on the upper chest, stomach, and limbs, filled in between with 
 red-ochre grease and white feather-down. Singed leaves on wrists and ankles as 
 before. 
 
 Eig. 286. Male. — Is a rare variation, practised more in the old days than 
 now. A charcoal band _^encircles the body from one shoulder over the opposite 
 hip : the rest filled in as before. 
 
EECEEATIOlir : COBEOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AOT) GAMES. 119 
 
 Fig. 287. 'Female. — A very common pattern. Excepting the feet and hands, 
 the whole body is first of all greased with red ochre, and the subsequent 
 ornamentation put on, by means of the three fi.iigers, with yellow ochre according 
 to the pattern shown. This tri-linear marking is the hoodija-lcoodija mark of the 
 boomerangs (sect. 241). The number of transverse series across the back varies. 
 The only ornaments used are the moonamulyari apron-belt, and some grass-blades 
 fixed with any coloured band, &e., across the forehead. Singed leaves are never used 
 in the decoration of the women. 
 
 Fig. 288. Female. — Used especially in corrobborees danced by women only. 
 The body is first of all covered with greased red-ochre, and then the white stripes 
 are put on with " kopi," and the black ones with charcoal. To the tahale head- 
 piece, a number of " bilbi"-tai]s are suspended : the remaining articles worn are 
 the apron-belt and )^rass-blades as before, together with a human-hair or opossum 
 string held between the two hands. 
 
 Figs. 289, 290, represent two male costumes in charcoal and " kopi" from a 
 Cloncurry District corrobboree at Clonagh, which had arrived there from the 
 Diainantina, via Kynuna. 
 
 194. (f) Dancing Groimd, Drfissing Eoom. — The corrobboree is always held at 
 some distance from the main camping-ground. The sexes prepare themselves for 
 the dance, and this may occupy the greater portion of the day, in separate 
 localities, the one not being allowed to watch the other : furthermore no 
 individual is permitted, to watch the " dressing" of either, unless he or she shall 
 have previously witnessed that same performance. When, however, the respective 
 toilettes are completed, the performers will betake themselves to what may be 
 called the " green-room," at all events what would correspond to it among more 
 civilised communities, whence they emerge or whither they retreat according as 
 their presence is required or not during the course of the performance. In the 
 Boulia District this green-room consists of a sort of bough-shed formed of long 
 boughs placed slantingly so as to rest upon each other at their apices (Fig. 291) : 
 it is known to the Pitta-Pitta as the duh-ka duk-ka (c/! Pitta-Pitta ^«^-Aa=to 
 stand), to the Mitakoodi a,sjil-hi. There is always at night a fire between audience 
 and performers, affording more or less sufficient illumination to see by. 
 
 195. (&) The Dance. — With the males, the dancing consists in the main of a 
 stamping movement of the feet, raised alternately and rhythmically to the time 
 beaten on the boomerangs, &c., by the audience : during this movement the thigh 
 is raised almost horizontally. Another fairly common movement of the lower 
 extremities is a slight genuflexion, accompanied with a vibratory out-and-in motion 
 of the knees, while the feet are close together. Occasionally one foot may be 
 placed over the opposite knee (a common position of rest), and a hopping kind of 
 a step introduced. The opened, closed, and other positions of the upper limbs 
 vary, of course, in great measure with the different implements, sticks, &c., that 
 may be brought into requisition. Sometimes the ground is struck with the flat of 
 the hands. With the females, the movements of the lower limbs also present great 
 variety : that of the vibration of the knees would seem to be the most usual. The 
 upper extremities, if not otherwise employed with a corrobboree string, &c., are 
 commonly maintained in such a manner that the hands rest on the top of the 
 buttocks, while the elbows, sticking out at the sides, are rhythmically drawn 
 backwards and forwards. In many dances the women never turn their backs on 
 the audience, even when retiring to the dressing-room. The performers may 
 dance singly, in pairs, in Indian file, indeed in almost endless initial positions ; 
 they are invariably led by one or sometimes two "masters of ceremonies" or 
 " leaders," who may be distinguished occasionally by an extra feather-tuft on the 
 arm, &c. : the Pitta-Pitta blacks call this leader by terms signifying the " father," 
 or " old man," the remaining dancers being the " children." Beyond an occasional 
 shout or " whoop " the dancers, certainly while dancing, do not participate in the 
 singing. 
 
 196. (h) The Words of the Song. — The singing is carried on by the audience, 
 including both male and female portions of it, and in its simplest form consists of 
 the repetition over and again, somewhat after the manner of a chant, of some 
 
120 EECEEAtlON : COEEOBiOEEES, SPOETS, AOT) GAMSS. 
 
 simple statement or assertion. In the indigenous, that ia, pure Pitta-Pitta songs 
 at Boulia, there is undoubtedly a variation both in pronunciation and inflexion 
 from the ordinary every-day language, a variation which might certainly be 
 regarded in the light of poetical or musical license. 
 Thus— 
 
 mol-lo-ro-chi-a-na p6r-i-ke nung-\e, ought grammatically to be mol-lo-ro 
 -e-na _pa-koo-la nvmg-hl-a, 
 
 = mountain-alougside-of two (people) sit-down. 
 Again— 
 
 ko-ta nen-ja miin-ka-r««-ni, should be in ordinary conversation koo-iS, 
 nun-yi-ti, &c. 
 
 = water belonging-to-me (is) clean. 
 Or— 
 
 wor-pil-la-ng nen-ya, koo-na-«8«tZ-ya-ro yak-'ka.-jak-kunq-i, should read 
 loor-pil-la nun-jk-ti, &c., the ny being euphonic (compare Pitta- 
 Pitta j^a^ooZow^ooro, sect. 36). 
 
 = hook-boomerang belonging-to-me mud digs-up. 
 
 Other Boulia District songs are — 
 ^e^-'ta ffer-ta, e-ri-^e-cha 
 
 = grass-tops (make) bough-shed. 
 OTa-la-ka «e»!-pa kSrril-pul-Ze-a 
 
 = dog (and) slut are-jumping, &c. 
 
 The first verse of the song gives the name to the particular corrobboree : 
 cf. the European's "Pater Noster," "Alphabet," &c. (sect. 199). 
 
 197. (j) Music of the Song. — TJrfortunatelytheactualharmony of themusici 
 have not been able to decipher : to my unmusical ear the cadences seem always 
 identical, a sort of wail commencing with a sudden rise and ending with a slow 
 prolonged fall. 
 
 198. (k) Beating of the Time. — The audience squat upon the ground, usually 
 in rows (in th« Boulia District) ranged one behind the other, like the seats in the 
 old form of theatre-pit. The men sit in front, the women and children behind, 
 while the dogs are scattered anywhere around. Occasionally the audience is divided 
 into two groups, side by side, one for each sex. Both sexes, as has been already 
 mentioned, carry on the singing and both beat time, the men alone doing this with 
 two boomerangs, one held in either hand, made to strike one another on the ilat : 
 the women clap the open hand on to the crutch of the thighs, and thus produce a 
 loud reverberation (Fig. 293). In the Leichhardt-Selwyn and Cloncurry 
 Districts, the women, instead of striking their thighs, occasionally employ a sort 
 of drum or small pillow made of opossum skin, &c., filled with feathers, rags, 
 &c., upon which they bang with the flat of the open hands : in the Mitakoodi 
 language the name of this pillow is pi-ha-hur-ra. To tintinabulate with boome- 
 rangs is called, in the Pitta-Pitta, moolka-lo wunJca-linga — i.e., to sing with the 
 sticks ; the clapping of the hands, in the same language, is poor-pa-Ie. What 
 with the barking of the dogs, the clapping of the hands, the beating of the 
 boomerangs, the chanting of the song, and the stamping of the dancers — the 
 weird and uncanny appearance presented by the costumes and the different 
 attitudes only lit up by the intervening fire, all help to produce a scene which 
 requires an abler pen than mine to describe. 
 
 199. (l) The Molonga Set of Corrobborees.— An account of this dance, together 
 with the stage directions as far as they could be followed and understood, may not 
 prove uninteresting here as indicative of the powers of memory that are exercised 
 in reciting a song the delivery of which takes upwards of five nights for its 
 completion. Here and there I will show how slight the variations are that may 
 occur over the distance of ninety miles which separate Glenormiston from Boulia : 
 the wonder is increased when it is remembered that the words are sung in a 
 language of which the singers of both localities are entirely ignorant. This same 
 corrobboree also draws into prominence the various changes of costumes throughout, 
 
EECEEAtlON : COKEOBBOEEES, SPOE[tS, AOT) &AMES. 121 
 
 and the introduction of certain salient features wliich distinguish the " boas " or 
 " leader of the dance" from the others: remaining points of interest are the 
 introduction of various implements only to be subsequently destroyed, and the 
 different attitudes assumed by the trunk and limbs. 
 
 The place of origin and peregrinations of this particular corrobboree, as far as 
 they could be traced, have been already referred to in sect. 191. 
 
 The meaning of the word Molonga (e/. Pitta-Pitta mo-ma) is difficult to 
 interpret in European fashion. It hardly corresponds with our conception of the 
 " devil," and yet at the same time it does signify an evil-doer from vphom mischief 
 may be expected. He is invisible to ordinary mortals unless it be to the "doctors," 
 and in general appearance is believed to be something like the central figure in 
 the fi^fth night's performance. When on his depredatory excursions, on the warpath, 
 &e., Molonga is said to tie up the toes on each foot and hitch them up vpith string to 
 their respective knees : another string is similarly fixed to each heel and attached 
 to the back of the knee in corresponding fashion. The object of this tying-up is to 
 necessitate the gentleman's walking only on the under-surface of the instep, with 
 a view to obliterating all the tracks, and so, it comes to pass that his presence is 
 not detected, except of course to the favoured few. [It must be remembered 
 that this particular conception of the evil-one in question is peculiar to the Workia 
 and Upper Georgina tribes : the Pitta-Pitta blacks have different ideas concerning 
 him.] Supposing the performance of this particular corrobboree were not to be 
 properly executed, Molonga would revenge himself by raping the women and 
 putting some of the men to death. 
 
 The green-room shed is here replaced by a large bush, built somewhat after 
 the manner of a haystack, but made of boughs, saplings, and leaves closely inter- 
 laced. This moy-er-jo is about 4i to 5 feet high, and more or less dome-shaped : 
 the performers slink into and out of view from behind this, while the various 
 implements, &c., required in the dance are stuck into it when not in actual use, 
 and where they may be left throughout the whole length of the five days' enter- 
 tainment. It separates the actors' portion of the corrobboree ground from that 
 occupied by the women and children : should a female ever trespass too close to 
 or beyond this spot, or gaze upon any of the corrobboree sticks otherwise than 
 when exhibited during the performance, she would be sure to fall sick, and in all 
 probability die. On each occasion of my witnessing this Molonga dance, the 
 moyerjo was built on the right-hand side (from the audience) of the central fire, 
 in such position as to screen the sun just setting from the spectators. 
 
 It is only men that dance this particular corrobboree, the leader or " boss" 
 (there may be two of them) of each evening's performance being substituted by 
 another or others on subsequent nights. 
 
 a. The First Night's Performance. — There are two leaders here, distinguished 
 from all the others by two red bands across the face and forehead and curled 
 prolongations over each shoulder from the main vertical trunk ones : they also 
 alone wear a feather- tuft stuck into each armlet (Fig. 294, 295). The red and 
 white colours on the face, trunk, and limbs in all the accompanying figures are 
 composed of dyed feather-down stuck on with human blood. The head-piece, 
 shaped like a.straw bottle-envelope, is formed of grass tied round with hair-twine, 
 and tipped with a more or less elongate " kopi "-covered portion formed from 
 the'quills of a bundle of emu feathers. From the human-hair belt hangs a bunch 
 of eagle-hawk feathers on either side, and a Icoompara or else a pearl-shell in 
 front. On the ankles and lower shins are tied some gum or coolibar leaves which 
 have been previously singed (sect. 193) over the fire. 
 
 The forked stick is tipped with white feathers. At sunset the male portion 
 of the audience take their places in the front rows (sect. 198), and tingling their 
 boomerangs sing kiin-jMM-ja ;tior-6-no-mil-la, at the sound of which the women put 
 in an appearance and sit down behind them. [The words of all these songs were 
 taken down always the following day, in the presence and with the assistance of 
 the very same individuals who sang them the night before.] The performers 
 slink up one by one from behind the moyerjo, and as each one comes forward, his 
 advent being accompanied with an extra quick tintinabulation of the boomerangs, 
 
122 EECEEATION : COEBOBBOEEES, SBOETS, AMD GAMES. 
 
 he dances the foot-stanip, half-squats, vibrates thighs and knees, and retires: he 
 advances again and repeats the process. All the performers in succession thus 
 make their preliminary bow before the " footlights," and then the corrobboree 
 proper commences — 
 
 Dancees. Audience: Singing. 
 
 All performers dancing the foot-stamp, r .^.j- jfc„„^ ^-na koo-loo-loo wd-roo (this 
 and w.th hands on the forked stick ^ g^^^ verse giving the name to this par- 
 held horizontally forwards the crutch ^ ^j^^j^^ evening's dance), 
 being on the neck (Fig. 296) ... V, ° ' 
 
 ~, , , 1 f me-nn kor-ww-na Zfe-ia-roo-e-ri. 
 
 Tbe leader alone ... ... ... i - 1', » - - 
 
 ... ^ ^^ ^^ we-at-yor-in-ni. 
 
 All together, but without the sticks, C wol-liin kul-prun-na w«n^-yo-la-prun-na. 
 which have been stuck into the < „ „ lom-jin-ja wM-j6-la- 
 
 moyerjo (. prun-na. 
 
 C a-OTj'Z-ki-prun-na a-»8«^-ka-doo-d6 Zoo-too- 
 At completion of the figure ... ... < to-miir-ro. 
 
 (. Zoo-too-to ma-ro-la 6m-ji bin-yo-la. 
 
 A spell is now given to the dancing, and the musicians sing the following 
 three verses, in which some of the dancers may come round to the front to join, 
 while the women retire to a distance to prepare the tea or supper. Of course, 
 each verse is repeated over and over again, and hence takes an appreciable time in 
 its delivery — 
 
 ^ooZ-la md-ia, Aa-la-ra ka-Za-ra. 
 
 tzw-]a „ ,, ,, 
 
 lm-]a, noo-na, „ „ 
 
 The evening meal having been partaken of, the performance is resumed, and the 
 forked stick is again brought into requisition ; but this time it is held only with 
 one hand, alternately the right and the left — 
 
 Dancees. Audience : Singing. 
 
 All together ... Z^-pip-prin-po-e-j6 min-ga-ro-o-ri. 
 
 The leader alone ... ... ... «t-a min-ka rwZ-li-la. 
 
 All together ... ... ... ... tojn-tu woZ-la A;oor-pa-na. 
 
 Dancing is over now until the following morning, but the singing is kept up 
 all night before the fires until sunrise. Two women beat time with the flat of the 
 hand upon the crutch of the thighs, &c. ; one relieves the other so as to get a snatch 
 of sleep. Some of the audience may continue singing all the night through, but as 
 a rule they rest each other occasionally. The following are a few of three or four 
 dozen verses sung throughout the watches of the night: they were taken down 
 both at Grlenormiston and at Boulia, 90 miles apart, where I heard them rendered 
 by different tribes — 
 
 At Glenoemiston 
 
 (but sung by Roxburgh boys). 
 
 mun-nun-^ib-hi-la, kiin-kun-^or-il-a. 
 k6r-*n-i6-ba-nil-la yiing-a i/ung-ii-Ta,. 
 A;ooZ-k6r-a-n§l-la Z(l-ie-ii-nel-la. 
 ni-riing-j-ra „ 
 
 etc., etc. 
 
 At Botjlia 
 
 (sung by the local Pitta-Pitta). 
 
 mun-nun-ko-;3t-o-la, etc. 
 k6r-«-chi-ba-nil-la o-runff-or-a,. 
 iooZ-k6r-a-nel-la^'(J-ioo-nel-la 
 na-riing-oo-a-ra „ 
 
 etc., etc. 
 
 At the first streak of sunrise, the corrobboree dance is resumed by one 
 individual only (Fig. 297) with a pair of fluted boomerangs (sect. 242), and 
 blood-feathered as in the illustration. The accompanying soug, which gives the 
 dance its name, is koo-Z(J-ri piin-tsi pun-ta-«a. Everything is now over for the day. 
 
 b. The Second NigMs Performance.^ A.t sunset the preliminary soug and 
 double bowing of each performer takes place just as it did the night before. The 
 dancers are all dressed alike (Fig- 298), similar to the "boss" in the previous 
 
BECEEATION: COEEOBBOBEES, SPOETS, AND GAMES. 123 
 
 evening's performance, but have an additional red circular patch on the 
 forehead. The corrobboree implement here is a tight roll made of skin, linen, 
 rags, &c., and wound pretty tightly round vyith string: it is about 18 inches long — 
 
 Dancees. Atidience : S1NGIN&. 
 
 All together, and with the rag-sticks \ *«««-Jin-jiu «»«Z-la wol-lum-Joo-ma-ra; the 
 ° (. name or this night s dance. 
 
 The leader alone f meun korunna, etc.~ 
 
 I meun korunna,etc. 
 
 All together, but without the rag- ( ,, . 
 
 sticks, which have been stuck into < ^^ ' . ' '" ■ ■ ■, , 
 
 fhem^oyerjo ^wollun,etc. ... ^ as on previous night. 
 
 C amilkiprunna, etc. 
 At completion of the figure ... ... < lootooto marola, 
 
 (. etc. ... ...^ 
 
 Subsequently the musicians, while the women are preparing the tea, sing 
 again the three verses — 
 
 poolla, etc. 
 
 linja, etc. 
 
 linja, etc. just as before. 
 
 After supper, the dancing is resumed vnth — 
 
 All together ... ... lippipprin, etc. 
 
 The leader alone ... ... nia minka, etc. 
 
 All together ... ... wintu, etc. 
 
 Singing is kept up all night, and at the first sign of dawn one single 
 performer dances to kur-ra, pUt-jei-put-ya, A'oo-ta-ra mul-Ya,. He is dressed like 
 the individual who danced the " koolari punta" the morning before, but his face is 
 wholly white, there being no bars across it (Kg. 299). He holds a singed leaf- 
 bunch in either hand, which he raises alternately up and down. 
 
 c. The Third Night' s Performance. — On the top of the head-piece is a charcoal 
 ornamentation formed of two or three concentric circles around a central spot, 
 and between two parallel bands joined behind : this circular mark (Fig. 300) is 
 known to the Pitta- Pitta as u-ron-goo-to. The " leader" (Pig 301) can be recog- 
 nised by a transverse bar instead of a circular patch (Pig. 302) on the forehead, 
 while the two vertical bands on the trunk are split up into several more or less 
 rectangular patches. The implement consists of a long stick with a bunch of 
 singed leaves and twigs tied at each end. The corrobboree commences as usual at 
 suaset, but starts with all the performers sitting round in a semi-circle; then the 
 music commences, and the gins are called — 
 
 Dancers. Audience : Singing. 
 
 Performers all squatting — f woo-room po-Zoo-loo ka-too-lum-Ja-na: 
 
 sticks all pointing down to left ... ( the name of this night's dance, 
 sticks all pointing down to right f -,11 ._,«„„ 
 
 CF'cr son / *'""'"''00™ po-too-ioo koo-]e-la-prM«-na 
 
 Performers all standing — f-- ..-•- - 7^- 
 
 sticks horizontal (Pig. 302) . . . | ^^'^^ """"'^ je-mun-^ta-ra 
 
 , . , J , . ( wollun, etc. ^ 
 
 sticks removed to moyerfo ... ... < n i. / 
 
 " '' \ wollun, etc. f ^ i • ■, , 
 
 at Itio C amilkiprunna, etc. ^ as on first night. 
 
 P "■ ■■■ ■" ( lootootomarola, etc. J 
 
 The musicians again sing the same three songs, during the preparation for 
 supper, as on previous occasions — viz , " poolla," &c. 
 After tea, the dancing recommences with — 
 
 Performers ^niiattintr [ wooroom polooloo katoolumbana ") as at eommenee- 
 rertormers squatting ... | ^^ ^ ^^ koojelaprunna [ ment of enter- 
 
 Performers standing ... nara nara jemunkara ) tainment. 
 
 This is followed by the all-night singing, and then at sunrise the " koolari 
 punta" corrobboree is again repeated with similar costume as on the first morning, 
 but two people, instead of one, take part in it. 
 
124 
 
 EECEEATION: COEEOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AlTD GAMtiS. 
 
 as on previous 
 
 d. The 'Fourth Nighfs Performance. — The two " leaders" and other dancers 
 are all dressed the same- (Fig. 303), except that the former wear feather-tufts 
 in the armlets. There is the same " circle" design on the head-gear as of the night 
 before. The corrobboree stick is between 2 and 3 feet long, made of 
 bundles of grass and flax, and bound lengthways with human hair-twiue, and then 
 finished off by being wound round transversely with the same material : some- 
 times it may, in addition, be decorated with three or four narrow rings of white 
 or white-and-red feather-down. 
 
 At sunset, the male musicians commence singing " wooroom polooloo," &c., 
 the same song as the night before, and the gins put in an appearance. The 
 performers now emerge from behind the moyerjo in indian iile, the two "bosses " 
 being respectively first and last. As they advance forwards, stamping rhythmi- 
 cally, and sticks all pointing down to (performers') left, the audience sing " yung- 
 nn-jung-nn-jd wol-lum pool-ma-ra," and when the last one comes into view, the 
 real corrobboree commences with — 
 
 DaNCEES. AtJDIEDfCE : SlNGINff. 
 
 fwin-ii OTa-ko-lun-na ka-p5-?M?-la-pa (the 
 The sticks are changed from left to name), 
 
 right and back again alternately : ■{ „ „ ka-rin-i-or-a. 
 
 two jerks with each. „ „ pul-i\-A hi-nd-ia,. 
 
 Joo-ka-pa-/a-na „ „ 
 
 Sticks put into moyerjo j "^"j}*^"' ^l'^' 
 
 ^ ^ •' . I wollun, etc. 
 
 At completion f amilkiprnnna etc C nights. 
 
 ' (^ lootooto marola, etc. J 
 
 The same three verses, " pooUa," &c., are again sung during the preparation 
 of supper, and after the meal has been partaken of, dancing is resumed v\fith — 
 
 winti makolunna kapolullapa 
 
 „ „ kariniora. 
 
 „ „ pultia banara. 
 
 lookapatara ,, „ 
 
 as at commencement of the evening. The singing as usual goes on again all night, 
 and at sunrise a performer, costumed as on the second morning, dances the " kurra 
 putya," &c. 
 
 e. The Fifth, and last, Nighfs Performance. — The central figure of this 
 entertainment, Molonga himself (Fig. 304), is greased with red ochre on the fore- 
 arms and thighs, and is the only person throughout the whole corrobboree who is 
 feathered on the back. This pattern on the back consists of a median (seen at 
 Boulia, Fig. 305), or unilateral (seen at Grleuormiston, Fig. 306) circle from which 
 the design more or less radiates in the former case, but which becomes somewhat 
 concentric in the latter : both "costumes" are s.iid to be quite orthodox and correct, 
 though the Glenormiston one, being more difficult to " draw," is not so often 
 attempted. Molonga carries a long feather-tipped spear, and numerous white 
 feathers stuck into his hair, but wears no leaf anklets. With regard to the other 
 dancers (Fig. 307), their bead-gear instead of being cone-shaped is flattened from 
 before backwards (sometimes made on a foundation of a disused bent jam-tin) : 
 the two leaders are distinguished from the others by the transverse white bars on 
 the main vertical red trunk-bands, and the feather tufts on the armlets. 
 
 At sunset the male musicians appear first as usual, and sing " wooroom 
 polooloo katoolumbana" (as on the third night), when the women join in, and the 
 performers advance one by one and make their obeisance, as on the first night. 
 The corrobboree itself, while all are dancing with alternate open and closed arms, 
 commences with — 
 
 pil-il-a-roo-la wot-ya-rifm-brln-a (the name). Then 
 pa-flm-pa-«(»!-bi met-ye-k6-/a-ra 
 ga-la-(»er-na wot-y3,-cAa-ra-na 
 „ „ w6t-ya-M)o^-ya-ra 
 
EECBEATION : C0EE0BJ30EEES, SPOETS, AM) GAMES. 125 
 
 The dancing being temporarily over, the evening meal is prepared, but on this 
 occasion there is no " poolla," Ac. ; after supper the musicians sing, accompanied 
 by all the performers dancing — 
 
 6i-Sk-ki-ma,-nU-\a, mol-la-ma-nW-li. 
 „ ,, 5l-loor-»tiJ-ni. 
 
 Suddenly, the great event of the evening appears, amidst the shrieking and 
 shouting of the excited audience, in the person of Molonga himself, who rushes in 
 at them from the darkness in front as if about to spear them : he retires and then 
 advances again to feign another attack. The excitement having subsided on his 
 final disappearance, the singing proceeds with — 
 
 /i;oo-too-la pa-ren-ja-rew-ja 
 ^M«-ti-en po-?oo-loo wol-liim-poo-ma-ra 
 ka-ra pa-fa-pa-^a lH-pa-ring-Zf^-ra. 
 win-na-«a-ra prin-jol-por-on-jo. 
 
 Singing is again kept up all night, but on this particular evening a sort of 
 premium or reward in the shape of extra food, &c., is held out as a bait to keep 
 the men up and singing, the one who holds out till sunrise winning it. At sunrise 
 the whole series of performances is brought to a close by one performer (Fig. 308) 
 dancing "kurra putya," &c. (as at the second morning's entertainment), but 
 instead of the leafy bushes he holds an oval-shaped flat piece of wood in his hands, 
 which he sways from side to side. This implement, which is covered with feather- 
 down on both sides, according to pattern, is intended to depict the female 
 genitals. 
 
 The dance being now completed, the women and children retire while the 
 mojjerjo, together with the head-dresses, forked and other sticks that have been 
 used during the preceding five nights, &c., are all consumed by fire. The sun is 
 well up over the horizon now. 
 
 200. Fables, Tales, and Legends.— How far the following fables are traditional 
 it is impossible to say. The women, and those men who are lazy, that is, who are 
 always loafing around the camp, are the best hands at telling them : a man in the 
 full vigour of mental and bodily physique looks upon it as womanish and childish, 
 almost derogatory, to know anything concerning them, and will almost invariably 
 refer to his gin when any such matters are inquired of. The large majority of 
 the stories refer to animals with human attributes, and in this connection it is 
 well to remember the traditional superstition throughout all these districts, of 
 those extremely remote times when all the birds and quadrupeds were blackfellows 
 (sect. 39) : furthermore there is almost invariably some attempt made at explaining 
 any physical peculiarity or conformation. The following tales were obtained all 
 in the Boulia District : — 
 
 201. (a) Tbe Water-hen and the Emu. — An emu was hatching her eggs in 
 close proximity to a small water-hen, who was also engaged in the same interesting 
 occupation. By-and-by both birds proceeded to walk along the grass for some- 
 thing to eat, and in the evening returned to their respective nests. The same 
 -thing happened next day. But on the following morning, the water-hen got up 
 somewhat earlier than usual and went her way. The emu happening to see her 
 neighbour's eggs, said, " Hullo ! big-fellow eggs all same like mine, me take him," 
 and shifting from her own nest, sat upon them. As the afternoon drew on, the 
 water-hen returned home, and when she saw the emu appropriating her eggs, 
 began growling, but being so much smaller a bird could not use force to turn her 
 away. So she built a large fire, and threw all the ashes over her opponent, who 
 thus got all her feathers browned : in retaliation, the emt threw her antagonist 
 into the flames, and burnt her legs for her, which resulted in their turning red. 
 
 202. (b) The Galah-parrot and the Lizard. — One time, there was a row between 
 the galah and the lizard. The lizard took up a chisel (sect. 149) with which he cut 
 the bird upon the head, the result being that his " top-knot " jumped up like a 
 wood-shaving, and the blood streaked down over his neck and breast (the red 
 
126 EECEEATION: COEEOBBOEEES, SPOETS, ASD GAMES. 
 
 mark): tlie galah, however, revenged himself by getting a lot of the "prickly 
 bendii " or "burr," and sticking it all ever the lizard's back, so as to form the 
 warty growths there. 
 
 203. (c) The Opossum and the Wild (or Spotted) Cat. — The opossum and the 
 spotted cat went away in different directions to collect pappa-seed. The opossum 
 climbed up a coolibar-tree, got his from the pods (sect. 108), and then returning 
 home was just in the act of preparing it on the grindstone, when the cat came back 
 empty-handed. "My word!" said the latter, when he cast eyes upon the seed 
 that was being ground, " good-fellow pappa-seed. Where you get him that one ?" 
 Now the opossum of course was not anxious to tell whence he hsid obtained his 
 supply, so he gammoned a bit, and said " Oh ! I get him along big rough bushes 
 on ground." The cat, believing what he heard, broke a lot of bushes down, and 
 placed the fragments on the stone, but of course they were no good, and as the 
 opossum would not let him have any, poor pussy had to go to bed hungry. 
 Exactly the same thing happened next day, the opossum returning with 
 proper coolibar-seed, and the cat with the bush-tops : again, in reply to inquiry, the 
 opossum told a lie, and while he managed to have a good feed the cat was obliged 
 to starve. On the following morning, both animals started out again to collect food, 
 but the cat instead of going off in an opposite direction watched his opportunity 
 when his companion was out of sight, and stole the coolibar-seed which the 
 opossum had left in his koolamon ; having duly ground, tasted, and eaten it, he 
 remarked, "This more better." When the opossum arrived back in camp, he saw 
 his koolamon empty, and expressed his suspicion by stating, ". Here ! you been steal 
 pappa-seed belong me ? " "No," replied the cat, "pappa belong me all round 
 about." After some preliminary growling they began to fight, the opossum got 
 the worst of it and his ham-strings cut, with the result that his " heel" became 
 very prominent, while the cat got his fur spotted with the seed. 
 
 204. (d) The " Laughing Jackass " and the BlackfeUows. — Two blacks were 
 hunting up a big mob of emus, and having got everything ready in absolute 
 silence, were just about to drive them into the net (sect. 131), when one of these 
 jackasses burst out laughing, and frightened the emus away. Of course the 
 blacks were very wild at having lost their intended prey, and therefore killed him. 
 The bird now always laughs at their failure iu catching emus. 
 
 205. (e) The Snake and the Pish. — A snake and a fish had a fight : the former 
 turned out victorious, and as a punishment made his victim carry his skin (the 
 scales) and bones (dorsal-fin) on his back. 
 
 206. (p) The Eed-tit and the Brown-tit— [The red-tit, Pitta-Pitta moo-na-tim- 
 pi-el-la, is about 2 to 2\ inches long with red head and breast : the brown-tit, Pitta- 
 Pitta iin-er-ta, of similar eize, is a brown bird living among the porcupine-grass.] 
 " Come and catch kangaroo," said the brown to the red-tit ; the latter said, " No ! 
 me go look out for witooTca (sect. 113), and then me go along camp." On their 
 return after a successful expedition in both cases, the red-tit wanted to exchange 
 some of his witooha for kangaroo-flesh, and asked his friend to partake of some, 
 but the only reply he got was, " No ! me no eat him — me get him guts' ache.' 
 When the brown-tit had finished his meal, he hid what remained of the kangaroo- 
 flesh up in a tree, and cleared the ground all round the butt, so that even if the 
 red-tit had stolen some he would have recognised the thief by his tracks in the 
 sand around (sect. 225). By-and-by the red-tit began to think, " What me do?" 
 so he proceeded to the sand-hills, where he saw some emu-tracks, and having dug 
 four or five pit-falls close up against some wild-grape vines (sect. 133), gathered 
 a few witooha roots, and returned with them to camp. It was night-time now, 
 and still being keen on getting some kangaroo-flesh, the red-tit again offered 
 the brown-tit some of Tiis witooha in exchange, but being refused, retired to 
 rest very much disgusted. Early the following morning, however, the red- 
 tit went to have a look at his emu-trapS, and finding them full of emus, 
 cooked and skinned them : what flesh he could not eat, he brought back to 
 camp close alongside the particular tree where the kangaroo meat had been 
 placed. His mate soon saw him, and recognising the emu-flesh said, " Hullo ! 
 
EECEEATION: COEEOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AND GAMES. 127 
 
 you been catch him emu ? Here! give him tne. Me give him you kangaroo." 
 But the red-tit having now the advantage said, " No ! me no want him tuck out 
 now. Might get long ears" (like a kangaroo, sect. 7di, Fig. 25), and to aggravate 
 him still more proceeded a second time to the sand-hills only to return with still 
 more emu-flesh, and again point-blank refused to barter, reiterating, " No ! no ! 
 me might get him long ears and long tail, too." And though the brown-tit gave his 
 assurance that he hadhimself already eaten two kangaroos and had noticed no special 
 growth either in his ears or in the lower part of his back, the red-tit would not 
 come to terms. Of course, as might be expected, they soon both got into a 
 temper, and began to iight, the brown one with a kangaroo-tail, and the red one 
 with an emu-leg : the scrimmage lasted a long while, the red-tit getting his head 
 and breast besmothered in blood, and the brown-tit having his head and beak 
 battered into its present shape. 
 
 207. (g) The Two Fishermen. — Two blackfellows, a Tunda and a Pitta-Pitta, 
 having made some nets went fishing in the Booloo-Booloo water-hole [on the " 15- 
 Mile Creek" branch of the Hamilton Eiver, where the Winton road crosses it, about 
 15 miles from Boulia, sect. 226]. By-and-by, Mul-ka-ri (sect. 260) said to them, 
 " Tou go along other fellow water-hole. Me want him this one water-hole myself." 
 So they turned round and made tracks for Parapi jori [= Parapituri Water-hole on 
 the G-eorgina River — sect. 226), and as they were drawing near their destination 
 saw a lot of hawks flying about (sect. 225) : thus they knew that some one was 
 already camped there. Nevertheless, they went on, and as soon as they reached 
 the water-edge recognised a large mob of blacks on the other side of the river. 
 The latter shouted out, "Hullo! you two-fellow! what name?" (= what 
 do you want ?), pnd got for answer, " Me two-fellow look out pish {= fish, sect. 3). 
 Leave him little-fellow place. Me two-fellow only got him small net." The 
 necessary permission having been granted, the two visitors went out into the middle 
 of the water-hole and driving their hosts away, got all the fish for themselves and 
 returned to Booloo Booloo. When Mitlkari asked them where they had got such 
 a fine haul, they told him a lie and said, " Oh ! from little fellow water-hole, very 
 muddy," so that he should not guess the exact spot. Soon afterwards our two 
 visitors again went to Parapijori, and did exactly the same thing : they turned the 
 whole crowd of iriendlies away, caught all the fish, and told a similar tale to 
 Mulkari on their return. They played this trick so often, that at last the Parapijori 
 boys got into a temper and said, " Me altogether-fellow kill him that two-fellow " : 
 they therefore stuck some hook boomerangs (sect. 224) point upwards into the 
 mud at the bottom of the water, and taking care to cast their nets earlier than 
 usual, caught all the fish, and hid them behind some bushes. By-and-by, the two 
 fishermen came up as usual, and noticing the tracks, exclaimed, " Hullo ! you 
 been catch him pish this morning,? " in answer to which the crowd replied, " No ! 
 me altogether-fellow no been catch him pish this morning. Big mob pelicac and 
 shag been playing about here and catch him all pish," and words to that effect. So 
 the pair went into the water, upon permit being granted, hunted the others away 
 as before, but of course on this occasion caught no fish at all. At last when their 
 patience was exhausted, the Pitta-Pitta said to the Yunda boy, " Tou go dive 
 down," but the latter excused himself on account of his wearing a large head-net 
 (sect. 168). After a bit of wrangling one of them eventually dived down, and as 
 he remained below the surface rather longer than customary, his mate, wondering 
 what had happened , dived down too : directly both were out of sight, all the Parapijori 
 men jumped in, and having drowned them both, stuck them on to the hook- 
 boomerangs in the mud at the bottom. 
 
 208. (h) The Porcupine and the Eagle-Hawk. — A porcupine and eagle-hawk 
 were fighting one day : the latter had a lot of spears which he stuck into the por- 
 cupine (the bristles), but by way of punishment he was made to eat raw meat. 
 
 209. (j) The Black Crow and the Hawk. — A black crow and a hawk had a 
 fight. The hawk succeeded in knocking his adversary over and rolling him in the 
 charcoal, whence his black plumage : he himself got punished, however, by being 
 made to eat putrid meat. 
 
128 BECBEATION: COEBOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AHD GAMES. 
 
 210. (k) The Hawk and the Bower-hird. — There was a quarrel between a 
 small hawk — the species with a " dirty brisket " — and the bower-bird : the hawk 
 got the worst of it. So the hawk thought he would steal his opponent's young 
 ones and eggs, but going to the nest could only find grass and stones there 
 (i.e., the play-ground) : he therefore left a snake in the enclosure which bit and 
 killed the bower-bird when he came home at night. 
 
 211. (l) The Moon. — -A long time ago, when the blackfcllow was a turkey, 
 he damaged his foot and ankle very badly, and asked a gin, a cockatoo-parrot, 
 where the nearest water-hole was. She said, " No water here." He then asked 
 a green parrot if he knew where the water was, and as the foot was becoming 
 more swollen, requested him furthermore to cut it open, but the green-parrot 
 said he couldn't do it. He thereupon successively appealed to a crow, a black- 
 fellow doctor, an eagle-hawk, the moon, a white-fellow doctor, and even the 
 evil-one himself, to render him the necessary assistance : but they one and all 
 said they couldn't undertake the job. As a last chance he begged of the earth- 
 grub to give him relief : the latter said he would, and thereupon bit into the 
 swollen flesh, bored his way deep into the diseased part, sucked all the putrid matter 
 out, and cured the patient. A large corrobboree was therefore held, and the galahs, 
 storm-birds, white and black cockatoos, butcher-birds, magpies, bower-birds, together 
 with the opossums, porcupines, bandicoots, &c., all took part in it. And while 
 the turkey 'and the earth-grub together with the clouds and skies shifted their 
 position (for the latter had until then always remained on the surface of the 
 ground) the whole party began singing " there goes our brother up." And of 
 course both animals stayed up there. But so that the people below should always 
 remember what a good physician he had proved himself to be, the earth-grub 
 sends a moon regularly every month to bear him in mind, for the moon is a 
 brother of his, and, like him, bores his way out of the ground, rises up again on 
 high, sinks once more and dies. He has plenty of brothers, this worm, and so he 
 sends a different one, a moon, every month. [N.B. — That it is a different moon 
 every month is a common belief among these aboriginals.] 
 
 212. (m) The Galah-parrot and the Opossum. — A galah and an opossum, 
 each having tomahawks, were fighting one day, with the result that they both 
 got very much damaged : the parrot got his neck and breast all cut open (red 
 plumage), while the opossum received a black mark on his snout. 
 
 213. The "Come-back" or "Return" Boomerang (Pitta-Pitta mo-ie or jco/j- 
 poo-ro ma-ro, Yaroinga ung-guh-pi-ja-ul-ve-a, Mitakoodi pe-eng hoo-na, &c.) is a toy 
 which, compared with a fighting boomerang, is always lighter, much smaller, and 
 varies in shape from a comparatively strong angle to something approaching a 
 half-moon, the knee or bend being always in the centre. Sometimes it is cut 
 down from one of the other kinds of boomerang that has been damaged or broken. 
 If coloured at all, it is smeared with charcoal : it may often be ornamented, but 
 there is no rule or uniformity in the gravings, of which some of the designs 
 may be very quaint (e.g., emus with net in Fig. 309, iguanas in Fig. 310). No 
 further definitive description can be offered. The return boomerang is never used 
 as a recognised article of exchange or barter : that is to say it does not travel, 
 and is manufactured just as occasion requires. It is strictly a man's toy, and is 
 used in different ways as follows : — In the Boulia District, five, six, or perhaps 
 more men will stand in Indian file, each individual with raised arms resting his 
 hands on the shoulders of the one in front : another of the playmates, standing 
 by himself at some distance ahead and facing the foremost of the file, throws the 
 boomerang over their heads, and as it circles round they all follow it in its 
 gyration, the game being for any of them to escape being hit, each taking it in 
 turn to throw the missile (see bird's-eye view in Eig. 311). Among the Taroinga 
 tribe on the Upper Georgina, they often try and arrange to make up two sides, 
 the object being for a member of one team to hit an individual of the opposite 
 group. In the Cloncurry District, the Mitakoodi fix a peg into the ground, and 
 the one who can strike or come nearest to it with the boomerang when it falls tq 
 the ground is declared the best njan, 
 
BECBEATIOlf : COEEOBBOBEES, .SPOETS, AND &AMES. 129 
 
 It miglit be pointed out here that any kind of fighting boomerang can be 
 more or less thrown in such manner as to " return " or " come-back," making one 
 single complete, or perhaps two incomplete, revolutions from the starting-point. 
 This particular toy variety, however, can make three, or sometimes even four, 
 complete gyrations, each whirl bping antagonistic (i.e., reversed in direction) at a 
 lower level, and smaller, than the one immediately preceding (see the diagrams of 
 the bird's-eye and side-views of its flight in Figs. 312 and 313 respectively). 
 
 214. The Toy " Throwing-stick " is a thin rounded straight stick, usually 
 gidyea, with an elongately knobbed extremity (Fig. 314), the whole varying from 
 about 12 to 20 inches in length : it reminds one somewhat of & nulla-nuUa (but 
 very much attenuated), the larger varieties having even a similar name. At 
 Boulia, Marion Downs, and Glenormiston, the shorter kind is known as boom-bo, 
 in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District as Teoam-po, and in the Cloncurry a,s jim-ha-do : 
 in the Boulia District the larger variety is called moor-ro (cf., Pitta- Pitta mor-ro, 
 a nulla-nuUa, sect. 43/) and in the Cloncurry, min-jo. Held at the thinner end 
 with the arm thrust well back from the shoulder, the smaller toy is thrown from 
 a distance of 2 or 3 yards up and against the fringe of some overhanging bushes 
 or leafy branches, or evep. against some thick foliage held up by a companion: 
 immediately upon striking the obstacle so interposed, the stifk shoots through the 
 air, knob foremost, and with greater impetus to a distance quite one and a-half to 
 twice as great- than would . otherwise be traversed. The larger toy is similarly 
 employed, but is thrown downwards against a tussock or low-lying bush, whence it 
 shoots along or close to the surface of the ground. 
 
 Throughout North- West-Central Queensland is to be met another toy similar 
 to the preceding, and known, certainly in the Boulia and Cloncurry Districts, by 
 the same name — the kun-di kun-di (sect. 43^). It is thick, rounded, from 18 to 
 20 inches in length, pointed at both extremities, but strongly bent (Fig. 315), 
 indeed approaching nearest in shape to the boomerangs mot with around Birdsville 
 (sect. 242) : one can hardly help suspecting, in fact, but that this toy is a stage in the 
 evolution of the boomerang from the nulla-nulla or straight throwing-stick. It is 
 held, convex side forwards, firmly in the hand, and simultaneously pressed close 
 against the extended forefinger : it is thrown downwards against a log or thick 
 branch lying on the ground, from which it rises into the air in a straight direction, 
 revolving in its flight on a more or less horizontal plane. 
 
 215. "The WMrler."— The "whirler," " whirring-stick," "roarer," &c., of 
 one's boyhood days is met with throughout North- West-Central Queensland: 
 (Pitta- pitta ^n'Z-Zira^-a, Roxburgh blacks, mer-pul-li-mung-i, Yaroinga un-mtm-ja, 
 Kalkadoon and Mitakoodi^i-rj/>i-W). It is made of ' a flattened piece of gidyea 
 or other timber, cut into a spindle-shape, into one extremity of which a hole is 
 drilled with a sharpened emu-bone (Fig. 316). By means of the aperture, this 
 whirler is attached to a piece of string fixed to the end of a small stick ; with the 
 latter held in the hand the " roarer " can be made to rapidly revolve, the flat 
 surface as it catches the wind, giving rise to the noise (Fig. 317). The smaller 
 whirring boards are about 4 inches in length, and have no gravings on them, though 
 they may sometimes be red-ochred : they are used as toys or playthings indis- 
 criminately by either sex and at any age. The graved and larger varieties, 7 to 
 8 inches and more, are brought inbo requisition at certain of the initiation cere- 
 monies (sect. 301, Figs. 318, 319), while among the Taroinga tribes they may be 
 put to the special use of love-charms (sect. 325, Fig. 320) : both these last- 
 mentioned would appear to be always kept away from the view of women. 
 
 216. The Ball.— Three kinds of ball-game are to be found in these districts : 
 the " catch-ball," " stick-and-stone," and " spin-ball," the two former of which are 
 certainly indigenous, the last being imported within recent times. 
 
 a. The catch-ball is played everywhere by both sexes, and either singly, or 
 with sides, throwing it from the one to the other, the individuals trying to intercept 
 it while still off the ground. From the fact of the players jumping up to catch 
 it resembling the antics of a kangaroo, the Kalkadoons sometimes describe this 
 game as the " kangaroo-play." The bail itself is made of a piece of opossum or 
 kangaroo hide, or some rags, &c., tied up with opossum-string or hair-twine. 
 
130 UECEEATION : COEEOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AIKD GAMES. 
 
 h. Stick-and-stone I only know of being practised in the Boulia District wliere 
 it is spoken of by the Pitta-Pitta blacks as poo-cho poo-oho tou-e-mul-le-a {cf. 
 Kalkadoon poo-cho poo-cho, the name for a spin-ball, and Pitta-Pitta tou-e-mul-le- 
 the reflexive form of the verb lou-e- to hit, or to strike). It is played among the 
 men, with from four to six individuals on each side, the two groups standing 
 at a distance of from 15 to 20 yards apart : the members of each group, all 
 armed with a stick, stand one behind the other, a space of 3 or 4 feet 
 separating them. The game consists in alternately throwing a stone in the rough 
 and of convenient size from one side to the other, each individual trying to 
 intercept it with his stick as it skips or rolls before him on the ground. 
 
 c. The spin-ball is a round ball of about 1 to IJ inch diameter, made of lime, 
 ashes, sand, clay, and sometimes hair, rolled into shape either between the hands 
 or the folds of a blanket, and subsequently baked, thus making it smooth and 
 hard : it may subsequently be painted with red or yellow-ochre. The ball is 
 spun by being pressed between the fore and middle fingers (Fig. 321) upon 
 either a patch of smooth hard ground, or more usualjy upon a flat board, sheet of 
 kerosene-tin, &c. Played by men and women, two or even three at a time ; the 
 one whose ball spins longest wins the stake, which is often a wax-match or two ! 
 The game can also be played by the participants taking sides, each backing 
 individual members against its adversary's. It would iappear to have been 
 introduced into these parts from the Lower Diamantina Eiver, within but very 
 recent years, coming up the G-eorgina via Bedouri : it does not seem to have 
 reached, or to be known, to the Mitakoodi as yet (1896). The spin-ball is called 
 jil-lor-a at Boulia, po-po-jo at G-lenormiston and Eoxburgh, poo-cho poo-cho in the 
 Kalkadoon country, and un-ni-dup-it -up-pa at Headingly and Lake Nash. 
 
 217. The Skipping-rope. — Among the Northern Mitakoodi and Grenada 
 Kalkadoon, a sort of skipping-rope, too-ri too-ri, is made from the long roots of 
 the Bauhinia or of the big white-gum growing near the water's edge : the rope is 
 held by two play-mates, who swing it backwards and forwards — they do not 
 circle it. 
 
 218. "Humt the Eye" is played as follows: — On a small piece of level sandy 
 ground, a circular space of from 2 to 2^ feet in diameter is roughly marked out, 
 and carefully smoothed over with the hand. Round this ring members of either 
 sex and any age may be squatting, and all eyes being closed at a given signal, one 
 amongst the number will hide some small object beneath the sand which the others 
 will now«et upon discovering. The object hidden is the lens of a rat's, opossum's, 
 or small kangaroo's eye, removed after cooking ; indeed, the'Kalkadoons speak of 
 this as the mil-fi or " eye "-game, though, as a matter of fact, anything different 
 from the constituents of the subjacent soil, e.ff., seeds, &c., and of comparatively 
 minute size, say, ^ to i inch in diameter, may be used for the purpose. The players 
 start looking for the hidden object by picking up a pinch or two of sand at a 
 time, and letting it sift slowly through the fingers. Another way of playing 
 the game is for the original hide'r, while the others have their eyes open, to take 
 up handful after handful of sand and sprinkle it here and there rapidly over the 
 circular space : he watches his opportunity, and lets the object to be hidden fall 
 with the sand.. " Huiit the Eye" is common throughout all the different 
 ethnographical districts. 
 
 219. " Hide and Seek" is also a very commonly played game, even by adults. 
 There may be as many as three seekers in it, these covering their eyes with the 
 hands, or putting their heads, with eyes shut, close to the ground while the others 
 hide themselves. If they cannot find those who are concealed, they often make a 
 whistling sound as a sign of defeat. 
 
 220. " Smoke-Spirals " are played thus :— Any leaf, piece of light bark, or 
 even a mussel shell, by means of a peculiar motion of the wrist and arm, can be 
 thrown in such manner into the smoke rising from an ample fire as to ascend with 
 it like a spiral. There are different ways of holding the article in question, the 
 most usual being represented in Fig. 322 : the wrist is rotated outwards at the 
 same time that the fore-arm is jerked sharply forwards and downwards the object 
 
EECEEATION: COEBOBBOEEES, SPOETS, AND GAMES. 131 
 
 leaving the hand just at the completion of the movement. Another method of 
 throwing the leaf into the smoke is to hold the leaf betweeji the fourth and fifth 
 digits, as in Kg. -323, and with a motion of the fore-arm similar to that in the 
 preceding rotate the wrist inwards : the Kalkadoon among whom I have 
 noticed this way of jerking it, speak of this game as pi-ri-jo-rong-o. A far 
 easier and commoner method of throwing the leaf is to make the firmly extended 
 fore-finger of the one hand act as a sort of spring on the other (b^ig. 321), the 
 leaf at the moment of release being shot at an angle into the smoke. 
 
 221. IJEiiuiokii^ Animals and Birds. — The mimicking of animals and birds 
 forms an important category in the diversions with which the aboriginals of these 
 districts may amuse themselves in their leisure tiours. Emus and kangaroos can 
 be very well imitated ; the former especially at even a short distance might easily 
 be mistaken for the genuine article (Fig. 325). The mimic's arm and hand 
 represent the bird's neck and head, his own head and back being covered with a 
 blanket (a Queensland G-overnment one probably), the extremity of which he tilts 
 up, with a bunch of feathers in his hand perhaps, to indicate the tail Or again, 
 a whole party may be bathing together in the river, and while some may be 
 imitating the actions and " calls " of various water-birds, others will hunt and try 
 to catch them. The most interesting and perhaps most general of all these 
 " imitative " games is the drawing of different animal and bird-tracks in the 
 smoothed sand, by means of the fingers, finger-nails, palms, small sticks, &c. . 
 after making several of these artificial tracks they will finish up with a European 
 boot-print, making it about 10 or 12 inches in length, and then burst out laughing 
 at its ludicrous size. It will subsequently be noted that given a fairly-sized 
 camp, the foot-print of each adult may be recognised by the others (sect. 225). 
 
 222. Conrsing. — A form of " coursing " is practised in the Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District as follows : — A wallaby, dingo, rat, Ac, having been previously 
 caught with a net'^ is kept -alive and in captivity by means of a strong twine attached 
 to one of its legs. When all the players are ready, and in position, the animal is 
 let go, and must be caught with the hands only, no sticks, stones, or boomerangs 
 being permissible in its recapture. 
 
 223. Pit-throwing is a game played by the Kalkadoon. Any fairly-sized 
 bone, often a human shin, is slung by means of attached twine over an emu-net 
 into a pit or hole exc^tvated on its further side. Considering the great distance 
 often intervening between the thrower and the excavation, great skill is 
 apparently necessary in making the bone fall into the hole without touching the 
 net. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 TRAVEL, TRADE, AND BARTER. THE SO-CALLED "LETTER" OR 
 "MESSAGE-STICK." 
 
 Contents.— Section 224. The "Walk-about." 225. Signs and Signals on the Road. 226. 
 Names of Water-holes, Camping Grounds, &c. 227. The Points of the Compass. 228. Arrange- 
 ments at the Camping Ground. 229. Trade Routes ; 230, in the Boulia District ; 231, in the 
 Upper Georgina District ; 232, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 233, in the Cloncurry District. 
 234. Transmission of Customs, Reliefs, and Language by means of these Trade Routes. 235. The 
 So-called Letter or Message-sticks. 236. Notes to Illustrations of these Sticks. 237. How a 
 Message-stick is put into Use. 
 
 224. The "Walk-about" is perhaps, in its ultimate results, one of tte most 
 important institutions in vogue among the aboriginals, and yet one on account of 
 which their white brethren will, as often as not. hold them up to ridicule' and 
 contempt. To the settlers it is considered in the light of an excuse for a holiday 
 or for shirking the work upon which the blacks would otherwise be employed: 
 surmises that in some cases may be perfectly correct. In the majority of instances, 
 however, this walk-about is but part and parcel of the great trading or bartering 
 system which is more or less continually going on throughout the various districts. 
 Certain trade-routes laid down from time immemorial along their own or 
 messmates' country are followed by the members of a tribe or tribes, along which 
 each knows that he is free to travel unmolested : these routes, of greater or less 
 extent, are rigidly adhered to. The opening of the local market, so to speak, 
 may take place at the instance of one of the elders or " bosses" at one of the 
 larger cainps, e.g., Marion Downs, li'ort Constantine, &c., where instructions are 
 issued as to when to leave, whom to go, what to take, and what to return with. 
 In smaller and less frequented encampments, e.g., Boulia, the peregrination may 
 commence when any fresh pituri is seen knocking about for sale, this being a 
 pretty certain indication that their neighbours elsewhere must all be on the walk- 
 about themselves. It also often happens that an individual will start on the road 
 for business on his own, or friends' account, whenever the inclination suits. 
 
 The recognised routes invariably, and for reasons readily intelligible, run 
 along water-courses and water-holes ; taking all in all it may be stated that owing 
 to the ordinarily scanty supplies of this commodity during the summer months, the 
 walk-about usually takes place sometime during the winter ones. The length of 
 time occupied on each journey varies with the distance of course, from a few 
 weeks to several months, and cases are not unknown where the blacks will travel 
 all one winter before reaching their destination, will spend the summer, the dry 
 season, there, and then return the following winter. 
 
 225. Signs and Signals on the Eoad. — In connection with these peregrinations 
 certain methods are adopted for indicating the road or denoting the traveller's 
 presence to friends and fellow-tribesmen in front or behind : such are the smoke- 
 signals, finger-posts, foot-prints, geopraphical names, terms for cardinal points, 
 &c. Smoke-signals and signal-fires are known to have been recognised and 
 answered at distances upwards of ten miles apart. A variation is sometimes 
 made in "breaking" the smoke so as to make it rise in quickly succeeding 
 columns : these smoke-breaks are made by lighting an ordinary fire in the open, 
 but alternately covering and removing with leafy boughs in rapid succession. 
 " Smoke-rings" at Birdsville and the surrounding district are said to be produced 
 by igniting some bushes placed inside a hollow log fixed up on end, on the top of 
 of which a piece of bark is placed, this being quickly slipped off in the same 
 horizontal plane, and as speedily replaced when a " ring" is wanted : I have 
 observed nothing like this, however, around Boulia. In response to inquiry, it 
 would appear that no special information can be conveyed by these smoke-signals 
 beyond the actual presence there of the person or persons making them. Though 
 outside human control, yet forniing a very distinctive sign at long distance of the 
 presence of a camping-ground, are the numerous small brown hawks which will 
 follow in the wake of the travellers for miles and miles : in the early days, these 
 feathered scavengers have often proved the means of giving the aboriginals away 
 
TEA.VEL, TEADE, AlTD BAETEE. " LETTEE OE " MESSAGE-STICK. 
 
 133 
 
 (sect. 207). To show any deviation from the main-track, a finger post, in the 
 shape of any small sticT?, tussock of grass, &c , is stuck in the direction to he pur- 
 sued into a small mound of sand, earth, &c., two or three inches high, erected on the 
 roadway. Sometimes the somewhat similar plan ia adopted of placing at intervals of 
 every 200 yards or so, a tussock of grass pulled up hy the roots: not so much to actasa 
 director but rather to ensure for those following that the route pursued is the correct 
 one. Mr. Wienholt tells me that on Warenda and around the Hamilton River gene- 
 rally, what he believed to be a form of a track-signal, in the form of two boomerangs 
 placed crosswise on the flat, used frequently to be met with when the blacks were 
 in the neighbourhood. The most definitive forms of track-signal, however, are 
 the actual footprints of the party preceding ; and in this connection it may be 
 noted that in each camp many an individual's footprint is known and remembered, 
 very much in the same way that a European can often recognise certain hoof- 
 marks belonging to particular horses of his. At Boulia, when a black proposes 
 leaving camp for a few days, and is unwilling to take with him all his belongings, 
 little enough though they are, he will go to some neighbouring and not too much 
 frequented spot, leave his impedimenta there, and on the surface around clear a 
 circular space, upon an extra well-smoothed portion of which he will plant an 
 imprint of his foot : this impress being well known to his mates, he can rest assured 
 that the property will remain intact during his absence (sect. 206). No evidence 
 has been forthcoming, at all events in the Boulia District, where it was carefully 
 inquired for, that the track is ever indicated by any cuts, marks, &c., on the trees. 
 
 226. Names of Water-holes, Camping-grounds, &c. — At the chief encampment, 
 the central camping-home of each tribe, there is a name for every landmark, or 
 what can possibly be used as such, in the vicinity: each sandhill, mountain, 
 water-hole, river bend, stony ridge, gully, bigger-sized tree, indeed anything and 
 everything out of the ordinary has a special name applied to it. During my visit 
 to Roxburgh Downs I was shown a fairly-sized water-hole, the portions of which 
 are described at least under seven different names. The importance of water both 
 in the neighbourhood of camp and along the different lines of travel will explain 
 in some measure how it happens that, except in the case of a mountain or some 
 markedly elevated ridge, all geographical location is indicated among these 
 different peoples. by words denoting creeks, rivers, water-holes, lakes, or springs. 
 It thus comes to pass that the head stations, townships, &c., of the white settlers, 
 which have been built on sites selected for exactly similar reasons, have all their 
 aboriginal equivalents in the names of their adjacent water-holes, thus: — 
 
 :} 
 
 Boulia 
 Buckingham 
 
 Downs 
 Chatsworth 
 Clonagh 
 Cloncurry (also ) 
 
 River) ... 3 
 
 Dalgonally 
 Devoncourt ... 
 Eddington 
 Fort Constan- ) 
 
 tine ... ( 
 
 Bool-yo. 
 
 Wol-ul-ta. 
 
 Mo-a. 
 Bil-li-hung-gul. 
 
 Pi-mur-ra. 
 
 Ya-ho-in. 
 
 Ka-ta-ga-un-ji-ing-o. 
 
 On-da-roon-doo. 
 
 Lun-ta-or-gul. 
 
 Port William... 
 Glenormiston 
 Grenada 
 Herbert Downs 
 Leila vale 
 McKinlay 
 
 (township) 
 Roxburgh 
 Springvale 
 Ulolo 
 Warenda (creek) 
 
 Tou-er-el-Ja. 
 Wor-ha-pa. 
 Ti-ha-ri-pul. 
 Wun-de-ra. 
 Woong-ool. 
 
 [■ Yal-la-kud-ye. 
 
 Munq-a-la. 
 Bo-nin-ji. 
 Ma-chi-rung-i-rul. 
 Wa-rin-ta. 
 
 The following are the names of some rivers and water-holes :- 
 
 Corella or Wil- 
 liams R. 
 Eullarton'R. ... 
 Hamilton R. ... 
 Hamilton W.H. 
 McKinlay R. ... 
 
 > Ka-ra-la. 
 
 Ma-ka-hur-i. 
 
 JEn-ji. 
 
 300-100 Boo-loo. 
 
 Ta-ra-ri.Kul-ye- 
 
 Paripituri W.H. Fa-ra-pi-jor-i. 
 Rockies W. H. ) 
 
 (on the Upper >• Wool-hun-ni. 
 
 Burke River) ) 
 Williams R. ... Kul-poo-roo. 
 
 The remainder are a few names of mountains : — 
 
 Table Top Mn. ) 
 
 (Cloncurry) j 
 
 Black Mountain ) 
 
 , (Cloncurry), ) 
 
 Ya-ra Ya-ra. 
 Oo-ro-lo. 
 
 Mount Datson 7 ^„^ ^„ ^^„ ^^ 
 (Warenda) j ^"P'P'' ^"P-P"' 
 
 and two neigh- 1 Nin-.ma-roo, 
 bouring hills ) BoO'doo-wa-ri, 
 
134 XEATEL, TEADE, AJSTD BAETEE. 
 
 227. The Points of the Compass. — In addition to geographical nomenclature, 
 directions can be further indicated by the cardinal and intermediate points, which 
 are here given for the Boulia and Cloncurry Districts. 
 
 
 PlTTA-PlMA AND 
 
 Messmates. Mitakoodi 
 
 North 
 
 ti-nung-a-ra 
 
 yuk-koo-he-ri. 
 
 South 
 
 wor-ka-ra 
 
 mvM-ta-ha. 
 
 East 
 
 te-ri-wa 
 
 koonq-ga-ri. 
 
 West 
 
 kul-ka 
 
 Toong-ka-ri. 
 
 North-east ... 
 
 u-ro-mo-ko 
 
 kud-yi-li. 
 
 North-west ... 
 
 mul-ka 
 
 kool-bil-la. 
 
 South-east 
 
 too-cAe-ra 
 
 
 South-west ... 
 
 u-lor-a 
 
 
 228. Arrangements at the Camping-ground. — On the road a man will 
 travel by himself, unlike a woman, or in company. If women are present, 
 they bring up the rear with the children, well-stuffed dilly-bags and other 
 possessions, the. inen at some distance ahead carrying their own fighting 
 weapons. As the different parties reach their ultimate destination, they take 
 up their quarters or build temporary huts around the visited, their hosts', 
 camp upon that side of it in the direction whence they came. Thus, in the 
 Pitta-Pitta camp at Boulia, if all arrangements were properly carried out, 
 the Miorli visitors from Springvale and the Diamantina would settle down 
 on the eastern side of the Boulia-ites, the Tunda and Tellunga folk on the north, 
 the Marion Downs people on the south, &c. From the fact that a comparatively 
 large number of people of both sexes may be congregated at the various camps 
 and swapping-grounds, pleasure is often combined with business, new corrobborees 
 are performed and taught to others, or perhaps old ones exchanged, a general 
 holiday made of it, and the relaxation thoroughly enjoyed. When acquaintances 
 meet, men and men,. there may be a hand-shaking, but whether this is indigenous 
 or a habit derived from the whites I am unable to say. Instead of for sorrow, 
 tears may be made to flow, among the women-folk, for very gladness. Thus, a 
 not uncommon form of greeting, say, after some years' interval, between mother 
 and daughter, among the northern Kalkadoon of Quamby, &c., is for the elder 
 woman to take any heavy stick, a fighting-pole, and, digging into the top of her 
 head, rub it in there until the blood comes, crying and sobbing as much as she 
 can : the daughter from behind is all this time putting her arms round the old 
 woman's waist, and when she thinks that her mother has given way sufSciently to 
 her feelings will forcibly take the stick away. 
 
 229. Trade Routes. — In the following notes relative to the trade-routes, 
 markets, &c., of some of the more important tribes of North-West- Central 
 Queensland, difficulty is here and there experienced in locating their chief home 
 or head-encampment owing to there being perhaps no station homestead marked 
 near enough on the maps to indicate accurately its geographical position : further- 
 more, the alienation from the aboriginals of their hunting-grounds, the hostility 
 of some of the station-managers, stockmen, &e., and other causes, have of late 
 years concurred, and still concur, in making appreciable changes in the lines of 
 travel. Information has been collected concerning the " markets" of the Boulia, 
 Upper Georgina, Leichhardt-Selwyn, and Cloncurry Districts, and in this order it 
 is proposed to deal with them. 
 
 230. (a) In the Boulia District, Pitta-Pitta blacks will travel via Herbert 
 Downs to Glenormiston, and then either on to Carlo or to Roxburgh, returning the 
 same way to Boulia or Marion Downs. This is the route adopted when pituri is 
 required : the plant (sect. 147) grows in the neighbourhood of Carlo, whence 
 some of it is already taken over to Roxburgh vid the Toko Ranges. This same 
 tribe, the Pitta-Pitta, together with the Boinji and Yellunga, may also go along 
 the Burke and Wills Rivers to Buckingham Downs, Chatsworth, and Devoncourt 
 to return with spears and koolamons : others, in company or not with Kalkadoon 
 people, may continue their journey along the ranges to Rochdale and Carandottn,, 
 returning home down the Georgina vid Herbert Downs and Parapijori, exchanging 
 Government blankets, pituri, human-haii: belts, " bilbi"-tail8, &c., for shields, 
 
THE SO-CAILED " LETTEe" OE " MESSA&E-SXICK." 135 
 
 stone-tnives, opossum twine, human-hair twine (sect. 162), and hand-spears. The 
 Yunda people will visit Boulia, Marion Downs, Cooraboolka, Springvale, Dia- 
 mantina Gates, and following the river up to Kynuna and Dagworth, may sometimes 
 call in atMcKinlay, and return home via Devoncourt and Chats worth: these take 
 or collect on the road pituri, spears, opossum-twine, and boomerangs for the 
 Tellunga, Kalkadoon, and Q-oa, obtaining in exchange stone-knives, spears, &c. 
 The Weelko, Kwokwa, and others, starting from Marion Downs, &c., travel up 
 the Georgina as far as Headingly, returning via Gordon's Creek, Walaya, Toko 
 water-hole, and Glenormiston : they barter all sorts of spears, ornate boomerangs 
 (sect. 241), Government blankets, &c., for lun2;a-lunga (sect. 2i2) and hook- 
 boomerangs (sect. 244), leaf -shaped wommeras (sect. 253), and long single-piece 
 spears, painted shields (sect. 254), pearl-shell, eagle-hawk feathers, grind-stones 
 (sect. 154), &c. The Miorli, from the neighbourhood of Springvale, may take a 
 road up the Diamautina as far as Cork, and, until a few years ago, or perhaps 
 still, cnt across even to Acheron Creek, Tocal, and down the Thomson to Carella, 
 returning by the same route : they exchange langa-lunga and hook-boomerangs, 
 shields, pituri. Government blankets, and other commodities obtained at Boulia, 
 Marion Downs, or Cork, for bigger shields, yellow ochre, flat-tipped single-piece 
 hand-spears, red handkerchiefs, shirts, and " white-shell" (sect. 182). The 
 Ooloopooloo, Tunnateunnea, Tinka Tinki, Koonkoolenya, Dunga-Dungara, 
 Eukkia, and others (all south of Boulia) may travel down the Georgina fiiver as 
 far as Cuttaburra and L. Machattie, when they make their way across through 
 Karkori and Toorikungora to Birdsville, whence they return up the Diamantina 
 to Monkira, and back home again via St. Albans and Cluuy : just at the present 
 time Davenport Downs is not visited, as they are not too friendly with the Miorli 
 men who would be met there. They take koolamons, shields, spears, kangaroo 
 teeth (sect. 166), Government blankets, pitiiri, grind-stones, red-ochre, &c., for 
 which they obtain other blankets, human-hair belts, " bilbi"-tail8, white plaster 
 (kopi), &c. 
 
 231. (b) In the Upper Georgina District, the Taroinga have trade relations on 
 the north with the Workia, whom they meet at Lake Nash, Austral Downs, and 
 Camooweal, and from whom they get pearl-shell, eagle-hawk feathers, stone- 
 knives, large koolamons, human-hair belts, &c., in exchange for spears, hook and 
 simple boomerangs, white-man's knives, blankets, shirts, trousers, as well as pituri, 
 small (coolibar) koolamons, emu-feathers, &c. On the south, the Taroinga are in 
 communication with the TJndekerebina natives of the Toko Ranges, who come up to 
 them either direct to Gordon's Creek, or else indirectly, up the Georgina, via 
 Glenormiston: the Toko people come with pituri, opossum-twine, blankets, &c., 
 and take back ochre, boomerangs, stone-knives, human-hair belts, &e. Again, in 
 another direction, on the east, along by Eoehdale, &c , the Taroinga barter with 
 the Kalkadoon, Tellunga, &c. 
 
 232. (o) In the Leichliardt-Selwyn District, the Kal kadoon, said to be the most 
 savage of the aboriginals under consideration, travel southwards but very short 
 distances outside their own immediate country. They came down from their high- 
 land home to Camooweal, Headingly, &c., to meet the Workia and Taroinga ; to 
 Port Constantino to see the Mitakoodi; and to Buckingham Downs, Ac, to visit the 
 Tunda, Tellunaa, and oiher Boulia District tribes. At the Georgina Eiver markets, 
 the Kalkadoon exchange lunga-lunga boomerangs, stone-knives, human-, opossum-, 
 kangaroo-, and waliaby-hair (in the rough), koolamons, short wommera- spears and 
 long gidyea ones — for blankets, human-hair twine, other boomerangs and spears, 
 nuUa-nullas, fighting-poles, grindstones, red ochre, dilly-bags, grass necklaces, 
 hook-boomerangs, and shields. To Buckingham Downs, Chatsworth, and, until a 
 a short time ago, Noranside, the Kalkadoon bring similar articles to those taken to 
 the Georgina; but in this case they return chiefly with pituri, fishing-nets, &c. 
 
 233. (n) In the Cloncurry District, among the Mitakoodi, with head encamp- 
 ment at Fort Constantino, some five markets may be noted, to each of which they 
 take for barter the following articles (with their Mitakoodi names) : — Tellow ochre 
 (pa-ro, moo-loo moo-loo), red-ochre {ji-ring-er-i), a bluish probably-copper stone 
 {mom-ma-ji-mun-ji), large koolamons for carrying water, women's opossum-twine 
 
136 TEATEL, TEADE, AND BAETEfi. 
 
 waist-belts, fighting-poles, shields, hand-spears, "whitewood" boomerangs, &c. 
 In exchange for these commodities they get : at MuUangera, from the Nouun 
 tribes, the shell-wommera with its corresponding spear (ta-poon), and white-shell 
 (che-ka-ra) chest-ornament which has been already obtained by barter from the 
 Karunti through Croydon, &c., from Normanton, &c. ; at Eddington and 
 Dalgonally, from the "Woonamurra, fishing-nets {moo-na), other kinds of wommeras 
 and spears, and the forehead net (mi-ri mi-ri) ; at Canobie, from the Mikoolun, 
 similar articles to what were obtainable at MuUangera ; at various points on the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn Ranges or at Port Gonstantine, from the Kalkadoon, flax- 
 twine, human-hair belts, opossum-string waist-belts, ochre, &c. 
 
 234. Transmission of Customs, Beliefs, and Language, &c. — This system of 
 inter-communication, necessitated by exchange and barter, is one to which far too 
 little importance appears to hare been attached by European writers. In the 
 case, for instance, of implements, stress has hitherto been laid on the particular 
 locality whence they have been collected, rather than upon the particular tribe or 
 district which originally manufactured them. The presence in camp at Boulia of 
 opossum-hair and eagle-hawk feather ornaments (both of which creatures are 
 almost extinct in the neighbourhood), mother-of-pearl and other marine shells, as 
 well as two curiously barbed spears (which I knew from previous evidence and 
 descriptions could only have come from one of the Northern Territory coast 
 tribes), led me on step by step to the inquiry as to how these articles, as well as 
 others, reached their destination. The outcome of these investigations was that 
 the various recognised trade routes were gradually learnt, and the commodities 
 bartered at the different swapping-grounds enumerated. Mention has already been 
 made (sect. 228, &c.) how that comparatively large numbers of people of both sexes 
 may be congregated sometimes at these local markets. Thus it happens that 
 ideas are interchanged, superstitions and traditions handed from district to 
 district, and more or less modified and altered in transit, that new words and terms 
 are picked up, and that corrobborees are learnt and exchanged, just like any other 
 commodities. 1 have repeatedly obtained proofs of similar customs, beliefs, 
 corrobborees (sect. 191), &c., holding good among tribes separated by miles of 
 country which, except through the medium of others, had certainly not within the 
 white-man's memory ever been in communication. Thus, tribes occupying 
 territory at opposite extremes, and beyond them also, of a large district like 
 Nortb-West-Central Queensland are brought into contact through the inter- 
 mediation of others : indeed, so far as philology alone is concerned, it is matter for 
 wonder that there are comparatively ao fevf , where we might have expected so many, 
 words with common-root stems among tribes undoubtedly speaking absolutely 
 different languages. Again, there is reason to believe that for future pioneers 
 and settlers into the far western, and what is still believed to be arid, country, a 
 knowledge of these aboriginal lines of travel or trade-routes might prove of great 
 value, since only along them would there be a chance of finding water. Out 
 beyond the Toko Ranges, over large areas still awaiting exploration at the hands of 
 Europeans, the Undefcerebina men, who were encamped at Glenormiston during 
 my visit there, assured me of certain definite routes which they had themselves 
 followed— they knew all about the Central telegraph line in the sister colony, 
 which some of them had seen. Furthermore, it is quite within the realms of 
 probability that a careful study of the aboriginal trade-routes throughout the 
 various colonies (as in the analogous examples elsewhere of the migrations of 
 animals and birds) would throw no unimportant light upon that much-vexed 
 question as to the source of origin of the Australian aboriginal — whence he came 
 to be where he is now found. 
 
 _ 235. Letter or Message Sticks.— Circumstances often arise which may prevent 
 an individual setting out for the " swapping-ground " or local market, and in such 
 cases he may send a substitute or agent together with a so-called letter-stick to do 
 business for him. This letter or message stick is called ka-lor-i by the Pitta-Pitta 
 tnhes, Jeool-bo by the Mitakoodi, and koong-ga by the Kalkadoon: in the last- 
 mentioned language this word signifies a piece of wood of any description {e.g., 
 sect. 161). The stick is usually a piece of wood, gidyea, ti-tree, or any other con- 
 Tenient, coloured perhaps black, red, or yellow, from two to four or more inches in 
 
tSM SO-CALLED "lETTEE** OE " MESSAGE-STICK.'* 137 
 
 lengtli, cut to various shapes from flat to round, and incised with yarious marks or 
 patterns : occasionally, if the sender is in a hurry, or too lazy to manufacture one, it 
 may consist of some peculiarly-marked twig in the rough, a plain piece of wood 
 cut to shape, a sihall bundle of rags tied round and round with hair-string, twine, 
 or cotton, &c. It means nothing more than a sort of brand or mark belonging to 
 an individual who, so long as he is able to recognise it again, or others for him, 
 can vary it at will in shape, size, or design : in other words, two which happen to 
 be totally unlike, may be accompaniments of the identical message. More than 
 anything else, the stick acts as a sort of guarantee of good faith, to show there is 
 " no gammon," and may at times act as a safeguard or passport over otherwise 
 hostile country : there is nothing on it in the form of a communication which can 
 actually be read, the substitute or messenger invariably carrying the message by 
 word of mouth. The messenger is in all cases an adult man, never a woman, and 
 a person, such as a brother, &c , whom it is known can be trusted. With regard 
 to the particular shapes and designs of these message-sticks, there are traces of 
 similarity even over large areas of country. In the Boulia District they are 
 flattened, generally thinner at the edges than elsewhere, rounded or more or less 
 pointed at the extremities, and incised only with straight lines. These straight 
 lines are cut either parallel with, at an angle, or across each other, and represent 
 quite arbitrarily anything which the manufacturer chooses, from a mountain or a 
 river to a station homestead : sometimes, the comparatively large size of the head 
 station or chief encampment has been attempted in an extra number of lines or 
 cross lines. The back ot the message-stick bears the same or similar design as 
 the front, or else is covered with " flash" marks, to make it look " pretty fellow" ; 
 these marks have no other meaning whatsoever, alleged or implied. In the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn District, the Kalkadoon letter-stick bears usually a design of 
 a phallic nature (Fig. 333) ; sometimes the beard is represented. In the Clon- 
 curry and Flinders Districts nothing distinctive in the designs was recognised. 
 The following illustrations will give some idea of these letter-sticks, and the 
 messages, which were discoverable by me personally from the actual transmitter, 
 it was intended should be simultaneously conveyed. 
 
 236. Notes to IHustrations. 
 
 Fig. 326. Made by a Pitta-Pitta (Boulia District). Obv. : " Come up for a 
 corrobboree." Sev. : " Quick ! hurry up." 
 
 Fig. 327. Made by a Boinji (Boulia District). To be forwarded to wherever 
 any of his mates may be staying. Obv. : To tell him to come up to the meeting- 
 place. JSev. : Covered with "flash" marks. Theobverse was "read" frombelowup. 
 A = sandhills, B = sandy creek, C = sandhills— these three together representing 
 Ka-H-min-ji-li, the particular spot where the Boinji have their head camp — D = 
 countryround about Marion Downs, E = plains and flat open country, P = Te-di-hoo, 
 the "five-mile" yard from Boulia, G = Eiver Hamilton, H = " where we meet" 
 — at a spot belonging to Warenda country. 
 
 Fig. 328. Made by a Boinji. Forwarded to Carlo when- pituri was required. 
 Ohv. -. A = all the mountains and creeks round about Marion Downs, B = Marion 
 Downs station. Sev. is incised with flash-marks. 
 
 Fig. 329. Made by a Karanya (Boulia District). Oiv. and Bev. identical. 
 The message to be conveyed was : " AU you fellows belonging to Bedouri, &c., 
 come up to Boulia for blankets, or a corrobboree," &c. A = Bedouri, B = Breadal- 
 bane, C = Cooraboolka, D = Marion Downs, E = Boulia. 
 
 Fig. 330. Made by a Karanya. Similar message to preceding, but the people 
 of different districts addressed : A and C = localities unmapped, B = Headingly, 
 D = Carandotta, E = Eoxburgh, P = Grlenormiston, G = Herbert Downs, 
 H = Boulia. 
 
 Fig. 331. Made by a Earanya. Forwarded when pituri was required. 
 A= Pilliou Creek, B = Carlo, C = Glenormiston, D = Herbert Downs, E = Boulia. 
 
 Fig. 382. Made by a Miorli (of Springvale — southern border of Boulia 
 District). He is sending a message to all these places, though far more are 
 mentioned on the route than are indicated by the nicks: he " reads" it from 
 below' up. A = Monkira, Davenport, Diamantina Gates, Springvale,. Brighton 
 
138 l;EiVEL, TEADE, AND BAETEE. 
 
 Downs, Cork, Elderslie, Muckunda Creek, PoUygammon Creek, Niangfangi, 
 Tooleybuck, Boulia, Herbert Downs, Glenormiston, Toko, Carlo, Mulligan Eiver, 
 Bedouri, CI any, Karkori, &c.,'&c. B = two moons, C = one moon, D = two moons, 
 E ^ river, P = drought, G = mosquitoes, flies, H = nardoo. The last four together 
 constitute a representation of the meeting place. This stick has been coloured 
 black. 
 
 Fig. 333. Made by a Kalkadoon (Leichhardt-Selwyn District). " A hollow 
 band as it were is cut round the centre. A = the beard (yun-puT), B = the Tulva 
 (Jin-ti). The remaining marks are all ornamental, " flash." 
 
 Fig. 334. Made by a (Grrenada) Kalkadoon. Similar phallic marks as 
 preceding. 
 
 Kg. 335. Made by a Kalkadoon. A = dead-fellows, B = boomerangs. Note 
 the flash-marks (C) identical with those in Fig. 383. This stick is coloured red. 
 
 Fig. 336. Made by a Kalkadoon. Obv. and Rev. similar. Coloured with a 
 black band. 
 
 Fig. 336a. Sent by a Kalkadoon boy from Grunpowder Creek to his gin (in 
 the service of Mr. E. McDonnell) at Normanton, 1894. Note the unusual 
 bifurcate shape. Message not known. 
 
 Fig. 337. Made by a Woonamurra (Flinders District). Coloured yellow. 
 
 Fig. 33S. Made by a Mitakoodi (Cloncurry). The message intended to 
 be conveyed is to the efEect that the sender wants his spears, boomerangs, and 
 shields forwarded, as an initiation ceremony is about to be held at the river 
 (Cloncurry), and the addressee is to come and join. 
 
 237. How a Message-stick is put into Use. — The message-stick may be put 
 into actual use as follows : — " Charlie," residing at Boulia, we. will say, wants 
 some pituri, but being employed at work from which he cannot be spared, or being 
 sick, is prevented going for it himself: he therefore sends a brother of his, 
 " Peter," to the nearest market, which in this case would be Carlo, to get some for 
 him. Peter takes the stick which Charlie has just made, and journeying via, 
 Herbert Downs and Glenormiston arrives at his destination on the Mulligan River 
 where, being asked his business, he says that he has come for pituri, and hands in 
 the message-stick. In reply to questions he will mention who it is that has sent 
 him — namely, Charlie of Boulia — and may be then informed by his inquisitor, " No, 
 I can't let you have any. I have two or three letter-sticks here already, waiting 
 for pituri, and I must serve them first. G-o and ask that fellow over there." 
 Approaching the person indicated, he is asked as before, what he wants and whom 
 he comes from : having satisfied the vendor as to his hona fides, the latter takes 
 charge of the stick and tells him he can supply him in a few days' time, Peter in 
 the meantime making friends with some " brother" or " sister" in the local camp. 
 A dilly-bag-full of pituri being at last forthcoming, it is handed over with the 
 letter-stick (which the vendor has been taking careful mental note of, so as to 
 recognise again), and Peter takes his departure back to Charlie at Boulia. Charlie, 
 on receipt of the par'cel, will now forward some boomerangs, spears, a Government 
 blanket, &c., in payment : if he can get Peter to take a second trip all well and 
 good, but if not, as is generally the case for such a journey, he gets another 
 messenger with the goods and the identical message-stick as before. This second 
 messenger arriving at Carlo, finds the vendor, and hands him over the goods 
 together with the stick : recognising the latter the seller accepts the various 
 articles in payment for the particular bag-full of pit\iri which he had parted with 
 some few weeks previously, knowing now that he has been paid by the right party 
 (probably personally unknown to him) — i.e., the sender of the original stick. But 
 supposing he never gets paid, or does not receive what he considers to be sufficient, 
 he will bear the fact well in mind that Charlie of Boulia is a bad character not to 
 be depended on, and take good care that neither he nor his friends have any 
 dealings with him in the future. The seller, under circumstances such as have 
 been just narrated, does not, as a rule, ask for the particular commodities he 
 expects to exchange, each head-encampment having its own special and well-known 
 line of goods. Instead of trade or barter, the letter-stick may be sent round with 
 any ordinary message or private communication, as already mentioned in the notes 
 to illustrations (sect. 236). 
 

 '^xmsxiA 
 
 OOOQC 
 
 yx 
 
 K 
 
 X 
 
 K 
 
 K 
 
 K 
 
 % 
 
 JOOC 
 
 ).c 
 
 >,c 
 
 K 
 
 m: 
 
 ),c 
 
 Kim 
 
 ym 
 
 )PC 
 
 i.3omaM^* 
 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE MAINTENANCE OF LAW AND ORDER : FIGHTING, FIGHTING-WEAPONS. 
 
 Contents.— Section 238. The Maintenance of Law and Order : Mefhoda of Fighting. 239. 
 Claaaifioation of Fighting Boomerangs. 210. Material, Manufacture, and Flight of Boomerangs. 
 241. The Ornate Boomerang. 242. The Fluted Boomerang. 243. The Plain Boomerang. 244. The 
 Hook Boomerang. 245. The Two-handed Sword. 246. Spears. 247. The Acicular-tip Hand-spear. 
 248. The Spatulate-tip Hand-spear. 249. The Spatulate-tip Wommera Spear. 250. Wommera 
 Reed-spears. 251. The Quartz-tip Wommera Reed-spear. 252. Non-indigenous Spears. 253. 
 Wommeraa. 254. Shields. 255. Fighting Poles. 256. NuUa-NuUas. 257. Stone-Knives. 25S. 
 Stone-Tomahawks. 
 
 238. The Maintenance of Law and Order: Methods of Fighting. — Among the 
 Pitta- Pitta and other tribes of the Boulia District, the paucity of old men whose 
 opinions and wishes would otherwise be respected and enforced, is very marked. 
 Each individual, within certain limits, can do what he pleases. On the other hand, 
 he has -to reckon not only with the particular person injured, or his relatives, but 
 also, in some cases, with the whole camp collectively. Thus the camp as a body, 
 as a camp council, will take upon itself to mete out punishment in crimes of 
 murder, incest, or the promiscuous use of fighting-implements within the precincts 
 of the campiug-ground : death, and probably the digging of his own grave, awaits 
 the delinquent in the former case, while "crippling," generally with knives, con- 
 stitutes the penalty for a violation of the latter. Private quarrels are arranged 
 and- settled somewhat on the following lines :— Supposing an individual considers 
 himself aggrieved, an animated conversation ensues between the parties concerned, 
 obscene language is freely used (sect. 333), the hand goes up to the mouth in the 
 customary manner (sects. 103, lOi), and all of a sudden, probably a boomerang 
 is let fly, to be followed or replied by another or similar implement. Mutual 
 friends, or their gins, will, in nine case out of ten, next intervene, and make an 
 attempt at separating the pair : otherwise, they will each run for the nearest spear 
 or anything handy, and throw it. Success may or may not attend the efforts of 
 the peace-makers, but the truce, if one exists, is usually only temporary, for each 
 combatant may have concealed in his waist-belt a stone-knife, which in close 
 quarters can play terrible mischief. If the feud is going to develop into anything 
 serious, both parties will probably betake themselves to a distance from camp. In 
 fighting thus as the outcome of a private quarrel, there is actually, as a rule, no 
 intention of killing, the risk, as will be shown further on, being too great. 
 With two-handed swords, they would only aim at striking each other on 
 the head : with spears, they would only make for the fleshy parts of 
 the thighs: with stone-knives, they would only cut into the shoulders, 
 flanks, and buttocks, producing gashes an inch or more deep, and up to 
 seven or even eight inches long. In using the last-named implement, the 
 one individual may grapple the other, standing or sitting, very much after the 
 manner of a person wrestling (Fig. 339). Clasping his opponent with the one 
 hand, he holds the knife in the other, and sticks it into one of the localities 
 permitted; with a turn of the wrist he gives jag for jag, as a rule, net removing 
 the blade from the wound. Accidents sometimes occur, and an incision is made 
 unfairly — that is, outside one of the recognised spots; thus, during a fight with 
 stone-knives at Glenormiston in 1894, " Toko Tommy," a visitor from the 
 Undekerebina tribe, when remonstrated with for inflicting a very ugly cut into the 
 back of his adversary's knee, excused himself by maintaining " Charlie, silly 
 
 b : he move him leg," insinuating by this remark that it was the fault of his 
 
 opporient in shifting his position. The lying upon the back on the ground, a 
 posture in which no lawful incisions with a stone-knife can be made, is the sign of 
 defeat — that the combatant has had enough, and gives in. Even while a fight is 
 going on, the gins belonging to the two individuals in combat, as well as others, 
 may have a set-to among themselves not only with their tongues but with fighting- 
 
140 *aE MAINTllNANCE 01' LAW AlfD OEDEll : 
 
 poles, &c., and what with the shouting and screaming of the women, the crying of 
 the children, coupled with the cheering and yelling of the other spectators, make 
 veritably a temporary pandemonium of the scene. At Grlenormiston, the women 
 coming up to join a fray give a sort of war-whoop : they will jump up in the air, 
 and as their feet, a little apart, touch the ground, they knock up the dust and 
 sand with the fighting-pole, &a., held between their legs, very like one's early 
 reminiscences in the picture-books of a witch riding a broom-stick. Before 
 fighting commences, the combatants usually strip off even that little which they 
 ordinarily wear. As a rule they are very proud of these wounds received in fight, 
 but they apparently only very rarely take steps to elevate them above the level of 
 the surrounding surface, as in the case of the " flash" sears on the chest, &c. 
 (sect. 186). 
 
 The fight between the two individuals being at length brought to a 
 termination, steps are taken by the old men and elders to inquire into the rights 
 or wrongs of the dispute. If the victor turns out to be the aggrieved party he 
 has to show good cause, as for instance that the mau whom he has just taken 
 upon himself to punish, had raped his gin, gave him the munguni (sect. 259, &c.), 
 or wrought him some similarly flagrant wrong : under such circumstances, no 
 further action is taken by anyone. If, on the other hand, the victor happens to 
 be the aggrieved party only in his own opinion, and not in that of those to whom 
 he is answerable, and who do not believe the grounds on which he commenced the 
 flght to be sufficient, he has to undergo exactly the same mutilations subsequently 
 at the hands of the vanquished as he himself had inflicted: it devolves upon his 
 "brother" to bring him back to undergo the punishment, though if a coward he may 
 run away from camp, but he dare then never return. Thus, in all these individual 
 quarrels or fights, whatever injury may be perpetrated upon the vanquished, the 
 latter, supposing he has justice on his side — and this is regulated by the general 
 opinion of the elders in camp — has the opportunity always afforded him' of 
 retaliating by similar injury with similar weapon — " an eye for an eye, a tooth for 
 a tooth." 
 
 It occasionally happens that party feeling runs very high, and perhaps the 
 "brothers" — and there may be dozens of these (seet. 59) on either side— take up the 
 quarrel, which may hence lead to the whole camp, men as well as women, joining 
 indiscriminately in the general melee. To preveiit such occurrences, determined 
 efforts are always made to nip a quarrel in the bud. 
 
 Sometimes, in the original duel, one of the combatants may be killed, and 
 unless the survivor can show that he had sufficient provocation or cause, he will 
 be put to death in similar manner, at the instance of the camp-council, and usually 
 undergo the extra degradation of digging his own as well as his victim's grave. 
 It may happen, however, that the person slain belongs to some neighbouring tribe, 
 and consequently some time will elapse before the retribution falls, deservedly or 
 otherwise, upon the slayer. The deceased's friends, brothers, &c., when the news 
 reaches them, will come up and demand the culprit, delivery of whom is usually 
 given, considering that the request is generally backed by a formidable array of 
 warriors. The individual in question has now to stand single-handed the onslaught 
 of his late victim's partisans — a sort of " running the gauntlet." If spears are 
 thrown he is allowed a shield wherewith to defend himself ; if fighting-sticks are 
 employed he is given the use of one: sometimes by accident or designate., the 
 judicious gift of various presents to the ringleaders in the latter case — he may 
 stand the test successfully and escape with his life. But the occasion now and 
 again arises where not even with the actual death of the destroyer are the friends 
 of the deceased individual satisfied .- they may require delivery of another man to 
 make up for their loss, as it were, and if refused will fight collectively, with the 
 result that not unfrequently more or less are slain. There are times when the 
 homicide may get information privately concerning some expedition being on the 
 road after him, but to his credit, be it said, he will very rarely try to escape : if 
 courage should fail him, and he makes a bolt of it, he does so with the full 
 knowledge of being ostracised for ever. It was to guard against escape that in 
 the old days, before the advent of the whites, the party seeking satisfaction would 
 surround the camp at night-time (see inter-tribal warfare) and demand the 
 
piGHirya. riGHTiNQ-'WEAPOirs. 141 
 
 man required at early mom : in those days also they might take summary 
 vengeance on the whole camp, and destroy all the men, sparing only the women 
 and children. 
 
 In the case of a man killing his own gin, he has to deliver up one of his own 
 sisters for his late wife's friends to put to death, he personally escaping punish- 
 ment ; but supposing an individual takes the life of another's gin, his own will 
 be forfeited. On the other hand, a wife has always her " brothers" to look after 
 her interests. If two women fight, and one is killed, the survivor, unless, of 
 course, proper cause be shown, would pay the death-penalty. Among the Kalka- 
 doon, where a man may have three, four, or even five gins, the discarded ones will 
 often, through jealousy, fight with her whom they consider more favoured : on such 
 occasions they may often resort to stone-throwing or even use fire-sticks and stone- 
 knives with which to mutilate the genitals. In the Boulia District, however, 
 women fight among themselves on the same general principles as the men, using 
 the smaller vai'ieties of boomerang rarely, and fighting-poles generally: never with 
 any other implements or weapons. The fighting-pole (sect. 255) is really a sort 
 of thick heavy pole, often as much as 4 feet long on an average, and very cumber- 
 some to wield, even when used in the orthodox manner by being held in the hands 
 at one extremity and swung vertically over the head from behind forwards. The 
 encounter progresses somewhat after this fashion (I"ig. 340) : One of the com- 
 batants with her hands between her knees, supposing that only one stick is 
 available, ducks her head slightly — almost in the position of a schoolboy playing 
 leap-frog — and waits for her adversary's blow, which she receives on the top of the 
 head. The attitudes are now reversed, and the one just attacked is now the 
 attacking party. Blow for blow is thus alternated until one of them gives in, 
 which is generally the case after three or four hits. Great animal pluck is some- 
 times displayed, and though one of them may fall temporarily stunned, she will 
 soon recover herself as ready as not to continue the fight ; blood also may often 
 be drawn. As a rule each woman has her own fighting-stick, but on occasion, as 
 in the description above, only one may be handy, each taking her respective turn 
 at it. Should a woman ever put up her hand or a stick, &c., to ward a blow, she 
 would be regarded in the light of a coward. Men sometimes fight with this same 
 weapon, and on similar lines, but usually adopt certain methods of defence (sect. 
 255). As in the case with the stronger sex, there is a subsequent adjustment of 
 the rights and wrongs of the dispute, and, unless sufficient cause be proved, the 
 victorious amazon will be similarly treated. A woman's quarrel may sometimes 
 be taken up by her mother and brothers. Again, if a woman makes herself 
 generally obnoxious in the camp, especially to the female portion of it, she is liable 
 to be set upon and " hammered " by her fellow sisters collectively, the males on 
 such occasions not interfering. Under no circumstances is fighting of any 
 description whatsoever allowed in camp at night, and the whole crowd collectively 
 will see that no infringement of this rule ever takes place : if people want to 
 fight, they must go outside, and, when necessary, kindle fires to see by. 
 
 The fact wilt therefore be Recognised that only in cases of major offences, 
 murder, incest, physical violence, &c., is there an application of any code, and 
 that in the form of the Mosaic one. The old men and elders act the part of 
 " bosses," " kings," " judges," &e., in influencing aboriginal public opinion in 
 these matters of enforcing domestic policy : a ripe old age constitutes the 
 highest social status in the camp, and the one calling for the greatest respect. 
 There is no single individual chief to direct affairs. 
 
 Only on one special occasion are the women allowed to chastise, and inflict 
 punishment upon the men (sect. 310). 
 
 In the Boulia District, when engaged in inter-tribal warfare, a very rare 
 occurrence now-a-days, the warriors are all painted as follows : — The face is 
 entirely covered with " kopi," the same substance being also applied in the 
 form- of three wide circular bands on upper and lower limbs, and in the form 
 of a boomerang from each shoulder to the middle of the waist-belt in front. 
 They are all painted alike so as to be mutually recognisable : any of their 
 allies, for the same reason, will be similarly ornamented. No particular attire 
 
142 
 
 THE MAINTEJTAlfCE OP lAW AlTD OEDEE : 
 
 is worn by those engaged in battle, except by the two leaders, who may have a 
 thick opossum-string hanging from around the neek, hitched below to another 
 passing round the waist ; the head-dress of these two individuals also varies 
 from the others (which are composed of white feather-down stuck on with 
 mud), in that it consists of a large head-net or Icoolpooroo stuffed with grass, 
 into which several shag's-tail-feathers are stuck. On such occasions of warfare 
 a common procedure is to steal up to the enemy's camp in the dead of night 
 and encircle it at the first ray of dawn by breaking up into two parties, each 
 with a leader, one going round on the left, the other on the right, and meeting 
 on the opposite side ; as soon as the leaders, by means of their head-dress, 
 recognise one another, they raise a shout which their followers take up, spears 
 are thrown into the area encircled, and the carnage commences. 
 
 239. Classification of Fighting Boomerai^s. — There are at least four distinct 
 kinds of fighting boomerang discoverable in North- West-Central Queensland ; 
 the " toy " or " come-back" weapon has been already described in sect. 213. 
 Features in common with all, are a general tendency to flattening of both 
 surfaces, the upper being more or less convex though usually very distinctly so as 
 compared with the under ; and a single more or less prominent bend or " knee " 
 on the external convex edge— the bend (Pig. 351a) far from necessarily at the 
 centre, dividing the weapon into a distal (free) and a proximal (handle) portion, 
 the latter (Kg. 351c) being usually narrower than the former (Fig. 351b). 
 According to their plan of construction, all boomerangs can be grouped into one 
 or other of two classes, the simple or non-hooked, and the hooked, the former 
 being again divisible, with reference to the graving, into the ornate, the fluted, 
 and the plain. Among the tribes occupying the varioua ethnographical districts, 
 fighting boomerangs are known by different names, as follows : — ' 
 
 
 s 
 
 o _ ■ 
 
 O H 
 
 < 
 
 B. BOOMEEANG (iN 
 
 particular). 
 
 
 <t. SIMPLE (no hook). 
 
 b. HOOK. 
 
 
 (i.) Ornate. 
 
 (ii.) Fluted. 
 
 (iii.) Plain. 
 
 
 Pitta-Pitta,' &o. 
 
 
 ming-ka-ra ma-ro ( ' ) 
 
 luwg-a lung-a 
 
 
 chuk-nl-biir-ra 
 
 Mitakoodi 
 
 "'i 
 
 ro-ko-ro boo-na (•) 
 
 
 pa-je-ra (') 
 
 
 Kalkadoon 
 Walookera 
 
 ames giv 
 sect. 55. 
 
 
 f poo-ta poo-ta (') 
 \ta-roo-roo [') 
 
 TM-imil-la 
 
 ma-ra-bil-la 
 
 wol-loom-ba ■ 
 
 ( wor-ra~dil-la 
 Xoo-rordil-la 
 
 Yaroinga 
 
 B 
 § 
 
 
 ul-lo-da 
 
 
 
 Wonkajera 
 
 «j 
 
 
 
 
 woT-pU-la 
 
 (') See sect. 8. (") The name of the timber employed — paje-ra = gidyea, poo-ta poo-ta = white-gum. 
 
 240. Material, Manufacture, and Plight of Boomerai^s. — The most common 
 materia], perhaps, of which these fighting boomerangs are made is gidyea (^Acacia 
 homalophylla, A. Ounn.), though other woods, such as mulga (Acacia aneura, 
 F. V. M.), white-gum, &c., are often used, the name of the timber occasionally giving 
 the name to the implement, as shown in preceding section. The weapon is 
 originally cut out from the side of a tree-trunk en, bloc, then gradually got into < 
 shape with a chisel, Ac, and finally smoothed off with a piece of sharp-edged flint 
 or glass. With wood of suitable grain, white-gum, for exaniple, the original 
 block may be split down and "two boomerangs made of it. Any defect in 
 shape, in the nature of a bend or twist, can be remedied by the various artificial 
 means which have already been discussed (sect. 151). The mode of manufacture 
 of the hooked variety varies somewhat from the preceding, the portion of trunk 
 for its shaft being cut out at the same time with an adjacent branch or rootlet 
 for its hook .- a specimen in the Brisbane Museum, I believe, of the implement in the 
 
ri&HTijra. ti&htis'G-weapons. 143 
 
 progress of manufacture illustrates this point pretty clearly. It is interesting to 
 note that both in camp or on the walk -about, though an aboriginal may carry one 
 spear, one shield, &c., he almost invariably has two boomerangs. If they have 
 both been made by the same person they are very probably similarly marked : if 
 he barters them, he will generally ",swap" them only as a pair, though beyond 
 the fact of two being required as an accompaniment for beating time at the sing- 
 songs and the corrobborees, it is difficult. to understand why this should so often be 
 the case. All these fighting boomerangs are intended for throwing at compara- 
 tively close quarters, and cannot by any deftness of hand be made to produce the 
 complete gyrations possible with the "come-back" or toy varieties (sec. 
 213). "When a boomerang is about to, be thrown it is held at the extremity in 
 such a way that the flattened under-surface rests on the palm while the thumb 
 and finger-tops lie on the convex upper-surface ; the majority of these weapons, 
 except the hooked varieties, can therefore be used with either hand, and the 
 convex edge of the weapon at the commencement of flight, immediately it is let go, is 
 therefore always on the outer side of the thrower as compared with the median 
 vertical plane of his body. Among the number of aboriginals examined for left- 
 handedness, the proportion of such was found to be very marked, though in no 
 case was any truly ambidextrous individual discovered — that is, no one who could 
 throw the boomerang equally well with either hand. 
 
 The interpretation of the " hook" on the hooked variety was offered me by 
 some Pitta-Pitta blacks as. follows: — It appears that when warding off a blow 
 from a boomerang of any description the defence consists in holding forwards and 
 vertically any stick, nuUa-nulla, shield, &c., that comes to hand, and moving it more 
 or less outwards, right or left as the case may be, thus causing the missile on 
 contact to glance to the one or other side. The hook is intended to counteract 
 this movement of defence by " catching on" the defending stick around which it 
 swings and, with the increased impetus so produced, making sure of striking the 
 one attacked. The diagram, in the form of a bird's-eye view (Fig. 341), will 
 ■ perhaps explain the mechanism just described more clearly. 
 
 241. The Ornate Boomerang. — The ornate boomerang, which is always 
 coloured black by means of charcoal grease, bears certain typical gravings on its 
 upper convex surface only. In the old days, i.e., before the advent of the whites, 
 this graving was effected by means of an opossum-tooth or sharp flint fitted into a 
 suitable handle. At the present time, though this primitive method is still occasion- 
 ally followed, it is being rapidly supplanted by iron in its various forms, obtained by 
 filing or grinding down discarded shear-blades, springs, barrel-bands, knife-blades, 
 &c., to the suitable shape required. This form of boomerang is manufactured 
 throughout North- West-Central Queensland, except in the Upper Greorgina 
 District. Thus, along the watershed of the Cloncurry and Elinders, by the 
 Mitakoodi, Woonamurra, and others ; in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, by the 
 Muntaba Ealkadoon; in the Boulia District, Ac, at Noranside, Boulia, Marion 
 Downs, Warenda, Springvale, Davenport, Diamantina Gates, Brighton Downs, 
 Cork, JElderslie, Kynuna, and Dagworth (i.e., on the Lower Burke, Hamilton, 
 Middle Georgina, and Upper Diamantina Elvers), by the Pitta-Pitta and cognate 
 tribes, the Miorli and the G-oa. "With a view to exchange and barter, the ornate 
 boomerang from these localities is taken either a long way up or a short way 
 down the Georgina Eiver : in the former case it may branch off at Glenormiston 
 both for the Toko Ranges and for the Carlo country, while in the latter it 
 comes to its journey's end, so far as this district is concerned, by crossing 
 westwards to the Upper Mulligan country in general. Varying somewhat 
 in length, it measures from about 30 to 35 inches from tip to tip, and, if 
 these be joined by a straight line, the greatest vertical distance between it 
 and the extreme convex edge is from 4| inches to 6^ inches. The width at 
 the bend or knee, which is at the centre of the boomerang in the Boulia District 
 weapons only, is always greater than at the extremities : in the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 and Cloncurry Districts, the proximal portions of the implement are markedly 
 narrower than the distal (sect. 239). The ends or extremities may be rounded, 
 oval, angular, &c., but no significance or importance is attached to this " finishing 
 off" (Pig. 842), which is only executed for the sake of making the implement 
 
144 THE MiXIfTElfAlf CE OF LAW AOT) OEDEE ; 
 
 look more "flash." The edges are comparatively sharp. The preliminary smoothing- 
 down on the upper surface is so well efEected that the original chisel-marks cannot 
 be recognised : on the under-surface these are now and again visible and perhaps 
 sometimes are purposely left in this condition, as in the case of that manufactured . 
 by the Mitakoodi, so regularly and precisely 4re these flutings effected. 
 
 The ornamentation of this boomerang (which, as we have seen, is confined to 
 its upper convex surface) will now be described, according as the gravings 
 composing it extend the length or the breadth of the weapon, or fill up the 
 intermediate spaces so produced. 
 
 The longitudinal figures, invariably present, and reaching from tip to tip, 
 consist of straight lines, single or composite (Figs. 843, 344,a), and elongate ovals 
 strung end on end : the former would appear to be absent in weapons manu- 
 factured in or to the north of the Leichardt-Selwyn Ranges, by the Kalkadoon 
 and Mitakoodi, for instance. The ovals, from their resemblance to things which 
 they most nearly approach, may be spoken of as shuttles and festoons. The 
 festoons, only found on implements made in and to the south of the Boulia 
 District, are limited to the extreme edges of the weapon (Figs. 344, 345, b) . their 
 interstices are filled up with parallel concentric lines, concavity outwards, so as to 
 represent ripples on the water's edge, and hence in the Pitta-Pitta language are 
 spoken of as the nar-pi ming-ka-ra, or river-bank marks. The shuttles (Pigs. 
 344, 345, 346, c) are similarly filled in with more or less longitudinal lines, and are 
 named as follows : — ^In the Boulia District, according to some native authorities, 
 they are called mol-lo-ro or mountain-tops, but the general consensus of opinion 
 is that they represent the large fishing nets folded up for purposes of transit, 
 and hence are described as ma-li ming-ha-ra or fishing-net marks. lu the 
 Cloncurry District the shuttles, when their enclosed lines are strictly longitudinal 
 as just described, are known as gin-ja-la or leaves ; when inclined to a, distinct 
 slant (Fig. 347d) they are called che-ka-ra or white-shell (sect. 182) marks. In 
 the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, I could obtain no local -terms for them. As in 
 the case with the longitudinal lines, there may be one, two, or even three strings 
 of these shuttles running the length of the weapon. 
 
 The transverse figures (those stretching across the breadth of the boomerang) 
 not met with outside the Boulia District, are limited to the markings at the 
 extremities, and at the centre, though in either case they are not invariably present. 
 The former, which are far more common, are constituted of from one to three or 
 four more or less parallel lines (Figs. 343, 344, e), and known in the Boulia 
 District as tin-ja (sect. 131) ming-ka-ra or handle-marks : they are met with again 
 on the nulla-nuUas (sect. 256) and fighting-poles (sect. 255), and are primarily 
 intended to act as a support to prevent the hand from slipping. The central 
 gravings which, commencing somewhat south of Boulia, at JSpringvale, &c., are 
 most usually found on the Diamantina weapons, consist either of two lines placed 
 parallel or crosswise : in the latter case (Fig. 349a-b) forming two triangles with 
 apices in contact, the two areas enclosed being often subdivided into secondary 
 spaces, each of which, independently of its neighbour, is filled with closely 
 parallel lines. There is a similar subdivision into secondary spaces, &c., of the 
 area enclosed by the two parallel lines (Fig. 348). It should be borne in mind 
 that these central transverse gravings do not by any means entail bilateral symmetry 
 on the complete design. 
 
 In the Boulia District, among the simpler interstitial figures — i.e., those 
 occupying the intervening gaps left by the preceding longitudinal and transverse 
 ones — may be described the kangaroo (Figs. 343, 346, 347, r) and emu (Fig. 350g) 
 toe-tracks, with their two and three digits respectively, called in consequence the 
 ma-choom-ba and kool-pa-ri marks in the Pitta- Pitta language. Other marks are the 
 following : — The hoodija-koodija represents the female flash-mark of red or yellow 
 ochre (sects. 185, 193) smeared over the thighs, legs, trunk, and arms, by means of 
 the three middle fingers dipped into the paint: this "brand" which, by-the-by, is 
 never spoken of as a snake, as might have been expected, is in exceptional cases 
 cut across the entire width of the blade (Fig. 345h). The koo-ding-he-ri or single 
 zigzag line is formed of circumflex accents, each made with two separate cuts, 
 
PIGHTrtTG. FiaHTING-WEATOK'S. 145 
 
 the style of tlie teeth in a saw : its native name would appear to have no other 
 interpretation attached to it. The ha-ia-pa ka-ta-pa (Fig. 350l) and me (Pig. 
 placed end on end with more or less regular precision (Fig. 350k;), somewhat after 
 350m:) marks are made with six and four separate incisions respectively ; the 
 former signifies a hornet or bee, the latter an eye. The wer-hoo or cross-cut 
 (Pig. 34!6if) is identical with that made on the thighs of near male-relatives in 
 times of mourning (sect. 289) : the same mark is also locally described sometimes 
 as indicative of Marion Downs, situated, as it is, at the "crossing" of the two rivers, 
 the Hamilton and the Georgina. It must not be forgotten that of all the 
 preceding types of interstitial incisions it is exceptional to find more than two or 
 three varieties upon a boomerang at one and the same time. In the Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn andCloncurry Districts the interstitial marks are limited to the kangaroo- 
 toe type and the feather-pattern line. The former, up here, appears to have no 
 further meaning than " two-fellow anything" : the latter is composed of 
 circumflex accents placed vertically and parallel (Pig. 350o), and is known as 
 the koon-ya koon-ya (sect. 153), a grass- woven dilly-bag. 
 
 242. The Fluted Boomerang (Pig. 352) is not made at Boulia. Its home is 
 beyond Noranside, at Buckingham Downs, Mount Merlin, Chatsworth, &c., and 
 along the Upper Georgina, certainly as far as Lake Nash, and out westwards from 
 this river along the Toko Eanges, and so into Central Australia: indeed this 
 particular weapon may be said to be peculiar to the Leichhardt-Selwyn and Upper 
 Georgina Districts. For purposes of exchange and barter, it travels both up and 
 down the Georgina : in the former case branching on the way eastwards across to 
 the Mitakoodi of the Cloncurry District, in the lattsr making its way to the 
 Mulligan and the Burke, whence vi& Springyale it may journey both up and down 
 the Diamantina. This weapon is invariably coloured red with ochre grease, and 
 made either Of gidyea or " white-wood." As a rule it is shorter by 2 or 3 inches 
 than the ornate variety of the Boulia District, and, unlike it, the bend or knee, its 
 
 ■ widest part, is never exactly at the centre, while the extremities, or tips, without 
 exception, are always rounded. The upper convex side invariably, and the lower 
 flattened one very often, is completely covered with a distinct longitudinal fluting, 
 each flute being about an eighth of an inch wide, though the width would seem to 
 increase proportionately with the further north the locality of manufacture: in all 
 cases, the fluting is always wider and coarser on the under than on the upper 
 surface. At Bedouri, Birdsville, and on the Lower Georgina is manufactured a 
 fluted and red-coloured boomerang which is long, thin, inclined to be pointed at 
 the extremities, and is more or less rounded in section, though the tendency to 
 flattening on the under surface is fairly marked : this weapon, the pa-run-da, is 
 very rarely, and then only accidentaly, met with at Boulia, its route being in an 
 opposite direction, southwards down the Diamantina. 
 
 243. The Plain Boomerang, with its surfaces perfectly smoothed, and coloured 
 black with charcoal, comes from the Cloncurry District, where it is named after 
 the gidyea wood of which it is made, the pa-je-ra (sect. 239.) Whether the 
 Kalkadoon obtain this implement in barter from' their Mitakoodi neighbours, or 
 make it themselves, is doubtful, though the fact of their having a name of their 
 own for it, the ma-ra-hil-la (sect. 239), renders the latter supposition a little likely. 
 In reply to inquiry in the Boulia District, a "plain" boomerang is always looked 
 upon in the light of one incompleted. The Cloncurry District plain boomerang 
 averages between 29 and 30 inches from tip to tip, with the proximal end markedly 
 narrower than the distal : it has no signs of a fluting, but in most cases the 
 extremities are " angled" off for flash purposes. 
 
 244. The Hook Boomerang (Fig. 353) has the same destination as the fluted 
 variety, which it resembles both in fluting and in colour : it is made chiefly in the 
 Upper Georgina Districts by the Workia and Taroinga especially. It differs from 
 the fluted boomerang in the possession of a hook, the "ear" of the Boulia and 
 Toko Eanges tribes, from 4 to 5 inches long projecting backwards, in the same 
 plane, from the extremity of the shaft on the convex edge : this hook, about an 
 inch or more wide at its base, tapers gradually to a blunt point, and bears a longi- 
 tudinal fluting continuous with that on the main shaft. Furthermore, the shape 
 
146 THE MADfTEN'AK'CE OF LAW AOT) OEDEB ; 
 
 of the shaft contrasts markedly with that of all other boomerangs in its width, 
 independently of the bend or knee (not its widest part), increasing progressively 
 from the proximal to the hooked extremity. Its use has already been drawn 
 attention to in sect. 240, while the various names applied to it are given in sect. 
 239. Besides being used as a fighting weapon, the "Workia empioy the hook- 
 boomerang for throwing into flying mobs of fl.oek-pigeons (sect. 137). 
 
 245. The Two-handed Sword is manufactured at Boulia, "Warenda, Herbert 
 Downs, Marion Downs, and south of this on portions of the Diamantina — i.e., in 
 the Boulia District only, so far as North- West-Central Queensland is concerned. 
 It travels northwards, up the Georgina, where it is bartered for fluted and hook 
 boomerangs, peg-tipped spears, and other things. Made from gidyea, and 
 subsequently blacked with charcoal, it varies from 3| to over 4 feet in length. 
 It is curved, though not so markedly, after the manner of a boomerang, which it 
 further resembles in being wider at the middle than at the extremities ; both 
 surfaces are convex, one being very much more so than the other, and its tips are 
 always evenly rounded. Only one side, the more convex, is ornamented with 
 gravings which, according to the orthodox fashion, are of the following pattern : — 
 This, in the main, consists of groups of parallel bars running lengthways with the 
 implement, the number of separate groups varying from five or six to as many as 
 a dozen (Figs. 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, a ), and the number of contained bars from 
 three to five or six : furthermore, each bar is itself composed of from three to 
 sometimes half-a-dozen closely applied parallel longitudinal lines. Transversely 
 cut gravings may sometimes be seen either at the centre of the weapon (Figs. 356, 
 357, 358, b) or else dividing off the separate groups of bars into compartments 
 (Fig. 355c) : generally speaking, these are either of an angular or curved type. 
 At one or both extremities, handle-marks may be met with in the form of cross-cuts 
 (Fig. 354d), dashes (Fig. 355e), or transverse lines (Fig. 356e). Any really 
 curvilinear longitudinal incisions are extremely rare, if they ever occur : only on 
 one occasion, at Eoxburgh, on a disused and broken implement, did I see any • 
 traces of the festoons, shuttles, &e., met with on the Boulia District ornate 
 boomerangs. Otherwise, than for these gravings, the two-handed sword or 
 iin-tv-fi-ri has a smooth surface throughout, unless we except the purposely or 
 accidentally left slight longitudinal fluting on the less convex surface. From the 
 fact that this weapon when in use is held at either extremity with both hands, 
 the concave edge being the cutting one, the two surfaces cannot be spoken of as 
 upper or under. 
 
 246. Spears. — In the Boulia District, when any extra good spear is made, or 
 when one has been proved to aim true, &c., it is often ornamented more or 
 less in its whole length with a very fine longitudinal fluting : such an one is not 
 easy for white strangers to get hold of. Both here and elsewhere — e.g., north of 
 the Selwyn Eanges — spears may be painted with alternate red and white bars for 
 flash purposes. No spears whatever are manufactured round Bedouri and down 
 towards Birdsville : whatever are found there are brought in exchange and barter. 
 The names for spears of any kind in general, throughout the different 
 ethnographical districts, are given in the table in sect. 55. The different varieties 
 of spears in particular (with their local terms) met with throughout North- 
 West-Central Queensland will now be detailed. 
 
 247. The Acicular-tip Hand-spear.— The ma-ri-mo of the Boulia District 
 (Fig. 359) is a hand-spear from 8 to 10 feet long, made in one piece, circular in 
 section from butt to tip, which is tapering and sharply pointed : the butt also 
 gradually tapers off. The material from which this spear is cut is either gidyea, 
 "dead-finish" scrub {Acacia farm siana, Willd., Albizzia 6asoZ^?c(j, Benth.), a 
 species of rosewood, &c. It is manufactured in the Boulia, Leichhardt-Selwyn, 
 Cloncurry, and Flinders Districts, including the country around the Upper 
 Diamantina from its very source. Occasionally, previous to fighting, some 
 cementing substance, spinifex- or beefwood-gum, is stuck on in the form of a 
 ring about \ inch thick at a distance of, perhaps, a couple of feet from the tip : 
 into this band some iron nails, pieces of flint or glass, &c., may be found stuck 
 This spear is bartered on the one hand northwards along the Upper Q-eorgina, 
 
FiaHTING. FIGHTING- WEAPONS. 147 
 
 and on the other southwards along the Lower Diamantina. The Mitakoodi call 
 it me-ri-mo or ne-ri-mo, the Goa tun-doo-roo-la. The position of the hand when 
 in the act of throwing this and similar hand-spears is shown in Pig. 141, the 
 weapon being balanced on the palm and along the length of thumb. 
 
 248. The Spattdate-tip Hand-spear.— The tum-ha-ra spear (Eig. 360) of the 
 Boulia District, which, like the preceding, is a hand one, differs from it in having 
 a spatulate, instead of a gradually tapering, tip : this blade, which locally undergoes 
 modification both in shape and size, so far as comparative width (up to 2 inches) 
 to length (up to 30 inches) is concerned, may sometimes be seen decorated with 
 a bilinearly parallel and sinuous red pattern on a white background (Fig. 361a). 
 The butt also tapers off st)mewhat. The weapon reaches to a length of about a 
 foot shorter than the marinio, is similarly made in one piece of the same materials, 
 and goes on transit along identical tracts of country. Among the Mitakoodi this 
 spear is called e-ra-ka-la or ji-ni-bur-i : a curious fact in connection with the 
 former name is that the same word in the Pitta- Pitta language signifies " flat," 
 and in all probability refers to its spatulate tip. In this same tribe, the base of 
 the blade may have a mitre-form pattern graved upon it (Fig. 361b). Here and 
 there I have come across extra long examples of this spear, especially designed for 
 killing cattle. 
 
 249. The Spatulate-tip Wommera Spear. — The per-cha ma-ro, literally signi- 
 fying "peg-possessor" in the Pitta- Pitta language, is among the heaviest of the 
 wommera-thrown spears. It is well over 3 feet long, and made of three pieces, 
 which may be spoken of respectively as the butt, the shaft, and the tip. The 
 shaft is the only portion of the weapon which is ever ornamented, if at all, with a 
 longitudinal fluting, and is made of some particular wood, e.g., mulga, which will 
 give strength, weight, and stability : it is very firmly attached by splicing and the 
 ordinary spinifex cementing substance, Ac, with the butt, and only very loosely 
 with the tip. The butt is made of any light kind of timber, e.g., " cork" wood 
 {Erythrina, Linn.), or a piece of pine when obtainable, and is intended to impart 
 the proper direction required when throwing : at its free extremity is the small 
 concavity for the wommera to fit into. The spatulate tip, between 16 and 17 
 inches long (Figs. 362, 363), on to one surface of which the rounded, almost half- 
 moon-shaped wooden hook is firmly bound, is fixed loosely into the shaft for a 
 twofold reason : to increase the difficulties of extraction when once the leverage 
 is removed, and to prevent the butt or shaft being broken in view of its being 
 required on a future occasion. The above explanations of the mechanism were 
 given me by some Pitta-Pitta blacks. These spears are made in the Upper 
 Greorgina district from Glenormiston onwards ; westwards, the TJndekerebina use 
 them ; and eastwards, they may sometimes be met with among the Kalkadoon, who 
 probably also make them. 
 
 250. Wommera Reed-spears. — The li-hi-ja-ra of the Cloncurry District is a 
 reed-spear, very heavy and long, sometimes over 12 feet, and thrown with a 
 wommera. It is composed of a butt and shaft. The butt, made of reed, takes up 
 about half or slightly less than the length of the entire weapon : into its hollow 
 (Fig. 364a) is fixed the thin gidyea shaft, the union of the two being strengthened 
 with beef-wood gum and a few turns of tendon. The tip ends in a gradually taper- 
 ing point, like the marimo. When in the act of being thrown with the wommera 
 in one hand, the spear itself is supported on the other, which is extended forward. 
 
 The ma-ha-na is even thicker, longer, and heavier than the preceding, but 
 otherwise of similar construction, and wommera-thrown. It used to be manufac- 
 tured out Mullangera way, but is very rarely to be met with now anywhere ; it was 
 originally designed for the spearing of cattle. 
 
 The M-tu-ma and ja-loon, also of the Cloncurry District, are both of them 
 smaller, and comparatively lighter, varieties of the lihijara ; on an average they 
 are about 7i feet long, and thrown with wommeras. In the ^'a-Zoore, the reed-butt 
 is almost twice as long as the gidyea, "dead-finish" scrub, or "needle-bush" 
 shaft ; with the kituma, the reverse is the case, the shaft being always very much 
 longer than the butt. 
 
148 THi: MAINTESAJirCI! OP LAW AND OEDEE : 
 
 The particular wa,ter-reed (Jcin-di in the Mitakoodi language) out of wliicli 
 the butts of these particular Cloncurry District spears are manufactured is not 
 too commonly to be found ; but as a rule is brought over from "Woolgar and 
 surrounding neighbourhood, where it is bartered for. A similar reed grows, 
 perhaps, along the upper reaches of the Burke and Wills ; at all events, the small 
 kun-dor-a (so-called by the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals) reed-spear, which comes down 
 from these rivers to Boulia occasionally (but which, unfortunately, I have not 
 personally handled) appears to be identical with the Mtuma or J aloon of the 
 Cloncurry tribes. Again, one or two hooks may be attached to any or all. of 
 these and the preceding reed-spears. This hook {pril-ja in the Mitakoodi 
 language, cf. per-cJia in the Pitta- Pitta) is cut out from " wild currant " bush, Ac, 
 about 4 inches long, in the shape of a slightly curved sort of thin pencil gradually 
 tapering to a point at each extremity ; it is fixed on to the very tip of the spear 
 (Fig. 364b) with beef-wood gum bound round with tendon obtained from 
 kangaroo-tail, emu-leg, or snake-neck. The second hook, when present, is fixed 
 similarly a few inches below the first. 
 
 251. The Quartz-tip Wommera Eeed-spear. — The yun-la-ra wommera-spear is 
 met with among the Northern Mitakoodi, whence it may be bartered to the 
 Kalkadoon around Grenada and surrounding country; though it is sometimes 
 made by the former, it is most commonly manufactured by the blacks around 
 Sevannah. It reminds one very much of the lihijara, being 11 feet long and 
 upwards, with the reed-butt and gidyea shaft of about equal lengths, but differs 
 in the get-up of the gradually tapering tip (Fig. 365), upon which are fixed with 
 beef-wood gum some ten or twelve small chips of white quartz placed oppositely 
 to another set, very much after the style of the teeth in a lady's small hair-comb. 
 The Mitakoodi call this white quartz-stone yung-un-da-ra, whence another name 
 for this spear is sometimes derived. 
 
 252. Non-indigenous Spears. — In addition to all the spears just described as 
 being indigenous to North- Western-Central Queensland, there are others occa- 
 sionally met with, especially on its northern and north-western confines, which come 
 in through exchange and barter. Thus at Coohillah, on the TJpper Leichhardt Eiver 
 (sect. 127), I met with certain hand-spears for catching fish, &c., bearing at their 
 extremities barbed prongs of sharpened wood or filed iron-wire (Fig. 366) : these 
 belonged to some Karunti boys who had come down from the other side of 
 Normanton. So again at Camooweal are found various forms of stone and 
 barb-tipped spears of foreign origin which have reached their destination from 
 more northerly and more westerly districts. 
 
 253. Wommeras. — The various names applied to the wommera^in the different 
 ethnographical districts are tabulated in sect. 55. 
 
 The wommera manufactured in the Boulia, Leichhardt-Selwyn, and Clon- 
 curry Districts is of the nature of a thin, straight lath of gidyea, about 
 2i feet long, l-inch thick, and 1\ inches wide, the width (in the Boulia District) 
 being pretty constant in its . entire length. So far as the width of the shaft is 
 concerned, it should be noted that as one travels northwards from Boulia into 
 Kalkadoon and Mitakoodi country, this becomes markedly increased, up to 
 2 inches and more, at the centre as compared with the extremities (Figs. 367,368). 
 The thinner the lath, the better is the weapon considered. The surfaces, are 
 slightly and equally convex, but no graving or fluting has been noticed ; sometimes 
 a kind of decoration is produced by tying a string spirally round, and colouring 
 the parts, left exposed, over a fire. The free extremity is rounded off, 
 while the opposite one is cut off at more or less of a right angle, and in 
 the Boulia District two holes pierced or burnt in it (Fig. 369) : when pierced, 
 these holes are drilled with a sharpened emu or kangaroo bone, and by 
 this means, and with tendon, &c., the peg tied on, its fixture being rendered 
 still more complete by a subsequent covering of the usual cementing substance 
 of spinifex or beef-wood gum. Outside the Boulia District, the peg is fixed 
 on without any holes whatsoever, some tendon or twine with cement being used 
 instead. It is this peg or hook (the per-cTia again of the Pitta Pitta) which 
 fits into the concavity at the butt-end of the spear. It may be noted that this 
 
LIGHTING. FIGHTING-WEAJJONS. 149 
 
 woramera, ihe whirler (sect. 215), and the ohekam-ahell chest-ornament (aect. 
 182) are the only examples of aboriginal workmanship in these parts of the 
 country, in which "drilling" is employed. The weapon is handled by fixing it 
 between the fore-finger and middle digit, clasping its free end on to the palm with 
 the middle, ring, and little fingers, and at the same time guiding, or rather 
 steadying, the spear between the fore-finger and thumb (Fig. 370). 
 
 Among the Northern Mitakoodi of Clonagh, &e., and Northern Kalkadoon. 
 of Grenada, Ac, the following variety of wommera made of gidyea, iron-wood 
 (Acacia exceha, Benth.), &c. is very commonly met with, though not actually 
 manufactured by them. It differs from the preceding pattern in having a sort of 
 haft to prevent the hand slipping off (Pig. 371) : this haft, projecting at an 
 angle from the same edge as the peg, is composed of a flattened ovate piece of 
 beef-wood gum, about 3 inches or more in its greater diameter ; a white piece of 
 shell, the che-ha-ra (sect. 182) of the Mitakoodi language, with convex side out- 
 wards, is fixed on to both sides of it. Occasionally, a smaller chip of similar shell 
 is fixed into the cement at the peg-end of the weapon. The width of the shaft is 
 greater at the centre than at the extremities. This form of wommera reaches its 
 destination here through the Nouun tribe at Mullangera, who obtain the shell 
 from the Karunti, &c., people at Normanton. The ta-poon is the name (given me 
 at Olonagh) of the spear belonging originally to this particular form of wommera, 
 and which is bartered with it at the same time. 
 
 In the Upper Georgina District, certainly on the Upper Mulligan and 
 CTpper Georgina Rivers, and along the Toko Ranges, another kind of wommera 
 (Fig. 372) is manufactured, totally different to the preceding lath- types : its 
 particular name at Roxburgh among the Walookera tribe is yum-ma-ra (sect. 
 55). The whole implement is very much shorter, just a little over 2 feet being 
 a very fair average. The shaft is flattened out in the shape of a leaf, slightly 
 concave, both lengthways and crossways like a spoon, about 6 inches at its 
 greatest width, and about ^-inch in thickness : its concavity may be used as a 
 " pituri-plate" — i.e., to mix the pituri on — and traces of the greenish-yellow 
 stains from this plant are very generally perceptible. The shaft may be 
 decorated further with a charcoal pattern of two parallel and sinuous lines, or 
 with gravings in the shape of concentric circles ; often a few transverse incisions 
 are seen on the handle-end. The handle is covered with the usual cementing 
 substance, into the extremity of which (Fig. 372a.) is stnck a little piece of flint, 
 which constitutes a '"sharpener" when the spear-tip becomes blunted. At the 
 opposite end of the weapon is a small half-moon-shaped peg (Pig. 372b), fixed on 
 with tendon, &c., and cementing substance. Whea in use for spear-throwing, it 
 is clutched between the fore and middle fingers, &c., as in the manner already 
 described, but the plane of the shaft is held vertically, so as to afford least 
 resistance to the air in the movement forwards. Sometimes, in close quarters, this 
 wommera may be held by the handle and employed like a short single-handed 
 sword : the nearest district where I have come across a true single-handed short 
 sword is in the neighbourhood of Normanton, where the Wollangama call it 
 roonq-ka-ren. There are thus four different uses to which this "leaf" variety of 
 implement can be applied : a wommera, pituri-plate, sharpener, and sword. The 
 Bouiia District aboriginals cannot use this form of weapon fur throwing spears. 
 
 254. Shields (for their various names, see sect. 55) are manufactured at 
 Roxburgh and along the Upper Georgina, and in the Leichhardt-Selwyn and Clon- 
 curry Districts : Noranside, in the Bouiia District, is said to be the only locality 
 therein where they can be made — i.e., where suitable t(mber is met with. Por 
 purposes of trade and barter, those from the Upper Georgina come down the 
 river direct for the Lower Diamantina, a few branching off on the way from 
 Roxburgh, &c., across country to the Toko Ranges, &c., or indirectly for the 
 Middle Diamantina, viS, Bouiia, Springvale, and Diamantina Gates. Shields 
 made in the Leichhardt-Selwyn and Oloncurry Districts may travel to the Upper 
 Diamantina. 
 
 The timber employed in the manufacture of ashieldisthe "coral" or "cork"- 
 tree {Erythrina, Linn"), or other soft and light wood, the name of the particular 
 material sometimes being identical with that of the weapon, e.g., Pitta-Pitta koon- 
 pa-ra = cork-ttee, shield, koolamon. 
 
150 THE StAINTENAjrCE OP lAW AUD OEDEE : 
 
 If the tree be a small one the required length of trunk may he cut off, 
 and one shield made : if larger, it may be split longitudinally, and two of them 
 made : whereas, if the trunk be of unusual size, four and even five may be cut out 
 simultaneously by splitting. These shields are all cut somewhat after the same 
 pattern, varying from about 22 to 26 inches in length, 7i to 9 inches in width, and 
 having the handle cut into the back (Eigs. 373, 377, 378) : the anterior surfaces 
 are markedly convex both longitudinally and transversely (Figs. 374, 375), the 
 degree of convexity varying inversely with the width, while the posterior are 
 flattened or even slightly concave (Figs. 379, 380). A fluting is to be seen on 
 both sides, though how far this is purposely or accidentally present in the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn and Cloucurry District examples, which in addition bear a 
 superposed incised pattern, it is impossible to say. 
 
 The superposed pattern in the examples from those two districts consists of 
 a sort of looped design on both sides, reminding one somewhat when seen at a 
 distance, though the resemblance may perhaps be considered far-fetched, of the 
 plaques on a tortoise-shell (Figs. 376, 377), occasionally, and additionally, there 
 may be one or two transverse cuts above and below, while invariably the incisions 
 constituting the design are subsequently filled in with red ochre. In the Upper 
 Georginaand Boulia Districts, the pattern on the front is more complicated (Fig. 
 373, 374a.b., 375), a fluting drawn to special design: it might be described as 
 composed of numerous lines lunning parallel with the two vertical edges of the 
 weapon, the two series of curved flutes thus produced crossing in the middle line, 
 and forming a more or less concentric shuttle-pattern around the central portion 
 of the shield. The pattern on the back may occasionally be similar to the front, 
 though usually it is in the form of parallel longitudinal straight lines. Both 
 front and back may be further painted, especially when on the "walk-about" 
 &c., with red and yellow ochre and charcoal, according to the pattern indicated 
 by the fluting : on other occasions, the weapon may either be left uncoloured, or 
 else be painted all over with the one pigment, especially when the supply of the 
 other runs short. No interpretation as to the signification 'of the design was 
 obtainable. 
 
 255. Fighting-poles. — It is a pity that the misnomer " yam-stick" (sect. 158) 
 has so often been applied by Europeans to the two-handed fighting-pole, a weapon 
 which has nothing whatever to do with the esculent in question : it is employed 
 by both men and women, especially the latter, for fighting purposes only, and on 
 the whole may be said to be not too frequently met with in the Boulia District. 
 The different names which it receives are given in sect. 55. This Sghting-pole 
 (Fig. 384) is manufactured in the Boulia, Cloncurry, Flinders, and perhaps the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts, and apparently does not travel much : if it does, the 
 area of circuit is very limited. In length the weapon varies from about 4 feet to 
 4 feet 6 inches, in diameter it is sometimes over 2^ inches : each extremity tapers 
 abruptly to a point. Being made from gidyea, mulga, " box," or other hardwood 
 it is correspondingly heavy. In the Boulia District the surface is generally 
 smoothed, though, if an " old friend," or the owner attaches particular importance 
 to it, it may be covered with a longitudinal fluting: in the Cloncurry District it is 
 invariably smoothed. Often, at one or both extremities, a few more or less 
 parallel or looped bands may be incised to minimi.<!e the chance of the hands 
 slipping (see handle-marks in sects. 241,250). The Mitakoodi alone manufacture 
 a comparatively thinner and much longer fighting-stick, longitudinally fluted, 
 and coloured red : this is used by women only, and known as the Tcoo-lung-a-ra. 
 In making attack with the fighting-pole (with men) one end of it is clasped by 
 both hands closely one above the other : in the defence, one hand is held at 
 each extremity, the weapon being thus maintained either horizontally above the 
 head, or more or less vertically at the side, right or left, as the case requires 
 (sect. 238). 
 
 256. NulIa-nuUas. — The manufacture of the throwing-stick or nulla-nuUa 
 (Fig. 385) is gradually dying out in the Boulia District where it is not employed 
 for purposes of barter, though it is still pretty common along and to the north of 
 the Leichhardt-Selwyn ranges. It is made from gidyea, coloured black with 
 charcoal grease, and met with up to about two feet in length. The free end is 
 
PiaHTING. FIGHTING-WEAPONS. 151 
 
 enlarged and tapers to a point : a good one is usually incised witli some circular 
 bands at the handle (see handle-marks in sects. 24 L, 255), and a longitudinal 
 fluting which reaches either to the tip or ceases abruptly about an inch from it. 
 
 The name applied to this weapon in the Boulia District is mor-ro : the 
 Mitakoodi call it ma-ro. The nuUa-nulla in these districts is not so much a 
 "hand" instrument as a throwing implement — i.e., it is used more for throwing 
 at short distances than for hitting at close quarters. 
 
 257. Stone-knives. — The stone-knife consists of a chipped flint-flake blade 
 fixed into a rounded or oval handle made of cementing-substance (Figs. 387, 389). 
 The flake, varying from about two to over six inches in length, has from three (Pig. 
 388) to five or more facets (Fig. 387), an extra large one, as a rule, forming one 
 side of the blade ; the whole knife is known by the same name as the blade. The 
 cement-handle is either smoothed nicely off to fit the hollow of the hand, or else 
 may be lengthened by the addition of a piece of wood (Fig. 390) : in the Boulia 
 District the handle is spoken of as hun-ti ma-ro— i.e., cement-possessor. Along 
 with the implement there is very often a sort of sheath made of fine strips of 
 bark longitudinally placed, wound round and round with opossum-string, and 
 enclosing at its apex some emu-feathers which, projecting inwards, protect the 
 knife-point (Fig. 386) : at Grlenormiston and Boulia this sheath is called the 
 moon-ta-bil-la. The flint stone from which the blade is made is obtainable along 
 the head of the Burke and Wills Rivers, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn and the Toko 
 Eanges, and Upper Georgina Kiver, but not on the Mulligan. From the 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn and Upper Greorgina Districts, the stone-knife travels, for 
 purposes of exchange and barter — (a) across to the Mitakoodi and Woonamuri-a, 
 (6) to the Middle Dianiantina Hiver via Noranside, Boulia, and Marion Downs or 
 Springvale, (c) to the Upper Diamantina via Kynuna. The names it receives in 
 the various ethnographical districts are to be seen in sect. 55. 
 
 The stone-blade, certainly in the eastern portions of North- West- Central 
 Queensland, owing to contact with a higher civilisation, is gradually being 
 replaced by the iron, filed and ground down, obtained from disused shear-blades, 
 barrel-hoops, &c. ; the handle is also similarly undergoing modifications, a pretty 
 common form being its encasement in the testicle-pouch removed from sheep, 
 goat, or kangaroo. 
 
 258. The Stone Tomahawk (Fig. 391) used to be made years ago, previous to 
 the advent of the whites and their more serviceable metal ones, by the Kalkadoon, 
 Mitakoodi, &c., from a kind of greenstone obtained in the Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 Eanges. I am informed on very reliable authority that at the present time (1896), 
 at a spot called "Bora," in the close neighbourhood of the Bower Bird Gold Field, 
 on the Upper Leichhardt Kiver, are to be seen remains of one of the pits or 
 quarries whence this particular stone was originally obtained. From descriptions 
 given me by the older blackfellows I find that the stone-head itself used to be cut 
 as follows : — A lump about the required size was first of all broken away, and parts 
 chipped off here and there with another similar piece of rock until the necessary 
 shape would be roughly attained. A whole day perhaps would be occupied in 
 doing tliis, while another twenty-four hours would be required for the grinding 
 down, with water, along another smooth piece of the same material until such 
 time as the edge would be sharpened enough for use. Some of these stone-heads 
 reach a considerable size, one in my possession, found in the neighbourhood of 
 Boulia, measuring over 9 inches in its greatest diameter. It is very rare now-a- 
 davs to meet with one of these weapons in its entirety. The handles of the few 
 in my possession are formed of a single piece of wood, bent at its middle, so as 
 to form two limbs which together constitute the handle by being firmly bound 
 above and below with opossum-twine, &c. ; the stone-head is fixed into the wooden 
 loop with " spinifex" or beef -wood gum. I have not come across any examples 
 where the stone is fixed into the fork of a limb. The Boulia and Glenormiston 
 people speak of the handle as chi-ri or wa-cJia-ma, the stone-head as wul-lung-a-ra 
 or ma-rt-a (the last term also signifying the implement as a whole) ; the complete 
 weapon is known as wa-ra-per-ta among the Boulia tribes, as tha wa-rum-].er-ta 
 by the South Kalkadoon. 
 
CHAPTEE XI. 
 DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CANNIBALISM. 
 
 Contents.— Sections 259 268. The Death-bone. 2G9. Death from Snake-bite. 270. Other 
 Diseases and Accidents produced hy the Death-bone. 271. Women-Doctors. 272. The Pearl- 
 plate. 273. The Death-powder. 274. The Bone-pin. 275. Incurable Blindness. 276. Drowning. 
 277. Sudden Disappearance. 278. Mental Disease. 279. Belief in Death as a Punishment — a !Puture 
 State. 280. Treatment of Non-fatal Snake-bite. 281. Fractures. 282. Chants and Dirges for 
 Exorcising Ailments. 283. Smearing of Blood, of Perspiration ; Drinking of Blood, of Seminal Eluid ; 
 Wet-cupping. 284. Smearing of Eat. 285. Poultices. 286. Amulets and Charms. 287. Medicinal 
 Plants. 288. Clay-pills. 289. Burial in the Boulia District ; 290, of a Murderer. 291. Burial in 
 the Cloncnrry District ; 292, in the Upper Georgina District. 293. Cannibalism. 
 
 259. The Death-bone, or bone-apparatus, and its property of producing 
 sickness and death, which, in the absence of sufficiently demonstrable causes, 
 cannot otherwise be accounted for, is one of the most dreaded, as it is universal, 
 of the aboriginal superstitions of North-"West-Central Queensland, including the 
 adjoining Upper and Middle Biamantina districts. The implement can be 
 manufactured by the " doctor," " medicine man," or any other male individual, 
 though were such an one to chance upon a sjiecimen, not his own property, he 
 would immediately wash and destroy it in case of its ever being employed to his 
 own detriment : in the case of a woman, she would immediately fall sick were she 
 to touch, or even to look at it. Por descriptive purposes, the apparatus (Fig. 
 392) may be said to consist of a pointer (D) connected by string, &c., (C) with 
 an elongate cylindrical receptacle (A B), the various terms applied to these 
 component parts in different districts being tabulated as follows : — 
 
 Boulia District. 
 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn 
 District. 
 
 Cloncurry District. 
 
 Upper Flinders 
 District. 
 
 The death-bone as a 
 whole 
 
 The pointer 
 
 The connecting string ... 
 
 The receptacle 
 
 The "medicine-man," 
 "doctor," Sic, who 
 knows how to employ 
 it 
 
 To kill with it 
 
 (mvng-im-i (°) 
 \fcitm-*o (*) 
 
 te-ri 
 
 win-ni-mun-na-ri 
 tou-er-li 
 
 [munguni ma-ro (') 
 fkumboma-ro (') 
 
 mun-da- 
 
 Jwa-to-ko 
 
 Ikoongga (') 
 \ karte-hri-na 
 lOvZ-koor 
 wo-bil 
 
 too-a-run 
 
 mung-UTirt 
 
 ka-te-hri-Tha 
 
 iiml-kooT 
 wo-bil 
 
 munguni boo-na (?) 
 
 kul-ka 
 
 (') M«-ro=sign of possession, &c. ("") £oo-ma=sigu of possession, &c. (') Any stick, piece of 
 wood (sect. 235). (*) A flint-flake, stone (sects. 290, 149). (=) This word signifies a bone of any sort 
 in the Karanya dialect (sect. 52). 
 
 The pointer, from 3 to 5 inches in length, is made usually from one of the 
 human forearm bones, or an emu bone, ground down from the blunt extremity to 
 a gradually tapering point: among the Ealkadoon, the sharpened end of this pointer 
 is fashioned into the shape of a fish-hook sometimes. The string itself is made of 
 human hair or opossum-twine, &c., or both plaited together, and varies from 3 
 or 4 to as much as 12 or 15 feet in length : by means of cementing-substance, 
 beef -wood or apinifex, according to the district (sect. 150), it connects the blunt 
 extremity of the pointer with the internal surface of the receptacle base. The 
 receptacle is formed generally out of a piece of human arm or shin bone cut to 
 a length of 3 or 4 inches and hollowed or scraped out so as to form a kind of 
 cylinder : a human bone, hovyever, though most appreciated for the purpose, is not 
 always at the moment obtainable, and under such circumstances may be substi- 
 tuted by a portion of a kangaroo's or an emu's leg bone, a bit of bamboo-cane, 
 even a piece of an old gun-barrel, or a small sheet of tinware, &c., rolled on 
 itself. One extremity, the base, of the receptacle is closed in with the usual 
 cementing substance to which, passing down on the inside, the connecting string 
 is attached. When the instrument is put into practice, it is the receptacle which 
 encloses the victim's life-blood. 
 
ilSfiASE, ACCrDEUT, DEATH. CAIfNIBAIISM. IS^ 
 
 260. In the Boulia District, the doctors, medicine-men, or whatever they may- 
 be called, come to learn the art of successfully " pointing," i.e., employing, the 
 death-bone as follows : — 
 
 The individual will leave camp for three or four days, and subsist only on 
 bushes, &c. — that is, practically starve himself : he gets more or less " cranky" and 
 when in that condition sees Mul-ka-ri, who is pleased to make him a doctor by 
 inserting certain small flints, bones, or gee-gaws in his " inside" (sect. 261). This 
 is the most ordinary method. Mulkari is the supernatural power who makes 
 everything which the Boulia District aboriginals cannot otherwise account for : 
 he is a good, beneficent person and never kills anyone. 
 
 Other doctors obtain their powers through the instrumentality of Kan-ma-re, 
 a huge supernatural water-snake with a mane-like head of hair. He it is who 
 drowns people (and in this connection it is interesting to note the neighbouring 
 Kalkadoon word kan-da-jin, to swim) ; the same reptile is spoken of as iul-lo-un 
 among the Mitakoodi (cf. the Kalkadoon name for the person who uses this 
 instrument, too-a-run). Supposing, now, that a man be fishing at the river-side, 
 Kanmare may "point" at him a death-bone (sect. 264), of course at such a 
 distance and under circumstances that he neither knows nor sees what is taking 
 place. But by-and-by, as the night-shades begin to fall, he sees the dreaded 
 monster undulating along upon the surface of the water, and runs as fast as his 
 legs will carry him to the camp, where he recounts what has taken place. That 
 night he goes to sleep as usual, but in the morning he feels sick. The sickness 
 continues and becomes worse and worse. In fi-om four to five days after the 
 commencement of the attack, he is attended by some doctor, who removes from 
 the patient's inside, by a process to be afterwards described (sect. 263), the 
 pebble, flint, bone, &e.,that Kanmare put there, with the result that the individual 
 recovers and becomes a doctOr himself. The bone so removed, the ]canm.are-\iane, 
 is a rather long one, and coloured dark : as usual, it is said to be sharpened at one 
 extremity, and covered with cementing substance at the other. 
 
 Mo-ma, the ghost, or shade, or spirit of someone departed can also initiate 
 an individual into the mysteries of the craft. It is he that haunts the graves of 
 the dead: the Mitakoodi call him Lim-hi-ja-hoo-lun. 
 
 Another method of initiating the doctor or munguni-maro is to put into the 
 novice, by means to be subsequently considered (sect. 264), the identical " bone " 
 removed (sect. 263) from the person in whom Mulkari or Kanmare originally 
 placed it. This procedure may be effected on the individual when he is perhaps 
 but a child, and as the years roll on he will suddenly blossom forth with all the 
 powers peculiar to his profession. 
 
 In the Cloncurry District, among the Mitakoodi, it is the supernatural 
 Being with immense eyes and very big ears, Ten-gul-a-goo-lun, who teaches 
 the doctor how to use the munguni : when people are in camp at night he can 
 be heard scratching on the timber and breaking off the branches. But when this 
 individual is not convenient, and will not make himself patent, the man who 
 wants to graduate as a medicine-man or munguni-hoona (sect 259) has to travel 
 all the way down the Diamantina, usually via Eddington, Kynuna, Dagworth, and 
 Eiderslie, as far as Brighton Downs perhaps, at a certain encampment of the Goa 
 tribe, where he learns the art, as follows : — Having made a present of a shirt, 
 blankets, &e., to his teacher, he is first of all put to death, next thrown into a 
 water-hole for four days, and then on the fifth taken out, when a number of fires 
 are lighted all rouud him, and his body thus smoked quite dry, with the object of 
 getting all the water out, and so making him all right and quite alive again : he is 
 now shown how to use the bone, and taught the, in this tribe, necessary songs to 
 sing with it, his success in the art being now assured. 
 
 261. No matter the different methods by which " doctors" come to be what 
 they are, all of these folk are co-potent : they can all not only cure, but also 
 produce, sickness according to procedures which will be subsequently detailed. 
 Beyond their occult powers in this connection, the doctors, except for certain 
 articles which they keep about them, have nothing to distinguish them from the 
 
154 DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. OAJfHTBALISM. 
 
 other individuals in the camp : they engage in similar pursuits, enjoy no extra 
 rights, they marry and may themselves get sick or die through similar agencies, 
 in fact they may get hoisted on their own petards. The certain articles which 
 they keep about them are small pieces of pointed bone, ordinary knuckle-bone, 
 pebble, flint, quartz-crystals, gypsum, anything indeed at all striking or out of the 
 common, which Mulhari or Kanmare is believed to have originally inserted into 
 them (sect. 260), and which have thence been subsequently removed (sect. 263), 
 the property of one doctor being thus capable, as a rule, of being distinguished 
 from the stock-in-trade of others {cf. the term kumho maro, sect. 259, where 
 Tcumbo = flint, stone, &c.). Their owner will show these gew-gaws now and 
 again, as the opportunity occurs, to other individuals and friends who, when the 
 occasion arises (sect. 263), can thus recognise to whom they belong or who, at the 
 time, can see in them a sort of guarantee as to the genuineness and respectability 
 of the practitioner. Whenever a big mob of blacks happens to be collected at 
 the camp, it is believed that the doctor always keeps his eyes and ears well open, 
 and on such occasions never goes to sleep at night : he thus gleans heaps of 
 information, and often discovers not only who it is that possesses a bone-apparatus, 
 which has caught and bottled up someone else's life-blood (sect. 264), but also 
 even at whom it has been pointed — i.e., whose blood it belongs to — notwithstand- 
 ing the fact that this may have been obtained from an individual in some other 
 tribe living even a long way ofE. 
 
 The doctors of the tribe may be on friendly terms with one another, and may 
 consult among themselves when necessary concerning whose blood has been, or is 
 to be, taken— i.e., at whom a death-bone has been, or is to be, "pointed." At 
 heart, nevertheless, they do not trust one another ; they are in reality a bad lot, 
 and it is only a common fear which binds them together : without them, the 
 effects of the munguni or death-bone would be harmless, sickness and death would 
 consequently gradually disappear, and there would be a likelihood of the aboriginals 
 living for ever. As a matter of fact, the other individuals in camp are usually, 
 though not invariably, afraid to tackle them : I only know of one instance where 
 an outsider, my own black servant, dared " point " the death-bone at a native 
 doctor, the latter dying about a fortnight later, though the real cause of death I 
 had no opportunity of verifying. 
 
 262. To explain the method of using the munguni, or " pointing " the 
 apparatus for producing sickness or death, as adopted throughout the Boulia, 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn, Cloncurry, and Upper Georgina Districts, it will be convenient 
 to deal with each stage of the process in proper order, as follows: — (a) a person 
 becomes otherwise-unaccountably sick, and consequently believes himself to be in 
 some enemy's power — i.e., to have been "pointed" at (sect. 264) ; (J) he finds out 
 the doctor and particular enemy who made him ill (sect. 263) ; (c) he employs 
 another doctor to retaliate upon his would-be destroyer (sect. 264-265) ; (d!) he 
 makes sure that his adversary is now equally so in Jiis power (sect. 266-267) ; (e) so 
 that mutual fear tends to break the spell, with a view to health and Larmony being 
 restored (sect. 268). 
 
 An individual becomes incapacitated through some chronic and painful illness 
 which does not answer to the various aboriginal methods of treatment or materia 
 medica : the illness weighs upon his mind, and after a time he becomes more and 
 more confirmed in his conviction that someone has been "pointing" the munguni at 
 him — i.e., that a " bone," pebble, flint, &c., has been put inside him, and his blood 
 removed (sect. 264). Such sickness, which I have had several opportunities of 
 observing, is usually a kind of malaria, ague, rheumatism, &c., or some chronic 
 form of venereal disease : in the last case, owing to the comparatively long 
 incubative stage, any idea that it arises from sexual connection is not even dreamt 
 of, so much so that syphilis, &c., is believed capable of being imparted by burying 
 certain charms, &c. (sect. 274), in the ground. So rooted sometimes is this belief 
 on the part of a patient, that some enemy has "pointed" the bone at him, 
 that he will actually lie down to die, and succeed in the attempt, even at the 
 expense of refusing food and succour within his reach : I have myself witnessed 
 three or four such cases. 
 
DISEASE, ACCIBENT, DEATH. CANNIBALISM. 155 
 
 263. Fortunately for himself, however, the patient is not always so weak- 
 minded as to give up all hope, but, at length recovering a bit, pulls himself together 
 and determines upon finding out who it was that had wrought him the injury. 
 He either asks a friend or relative, who possibly may mention the name of some 
 poor wretch upon whom he (the friend) may have a " down," or else sees the 
 imaginary culprit in a dream ; should both these means fail him he consults a 
 " doctor." These three methods of inquiry have each their separate accompaniments. 
 In the case where he learns the information required through the agency of a 
 friend, he seeks the doctor's assistance, and by means of some sort of a present, 
 such as a blanket, human-hair belt, &c., prevails upon him to " point" the bone 
 at his alleged assailant (and get some of his blood in retaliation, sect. 264). It 
 may happen, however, that the alleged culprit is physically more powerful or 
 possessed of greater personal influence than the medicine-man himself, in which 
 case the latter may decline the job, being fearful of the retribution that 
 might follow should his action in the matter be subsequently discovered ; at any 
 rate, in the long run a willing practitioner is obtained. If in a dream he 
 recognises his enemy, or the doctor who lent assistance, he will perhaps go and 
 fight one or both — if he thinks he can do so successfully ; he will not attempt to 
 do either of them to death, but only just cripple them with knife, spear, or 
 boomerang, and take measures in addition to have each of them " pointed " at 
 with a bone in return. The reason of his not wishing to actually kill 
 one or other is that so long as his own blood remains in the receptacle of the 
 bone-apparatus in the alleged enemy's possession, and is not properly rinsed out 
 with water (sects. 267, 268), his own life remains in danger. 
 
 Where corroborative evidence, by both preceding methods, is wanting, the 
 injured individual will consult some medical friend of his, and, with the usual gift, 
 ask him to discover his assailant, and possibly the name of his allegeil enemy may 
 be divulged straight away. More often, however, the doctor is not quite such a 
 fool as to commit himself so readily, but exercises his power of removing from 
 within the patient's body the actual bone, pebble, flint, &c., which the would-be 
 murderer had invisibly inserted there (sect. 264). Having inquired where the 
 bodily pains were most marked, or their effects still remain, he sets about rubbing 
 or massaging the affected parts, perhaps at intervals rinsing his hands in water. 
 He may also blow upon the patient's chest, take some water into his own mouth 
 and spit it out again, probably to show that nothing is concealed therein, that 
 there is no deception in fact, and may even apply his lips in the act of suction to 
 that portion of the patient's anatomy most complained of. At any rate in a short 
 time he certainly contrives, by a kind of sleight of hand, to get some sort of a 
 doctor's gew-gavv, some of the stock-in-trade — bone, flint, quartz, &c. (sect. 261) — 
 into his hand, or more usually into his mouth, which the patient, as well as any 
 one else who may be present, implicitly believes he has managed to draw out from 
 the part of the body affected. The exact manner in which this bone, pebble, &c., 
 which has invisibly been causing all the mischief, is suddenly made to put in an 
 appearance on these occasions is certainly very puzzling, even to Europeans : at 
 any rate there it is, and the sick individual is now absolutely cured, though his life 
 remains in danger, his life's " blood" bemg in the enemy's bone-receptacle. Now, 
 the particular gew-gaw thus apparently removed from the person ailing must 
 have been placed in the part complained of by some other and rival doctor. The 
 present consultant therefore examines it most carefully and tells the patient to 
 which member of the profession it belongs — that is, who did the actual mischief ; he 
 says he will now try and find out which of the victim's enemies instigated the deed, 
 but will require some little time to do so. The doctor in the meantime consults 
 privately with his fellow-practitioners, and may suggest some personally obnoxious 
 individual, but the latter may have some friends at court, and the idea is scouted : 
 at all events, among themselves collectively in secret conclave they hit upon some 
 poor wretch of a fellow who has perhaps and probably been lately causing trouble 
 in the camp, and all agree in making him the scape-goat. The particular person 
 having been selected, the doctor returns to his quondam patient and divulges the 
 name of his enemy : the patient will not, however, fight him yet, not until he has 
 got his would-be destroyer's life-blood similarly into his own possession (sects. 266, 
 267). 
 
156 DISEASE, ACCtDENT, DEATH. CASNIBALISM. 
 
 264. To do this, he must again employ the services of the medieiae-man, who 
 works his speciality, the bone-apparatus, after one or other of the following 
 fashions, the procedure always taking place at night, when the individual to be 
 made sick or to die is asleep. It is most important to remember that in all cases 
 while the death-bone (sect. 259) is being " pointed," ike blood of the victim passes 
 invisibly across the intervening space to the "pointer," and so along the connecting- 
 string, into the receptacle, where it is collected : at the same time one of the doctor's 
 gevo-gaws, or stock-in-trade, bone, pebble, Sfc. (sect. 261), passes invisibly from the 
 "pointer" to be inserted into the body of the victim, who thus contracts his sick- 
 ness — in other words, the latter, in addition to losing blood, receives a dreaded 
 hone, stone, Sfc. 
 
 265- In the Boulia District the death-bone is " pointed" thus : — If single- 
 handed, and he knows that he can get to within a short distance of his ])rey, the 
 doctor fixes fhe cup or receptacle of the bone-apparatus upright into the ground, 
 while the pointer, resting between the big toe and digits is directed at the person 
 selected, the connecting string being held in the hand, and never by any chance 
 allowed to touch the earth (Kg. 393a). 
 
 Again, if single-handed, but the victim, owing to the position of his gundi or 
 the presence of others, cannot be approached at short distance, a longer string is 
 used : the receptacle is fixed to a stump or tree, while the pointer, which is held 
 in the position of rest upon a forked stick firmly planted into the ground, is directed 
 as required (Fig. 393b). 
 
 Of course itis always advisable for the practitioner to inorkthemunguni by him- 
 self, but sometimes, if in doubt or unsuccessful, he may call in the assistance ot other 
 medicos : in the former case he can keep the transaction secret between himself and 
 his employer, whereas in the latter the evil business might leak out, the danger of 
 such a contingency being, however, perhaps counterbalanced by the fact that the 
 full responsibility is now shared with others. Should two of them be working 
 the instrument, one holds the pointer and the other the receptacle. When three, 
 four, or even perhaps five medicine-men are pointing the bone-apparatus, one 
 holds the pointer, another the receptacle, while the remainder support the con- 
 necting-string, which under these circumstances would be very much longer than 
 the ordinary. Among those holding the string there may be some intimate friend 
 of the proposed victim, and he, by means of a secreted flint, &c., may cut the 
 twine while the performance is proceeding: if, on re-tying the string, it again 
 breaks (i.e., is more probably purposely cut), the intended victim is spared. 
 Though the others may have a shrewd suspicion as to which of their mates severed 
 the cord, they find it wiser not to express any opinion publicly: they only recognise 
 the fact that whoever did it was afraid of stating his convictions openly 
 when the secret conclave (sect. 263) was held. Under such circumstances the 
 doctor returns to his employer and explains how it was that his endeavours to 
 obtain the required blood, &c., were unsuccessful : the employer can please 
 himself whether he consults another medical man or not. 
 
 In the Cloncurry District, the manner in which the munguni is pointed by 
 the Mitakoodi doctor is almost identical, both in procedure and results, with the 
 method holding good in the Boulia District. The receptacle is clutched between 
 the two knees, the string held in the hand, while the pointer, directed in the 
 proper quarter, is made to rest upon a branch or stick in the manner indicated in 
 Fig. 394. In low tones, so as not to notify his presence, he sings a dirge (the 
 meaning of which he does not know) while pointing. 
 
 In the Upper Georgina District, the traditions of the bone-apparatus are 
 upheld, with more or less variations, both among the Undekerebina and Taroinga 
 tribes. In addition to " pointing" by the ordinary method, the Taroinga doctor 
 " shoots" the pointer with a sharp push from the open palm of one hand along 
 the prongs of a forked stick held in the other into the required direction (Fig. 395), 
 his assistant, who has hold of the connecting-string, pulling the pointer back 
 again as it falls : this procedure may be repeated a few times. 
 
 In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, the Kalkadoon doctor usually employs 
 another to help him "point," the one holding the pointer and the "other the 
 receptacle. 
 
DISEASE, ACCrDENT, DEATH. CAOTHIBALISM. 157 
 
 266. Having by some one or other of the above methods of "pointing" 
 obtained the required blood (sect. 261) in the receptacle of the "bone-apparatus" 
 the doctor puts into it the pointer, tip downwards, around the exposed b^tt-end of 
 which and the otherwise open mouth of the cylinder he fixes a lot of the usual 
 cementing substance so as to completely seal it : outside the whole concern he 
 winds the connecting-stiing round and round. Though he will swear to his 
 employer as to the presence and genuineness of the contained blood, it is dilficult 
 to learn whether the medical man has inserted some of his own, or that of some 
 animal, or indeed any at all : he naturally takes every precaution, to maintain the 
 deception, that no one shall actually see what he does enclose in the cylinder 
 when sealing it. But the employer wants to make doubly sure that he really 
 has the blood of his alleged would-be destroyer, and not that of someone else who 
 may have been " pointed " at in mistake. He therefore, in company with the 
 doctor who procured it, will in a few days' time, to avert suspicion, leave the 
 camp after dark, and in some sequestered spot kindle a fire, over which they warm 
 the bone-apparatus with its ghostly contents. Leaving the medicine-man to keep 
 watch, he returns to camp, divulges his mission to no one, but enters into con- 
 versation with his alleged assailant on any ordinary everyday topic, watches most 
 carefully to see if he is at all sick or not, and may casually get him to admit that 
 he is feeling a bit tired or is a little out of sorts. This admission, simple as it is, 
 constitutes ample proof of guilt under the circumstances, but the avenger says 
 nothing, continues the conversation to allay even the slightest suspicion, parts 
 with him on apparently friendly terms, and sneaks back to the doctor, to whom he 
 narrates exactly what has taken place. Supposing that the wrong individua's blood 
 has been " caught," i.e., an innocent person has been " pointed" at in mistake^and 
 this is judged to be the case when not the slightest sign of sickness is discoverable — 
 the medicine-man breaks open the top of the receptacle, which he rinses out and 
 washes well in water, so as to allow of its being used again in another attempt. 
 
 267. But if everything is satisfactory, and the blood of the required culprit 
 has been really (as is believed) obtained, the one in possession has only to warm 
 the apparatus again over the fire to make his alleged, and now proven, enemy 
 more sick ; to destroy it in the flames to make him actually die ; or to rinse it in 
 water and rub fat of any description over it to put him all to rights again. He 
 
 • thus has his enemy completely in his power, and continues to make him sick — 
 there is generally some ague, venereal, or chronic rheumatism, &c., about— but 
 will not kill him — i.e., burn the munguni — forfear of his own life, which continues 
 in danger so long as his own blood (which can be afEected, for good or for evil, 
 and by similar methods) remains in his enemy's possession. 
 
 268. After a longer or shorter interval, when the passions have subsided — and 
 Time heals all things, even the quarrels of the aboriginal — the complainant will 
 consider that he has punished his enemy sufficiently by making him so seriously 
 ill.- He will find some opportunity for making an explanation, and admit, more or 
 less truly, that it was he, butonly in retaliation, who " caught " and still possesses 
 his blood : the owner of the latter will naturally, and most conscientiously, of 
 course, deny the charge in toio at first, but when the strong array of facts is 
 marshalled before him, admit it for peace and security sake, and invent or find 
 perhaps some trifling excuse to justify his alleged original act of injury. They do 
 not fight, being mutually afraid of eacb other, now that each is firmly believed to be 
 in possession of the other's " blood," but settle the matter amicably, the mutual 
 understanding being cemented by the alleged careful washing out and rinsing of 
 the respective munqunis,one of which — the original alleged enemy's — is probably, 
 and, of course, in most eases, not really existent. 
 
 269. Death from Snake-bite. — To account for a death from snake-bite — which 
 apparently only rarely happens, and in such cases the purely natural cause and 
 fatal effect are not reconciled — a variation in the superstition of the death-bone 
 is brought into requisition. This modification in the procedure, though known 
 throughout the whole Boulia District, is said to be only occasionally employed. 
 By means similar to those already mentioned, proof is forthcoming that the 
 receptacle of the bone-apparatus actually contains the particular person's blood 
 
158 DISEASE, ACOrDENT, DEATH. CANIflBAIISM. 
 
 required, but itis time it is believed that the doctor has sealed up a small snake with 
 it in addition : the implement is next smeared over with fat, and the predestinated 
 victim allowed to go away from camp. The latter may depart as usual on some hunt- 
 ing expedition, and become fully occupied in the excitement of the chase, when he 
 suddenly feels something at his leg or foot, and sees a snake just in the act of 
 biting him. Strange to say, this particular kind of snake will now immediately 
 disappear : it does not crawl into the ground, or hide under a stone like any 
 ordinary ophidian would do, but actually vanishes away into space. Indeed, by 
 this very process of invisibility the person bitten recognises that some enemy has 
 been "pointing" at him the munguni, and that through this particular form of it 
 he is sure to die ; nothing can possibly save him. He makes no effort, in fact, to 
 apply a remedy, loses heart, gives way and dies {see treatment of ordinary, i.e., 
 non-fatal snake-bite, sect. 280). Supposing the gin of the thus snake-bitten 
 individual to be present at the time of the occurrence, she will run back to camp 
 as fast as she can go and tell one of the doctors. The latter, from a careful cross- 
 examination as to the nature of the bite, the variety of the snake, and the 
 condition of the patient, will soon gather all the information he requires, and then 
 glance up at the skies to see if Mulkari is spitting or not : if, as he says, he does 
 not recognise this supernatural Being expectorating from above, he tells her that 
 some mortal must have got her husband's blood, using this particular form of the 
 mungtmi to effect his purpose, and that it is impossible to save his life. Further- 
 more, at some future time, the doctor referred to will tell her who actually did 
 the mischief : the widow will not learn this information perhaps for some months 
 to come, but when she does she will tell her brothers and other kindred, who then 
 take the necessary steps to avenge her husband's death. 
 
 270. Other Diseases and Accidents produced by the Death-bone. — Instead of 
 inserting a snake in the death-bone receptacle with the required blood, certain 
 doctors, and they only, can talk to the captured blood and tell it to kill the person 
 from whom it has been taken, by lightning, by the fall of a tree, or to injure him 
 by running a thorn into his foot, or inflicting upon him some vile complaint or 
 disease. 
 
 At Bedouri, on the southern confines of the Boulia District, among the 
 Ooloopooloo tribe, still another modification of the munguni is the wul-loo-Tca, 
 which is believed to be similar in mode and action, but can be used between very 
 long distances. Thus, one of the Bedouri men may have a grudge against a 
 Boulia black, and will tell a white or a blue crane, or even a pelican, to travel all 
 over the intervening distance, and by " pointing " get the blood for him. Some time 
 after, during the shades of night, the victim sees one of these birds in question and 
 will throw a stick at it to drive it away, but the creature, being engaged in 
 "pointing," will not budge for some little time; it will only fly away back to Bedouri 
 when it has got a sufficient quantity of blood in the bone-apparatus receptacle. 
 To make sure now that he really has possession of his victim's blood, the would-be 
 assailant at Bedouri will send four or five other birds again to Boulia in order to 
 glean the necessary information as to whether the individual upon whom he has 
 sinister designs is sick or not : he is afraid to send the same bird by itself on the 
 second journey in case it were to " gammon " him. This procedure is considered 
 to be far more potent in its action than the ordinary form of munguni. Indeed, 
 Mulkari invented this method originally, though he taught both systems to the 
 Ooloopooloo men, whence the commoner process travelled all over the district : 
 the secret of the wul-loo-ka, however, they have kept to themselves, and will on 
 no account teach the details of the process to their northern neighbours. 
 
 271. Women Doctors. — Though a woman dare not handle or look upon a 
 munguni, she sometimes knows and practises the " trick " of removing by mouth 
 or hand (sect. 263) the particular gew-gaw which is alleged and believed to have 
 been inserted, and to be prolonging the sickness, in the patient's body. She may 
 herself be a doctor's wife or not, but on no account is she ostensibly allowed to 
 join in the secret deliberations of the other medical practitioners. If she herself 
 wishes to get possession of another woman's blood, she may prevail, if married, 
 upon her husband, or, if single, upon her brother, to put her wishes into practical 
 execution. 
 
DISEASE, ACCIBENT, DEATH. CAIWrBALISM. 159 
 
 272. The Pearl-plate, ]ike the death-bone, is made to account for various 
 forms of sickness and death, which otherwise to the aboriginal mind would be 
 inexplicable. It consists of a flat, more or less, triangular piece of pearl-shell, 
 with rounded angles, measuring in its greatest length, from middle of base to the 
 subtended angle, at which some cementing substance with a piece of hair-twine is 
 attached, from 1^ to 2 inches (Pig. 396). Brought by the Workia tribes into 
 North-West-Central Queensland to Lake Nash and neighbourhood, it reaches 
 on the one hand the Leichhardt-Selwyu, and on the other the Upper Georgina 
 District. The Kalkadoon, who call this implement the che-ka-la-ri {cf. sect. 184), 
 employ it far more frequently perhaps than the munguni, and have introduced it 
 among the Mitakoodi, who now practice it with the same evil intent. Through 
 the Taroinga, by whom it is named her-ka-la, the Undekerebina tribe of the 
 Toko Ranges has also come to learn its uses. The usual precedure is for the 
 assailant to come, ordinarily at night-time, as close as possible to his intended 
 and unconscious victim, to hold the implement by the cemented corner at arm's- 
 length, and, through the air in the direction indicated, make two horizontal and two 
 vertical passes : the former is considered symbolical of the cutting of the throat, 
 the latter the ripping-up of the belly-wall. The Undekerebina, who apparently 
 attach great importance to this particular mode of injury, take extra precautions 
 lest any innocent or harmless person be hurt by the too great extent of the 
 horizontal sweep, and will therefore hold up the other fore-arm (Fig. 397) to 
 limit it : or, again, with a similar object in view, the performer will open his legs, 
 tuck his head well down, and then put the pearl-shell into execution (Fig. 398), 
 the lower limbs limiting the movement either to the right or to the left. 
 
 273. The Death-powder. — The Workia people, it would seem, are also 
 responsible for the death-powder, the mo-a-ri oi moy-a-ri, somewhat of the appear- 
 ance of very white ashes which, placed anywhere in close proximity to where the 
 victim is sleeping, under his blanket, &c., will kill him in no time. This practice 
 prevails among the Taroinga and the Kalkadoon: through the latter it has reached 
 the Mitakoodi on the one hand and the Yellunga of Noranside on the other. 
 In the Bouli'a District, Noranside is the only locality where it has been noted : the 
 superstition is certainly not met with at Boulia. The Mitakoodi speak of the 
 powder as the mou-ar, and so that the performer should not injure himself by 
 contact he sprinkles it where required from out of a mussel-shell : the same tribe 
 also use a reddish powder, mung-gil-li, with similar methods and design, but the 
 exact composition of either material, which unfortunately I was never allowed to 
 see, is unknown to me. In the neighbourhood of Normanton, outside this 
 district, a specimen of this powder was found to be ground glass. There is 
 suspicion that this particular superstition has its origin in the fact that in the 
 stores on all these Western stations the large quantity of strychnine, the poisonous 
 properties of which many of these aboriginals fully appreciate, is always coloured 
 with ruddle — i.e., red ochre — to minimise the chances of accident. 
 
 274. The Bone-pin or cJii-roo-ko (in the Pitta-Pitta language) is another instru- 
 ment, perhaps a development of the munguni "pointer," brought into requisition for 
 producing venereal and other cognate disorders, fatal or not, which otherwise are 
 inexplicable : the aboriginal has not yet learnt that these particular diseases are 
 capable of transmission by sexual connection. Besides being used in the Boulia 
 District, the cM-roo-ko is at present employed by the Taroinga in the Upper 
 G-eorgina, and by the Kalkadoon in the Lichhardt-Selwyn District, though I have 
 only Pitta- Pitta corroborative evidence for the latter statement: a slight variation 
 of it is certainly in vogue among the Mitakoodi of the Cloncurry District under 
 the name of je-go. In its ordinary form, the chi-roo-ho consists of a short emu- 
 boue from 2 to 2| inches long, filed to a point — a small edition of the munguni 
 " pointer' ' — or perhaps the beak of some long-necked diver-bird, having a little 
 spinif ex-gum attached to the base (Pig. 399). There are two methods adopted 
 in its employment. If placed underground with the point up, but not visible, in 
 the situation where the victim has been expelling one or other of the products of 
 the emunctories, he or she develops some form of venereal disease, and subsequent 
 rotting-away of the privates : if similarly placed in the gundi, or wherever else he 
 
160 DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CANlflBAIISM. 
 
 or slie may be sleeping, it may cause such a disturbance of the general health as 
 to result even in death. The Mitakoodi make their je-go from a human arm-boTie : 
 it is of about the same size as the chi-roo-leo, but with beef-wood gum at the blunt 
 extremity, and when in use is hidden anywhere underneath where the. victim may 
 be sleeping. Both ehi-roo-ho and je-go can be used by the medical as well as the 
 lay fraternity, but never by women. In all case?, the assailant may be discovered 
 as with the munguni, either by consulting a doctor or by revelation in a dream, 
 subsequent retaliation being effected by similar means : as soon as the implement 
 is removed from out of the ground, the sick individual makes a speedy recovery. 
 
 275. Incurable Blindness. — The development of blindness, when not explicable 
 by visible traumatic causes, is in the case of men accounted as a punishment, by 
 human agency, for a continued persistency in " catching" — i.e., raping — married 
 women when alone and unprotected out in the bush. In the Boulia District, this 
 punishment of blindness or me-puk-hoo-re-a (cf. Pitta-Pitta me, an eye, pulc-ha-, 
 to cut, &c.) can be inflicted by anyone except a woman. The individual whose 
 honour has been sullied gets two of the incisor teeth of a young opossum and ties 
 them with twine, derived from the same animal, one to each of his little fingers, 
 on their inner aspects. So prepared, he comes into camp and squats down with 
 the chin resting on his closed hands (Pig. 400), taking up such position that he 
 can get a good view of the delinquent without exciting suspicion. He watches 
 his opportunity to get into line with the offender's eyes, and, without being noticed 
 of course, stretches forwards in required direction with both hands, one on a higher 
 level than the other, and with the little fingers (all the other digits remaining 
 closed) claws into the air at one eye (Pig. 401) : after a few seconds' interval 
 he shifts the position of his hand^, the one which was on a higher level before 
 being now lower, and " makes for " the other eye with a similar clawing. After use, 
 the opossum teeth and string are destroyed by fire. The result is that, although 
 the culprit is totally unconscious, of what has been done to his visual organs, his 
 eye-sight becomes subsequently affected, he gets quite and incurably blind, and 
 can see no more women to assault. 
 
 In the Cloncurry District, when the Mitakoodi want to " blind " a man, they 
 do it by " singing " only, casting over him a sort of spell, as it were. 
 
 276. Drowning. — Death by drowning is a phenomenon explained, in the entire 
 Boulia District at least, by means of Kanmare, the huge supernatural water-snake 
 already mentioned (sect. 260). Por instance, when about to swim across any big 
 stream or river that he suspects or fears, the aboriginal will speak to this Being, 
 and express himself somewhat as follows : — " Do not touch me. I belong to this 
 country." But were he to cross even his own country's river with a stranger to 
 the district, it is possible that he might be engulfed. Again, whenever a big flood 
 comes up, it brings Kanmare in its wake, so that, supposing our traveller wants to 
 effect a crossing, he will only venture in up to his waist : if the water be too warm 
 he will get across either there or at some other spot ; but if too cold, and he 
 persists in the attempt, he is sure to be caught by Kenmare — i.e., drowned. 
 Nothing can cure him or bring back animation. 
 
 277. Sudden Disappearance. — In the Cloncurry District any sudden disappear- 
 ance (what Europeans would probably speak of as murder and concealment of 
 the body) is credited to Mo-ki-pi-ung-o. This individual, this "bogie-man," who 
 lives underground in the seclusion of the mountain fastnesses, is somewhat like a 
 blackfellow in appearance, but has some very long teeth with which he can easily 
 bite through a man's neck : he drags his victim into the " pit," where he finishes 
 by making a meal off him. 
 
 278. Mental Disease.— The same tribe, the Mitakoodi, have a belief that 
 "crankiness," mental disease, &c., is caused by a Being known as Di-ptmg-un-ya. 
 
 279. Belief in Death as a Punishment — A Future State.— ]n conclusion of the 
 immediately preceding sections, since all the above procedures are for the most 
 part looked upon by the aboriginals in the light of punishments for wrongs com- 
 mitted, death is on the whole regarded somewhat as a penalty. Were an 
 
DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CAIOTBAI/ISM:. 161 
 
 individual always to remain good, lie would, barring the munquni, and " accident" 
 of death by actual physical violence— e.^., spear, boomerang, &c.— probably live for 
 ever. Itis only a child that can die " by itself." In his na(tural state, the fear 
 of death is but as nothing to the savage ; he has a hazy notion of the corpse 
 "getting older and moving about elsewhere," when he ceases to bring food and 
 tobacco any longer to the burial-place (sects. 280, 291): he has no dread of 
 future punishment, no hope of reward in another life. Among the Boulia 
 natives, with whom I could converse in their own language, I am absolutely 
 convinced that their belief concerning a future state is as represented : in other 
 districts, when conversing on these topics, interpreters had of course to be made 
 use of. 
 
 280. Treatment of Non-fatal Snake-bite.— I will now consider the various 
 
 ailments or accidents, temporary in their nature, and trivial in their results, 
 
 which to^ the aboriginal mind are considered as arising from simple every-day 
 
 causes— i.e., which have been induced without the intervention of the munquni, 
 
 and are amenable to ordinary simple treatment. The most interesting of these is 
 
 non-fatal snake-bite, the treatment of which in the Boulia District should be 
 
 compared with the munguni variety of snake-bite (sect. 269) that invariably ends 
 
 in the death of the person attacked. In this case, the sufferer would see the 
 
 creature gliding away after it had bitten him, and would carefully watch the hole 
 
 into which it hides : this he immediately blocks up, and makes a careful note of 
 
 the exact spot. With his hair-belt, or any other convenient twine, he next ties two 
 
 ligatures around the limb bitten, above and below the knee if oh the leg, or above 
 
 and below the elbow if on the hand, " to stop the blood come up ": if possible, he 
 
 applies suction to the wound. His gin, or any other mate who may be present, 
 
 would rush back to consult the nearest doctor, and returning, dig a largish hole in 
 
 close proximity to where the accident took place, kindle a fire in it and heat some big 
 
 stones and lumps of rock : when these have become sufficiently hot and the flames 
 
 somewhat subsident, a lot of fresh leafy boughs and branches and leaves, sprinkled 
 
 with water to prevent ignition, are placed on top. Upon this smoking mass of foliage 
 
 the bitten individual now lies, and what with the smouldering embers and hot steam 
 
 arising from the leaves he soon becomes enveloped in perspiration, falls asleep for 
 
 two or three hours, wakes up refreshed, has a "spit," and is quite recovered. In 
 
 the meantime, however, the medicine-man has not been idle, for he of course has 
 
 had a share in the cure : when the messenger first came to report the accident, he 
 
 would, after cross-examination, look up at the sky and declare that he could see 
 
 Mulkari spitting, and that therefore the patient would be all right if he went 
 
 under the prescribed treatment. Purthermore, the doctor himself comes to the 
 
 place where the accident happened, is shown the identical spot where the snake 
 
 lies imprisoned, digs it out, and lets it travel away a few feet before commencing 
 
 to pelt at it with stones. During this process the snake gradually becomes 
 
 smaller and smaller until, from an original length of 3 or 4 feet, it may dwindle 
 
 down to 12 or 10 inches : the creature, thus rendered harmless, is carried back to 
 
 camp, where the medicine-man, turning its skin half- way inside out while still 
 
 alive, throws it into the water, and so makes an end of it. It is needless to say 
 
 that no lay-man is allowed to witness the process of causing the ophidian to 
 
 diminish in size. The blacks will admit that if an infant or young child is bitten 
 
 by a snake it cannot usually be cured unless all the above performances are 
 
 quickly gone through : if, for instance, the accident takes place three or four 
 
 miles from camp, the little sufferer cannot possibly stand the delay like an elderly 
 
 individual would. Among the Mitakoodi the treatment of ordinary snake-bite is 
 
 very similar, but no " tricks " on the part of the doctor are brought into 
 
 requisition : suction, with or without scarifying by knife or stone, and ligature, 
 
 followed by sweating over heated leaves, especially if the particular species is 
 
 believed to be a dangerous one. 
 
 281. Fractures. — With regard to fractured limbs, two to four sticks in the 
 rough may be tied on a broken a,rm or leg, and left there perhaps for from one to 
 two months : the value of the remedy is rendered inactive, however, by the fkcfc 
 that these splints are not of sufficient length to keep the adjacent joints at rest. 
 At other times {e.g., among the Mitakoodi), instead of splints, the linib may be 
 
162 DISEASE, ACCrOENT, DEATH. CANNIBALISM. 
 
 wrapped up in opossum skins, and tied tightly round and round with twine. The 
 value of slings, crutches, &c., in these cases is unknown : if an arm is broken, it 
 is supported by the hand of the opposite one ; if a leg, the patient is carried to 
 camp and laid there, &c. 
 
 282. The various Chants and Dirges for exorcising Ailments, Inducing Sleep, &c., 
 have been so handed down from one to another, both individually and tribally, 
 that though some of the lay as well as the professional members of the 
 community know several of them by rote, none of them understand their actual 
 meaning : for instance, here is one used at Boulia, in addition to other remedies, 
 for dispelling stomach-ache and diarrhoea — " koo-nam-hi ma-re-cZ-yi li-vo-oonff-lia. 
 ma-pa-di," where the root Jcoo-na (i.e., fseces) is the only syllable intelligible 
 to me. It must not be forgotten that chants and dirges may, on the other hand, 
 be utilised for producing sickness, &c. 
 
 283. Smearing of Blood, of Perspiration; DrinMng of Blood, of Seminal Fluid ; 
 Wet-cupping. — Human blood is used for smearing all over the body, trunk, limbs, 
 and face, in various obscure afEections, and internal pains of one sort and another. 
 In the Boulia District this smearing of blood is known as gim-ba-lo-weon-di-a 
 {gim-ha, kim-la = blood, -lo = prepositional suffix by, with, [sect. 24], w := euphonic, 
 oon-da- = to grease or smear). The blood itself is removed from any other 
 apparently healthy individual, but never a woman, in one or other of the two 
 following methods: — With a string or other ligature tied tightly round and above 
 the main prominence of the biceps muscle, the elbow is either strongly flexed 
 (Pig. 402a.), or while made to press upon something behind (I"ig. 402 b) equally 
 strongly extended : in tlie former case, the incision with the stone knife, &c., into 
 the posterior ulnar vein (the blood-vessel ordinarily employed) can be made by the 
 individual himself, in the latter by some other person. The blood is collected into 
 a koolamon, and the wound, dressed with fat, bound round with a leaf or two. 
 By means of a bundle of emu feathers the blood so obtained is dabbed all over the 
 patient from head to heels, while his gin or some male friend, more usually the 
 former, rubs it in with the flat of the hands, the massage, such as it is, lasting 
 often well over a quarter of an hour : in addition to the external application of the 
 remedy, the patient may drink some or even all of it, in the latter .case postponing 
 the " rubbing" portion of the treatment for a subsequent occasion. This blood- 
 smearing cure is in vogue throughout North-"West-Central Queensland. The 
 Kalkadoon, in addition, apply a method, without rubbing, wherein the whole body, 
 head included, is covered with red ochre. Sweat removed from under the armpits, 
 and smeared in a similar manner as the blood, is also believed to have wonderful 
 curative powers, especially in extremis, throughout all these districts. The 
 drinking of seminal fluid in cases of sickness will be referred to in the ethno- 
 pornographical chapter (sect. 305). Wet-cupping, by means of superficial 
 incisions made by stone-knives, &c., is not infrequently practised over an inflamed 
 and painful knee or shoulder-joint. 
 
 284. Smearii^ of Pat. — Iguana-, snake-, or any other kind of fat or grease, 
 mixed more or less with mud and dirt, is used as a dressing for cuts and wounds 
 of all description, the latter never been allowed to heal by " first intention" : this 
 custom of greasing an incision is very common everywhere. A clean-cut incised 
 wound is called in the Pitta- Pitta language koo-re-a, while any open or punctured 
 one, due to a boomerang or spear, is named wil-pa. Pat may also be employed 
 as a liniment for rubbing over tired or aching limbs, and in such circumstances 
 afEords apparently speedy relief. Independently of sickness, the greasing of the 
 bodies of children and infants is referred to in sect. 328. 
 
 285. Poultices. — The only application of a poultice that has come under 
 observation is the practice prevailing among the Mitakoodi for the cure of a bad 
 headache : some box-tree bark, subsequently to having been hammered and 
 pounded, is soaked in hot water, and the mass so produced held with a piece of 
 bark, cloth, &c., by the hand — not tied — to the particular part affected. On other 
 occasions, in the same tribe, a bundle of heated fresh leaves may be tied on to the 
 forehead for a similar purpose. 
 
DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CANUTBALISM. 163 
 
 286. Amulets and Charms. — The min-ma. min-ta-ra, or mul-ta-ra consists of 
 a bundle of emu feathers, either tied up loosely with opossum-string or enclosed 
 in a curved spindle-shaped net (Pig. 403) tied on anywhere where pain may be ; 
 for instance, over the forehead for headache (Pitta- Pitta, ha-ti-pul-ha-le-a — see 
 Vocabulary, sect. 44), over the belly for stomach-ache (Pitta-Pitta, um-la put-ya 
 put-yamul-le-a, tool-chi koon-di koon-Hi,&a. — see Vocabulary, sect. 44). 'Ihis charm 
 is met with in the Boulia and Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts. 
 
 A rather rare amulet, the mun-da-Jcoo-e-a, is of a flattened-spindle form, about 
 5 or 6 inches long, made of emu feathers, which, after been placed lengthways and 
 bundlewise are wound round and round with opossum-string, and then coated all 
 over with red-ochre grease : a slender piece of bone of some sort is occasionally 
 enclosed in its centre. Originally, in the olden days, this was used as a sign of 
 good faith to be forwarded to some other friendly tribe whose assistance was 
 required in fighting a common enemy : in those times there was but one of them 
 in each camp, and the privileged individual used to wear it on his chest, on 
 which it would hang by means of a string passing round the neck. Subsequently 
 this mundahooea came to have remedial properties attributed to it, and, worn in 
 the similar position, has been gradually imitated and supplanted by the more 
 common wor-a-Tea. [Compare notes on death and burial (sect. 291) for the use 
 of the mundakooea among the Mitakoodi.] The woraka (Fig. 404) is a similar 
 implement to the preceding, but usually more rounded, and so may be described 
 almost as cigar-shaped : it may also be painted as before, entirely red, or in trans- 
 verse bands of alternately red and yellow colours. Worn over the chest it is 
 used to relieve obscure pains, a troubling cough, &c., and, as a survival, may still 
 be utilised for collecting aid in case of warfare. The woraka, its Uoulia District 
 name, is known as u-la-ri by the Kalkadoon, who also manufacture it ; indeed, it 
 is believed to have been introduced originally to the latter by their northern 
 neighbours, the "Workia. 
 
 287. Medicinal Plants. — The gum (Pitta- Pitta, ko-ka) of the blood-wood tree 
 (Pitta-Pitta, re-ehin-di) is used both as a local and internal application for venereal 
 sores : in the former case it is used as powder and dusted on, in the latter it is 
 boiled with water. This remedy is used on the Upper Georgina, and in the 
 Gloncurry, Leichhardt-Selwyn, and Boulia Districts. 
 
 A species of " penny-royal " (Pitta- Pitta, ■po-kan-gud-ye) is drunk in the form 
 of a decoction, like tea, with apparently very beneficial results, in coughs or colds 
 (Pitta-Pitta, ka-rin-ga-ri) : a very common remedy in the Boulia and Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn Districts. 
 
 In the country of the Mitakoodi, the u-ha-ta, a species of rosella growing on 
 the mountains, is also made a decoction of for the same purpose. 
 
 Similarly strongly-scented plants are used everywhere for "sniflSngat" in 
 eases of headache. 
 
 The belief is pretty common that any sort of grass or shrub growing near the 
 water's edge will relieve difficult or painful micturition : various species of 
 Euphorbia are the plants very frequently used for this purpose. 
 
 288. Clay-pills. — The aboriginal pharmacopaeia for the District ends now with, 
 the huge clay or mud pills, one or two of which at a time are prescribed for 
 diarrhcea : these pellets are certainly at least twice the size of those to be seen at 
 any pharmaceutist's. Strange to say that in this respect the therapeutic value of 
 the omnipresent Eucalyptus is unknown in the neighbourhood of Boulia: the 
 Mitakoodi, on the other hand, for similar gastric disturbances, employ both gidyea 
 and eucalyptus gum as well as clay pellets similar to those in use in the Boulia 
 District. 
 
 289. Burial : (a) In the Boulia District. — In the Boulia District, when a black- 
 fellow (male or female) dies, some bushes are heaped over a net spread out upon 
 the ground, and on these the extended body is laid, the arms lying at the sides or 
 down the front. Generally, by means of a spear, the net is fixed lengthways 
 above, so as to enclose the corpse in a sort of net-sheet. Two or three men, side 
 
164 DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CANWIBAIilSM. 
 
 to side, carry the body, resting crossways usually on their heads to the burial- 
 place, accomj)anied by the whole of the camp. The actual spot being now deter- 
 mined upon, some set about digging a grave, while others assist in cutting logs 
 and sticks from 3 to 6 feet long. The depth of the grave appears to vary with 
 the nature of the soil, but about 4 feet is a fair average, though this is 
 often greater. "When all is ready, the body is laid in horizontally, face up, with 
 the head pointing in the direction of the north : this is considered to be the 
 orthodox " good-fellow" direction in which the body ought to lie, but too many 
 die nowadays, and the survivors appear too lazy to trouble themselves concerning 
 such details. Some of the longer logs cover the body in, then a layer or two of 
 shorter ones are placed transversely, and next comes the filling up with earth : on 
 top of all this are placed logs and bushes, perhaps some heavy stones, all closely 
 interlaced, and reaching to a height of from 3 to 4 feet above the adjacent- 
 surface, which is cleared and cleaned to a distance of a few feet all the way round 
 (Fig. 405). The reason given for the fixing of the logs, &c., is to prevent the 
 corpse from being dug up and tampered with by the dingoes, while the expla- 
 nation of the cleaned space is the prevention of the timber igniting in case of a 
 bush-fire. The various goods belonging to the deceased — boomerangs, spears^ &c. — 
 are either buried with him, destroyed by fire, or sometimes, though rarely, distributed 
 among his "brothprs,"but never his children. Furthermore, his personal individual 
 name (autonym) dies with him, never to be again mentioned, a custom especially 
 marked in the case of near relatives, who do not care to be reminded of the event : 
 it was mainly owing to this circumstance that attempts at forming reliable con- 
 clusions as to possible connections between personal individual names proved to 
 be fruitless (sect. 67). Burial follows almost immediately upon death taking 
 place, though if the closing scene occurs at night it is not carried out until early 
 dawn. The corpse itself is in no ways decorated or painted. 
 
 At the grave, and while it is being dug, in the midst of the wailing and the 
 weeping, the women will cut themselves with stone or glass down the outer and 
 anterior aspects of the thighs, in numerous more or less parallel superficial 
 incisions. In the neighbourhood of Gienormiston the women, previous to the 
 cutting, have been known to wash their thighs with their own urine collected in the 
 hands. These signs of grief with the females have their counterpart among the 
 males at Carlo, G-lenormiston, Herbert Downs, and Roxburgh, but apparently not 
 at Boulia, who make a single large and much deeper crucial incision on the 
 corresponding portion of the thigh : in the old days, before the advent of the 
 whites, deaths were of infinitely less frequent occurrence than now, with the 
 result that the old piactice of a " cross" for each adult male deceased would now 
 be impossible. Occasionally among the elder men one or two of these crucial 
 incisions are still to be observed. 
 
 The actual burial being completed, they all return home with many a sob and 
 tear, and plaster their heads with blobs of pa-ia or " kopi," a sort of gypsum, 
 these lumps at a distance making the whole hair appear one mass of white. In 
 any camp uncontaminated and away from the settlements, this plastering is 
 adopted by all, no matter whether the deceased be man, woman, or child, 
 though, as might have been expected, it is worn longer by some than by others, 
 even up to six months sometimes in the case of gins mourning their husbands. 
 Owing to this fixing up of the hair a mourner is spoken of as pata-maro 
 — i.e., plaster-possessor. In addition, the nearer relatives, and they only, colour- 
 grease themselves down as far as to the waist, after the patterns for male 
 and female respectively in Figs 407a.b. These nearer relatives, in the 
 case of an adult male, are considered to be the wife, and his brothers and 
 sisters by the same mother — not his father or mother : with an adult woman, 
 only the brothers and sisters by the same mother, her husband contenting 
 himself with the plastering. In the case of a young child, no painting would be 
 adopted by anyone. So far as the pattern is concerned, the yellow grease is first 
 of all smeared over by itself, the design being worked by a scraping off with the 
 three or four clawed finger-tips like the teeth of a comb {cf. sect. 185) : the red is 
 put on subsequently, and the design on both back and front is similar. An 
 opossum-string armlet is tied on pretty tightly. Exclusive of the nearer relatives, 
 
BISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CANNIBALISM. 165 
 
 in addition to the " kopi," or more usually when its supply runs short, greased 
 ashes, or mud by itself, may be smeared over the whole body as external emblems 
 of grief. 
 
 Crying and weeping, but no singing, is repeated nightly for a week or so, up 
 to a fortnight perhaps, especially by the nearer relatives, who may repair to the 
 grave for the purpose, the sisters continuing when the brothers cease : they 
 generally go in parties to the burial-place, being afraid to go singly on account of 
 seeing the deceased's Momu, (sect. 260) possibly. Tobacco, matches, food, pituri, 
 a pipe, &c., may be left each night at the grave-side, and the individual departed 
 openly informed to that effect. 
 
 "When an adult male dies in the Pitta-Pitta country, all his brothers and 
 sisters are called mun-na moor-ra, a term literally signifying " no-good sticks," 
 applied probably in reference to the logs lying upon the deceased's grave: his 
 wife, a widow, is henceforth known as ha-ri-ou-o, and she remains one for a 
 twelvemonth or more, until such time as another husband can be found for her. 
 
 290. (b) Of a Murderer. — When an individual has been killed by the whole tribe 
 collectively — that is to say, in punishment for some serious crime — he is usually 
 made to dig his own grave, which is subsequently closed in similar manner, except 
 that boomerangs are substituted for the long logs immediately covering the corpse. 
 "Where, as in cases of murder, the assassin has been caught red-handed, the slayer 
 and slain are buried together in the same grave, previously dug by the survivor 
 after the customary method. In times of open hostilities, those who are killed 
 are left on the field by their enemies, with broken spear or boomerang close 
 beside to show the passing wayfarer how the individuals in question met their 
 death. In the Pitta- Pitta language a grave is ca\\e,dLmoorra-hiimbo (= stick-stone), 
 a corpse hoon-ta, and the act of dying, to die (also = to lie down), e-che-. 
 
 291. (c) In the Cloncurry District. — In the Cloncurry District, among the 
 Mitakoodi, the corpse, pa-ra-go (the same name applied to a white man) is buried 
 usually in a crouching position with head down, enclosed in a net perhaps, then 
 covered with some ti-tree bark, and the earth thrown on top : no logs or sticks 
 are piled up above, but the ground is smoothed to the level of the surrounding 
 surface and a more or less circular area cleaned up. "When night falls, a fire is 
 lighted at a few yards' distance from the grave, and some meat, &c., hung up on 
 a neighbouring tree : this may be repeated for three or four nights following, 
 and occasionally now and again during the next few months, until it is believed in 
 fact that the deceased "has got too old, has gone away somewhere else." In the 
 olden days the women used to wear the gypsum as a sign of mourning, but 
 nowadays both sexes only besmear themselves with mud, or else paint themselves 
 red as far down as the waist : incisions used also to be made along the fronts of the 
 thighs, several small superficial ones on the women, and two or three deep ones on 
 the men. "Where no visible or otherwise intelligible cause of death presents 
 itself, one of the doctors will find out whether this is due to Mulkari or his 
 counterpart who, in the Mitakoodi country, is believed to kill blacks, or to some 
 human enemy with the munguni : in the latter case he would make-believe that 
 he had picked up the particular incriminating gew-gaw in the neighbourhood 
 of the grave, and accuse some individual of having committed the crime. In 
 other cases, the near relatives of the deceased may learn something for themselves, 
 by sticking upright a small forked stick on the grave itself, and on it placing a 
 mundaTcooea (sect. 286) : this is done at night, and if on the following morning 
 the mundahooea is found on the ground, it is proof positive that the late lamented 
 met his death at the hands of an enemy " from a long way country." 
 
 292. (d) In the Upper Georgina District, along the river, from Carandotta 
 upwards, tree-burial is practised. A sort of horizontal platform of logs is 
 built in the tree about 10 or 12 feet from the ground, and upon this, wrapped 
 in its net, &c., the corpse is laid : various sticks and bushes are placed on top, 
 and in and among them the deceased's possessions may be enclosed. Kg. 
 406 represents a tree-grave which I found a little beyond Koxburgh : the 
 body, that of an old Headingly or Carandotta boy, was lying with head to 
 
166 DISEASE, ACCIDENT, DEATH. CAfWIBAMSM. 
 
 north-east and feet to south-west. Among the Taroinga I am informed hy 
 members of the tribe that, in special cases of important personages, when all 
 the flesh has rotted off, the bones are subsequently removed and buried in the 
 ground, with nothing on the surface to indicate their presence beneath. 
 Gypsum is also used as a sign of mourning : the same custom prevails also in 
 the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, though the Kalkadoons use red and yellow paint 
 in addition. 
 
 293. Cannibalism. — Though the prima facie evidence of the practice of 
 cannibalism is very meagre, and any information concerning particulars is but 
 charily given by the aboriginals, there is no doubt but that this custon, though 
 gradually becoming more and more obsolete, certainly does take place within 
 certain limitations throughout North-West-Central Queensland. Thus in the 
 Boulia district, especially with children who die suddenly from no lingering 
 illness, portions of the corpse may be eaten by the parents and by their blood 
 brothers and sisters only : the reason assigned is that " putting them along 
 hole" would make them think too much about their beloved little ones, 
 though unfortunately this is apparently contradicted by the fact that if the 
 child has been ailing a long time previously and become emaciated, &c., 
 it will be buried. Proofs also are to hand that within the last ten years, 
 since 1885, true-blooded aboriginal children have been killed, with the object 
 of being eaten, at Noranside, Eoxburgh, and Carandotta. In the more northern 
 areas half-caste infants are not uncommonly murdered at the present time, 
 either at the instigation of their white fathers or their assumed black-blooded 
 ones : but to what extent, in the latter case, for the main purpose of providing 
 food, it is impossible to speak with certainty. My friend Mr. Edwards, late of 
 Koxburgh, is the only European who to my knowledge has been an eye-witness of 
 such an orgie : this was in 1888, between Eoiburgband Carandotta, when he saw 
 an infant being roasted in one of the native ovens, and subsequently watched the 
 blacks opening the body and making for the fat, but he became too sick and faint 
 to observe anything further. With regard to people of maturer years, those who 
 have died suddenly and who are in good condition at the time of death — not the 
 old or the emaciated — may similarly be eaten : this rarely takes place in the 
 Boulia or Cloncurry Districts nowadays, though many of the older men of these 
 parts will relate numerous instances of its occurrence in the " early " times. In 
 the Leichhardt-Selwyn District, the Kalkadoon at the present time (1896) will eat 
 any corpse, friend or foe, old or joung, even in cases where the flesh is visibly 
 rotten with venereal : tliere is no doubt of this. Elsewhere individuals who have 
 been killed in intertribal warfare are left exposed where they fall. At G-len- 
 ormiston, in 1892, on the occasion of a black ■ having been killed by the tribe 
 collectively for murder, a great debate was held as to whether the body should be 
 eaten or not : it was only due to the presence upon the scene of the station- 
 manager (Mr. J. Coghlan, from whom I received the report) that decided the 
 question in the negative. On the other hand, it is only fair to state that, so far 
 as I have been able to gather information, I kuow of no case in North- West- 
 Central Queensland where any adult male or female has been killed for the 
 sole purpose of providing a repast. 
 
CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 KAIN-MAKING, THUNDER AND LIGHTNING-MAKING. 
 
 CoNTBNTS. — Sect. 294. Rain-making in the Boulia District. 295. At Roxburgh. 296. At 
 Headingly, Lake Nash, &c. 297. In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. 298. Thunder and Lightning- 
 making. 
 
 294. Rain-making : (a) In the Bonlia District. — "With the exception of perhaps 
 a few of the Tunda tribe, there are no individuals in the Boulia District who know 
 how to mate rain. When rain is wanted here at Boulia, word is sent down to the 
 Miorli men at Springvale or the Diamantina Gates to come up and make some. 
 This special performance, carried out with a rain-stick (Fig. 408a.), a song, and 
 a dance, takes place somewhat as follows: — The rain-stick, koo-roo-mtm-do, is 
 formed of a thin piece of a species of " white " wood, about 20 inches long, 
 on to the top of which is fixed a mass of the ordinary cementing-substance : into 
 this the three "rain-stones," pieces of white quartz-crystal, are stuck. Hair cut 
 from the beard is next laid lengthwise on to the cement, and fixed an inch or so 
 below it : over this again are laid leafy branches of " white " wood which is all 
 tied round with string, somewhat after the manner of a straw broom. Three 
 or four of such sticks may be used in the ceremony. At about mid-day, the men 
 proceed to a secluded waterhole, one or more of their number having been 
 previously deputed to dive into the water aud fix a hollowed log, about the length 
 and thickness of a man's arm, vertically down into the mud. They now all get 
 into the water, and, surrounding the central individual, who holds the rain-stick, in 
 more or less of a circle, commence proceedings with a stamping movement of the 
 feet, each performer keeping the same relative position to the others : considering 
 that the water may be sometimes 4 or more feet in depth, the " dancing " is 
 maintained with no inconsiderable difficulty. During this part of the performance 
 the water is splashed with their hands, from all sides, onto the Tcoo-roo-mun-do 
 held vertically on high by the central figure : there is a singing accompaniment 
 to this, but the Pitta-Pitta men are evidently ignorant of its exact 
 literal purport. The singing over, the central figure dives out of sight, 
 and attaches the rain-stick into the hollow log already fixed there : coming 
 to the surface again he quickly climbs on to the bank, and spits out on dry 
 land the water which while diving he had obtained from below. Should more 
 than one of these rain-sticks have been prepared, the performance is repeated 
 with each in turn. As they return to camp they now and again with a small 
 
 Kalkadoon wung-ka, the shin or leg, sect, 52) : it is believed that if the scratching 
 were to be done with the fingers direct, it would spoil the whole ceremony. _ On 
 the arrival of the party back at camp, the men who have been taking part in it 
 paint themselves with gypsum in thick bands : from the top of the head down the 
 middle of the face and neck as far as the umbilicus, a second transverse one over 
 the face across the bridge of the nose, and a third and fourth drawn from the 
 extremities of the last-mentioned down the side of the neck over the shoulder 
 along the front and outer aspects of the arm and forearm to the wrist. During 
 the rest of the day, the scratching process, accompanied by the singing, is repeated 
 at intervals, and the performance comes to a close. No woman is allowed to set 
 eyes on the rain-stick or the ceremony of its submergence ; the wife of the 
 " boss" rain-maker may, however, join in the subsequent twig-scratching. There 
 would appear to be no special individual among the Miorli who alone can make 
 the rain : any of the tribe can learn the process, and when once in possession of 
 one of these pieces of white quartz will be successful. "When the rain does 
 eventually fall, the kooroomando is removed from out of the water. At Boulia, 
 during the heavy fioods and rains of January and February, 1895, I was assured 
 
168 aAIir-MAXIir&, THTTITOBE AKD HGHlNIirCt-MAEtNG. 
 
 on native authority that all the rain and -w&ter had as usual heen produced by the 
 Miorli men : when I begged of them to immediately stay proceedings, the reply 
 came that as the flood had come up too quickly to allow of the removal of the 
 rain-stick from out of its submerged position, the rain would have to run its 
 course ! Instead of coming up to Boulia, the Miorli rain-makers may visit Marion 
 DowiJs: from the former locality they may proceed for similar purposes to 
 "Warenda, Noranside, Chatsworth, &c. 
 
 295. (b) At Roxburgli the following variation of the ceremony may be noted: — 
 A piece of white stone, a kind of white quartz-crystal, the rain-stone obtained 
 from somewhere out in the ranges, is crushed and hammered to powder. Some 
 very straight-stemmed tree is chosen — generally a blood-wood tree with the butt 
 for a long way up free from branches — and saplings from 15 to 20 feet in length 
 are ranged all round it in the form of a beU tent, forming a sort of shed. 
 Outside, in front of this erection, a small space of ground is cleared, a portion 
 scooped out, and some water placed in it. The men, having been previously 
 collected within the shed, now come out, and, dancing and singing all around the 
 artificial waterhole, break out with the sounds and imitate the antics of various 
 aquatic birds and animals, such as ducks, frogs, &c. All this time the women are 
 encamped at from about 20 to 25 yards away. The men next form themselves 
 into a long string, Indian file, one behind the other, and gradually encircle the 
 gins, over whom they throw the crushed and pulverised stone. The women 
 simultaneously hold koolamons, shields, pieces of bark, &c., over their heads, and 
 " gammon " that they are protecting themselves from a heavy downpour of rain. 
 
 296. (c) At Headingly, Lake Nash, &c.., among the Taroinga, the rain-making 
 corrobboree always take place at night, commencing with sun-down and finishing 
 with sun-rise. Furthermore, the men, who alone take part in it, are decorated with 
 red and white feathers stuck on with blood in the usual manner (sect. 185), 
 according to the design represented in Fig. 408b. A basis of white over the face, 
 neck, arms, chest, and trunk down to the waist, with two parallel vertical bands of 
 red passing down the centre. On the head is worn a thick roU of emu-feathers, 
 a sort of minma (sect. 286), with one wild-turkey feather stuck on top, to the 
 shaft of which are attached five or six long opossum-string streamers falling down 
 the back. To the usual hair belt are fixed an eagle-hawk feather bundle (sect. 183) 
 at either side, and one of white-cockatoo feathers in front. This rain-eorrobboree 
 was " found " in these districts a very long time ago, and hence my informants 
 could render me no interpretation of the song accompanying the performance. 
 
 297. (d) In the LeicMiardt-Selwyn District some of the Kalkadoon can also 
 make rain. The feather-down of the emu is stuck with blood over the whole face, 
 neck, and chest, back and front, down to the waist, including the arms as far as 
 the wrists. The performance, in which two or three old men, never young men or 
 women, take part, is carried out at mid-day, when the sun is high up. They were 
 taught the proper song from the Workia at Carandotta, and so are ignorant of its 
 meaning. At Devoncourt, a sort of soap-stone rubbed with fat is believed to be 
 brought into requisition. 
 
 It is true, when all is said and done, that as a rule rain generally follows 
 upon these performances, but then it must be remembered that the rain corrob- 
 boree is only held at certain seasons of the year, when to the elders, i.e., the more 
 experienced, tlie clearer-witted, the various atmospheric phenomena afford a likely 
 indication of its advent. 
 
 298. Thunder and Lightning-making. — Many Mitakoodi, and several 
 Kalkadoon, are firmly persuaded that other blacis, both of their own and other 
 tribes, can make thunder and lightning: when pressed for the objects and 
 aims of such occurrences, I was assured that they were to drive out the white 
 settlers. In this connection it is interesting to note that the Kalkadoon speak of 
 any European as yun-yi, a word synonymous with " bogie"-man, ghost, &c., while 
 the Mitakoodi speak of him as pa-ra-go, a corpse (sect. 291) ; considering how 
 the aboriginals in these parts have up to recent times been treated, these terms are 
 not to be wondered at. 
 
AuTHOii's Note. — The following chapter is not suitable for perusal hy the 
 general lay reader. 
 
 CHAPTER XIIL 
 ETHNO-PORNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Contents.— Section 299. The Degrees of Social Rank. 300. TiTst Ceremonial (Male) in the Boulia 
 District; 301, at Roxburgh; 302, at Headingly ; 303, in the Cloncurry District; 304, in the 
 Leiohhardt-Selwyn District. 305. First Ceremonial (JTemale) in Boulia District; 306, in Upper 
 Georgina District ; 307, in the Leiohhardt-Selwyn District ; 308, at Birdsville. 309. Remarks on the 
 Vaginal Laceration. 310. Second Ceremonial (Male and Temale) among the Pitta-Pitta Blacks ; 
 311, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 312, in the Cloncurry and Flinders Districts. 313. Third 
 and Fourth Ceremonials in the Boulia District; 314, in the Leichhardt-Selwyn District ; 315, in the 
 Cloncurry District. 316. Introcision; 317, in the Boulia District; 318, among the Yaroinga; 319, 
 among the TJndekerebina. 320. The Commonly-alleged Object of Introcision discussed. 321. An 
 Hypothesis Offered. 322. Physical Inconveniences. 323. Marriage. 324. Betrothal. 325. "Love- 
 oharms." 326. Consanguinity. 327. Venery. 328. Pregnancy and Labour. 329. Abortion. 330. 
 Babyhood. 331. Menstruation. 332. Micturition and Defsecation. 333. Foul Language, &c. 
 
 . 299. Degrees of Social Rank. — "When tlie individual reaches the full develop- 
 ment ot puberty, he or she undergoes a ceremony which entitles him or her on 
 its successful completion to a certain social rank or status in the community. 
 As life progresses, other and higher ranks or degrees are progressively attainable 
 for each sex, until the highest and most honourable grade, that enjoyed by an old 
 man, or an old woman, is reached. Special terms — " climanyms" — are applied 
 for each grade or degree (sect. 68), such names varying with each ethnographical 
 district. 
 
 There are four social stages for each individual, male or female, to be 
 initiated into, and it may be many years before all these ceremonials and corres- 
 ponding grades are reached and passed. It is true that the details of procedure 
 taking place at the initiations into the third and fourth degrees are meagre as 
 compared with the first and second, but the aboriginals were always very chary of 
 imparting information concerning these higher grades even to me who had become 
 intimately connected with them through a knowledge of their written and sign 
 languages and other causes. Further difficulties to be reckoned with were the 
 facts that: — with the gradual depletion of the aboriginal population, the initialiou 
 ceremonies of the higher ranks are gradually becoming obsolete, those for the 
 females especially being already very marked ; that individuals belonging to the 
 higher grades and consequently older people are not too commonly met with ; 
 and that no one is allowed to be present or to assist in the initiation of any 
 degree higher than that of which he is himself a member. As far as my personal 
 knowledge goes, in North- West-Central Queensland the procedures of the first 
 and second degrees only are permitted to be viewed by Europeans. 
 
 Before any individual can reach the next higher social stage than that of 
 which he is a member, he must himself pass through all the duties of assisting in 
 the initiating of others into the same rank as himself, until, by reason of his age, 
 he comes to be the leader, chief director, or master of the ceremonies appertaining 
 to his own degree : this coveted distinction having been once attained, he may be 
 admitted into the next rank or degree at the first opportunity which presents 
 itself. Sometimes there will be as many as three or four men accepted into the 
 accorded rank all at the same time. It may be many years, even up to old age, 
 before all the social stages are reached. 
 
 There are no pass- words or signs, beyond the presence of certain objects of 
 decoration or attire, by which the members of the different ranks are to be 
 recognised, such information becoming public by word of mouth : every means of 
 
170 ETHNO-POBNOGEAPHY. 
 
 cross-examination has been used to satisfy me on this point. Furthermore, let it 
 be borne in mind, that in this portion of Queensland at all events, the knocking 
 out of the two upper incisor teeth (sect. 177) as well as the cutting of the 
 " flash" -marks or " brands" (sect. 186) on the shoulders and breast, are 
 independent of the various ceremonials which give an individual his social status 
 in the community. 
 
 300. The First Ceremonial (male) (a) in the Boulia District. In the Pitta-Pitta 
 tribe, as soon as a boy begins to shew signs of puberty in the growth of the pubic 
 hair, &c., he is known as Jcoo-e-ri . at the full deve]oj)ment of this physiological 
 epoch, the commencing moustache, beard, <fcc., he is called yup-pi-e-ri, and the 
 first ceremonial publicly celebrates this to him important event. For the first 
 time in his life, a grass-necklace is put round the novitiate's neck, below this an 
 opossum-string f ringed-necklace hanging over the upper portion of his chest, a 
 human-hair belt is wound round his waist, a bunch of white-cockatoo feathers is 
 stuck into his hair, while some white-feather down is fixed on with blood in the 
 form of a band reaching from shoulder to shoulder (Fig 409). He must not leave 
 the camp or his people now, although he may accompany them to fetch up 
 some friendly neighbouring tribe to join in the ceremony. In the meantime, 
 at some . distance from the main-camp an er-rul-li is built: this is a sort 
 of bush fence or palisading, in the form of an arc, about 83^ to 4 feet high 
 and about 30 or more feet long. Within this enclosure the elder men of the tribe 
 are sitting, the women either straggling round outside, or else joining (Fig. 410 f) 
 in bringing up the visitors. During the latter end of the afternoon, as the 
 " friendlies" come up, the novitiate is hoisted on to one of the men's shoulders, with 
 calves dangling over his carrier's chest (same position as in Fig. 419) and leads 
 the procession ; the other men all follow in Indian-flle, and, stamping the feet 
 as they come up, circle round the errulli (Fig. 410 c, d) in front of which they 
 perform an evolution. During this procession the singing is done by the men 
 within the enclosure: it runs as follows : — "na-li-li-Zj?j-jana-li-li-7&-ia til-pa-row-i 
 til-pa-roM-i," but unfortunately, like all the songs in these initiation ceremonies, 
 its meaning is unintelligible even to the singers themselves. As sundown comes 
 on, the gins' corrobboree commences, the men all sitting down by themselves close 
 up in the errulli around a fire (Fig. 410 e) while the novitiate shifts his position to 
 some yards further back (Fig 410 a to b) where he sits by himself: the women 
 now emerge from behind either side of the enclosure, all dressed and painted as 
 in the Boulia District corrobboree- costume proper (sect. 193, Fig. 287), and dance 
 to the accompaniment of the men's voices singing " jin-in-go-a-ra jin-In-go-a-ra 
 lam-^o-ra," &c. This concluded, the evening meal is partaken of, and all together, 
 both men and women, go to sleep within the palisading; the novitiate alone sleeps 
 by himself close up to, but not within, the fence. About the middle of the night, 
 the proceedings re-commence, the women dancing as they did at sundown, but 
 instead of coming from behind the "wings," they advance from the front, and 
 dance in the fire-light to the men singing the same song as on the previous 
 afternoon. The singing and dancing continue till daylight, when the gins, 
 after returning to the main-camp and collecting all the spears, boomerangs, 
 shields, and other weapons, remove to a distance remote from both camp 
 and enclosure, in order to decorate themselves after the manner of warriors 
 about to fight, i.e., with white bands of gypsum upon the thighs, chest, face 
 (sect. 238). These would-be amazons next pretend that they are black-fellows 
 going to engage in combat, and shout " Hoo ! hoo ! hoo ! " as they advance up to 
 the enclosure, also making pretence of fighting one with the other and using their 
 weapons. At last they get closer and closer, and, after circling round the errulli 
 in Indian-flle just as they did in the procession of the previous day, squat down 
 for some little time behind the novitiate : when sufficiently rested they depart once 
 more to the main-camp. The novitiate next lies on his back on the ground, and 
 one by one the elder men, i.e., those that have been "whistled" (sect. 317, &c.), 
 pass over him from foot to head — the lad is really between their legs — and as they 
 pass (Fig. 411), each keeps on jagging the cicatrix of his introcised penis more 
 or less transversely with a piece of flint, &c., thus covering him almost completely 
 with the sprinkled blood : there may be as many as a score of men engaged m 
 
ETHNO-POENO&EAPHT. 171 
 
 this performance. The young man is now taken away to where the women are 
 located, and though he stays with them alone all day until sundown, he is on no 
 account allowed to take any liberties with them. If any " introcision " is to be 
 done on any other members of the tribe, it is performed now within the enclosure 
 while the women are absent. During the remainder of the day, the men " paint" 
 themselves in readiness for sundown. Their costume consists of a head ornament 
 of white-cockatoo feathers, a grass necklace, human-hair waist-belt, and large 
 phallocrypt ; the face, back and front of chest, and ■ mid-thigh are covered with 
 white feather-down stuck on by means of blood, varied with a cross-band of 
 charcoal on the two former'situations, and with three transverse bands on the 
 latter (Fig. 412). At sundown, thus decorated, they go and fetch the novitiate, 
 and the whole company, both men and women sit down once more within 
 the precincts of the palisading. Both sexes in the same locality now join 
 in dancing to the song of " koo-Zwp-po-/M/)-p6 wk-pool-ka. ma-ren-_/Mra-na" while the 
 novitiate sitting on the open thighs of a fellow-aboriginal (Kig. 413), in company 
 with four or five other men, is located at some little distance in front. On the 
 completion of this dance, two of these men walking side-by-side carry the young 
 man in their arms close up to the fence, swinging him laterally to-and-fro as they 
 advance (Pig. 414) to the accompaniment of themselves and others singing 
 "■viid-pii-Icer-rum Ml-]i inn-cJid-\a.." The men all dance now until supper-time 
 for which meal they repair to camp, the women (finished now completely with 
 the present ceremony) having slipped away some time previously to get it ready. 
 After supper all the men return to the enclosure with the novitiate, and keep 
 up the dancing and singing — " Mm-mwag-ia, «oor-pa ra,-lin-ja.," &c., without 
 interruption until daylight. Should the women by any chance put ia aa 
 appearance too early in the morning, some of the men would swing the 
 " whirlers" (sect. 215), the sound of which they know is a signal for them to 
 retire. At the first streak of daylight a fighting-pole (sect. 255) is brought 
 forward on the scene, and fixed firmly and deeply into the ground : from five to 
 six men circle round, and, clasping this protruding stick with their hands, bend 
 their heads forwards and downwards towards each other, bo that their backs form 
 a sort of living table — very much after the manner of a football "scrimmage." 
 (Diagram Pig. 415.) Upon this human table the novitiate is laid face up, and 
 the operator sitting astride his chest performs circumcision by removing the fore- 
 skin, held on the stretch with one hand, by a sweep of the stone-knife held in the 
 other. The haemorrhage being arrested with hot dry mud, the blood-father now 
 gives the fully-fledged yuppieri his autonym, or individual personal name (sect. 67) 
 which he maintains for the rest of his life. The errulli is next set on fire 
 and, enveloped in flames, soon becomes razed to the ground. During the whole 
 of this, the first of the male initiation ceremonies (the only one of the four which 
 is compulsory on all males when arrived at the suitable physiological stage), the 
 novitiate is only allowed to converse orally with his blood-father, -mother, -sisters, 
 and -brothers. The newly-made yuppieri leaves camp until his wounds are 
 completely healed. Henceforth, as the privileges of his rank or social standing in 
 the community, he may wear certain ornaments, e.g., the grass-necklace, human- 
 hair waist-belt, opossum-string phallocrypt, and other opossum-twine articles ; he 
 may furthermore reside in camp and he may marry provided he gets introcised 
 (see moon-do, nul-la ma-ro, me-ho ma-ro, m Pitta-Pitta vocabulary). 
 
 301. (b) In the Upper Georgina District. The following relates only to 
 that portion of the rite which deals with the circumcision as it is carried 
 out at Bozburgh. and surrounding neighbourhood. About half-an-hour before 
 sunrise any young lad is taken out of the camp and placed standing with his 
 face towards the east to watch for the rising of the sun. At the same time 
 one of the oldest men brings out three stone-knives, which are handed round 
 to be passed sideways through the lips (" kissed," as it were) of all the elder males 
 present. The same old man now produces the fighting-pole, plants it into the 
 ground close to where the watcher stands, and directs the lad how to hold it : 
 returning to the main body of the males he brings up from five to seven boys 
 separately, showing each in turn how to hold the stiek,andarranging that all their 
 shoulders should be quite level. These preliminaries are all carried out in strict 
 
172 fiTflNO-POENOGEAPfiT. 
 
 silence. The boys chosen to hold the stick are amongst the youngest available : 
 that is, though they themselves have all been circumcised, they have not yet 
 arrived at suitable age to permit of their viewing what is about to take place. In 
 the meantime, the young fellow about to be circumcised has been lying on the 
 ground at some distance away, but as soon as the sun begins to peep up 
 he is carried forward to the required spot by three of the elders walking abreast, 
 one supporting the head and shoulders, the middle one the loins and buttocks, 
 and the third one the legs. He is next lifted on to this human table with his face 
 to the skies. One of these old men now sits a.stride the chest, and with both 
 hands pulls the novitiate's fore-skin on the stretch upwards to its greatest .limit, 
 while another elder, standing on the ground, plunges a stone-knife through its 
 centre, thus, with one sweep, removing the whole of the portion necessary. The 
 boy initiated does not see the actual operator. Owing to the extreme tension to 
 ■which the part is subjected, coupled with the laceration due to the flint-edge, 
 there is but little haemorrhage, such as there is being controlled with feather-down, 
 opossum-hair, &c. When the operation is completed, the newly-fledged ur-goo-ta 
 walks to a remote corner of the catnp and two whirlers (Pigs. 318, 319) are 
 sounded as a signal to the women that the ceremony is now over. 
 
 302. Among the Taroinga tribe at Headingly and surrounding district, the 
 complete ceremony may be described shortly as follows. As soon as a few hairs 
 are visible upon the upper lip, the time is considered ripe for the lad to be 
 initiated. He is decorated from the huraan-hair waist-belt up with a ground- 
 work of white feather-down interspersed by bands of red-dyed feather-down 
 arranged in particular pattern (Fig. 416) together with a head-decoration of a 
 small bundle of white feathers in front, and a large single one stuck in on top 
 further back. When the women first gaze upon the lad thus ornamented they all 
 begin to cry, and so do his immediate relatives, his father and mother's brothers, 
 who further smear themselves over with grease and ashes to express their grief. 
 He is next packed off for two or three days, not for a moment dreaming of what is 
 in store for him, and told to gather a lot more of the tribesmen and other visitors 
 who, understanding the interpretation of the ornamentation, return with him. 
 That same night, the hair-belt is taken off, and he is again shown to the women 
 encamped at their fires previously to sleeping apart by himself. All next day he 
 remains in the company of six women, who allow no liberties of course, and who 
 at sundown lead him up to the bush-palisading that has in the meantime been 
 erected, and place him in position. Dancing and singing are now engaged in, 
 the corrobboree continuing until day-light, when the women all depart, and 
 the actual circumcision takes place. The method of procedure varies slightly 
 now from that in vogue in the Boulia District. Three pairs of men stand 
 close to one another, faces almost touching, each grasping tightly the fighting- 
 pole fixed firmly into the ground : their shoulders and necks are all slightly 
 bent so that the six heads may form a sort of table upon which a large shield 
 is placed face upwards. Upon this implement the lad is now placed length- 
 "ways, with the result that his head and arms are dangling over one extremity 
 of the shield, while his legs are hanging over the other, each limb, as well 
 as the head, being in addition held in position by four or five other individuals 
 standing outside the central six (Diagram Fig. 417). The operator now sits 
 astride as before, and pinching up a small piece of the novitiate's fore-skin, shaves 
 it off in such way with a stone knife as to leave a small aperture : into this 
 aperture the tip of the knife is inserted and the redundant skin removed while on 
 the stretch. The wound is dressed with charcoal ashes. From being an o-we-a, 
 the individual is now an ur-goo-ta, and can wear the certain prescribed ornaments, 
 e.y.jthe human-hair waistbelt, the grass-necklace, the opossum-string phallocrypt, 
 &c. Furthermore, unlike the practices in the Boulia District, the urgoota is now 
 betrothed to his future gin by her mother, and though he is not yet permitted to 
 cohabit, he supports her in victuals. 
 
 303. (o) In the Cloncurry District. Among the Mitakoodi, any very 
 small infant, boy or girl, is a ka-ta-go. A boy at the first sign of pubic hair 
 is called kung-gi or kur-rung-ga : {mung'gun is a girl at the corresponding 
 
ETHNO-POENOGRAIHT. 1^3 
 
 period.) Kun-ta-hul-poo-roo is the term applied to a boy at the full development 
 of puberty, there being no similarly applicable term, I believe, for the female. 
 This first ceremonial may be described somewhat on the following lines. The 
 kunfakulpooroo, after being caught by some older blackfellow, who sticks a single 
 cockatoo feather into the novitiate's hair, is taken away with a number of ku7-- 
 rungga to fetch up some other mob of visitors, occupying some days perhaps to 
 complete the journey : from Cloncurry, for instance, they may travel to G-renada, to 
 Devoncourt, and other places equally distant. During this peregrination, the hun- 
 takulpo'jrno wears no decoration or paint of any description, except the cockatoo 
 feather, the kurrungga on the other hand being decked with the che-ka-ra chest- 
 ornament (sect. 182) and the moon-do-lo waist-belt (sect. 183). On the return 
 home, the elders proceed to the original camping-ground, while the particular 
 novitiate, together with his younger companions, is left at some little distance 
 behind, whither, during the next day or two, food is brought out to them. In 
 the meantime the usual bush-fence is built, the whole camp lending a hand in its 
 construction : the palisading is known among this tribe as the il-la-ri (Fig. 418), 
 and differs from that previously described (sect. 300) in being longer, more 
 horseshoe-shaped, and higher at its centre — a height of 12 feet is not uncommon 
 — whence it tapers down towards either extremity. "When all is ready, the 
 sun being well below the horizon, the majority of the men get each a piece 
 of bark, set fire to it, and throw it up into the air : this performance being 
 done only outside the enclosure, presents somewhat the appearance of " stars" 
 to the women and other males seated within. After this " star-business" the 
 youngsters are brought up to a spot a little in advance of the illari entrance 
 whence each kurrungga is carried on some elder fellow-brother's shoulders 
 (Fig. 419), with calves dangling over his bearer's chest, one after the other to 
 where the women are seated within. The kunfakulpooroo is brought in 
 last, in similar manner, and made to lie down on his side on the ground with 
 his eyes shut and one hand on his mouth, and allowed neither to speak, 
 move, nor even to scratch himself throughout the night : he is being watched 
 all this time by two of the elders, and should he disobey instructions he would 
 be caught sooner or later with the dreaded "death-bone," and surely die. 
 But while the watching of the novitiate is going on, the remaining elder males 
 sing and the women cry, the singing and wailing continuing all night : the 
 three first verses of the song are " Hre-ja-la wimg-g\m-mv\-\i, kung-gb kou-a, 
 niil-lil-pa-M)oMa, tcd-Xei nwn-hr-gb Jcd-ro," but the translations offered me were 
 unmistakeabJy empirical. At the first streak of daylight, a cry of " pi-ri- 
 
 pirrr rvou" is made, and immediately after its utterance, all the females return 
 
 to the main camp. Both kunfakulpooroo and kurriongga are painted now as in 
 Fig. 420, and each carried on his elder fellow-brother's shoulders as before, round 
 and round the enclosure to which a firebrand is next put and the whole construc- 
 tion burnt. The kurrungga are then allowed to run away by themselves to their own 
 camping ground, apart from the women, while the novitiate (supported by two 
 elder blacks holding him under the arm-pits, and accompanied by the main body 
 of the males following close behind) is rushed headlong as hard as he can be made 
 to go in a direction other than that of the main camp or where the kurrungga 
 have betaken themselves. All day and night he is here left by himself, unless of 
 course another huntahulpooroo happens to be initiated at the same time, and food 
 brought to him. At daylight next morning the crowd of elder males visits him, 
 and he is dressed now with the single head-feather, the jum-mul opossum-hair 
 armlet (sect. 181) tied on as tight as possible (though he must not even wince with 
 the pain) and the grass-necklace, but no belt: human blood is next smeared over 
 him from top to toe. Thus decorated he is carried on his brother's shoulders as 
 before, and brought up to a fire lighted in full view of the women. His carrier 
 then falls on one knee and, bending forwards, " gammons" to put his burden into 
 the fire : after holding him thus for a few seconds, he rushes on a little distance 
 and lets the novitiate down. The newly-made yup-pi-e-ri hurries away still 
 further by crawling on his hands and knees, and stays away from the main camp 
 for a week or so, though during this interval he comes up regularly at night. 
 From this time onwards, until he gets a full beard, he may only converse with 
 those who are ppt cha-lin, i.e., fellow-brother (sect. 63, Table 4) to him. 
 
174 ETHNO-POENOGEAJHT. 
 
 304. (d) In the Leichliardt-Selwyii District. Among the Kalkadoons any little 
 boy is a koo-e-ri : at full puberty and after the first initiation ceremony he is called 
 a yup-pa-ra-ri (cf. yup-pi-e-ri) . Within the bush-fence or pa-li, from six to ten 
 fighting poles are stuck around in more or less of a circle, only just big enough to 
 allow of one old man to crouch down on his hands and knees within it. At each 
 stick, projecting from 18 inches to 2 feet out of the ground, a young boy fixes his 
 hands, and bends his head well down towards the central individual. The novitiate 
 is then laid upon their respective shoulders, and, supported in addition by the 
 old man directly underneath, is operated on as before. Circumcision is known as 
 wa-ho. The yupparari can henceforth wear the grass necklace, &c. 
 
 305. The First Ceremonial (female) (a) in the Botilia District. Among the Pitta- 
 Pitta and neighbouring tribes there is no special corrobboree for this as in the 
 case of the males. A mi-ri (in the Pitta-Pitta language) is a young girl when 
 she first begins to show signs of puberty in the commencing development of the 
 breasts, the presence of pubic hair, &c. : the ha-na-ri (Pitta-Pitta) is a young 
 woman at full development of this physiological state. Two or three men 
 manage to get the young woman, when thus ripe enough, all alone by herself 
 away in the bush, and, throwing her down, one of them forcibly enlarges the 
 vaginal orifice by tearing it downwards with the first three fingers wound round 
 and round with opossum-string (cf. introeision in the male — sects. 317-322). 
 Other men come forvpards from all directions, and the struggling victim has 
 to submit in rotation to promiscuous coition with all the " bucks" present : 
 should any sick individual be in camp, he would drink the bloody semen 
 collected from her subsequently in a koolamon (sect. 283). At this cere- 
 mony,, any male of any other paedomatronym (sect. 62) than the woman's, 
 except a blood-relative, is permitted to have connection : should, however, a 
 male be present from some distant tribe, and yet belong to the same paedo- 
 matronym, he also is allowed to indulge in the common orgie. The celebration of 
 the kanari stage, like that of the corresponding male yuppieri, is the only one 
 which the tribe insists upon absolutely for all females, the higher ranks not being 
 obligatory. She now has attained the degree in which she is allowed to marry, 
 and can henceforth wear the grass necklace, the human-hair belt, the opossum- 
 string necklet, belt, &c. : she receives no new name,"; however, like the male 
 (sect. 300). Among the TJlaolinya, as well as those tribes around (xlenormiston, 
 any ordinary corrobboree is held during the day-time, and the young woman who 
 has been fixed upon (at full development of puberty, of course) is decoyed by 
 some old woman to come outside the main body of the camp for the purpose of 
 collecting pappa-seed, &c. She is stealthily followed by two or three men who, 
 suddenly pouncing upon her, seize her by the wrists while other bucks, till now in 
 ambush, come rushing upon the scene : she at once realises her position, and, 
 despite all shrieks and intreaties, is thrown on her back on to the ground, the old 
 chaperone clearing away to a distance. Four " bucks " hold one on to each limb, 
 while another presses upon her stomach so as to compel her to draw her legs up : 
 her thighs are now drawn apart and her eyes covered so as to prevent her seeing 
 the individual, probably a very old man, who is beckoned up from some hiding- 
 place to come and operate directly everything is ready. This he does by slitting 
 up a portion of the perineum with a stone-knife, and sweeping his three fingers 
 round inside the vaginal orifice. Before this ceremony the woman was a wa-pa-ri : 
 she is now a ka-na-ri, her attainment of full puberty having been publicly 
 celebrated. She is next compelled to undergo copulation with all the bucks 
 present; again the same night, and a third time, on the following morning. In 
 the first interval she is ornamented as in Eig. 421, the pattern being worked in 
 bands of charcoal and feather-down of red and white, the latter being stuck on 
 with the blood, <fec., obtained from her lacerated vagina. Subsequently to the 
 multi-copulation, the semen is collected into a koolamon, mixed with water, and 
 drunk as medicine : should there be no sick fellows in camp, it is preserved in the 
 vessel until required. The kanari receives no new name in this tribe, like the boy 
 does when he is correspondingly initiated (sect. 300) : she is, however, entitled to 
 wear the various opossum- string ornaments, the kangaroo teeth on her forehead, 
 the side-bones attached to the hair at the temples, and the grass necklace. 
 
ETHNO-POENOGEAPHT. 175 
 
 306. (b) In the Upper Greorgina District. Among the Taroinga, three men 
 under the leadership of one of her future husband's brothers catch the young 
 woman, at the period of suitable physical development, and throw her down 
 lengthways, face upwards upon the back of one of them lying face downwards 
 on the ground, where she is held in position (Fig. 422). The actual operator, 
 sitting astride the woman's chest and neck cuts with a stone-knife into the peri- 
 neum downwards and forwards, turning the implement slightly upwards at the 
 close of the incision. The haemorrhage is staunched with emu-feathers plugged 
 into the wound. She is next of all feather-decorated according to the design in 
 Fig. 423, in red, white, and bluish-green colours — the last mentioned pigment 
 being obtained from some form of copper ore. On the completion of this orna- 
 mentation she is temporarily on loan to her future husband's friends and others 
 in camp, but there would appear to be no subsequent collection of the semen, as 
 in the other districts. The woman, previously an ul-la-olc-a, is now an umb-ha, 
 and entitled to vfear the white fore-head band, &c. 
 
 307. (c) In the Leichliardt-Selwyn District. "With the Kalkadoon tribe there 
 is no special eorrobboree, &c., but the young woman, the wom-pa (? or un-do) is 
 just seized upon and cut, and publicly proclaimed an e-ra-ji,. 
 
 308. (d) At Birdsville, &c., a wooden stick of very hard wood about two feet 
 long, with a representation of the extremity of a life-sized penis rudely carved 
 at the top, and thinned all the way down to the handle (Fig. 424), is used for the 
 purpose of tearing down the hymen and posterior vaginal wall. 
 
 309. Remarks on the Vaginal Laceration. The commonest reason assigned 
 by the aboriginals themselves for this locally- universal practice of lacerating the 
 vaginal orifice, i.e., female introcision (sect. 316), is to make him "big-fellow " not 
 only for the convenience of the escaping progeny, as the men will allege, but also for 
 the progenitor, as the women will say. Among the Ulaolinya it would appear that 
 the women are not operated on when old, when they have already undergone 
 sufficient sexual connection, i.e., in those eases where they have returned to their 
 old camping-grounds after having left them with Europeans and others when of 
 tender age ; on the other hand, a report reaches me from Mr. Craigie, at Roxburgh 
 (1894), of a case where a gin upwards of forty years of age, belonging originally 
 to a coastal tribe, was unexpectedly seized upon one night, soon after the death of 
 her husband, and, despite all struggles and protestations, operated on in the usual 
 manner. Whatever the original signification should prove to be, there is no 
 doubt, especially with the use of the stone-knife, that the perineum itself is 
 actually lacerated and cut, i.e., more or less ruptured. I have had dozens of 
 opportunities for making suitable examination in cases of venereal disease and 
 verifying the fact, but as to how far the occasional large extent of the rupture 
 was intentional or accidental on the part of the original operator it is of course 
 useless to express an opinion. 
 
 310. The Second Ceremonial (male and female) (a) in the Boulia District : Pitta- 
 Pitta tribe. At about tea-time, having chosen the particular yuppieri and hanari 
 — there may be several of both — whom they are about to initiate into the next 
 higher grade, the elders stick some broken and torn emu-feathers all over the 
 novitiates' heads. In some locality remote from where the erruli (sect. 300) 
 originally stood a kel-pi has been already built — this is a horse-shoe shaped 
 enclosure constructed of bushes, &c., reaching to a height of about 7 or 8 feet 
 {cf. the illari sect. 303), and a fire is lighted close to the entrance. The elder 
 males having feather-painted themselves, now hold a eorrobboree in front of the 
 palisading, one portion of the dance consisting of their going down on their knees 
 and thus progressing forwards with simultaneous raised and outstretched arms : their 
 attire is shown in Fig. 425, with a head-decoration in the form of a forehead net 
 (sect. 169), a human-hair belt, and large opossum-string phallocrypt (sect. 184), 
 the portion of the body not feathered being smeared over with red-ochre grease as 
 far as the wrists and ankles. From the fact that all during this ceremony there 
 is some special form of head-dress not only for the performers but also for the 
 novitiate he or she is spoken of now and henceforth, i.e., until attaining the 
 third grade, as the Tea-ti-ha-ti ma-ro (Pitta Pitta language Ica-ti = "head" ; and 
 
176 ETHNO-POENOGEAPHT. 
 
 ma-ro=aign of possession). The dancingbeing completed theyall return to the main 
 camp to sleep, leaving only the newly-made ha-ti-Tca-ti ma-ro youth, the woman 
 not being troubled about, to sleep all by himself within the Icelpi. Here he 
 remains by himself alone until early the next afternoon, when he is joined inside 
 the enclosure by the women. The remaining males, who in the meantime have 
 been re-ornamenting themselves, now come up in pairs, dancing but not singing, 
 to behind the palisading, and then separate, each individual advancing round either 
 side and meeting his mate at the entrance. The appearance of one of these 
 fellows is shown in Fig. 426 : he is feathered, &c., as in the local Boulia style 
 (sect. 193, Fig. 283), but down to the waist only, the remainder of the body being 
 red-ochre greased, while for decorations he wears the head-nefc (sect. 168), into 
 which some shag's tail feathers are stuck, the human-hair belt, and the opossum- 
 string phallocrypt : there are no bushes, &c., at the wrists or ankles. When these 
 two meet at the helpi entrance in full view of the women and novitiate or 
 novitiates inside, one throws a spear which the other catches on his shield : they tben 
 retire to make room for the next pair who advance from behind in the same manner, 
 and BO on. But while this performance is going on, each woman can exercise her right 
 of punishing any man who may have ill-treated, abused, or " hammered" her, and for 
 whom she may have waited months or perhaps years to chastise : for, as each 
 pair appear round the corner at the entrance exposed to her view, the woman and 
 any of her female friends may take a fighting-pole and belabour the particular 
 culprit to their hearts' content, the delinquent not being allowed to retaliate in 
 any way whatsoever — the only occasions in the whole of her life wben the woman 
 can take the law into her own hands without fear or favour. By the time that 
 the last pair have completed their part, three men advance from the front towards 
 the Jeelpi entrance, and having enacted their particular dance retire. These three 
 individuals are decorated with charcoal, interspersed with white feather-down 
 bands (Fig. 427), the body below the waist and below the elbows being greased 
 with red-ochre, and bearing a hair-belt and phallocrypt: the leader of the trio 
 alone sports a curious head-ornament, the ta-ka-le (sect. 173), in the form of two 
 more or less horizontally-inclined sticks fixed cross-wise, &c., with intermediate 
 strings somewhat after the fashion of a spider-web. The women in company with 
 the novitiate then betake themselves to the main camp, all the men removing to 
 the enclosure now rendered vacant, where, hidden from view, they again re- 
 decorate themselves after a new pattern (Fig. 428). This consists of a wedge- 
 shaped charcoal mark, both back and front, from neck down, the rest of the body 
 being red-greased, while twigs and leaves are tied round the waist and arms, and 
 a small bunch of grass tucked behind the forehead net: the leader of the 
 ceremony alone bears a ta-ka-le, though a much smaller one than on the previous 
 occasion. The dressing over, the men turn out of the Jeelpi and retire to make 
 room for the women and novitiate, who now enter it again. Shortly after, the 
 leader with another elder advance once more up to the enclosure-entrance, one 
 throws the spear, the other's shield intercepts it, and then they fall back : another 
 pair advance, go through the same performance, and so on throughout their number, 
 the women coming out to chastise any individual they have " a down on," in the same 
 manner as they did a few hours before. When the last pair have fallen back, the 
 women retire to the camp for good and all, leaving the kati-kati man in the 
 enclosure to be soon joined by the males who tell him to go to sleep — i.e., to close 
 his eyes and hide his face — so as not to see the performance which follows, this 
 belonging to a degree higher than that to which he has as yet attained — viz., 
 the third, or fourth. On the conclusion of certain songs and dances, the fully- 
 fledged kati-kati maro being ordered to depart and shelter under some nook, &c., 
 they proceed to pull the kelpi down, the bushes composing it are next collected 
 into an immense heap just in front of its former situation, and a fire-brand 
 applied ; while the conflagration is taking place, a corrobboree goes on round and 
 round it, the whole ceremony in celebration of this second stage, &c., being 
 completed a little after dark. So long as an individual remains kati-kati maro he 
 or she is not allowed to wear the ornaments which were granted at the yuppieri 
 and kanari stage : the woman lives in the camp as usual, but the man must stay 
 away altogether unless he be married, under which circiimstances he can only 
 pome home in the defl,d of night to visit his wife, 
 
ETHFO-POENOGBAIHir. 177 
 
 311. (b) In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. No special bush-fence is 
 constructed, but only a corrobboree held. From the time that the man is publicly 
 acknowledged as a wo-brun-ji, a member of the second degree, until he undergoes 
 introcision at the third stage, a period of one or two months perhaps, he is not 
 allowed to speak by mouth, but employs a sign-language. The woman of corres- 
 ponding rank is known as a wol-loo-ma-ra. 
 
 312. (c) In the Cloncurry and Upper Flinders Districts, the Mitakoodi and 
 Woonamurra speak of the males belonging to this second stage as o-hrun-ji and 
 of the females as wol-la-ma-ra or hun-ya, the last mentioned term signifying in 
 addition any full-grown adult woman in general. 
 
 313. The Third and Fourth Ceremonials (male and female) (a) in the Bonlia 
 District. Particulars of these are not so easily procurable as those of the preceding, 
 and the following comprises the information which can be depended upon. Both 
 initiation rites would appear to take place on the same occasions as when a novitiate 
 is made a Teati-hati maro, at the interval of his being ordered to hide his head and 
 cover his eyes in the Tcelpi (sect. 310). The third ceremony is signalised among 
 other things, by a particular pattern of yellow design, whence the name of this 
 degree, Icoo-lcoo-ri ma-ro, i.e., yellow (ochre) possessor, for both sexes, is derived: the 
 members with this rank have their special ornaments, which were withheld from 
 them at the second degree, now restored, and no restrictions are placed upon their 
 residence in camp. If now there should happen to be present any kooTcoori-maro 
 fully ready by age preference, &c., to be made mur-uk-kun-di, a male or female of 
 the fourth and highest grade, he or she is decorated with the miri-miri forehead 
 net, which henceforth is allowed to be worn. During the progress of the muruk- 
 kimdi rite, the novitiate for this degree is allowed to converse orally only with the 
 members of the same paedomatronym, though he may speak in the sign-language 
 with any others— a rule which is strictly enforced and continued for some few 
 days subsequently. 
 
 314. (B).In the Leichhardt-Selwyn District. Among the Kalkadoon, with 
 the male, the third grade is constituted apparently by the operation of introcision, 
 or yel-la, subsequently to which he is known as a kun-ta-pe-ung-o or w-ro, a fully-, 
 developed adult man. There is no particular corrobboree or bush-enclosure to 
 warn him of coming events ; however, when once this rite is over and done with, 
 he is allowed to marry, and for the first time permitted to wear the human-hair 
 belt, the opossum-string phallocrypt, and (among the Southern Kalkadoon only) 
 the fore-head net. The same may be said of the females ; as the years roll on the 
 woUoomara, or second grade woman (sect. 311), without any particular public 
 celebration of the event becomes a moon-ta moon-ta, i.e., an "old woman," and 
 may wear the opossum-hair necklace, or opossum-belt, and (with the South Kalka- 
 doon only) the miri-miri. 
 
 315. (c) In the Cloncurry District among the Mitakoodi, the men of the third 
 degfee, who now only for the first time are allowed to marry, are called ni-ning- 
 in-ni, and those of the fourth muruk-kundi, as at Boulia, &c. ; the women at their 
 third, and, for them, last initiation are also known as muruk-kundi. 
 
 316. Introcision, otherwise known as "Sturt's terrible rite," "whistling," 
 artificial hypospadias, &c., is met with throughout the Boulia, Leichhardt-Selwyn, 
 a,nd Upper Georgina Districts : outside these areas it extends westwards into 
 Northern Territory ■. southwards it is found on the Middle Diamantina, while 
 northwards the ordeal exists among tribes extending as far as Burketown and the 
 Wellesley group of islands. I have designedly introduced the term " introcision," 
 because of, and so as to include, the- corresponding mutilation of the females (sect. 
 305-309). . Circumcision is met with only in those areas where introcision is in 
 vogue. The operation, which always takes place subsequently, at least a few months, 
 to circumcision, aims at the permanent opening up of a more or less considerable 
 extent of the penile portion of the urethra by incision commencing at the external 
 urinary meatus. No females, and no males who have not already been themselves 
 introcised, are on any account allowed to witness the ordeal, the sight of which 
 
178 ETHNO-POEirO&EAPHT. 
 
 would probably confirm any determination on their part to exile themselves with 
 a view to escaping it : thus, in the Cloncurry District, I came here and there 
 across an appreciable number of Pitta-Pitta and other Boulia Districts males, 
 who admittedly had left their own tribe on this account. Where the custom is 
 in vogue, the individual is not allowed to marry until he has been subjected to it. 
 
 317. (a) In the Boulia District, with the Pitta-Pitta tribes, the operation takes 
 place at an interval during the ceremony of the first stage or degree (sect. 300), 
 No young man has the remotest idea that he may be among the individuals 
 secretly agreed upon for its consummation, and indeed may, through absence from 
 the camping grounds, &c., occasionally have reached second, and even sometimes 
 higher grades in the social ladder before circumstances arise and opportunities 
 occur suitable for his selection. Once caught, however, all postponement is 
 refused him : he is brought inside the bush-palisading, the errulK, and operated 
 on as follows : — One of the eiders will lie face downwards on the ground, a 
 slight excavation having been made there to receive the protuberance of the 
 stomach, and upon this individual's back the victim is laid, face up, very much 
 after the style of the first female initiation ceremony among the Taroinga (sect. 
 306) : his limbs are held in position by various assistants, and his body fixed by 
 another who sits astride. While the man on top holds the penis firm and tense 
 with both hands, the actual operator, seated on the ground in front, makes a super- 
 ficial incision, through skin only, extending from the external meatus down to 
 near the scrotal pouch in a line with the median raphe : a deeper incision is next 
 made with the same stone-knife along the same line as the first, and starting from 
 the external orifice, opens up the canal as it is pushed onwards. The extent of 
 the wound is apparently inconstant : I have observed it varying from a little over 
 half an inch in some cases, to a gash opening up almost the whole of the penis as 
 low down as half an inch from the scrotum, in others (Fig. 429). No bone or 
 stick of any description is inserted within the urethra along which to guide the 
 knife. During the actual introcision no transverse cut is made at the base of the 
 longitudinal one : what sometimes appears to be such is due either to excoriation 
 or disease, or to the voluntary cuts made for the blood-sprinkling when treading 
 over the novitiate during the yuppieri ceremony (sect. 800, Fig. 411). Haemor- 
 rhage is arrested by the patient squatting over some smoking embers and heated 
 charcoal placed in a small excavation in the ground beneath him, the wound being 
 subsequently smeared with greased and powdered charcoal : furthermore, for the 
 next two or three weeks he will always try and arrange matters so as to micturate 
 close to, and over, some smoking ashes. After this operation the individual may be 
 described as a fully-developed adult man, a ha-na. 
 
 318. (b) In the Upper Seorgina District, among the Yaroinga, the time at which 
 the introcision is performed on the urgoota, an individual after his first initiation, 
 is about when the beard becomes fairly apparent, «.e.,when he is ready to become a 
 full-grown man or ur-twa, and fit to live along with his gin. The method of 
 holding the man down during the operation is somewhat different to that in vogue 
 among the Pitta-Pitta aboriginals. Here, independently of any corrobboree, 
 during the early morning or middle day his mother's and his own brother will 
 suddenly stand on either side of the unsuspecting individual and hold his arms 
 and wrists, while some other specially strong fellow catches him from behind 
 under the armpits. He is now rushed along to where the main body of the men 
 happens to be, and signs of rejoicing are on all sides expressed. Of course 
 no women are allowed to be present. Two old men lie down side by side, 
 but not too close, with their bellies resting along the lengths of two large shields 
 placed face upwards on the ground ; across their loins, and thus connecting them, is 
 placed another shield, also face up, so as to form a kind of seat upon which the 
 young man to be operated upon is made to sit (Fig. 430). Here he is held by 
 the swarm of men around, some at his thighs and legs to keep them apart, others 
 at his trunk and arms, and one in particular holding his head well back and 
 plugging his fingers in his ears, so as to prevent him either seeing or hearing what 
 IS about to follow. The operation consists of two vertical cuts into the urethra 
 extending from the external orifice with a third independently transverse one 
 below, the resulting flap of skin being allowed to take its own time apparently in 
 
. ETHNO-POBN'OGEAPHX. 179 
 
 subsequently rotting off down to the transverse cut (Fig. 431). The blood 
 from the wound, which is dressed with iguana fat, is collected into a koolamon, 
 whence at night, remote from the sufferer, a few drops or clots are given to each 
 of the women gathered round, the idea being that by this means the wound will 
 heal all the quicker, and the women will themselves benefit by so doing. (Com- 
 pare the drinking of seminal fluid in sects. 283, 305.) 
 
 319. (c) Among the TJndekerebina tribes living out along the Toko Eanges, 
 there is, what appears to be, a single vertical and an independently transverse 
 incision (Pig. 432), but whether the latter is intentional or not, my examination of 
 the only four or five members of this tribe with whom I was able to get into 
 personal communication, do not permit of my expressing an opinion. In response 
 to inquiries, no bone or stick is inserted into the urethra for the purpose of 
 guiding the knife. Previous to circumcision, the young lad is an a-we-a, and 
 after it, an ur-ur-goo-ta : subsequently to introcision he is called a yel-ka, a 
 fully-developed man. 
 
 320. The Commonly-alleged Object of Introcision Discussed. Among Euro- 
 peans, the ordinarily alleged object of this peculiar mutilation in the males is to 
 lessen the struggle for existence, by putting a check upon population and so 
 limiting the demand for food. To show that this view of the matter is untenable, 
 that introcision is not intended to restrict procreation, &c., I beg to submit the 
 following facts, taken in conjunction, to the reader's careful consideration : — 
 
 a. The alleged object is already met by the universally strict observance of 
 the unwritten laws regulating the permanent sexual union of individuals belong- 
 ing to one or other of the four paedomatronymic groups whereby the quantity of 
 food available for the progenitors is in no way immediately affected by the 
 number of the offspring (sect. 7 id). 
 
 h. The system of paedomatronymic groups and their derivatives is common 
 throughout the entire North- West-Central Queensland district (sect. 62), and as 
 we know, from other observers, similar organisations exist elsewhere in Australia 
 (e.ff., sect. 70), while the practice of introcision is present in a limited portion 
 only and where it is of course co-existent. 
 
 c. There is no tradition whatever, and I have made searching inquiry, to the 
 effect that introcision is any preventive to procreation. "When asked for an 
 explanation, or the origin, of the ordeal, the aboriginals invariably plead ignor- 
 ance, or if pressed will answer som.ewhat to the effect that " Mulkari (sect. 260) 
 make him first time." In this connection it is interesting to note that even the 
 possibility of taking artificial measures to prevent fertilisation, &c. (I am not 
 speaking of abortion), is apparently beyond their comprehension : thus I have 
 reports from station-managers who assure me that only with great difficulty could 
 their " boys" be made to understand, if ever they did, the object of spaying 
 cattle. 
 
 d. The peculiar method of copulation in vogue throughout all these tribes 
 does not prevent fertilisation, notwithstanding the mutilation of the male. The 
 female lies on her back on the ground, while the male with open thighs sits on his 
 heels close in front : he now pulls her towards him, and raising her buttocks drags 
 them into the inner aspects of his own thighs, her legs clutching him round the 
 flanks (Pig. 433), while he arranges with his hands the toilette of her perineum 
 and the insertion of his penis. In this position the vaginal orifice, already 
 enlarged by the general laceration at initiation (sects. 305-309), ia actually 
 immediately beneath and in close contact with the basal portion of the penis, and 
 it is c^tainly therefore a matter of impossibility to conceive the semen as being 
 discharged for the most part anywhere but into its proper quarter. 
 
 e. It must be borne in mind that the forcible laceration and enlargement of 
 the vaginal orifice, i.e., female-introcision (sects. 305-309), only takes place in 
 those districts where male-introcision is practised. 
 
 f. Introcision is invariably an indispensable preliminary to marriage : both 
 the man and the woman must have undergone this ordeal. 
 
180 ETHNO-POESOaEAIHT. 
 
 g. At the suitable age, i.e., full puberty, or as soon after as the opportunity 
 presents itself, every male, where the practice is in vogue, is introcised : ostracism 
 and exile under the protection of the Europeans, or to a district vrhere the ordeal 
 is not practised, is the only chance of escape. The information which on the one 
 hand 1 have obtained from those reliable, and on the other which I have collected 
 from the dozens upon dozens of personal examinations of my own, is conclusive 
 concerning this matter of every adult male being so mutilated. 
 
 h. Proof is not wanting, on the evidence of Europeans, of cases where, in the 
 continued absence of any adult males not already introcised, the birth of true- 
 blooded children to aboriginal women could not otherwise be accounted for. 
 Thus, the late manager (in 1896) of Roxburgh, Mr. Craigie, one of the earliest 
 pioneers on the Upper Georgina, with a record of sixteen years among the blacks 
 of that district, has had opportunity of collecting proof absolute that children have 
 been born to women by introcised fathers, and by them only. 
 
 h. In conclusion, granting even that conception under such circumstances be 
 impossible, and that we have a tribe with all the adult males introcised, a fact 
 that is indubitable, we should be obliged to imagine a condition of things where 
 all the fathers must be mere lads, which, on the face of it, is ridiculous. 
 
 321. (a) An Hypothesis Offered. On the other hand, with the limited know- 
 ledge at disposal, no explanation of introcision is absolutely satisfactory. Its 
 connexion with marriage is highly probable considering that it is a necessary 
 preliminary, that its consummation is indicated at that period of life when the 
 male arrives at the physiological epoch of full virility, and that, wherever the 
 practice is in vogue, the female, previously to entering upon permanent sexual union 
 or matrimony, has to undergo a corresponding mutilation (sects. 305-309). It is 
 possible that the cutting of the perineum and general laceration, &c., of the 
 female was originally a matter of convenience for the male, the mutilation in her 
 case subsequently coming to signify her fitness, capability, or experience, in the 
 art of the full enjoyment of copulation, and that, on the principle of a form of 
 mimicry, the analagous sign was inflicted on the male to denote corresponding 
 fitness on his part. With this hypothesis, it is interesting to note that in the 
 Pitta-Pitta and cognate Boulia District dialects the term used to describe an 
 introcised penis ' denotes etymologically the one with' a vulva or "slit" (see 
 medico ma-ro in the Pitta- Pitta vocabulary, sect. 44). 
 
 322. (b) Physical Inconveniences. From my own professional point of view 
 the inconveniences of introcision in the male appear to be a frequency of 
 micturition, and a notable increase in the severity of symptoms, perhaps due to 
 increased area of exposed mucous membrane, in cases of venereal inflammation, 
 e.g., gonorrhoea: when on horseback, the former annoyance may cause a good 
 deal of delay in the necessity for dismounting so frequently, an alleged reason 
 why station-managers, &c., will use every endeavour, but usually fruitless, for 
 preventing the operation taking place. 
 
 323. Marriage. — The following arrangements concerning permanent sexual 
 union or matrimony hold good throughout the Boulia District. Each male can at 
 least have two wives — an ofiBcialone supplied him, as a member of the community, 
 by the camp in general council assembled (sect. 238), and an unoflScial one of his 
 own choice, whose love, such as it is, he finds reciprocated : the former woman is 
 known as the no-po, the latter as the pun-di-ra, though both share equal rights 
 and responsibilities. The contracting parties must belong to suitable paedo- 
 matronymic groups (sect. Q2d), and must at least be of yuppieri and kanari rank 
 respectively (sects. 800, 305) : the male must be introcised, the female having already 
 been mutilated when initiated into " kanari" -"hooi. Beyond this social stage or 
 degree, people of any rank can marry, provided, of course, that the other condi- 
 tions, mentioned above, are fulfilled. If the wife happens to be but of kanari or 
 kati-hati maro rank at the time of marriage she returns to her own mother's 
 gundi every morning, and neither prepares nor cooks her husband's food : only 
 after the birth of her first child does she remain at her kuaband's apartment 
 
ETHNO-POENOGBAJHT. 181 
 
 permanently. Marriage is never celebrated by any corrobboree, or other public 
 rejoicing. The choice of a wife is determined upon by one or other of the 
 following circumstances : — 
 
 a. Supposing that the camp-council consider a man fit and suitable to have a 
 gin " altogether stop in gundi" — i.e., a wife — he has to take whomsoever is 
 assigned to him thus: — The brothers or mother's brothers of the young woman 
 talk among themselves eoncercing this particular individual being a bachelor, &c., 
 and convene all the other males available, of yuppieri rank and upwards, to a sort 
 of camp-council, where the qualifications of the marriageable man are put under 
 consideration: during the deliberations, in which no women are allowed to take 
 part, the person sub judice can be present to listen only, but more usually he wUl 
 leave camp to go on some fishing or hunting excursion. If all is found to be 
 proper and satisfactory, and the vote of the camp-council must be unanimous, the 
 woman's brothers or mother's brothers present the bridegroom elect some time 
 during the day with a smouldering fire-stick. This stick has nothing whatever 
 distinctive about it: any small piece of wood, about five or six inches long, of any 
 material or shape, is sufficient. The same intermediaries some time after sundown 
 give a similar stick to the bride and direct her to her future husband's hut, whither 
 it is obligatory on her part to go and remain. This ceremony is binding on both 
 sides, and except by mutual agreement, the couple can only be parted by death. 
 
 h. A man can exchange his true blood-sister, i.e., by the same mother, for 
 the blood-sister of 'another individual, two marriages being thus simultaneously 
 effected. This arrangement only holds good, however, provided that the respective 
 paedomatronyms are regular, and that the unanimous vote of the camp-council 
 has sanctioned it. At night, the brothers or mother's brothers lead the brides to 
 their respective future homes. 
 
 c. In those circumstances where the man is " in love " with a single woman 
 who reciprocates, but the camp-council, for some reason or another, refuses its 
 sanction, they will probably elope some night, and after living together as man 
 and wife for a month or two return to camp. But when they do come back,' both 
 have to run the gauntlet of the outraged community, certain members of which 
 will cripple them with knives by hacking iuto the buttocks and shoulders, will 
 bruise or hammer them about the limbs and head with sticks and boomerangs, or 
 puncture the fleshy parts of the thighs with spears. The perpetrators of the 
 punishment take very good care that the injuries inflicted should not prove fatal, 
 because, were this contingency to occur, they know full well that the death would 
 be avenged by the victims' brothers, &c. (sect. 238). Having undergone the 
 recognised chastisement for breaking the old-established rule, the couple is now 
 recognised as husband and wife, provided the former still wishes it ; otherwise, the 
 latter is restored to her brother, &c., as not being required any longer. Even in 
 these cases of elopement, the amorous pair must be of suitable paedomatronyms : 
 the death of both parties, with the tacit consent of the blood-relatives, would be 
 the sure penalty for any breach in this particular. 
 
 d. A man may unfortunately take a fancy to a woman — she must belong to 
 the proper paedomatronym if he values his life — already married, and elope with 
 her as in the previous case. After some weeks' absence the couple will return, 
 the seducer bringing the woman back to her lawful husband, who either takes her 
 unto himself again, in which case she would receive more or less chastisement, or 
 else lells her newly- found lover to keep her, and make him some present in exchange. 
 The particular behaviour of the injured husband will vary according as he is afraid 
 or not to fight : where the two men do come to blows, they make no attempt at actual 
 killing, for fear of retribution — their quarrel is not joined in by any others. If 
 the lawful husband refuses to receive his erring spouse, the camp-council sees 
 that she becomes, and is recognised, as the wife of the man she ran away with. 
 
 324. Betrothal. — Though I cannot find any traces of the practice in the Boulia 
 District, a form of betrothal takes place at the first male initiation ceremony in the 
 Upper Georgina— certainly among the Yaroinga (sect. 302), apparently among 
 the Undekerebina — and perhaps, independently of the initiation, in the Leichhardt- 
 8elwyn District, among the Kalkadoon. 
 
182 ETHKO-FOHNOGEAPHT. 
 
 325. Love-charms. — Among the Taroinga certain kinds of " whirlers " (sect. 
 215) are used as " love-charms." This form of implement is obtained from the 
 "Workia (? and Undekerebina) tribe, whence its use in this connection has been 
 learnt. It appears to have no special term applied to distinguish it from the 
 ordinary toy-variety, than which it is larger, although it is recognisable by two 
 types of gravings : one (Fig. 320), the ring of concentric circles (u-rtm-goo-doo), 
 represents the smouldering fire-sticks, coolibar-roots, &e., being swung round and 
 round at the camp fires during the " sing-songs," &c., which often occupy the 
 interval between sunset and sunrise ; the other (Fig. 318) is a representation 
 of the female genitals, each half-circle indicating a labium. The charm is swung 
 at intervals during the hours of night, at a considerable distance from camp, by 
 males only, in the belief that the woman whom they are bent on marrying will 
 reciprocate their passions with increased fervour. The female referred to, of 
 course sees nothing of the web into which she is becoming entangled, though she 
 may feel its effects : she experiences herself as becoming more and more enamoured, 
 and finds herself repeatedly exclaiming, " 1 like this-fellow-boy." No woman is 
 ever allowed to handle, much less to gaze on, one of these whirler love-charms. 
 Among the European settlers around Camooweal, &c., these love-charm whirlers are 
 known by the cacophonous title of " gin-busters." 
 
 326. Consai^uiiiity. —Throughout the whole of North-West- Central 
 Queensland, though marriage with brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law is permissible, 
 that of true blood-relatives is strictly forbidden. A man cannot marry his blood- 
 cousin, or his daughter's daughter, and a woman cannot marry her blood-cousin 
 or her son's son, notwithstanding the fact that these particular relationships are 
 necessarily located in those very same paedomatronymic groups (sect. Q2d : sect. 
 65, Table) which otherwise would be allowed to join in permanent sexual 
 partnership. Furthermore, a man cannot marry his mother-in-law : everywhere, 
 except perhaps among the Woonamurra, he never sees, speaks to, or approaches 
 this relative. 
 
 327. Venery. — The husband sleeps in the same gundi as his wives, and should 
 they quarrel or fight, it is his business to stop them, but whether he actually does . 
 so or not will be a matter for himself to decide. If an aboriginal requires a woman 
 temporarily for venery he either borrows a wife from her husband for a night or 
 two in exchange for boomerangs, a shield, food, &c., or else violates the female 
 when unprotected, when away from camp out in the bush. In the former case, the 
 husband looks upon the matter as a point of honour to oblige his friend, the 
 greatest compliment that can be paid him, provided that permission is previously 
 asked : on the other hand, were he to refuse, he has the fear hanging over him 
 that the petitioner might get a death-bone pointed at him — and so, after all, his 
 apparent courtesy may be only Hobson's choice. In the latter case, if a married 
 woman, and she tells her husband, she gets a " hammering," and should she 
 disclose the delinquent, there will probably be a fight, and hence she usually keeps 
 her mouth shut : if a single woman, and of aiiy paedomatronym other than his own, 
 no one troubles himself about the matter. On the other hand, death by spear or 
 club, is the punishment invariably inflicted by the camp-eouncil collectively for 
 criminally assaulting any blood-relative, group-sister (i.e., a female member of the 
 same paedomatronym), or young woman that has not yet been initiated into the 
 first degree. Under such circumstances the blood-brother of the culprit is respon- 
 sible for his appearance to receive punishment : should the former make any 
 objection or delay, his own life in addition would probably be forfeited. 
 
 328. Pregnancy and Labour. — During the latter months of pregnancy a woman 
 will often rub over her breasts and body some warm powdered ashes with the idea of 
 making the child healthy and strong. Among the Taroinga the woman, when about 
 to be confined, betakes herself to a secluded spot at some distance from the main 
 camp. She lies on the ground upon her back, with open thighs and drawn-up 
 knees : her two hands are clasped behind her head, while the old gin appointed to 
 attend holds her down by the neck and head to prevent her raising herself. The 
 husband, if he be so minded, can take up his position assigned on his wife's left and 
 front, whence, a few paces off, he can witness the whole of the proceeding. The 
 
ETHNO-POBNOGEAPHT. 183 
 
 child, as soon as it makes its appearance, is placed on the mother's right, and the 
 navel-string,_ subsequently to being cut, is tied with opossum-string : the after- 
 birth is buried deep in the ground. The aged attendant brings the newly-born 
 babe into camp, to be followed in a few hours' time by the mother herself, who 
 in-two or three days goes about her business and daily occupations as usual. 
 The navel-string, which is preserved, is carefully wound into a ball or roll and 
 forwarded by messenger, at the instance of the father, to his relatives and friends 
 in the neighbouring camps, whence presents will now come pouring in in the 
 shape of blankets, tomahawks, shirts, knives, &c. Immediately after birth (at 
 Headingly, Eoxburgh, Boulia, &c.) the baby is "washed" in ashes, mud, or 
 sand, but usually in the last-mentioned, the head and face being alike cleaned. 
 Among the Kalkadoon tribe (at Quamby) the woman leaves camp with one 
 or two old gins or sometimes goes by herself, and does not return until about 
 eight or ten days after the baby is born. A very old man or two may be present 
 during delivery, but no boys or young men on any account. Having made a 
 pretty shallow hole in the sandy soil, she sits over this on her shins and knee?, 
 with the thighs well apart : as labour progresses she either throws her body 
 backwards, or strongly forward, so as to rest on her hands, or if conveniently 
 situated, may grasp some overhanging branch (Figs. 434-435). In the intervals, 
 a thick cord, waist-belt, Ac, is tied round her pretty firmly to assist in " pushing 
 the child out," while another old woman will take up mouthfuls of water from a 
 koolamon and spit them out again over the distended abdomen; upon which a 
 sort of massage may also be performed. If the patient becomes faint and 
 collapsed, the treatment consists in smearing the perspiration obtained from under 
 her own arm-pits over her forehead, nose, and face (sect. 283). The genital 
 passages are never touched by anyone, and the child, without any guidance, is 
 allowed to fall into the shallow excavation below. The navel-string, before the 
 mother shifts her position, is next held, close to its attachment to the child, 
 between the flats of both hands of one of tho old gins, and briskly rolled backwards 
 and forwards until a very marked twist is visible, when it is cut to a length of 
 about 5 or 6 inches. Similarly, the after-birth is allowed to fall into the cavity 
 where it is either buried, or more generally destroyed by fire. When the child is 
 taken out of the shallow rut into which it was allowed to fall, any sand that may 
 chance to be on its face and mouth is removed with leaves : otherwise, it is neither 
 washed or cleaned. Subsequently, however, the infant is smeared from top to 
 toe with iguana fat, which is renovated continuously during its early years, while, 
 at intervals, some powdered ashes are rubbed oh the head over the areas of the 
 fontanels. 
 
 329. Abortion appears to be a common practice in the later months, among 
 the aboriginals of the Boulia, Upper Georgina, and Leichhardt-Selwyn Districts. 
 It is performed by the fixation of thick twine wound very tightly round and round 
 the abdominal walls, combined with the "punching" by hand or stick upon the more 
 palpable and apparently firmer portions of the unborn child as recognised through 
 the abdominal walls. I can find no traces of any other methods being adopted. 
 
 330. Babyhood. — "Very young infants are carried either in a koolamon or 
 else on a sheet of bark, slung up to the side. In the latter form, as practised 
 among the Kalkadoon, it is made from a piece of ti-tree, the bark having been 
 scorched on its inner surface so as to produce a curling over inwards at the sides : 
 this is slung with twine, &c., over the mother's opposite shoulder, and balanced 
 pretty carefully with the hand to prevent the youngster from falling out at either 
 end (Pig. 436). As the child gets older, it is carried on the shoulders or the 
 flank : in th(s former case it grasps its mother's forehead and neck with its little 
 hands and legs respectively (Fig. 437), while in the latter it sits upon its parent's 
 hips and is supported in position by the protecting arm (Fig. 438). 
 
 A mother sings no song or lullaby to her little one beyond a sort of droning, 
 humming sound to send it to sleep : she may slap it after the approved European 
 fashion, and sometimes frighten it by making grimaces, a favourite one apparently 
 being produced by passing a string through the nasal septum and drawing her nose 
 upwards. So far as I have observed, kissing only takes place between mothers 
 
184 EXmfO-POEJrOQEAKIT. 
 
 and their infants (and between husbands and wires), never between fathers and 
 their childrien : whether this bustom has been introduced in modern times from 
 the whites it is difficult to say, though the presence of a word giving expression to 
 the act in the Pitta-Pitta language, itig-gd-mut-le-^, is interesting. Suckling may 
 go on up to three, four, even five years 'of age, and a mother may often be seen 
 with two children at the breast. As they get older they are gradually weaned 
 on honey, kangaroo and opossum flesh, &c. When the children become too big 
 for the gundi, they are sent to sleep with their father's mother-in-law. It is the 
 husband's business in the main to supply the animal food for the family, and 
 although a particular dietary may be forbidden him, he has no compunction in 
 hunting or killing it for his kith and kin. Half-caste children may be destroyed 
 at the instigation of their true whit 3, or presumed black, fathers by a blow with 
 a stick, or allowed to starve . sometimes they will be eaten (sect. 293). _ True- 
 blooded children may be treated similarly. Among tlie Kalkadoon, female infants 
 are said to have the top joint of the little finger amputated. 
 
 331. Menstruation. — In the Boulia District, a woman during her menstrual 
 periods sleeps out of camp alone by herself at night, and in this condition is 
 known as him-ba ma-ro, i.e., the blood-possessor. Among the Kalkadoon, on the 
 other hand, the woman stays in camp, though, if married, a fire separates her from 
 her husband. The Mitakoodi women at these times keep strictly to themselves 
 out of the camp, and will not even walk along the same tracks as the men. 
 
 332. Micturition, in both sexes, is performed in the squatting position always. 
 In both micturition and defaecation, a few handfuls of earth are scratched up, 
 and in this excavation so formed the emunctories after being discharged are 
 covered over with earth (sect. 101) : earth or sand is further always used to 
 cleanse their persons with. Mr. Coghlan, the manager of Glenormiston (1895), 
 informs me that when out camping with the blacks in the neighbourhood he has 
 often noticed outside a gundi a small mound of earth the top of which is scooped 
 out and subsequently beaten down, with the resulting appearance of a volcano 
 in miniature : this receptacle, which is capable of holding quite a quart of fluid, is 
 intended for the women (he is not sure about the men) to micturate into. 
 
 333. Foul Language is very commonly made use of under circumstances of 
 contempt, derision, or anger : the foulness does not, however, consist so much in 
 the actual thoughts conveyed as in the particular words employed, there being 
 both a decent and indecent vocabulary to describe the particular region, the 
 generative organs, which are then usually drawn attention to. Thus in the 
 Mitakoodi language, me-ne is the " society" term for vulva and nothing is thought 
 of its utterance before a company of people, while koon-ja, puh-kil, or yel-ma- 
 rung-o, all names for the same part, are most blackguardly words to use. (Refer 
 also to Kalkadoon term denoting " excrement " in sect. 52.) 
 
 I have no evidence as to any practice of masturbation or sodomy anywhere 
 among the North- West-Central Queensland aboriginals. 
 
INDEX AND GLOSSARY. 
 
 N.B. — Tlie pronunciation of tlie Aboriginal words is formed on tlie basis laid down in 
 Section 2. 
 
 Unless otherwise stated, tlie Eeference Numbers denote the Sections. 
 
 The following Abbreviations are used — namely, Ph.T. and S.L., to indicate 
 respectively the Philological Tables of Chapter II. and the Sign-Language of 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 A, Indefinite Article, 9. 
 
 Abdomen, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Aboriginal and European Relationship-Equiva- 
 lents, 66. 
 
 Aboriginal-Anglicised Words, 51. 
 
 Aboriginal Geographical Nomenclature, 226. 
 
 Aboriginal Pharmacopoeia, Ch. XI. 
 
 Aboriginals : Of the Bonlia District, 45 ; of the 
 Clonourry District, 47 ; of the Upper 
 Flinders District, 48 ; of the Upper Georgina 
 District, 49; of the Leichhardt-Selwyn Dis- 
 trict, 46. 
 
 Aboriginals, Number of Pitta-Pitta, 45. 
 
 Abortion, 329. 
 
 About, Around : Motion, 22 ; Rest, 23, 
 
 About to, Just : Special Forms of the Future, 
 30. 
 
 Above, On Top of : Rest, 23. 
 
 Abstract Ideas, Signs relating to, 103, 104. 
 
 Abstract Ideas, Words relating to, 57. 
 
 Acacia aneii>ra, F. v. M. See Mulga. 
 
 Acadia cxcelsa^ Bentli. See Iron-wood. 
 
 Acacia famesiana, Willd. See Dead finish 
 Scrub. 
 
 Acacia homajophylla, A. Cunn. See Gidyea. 
 
 Accident, Sickness, Disease, Death, Ch. XI. 
 
 Acheron Creek, 230. 
 
 Acicular-tip Hand-spear, 247. 
 
 Acquaintances and Friends, Greeting of, 12, 228. 
 
 Across, Ovisr : Motion, 22. 
 
 Action, Definitiveness or Special Purpose of, 33. 
 
 Action, Indefiniteness of, 33, 
 
 Active, Indtoative, 17. 
 
 Acts, States, Conditions, S.L. 101, 102. 
 
 Adjectives, 20. 
 
 Adjectives, Comparison of, 27. 
 
 Adjectives used as Adverbs, 20. 
 
 Adjectives used as Nouns, 20. 
 
 Adult Man : Ph.T., 52; S.L., 89, 90. 
 
 Adult Woman : Ph.T., 52 ; S.L., 89, 90. 
 
 Advantage, Benefit, Use, Purpose, 24. 
 
 Adverbs, 21. 
 
 Adverbs, Adjectives used as, 20. 
 
 Adverbs, Comparison of, 28. 
 
 After Before : Idea of Time, 38. 
 
 After : To be after. On look-out for, To hunt, 22, 
 
 After : Time, 25. 
 
 Ague, 262. 
 
 Aigrette : Head-ornament, 164. 
 
 Ail>nents, Chants and Dirges for Exorcising 
 282. 
 
 Albizzia basaltica, Benth. Sec Dead-finish Scrub. 
 
 All : Idea of Number, 36. 
 
 Alley- way, for hunting emu, &c., 132, 138. 
 
 Allow, Let, Permit : Special Forms of Impera- 
 tive, 31. 
 Alongside of, Among, Through, Up : Motion, 
 
 22, 43. 
 Alongside of, Among, At, In, Close to : Rest, 23. 
 
 Also, And : Conjunctions, 26, 
 
 Always : Idea of Time, 38. 
 
 Among, Alongside of, At, In, Close to : Rest, 23. 
 
 Among, Alongside of, Up, Through : Motion, 
 22, 43. 
 
 Amulets, Charms, 286. 
 
 Amusements, Sports, Games, Ch. VIII. 
 
 And, Also : Conjunctions, 26. 
 
 Anger, &c., Language used in, 333. 
 
 Anger, &c., Signs expressing, 103, 104, 238. 
 
 Anglicised- Aboriginal Words, 51. 
 
 Animal- and Folk-Lore, 200. 
 
 Animals and Birds, Playing at, 221. 
 
 Animals and Birds, Words relatmg to, 53. 
 
 Ankle, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Anklet, 181. 
 
 Ant : Ph.T., 53; Used as Food, 119. 
 
 Apron, 183, 19.S. 
 
 Arm, Forearm, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Armlet, 181, 289, 303. 
 
 Around, Roundabout : Motion, 22. 
 
 Around, Roundabout : Rest, 23. 
 
 Arrangement of Audience at Corrobboree, 198. 
 
 Arrangement of Camping Ground, 228. 
 
 Art, Mural Painting, Draughtsmanship, 187. 
 
 Arthropoda, expressed by signs, 83, 84. 
 
 Article, Indefinite, 9. 
 
 Artificial Bending and Straightening of Timber, 
 151. 
 
 Artificial Hypospadias, Introcision, 316. 
 
 Artificial Whiskers, 167. 
 
 Ashes arresting Haemorrhage, 317. 
 
 Ashes : Sign of Mourning,^ 289. 
 
 Assault, Punishment of criminal, 327. 
 
 At, In, Close to. Among, Alongside of : Rest, 23. 
 
 At, To : Motion, 22. 
 
 Atalantia glauca. Hook. Sec Wild Orange. 
 
 Audience, How arranged at Corrobboree, 198. 
 
 Aunt : Geneanym, 64. 
 
 Austral Downs, 231. 
 
 Authority of Old Men, 238. 
 
 Authorship and Plot of Corrobboree, 190. 
 
 Autonym, 67, 300. 
 
 Auxiliary Verbs, 8. 
 
 Avulsion of Teeth : How Effected, 177 ; Inde- 
 pendent of Ceremonial Rites, 299. 
 
 Away from, Far, Far off : Idea of Distance, 39. 
 
 a-we-a : A lad previous to circumcision (cf. o-we-a), 
 319. 
 
 Babyhood, Infancy, 328-330. 
 Back, Dorsum, Ph.T., 52. 
 Bad, Ph.T., 57; S.L., 103, 104. 
 Bag, Dilly-, S.L., 91, 92 : 153. 
 Bag, Water-, 152. 
 Baking Oven, 156. 
 Ball Games, 216. 
 Band-fiUst : Ornament, 170. 
 
186 
 
 UTDEX AlTD GLOSSAET. 
 
 Bandicoot : Hunting for, 143 ; S.L., 73, 74. 
 
 Band, Spiral-: Ornament, 172. 
 
 Barb, Peg, Hook, &o., on Spears, &c., 249, 250. 
 
 Barb, Peg, Hook, &c., on Wommerae, 253. 
 
 Bargaining, Swapping, Exchanging, for : Pre- 
 positions of Purpose, 24. 
 
 Bargaining, Swapping, &c. See Travel, Trade, 
 and Barter. 
 
 Bark Covering for Huts, 159. 
 
 Bark Covering for Knives, 257. 
 
 Barkly Tableland, 46. 
 
 Barley-grass Seed-food, 107. 
 
 Barter, Trade, Travel, Ch. IX. 
 
 Bauhinia-tree : Blossoms Sucked, 118 ; Rootlets 
 used for Skipping-rope, 217. 
 
 Be, Become, to : Auxiliary Verbs, 8. 
 
 Beard, S.L., 89, 90. 
 
 Beard, Chin: Ph.T., 52; Decoration of, 178; 
 Graved on Letter-stick, 236; Hair of, for 
 Making Rain-stick, 294. 
 
 Beating of the Time at Corrobborees, 198. 
 
 Bedouri, 2, 33, 45, 216, 236, 242, 246, 270. 
 
 Bee, Honev : How Obtained, 118; S.L., 83, 84. 
 
 Beef wood, Uum, 150, 250-1, 253, 258, 274. 
 
 Before After: Idea of Time, 38, 
 
 Behind, Other Side of : Rest, 23. 
 
 Beliefs and Superstitions. See Disease, Acci- 
 dent, Death. 
 
 Beliefs and Superstitions, &c., conveyed along 
 Trade-Routes, 234. 
 
 Belongings, Possessions, Property, .36, 43. 
 
 Below, Beneath, Under : Rest, 23. 
 
 Belt, Apron : S.L., 91, 92 ; 183, 193, 300, 302. 
 
 Bendii, Prickly-, Burr, 202. 
 
 Bending and Straightening of Timber, Artificial, 
 151. 
 
 Beneath, Below, Under : Rest, 23. 
 
 Benefit, Use, Por, To the Advantage of : Pur- 
 pose, 24. 
 
 Benjamin = Fancy-man, a Husband, 3. 
 
 Berries : As Food, 117. 
 
 Betrothal, 324. 
 
 Between : Rest, 23. 
 
 Bibliography, p. vii. 
 
 Big and Little Toes, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Big, Large, Ph.T., 57. 
 
 Big, Much, Many, How ? : Ideas of Quantity and 
 Size, 37. 
 
 Big Mob : Ph.T., 56 ; S.L., 93, 94. 
 
 "BUbi" (a bandicoot, Peragale lagotis, Reid.) : 
 Hunting for, 143 ; Tails, 164, 193, 230. 
 
 bll-ll-6fin5r-gtil : Aboriginul Name of Clonagh 
 Station, 226. 
 
 6iMIn-ya : Fishing-net, 124. 
 
 Binding with Teudoii, 250. 
 
 Bird : Ph.T., 53; S.L., 75, M. 
 
 Birds : Prepared for Eating, 142 ; Hunting Small 
 Birds, 137-9. 
 
 Birds and Animals, Playing at, 221. 
 
 Birdsville, 159, 214, 225, 230, 242, 246. 
 
 Bite, Snake- : Death from, 269 ; Treatment of 
 Non-fatal, 280. 
 
 Blackfellow an^ Laughing-Jackass : Lore, 20-t. 
 
 Black Mountain, Oloncurry : Aboriginal Name, 
 226. 
 
 Blanket, 147, 153, 230-2, 236. 
 
 Blindness, 275. 
 
 Blood : Ph.T., 52 j Drinking, 283, 318 ; Feather- 
 ing, 185, 192-3, 296-7, 300, 302, 305, 310; 
 -Letting, see Venseseotion, 283 ; Smearing, 
 283, 303. 
 
 Blood and Class Relationship, Equivalence of, 
 59, 63, 66. 
 
 Blood-father, GO. 
 
 Blood-mother, 61-2. 
 
 Blood-wood (Eucalyptus cory/nhosa, Sm.) : 
 Blossoms Sucked, 118 : 287, 295. 
 
 Blood-w ood Gum, for Tanning, 152. 
 
 Bodkin, used for making Hair-twine, 162. 
 
 Body, Collectively, Together, In a, : Ideas of 
 Number, 36. 
 
 Body, Concealment of, and Murder, 277. 
 
 Body-Cord : Ornament, 181. 
 
 Body Feathering and Painting, 185, 296-7. 
 
 Body Ornamentation and Decoration, Ch. VII. 
 
 Body, Words relating to Parts of the, 52. 
 
 Boerhaavia diffusa, Linn. : S.L., 86; as Food, 
 113, 115. 
 
 "Bogie"-Man, 277, 258. 
 
 6o-In-jI Tribe, 45, 72, 230 ; Letter-stick, 236. 
 
 Bone : Ph.T., 52 ; Apparatus, Death-bone, 259- 
 268 ; for Drilling Purposes, 253 ; Knuckle- 
 bones for Ornament, 165 ; -Pin, 274 ; -Point- 
 ing, 264, 265. 
 
 bo-nm-jl: Aboriginal Name of Springvale, 226. 
 
 6oo-doo-wa-rI : Aboriginal Name of Hill in 
 neighbourhood of Mount Datson, 226. 
 
 ioo-loo fioo-loo : Aboriginal Name of Water-hole 
 where the 15-Mile Creek of Hamilton River 
 crosses the Winton-Boulia road, 45, 207, 226. 
 
 bool-yo : Aboriginal Name of Boulia, 226. 
 
 6oom-bo : Throwing-stick Toy, 214. 
 
 Boomerang : Ph.T., 55 ; 147, 230, 232-3 ; S.L., 
 91, 92 ; Bartered in Pairs, 240 ; Come-back, 
 Return-, 213 ; Classification of Fighting-, 
 239 ; Flight of, 240 ; Fluted-, 230, 232, 242 ; 
 Hook-, 230-2, 244; Material and Manufacture 
 of, 240 ; Ornate, 230, 241 ; Plain, 231, 243. 
 
 -6oo-na : Sign of Possession, 8, 239. 
 
 Bora. See Initiation Ceremonies. 
 
 Boulia, 1, 45, 144, 147, 149, 150, 154-5, 159, 161, 
 179, 182, 186, 191, 196, 199, 207, 214, 224-5, 
 228, 230, 236, 241, 245, 254, 257-8, 270, 279, 
 282, 294, 315, 328 ; Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 
 Boulia District : Aboriginals of, 45 ; Burial in, 
 289 ; Edible Boots in, 113 ; Geographical 
 Limits of, 2 ; Huts and Shelters in, 159 ; 
 Introcision in, 317 ; Rain-making in, 294 ; 
 Seed-food in, 105 ; Trade-routes in, 230. 
 
 Bowels, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Bower-Bird Gold Diggings, 258. 
 
 Bower-Bird and Hawk : Lore, 210. 
 
 Box-wood : for Fire-sticks, 157 ; for Fighting- 
 poles, 255 ; Bark for Poultices, 285. 
 
 Brands, "Flash" Cuts, 186, 299. 
 
 Breadaibane, 45. 
 
 Break-wind, for Huts, &o., 159. 
 
 Breast, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Brighton Downs, 236, 241. 
 
 Brother, 58-9, 63, 238; S.L., 89, 90; Father's, 
 64; Mother's, 58-9, 63. 
 
 Brother-in-Law. See Brother. 
 
 Brother's Daughter, Son, 58, 64. 
 
 Brown-tit and Red-tit : Lore, 206. 
 
 Buckingham Downs, 2, 46, 150, 191, 230, 232, 
 242 ; Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 
 Buckley River, 46. 
 
 Building, Constructing, or Manufacturing : Pre- 
 positions of Purpose, Means, &c., 24. 
 
 BuUock, S.L., 73, 74. 
 
 6fin-btlr-I : Paedomatronym, 62. 
 
 bSng-go b&tig-go : Bee, 118. 
 
 biin-ya, : A Woman after the Second Degree, 68, 
 311. 
 
 Burial : In Boulia District, 289 ; of a Murderer, 
 290 ; in Cloncurry District, 291 ; in Upper 
 Georgina District, 292. 
 
 Burke River, 2, 45, 113, 137, 147, 182, 230, 241-2, 
 250, 257. 
 
 Burketown, 316. 
 
 Busji Fence for the Initiation Ceremonies, 300, 
 303-4, 310. 
 
 Bustard. See Turkey-bustard. 
 
 Buttocks, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 By-and-by : Idea of Time, 38. 
 
 By Means of. With, Through : Prepositions of 
 Means, 24. 
 
 Caeatua roseicassila, Galah-parrot : Method of 
 
 Hunting, 139. 
 Call-tube for Catching Emus, 132-3. 
 Cambridge Downs, 48. 
 
IMIEX AND GLOSSAET. 
 
 18? 
 
 Camooweal, 191, 231-2, 251, 325. 
 
 Camp : Arrangement o£ a, 228 ; -Council, 238, 
 
 323 ; Hawks hovering over, 207. 
 Camping-grounds and Water-holes, Aboriginal 
 
 Names for, 226. 
 Cannibalism, 293. 
 Canobie, 47, 63, 233. 
 Caper, Wild- : Used for Food, 117. 
 Carandotta, 49, 133, 138-9, 154, 190-1, 230, 236, 
 
 292-3, 297. 
 Carella, 230. 
 Carlo vel Mungerebar, 2, 45, 147, 152-4, 101, 230, 
 
 236, 241, 289. 
 Carpet-snake, S.L., 77, 78. 
 Cat, The Opossum and the Wild- : Lore, 203. 
 Catch-ball, 216. 
 
 Caterpillar, S.L., 83, 84; Used for Food, 119. 
 Cat-fish, Caught by " Treading," 128. 
 Cattle, S.L., 73, 74 ; Spears for Killing, 248, 250. 
 Cementing Substance, 149, 150, 162, 166, 247, 
 
 249, 250, 253, 257-9, 266, 274, 294. 
 Central Queensland, Geographical Limits of 
 
 North- West-, 50. 
 Ceremonies of Initiation. See Initiation. 
 cM-bo : Fillet-ornament, 170. 
 cM-\Ln : Fellow-Brother, 63 (Table 4), 303. 
 Chants, Dirges, &c., in Sickness, 265, 275, 282. 
 Charcoal Grease, 186, 193, 241, 243, 245, 253-4, 
 
 266 ; as a Surgical Dressing, 317. 
 Charm, Amulet, for withstanding Sickness, 286. 
 Charm, Love- : Whirler, 325. 
 Chatsworth, 2, 46, 230,232, 242, 294; Aboriginal 
 
 Name, 226. 
 Cheek, Ph.T., 52. 
 ohe-ka-?a-rI, Pearl-shell : Phallocrypt, 184 ; for 
 
 Producing Sickness, 272. 
 cAe-kS-ra : Shell Chest-ornament, 182, 230, 233, 
 
 241 253 303 
 Chest-ornament,'S.L., 91-2; 182, 233. 
 Chief, King, Boss, &c., 238, 323. 
 Child, S.L., 89, 90. 
 Chin, Beard, Ph.T., 52. 
 cH-rl ; Stone-tomahawk Handle, 258. 
 cfcj-roo-ko : Bone-pin for Producing Sickness, 
 
 274. 
 Chisel, 148-9, 202, 240. 
 Chronic Disease, 262. 
 cfc/tt-lil-bftr-ra : Hook-boomerang, 239. 
 Circle-mark : cut in Stone, 187 ; on Head-dress, 
 
 199 ; on Weapons, 253 ; on Whirlers, 325. 
 Circlet, 171. 
 
 Circumcision, 300-2, 304, 316. 
 Class- and Blood- Relationship, Equivalence of, 
 
 .59, 63, 60. 
 Class-systems, Oh. III. 
 Classification of Fighting Boomerangs, 239. 
 Clay-pill, 288. 
 Climanym, 68, 299. 
 
 Clonngh, 253 ; Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 Cloncurry, 147, 179, 186-187, 191, 303 ; Abori- 
 ginal Name of, 226. 
 Cloncurry District, 8 ; Aboriginals of, 47 ; Burial 
 
 in, 291 ; Geographical Limits of, 47 ; Huts 
 
 and Shelters in, 160 ; Edible Roots in. 114 ; 
 
 Seed-food in, 111 ; Trade Routes in, 233. 
 Cloncurry River, 47, 241. 
 
 Close to. At, In, Among, Alongside of : Rest, 23. 
 Close to, In Neighbourhood of: Idea of Place, 
 
 39 
 Cluny,' 2, 45, 230, 236. 
 Cockatoo, Ph.T., 53; S.L., 75-6; Hunting for, 
 
 139 
 Coghlan, Mr. J., 116, 133, 187, 293, 332. 
 Coition, 62 ; Promiscuous Compulsory, 305. 
 Collectively, Together, In a Body : Ideas of 
 
 Number, 36. 
 Colour-sense, 187. 
 
 " Come-back" or Return-boomerang, 213. 
 Come here I Hullo ! Vocative Case, 12. 
 Command : Various Special Forms of Impera- 
 tive, 31. 
 Comparison of Adjectives, 27 ; of Adverbs, 28. 
 
 Comparison of Selected Words, Tabular, Oh. II. 
 Compass, Points of the, 227. 
 Complex Conditions, &c., S.L., 103-4. 
 Concealment of Body, Murder, 277. 
 Conditions, States, &c. : Simple and Complex, 
 
 S.L., 101-4. 
 Confinement, Pregnancy, 328. 
 Conjunctions, 26. 
 Consanguinity, 326. 
 Consonant Sounds, 3. 
 Constructing, Building, or Manufacturing, for: 
 
 Prepositions of Purpose, Means, &c., 24. 
 Contempt, Anger, &c. : Words used in, 333. 
 Conveyance of Water, 152. 
 Coo-ee ! Vocative Case, 12. 
 Cooktown, 70. 
 Coolibar : Seed used as Food, 108, 203; forKoola- 
 
 mons, 148. 
 Coolullah, 252. 
 Cooraboolka, 45, 153, 230. 
 
 Copulation. &e Coition. S.L., 89-90,305, 320c?. 
 Coral-tree. See Cork-tree. 
 Cord, Body-: Ornament, 181. 
 Cordyline, Comm., Ti-tree, 118. 
 Corella (bird) : Anglioised-aboriginal word, 51 ; 
 
 Ph.T,, 53; Hunting for, 139; Feathers, 193. 
 Corella, or Williams River, Aboriginal Name 
 
 of, 226. 
 Cork, 45, 182, 192, 230, 236, 241, 260. 
 Cork-tree {Bryfhrina, Linn.): for Koolamons, 
 
 148 ; for Spears, 249 ; for Shields, 254. 
 Corpse, S.L., 101-4. See Burial. 
 Corrobboree, 188 ; Authorship and Plot, 190 ; 
 
 Beating of the Time, 198 ; Conveyed to, and 
 
 Exchanged with, other Tribes, 191 ; the 
 
 Dance, 195 ; Dancing-ground, 194 ; Dress 
 
 and Decoration at, 193 ; Dressing-room, 194 ; 
 
 Molonga, 199; Music of the Song, 197 ; Name 
 
 of the particular Song, 196 ; Performers, 192 ; 
 
 Time of Performance, 189 ; Words of the 
 
 Song, 196; S.L., 101-2. 
 Corpus, S.L., 76. 
 Costume at Corrobboree, 193. 
 Cotton-bush Creek, 2. 
 Cough, Cold : How Treated, 286-287. 
 Council, Camp-, 238, 323. . 
 Counting, Enumeration : Methods of, 36 
 Coursing, 222. 
 Cousin, 64. 
 
 Craigie, Mr. J., 159. 309, 320(7. 
 Crane : Hunting for, 140 ; in connection with 
 
 the Death-bone, 270. 
 Crankiness, Mental Disease, 260, 278. 
 Cray-fish, S.L., 83-4 ; as Food, 119. 
 Creek, Ph.T., 54; S.L., 87-8. 
 Crocodile, Lizard, Iguana: As Food, 122; on 
 
 Wall-painting, 187. 
 Cross-mark : On Boomerangs, 241 ; on Thighs, 
 
 289. 
 Cross-piece, Wooden : Head Ornament, 173. 
 Crow, Black: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 75-6; Feather 
 
 Tufts, 164 ; and Hawk (lore), 209. 
 Croydon, 2.S3. 
 
 Crude Forms of certain Pitta-Pitta Words, 43. 
 Crustaceans and Insects : As Food, 119. 
 Currant, Wild : As Food, 117 ; for Barbs on 
 
 Spears, &c., 250. 
 Customs, Beliefs, &c.. Conveyed along the Trade 
 
 Routes, 234. 
 Cut: Flash-, Mutilation-, &o., 186. 
 Cuts, Wounds : Dressing for, 284, 300, 302, 317. 
 Cuttaburra, 230. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dagworth, 230, 241, 260. 
 Daily : Ideas of Time, 38. 
 Dalgonally, 233 : Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 Dam for Trapping Fish, 125. 
 Dance, Corrobboree, 194, 195 ; S.L., 101-2. 
 Daughter : Brother's, Sister's, Son's, Daughter 
 58, 64. 
 
188 
 
 INDEX AITD GliOSSAJlT. 
 
 Daughter-in-Law, 64. 
 
 Davenport DownB, 191, 230, 236, 241. 
 
 Day, Measure of the, 38. 
 
 Day, S.L., 97-98. 
 
 "Dead-finish Scrub" for making Spears, &c., 247, 
 250. 
 
 Dead. See Deceased, Burial, Corpse, &c. 
 
 Death-bone, Bone Apparatus, 238, 259-270, 303. 
 
 Death, Disease, Accident, Ch. XI. 
 
 Death-Powder, 273. 
 
 Death from Snake-bite, 269. 
 
 Deceased, 67, 190, 289. &ff Burial, &c. 
 
 Decimal Notation, 4. 
 
 Decoration and Bodily Ornament, Ch. VII. 
 
 Decoration and Dress at Corrobborees, 193. 
 
 Defseeation, 101, 274, 332. 
 
 Defeat in Fighting, Sign of, 238. 
 
 Definitiveness of Action, Special Purpose or, 33. 
 
 Degrees of Social Rank, 68, 299. 
 
 Demand, Request, S.L., 101-2. 
 
 Derision, Contempt, &c. : Language used in, 333. 
 
 Devil, 199. 
 
 Devoncourt, 230, 297, 303 : Aboriginal Name of, 
 226. 
 
 Diamantina (Gates) Lakes, 45, 182, 191, 230, 236, 
 241 254 294. 
 
 Diaman'tinaRiver, 45, 147, 154, 182, 191, 216, 228, 
 230, 241-2, 245, 247, 253, 257, 260, 316. 
 
 Diarrhoea, 282, 288. 
 
 Dictionary, Pitta-Pitta, 44. 
 
 Difference : Comparison of Adjectives, 27. 
 
 Dill:^-ba^, Ph.T., 55 ; S.L., 91-2; 1.53, 232. 
 
 Diminutive, Small : Ideas of Quantity and Size, 
 37. 
 
 Dingo, Dog, Ph.T., 53 ; S.L., 73-4. 
 
 Dingo : Coursing, 222 ; Hunting for, 146 ; 
 Knuckle-bone Ornament, 165; Tail Orna- 
 ment, 170, 180 ; Tooth Ornament, 166. 
 
 dl-pting- Un-ya, : The Being who produces Cranki- 
 ness, Mental Disease, &c., 278. 
 
 Direct Question : Interrogation, 40. 
 
 Direction, Neighbourhood, &c., from : Motion, 
 22. 
 
 Direction, Place, Distance : Ideas of, 39. 
 
 Direction, S.L., 95-6. 
 
 Dirges, Chants, &c.; in Cases of Sickness, &c., 
 265, 275, 282. 
 
 Disappearance, Sudden : How Explained, 277, 
 
 Disease, Death, and Accident, Ch. XI. 
 
 Dismal Creek, 47. 
 
 Distance, Direction, and Place : Ideas of, 39. 
 
 Distribution of Introcision, Geographical, 316. 
 
 Dive, to, S.L., 75, 76. 
 
 Diver-bird : S.L., 75, 76 ; Beak used as a Bone- 
 pin, 274 ; Hunting for, 140. 
 
 Doctor, Mediciiie Man, &c., S.L., 89, 90 ; 190, 
 199,259-269,271,280,291. 
 
 Dog, Dingo, Ph.T., 53; S L., 73-4, 101-2. 
 
 Dogs: Hunting Emu with, 135; Hunting 
 Kangaroo with, 145. 
 
 Domestic Implements and Utensils, Ch. VI. 
 
 Donation to : Prepositions of Purpose, Reason, 
 
 Dorsum, fi'aok, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Doubt, Uncertainty, Interrogation : Ideas of, 40. 
 
 Draughtsmanship, Art, Mural Painting, 187. 
 
 Dreams, 263, 274. 
 
 Dress and Decoration, Corrobboree, 193. 
 
 Dressing-room, Corrobboree: " Green "-room, 
 
 194. 
 Drilling : Holes in Whirlers, 215 ; in Wommeras, 
 
 253. 
 Drink, to, S.L., 87-8. 
 Drinking : Of Blood, 283 ; of Semen, 283. 
 Drowning, 276. 
 Drum at Corrobboree, 198. 
 Dual, 4, 16. 
 
 JDuboisia. R.Br., Pituri: S.L., 85-6; 147. 
 Duck : i-h.T., 53 : S.L., 75-6 ; Hunting for, 140 ; 
 
 Feathers for JDecoration, 18,5. 
 diik-kS, dtlk-iiA ; " Green "-room at Corrobboree, 
 
 194. 
 
 dimg-a.-diing-si-Ta, Tribe, 45, 230. 
 
 Duration of Time, 25, 38. 
 
 Duster, PhaUocrypt used as Fan or, 184. 
 
 Eagle-Hawk, Large: Ph.T., 53 ; S.L., 75, 76; 
 Claw-ornament, 182; Feather-ornament at 
 Belt, 183, 296 ; Feather-tuft Head Decora- 
 tion, 164 ; Feathers Bartered, 230-1. 
 
 Ear : Ph.T., 52; Piercing of, 176. 
 
 East : Point of the Compass, 227. 
 
 Eat, to, S.L., 85-6, 101-2. 
 
 Eating of Birds : How Prepared, 142. 
 
 e-cha-lii-miil-le- : To Dance, 188. 
 
 e-che- : To Lie Down, to Die, 290. 
 
 Echidna hystrix : Australian " Porcupine," S.L. 
 73-4. 
 
 Eddington, 233, 260 ; Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 
 Edwards, Mr., of Roxburgh : European Eye^ 
 witness of Cannibalism, 293, 
 
 el-hil-m : Chisel, 149. 
 
 Elbow, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Elderslie, 147, 182, 236, 241, 260. 
 
 e?-dln : Emu-apple, 117. 
 
 Eleusine CBgyptiaca, Pers. : Seed-food, 106. 
 
 8-too-k6-ra Tribe. See Walookera. 
 
 Emu: Ph.T., 53; S.L.,75-6; Graved on Boome- 
 rang, 213; 156. 
 
 Emu-bone : for Drilling Timber, 253 ; for 
 making a Bone-pin, 274. 
 
 Emu CaU-tubes : Used in Hunting, 132-3. 
 
 Emu Feathers : Tufts for Head- dress, 164 ; 
 Bartered, 231 ; for making Amulets, 286 ; as 
 Articles of Decoration, 296. 
 
 Emu Hunting : With Dogs, 135 ; by Muster, 
 134 ; with Net alone, 131, 204 ; with Net 
 and Palisading, 132 ; by Pit-falls, 133, 206 ; 
 by Tracking and Spearing, 1.S5. 
 
 Emu-leg Tendon : For Binding, &c., 250. 
 
 Emu Net: How Made and Used, 131-2; for 
 Catching Kangaroos, 145 ; Graved on Boome- 
 rang, 213 ; used in Pit-throwing, 223. 
 
 Emu Nose-pin, 175. 
 
 Emu, Playing at Mimicking, 221. 
 
 Emu and the Water-hen : Lore, 201. 
 
 Emu-apple {Oweniaacidula,F. v. M.): As Food, 
 117 ; 132. 
 
 Enumeration, Counting, 36. 
 
 ?«-jI : Hamilton River, 226. 
 
 Equality : Comparison of Adjectives, 27. 
 
 Eqoi valence of Blood and Class Relationship, 
 59, 63, 66. 
 
 Equivalents, Aboriginal and European Rela- 
 tionship-, 66. 
 
 e ra-jl : Woman at FuU Puberty, 68, 307. 
 
 c-rS-kS-la: Spatulate-tip Haiid-spear of Clon-. 
 curry District, 248. 
 
 er-rtll-ll : Bush-fence used at Initiation Cere- 
 mony, 300, 317. 
 
 Erythrina, Linn. : " Coral," " Cork "-tree, &c., 
 for making Koolamons, 148 ; for Spears, 
 249 ; for Shields, 254. 
 
 Ethnographical District : Of Boulia, 2 ; of Clon- 
 curry, 47 ; of the Leichhardt-Selwyn, 46 ; 
 of the Upper Flinders, 48 ; of the Upper 
 Georgina, 49. 
 
 Ethno-pornography, Ch. XIII. 
 
 Eucalyptus hicolor, A. Cunn. See Coolibar. 
 
 Eucalyptus corymhosa, Sm. See Bloodwood. 
 
 Eucalyptus hcemastonia, Sm. See White-gum. 
 
 Eucalyptus Gum for Diarrhoea, ftc, 288. 
 
 Euphorbia, Linn., as a Medicinal Plant, 287. 
 
 European and Aboriginal Relationship-Equiva- 
 lents, 66. 
 
 Ever and Ever, Every Day, Always : Idea of 
 Time, 38. 
 
 Exchanging, Swapping, or Bargaining : Preposi- 
 tions of Purpose, Reason, Means, 24. 
 
 Exchange and Barter, Ch. IX. 
 
 Exclamation, Notes of, 41. 
 
INDEX AOT) GLOSSAET. 
 
 189 
 
 Excrement : Ph.T., 52; S.L., 101, 102; Covered 
 
 with Earth, 332. 
 Exogamous Groups, 61. 
 Exorcising Sickness, &c. , Chants and Dirges for, 
 
 282. 
 Expression of- Ideas by Signs, Ch. IV. 
 Eye : Ph.T., 52 ; Blindness, 275 ; " Hunt the 
 
 Eye" Game, 218 ; Eyebrow, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Fables, Legends, Tales, Folk and Animal Lore, 
 200. 
 
 Face, Ornamentation of the, 174. 
 
 Fall from Tree, produced by Death-bone, 270. 
 
 Family Relatives, Terms Applied to, 58, 63, 64 ; 
 S.L., 89, 90. 
 
 Fan or Duster, Phallocrypt used as, 184, 
 
 Far Away, How Far ? &o. : Ideas of Place, 
 Distance, 39. 
 
 Fat. See Grease. 
 
 Father: Ph.T., 58 ; 59, 60, 63 ; S.L., 89, 90. 
 
 Father, Mrither's : Ph.T., 58 ; 64. 
 
 Father-in-Law, 64. 
 
 Fathers : Brother, 64 ; Father and Mother, 58, 
 64; Sister, 58, 59, 63. 
 
 Fauna and Flora, Words relating to, 53. 
 
 Feathering and Painting of the Body, 185, 296, 
 297. 
 
 Feather-tofts, 164. 
 
 Feet, Catching Fish by Treading with, 128. 
 
 Female Genitals : Graved on Letter-stick, 236 ; 
 Ph.T., 52. See Foul Language. 
 
 Fence, Bush, at Initiation Ceremonies, 300, 303, 
 304, 310. 
 
 Festoons Graved on Boomerangs, 241. 
 
 Few : Idea of Number, 36. 
 
 Fighting, Methods of, 238. 
 
 Fighting-boomerang, .239. 
 
 Fighting-pole: Ph.T. 55 ; Bartered, 232, 233; 
 How Employed in Fighting, 238 ; Descrip- 
 tion of Weapon, 255 ; Used at Initiation 
 Rites, 300-2, 304. 
 
 Fighting-scars, 186. 
 
 Fighting- weapons, S.L., 91, 92. 
 
 Figures : Graved on Boomerangs,. 213, 214 ; On 
 Lett.er-soicks, 235, 236 ; Painted on Rucks, 
 &o., 187. 
 
 Fillet Head-ornaments, 170. 
 
 Finger-posts for Showing the Line of Route, 
 22.5 
 
 Fingers', Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Fingers, Toes, and Hands : Counting with, 36 ; 
 Mutilation of, 330. 
 
 Fire: Ph.T., 54; S.L., 101, 102; Producing 
 Sickness and Death, 267. 
 
 Fire-stiek : How Used, 137 ; Sign of Wedlock, 
 323 ' 
 
 Fish: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 79, 80. 
 
 Fish, Hunting for : With Dams, 125 ; by Mud- 
 dying or Puddling the Water, 126; with 
 Nets, 124; by Poisoning the Waterholes, 
 126 ; by Spearing, 127 ; by Treading witli 
 the Feet, 128. 
 
 Fish, Killing and Transport of, 129. 
 
 Fish-nets, 124 ; Bartered, 232-3. 
 
 Fish and Snake :" Lore, 205. 
 
 Fishermen, The Two : Lore, 207. 
 
 Five : Ideas of Number, 36. 
 
 Flake, Flint. See Flint Flake. 
 
 Flank, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Flash-outs, Mutilations, &c., on Body, 186, 299. 
 
 Flax, Native {Linum marginaZe, A. Cunn. ) : For 
 Nets, 124, 168 ; for Making up the Pituri- 
 roll, 147 ; Bartered, 233 ; how Manufactured 
 "into Twine, 153 ; . S.L., 85, 86. 
 
 Flight of Boomerang, 240. 
 
 Flinders District, Upper : Aboriginals and 
 Geographical Limits of, 48. 
 
 Flinders River, 48, 241. 
 
 Flint-Flake : For Smoothing and Graving, 240, 
 
 241 ; used as Chisel, 149 ; as Stone-knife, 
 
 257 ; as Spear-tip Sharpener, 253. 
 Flock-Pigeon: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 75-6; Hunting 
 
 for, 137. 
 Flora and Fauna, Words Relating to, 53. 
 Flowers and Honey, as Food, 118. 
 Fluted Boomerang, 242. 
 Fly: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 83, 84. 
 Folk and Animal Lore, Tales, Legends, 200. 
 Food, Search for, and Preparation of, Ch. V. 
 Food : Left at Grave, 289, 291 ; Seed-food, S.L. 
 
 85-6, 101-2; Food "tabooed," 62i. 
 Foot, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Foot-prints recognised by others, 221, 225. 
 For : Prepositions of Purpose, Reason, Means 
 
 24. 
 Fore-arm, Arm, Ph.T., 52. 
 Fore-head, Ph.T., 52. 
 Fore-head Net : Description of, 169 ; used at 
 
 Corrobhorees, 193 ; Bartered, 233 ; sign of 
 
 Social Rank, 310, 313. 
 Forgetfulness, Loss of Memory, S.L., 103-4. 
 Fort Constantine, 47, 224, 232-3; Aborigin.al 
 
 Name of, 226. 
 Fort William, Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 Foul Language, 238, 333. 
 Four : Idea of Number, 36 ; Ph.T., 56 
 Fractures : How Treated, 281. 
 Fresh-water Mussel : As Food, 120; S.L., 81-2. 
 Friends and Acquaintances, Greeting of, 12, 228. 
 Frog : Ph.T., 63 ; as Food, 121 ; S.L., 77-8. 
 From ; Motion, 22 ; Purpose, Reason, Means, 
 
 24 ; Ideas of Direction, Distance, 39. 
 Fruit : As Food, 117 ; S.L., 85-6. 
 FuUarton River, Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 Fungi, as Food, 116. 
 Future Existence, Belief in a, 279. 
 Future Participle, 42. 
 Future Tense : Active Indicative, 17 ; Special 
 
 Forms of, 30. 
 
 Galah-parrot : An Anglioised-aboriginal Word ?, 
 51 ; Hunting for, 137, 139 ; S.L., 75-6. 
 
 Galah-parrot and Lizard : Lore, 202. 
 
 Galah-parrot and Opossum : Lore, 212. 
 
 Games, Sports, and Amusements, Ch. VIII. 
 
 Gamomatronym, 61. 
 
 Gates. See Diamantina Lakes. 
 
 Gauntlet, Running the : Punishment, 238, 323. 
 
 Gender, 4, 16. 
 
 Genealogical Tree, Pitta-Pitta, 65. 
 
 Geneanym, 64. 
 
 Genitals: Ph.T., 52; Mutilation in Fighting, 
 238 ; in Introcision, 305-8, 316-9 ; Female, 
 Graved on Letter-stick, 236 ; in Foul Lan- 
 guage, 333. 
 
 Geographical Aboriginal Nomenclature, 226. 
 
 Geographical Distribution of Introcision, 316. 
 
 Geographical Limits : Of Boulia District, 2 ; of 
 Cloncurry District, 47 ; of Upper Flinders 
 District, 48; of Upper Georgina District, 
 49 ; of Leichhardt-Selwyn District, 46 ; of 
 North-West-Central Queensland, 50. 
 
 Georgina District, Upper : Aboriginals and Geo- 
 graphical Limits of, 49 ; Burial in, 292; 
 Trade-routes of, 23L 
 
 Georgina River, 2, 128, 133, 136-7, 147, 154, 182, 
 184, 190-1, 207, 213, 216, 230-2, 241-2, 247, 
 253-4, 257, S20g. 
 
 Ghost, 260, 289, 298 ; S.L., 104. 
 
 Gidyea {Accwia hom£d(yphylla, A. Cunn.), 147, 
 149, 214-5, 240, 242, 245, 247, 250-1, 253, 
 255-6, 288. 
 
 glm-ha, : Blood. See kim-ba. 
 
 glm-bSrlo-woon-dj-Si : Blood-smearing, 283. 
 
 Gin (the ^ttural pronounced soft) : any Adult 
 Abonginal Woman. 
 
 Gin Buster. See Whirler, 325. 
 
 gfXw-ja-la : Leaf, 241. 
 
190 
 
 ITTDEX AND GIOSSAET. 
 
 Glass for Graving, 240. 
 
 Glenovmiston or Idamea, 2, 45, 113, 116, 118, 
 133, 138, 147, 149, 154-5, 170, 179, 180, 186-7, 
 191, 199, 214, 230-1, 236, 241, 249, 257-8, 289, 
 293, 305, 332 ; Aboriginal Name, 226. 
 
 go-K Tribe occupying country from head of 
 Diamantina to Thompson Kiver and Farrar's 
 Creek, from Evesham to old Brighton 
 Downs, 48, 52-8, 61-3, 72, 153, 182, 230, 241, 
 247, 260 ; Family Relationship Terms, 58 ; 
 Food "tabooed, 62; Gamomatronjims, 61 ; 
 Heteronyms, 63 ; Paedomatronyms, 62. 
 
 Good : Ph.T., 57; S.L., 103 4. 
 
 Good-bye ! Ta-ta ! : Notes of Exclamation, 41. 
 
 glfp-pS, g6p-pa, : Mount Datson, 226. 
 
 Gordon's Creek, 49, 230-1. 
 
 Grand-daughter, -father, -mother, -son, 64. 
 
 Grass: Ordinary Meadow, Ph.T., 53; "Porcu- 
 pine," "Spinifex," for making Cement, 150. 
 
 Grass -reed Nose-pin, 175. 
 
 Gra«s-reed Necklace : Description, 179 ; Bartered, 
 232 ; sign of Social Rank, .SOO, 302-5 ; S.L., 
 91-2 
 
 Grave: Food, &o., left at, 289, 291; Murderer 
 Digging his own Grave, 238. See Burial. 
 
 Graving : On Boomerangs, 241 ; on Two-handed 
 Swords, 245. 
 
 Grease : For Dressing the Haii', 162 ; for Dress- 
 ing Wounds, 284 ; for Alleviating Fatigue, 
 185 ; for Painting, 192 ; a Cure for Sickness, 
 267 ; for Working-up Timber, 151. 
 
 Green-room, Dressing-room, 194, 199. 
 
 Green-stone for Tomahawks, 258. 
 
 Greeting of Acquaintances, Relatives, &c., 228. 
 
 Grenada, 216, 253, 303 ; Aboriginal Name, 226. 
 
 GrevUlea striata^ R. Br., Beefwood-tree, 150. 
 
 Grief, Signs and Expressions of, 289, 302. 
 
 Grindstone: Described, 154; Bartered, &c., 230, 
 232. 
 
 Ground-Burial, 289, 290-1. 
 
 Grounds, Camping- : How arranged, 228. 
 
 Grounds, Camping-, and Waterholes : Aboriginal 
 Names of, 226. 
 
 Grounds, Corrobboree Dancing-, 194. 
 
 Groups, Exogamous, 61. 
 
 Grub. See Caterpillar. 
 
 Qrus austraJasianus, S.L., 76. 
 
 Gum: Beef wood, 150; Bloodwood, 152, 287; 
 Eucalyptus, 288 ; Gidyea, 288. See Cement- 
 ing Substance. 
 
 Gum-tree Leaves for Stupefying Fish, 126. 
 
 Gum-tree, White-, Roots for .making Skipping- 
 rope, 217. 
 
 Gundi. See Huts, Shelters. 
 
 Gypsum: Kopi, Pata, 174, 185, 193, 230, 238, 
 289, 291-2, 294. 
 
 Haemorrhage, Arrest of, 300, 301, 302. See 
 
 Wounds. 
 Hair of Head, Ph. T., 52. 
 Hair-louse, S.L., 83-4. 
 Hair-twine : Method of Working-up, 162 ; 
 
 Bartered, 230 ; used as the Connecting- 
 string in the Bone Apparatus, 259. 
 Hair Waist-belts : Described, 183 ; Bartered, 
 
 230, 231, 233 ; 280, 310. 
 Half-caste Children Eaten, 293, 330. 
 Hamilton River, 2, 133, 225, 236, 241 ; Aboriginal 
 
 Name, 226. . 
 Hamilton Water-hole : Where the 15-Mile Creek 
 
 of the Hamilton River crosses the Winton- 
 
 Boulia road, 45, 207, 226. 
 Hand: Ph.T., 52; Counting on Toes, Fingers, 
 
 and Hand, 36 ; Hand-shaking, 228. 
 Hand Spear : S.L., 91-2 ; Method of Throwing, 
 
 247 ; Aoioular-tip, 247 ; Spatulate-tip, 248. 
 Handkerchief: Bartered, 147, 230; as Head 
 
 Covering, 173. 
 Handle, Knife, 257. 
 
 Have, Possess, to : Sign of Possession, 8. 
 Hawk: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 75-6; FoUowing Camps, 
 
 207 ; Lore, 208-9, 210. 
 Head: Ph.T. 52; Head-ache, 285-7; Head-louse, 
 
 S.L., 83-4. 
 Head-net, Described, 168 ; 207, 310. 
 Head, Ornamentation and Decoration of, 163. 
 Headingly, 49, 141, 191, 230, 232, 236, 296, 302, 
 
 328 ; Rain-making at, 296. 
 Herbert Downs, 45, 138, 147, 154, 191, 230, 236, 
 
 245, 289 ; Aboriginal Name, 226. 
 Here, Hither : Idea of Place, Direction, 39. 
 Heteronym, 63. 
 Hide-and-Seek Game, 219. 
 Hill, Mountain, &o.: Ph.T., 54; S.L., 87-8. 
 ffistriopfuigus histrionica. Flock -pigeon, 137. 
 Hither, Here : Idea of Place, Direction, 39. 
 Honey : Food for Babies, 330 ; How Obtained, 
 
 118; S.L., 83, 84. 
 hoo ! : Sign of Vocative Case, 12. 
 Hook, Barb, Peg, &c. : On Spears, 249, 250 ; on 
 
 Wommeras, 2.53. 
 Hook-boomerang : For Catching Flock-pigeons, 
 
 137; Described, 244; Use of the Hook, 240 ; 
 
 207. 
 Horse, S.L., 73-4. 
 How Far?: Idea of Distance, 39. 
 How Much, Many, Big, &c. ?: Interrogative 
 
 Pronouns, 35 ; Ideas of Quantity, Size, &c., 
 
 37. 
 Hughenden, 182. 
 Hullo ! : Vocative Case, 12. 
 Hunt-the-Eye, Game, 218. 
 Hunting for Food, Cb. V. 
 Husband: Ph.T., 58; Geneanym, 64; S.L., 
 
 89, 90. 
 Husband's and Wife's Mothers, Relationship 
 
 between, 04, 
 Huts and Shelters : S.L., 91-2 ; In Boulia Dis- 
 trict, 159 ; in Cloncurry District, 160 ; in 
 
 Leichhardt-Selwyn District, 161. 
 Hypospadias, Artificial. See Introcision. 
 
 Idamea. See Glenormiston. 
 
 Ideagrams, 42. 
 
 Ideas, Abstract, Ph.T., 57 ; S.L., 103-4. 
 
 Ideas Expressed by Signs : Sign Language, 
 
 Ch. IV. 
 Ideas of Doubt, Uncertainty, Interrogation, 40 ; 
 
 S.L., 99, 100. 
 Ideas of Place, Direction, Distance, 39. 
 Ideas of Quantity, Size, 37* 
 Ideas of Time, 38. 
 Iguana: Ph.T. 53; Painted on Rocks, 187; as 
 
 Food, 122 ; Iguana-fat, 28-1 ; S.L., 77-8. 
 iMa-ri : Bush-fence, 303. 
 Illness, Accident, Death, Ch. XI. 
 Immediately : Ideas of 'Time, 38. 
 Immense, Large: Ideas of Quantity and Size, 
 
 37; 43. 
 Imperative of Verbs, 19 ; Special Forms of, 31. 
 Impersonal Interrogative Pronouns, 35. 
 Implements and Utensils, Domestic, Ch. VI.: 
 
 S.L., 91-2. 
 In, Into : Motion, 22. 
 In, At, Close to, Among, Alongside of, &e.: 
 
 Rest, 23. 
 Incest, 238, 327. 
 Indecency, 333. 
 Indefinite Article, 9. 
 Indefinitencss of Action : Verbs, 33. 
 Indicative of Verbs, 17. 
 
 Individual and Social Nomenclature, Ch. III. 
 Individuals, Persons, ftc, S.L., 89, 90. 
 Infancy, Babyhood, 328, 330; S.L., 89, 90. 
 Infinitive of Verbs, 29. 
 Inflexions of the Third Person, 4. 
 Ing-ga-mtil-le- : To Kiss, 330. 
 
INDEX AND GLOSSAET. 
 
 191 
 
 Initiation Ceremony, Pirat Male : In Boulia Dis- 
 trict, 300 ; at Roxburgh, 301 ; at Headingly, 
 302 ; in Clonourry District, 303 ; in Leich- 
 hardt-Selwyn District, 304. 
 
 Initiation Ceremony, First Female: In Boulia 
 District, 305 ; in Upper Geoigina District, 
 306 ; in Leiohhardt-Selwyn District, 307 ; 
 at Birdsville, 308. 
 
 Initiation Ceremony, Second Male and Female : 
 Among the Pitta-Pitta, 310 ; in Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District, 311 ; in Cloncurry and 
 Upper Flinders Districts, 312. 
 
 Initiation Ceremony, Third and Fourth : In 
 Boulia District, 313 : in Cloncurry District, 
 315 ; in LeichhardtSelwyn District, 314. 
 
 Initiation of a Doctor, Medicine-man, 206. 
 
 Xa-ji-lln-il Tribe, along and from Gunpowder 
 Creek to Gregory Downs and Gregory 
 River, 46. 
 
 Injuries Inflicted by the Death-bone, 270. 
 
 te-pa-kS-to : Wild Orange, 117. 
 
 Insects: As Food, 119; S.L., 83-4. 
 
 Interrogation, Doubt, Uncertainty, 40; S.L., 
 99, 100. 
 
 Interrogative Pronouns, 35. 
 
 Intransitive and Transitive Verbs, 18, 32, 33. 
 
 Introoision, Female : In Boulia District, 305 ; 
 in Upper Georgina District, 306 ; in Leich- 
 hardt-Selwyn District, 307 ; at Birdsville, 
 308. 
 
 Introoision, Male : In Boulia District, 317 ; 
 among the Yaroinga, 318 ; among the 
 Undekerebina, 319. 
 
 Introcision : Geographical Distribution, 316 ; 
 Inconveniences of, 322 ; at which Ceremonial 
 Performed, 300; Alleged Objects of, 309, 
 320; Hypothesis of, 331. 
 
 Iron : Used for Graving, 241 ; for Spears, 251 ; 
 Replacing Stone, 149, 257-8. 
 
 Iron-wood (Acacia excelsa, Benth.), 253. 
 
 Jackass, The Laughing : Lore, 204. 
 
 .;'iJ-loon : Variety of Libijara Spear, 250. 
 
 jd-iS, jd-iH : Grindstone, 154. 
 
 je-go : Bone-pin for Producing Sickness, &c., 274. 
 
 jll-hl: "Green-room," Dressing-room, 194. 
 
 /U-groo-bilr-I : Grass-seed, 1 11. 
 
 jIl-Mr-S :_ Spin-ball, 216. 
 
 jfim-bi-do : Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 
 yj-nl-biir-I : Spatulate-tip Hand-spear, 248. 
 
 j'S-rlng-Sr-I : Red Ochre, 233. 
 
 Joints, Wet-cupping for Inflamed, 283. 
 
 joo-h-vo : Gum-tree, 126. 
 
 j6r-i&-v&: Chisel, 149. 
 
 jo«-on Tribe of Aboriginals, 70. 
 
 j'oM-iin-: Frog, 121. 
 
 jUmrmm : Armlet, 181, 303. 
 
 Just, About to : Special Forms of the Future, 30. 
 
 K. 
 
 ka-t&n-bo-lg : Netting Needle, 124. 
 
 *a-Ia-ra : Yam, 113 ; Yam Stick, 158. 
 
 iai-ka-doon Tribe, 46, 52-8, 61-4, 68, 72, 112, 11.5, 
 124, 131, 133, 141, 147, 149, 150, 152, 154, 
 161, 179, 216, 228, 230-3, 236, 239, 240-1, 243, 
 249, 251, 253, 258, 2(50, 272-4, 283, 286, 293, 
 297-8, 304, 314, 324, 328, 331. 
 
 kd-lo : Flax, 436, 124, 153. 
 
 ka-i8/--S : Letter-stick, 436, 235. 
 
 iiSrlo-rUng-6r-o : Caterpillar-grub, 435, 119. 
 
 kd-na,: I uUy-developed Adult Man, Ph.T., .52; 
 317. 
 
 ka-»iJ-rI : Girl at Full Development of Puberty, 
 68, 305, 310. 
 
 kSn-da-jIn : To Swim, 260. 
 
 Kangaroo : Ph.T., 53 ; S.L., 73-4 ; 156 ; Bone 
 
 for Drilling, 253 ; Hunting, 145; Ornaments, 
 
 Knuckle Bones, 165, 305 ; Nose-pin, 175 ; 
 
 Tooth, 166, 230, 305 ; Kangaroo-play Game, 
 
 216, 221; Tail Tendon, 250; Twine, 232; 
 
 Skin_Water-bag.s 152. 
 kdn-iia&-ie ; Huge Supernatural Water-snake, 
 
 260, 276 ; S.L , 104. 
 M-pS-ra : Caterpillar-grub, 119. 
 kS-i&AS, : CoreUa River, 226. 
 ka-ra»-ya Tribe, 45, 52-7 ; Letter-stick, 236. 
 ia-ra-pa-rl : Seed-food, 436, 108. 
 ka-rS-dH-m : Seed, 111 ; Root, 114. 
 ka-rln-ga-rl: Cough, Cold, 287. 
 k^'il-ou-6 : Widow, 289. 
 Karkori, 230, 236. 
 i<8-riin-tl Tribe, living around Normanton, 182, 
 
 233, 235, 251, 253. 
 kS-ta-ga-wn-jMng-o : Devoncourt, 226. 
 Am-ta-g5 : Any Small Infant, 303. 
 M-tapa M-ta-pS : Hornet- or Bee-graving on 
 
 Boomerang, 241. 
 i-a-tS-brl-nS; Pointer of the Bone Apparatus, 259. 
 H-tl : Head, Top, Summit, &c., 310. 
 kd-tl kd- tl md-To : Individual of the Second 
 
 Degree, 68, 310. 
 kS.-tl-mm-jMI : Head Camp of Boinji Tribe in 
 
 neighbourhood of Marion Downs, 236. 
 i-a-too-rS : Seed-food, 436, 107, 111. 
 kel-pl : Bush-fence, 310. 
 ier-ka-lS: Pearl-plate, 184, 272. 
 kim.h&: Blood, Ph. T., .52; 283, 331. 
 kln-Al : Reed for Making Spears, 250. 
 King, Chief, Boss, &c., 238. 
 King's Creek, 2. 
 Kissing, 338. 
 
 iJ-tu-ma : Variety of Libijara Spear, 250. 
 Knee, Ph. T., 52. 
 Knife, Stone: Ph. T., 55 ; S.L., 91-2; Bartered, 
 
 230-2 ; Described, 257 ; Fighting with, 238 ; 
 
 300. 
 Knuckle-bone Ornaments, 165. 
 ie-ka : Blood-wood Gum, 287. 
 io-nn-pa : Grass Necklace, iSd, 179. 
 ioo-dl-ja ioo-dl-ja : Tri-linear Ornamentation, 
 
 43^; On Body, 185, 193; On Weapon.^, 241, 
 
 245. 
 koo-rfim£f-b8-rI : Ziz-zag Graving on Boomerangs, 
 
 43^, 241. 
 foo-8-ia : Grindstone, 154. 
 koo-e-rl : Lad at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 300, 
 
 304. 
 koo-io : Yam, 114. 
 ioo-joo-roo : Mussel, 120. 
 4oo-koo-rl : Yellow-ochre, Yellow, 313. 
 Koolamon : Ph. T., 55 ; S.L., 91-2; Described, 
 
 148 ; 203 ; Bartered, 230-3. 
 iooZ-bll-ia : North-west, 227. 
 kool-ho : Letter-stick, 235. 
 koo-Zm-jg-rl: Shell Chest-ornament, 182. 
 ifcooi-pa-rl : Emu, 53, 241. 
 ioo^poo-roo : Head-net, 168, 238. 
 koo-Jang'-a-ra ; Woman's Fighting-pole, 255. 
 ioom-pa-ra : Phallocrypt, 184, 193, 199. 
 ioom-pS,-ta : Chisel, 43, 149. 
 koom-po : Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 ioo-na : Excrement, 52, 282. 
 iooii-da-chi : Cray-fish, 43,9, 119- 
 koonrj-ga, : Honey, 118 ; Timber for Hut-scaffold- 
 ing, 161 ; Letter-stick, 235 ; Pointer of the 
 
 Bone-apparatus, 259. 
 koonr/-g&-rl : Bast, 227. 
 i-oo-nl : Seed-food, iSd, 109. 
 koon-ja, : Vulva, 333. 
 ioon-koo-lSn-ya : Tribe, 45, 230. 
 toom-pS : Frog, 121. 
 
 toon-pa-ra : Cork-tree, Shield, Koolamon, 254. 
 ioom-ta : Corpse, 290. 
 /toore-ya koon-yS. : Dilly-bag, 1-53, 241. 
 ioo-poo-roo : Paedomatronym, 62. 
 koo-re- : To Cut, 275. 
 
192 
 
 INDEX ASH GLOSSAJET. 
 
 koo-re-S (present tense of preceding) ; Any Simple 
 
 Incision, 281 
 ioor-kll-ia, : Paedoinatronym, 62.- 
 koo-roo-«ifa-do : Rain-stick, 43a, 294. 
 koo-rou-I : Hut for Withstanding Rain, 43a, 159. 
 too-ya : FJint-flake, 149. 
 io-pi. See Gypsum. 
 kM-yl-H : North-east, 227. 
 kiU-so : Spiral-band Head-omament, 172. 
 Md-i^: West, 227; Bone apparatus (c/.koong-ga) 
 
 259. 
 le&l-\l MX-V- '■ Term of Interrogation, 99. 
 ifii-yS-a : Maokinlay River, 226. 
 hul-'poo-Too : Williams River, 226. 
 h&m-ho : Flint-flake, 149, 290 ; Death-bone, 259. 
 Mra-dl kSn-dl : Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 iSm-doo-tiil : Wild-orange, 117. 
 kiin-d8r-a : Reed-spear, 250. 
 kUng-ga-pSril : Wild-currant, 117. 
 Mng-gL : Lad at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 303. 
 Mn-go-yl : Seed-food, 111. 
 i;&i-y61 : Grass-seed, ] 12. 
 kiin-ta-M^poo-roo : Boy at Full Puberty, 303. 
 ktin-tS-wwi-ra : Head-net, 168. 
 ktin-tS.-pe-'STig'-o : A Man Introeised, 68, 314. 
 iSn-tl : Cementing-substance, 150, 257. 
 Kurrajong-tree: For making Koolamons, &c., 148. 
 kftr-i-fcigr-ga : Boy at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 
 
 303. 
 too-kwa : Tribe, 45, 230. 
 Kyiiuna, 48, 182, 230, 241, 257, 260. 
 
 Labour, Pregnancy, &c., 328. 
 
 Lake Macbattie, 230. 
 
 Lake Nash, 49, 149, 191, 231, 242, 272, 296. 
 
 Lakes. See Diamantina Lakes. 
 
 Language: Foul, Obscene, 238, 333 ; Pitta-Pitta 
 
 Spoken, Ch. I. ; Expressed by Signs, Ch. 
 
 IV.; In Relation to the Trade-routes, 234. 
 Large, Immense : Idea of Quantity and Size, 37, 
 
 43 ; Ph. T., 57. 
 Later on, By-^d-by : Idea of Time, 38. 
 Laughing-jackass and the Blackfellows : Lore, 
 
 204. 
 Lavender-wood : For making Fire-sticks, 157. 
 Law and Order, Maintenance of, 238. 
 Leaves : For Playing at Smoke-spirals, 220 ; 
 
 Graved on Boomerangs, 241; Heated and 
 
 Applied for Head-ache, 285; Singed for 
 
 Dancing, 193, 199. 
 Leg, Shin, Ph. T., 52. 
 Legends, Fables, Tales, Lore, &c., 200-212. 
 Leichhardt River, 46, 122, 127, 252, 258. 
 Leiohhardt-Selwyn District : Aboriginals and 
 
 Geographical Limits of, 46 ; Huts and 
 
 Shelters in, 161 ; Eain-making in, 297 ; 
 
 Edible Roots in, 115 ; Seed-food in, 112 ; 
 
 Trade-routes of, 232. 
 Leilavale, Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 Let, Allow, Permit : Special Forms of the 
 
 Imperative Mood, 31. 
 Letter-stick, '235-7. 
 M-bl-jSi-rS : Reed-spear of the Cloncurry District, 
 
 250-1. 
 License, Poetical, 196. 
 Licinetis nasica, Corella, 139. 
 Ligature: For Snake-bite, 280; For Venseseo- 
 
 tion, 283. 
 Lightning and Thunder-malcing, 298. 
 Lightning stroke : Inflicted through Agency of 
 
 Bone-apparatus, 270. 
 Like to. Would : Special Forms of the Future 
 
 Tense, 30. 
 Lily, Water : Seeds Eaten, 111 ; Roots Eaten, 
 
 113. 
 lIra-W-j(!-koo-lttn. See mo-ma. 
 Lines, Straight, Graved on Boomerang, 241. 
 Liniment, 284. 
 Linwm margiiiale, A. Cunn. Sec Flax. 
 
 Lip, Mouth, Ph. T., 52. 
 
 Little : Idea of Quantity and Size, 37 ; Ph. T., 57. 
 
 Lizard : Ph. T., 53 ; S.L., 77-8 ; As Food, 122 ; 
 Painted on Rock, 187. 
 
 Lizard and Galab-parrot : Lore, 202. 
 
 Locality : Expressed by Signs, 95-6. 
 
 Long : Idea of Quantity and Size, 37. 
 
 Long way off : Idea of Distance, &c., 39. 
 
 Look-out For, To be Af,ter, To Hunt : Preposi- 
 tions of Motion, 22. 
 
 Lore, Legends, Tales, Fables, &c., 200-212. 
 
 toss of Memory, Forgetfulness, S.L., 103-4. 
 
 Lot, Big Mob, &c. : S.L., 93-4; Numerals, 36, 
 43; Ph. T., 56. 
 
 Louse, S.L., 83, 84. 
 
 Love-birds ("Shell-backs," " Budgeregars ") : 
 Trapping, 138. 
 
 Love-charms, 32S. 
 
 Zffl-ka-rin : Mussel, 120. 
 
 ISng-a, lUng-S, : Fluted Boomerang, 239. 
 
 lan-«a-6r-^l : Fort Constantine, 22G. 
 
 M. 
 
 mri-ba-na : Wommera Reed-spear of Cloncurry 
 
 District, 250. 
 ma-ohI-r2n</-I-rttl : Ulolo, 226. 
 inii,-ehoorn-h& : Kangaroo, 53, 241. 
 McKiulay : Aboriginal Name of Township, 226 ; 
 
 230. 
 McKinlay River : Aboriginal Name, 226. 
 Macropu3, S.L., 74. 
 Maintenance of Law and Order, 238. 
 mo-kS-bttr-I : Fullarton River, 226. 
 mA-'ks :. Return-boomerang, 2i3. 
 ma-kSr-a : Root, 114. 
 m8,-/tSn-yS : Emu-net Support, 131. 
 ma-la-g3, : Yam, 114. 
 Malaria, 262. 
 
 TO({-11 : Fishing-net, 55, 124-5, 241. 
 Mammalia, S.L., 73-4. 
 Man, Adult: Ph.T., 52; S.L., 89-90. 
 Man's : Father-in-Law, 64 ; Mother-in-Law, 
 
 58, 64. 
 Manufacture and Material of Boomerangs, 240. 
 Manufacture : Of Flax-fibre, 153 ; Of Hair-fibre, 
 162. 
 
 Manufacturing, Constructing, Building, For : 
 Prepositions of Purpose, &c., 24. 
 
 Many, Much, 35, 36, 37. 
 
 m<J-ra-bIl-la : Plain Boomerang, 239, 243. 
 
 md-re-S : Tomahawk, its Stone-head, 258. 
 
 ma-rl-mo : Hand-spear of the Boulia District, 247. 
 
 Marion Downs, 45, 147, 153, 191, 214, 224, 228, 
 230, 236, 241, 245,257, 294. 
 
 rtid-vo : Nulla-nuUa, 256. 
 
 -ma-ro : Suffix Indicating Possession, &c., 8. 
 
 Marriage, 61, 62, 71a, 6, c, 300, 30.5, 314-6, 320/, 
 323, 326. 
 
 Marsilea, Nardoo : S.L., 86 ; As Food, 110. 
 
 Marsupial-hunting, 143-5. 
 
 Masonic Signs, 72. 
 
 Massage, 283, 328. 
 
 Masturbation, 333. 
 
 Material and Manufacture of Boomerangs, 240. 
 
 mtt-tl : Knot in a String, &c. , 131. 
 
 May, Might, Perhaps : Special Forms of Future 
 Tense, 30 ; Interrogation, 40. 
 
 me : Eye, 52, 241, 275. 
 
 Meadow-grass, Ph.T., 53. 
 
 Means of. By, With, Through : Prepositions of 
 Purpose, &c., 24. 
 
 Measure : Of Distance, 39 ; Of Time, 38. 
 
 Medicinal Plants, 287. 
 
 Medicine-man. See Doctor. 
 
 Melo. Sec White-shell. 
 
 Memory, Loss of, Forgetfulness, S.L., 103-4. 
 : me-ne : Vulva, 333. 
 
 Menstruation, 331. 
 
 Mental Disease, 278. 
 
 me-ptik-koo-re-a : Blindnesis, 275. 
 
INDEX AND GLOSSAET. 
 
 193 
 
 OT^-ri-mo : Hand-spear of the Clonourry District, 
 
 247. 
 ni5r-»SMI-miing-I : Whirler, 215. 
 Mesh-stick for Net, 131. 
 Mesh of Woven Dilly-bags, 153. 
 Message-stick. See Letter-stick. 
 me-wiil-Ia : Fluted Boomerang, 239. 
 Micturition, Urine: Ph.T., 52; 274, 287, 289, 
 
 322, 332. 
 Might, May, Perhaps : Special Forms of Future 
 
 Tense, 30 ; Interrogation, 40. 
 mj-koo-ltin: Tribe Occupying Country between 
 
 Canobie, Donaldson, and Chandos, 47, 233. 
 mH-ka ; Tooth, 52, 166. 
 mU-a : Eye, 52, 218. 
 
 Mimicking Animals and Birds, Game of, 221. 
 mmff-ka-ra, : Nail, Claw, &c., 52, 182, 239, 241. 
 ml!nf?-ko : Stick for "VVorking-up Hair into 
 
 Twine, 162. 
 mUn-jo : Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 mfe-ma : Amulet, 286, 296. 
 mH/n-t^rS,. See min-ma. 
 mi-8r-ll: Tribe, 45, 52-7, 124, 228, 230, 241, 294; 
 
 Letter-stick, 236 ; Psedomatronym, 62. 
 mi-Tl : Girl at Early Puberty, 68, 305. 
 mJ-rlmJ-rl : Fore-head Net, 169, 193, 233, 313-4. 
 mi-ta-koo-dl : Tribe, 8, 47, 52-8, 61-4, 68, 72, 111, 
 
 114, 119, 124, 126, 131, 135, 137, 147, 149, 150, 
 
 153, 160, 167, 172, 176, 179, 182-3, 186, 213, 
 
 216-7, 232-3, 236, 239, 241-3, 247-8, 251, 253, 
 
 255-8, 260, 265, 272-5, 278, 280, 285, 287-8, 
 
 291, 298, 303, 315, 331. 
 mI-ta-m2-ko : Opossum-string Necklace, 180. 
 roJ-tlb-bl : Tribe Extending from Donor's Hills 
 
 to Canobie, across to the Eastern Side of the 
 
 Leiohhardt River, 47, 58, 61, 62 Table I., 
 
 63-4. 
 7»o-a: Chatswortb, 226. 
 mS-d-rl : Death-powder, 273. 
 Mob, Lot, Big : Idea of Numbers, 36 ; Ph.T., 
 
 56; S.L., 93-4; 43. 
 mo-ki-pl-Snpf-o : Bogie-man, 277. Of. mo-ma. 
 mo-ko-mfir-do ; Wild-rice, 86, 111. 
 mok-wiJ-rl : Pigeon-net, 137. 
 mi!Mo-ro : Mountain-top, 54, 241. 
 Mollusc, Fresh-water : As Fond, 120; S.L., 81-2. 
 mo-lBng-S : Corrobboree, 187, 191, 199. 
 mo-mS: Ghost, &c., 104, 200, 289. 
 m&n-d-ro : Phalloorypt, 184. 
 Monkira, 230, 236. 
 Month, S.L., 97-8. 
 moo-loo moo-loo : Yellow-ochre, 233. 
 Moon: Ph.T., 54; Folk-lore, 211; S.L., 97-8; 
 
 As Measure of Time, 38. 
 moo-nS : Fishing-net, 124, 233. 
 Moonah Creek, 46. 
 moo-nS-miil-j/d-rl: Opossum-string Necklace, 180, 
 
 183, 193.' 
 moon-do-lo : Belt, 183, 303. 
 moon^r-ka-la : Opossum-string Ornaments, 170-1, 
 
 181. 
 moon-t&-&H-ia. : Knife-sheath, 257. 
 moon-ta moon-tS, : Old Woman, 68, 314. 
 Mooraboola, 45. 
 
 moor-rS: Stick, Log, 43/, 289, 290. 
 moor-ro : Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 moo-too-roo : Flash-out Mutilations, 186. 
 Morelia variegata : Carpet-snake, S.L., 78. 
 Moribund, Sick, &o., S.L., 103-4. 
 mS»'-ro : NuUa-nuUa, 256. 
 Mosquito: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 83-4. 
 Mother, .58, 59, 61, 63; S.L., 89, 90; Father's 
 
 and Mother's, 58, 64. 
 Mother's: Brother, 58-9, 63: Father, 58, 64; 
 
 Sister, 64. 
 Mothers, Relationship between Husband's and 
 
 Wife's, 64. 
 Mother-in-law, 58, 64 ; How Treated, 326. 
 Motion, Prepositions Denoting, 22. 
 mou-ar : Death-powder, 273. 
 Mount Datson : Aboriginal Name, 226. 
 Mount Merlin, 2, 46, 191, 242. 
 
 Mountain: Ph.T., 54; S.L., 87-8. 
 
 Mountain Kurrajong-tree : For Making Shields, 
 254. 
 
 Mourning. See Burial. 
 
 Mouvning-scars, 289, 291. 
 
 Mouth, Lip, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 moy-d-rl : Death-powder, 273. 
 
 mo</-Sr-jo : Green-room, 199. 
 
 Much, Many, 35-7. 
 
 Muckunda Creek, 45, 236. 
 
 Mud : Dressing for Wounds, 284, 300 ; Sign of 
 Mourning, 289, 291 ; Mud-pills, 288. 
 
 Muddying of Water for Catching Fish, 126. 
 
 Mulga (Acacia aneura, F. v. M.); For Boome- 
 rangs, 240 ; For Spears, 249 ; For Fighting- 
 Poles, 255. 
 
 mwZ-ka : North-west, 227. 
 
 mwJ-ka-rl: Supernatural Being, 207, 260-1, 269, 
 270, 280, 291. 
 
 Mullangera, 48, 182, 233, 250, 253. 
 
 mill-lii-xi : Armlet, 181. 
 
 Mulligan River, 2, 45, 116, 118, 147, 154, 191, 
 236, 241-2,-253, 257. 
 
 iniil-ta, : Bone-apparatus, 259. 
 
 miil-bii--T^. See min-ma. 
 
 mtin-da- : To Kill with the Death-bone, 259. 
 
 mftn-da-ioo-e-a : Amulet, 286, 291. 
 
 m&ng-K-lS, : Roxburgh, 226. 
 
 mUng-^-roo : Edible Root, 86, 113-5. 
 
 Mungerebar. See Carlo. 
 
 milng-gl\-\l : Death-powder, 273. 
 
 m&ng-g^n : Girl at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 303. 
 
 mung-iin-i : Bone-appai-atus, 259, 291. 
 
 mitn-jX : Flax, 153. 
 
 m-Sii-na : Evil, Bad, 57, 289. 
 
 mffin-ta-b^ : South, 46, 227. 
 
 Mural Paintiugs, 187. 
 
 Murder, 238, 277. 
 
 Murderer, Burial .of, 390. 
 
 mtir-ra-ioo-no : Nardoo-stone, 155. 
 
 mttr-Sk-fetn-dl : A Member of the Highest 
 Climanym, 68, 313, 315. 
 
 Mushroom : As Food, 116. 
 
 Music of Song : Corrobboree, 197. 
 
 Mussel: S.L., 81-2; As Food, 120; Shell for 
 Catching Pelican, 141 ; Shell for Cutting 
 Grass for Necklaces, 179 ; Shell for Making 
 Smoke-spirals, 220, 273. 
 
 Must : Special Forms of the Future Tense, 30. 
 
 Muster, Catching Emus by, 134. 
 
 Mutilations : Flash-Outs, 186,' 299 ; Of Genitals 
 (Introcision), 306; Fighting-scars, 238; 
 Mourning-scars, 289, 291 ; Of Vocal Appa- 
 ratus, 2 ; of little finger, 330. 
 
 My : Personal Pronouns Possessive, 10. 
 
 BT. 
 
 Nail, Claw, &o., Ph. T., 52. 
 
 Names : Aborigional Geographical, 226 ; De- 
 ceased's not Forthcoming, 67; Family, 64; 
 Personal, Individual, and Pet, 07; Tribal, 60. 
 
 nd-iS. : Bar, 74, 104. 
 
 nfl-ra-tt-pa-rl : "Porcupine," 74. 
 
 na-rS-poon-ga- : To Forget, 104. 
 
 Nardoo: Seed-food, 110, lU ; S.L., 85-6; On 
 Letter-stick, 236. 
 
 Nardoo-stone : Described, 155 ; For Crushing 
 Ochre, 185 ; For Pounding Nardoo, 110. 
 
 ndr-pt : River-bank, 241. 
 
 Native Companion {Oi'us australasianus), S.L., 
 75-6. 
 
 Native Flax. See Flax. 
 
 Nature, Objects of : Ph. T., 54; S.L., 87-8. 
 
 Navel, Ph. T., 52. 
 
 Navel-string, Treatment of, after Labour, 528. 
 
 Neck, Ph. T., 52. 
 
 Necklace: S.L., 91-2; Grass-reed, 179, 232, 300, 
 302-5 ; Opossum-string, 180, 300. 
 
 Needle, Netting, 124, 131. 
 
 "Needle-Bush" ; Timber for Making Spears, 260, 
 
194 
 
 INDEX ASB GIiOSSAET. 
 
 Negatives with Ooinparatives, 27. 
 
 Neighbourhood and Direction, From : Preposi- 
 tions of Motion, 22. 
 
 Neighbourhood of, Close to : Ideas of Place, 
 Distance, &c., 39. 
 
 nel-ll : Frog, 121. 
 
 ne-mri-k3, : Frog, 121. 
 
 Neyjhew, 64. 
 
 nS-rl-mo : Hand-Spear of Cloncuri-y District, 247. 
 
 Net : Ph. T., 5.5; For Hunting Fish, 124, 232-3 ; 
 For Trapping Small Birds, 138; For Catching 
 Kangaroo, 145, 147 ; S.L., 86, 91-2 ; Fore- 
 head, 168, 193, 233 ; Head, 168 ; For Catch- 
 ing Emus, 131-2, 145. 
 
 Netting Needle, 124, 131. 
 
 vg-gd : Yam, 115. 
 
 Niangiangi, 236. 
 
 Niece, 64. 
 
 Night: Idea of Time, 38; Ph. T.,54; S.L.,97-8. 
 
 mK-pa : Water-bag, 152. 
 
 nl-nlng-fa-nl : Male of the Third Degi-ee, 68, 315. 
 
 »Jn-ma-roo: A Hill neighbouring on Mount 
 Datson, 226. 
 
 No ! : Notes of Exclamation, &c., 41 ; S.X., 103-4. 
 
 Nomenclature, Aboriginal Ceographicai, 226. 
 
 Nomenclature, Social and Individual, Ch. III. 
 
 Nominative Case ; Of Nouns, 11 ; Of Personal 
 Pronouns, 5 ; Of Relative Pronouns, 34. 
 
 Non- fatal Snake-bite, Treatment of, 280. 
 
 Non-indigenous Spears, 252. 
 
 Noose, Slip- : For Catching Ducks, 140 ; For 
 Turkev-bustards, 136. 
 
 no-po : Official Wife, 323. 
 
 Noranside, 45, 232, 241, 254, 257, 273, 294. 
 
 mfe'-lo : Water-bag, 152. ■ 
 
 Normanton, 182, 187, 233, 252-3. 
 
 North, Nr>rth-east, North-west, 227. 
 
 Northern Territory, 191, 316. 
 
 North-West-Central Queensland, Geographical 
 Limits of, 50. 
 
 Nose, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Nose-pin, 175. 
 
 Nostril, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 Notation : Decimal and Dual, 4. 
 
 Notes of Exclamation, 12, 41. 
 
 Nouns : Adjectives used a?, 20 ; Dual, 15 ; 
 Gender, lo; Nominative, 11; Objecti^^e, 14; 
 Possessive, 13 ; Plural, 15 ; Vocative, 12. 
 
 moM-ttn : Tribe, 48, 182, 233, 253. 
 
 Now : Idea of Time, 38. 
 
 Nulla-nulla : Described, 256 ; Bartered, 232. 
 
 Number, 4; S.L., 93-4. 
 
 Numerals, 36 ; Ph.T., 56 ; S.L., 93-4. 
 
 niin-t^-T) : Slip-noose, 140. 
 
 Nut-grass : As Food, 113, 115 ; S.L., 86. 
 
 Objective Case : Of Nouns, 14 ; Of Personal 
 Pronouns, B, 7 ; Of lielative Pronouns, 34. 
 
 Objects of Nature, Ph.T., 54; S.L., 87-8. 
 
 o-bo-roon-dl : Tribe met with along Lower Leich- 
 hardt River, 46. 
 
 o-to'Mm-jI : Female of Second Degree, 68, 312. 
 
 Obscene Language, 238, 333. 
 
 Obtained or Received, From : Prepositions of 
 Purpose, Reason, Means, 24. 
 
 Ochre, 193, 231 ; Red, 170, 174, 185, 187, 215-6, 
 230, 232-3, 242, 254, 273, 283, 286, 289, 291, 
 306 ; Yellow, 174, 185, 217, 230, 233, 254, 289, 
 
 Off, Far, Far Away, From : Idea of Distance, 39. 
 
 Off ! Ready ! : Notes of Exclamation, 41. 
 
 Old Men, Authority of, 238. 
 
 ii-lttn : Shear-blade, &c., 149. 
 
 8n-da-™o?i-dr) : Eddington, 226. 
 
 One, Unity, &c. : Numerals, 36 ; Ph.T., 56 ; 61. 
 
 On Top of. Above : Prepositions of Rest, 23. 
 
 ooWo : Bee, 118. 
 
 oo-loo-poo-loo : Tribe, 45, 230, 270. 
 
 oon-da- : To Grease, To Smear, 283, 
 
 oo-ra-dll-lft :' HookAoomerang, 239. 
 Oorindimindi : Station on FuUarton River (old 
 
 name=RockclifE), 187. 
 oo-ro-ka ; Emu-apple, 117. 
 oo-7-o-lo : "Black Mountain," CloncUrry, 226. 
 oo-ta^-roo : Gamomatronym, 61. 
 Opossum: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 73-4; Hunting for, 
 
 144 ; -Skin for Setting Fractures, 281 ; -Skin 
 
 Water-bag,s, 152 ; -String, 153, 162, 230-1, 
 
 257-9, 286, 296, 300, 302, 328 ; -String Belt, 
 
 183 ; fString Necklace, 180, 300 ; -Tooth, 241, 
 
 275. 
 Opossum : And Galah-parrot (Lore), 212 ; And 
 
 WUd-cat (Lore), 203. 
 Or: Conjunctions, 26. 
 Orange, Wild- {Atalantia glauca, Hook.) : As 
 
 Food, 117 i S.L., 85-6; Wood used as Fire- 
 
 etick, 157. 
 Order and Law, Maintenance of, 238. 
 Ornament and Decoration, Bodily, Ch. VII. 
 Ornaments : S.L., 91-2 ; Of Chest, 182; Of Face, 
 
 174; Of Head, 163; Tooth, 166. 
 Ornate Boomerang, 241. 
 Oryza sativa, Linn. (Wild Rice), 111. 
 Ostracism, Exile, 238. 
 
 Other Side of, Behind : Prepositions of Rest, 23. 
 Oval Gravings on Boomerangs, 24] . 
 Oven, Baking, 156. 
 
 Over, Across : Prepositions of Motion, 22. 
 o~v)e-& : Lad at First Sign of Puberty, 68, i302. 
 Owenia acidula, F. v. M. (Emu-apple), 117, 132. 
 Owl-feathers, White, 193. 
 
 Paddjmelon : S.L., 73-4 ; Skin Water-'baga, 152. . 
 
 Paedomatronym, 62, 305, 320. 
 
 Pain?, Internal : How Treated, 283, 286. 
 
 Painting:. Of the Body, 185; Mural-, 187. 
 
 pa-jg-ra : Gidyea, 239, 243. 
 
 pd-Voo-ta : Two, Dual, 61. 
 
 fd-U : Bush-fence, 304. 
 'alisading and Net for Catching Emus, 132. 
 Palm Isles, 70. 
 pd-ml-i^-ra, : Crocodile, 122. 
 Panioum dteompositum, R.Br. ("Star"-grasa), 
 
 111. 
 Pantomime, Corrobboree, 190. 
 pap-ya,: Seed-food, 105. 
 pd-rk-go: Corpse, White- man, 291, 298. 
 pS-ra pl-i»r-I: Parapituri, 207, 226, 230. 
 pd-ta : YeUow-ochre, 233. 
 Parrot, Galah-: Ph.T., 53; S.L.,75-6; Hunting 
 
 for, 139 ; And the Lizard (Lore), 202 ; Aad 
 
 the Opossum (Lore), 212. 
 pS-rfc-da : Fluted Boomerang of Bedouri, &c., 
 
 242. 
 Participles, 42. 
 
 Parts of Body, Words relating to, 52. 
 Pass-port, Letter-stick, 235. 
 Past Tense : Verbs Active Indicative, 17. 
 pd-\,&. See Gypsum. 
 Patronyni, 60. 
 Pea : As Food, 117. 
 Pearl: Phalloerypt,184,199; -Plate, 272; -SheU, 
 
 230-1. 
 pe-&i4;-boo na, : Return Boomerang, 213. 
 Peg, Barb, Hook, &o. : On Spears, 249, 250; 
 
 Wommeras, 253. 
 ^«-je : Mussel, 120. 
 ^c-ko : Claw Chest-omamtnt, 182. 
 
 fe-kool : Crayfish, 119. 
 'elican (Pclicaniis conspkillaivs): S.L., 7S-6; 
 Hunting for, 141; -Feather Tufts, 164; 
 -Bone Nose-pin, 175 ; As Intermediary with 
 Death-bone, 270. 
 Penis: Ph.T.,, •52; -Concealer. 5ec PhaHocrypt. 
 Penny-royal Plant : Used Me^oittally., 287. 
 Peragale lagotis, Reid. See Bitbi. 
 
 fer-cha, : Pe^, Hook, Bart, 249, '^. 
 'erfect Participle, (B. 
 
INDEX MTD &LOSSAEX. 
 
 195 
 
 P&r£ormanc8 of Corrobboree, Time of, 189- 
 
 Performers at Corrobboree, 192. 
 
 Perhaps, Might, May: Special Forma of the 
 
 Future Tense, 30 ; Interrogation, 40. 
 Permit, Allow, Let : Special Forms of the 
 
 Imperative, 31. 
 Person : Person from, 22 ; Proximity'' to, or 
 
 Remoteness from, "person Commanding, 31; 
 
 Inflections of Third Person; 4. 
 Persons, or Things : Between, 23 ; With, 22. 
 Personal Individual Name; 67, 
 Personal Pronouns : Interrogative; 35 ; Nomina- 
 
 tive, 5; Objective, 6, 7; Possessive, 10. 
 Perspiration : Induced for Kelieving Snalre-bite, 
 
 280 ; As a Liniment, &o., 283, 328; Disguised 
 
 with Earth in Emurhunting,,135. 
 pe-tS-btir-I : Water-lily, 113. 
 PhaUoorypt, 184, 193, 199, 310. 
 Philat-Jo/mstomi (Fresh- water Crocodile): As 
 
 Food; 122. 
 Piercing : Of Ear, 175 ; Of Nose, 176. 
 Pigeon. See Flock-pigeon. 
 Pig-weed {Portulaca oieraeea,,Ij\ruL) : S.L., 85-6; 
 
 As Food, 109, 111, 112; Rubbed into the. 
 
 Flash-outs, 186. 
 ni-kS-bilr-ra ; Pillow-drum, 198. 
 Pill ::G!lay,- Mud, 288. 
 Piiiiou Creek, 45. 
 PUlQWrdrun} at- Corrobborees, 198. 
 ^i-mlir-ra. : Oloncurry Township and River-hole, 
 
 226. 
 Pinj.Sone-, for Producing Sickness, &c., 274. 
 PiD,.Nose-, 17S. 
 5iiie!fC)riSha.fts of Spearsj 249. 
 pi«^-ka-ra: Eagle-hawk Feather Ornament, 
 
 183, 193. 
 j>S-ri-HjEfr6ng^ : Smoke-spiral Game, 220. 
 pj-ri pi--A : Whirler, 215. 
 Pit-falls for Catching Emus, 133. 
 HSS-tapM.tS,: Tribe, 46-, 52-8, 61, 63-4, 68> 72, 152, 
 
 155, 159, 187, 195, 199, 207;,228, 280,-238, 241, 
 
 294, 305, 310, 317 ; Number of Aboriginals, 46 ; 
 
 NjimeB-of Boomerangs,, 239; Food Tabooed, . 
 
 62; Individual and Social Nomenclature, 
 
 58, 61-4, 67, 68; Genealogical Tree, 65; 
 
 Letter-sticks, 236 ; Root-stemsof Words, 43 ; 
 
 Spoken Language, Ch. I. ; Vocabulary, 44. 
 Pit-throwing Game, 223. 
 Pituri(Z>«5oma,R. Br.): Ph. T.,53; S.L.,85-6; 
 
 Pjepars/tion, &c., 147; Bartered, 230-2; 
 
 Letter-stick for, 236 ; -Plate,, 170,- 253. 
 Place, DirectiQUi and Distance : , Ideas of, 39 ; 
 
 a:.L., 95-6. 
 Place or Person, Direction from: Prepositions- 
 
 of Motion, 22. 
 Plain Soomerang, 243. 
 
 Plants: Ph. T., 53; 8.L., 85-6; Medicinal, 287. 
 Plaster, White. See Gypsum. 
 Plate : Pearl, 272 ; Pituri, 253, 
 Platylea ("Spoon-bill"), Sih., 76, 
 Plot and Authorship of Corrobboree, 1 90. 
 Plural of Nouns, 15. 
 Poetical License, 196. 
 Pp^uts of the Coinpa^s, 227. 
 Poisoning Water for Catching Fish, 126. 
 po-kan-j/»d-y8 : Penny-royal, 436i 287. 
 Pole, Fighting: Ph. T., 55; Described, 255; 
 
 Bartered, 232-3 ; S.L., 91-2. 
 PoUygammpn. Creek, ; 236, 
 p'oo-obo poo-dho : Spin-ball, 216. 
 poo-M-tl-kS. : Wattle, 435, 147. 
 poon-io : Grass-seed, 112 ; Hair of Head, 43e, 
 
 52, 294. 
 j)oor-pa-lS : Clapping of Hands, 198. 
 poo-ta.ppo-lSi: White-gum Tree, 239, 240. 
 i)6-po-io : Spin-ball, 216. 
 Poroupinei fejMdma Aj^sSWx) : Ph. T.,53; S.L., 
 
 73-4 ; Hunting for, 143 ; And Eagle-Hawk; 
 
 (Lore),208. 
 Eojxxnpine-grass for Making Cementing-sub- 
 
 stance, 150. 
 Pornography, Ethno-, Ch. XIII. 
 
 pSr-ri : Nardoo-stone, 155. 
 
 Portulaca napCformis, F.V.M., 111. {P. oleraoea, 
 
 Linn. See Pigweed.) 
 Possession, Sign of : Auxiliary Verbs, 8. 
 Possessions, Property, Belongings, 36, 43. 
 Possessive : Nouns, iS ; Personal Pronouns, 10'; 
 
 Relative Pronouns, 34 ; Secondary, 10. 
 Post, Finger, 225. 
 Poultice, 285. 
 
 Pounding-stone for Nardoo, 155. 
 Powder, Death, 273. 
 Pregnancy, Labour, &c., 328: 
 Preparation of Birds for Eating, 142. 
 Prepositions: Of Motion, 22; Of Purpose, 
 
 Reason, Means, 24; Of Rest, 23; Of Time, 
 
 25. 
 Present Tense, 17*. 
 p>-U-i& : Peg, Hook, Barb, &o., 250. 
 pril-ilng-iii : Whirler, 215. 
 prfa-na : Hut-scaffolding, 159 ; Leg, 52. 
 Pronouns : Interrogative, 35 ; Personal, 5-7, 10 ; 
 
 Relative, 34 ; Verbal, 18. 
 Pronunciation, 3. 
 
 Property, Possessions, Belongings, &c. , 36, 43. 
 Proximity to Person Commanding : Special 
 
 Forms of the Imperative, 31. 
 Puberty, SOD, 303-5, 307, S20g. 
 "Puddling" Water for Catching Fish, 126. 
 p&k-ka- : To Incise, Cut, GravCj &c., with a 
 
 Chisel, 149, 275. 
 pilk-ianp-I : Chisel, 149. 
 p&k-^al : Vulva, 333. 
 pfm-dl-i&: Sweetheart, Wife, "Fancy "-woman, 
 
 64, 323. 
 Punishmenti Law and Order, Ch. X. 
 Punishment : Belief in Death as a Natural 
 
 Punishment,. 279 ; Of. Men by Women, 310. 
 p&r-go-ma, : Tribe, 70. 
 
 Purpose : Definiteness of Action, or Special, 33. 
 Purpose, Reason, Means : Prepositions Denoting, 
 
 24: 
 
 Q- 
 
 Quamby, 228, 328. 
 
 Quantity and Size : Ideas of, 37. 
 
 Quartz, White;: For Tipping Spears, 251; For 
 Making Rain, 294-5. 
 
 Quartz-tip Wommera Reed-spear, 251. 
 
 Queensland, Geographical Limits of North-West- 
 Central, 50. 
 
 Question, Interrogation, &c., 40; S:L., 99-100. 
 
 Radish as Food, 113. 
 
 Rain-making: In Boulia District, 294; At; 
 Headingly, Lake Nash, &c., 296 ; In Leich- 
 hardt-Selwyn District, 297 ; At Roxburgh, 
 295. 
 
 Rank, Degrees of Social, 68, 299. 
 
 Rape : Punishment for, 327 ; Blindness as a 
 Punishment for, 275. 
 
 Rat : S.L., 73-4 ; Coursing, 222. 
 
 Ready ! Off ! Notes of Exclamation, 41. 
 
 Reardon, Mr., of Mungerebar, 147. 
 
 Reason, Purpose, Means : Prepositions Denoting, 
 24. 
 
 Received or Obtained, From : Prepositions, 24. 
 
 7-e-chIn-dI : Bloodwood-tree, 287. 
 
 Recreation, Sport, Amusement, Ch. VIII. 
 
 Red-ochre. 5ee Ochre. 
 
 Red-tit and Brown-tit : Lore, 206. 
 
 Reed-necklace. See Grass-reed Necklace. 
 
 Reed-spears, 250, 251. 
 
 Reflexive Verbs, 32. 
 
 Reiteration of Command Already Given : Special 
 Forms of the Imperative, SL 
 
 Relationship, Equivalence of Blood- and Class-, 
 59. • 
 
 Relationship-equivalents, Aboriginal and Euro- 
 pean, 66. 
 
196 
 
 IKBEX AND GLOSSAJtX. 
 
 Relationship-terms, Taniily : Ph.T., 58 ; S.L., 
 89, 90 ; Heteroryms, 63 ; Geneanyms, Hi. 
 
 Relative Pronouns, 34. 
 
 RempteneBS from Person Commanding : Special 
 Forms of the Imperative, 31. 
 
 Reptiles, S.L., 77, 78. 
 
 Request, Demand, S.L., 101-2. 
 
 Rest, Attitude of Bodily, 195. 
 
 Rest, Prepositions of, 23. 
 
 Return-boomerang, 213. 
 •Rice, Wild ; as Food, 111, 112; S.L., 8.5-6. 
 
 Richmond Downs, 48. 
 
 Right ! Right You Are ! Notes of Exclamation, 
 41. 
 
 rlng-o rlng-o : Tribe, 45. 
 
 Rite, Sturt^s Terrible, 316. 
 
 River : Ph.T., 54; S.L., 87-8; Aboriginal Names 
 of Various Rivers, 226. 
 
 Road, Signs and Signals on the, 225. 
 
 Roarer. See Whirler. 
 
 Rochdale, 230-1. 
 
 Rock, Ph.T., 54. 
 
 Rockhampton Class-Systems, 70d. 
 
 "Rockies": Waterhole on Burke River, Abori- 
 ginal Name of, 226. 
 
 ro-ko-ro : Claw-mark, Scratch, &c., 239. 
 
 Room, Corrobboree Dressing-, 194. 
 
 roomjr-k^rgn : Short Single-handed Sword, 253. 
 
 roon^-ka-rl ; West, 46, 227. 
 
 Roots, Edible: In Boulia District, 113; In 
 Cloncurry District, 114; In Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District, 115. 
 
 Root-stems of Pitta-Pitta Words, 43. 
 
 Rope, Skipping, 217. 
 
 Roeella-plant : Decoction made for Coughs and 
 Colds, 287. 
 
 Rose-wood for Making Spears, 247. 
 
 Round, Round-about: Motion, 22; Rest, 23. 
 
 Routes, Trade- : In Boulia District, 230 ; In 
 Cloncurry District, 233 ; In Upper Georgina 
 District, 231 ; In Leichhardt-Selwyn Dis- 
 trict, 232; and Letter-sticks, 235; 229. 
 
 Roxburgh Downs, 49, 61-2, 118, 1.33, 135, 138-9, 
 147, 154-5, ISO, 186, 190-1, 225, 230, 2.36, 245, 
 253-4, 289, 292-3, 301, 309, 320, 328 ; Abori- 
 ginal Name, 226 ; Rain-making at, 295. 
 
 Ruddle. See Red-ochre. 
 
 riik-ii-a: Tribe, 45, 230. 
 
 Rules of Marriage, 62, 71, 326. 
 
 Run] S.L., 101-2. 
 
 Running the Gauntlet, 238. 
 
 ■riing-o rWng-o : Tribe, 45. 
 
 S. 
 
 St. Albans, 230. 
 
 Sand, Counting in the, 36. 
 
 Sand-fly, S.L., 83-4. 
 
 Sandringham, 2. 
 
 Satchel. See Dilly-bag. 
 
 Saxby River, 48. 
 
 Scar : Fighting, 186, 238 ; Flash, 186 ; Genera- 
 tive, 316 ; Mourning, 289, 291. 
 
 Scarce : Number, 36. 
 
 Scarification in Snake-bite, 280. 
 
 Search for Food, Ch. V. 
 
 Secondary Possessives, 10. 
 
 Seed-food: S.L.,85-6; In BouliaDistrict, 105-10; 
 In Cloncurry District, 111 ; In Leichhardt- 
 Selwyn District, 112. 
 
 Seek, Hide-and-, Game, 219. 
 
 Selected Words, Tabular Comparison of, Ch. II. 
 
 Self : Reflexive Verba, 32. 
 
 Semen, Drinking of, 283, 305. 
 
 Sevannah, 251. 
 
 Shag. See Diver-bird. 
 
 Shaking Hands, 228. 
 
 Sharpener, Flint-, for Spe.ars, &c., 253. 
 
 Sheath, Knife-, 257. , 
 
 Shell: Mussel-, 141, 179, 220; Pearl-, 231; White, 
 182, 230, 233, 241, 253. 
 
 Shelters. See Huts. 
 
 Shield : Ph.T., 55; S.L., 91-92; Described, 254 J 
 
 Similar Materials, &o., as Koolamons, 148; 
 
 Bartered, 230, 232-3. 
 Shin, Leg, Ph.T., 52. 
 Shirts, Bartered, 230-1. 
 Shoulder, Ph.T., 52. 
 Shuttlegravings on Boomerangs, 241. 
 Sickness, Death, Accident, Ch. XI. 
 Sickness, Sick Person, &c., S.L., 103-4. 
 Sign-language, Ch. IV. 
 Signs and Signals on the Road, 225. 
 Silence, S.L., 101-2. 
 Similarity, Adjectives Denoting, 27. 
 Since, Time When : Prepositions of Time, 25. 
 Singed Leaves for Dancing, 1 93, 199. 
 Singing: S.L., 101-2; Corrobboree, 196; Dirges 
 
 &c., in Sickness, 265, 275, 282. 
 Singular Number, 4. 
 Sister : S.L., 89, 90; 58, 59, 63; Father's, .58, 59, 
 
 63 ; Mother's, 64 ; Sister-in-law, 58, 59, 63 ; 
 
 Sister's Daughter, Son, 58, 64. 
 Sit Down ! Stay! S.L., 101-2. 
 Size and Quantity, Ideas of, 37. 
 Skipping-rope, 217. 
 Sleep, S.L., 101-4. 
 Slut, Ph.T., 52. 
 Small, Diminutive : Ideas of Quantity and Size, 
 
 37. 
 Smearing of Body: With Blood, 283; With Fat, 
 
 284. 
 Smoke : -Signals, 225 ; -Spirals, 220. 
 Snake: Ph.T., 53; S.L., 77-8; As Food, 123; 
 
 Fatal Bite, 269; Non-fatal Bite, 280;- -Fat, 
 
 284 ; -Neck Tendon, 250 ; Snake and Fish 
 
 (Lore), 205. 
 Soap-stone : For Making Rain, 297. 
 Social and Individual Nomenclature, Ch. III. 
 Social Rank, Degrees of, 68, 299. 
 Sodomy, 333. 
 Son : Son's Son and Daughter, Brother's and 
 
 Sister's Son, 58, 64. 
 Son-in-law, 64. 
 
 Song, Corrobboree: Music of, 197; Words of, 196. 
 Soon : Ideas of Time, 38. 
 Sounds, Consonant and Vowel, 3. 
 South, South-east, South-west, 227. 
 Spear: Ph.T., 55; S.L., 91, 92; Described, 246; 
 
 Bartered, 230-3; Fighting with, 238 ; Hand-, 
 
 247, 248 ; Wommera, 249, 250, 251 ; Method 
 of Throwing, 247, 250, 253 ; Non-indigenous, 
 252; For Special Purposes, &c, 127, 135, 
 
 248, 250 ; Sharpened vrith Flints, 253. 
 Special Purpose, or Definiteness of Action, 33. 
 Spider, Ph.T., 53. 
 
 Spin-Ball : Game, 216. 
 
 Spinifex-grass {Tribdia, R. Br.) See Cementing- 
 substance. 
 
 Spiral-band, Head-ornament, 172. 
 
 Spiral, Smoke : Game, 220. 
 
 Splints for Fractures, 281. 
 
 Spoken Language of the Pitta-Pitta Tribe, Ch. I. 
 
 Spoon-biU {Platylea), S.L., 75-6. 
 
 SporoboluSyK. Br. : S. acHnocladus, F. v. M., 107 ; 
 S. indicus, R. Br., Ill ; S. Lmdleui, Benth., 
 107. 
 
 Sports, Games, Recreation, Ch. VIII. 
 
 Spring, Water-, S.L., 87-8. 
 
 Springvale, 2, 45, 147, 154, 182, 191, 228, 230, 
 236, 241-2, 254, 257, 294 ; Aboriginal Name, 
 226. 
 
 Sprite, Water-, S.L., 104. 
 
 Star, Ph.T., 54. 
 
 "Star-grass" {JSHeusine cegytiaca, Pers.): Seed- 
 food, 106, 111. 
 
 States, Act.s, Conditions, Simple, S.L., 101-2. 
 
 Stay ! Sit Down ! S.L., 101-2. 
 
 Stcnoearpus scdigTms, R. Br. (Beef wood-tree), 1.50. 
 
 Stick: Fire-, 157; For Working Hair-twine, 
 162 ; Letter or Message, 235 : Toy Throwing, 
 214; Throwing-stiok (Nulla-nulla), 256; 
 WhirUng, 215; Yam, 158. 
 
 Stick and BaU : Game, 216. 
 
TSDES. AJTD GIiOSSAET. 
 
 197 
 
 Stomaoh-aohe, Treatment of, 282, 286. 
 
 Stone; Ph.T., 54; Green-, for Tomahawks, 258; 
 
 Grind-, 154 ; Nardoo-, 155 ; Rain-, 43, 294 ; 
 
 Throwing Stones in Fighting, 238. 
 Stone-knife. See Knife. 
 Straightening and Bending of Timber, Artificial, 
 
 ISl. 
 Straight Lines : Gravings on Boomerangs, 241. 
 String. See under Opossum, Flax, Hair. 
 Strychnine, 273. 
 Sturt, Captain : Masonic Signs, 72 ; Terrible 
 
 Rite, 316. 
 Suckling Infants, 330. 
 Suction in Snake-bite, 280. 
 Sudden Disappearance : How Explained, 277. 
 Sugar-bag. See Honey. 
 Sun: Ph.T., 54; S.L., 97-8; Measure of Time, 
 
 38 ; Measure of Distance, 39. 
 Superlative of Adjectives, 27. 
 Superstition and Belief, Ch. XI. 
 Swapping, Bargaining, Exchanging, For : Pre- 
 positions of Purpose, Reason, &c., 24. 
 Sweat. See Perspiration. 
 Sweetheart, Fancy-woman, &c., 64, 323. 
 Swim, S.L., 101-2. 
 Sword : Wommera Acting as Single-handed, 
 
 253; Two-handed, 238, 246. 
 Syphilis, 262, 274. 
 Systems, Olass-, Oh. III. 
 
 T. 
 
 Table-top Mountain, Cloncurry : Aboriginal 
 
 Name of, 226. 
 Tabooed Food, 626. 
 
 Tabular Comparison of Selected Words, Ch. II. 
 a-ka-lS : Head-ornament, 173, 193, 310. 
 Tales, Fables, Legends, Yarns, 200-212. 
 td-lX: Hut-scaffolding, 160. 
 tSl-lo : Seed-food, 111. 
 tan-dS : Yam-stick, 158. 
 Tanning : With Blood-wood Gum, 152. 
 ftZ-poon : Spear, 253. 
 ta-raJ-ko : Bull-frog, 121. 
 «i8-roo-roo: Timber (? Gidyea); 239. 
 Ta-ta ! Good-Bye ! Notes of Exclamation, 41. 
 tS-dH-hoo : The 5-mile Yard from Boulia on the 
 
 Marion Downs Road, 236. 
 Tendon for Binding : Emu-leg, 250 ; Kangaroo- 
 tail, 250 ; Snake-neok, 250. 
 tgn-gttl-(S-goo-liin : Supernatural Being with Big 
 
 Eyes and Ears, 260. 
 Tense : Verbs Active, Indicative, 17. 
 Tephrosia astragaloides, R. Br.: For Poisoning 
 
 Fish, 126. 
 J?-ra : Hut-entrance, 159. 
 tS-rl: "Pointer" Portion of the Bone-apparatus, 
 
 259. 
 ie-rl-wa :-East, 227. 
 Terrible Rite, Sturt's, 316. 
 
 Testicle : Ph. T., ,52 ; -Pouch Made into Knife- 
 handle, 257. 
 Thanks ! Notes of Exclamation, 41. 
 The : Indefinite Article, 9. 
 There, Thither: Ideas of Place, Direction, &c., 
 
 39 
 Thigh,"ph. T., 52. 
 
 Things or Persons : With, 22 ; Between, 23. 
 Third Person, Inflections of the, 4. 
 Thither, There : Ideas of Place, Direction, &o., 
 
 39 
 Thomson River, 147, 230. 
 
 Thorn in Foot, &c. : Due to Bone-apparatus, 270. 
 Thread. See String. 
 Three: Numerals, 36; Ph. T., 56 
 Through, XJp, Alongside, Among : Prepositions 
 
 of Motion, 22. 
 Through, With, Agency of : Prepositions of 
 
 Purpose, Reason, Means, 24. 
 Throwing-stiok. See Nulla-nulla. Toy, 214. 
 Thumb, Ph. T., 52. 
 
 Thunder and Lightning Making, 298. 
 tl-fid-rl-ptil : Grenada, 226. 
 tII-2/a-rI : Emn-feather Ornament, 183, 193. 
 Timber, Artificial Bending and Straightening 
 
 of, 151. 
 Time : S.L., 97-8 ; Ideas of, 38 ; Prepositions 
 Denoting, 25; Beating of Time at Cor- 
 robboree, 198. 
 «tn-da,: Water-lily, 114. 
 Mn-dH: Seed -food. 111. 
 
 Wra-ja : Graving on Weapons to Prevent Hand* 
 Slipping, 241, 255, 256 ; Post to Support the 
 Emu-net, 131. 
 tin-ifa-na : Phalloorypt, 184. 
 <fei-ka «m-ki : Tribe, 45, 230. 
 Un-ti : Vulva, 52, 236. 
 tI-»««fir-a-rS : North, 227. 
 M-pS-do : Flash-cut Mutilations, 186. 
 Tit, The Red and Brown : Lore, 206. 
 Ti-tree (Gordyline, Comm.): Blossoms Sucked, 
 
 118 ; Bark Envelope, &c., 291, 330. 
 Titular Rank. See Social Rank. 
 To, At : Prepositions of Motion, 22. 
 To, Donation to : Prepositions of Purpose, 
 
 Reason, &c., 24. 
 Tobacco, 147. 
 Tooal, 230. 
 
 To-day : Ideas of Time, 38. 
 Toes : Big and Little, Ph. T., 52. 
 Toes, Fingers, Hands, Counting with, 36. 
 Together, Collectively, With : Conjunctions, 26; 
 
 Numerals, 36. 
 to-ko : " Nut-grass " Root, 115. 
 Toko Ranges, Water-hole, &o., 49, 154, 187, 191, 
 
 230-1, 234, 236, 241-2, 253.-4, 257, 272, 319. 
 Tomahawk: S.L., 91-2; Described, 258; 
 
 Represented in Mural Painting, 187. 
 To-morrow : Ideas of Time, 38. 
 Tongue, Ph.T., 52. 
 Too, Also : Conjunctions, 26. 
 ioo-a-riin : Medreine-man, Doctor, 259, 260. 
 «oo-chS-ra : South-east, 227. 
 Tooleybuck, 2, 45, 113, 147, 236. 
 «oo-ltim-bool : Water-lily, 111, 114. 
 toonff-g& : Phallocrypt, 184. 
 toong-gS,-io : Beef- wood Gum, 150. 
 Toorikungora, 230. 
 ioo-rl too-Tl : Skipping-rope, 217. 
 foor-kln-jg: Fire-stick, 157. 
 too-roo-kJi, too-rooJ-ka : Mussel, 120. 
 *oo-tii: Tephrosia astragaioides, R.Br., 126. 
 Tooth: Ph.T., 52; Avulsion of, 177, 299; Ground- 
 down Appearance of, 105 ; Kangaroo Tooth 
 ornament, 166. 
 Top of. Above, On : Prepositions of Rest, 23. 
 Totemic Systems, Ch. III. 
 tou-e-mtil-Ze-a: Indicative Present of Reflexive 
 
 Form of tou-e=to hit, &c., 216. 
 tou-8r-gMa : Fort William, 226. 
 tou-^T-l1 : Receptacle-portion of the Bone-appa- 
 ratus, 259. 
 Townships, Stations, &c. : Aboriginal Names of, 
 
 226. 
 Toy Throwing-stick, 214. 
 Tracking and Spearing Emus, 135. 
 Tracks, Birds' and Animals': Playing at Imita- 
 ting, 221. 
 Track-signals, 225. 
 
 Trade-routes, 229 : In Boulia District, 230 ; In 
 Cloncurry District, 233; In Upper Georgina 
 District, 231 ; In Leiohhardt-SelwynDistrict, 
 232 ; Important in Connection with Beliefs, 
 Customs, and Language, 234. 
 Transitive and Intransitive Verbs, 18, 32, 33. 
 Transport of Fish, 129. 
 Travel, Trade, and Barter, Ch. IX. 
 Treading with Feet for Catching Fish, 128. 
 Tree-burial, 292. 
 
 Tree-falling : An Injury Inflicted by the Bone- 
 apparatus, 270. 
 Tree, Genealogical, of the Pitta-Pitta Tribe, 65. 
 Trefoil, as Food, 117. 
 
198 
 
 imjEi ASX) GLOSSAET. 
 
 Tribal-name, 60. 
 
 Tribes: Boinji, DuDgadungara,, 45; Goa, 48 
 Injillnji, 46 ; Jouun, 70 ; Kallsadoon, 46< 
 Karanya, 45 ; K^runti, 233 ; Koonkoolenya^ 
 Kwokwa, 45; Mikoolun, 47; Miorli, 45 
 Mitakoodii Miubbi, 47; Nouun, 48,; Obor- 
 oondi, 46 ; Ooloopooloo, 45 ; Pitta-Pitta, 45 
 Purgoma, 70 ; Kmgo-Ringo, Bukbia, Rnngo 
 Rungo, Tinka Tinki, and: Ulaolinya, 45 
 Undekerebina, Walookera, 49 ; Weelko, 45 
 Wommin, 48 ; Wonkajera, 45 ;, W.oona- 
 murra, 48 ; Workia, 191 ; Workoboongo, 46 
 Yaroinga, 49 , Yellunga, ^ ; Yerrundulli, 
 182; Yunnalinka, 49 ; yunnateunneaj Yun- 
 tauntaya, 45. 
 
 Trichoglossus vulpecula. See Opossum. 
 
 Triodia: "Spinifex," "Porcupine," Grass, 250. 
 
 Trough. See Koolamon. 
 
 Truffle : As Food> 116. 
 
 Tube, Call-, for Catching Kmus, 132-3. 
 
 Tuft, Feather-, Ornaments, 164. 
 
 t&l-\o-Vm ; Huge Supernatural Water;snake, 260. 
 
 *««i-ba-ra : Hand-spear of the Boulia_ Bistrict, 
 248. . 
 
 iS)i'doo-roo-lS : Hand-apear oi the. Goa Tribe, 
 247. 
 
 tiln-ga,-T&: Seed-food, 111. 
 
 Turkev-bustard: S.L., 75, 76,185; Featherrtufti 
 164; Nose-pin, 175; Hunting, 136. 
 
 Twine. See String. 
 
 Two; Numerals, 36:;, Eoot^stems, &c., 43; Ph.T., 
 56, 61. 
 
 Two-handed Sword, 245. 
 
 a-kS-ta, : Species of Rosella Plant, 287. 
 u-la-o-«fa-ya : Tribe, 45, 52^7, 72, 147, 3Q5, 309. 
 u-ld-ii : Amulet, 286; 
 til-?a-8k-a: Girl, at First, Sign, ofi Puberty. 
 
 68, 306. 
 H-lo-da,: Fluted Ecipmerang, 239. 
 Ulolo, Aboriginal Name of, 226. 
 u-mr-&: South-west, 227. 
 ■Wmb-hS, : Woman, at Full Puberty, 68, 306; 
 Umbilicus, Ph.T., 52. 
 
 TJncertainty, Doubt, Interrogation, Ideas of, 40. 
 Uncle, 64. 
 «»-dg-kg-rg-bI-na : Tribe, 49, 52-7, 72, 231, 234, 
 
 249,, 265, 272, 319, 3,24. 
 Under, Below, Beneath : Prepositions of Rest, 
 
 23, 
 Un-do : Girl at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 307. 
 wi-dfil : Water rlily, 114., 
 
 ttng-gab-pI-ja-lil-De-S.: Return Boojnerangj 213. 
 iin-nji^-jii : Whirlerj 215. 
 ftn-na-t-ffid-yg : Hut, 1.59. 
 ttn-nJ-dtip-It-Sp-pS : Spin-ball, 216.. 
 to-tT-tl-rl : Two-handed Sword, 245. 
 Up, Through, Alongside, Among : Prepositions 
 
 of,Motipn^2. 
 Up-poo-lt-TS, : Head-circlet, 171. 
 XJrand angle, 49. 
 Urine, See Micturition, 
 fir-pioo-ta,,: Lad After the Fii-st Initiation Cere- 
 
 mcmy, 68, 301-2, 318. 
 Uroaltus audax : Large Eagle-hawk, S.L.,. 76. 
 ii-ro : FuUvrdeveloped Adult Man, 314. 
 w-rB-do : Human-hair Belt, 183. (CJ. Urron-goo- 
 
 to.) 
 f(^r.5-mo-kB : North-east, 227. 
 u-rfin-r/oo-to : Circular, Mark, 199. ((?/. u-run- 
 
 goo-doo.) 
 ttr-rftfe-Zci-fin ; Yam, 114. 
 lix-twA : Fully-developed Adult Man, 318; 
 n-rttn-i/oo-doo : Circular Mark, 325. ((Tf. u-ron- 
 
 goo-to. ) 
 ttr-ttr-goo-tS : A Young Man after Cirouifloiaion, 
 
 319. Gf. u-ro, ur-twa, and ur-goo^bEk, with 
 
 u-ronigoo-to, the Ciroulm Mark, (of Qircum- 
 
 cision). 
 
 Use of. For Benefit, AdVantage.of :• PrBpositions 
 
 of Purpose, Reason, Means, 24. 
 UtensUs: Ph.T., .55; S;L., 9t-2i 
 u-to^n-na, : Topratring;of the Emu -net, 131. 
 
 Vegetables andFruitsas Foodj 117. 
 
 Venaeseotion, 28.3. 
 
 Yfenereal Disease, 2(52, 274, 287, 293, 322. 
 
 Venery, 327. 
 
 Verb : Auxiliary, 8 ; Some Special Forpia oi the 
 
 Future, 30 ; Imperative, 19, 31 ; Indicative, 
 
 17.; Inti&itive, 29;.E«fl?xive, 32; Transitive- 
 
 and Intransitive, 18, 33^3, 
 Verbal Pronouns, 18. 
 Vigna lanceolata : Spewes. of Yam, 114. 
 Vine as Food, 117 ; .132. 
 Vocabulary, Pitta-Pitta, ii. 
 Vocal Apparatus, Mutilatipn:of, 2. 
 Vocative, 12. 
 Vowel-sounds, 3. 
 Vulva: Ph.T., 52; Represented on, Letter-stick,, 
 
 236. 
 
 Wi 
 
 «;<S-cha-m3, : Tomahawk-handle,, 258. 
 
 Waist-belt : Described, 183 ; At Corrobboree, 
 193; Bartered, 230-1, 233; S.L., 91-2. 
 
 wa-ko : Grindstone, 154. 
 
 wd-lixi : Circumcision, 3()4. 
 
 i«&,koo-la : Hun^uirhair Belt,, 183. 
 
 Walaya, 154, 230. 
 
 Walk-about, Travel, 224. 
 
 Wallaby : Coursing, 222 ; Twine, 232. 
 
 wa-ioo-kS-rS,: Tribe, 49, 52-7, 63, 72, 239, 2-53. 
 
 wd-mSi : Corrobboree, 188. 
 
 Wandetta Lake, 113. 
 
 wa-pa-rl : Young Girl at Early Puberty, 68, 305. 
 
 ■u)(i-ra-ka : Dilly-bag, 153. 
 
 wa-ra-pgr-tK,: Tomahawk, 258. 
 
 Warenda, 45, 147, 225, 236, 2-tli 245, 294 ; Abori- 
 ginal Name of, 226. 
 
 Warfare, Inter-tribal, 238, 286. 
 
 wa-T-in-ta. : Warenda Creek, 226. 
 
 imi-roo-po : Boerhaavia V^ot, 115; 
 
 wa-rlim-j)?r-tS : Tomahawk, 258. 
 
 Washing of Baby, 328. 
 
 Water: Ph. T., 54; S;L., 87-8; Convnyance and 
 Transpott. of. 1-52;. Eqisoned- for Catching 
 Fish, 126 ; Cure for Sickness, 267 ; Aborigi- 
 nal names of Water-holes, &c., 226, 
 
 Water : -Bag, 152 ; -Birds, Playing at Imitating). 
 221; -Fall, S.L., 87-8 ; -Hen and Emu (lore) 
 201 ; -Lily as Food, 111, 113, 114 ; -Snajcp 
 S.L., 77-8 ; -Sprite, S.L., 103-4. 
 
 wo-to-ko : Bone-apparatus, 259. 
 
 Weapons : Ph. T., 55 ; S.L., 91-2. 
 
 Weaving: Mesh used in Dilly-bags, 153; In 
 Fishily Nets, 124. 
 
 «K-Sl-ko : Tribe, 45, 230. 
 
 Weir for Trapging Fish, 125. 
 
 Wellesley Islands, 316. 
 
 wer-koo. Cross-out M^rk : Rpot-stem, 43sr ; On 
 Boomerangs, 2!41 ; On Thigh (mourning); 289. 
 
 West, 227. 
 
 Wet-cupping for Inflamed Joints, 283; 
 
 What, Which, Who? Interrogative Pronouns, 35i 
 
 When ; Prepositions of Time, 25 ; Ideas of Timei 
 38 ; Participles and Perfects, 42. 
 
 Whereabouts, Whither? Ideas of Place and 
 Direction,. 39. 
 
 Which, What, Who? Interrogative Pronouns, 
 35. 
 
 Whirler: Described, 215 ; Used at , Initiation; 
 
 Ceremony, 300 ; TTsed as Love-charms, 325 
 Whisker, Artificial, 167. 
 "Whistler," "Whis!ile.,,coGk,'" &c; See Introci- 
 
 sipn. 
 Whistl«r-duck, Ph. T., 53. 
 
IITDEX AITD GLOSSABX. 
 
 199 
 
 White-oockatoo, Ph. T., 53. 
 
 White-gum Tree [Eucalyptus h(emastoma,'Sm.) : 
 
 For Making a Skipping-rope, 217; For 
 
 Making Boomerangs, 340, 242. 
 White-plaster. See Gypsum. 
 White-shell. See Shell. 
 Whither, Whereabouts? Ideas of Place and 
 
 Direction, 39. 
 Who, Which, What? Interrogative Pronouns, 3.5. 
 Why? 35. 
 
 Wienholt, Mr. Dan., of Warenda, 225. 
 Wife; Ph. T., 58; S.L., 89-90; 64. 
 Wife's and Husband's Mothers, Relationship 
 
 between, 64. 
 Wild-oat and Opossum : Lore, 203. 
 WUd-ourrant as Food, 117. 
 Wild-orange: As Food, 117; S.L., 85-6; Wood 
 
 for Fire-stieks, 157. 
 Wild-rice as Food, 111-2; S.L., 85-6. 
 Williams, or Corella, River, Aboriginal Name, 
 
 226. 
 Wills, River, 2, 182, 230, 250, 257. 
 wJZ-pa : Any Lacerated, Contused, or Punctured 
 
 Wound, 284. 
 «*n-jl wJ»-jI : Bough-shed, 159. 
 wln-nl-mjin-na-rl : Connecting-string of the Bone- 
 apparatus, 259. 
 icin-nu : Boerhaavia Root, 113. 
 Winton, 147. 
 
 With : Through, by Means of, 24 ; Motion, 22. 
 wJ-too-ka : Root, 85-6, 113-5, 206. 
 roo-bll : Cup-portion of the Bone-apparatus, 259. 
 wo-6riZn-jI : Male of the Second Degree, 68, 31 1. 
 wSHa-koo-ja, : "Whisker "-ornament, 167. 
 iM-]a, mS-rS : Female of the Second Degree, 68, 
 
 312. 
 wflJ-Utng-a-ma : Tribe, 70c, 253. 
 wBi-16 : Yam, 114. 
 wM-loo-ma-ra : Female of the Second Degree, 68, 
 
 311. 
 wSl-loom-hS, : Hook-boomerang, 239. 
 wBl-ffl-ta : Buckingham Downs, 226. 
 Woman: Ph. T., 52; S,L^ 89-90; Women 
 
 . Fighting, 238. 
 Woman's Father-in-Law, Mother-in -Law, 58, 64. 
 Woman-doctor, 271. 
 
 w8m-ma-il-mffim-jl : Bluish (? Copper) Stone, 233. 
 Wommeta: Ph. T., 51, 55; Described, 253; 
 
 Bartered, 230, 233. 
 Wonimera-spear. See Spear. 
 wSm-mIn : Tribe inhabiting Country between 
 
 MuUangera, Cambridge Downs, and Wool- 
 gar, 48, 58, 63. 
 wBm-pa : Girl at First Sign of Puberty, 68, 307. 
 w8n-fta-j6-ra : Tribe, 45, 52-7, 72, 239. 
 wSn-nl-nS, : Corrobboree, 188. 
 Woolgar, 250. 
 wool-A«™-nI: "Rockies" Water-hole on Upptr 
 
 Burke R., 226. 
 woom-frttM-yg : Wild-orange, 117. 
 woo-na-mtir-ra : Tribe, 48, 52-8, 61, 63-4, 68, 72, 
 
 124, 153, 182, 241, 257, 326 ; Food Tabooed, 
 
 62 ; Individual and Social Nomenclature, 58, 
 
 61-4, 68 ; Letter-stick, 236. 
 vmmg-ko : Paedomatronym, 62. 
 woong-ooZ : Leilavale, 226. 
 wSp-poo-ia-ra : Head-circlet, 171. 
 wSp-poo-ro rnd-io : Return-boomerang, 213. 
 wSr-a-ka : Chest-ornament, 182, 286. 
 Words : Anglicised Aboriginal, 51 ; Philological 
 
 Tables of Various Selected Words, 52-8 ; Of 
 
 Corrobboree Songs, 196 ; Root-stems of Pitta- 
 
 rPitta, 43. 
 W(!r-ka-pa : Glenormiston, 226. 
 MiSr-ka-ra : South, 227. 
 
 wbr-A;i-S, or t.k-ki-&: Tribe along the Head- 
 waters of the Georgina into Northern 
 Territory to the Head of the McArthur 
 River, 72, 137, 191, 199, 231-2, 272-3, 286, 297, 
 325. 
 
 wBr-ko-boong-o : Tribe from between Upper 
 Leiohhardt River and Gunpowder Creek, 46, 
 62, 122. 
 
 wSr-pIl-ia : Hook-boomerang, 239. 
 
 w8r-rS-dll-la ; Hook-boomerang, 239. 
 
 Would, Would Like to : Special Forms of he 
 Future, 30. 
 
 Wounds, 284, 300, 302, 306, 317. 
 
 w&l-kooT: Connecting- string of the Bone 
 apparatus, 259. 
 
 wUl-lt-hh-Tl : Hut, 161. 
 
 wSWo-a : Break-wind, 159. 
 
 wtil-Zoo-ka : Modification of the Bone-apparatus, 
 270. 
 
 will Imig-^-iS, : Tomahawk Stone-head, 258. 
 
 ji>-«7i-darroo : Hut-scaflolding, 159. 
 
 wlin-de-ra : Herbert Downs, 226. 
 
 wlln-ka- : To Sing, 188. 
 
 vrUn-ni : Corrobboree, 188. 
 
 MfSn-nl-ga ; Human-hair Belt, 183. 
 
 w&n-pt : Eagle-hawk Peather-tuf t, 183. 
 
 wUn-to : Fishing-net, 124. 
 
 wdu-fMn-ya : Corrobboree, 188. 
 
 2/ffl-ka-pa-rI : Seed-grass, 436, 107, 111. 
 
 yii-ko-In : Dalgonally, 226. 
 
 2^ffl-la-kild-Yg : McKinlay Township, 226. 
 
 Yam: S.L., 85-6; As Food, 113-5. 
 
 Yam-stick : S.L., 85-6 ; Described, 158. 
 
 l/a-m&-il : Pig-weed, 111. 
 
 2/(i-ra-kS: "Star-grass," 43i>, 106. 
 
 2/(8-ra-rI : McKinlay River, 226. 
 
 ya-T& yd-rS, : "Table Top" Mountain, Cloncurry, 
 
 226. 
 yd'Td-itie-a : Tribe, 49, 52-7, 68, 137, 186, 191, 213, 
 
 215, 231-2, 239, 265, 272-4, 292, 296, 302, 306, 
 
 318, 324-5, 328. 
 ySl-ka,: A Man after- Introcision, 319. {Cf. 
 
 yel-la). 
 yU-kdi yil-Va, : Alley-way for Catching Emus, 132. 
 yH-\& : Introcision, 314. 
 Yellow Ochre. See Ochre. 
 2/»-lttng-a: Tribe, 45,228, 230-2,- 273. 
 j/?i-ma-riiiig-o : Vulva, 333. 
 yil-vi: Emu-net, 131. 
 2/8r-rang-giil ; Tooth-ornament, 166. 
 yer-r(2-ra : Tooth-ornament, 166. 
 yer-riln-rfSMI : Tribe Living around Hughenden, 
 
 182. 
 Yes ! Notes of Exclamation, 41 ; S.L., 103-4. 
 S^fo-biir : Hut, 160. 
 
 Yonder : Ideas of Place, Direction, 39. 
 2/fiA-koo-bS-rI : N9rth, 227. 
 2/i2^boong-go : Wild-currant, 117. 
 ytlm-?fta-ra : Wommera, 55, 253. 
 yftn-ba-ra: Wommera Quartz-tip Reed-spear, 251. 
 2/«m-da : Tribe, 45, 207, 228, 230, 232, 294. 
 y&ng-'ko : Break-wind, 159. 
 yurt{/-^n : Mussel, 120. 
 HSn^r-ttn-da-ra: White-quartz for Tipping Spears, 
 
 251. 
 ytin-nS-ZiM-ka : Tribe, 49. 
 ytin-na-te-iin-w-a : Tribe, 45, 230. 
 2/MB-pttl : Beard, .52, 236. 
 yiin-ta-i(n.-ta-ya : Tribe, 45. 
 yUn-yi : White-settler, Bogie-man, 298. 
 y1ip-pa-?-a-rr : Lad at FuU Puberty, 68, 304. 
 yttp-pi-g-rl : Lad at Full Puberty, 68, 300, 303, 130. 
 
BY ACTHOBITY: EDMUND SBEQORY, GOVKBNMENT PEINTEH, BRISBANE. 
 
riiuce J. . 
 
Flate II. 
 
 W.e.Rof-hD, 
 
 3/gn-Language Fi^s. /-24; /Ifamma/s. 
 
Plate III. 
 
 WfRoTU.ttel. 
 
 Sign-Language (conK!)Fi^.25,Mammaf^(Kan^afoo). Figs 26-46 Birds. 
 
mate IK 
 
 KERoth. Del. 
 
 S!gp-L3n^aa^e{Cont/jFigs.47-&2, Brre/s, F/gs. 53-63, RepH/es. f/gs.64-69. Fish. 
 
PUte V. 
 
 W.e.RothDe/. 
 
 ^-^OT) ^^. 
 
 Sidn-LBnfluBgB(Contf) Fids.70-72,Mollusca. Fi'gs. 73-86, ArHtr'opoda.F/^s.- 
 87-96, Plants. 
 
Pla.te VI. 
 
 Sign-langua^{CorK^)Fiis.97-I04.P/ants.Fiis./OS-/09.orherOb/ecfs of Nature. 
 Fies. //0-/2/,/nc/iy/c/ua/s, /^m/'/y /fe/aA/yes £fc. 
 
Plate VII. 
 
 U ,-.) 
 
 124. 
 
 125. 
 
Plate V in. 
 
 Si^-Langu^ge (Con/^?')/^.Af6-/£Z, 4r//c/es c^ Afanu&crure^/fkapo/isJmpkmenJs.l/fensih, 
 fftf/s. f/gs. J63-/66, /e/eas of/Vumber. F/gs. /67-/6<S, /diass ofloca//(y ^acfO/recHon. 
 
Flnte IX. 
 
fbate Jl. 
 
 hf.Efforh. Del. 
 
 Sign-Language (font^) Figs. /90-/98, Simple Acfs, States and Concf/tions 
 Fi^s. /dS'^/S, Comp/ex Conditions , Abstract Ideas Ffc. 
 
Plate XI. 
 
 TheSearch for Food. Figs. 214-219, Preparation of Seed- Food. Figs. 2ZO-ZZS. 
 Contrivances for Cafching F/s/i. Figs.ZZ6-Z$Z, Methods oF trapping Emu/kan^roo Etc. 
 
PlateXIl. 
 
 W.C:. Roth, Del. 
 
 fi^.2ii-ZS/,OomesficlmfJemeiils and Utensils, F/re-Sficif and ram-SHcks, f/uAs ^nt/ She/fers. 
 
Plate ^m. 
 
 W E.Roth.Del- 
 
 Figs. Z5Z-^4, Objects of Persona/ Ornamentation anc/ Decoration. 
 
PlateXIV. 
 
 IV.E ffotkDel. 
 
 Fi^s.Z15~28Z, Personal Decor^tion,Mural F^inti/iA Art and Drau^htmanship. 
 
 ^t 
 
Plate XV. 
 
 Fi^.<i.28.'i-29Z.Corrobboree Costumes. Fig 293, ISative Auc/ience. 
 
ru, te X V. 
 
 f/£ i?of^ n^ 
 
 Figs. 294-508, ^"^^^^^^^^^ '^^ Mo/onga Corrobboree. 
 
PlateXVII. 
 
 F/^s. 309-3Z5, Ar//c/es £Ac. employee/ in Games andSporfs. 
 
PlateXVIII. 
 
 F/gs. 326-338, Lefter or Message-S/rcAs ■ 
 
 w.EjroTH. d»l . 
 
PlateXIJL. 
 
 a. iD. r. '■■ 'D. 
 
 /r£.ffc/-/,, Dtl. 
 
 F/^s.339-340, MerAoc/s of F/ghfmg. F/^s.34^/-35/, Boomerangs. 
 
PUUeXX. 
 
 yf.EMoTH. del 
 
 Fids, 552 - 366 J Boomerands,7wo-handedSivor<fs, Spears. 
 
Plate XX/. 
 
 iy.£.ffofh, De/. 
 
 Fi^s.367~380, Wommefas ancf Shie/ds. 
 
Plate XXII. 
 
 384r. 
 
 vrtmimmmmmmmmrm iim M iiiilimm. 
 
 ^mm 
 
 3S5. 
 
 390. 
 
 y\I.E.RoTH.de/.' 
 
 Fidy.364'-Z9/j Stone Knives and Tomahawk. 
 
Plate TKia. 
 
 ■l<h^h. 
 
 
 393 a. 
 
 WE.Roth.De/. 
 
 *"' '^s.392-404, T^rious Dey/ces /hr Causing or A//ev/afing S/ckness, 
 " iMease ant/Acc/'e/e/tf. F/gs.4-05-407,CrayBs ane/ Mournors. Ftg. 408, 
 
 ^ffam- maker arte/ /fain- stone- stick. 
 
PlateXXJV: 
 
 r/gsA09-^38, fMno-PornograpMoa/. 
 
 W-E-f!oth. daf. 
 
■^