6706 D5P36 PA C70k OTovucU IWwtsitg JibvavB ■p^S^^^ ON THE lUTHORS^Jp OF THE DIALOGUS DE ORATOR1BUS. 7> /*. . Iji Cornell University )Jg Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026528897 [Extract from Transactions of American Philological Association, 1879.] The Authorship of the Dialogus de Oratoribus. By TRACY PECK, PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN CORNEH, UNIVERSITY. As far as our knowledge extends, it was Beatus Rlienanus who, in his editions of Tacitus early in the sixteenth century, started the discussion in regard to the authorship of the Dialogus de Oratoribus. About fifty years later, Lipsius main- tained with more force that Tacitus could not have written the work, and his judgment— based mainly on the wide difference between the style of the Dialogus and that of the admitted writings of Tacitus — greatly influenced his contemporaries, and is still not without adherents. But the broad question whether the work is the composition of Tacitus, or of Quin- tilian, or of the younger Pliny, or even of Suetonius or Maternus, by the consent of modern scholars has been narrowed to this question, — whether Tacitus was or was not the author. The arguments once advanced' in favor of all others except Tacitus are so easily overthrown by considerations of chronology, literary style, judgments of men and things, and mental characteristics, that, if I mistake not, these quasi-claimants are now without champions. The current of criticism, so far as it has been publicly expressed, is to-day setting strongly in favor of Tacitus. It is hoped by this paper not so much to add materially to this discussion — now nearly three hundred and fifty years old — as to excite among us greater interest in a work which singularly merits and rewards study as the outcome of and protest against the literary condition of Rome in the first century of the Empire, and because of its fertile suggestiveness of thought, its exquisite Latinty, and the freshness of its style. The Dialogus is nowhere distinctly mentioned in extant classical Latin, but in a letter of the younger Pliny (ix. 10) to Tacitus it is in all probability quoted from. Pliny's words are these : Poeuiuta quiescunt, quae tu inter nemora et lucos com- modissime perfici putas. Now, the exact idea and the essential words appear in chapters 9 and 12 of the Dialogus, nor are /lio 6 T. Peck, the words in such a use elsewhere found in Tacitus. This contemporary evidence should seem conclusive : but it has been urged that the quotation -is from some work or part of a work of Tacitus now lost. It is hard to see how the thought could have found pertinent expression in any of his historical com- positions. Of course the passage might have been in the vanished correspondence of Tacitus, but this explanation can hardly appear probable to one who examines the question with a judicial rather than a partisan frame of mind. It seems like trifling to mention the other ground on which the authority of this letter has been impugned. Heinrich Gutmarnn maintains that the letter was written by Tacitus himself in reply to Pliny's (i. 6) communication. But in the earlier letter there is nothing to which this could serve as a fit answer. The style of the letter is through and through that of Pliny himself. There is no evidence that Tacitus wrote poetry, and had he thus written, Pliny would in all probability have added his name to the list of versifiers in Ep. v. 3. And by what strange chance should this single letter of Tacitus have alone been preserved, while all other epistles from Pliny's many correspondents (save only those from the Emperor Trajan) were excluded from the collection ? If Pliny had thought to honor Tacitus by the insertion of one of his letters, would he have chosen this exceedingly light specimen ? The testimony of the manuscripts is in favor of Tacitus alone. All existing mss. of the Dialogus have the important lacuna between chapters 35 and 36, and other corrupt passages, and are doubtless derived from the copy that was brought to Rome in or very near the year 1457. In all mss. the title runs, Qomelii Taciti Dialogus de Oratoribus. Additions to this are of late and known origin. Thus Gronovius in his edition increases the codex-superscription with the words sive de causis corruptae eloquentiae. This was the subject of an early work of Quintilian (Inst. Or., vi. prooem. 3), but Spalding (1. c.) has clearly proved that the Dialogus cannot be this treatise of Quintilian. Furthermore, the Dialogus is not found with the mss. of the Histories or Annals, so that it cannot thus by acci- dent or blunder have'been identified with the works of Tacitus. On the Authorship of the Dialogus de Oratoribus. 5 Diplomatic tradition thus speaks only in favor of Tacitus, and if we ignore this, the door is opened wide for scepticism in regard to the authorship of nearly all ancient literature. Of no little weight is the testimony of Pomponio Leto of Calabria, who died not later than 149& His words are: C. Tacitus scripta Maecenatis appellat calamistros. The epi- thet is found in the Dialogus, cap. 26, nor is it elsewhere in extant Latin applied to this effeminate litterateur. Lipsius endeavors to rebut this evidence for Tacitus with a contemptu- ous-remark about the ignobleness of the witness. Of illegiti- mate birth he certainly was : so, too, is he freighted in history with many names ; but nothing is known of him that justifies us in supposing him guilty of falsehood or of easy credulity in regard to our present question. In the chronology of the Dialogus there is nothing incon- sistent with the theory that Tacitus was its author. The work professes (cap. 1) to be an accurate reproduction of a discus- sion held in the sixth year (cap. 17) ol Vespasian's reign. The reporter was at that time juvenis admodum, — a tantaliz- ingly elastic expression. Tacitus applies (Agr. 7) the words to Domitian when he was eighteen years old, and to Vespasian (H. ii. 78) and Helvidius Priscus (H. iv. 5) with much vague- ness. The birth-year of Tacitus is not known, but it was probably 54 a. d., so that in 74 or 75 a. d. he could properly have been spoken of as juvenis admodum. The time of composition of the Dialogus can only be conjectured. The objective way in which the writer speaks of himself in the first two chapters, implies, to my mind, a considerable interval between the discussion and its report. Nor does it seem natural that Justus Pabius, to whom the work is addressed, should have 'frequently' (saepe ex me requiris, cap. 1) requested a juvenis admodum to undertake the discussion of so weighty a theme. But the fact of a youthful writer seems unmistakable from the entire warp and woof of the piece itself, and if Quintilian (Inst. Or., x. 3, 22), as is altogether probable, alludes to the work, it must have been given to the public some time before the death of Domitian in 96. The Dialogus may thus have been published late in Vespasian's 6 T. Peck, reign, or under Titus. Nor do I see anything fatal to the view that it came out in the first years of Domitian's rule. Tacitus in the Agricola (3) certainly says that the fifteen years of that monster's reign were passed in silence ; but he is apparently characterizing the entire reign from its last terri- ble years," and is referring to the capital danger of faithfully writing history or the lives of outspoken, freedom-loving individuals, rather than to the composition of such inoffensive pieces as the Dialogus. Under Domitian Quintilian certainly wrote, as did Statius, Silius Italicus, Martial, and many others whose names are better known than their writings. I do not think that the style or temperament of the piece will allow us to place its composition after Domitian's death. Too late, also, appears the mysterious absence of Tacitus from Rome for four years (Agr. 45) just before Agricola's death in 93. So late in Domitian's jealous and vindictive period Tacitus would hardly have ventured to speak in such praise of Ves- pasian (capp. 8, 17), nor could he then have spoken with such buoyant cheerfulness of the imperial regime (41). Even the work of the calm and impartial Quintilian (I. 0., x. 1, 91, 92) is marred by the servile flattery of the times, but we need not- suspect that the grave Tacitus — and that, too, gratuitously — thus prostituted his powers. Leaving these external considerations, we are now prepared to question the personal motive, the sentiments, and the literary style of the Dialogus. Reading between the lines, I think we may find that Tacitus intended the work as a kind of pro domo sua, a vindication of his withdrawal from the career of a forensic orator and devotion to literature.. As Cicero in his de Oratore speaks his own views through Crassus, so here Tacitus probably puts forth Maternus as his representative. Maternus is certainly the leading character: the discussion takes place at his house ; he is introduced as a well-known person ; his tragedies give rise to the debate ; he directs and closes the argument, and twice recalls the disputants from digressions. In early life Maternus had gained prominence as a lawyer, but was now absorbed in the writing of plays ; Tacitus, too, was educated as a lawyer and entered upon the On the Authorship of the Dialogus de Oratoribus. 7 practice of the law, but abandoned this career for that of a historian. That the writer of the Dialogus had had a legal training like that of Tacitus is beyond a doubt : the discussion is introduced as an actual trial, in which we have plaintiff, defendant, advocate, and judge ; the closing speech of Mater- niis bears the character of a judicial verdict ; in the body of the work are many legal terms, as cui bono ? formula, inter- dictum, and frequent reference is made to speeches that deal largely with legal technicalities and processes. The Dialogus and the acknowledged writings of Tacitus show a quite remarkable consistency of views of men and events, and a like conception of life. In all we see a regret for the grander life and opportunities of the republic, but at the same time a philosophic acquiescence in the empire as the inevitable, and thus a strong tendency to fatalism. Here as there we find a cordial recognition of woman's influence in the prudent training of her children ; a rich vein of satire — the genuine Roman satire — worked against the present, but with an earnest desire for its improvement ; a disposition to concede greatness in men of the times, provided they are not measured by the superior standards of the past ; a keen insight into human nature and motives, and a portrayal of character and action with real dramatic effect ; pregnant, epigrammatic utterances — not accumulated and paraded, as in Seneca, as sheer rhetorical tinsel, but naturally suggested by the course of thought. Here as there we see that Cicero — particularly his rhetorical writings — and Vergil had been sympathetically studied, and have left their stamp upon thought and expression. In the youth of Tacitus there were two antagonistic schools of style, whose chiefs were Quintilian and Seneca. There seems no doubt that Tacitus was first drawn to the former — a modified type of Ciceronianism. The younger Pliny (Ep. vn. 20) clearly implies this, and the' Dialogus is the best extant specimen of this literary renaissance. The prevailing fulness of expression, the rhythmical periodic structure, the thoughts brocaded with an almost gaudy rhetoric, and at the same time frequent instances of tautology and an almost cloying richness of language, show both the author's success and failure in this 8 . T. Peek, tour de force. But Tacitus Whs not one to wear long the garb of any school or model, and from the Dialogus on through the Agricola, and the Germany, and the Histories, and the Annals, we can trace the steady development of thafrnarvelous method of expression which finally puts Tacitus apart from all who have ever written. The difference between the styles of the extremes in this series is certainly very great. But style naturally varies with the subject, changes with the times, and is modified by maturer years and wider experience. The historical studies of Tacitus, and his observation of the whim- sical and brutal use of power, and of the apparently inevitable decline of his country, had profoundly affected his -whole soul, and his style could not have remained stationary. Tacitus had not always been the austere, almost gloomy man that might be inferred from his latest wjftings: from the letters of Pliny he appears to have been a very genial and companionable friend ; there is even a tradition that he once wrote a book of wittici8ms (liber facetiarum) , and certainly the Dialogus shows in its author a cheery and hopeful disposition. The Latinity of the Dialogus, though base'd upon a close study of Cicero, reveals in all its texture the traits of the " Silver Age," and has many of the peculiarities of the later writings of Tacitus. Among these peculiarities may be men- tioned a fondness for using pairs of words of like meaning — especially nouns and adjectives ; a decided poetic coloring - , as in the free use of metaphor and of personification; the reversal of the traditional order of the nomen gentile and cognomen ; and the reckoning of the reign of Augustus from his first consulship, instead of from the battle of Actiuin or from the time of receiving the title of Augustus. Cornell University Library PA 6706.D5P36 Authorship of the Dialogus de oratoribus 3 1924 026 528 897 UA 7ttf<* , ''£3r. "■ "'' v'> Mi *£»