ll iB1MMlFfi , 'frWjP'yfff ■ .'.' .' ■'? ■-vV;' ; ^V. ; . : .'."• ■a—H—aa—-—— CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library E517 .R76 The Union cause in St. Louis in 1861; lllllHIIHIlli 3 1924 030 907 632 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030907632 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. President United States of America. THE UNION CAUSE IN ST. LOUIS IN 1861 AN HISTORICAL SKETCH BY ROBERT J. ROMBAUER St. Louis Municipal Centennial Year 1909 COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY Robert J. Rombauer Pnsaof Nixon-Jones Prtg. Co, St. Louis PREFACE. The object of these lines is to give a comprehensive History of t St. Louis Union movement of 1861, and of the general conditions the State of Missouri and the Union, which reacted upon local ever While the statements of details will be restricted to the spring a summer months of 1861, even their remote causes will be soug This seems to be all the more necessary, because in a community freemen, where every one does his own thinking, and acts upon own feelings, the disposition of the masses makes History, whose v stations only are signalized by the names of the leaders. When two antagonistic momentous issues arise in a nation, oi the one which is conducive to the welfare of the entire coun deserves success, notwithstanding that persons who stake their li upon these issues, are honestly convinced of the righteousness their cause. Besides this, it may be considered as an uncontrove ble axiom, that no party should ever rush into a hostile conflict, which inherent conditions of power entail its inevitable defeat. Tl it is that through the study of History, we may be enabled ju ciously to shape our actions, in order to meet present exigencies a forestall individual and national disasters. Our era may prope be designated as the epoch of the assertion of human rights, as d: sions in History have generally been made by the leading and or: nating causes and resulting events. Thus the patriarchal sway Abraham established the rule of experienced age; the monothei and theocracy of Moses, the priest rule in Palestine ; on the Duali and utilitarian tendency of Zoroaster rose the Persian realm; beautiful naturalism of Greece culminated in a Periclean age; i stern realism of Rome paved the way to a world's empire ; the div doctrine of love laid the foundation to modern civilization ; Mohs ed's consequential fatalism broke rotten empires; a second edit of priest rule under Gregor VII. bent the knee of the feudal knij and curbed the passions of- Kings; the reformation of Luther e his coevals freed the conscience of men and the radical philosopiry of the Eighteenth Century established rationalism while" the war of Independence, the French revolution, the popular upheaval of 1848, vindicated national independence and natural rights and by the aid iii iv Preface. of the free press of the nineteenth century, liberated downtrodden humanity from privileged oppression, which the cohesive power of plunder, had legally saddled upon ik All these past epochs only confirm the lesson, that there is 'no 'lasting greatness without truth and no lasting happiness without morality. It is the object of this sketch, to inculcate a thorough appreciation of the heavenly twins of truth and morality, and great stress has been laid upon their value, pointing them out by calling attention to biographical rela-i tions upon important actions. Nevertheless great liberality is claimed from the reader, for even with the most sincere intentions, no one can free himself from the bias of his own individuality and no one can claim to stand on the balance beam of the historic scale. Observing the sequel of dates, as far as possible, portions of the work present special phases collectively. Thus, Chapter I gives the Introduction to the leading ideas and political measures in the' Union bearing upon the great questions at issue, to the year 1861. Chapter II treats upon the people of St. Louis and those features of their past History, which shaped their convictions and character and shows that the ancestors exhibited qualities of virtue, worthy the imitation of the most ambitious genius. Chapter III gives the events in the Union immediately preceding Lincoln's taking office; and Chapter IV those specially relating to St. Louis and Missouri, during the same period; Chapter V and VI deal with the first steps of War; Chapter VII with the organization of the Union and Secession host in St. Louis; Chapter VIII, IX and X wifh Lyon's Command and Camp Jackson; Chapter XI with Fremont's accession, Chapter XII the battle of Wilson's Creek. An outline of complete Emancipation in Missouri precedes the Conclusion. In the course of the narration, it will be found, that the State troops organized by Governor Jackson are almost invariably called Secessionists, because all their higher and most of their lower officers and men eventually became Confederate troops and were either con- ditional or unconditional Secessionists from the start. After the Missouri State Convention had been elected by a very large majority, • (80,000) the supreme authority of the State vested in it, and even from an extreme State Rights' standpoint, the Secessionists in State Guard garb were logically bound to submit to the authority of the United States, which, however, they failed to do. The word "Rebel" is not used in these lines, except in quotations from other writers. The Confederates held that they had a right to secede under their Preface. v. State Constitutions, saying that as they had formed the pact of the Union, they had also the right to dissolve it. The name of Seces- sionist and Rebel had been used interchangeably during the war, often abbreviated to "Secesh" or "Rebs," for which the latter retali- ated by the terms of "Feds" and "Yanks." The terms of "Volun- teer," "Reserve Corps" and "Home Guard," were also used indiscrim- inately in the hostile camps of Missouri, which will be chiefly noted in reading quotations from them. There is no disposition in this work to glorify military achieve- ments, well aware of the fact that "Peace has her victories no less renowned than War." However, Gulture*of thought and sentiment have only a value when they lead to correct action, and it would be a false policy to obliterate the memory of the Civil War, for it was the most serious, most important, and most far-reaching lesson which this nation ever received, and to hide its causes, disregard its conse- quences and shun its warnings, could have only disastrous results in the future. Just because war is a terrible calamity, should its lessons be heeded. Tf the arbitrament of arms is invoked, its consequences cannot.be avoided. Fatigue, sickness, poverty, death and destruction follow in the wake of the furies of war; even though the object be the victory of a just cause and not revenge or cruelty. Incidentally it may be said, that today he is considered the greatest general who will attain victory with the least amount of suffering. In compiling this work, many contemporaneous writers have been read. Billons' excellent chronicle of Missouri in its Territorial days; Henry Boernstein's autobiography of 75 years; Wherry's Wilson's Creek; F. Schnake's Geschichte; Schlosser's Welt Geschichte: John Minor Botts, The Great Rebellion ; J. C. Abbot's History ; the United States Records of the War of the Rebellion ; J. C. Moore's, Galusha Anderson's, J. Thomas Scharff's History of St. Louis, and. Books, Gharts, Maps and Lists have been consulted by the aid of Libraries and the very valuable collection of the St. Louis Historical Society. Particular mention deserves in this connection John M. Schofield's "49 Years in the Army;" Colonel Peckham's "Life of Lyon;" Thomas L. Snead's "A Fight for Missouri," and the last three are specially recommended to every student of History, because their writers took an active and prominent part in the events of 1861, and as Schofield and Peckham were Union men and Snead a Secessionist, a better and more reliable representation can be secured by com- paring views of opposing parties. vi Preface. Credit was given in this sketch, wherever the opinion of others was quoted or their words used. In gathering the details of Com- pany or Regimental organizations and actions, a great many com- rades cheerfully aided with advice and information of details, and this valuable assistance and that of the sons of the writer, made this publication possible. Upon the organization of Union troops in St. Louis, more details are and could be given from the First Volunteer and First Reserve Regiment, for their story came more within per- sonal experience, and is also characteristic for the development of the others, while a repetition of a similar detail, would have only a very limited interest to the general reader. Important documents, orders, reports, speeches, resolutions, proc- lamations, letters, have been given in the original, as the best evi- dence of their faithful interpretation, and the sketch was verified by the recollection of yet living men of that period. Discrepancies in dates, names, 1 and numbers are almost unavoida- ble ; they are caused by the failing memory upon events that passed forty-eight years ago; but it is hoped that the main object was attained, and that was to do justice and give a true picture and reliable characterization upon one of the most memorable popular upheavals in modern History. 1 Page 104, second line, read "Preetorius" instead of "Preterms". Page 104, third line, read "Enno Sander" instead of "Eno Sanders." CONTENTS. PART I. Chapter I— INTRODUCTION. Page Considerations 1 Slavery 2 Local Differences 6 Territorial and Economic Relations 9 Louisiana Purchase 13 Segregation of Parties ' 15 State Rights '. . . 16 Missouri Compromise ,,....?...,,,,. 19 Tariff and Nullification .'. . .".'...: 21 Abolition Movement .'. . ., 26 Elijah P. Lovejoy - - 30 Incentives to Mobs 33 Florida and Texas 36 Effects of a Liberal Movement ......,' 40 Compromise of 1850 41 , Fugitive Slave Law 44 The Kansas Contest 46 Presidential Election of 1856 54 Dred Scott Decision 56 Monroe Doctrine and Slavery 58 Spirit of North and South 61 Lincoln-Douglas Debate » 62 Chapter II— THE PEOPLE OF ST. LOUIS. Origin; First Settlement 65 Indians and Fortifications 69 Louisiana Territory in the Union 71 Territorial Days of Missouri 78 Settlers of American Era 80 Admission of Missouri 84 German Immigration of 1830 87 Immigration of 1848 92 Chapter III— UNION POLITICS. Presidential Election of 1860 105 Causes of the Civil War HO vii viii Contents. Page Secession ' 113 Vain Compromise Plans 117 A Square Issue 119 Treason in the Cabinet .". .''. .'../..: 123 Chapter IV— MISSOURI EVENTS. The Southwest Campaign 126 The St. Louis Turnverein 127 The St. Louis Press :...'..:. :'.'.. ;...'... .: 129 Last Days of 1860 , 132 Missouri Legislature in 1861 ..'. 135 Fears and Doubts in St. Louis 139 A Tell-Tale Letter ,._.., 142 The Missouri State Convention ,.,....- 145 Nathaniel Lyon -, 150 Chapter V— THE APPROACHING STORM. Drifting Towards War 156 Alexander Stephens' Great Effort 158 Peace Conference and Schemes 162 Lincoln's Journey to Washington 164 Lincoln's Inauguration r 166 Secession Constitution 167 Loyalty of the Missouri State Convention 168 Legislature Tries to Curb St. Louis 174 The Dawn of Relief 1 176 Chapter VI— THE WAR COMMENCES. Fort Sumter ^ 178 Lincoln's Call for 75,000 men 179 Governor Jackson's Treason 180 General Frost's Advice 182 . Harney. Sees Danger 184 Chapter VII— ORGANIZATION. On to Washington 186 Union Military Organization in St. Louis 188 The Safety' Committee ; 190 St. Louis Minute Men 193 The Three Months Volunteers : 195 The .St. Louis Home Guard or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 200 The Muster for Anns 205 Secession Schemes 212 Camp Jackson Established 216 Contents^ ix Page Arming the Home Guard, or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers ., 219 War Democrats .' '. . . 223 Chapter VIII— THE WAR IN MISSOURI. Union Schemes ■ 224 Capture of Camp Jackson : 226 Days of Excitement 238 Secessionist War Measures ■.". . 242 General- Harney's Failure : :..''. 245 Chapter IX— LYON IN COMMAND. ■ Limited Means , 254 Moves for Time and Position , 260 Hostilities Commence ._ ,.....'. 263 Lyon's Advance Into the State 266 Battle of Boonville ;. .-., 270 Chapter X— THE SOUTHWEST. The Disposition of Secession Forces 278 The Southwest Union Column. 280 The Battle of Carthage 281 Lyon's March South ." 286 Southeast Missouri 288 Missouri State Convention Ousts Governor r 290 The Battle of Fulton 292 The Situation at St. Louis 294 Chapter XI— JOHN C. FREMONT. John C. Fremont , 297 Cairo and Bird's Point 300 Lyon at Springfield 304 Chapter XII— THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. The Battle of Wilson's Creek 314 Resolute Measures 334 The First Emancipation Proclamation 337 Conclusion op First Part 342 x Contents. . PART II. THE FIRST UNION REGIMENTS. Page General Remarks f 349 First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Partly Three Months' and Three Years' Service .- 351 First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Completed List of Three Months' Service 364 Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 367 Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 380 Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 394 Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 407 First- Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 417 Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 431 Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 441 Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 452 Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 464 Pacific Battalion, Company B, United States Reserve Corps 475 Note Relative to Artillery and Pioneer Company 475 ILLUSTRATIONS. The illustrations in this book are characteristic representations of its con- tents. They comprise leaders, officers and privates of the several Regiments of different ranks, ages and callings. Hundreds of others could have been added who were prominent men at the time, or who rendered excellent service during the war, and attained a high usefulness after their return. A like praise could be given to many champions of the other camp in their later life, but that would lead beyond the aim and limits of the present sketch. The ranks stated under the photos are those of 1861. Facing Page Abraham Lincoln — President United States of America ; born in Kentucky , fifty-two years old in 1861 ; died in 1865 Title Francis Preston Blair, Jr. — Colonel First Infantry Missouri Volun- teers ; lawyer ; born in Kentucky ; forty years old in 1861 ; Private in Mexican War ; Free Soiler in the Missouri Legislature ; Member of Congress from 1856 to 1862 ; Major General ; United States Senator ; in 1868 candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-President of the United States ; (see p. 104) ; died in 1875 176 Constantin Blandovski — Captain Third Infantry Missouri Volun- teers ; instructor St. Louis Turnverein ; born in Poland ; thirty-four - years old in 1861 ; took part in the Hungarian war of 1848 ; mortally wounded at the capture of Camp Jackson, May 10th ; died May 25, 1861. 232 Henry Boernstein — Colonel Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; author; born in Austria; fifty-six years old in 1861; had a military education; active in the revolution of 1848; editor Anzeiger des Westerns; rationalist and agitator; for a brief period Military Governor of Missouri 272 B. Gratz Brown — Colonel Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; lawyer and editor; born in Kentucky; thirty-five years old in 1861; started Free Soil movement in the Missouri Legis- lature, whose member he was from 1852 to 1859; United States Senator from 1863 to 1866; Governor of Missouri in 1871; candidate for United States Vice-President in 1872; died in 1885 64 Adolphus Busch — Corporal Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, merchant and brewer; born in Germany; nineteen years old in 1861; graduate of Belgian College; organized the Anheuser-Busch Brewery, the second largest in the world; likewise the South Side Bank, the Manufacturers' Railroad, glass factories, many other companies and hundreds of ice plants, employing many thousand people, and is a most generous supporter of all charities and , public enterprises 240 xi xii Illustrations. Page Isidor Bush— Private Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps. Missouri Volunteers; merchant; born in Bohemia; thirty-nine years old in 1861; appointed Captain and Commissary on Fremont's staff; member of the City Council, School Board and of the Missouri Con- vention of 1861, farmer and philanthropist; died 1898 168 James B. Eads — Captain of steamboats; civil engineer and ship builder; born in Indiana; forty-one years old in 1861; planned and constructed armored fleet and gunboats, originated Mississippi delta jetties; financier and chief engineer of Ead's Bridge across the Mississippi, which was started in 1867; member Mississippi River Commission; died in 1887 224 John T. Fiajla — Lieutenant-Colonel Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; topographical engineer; born in Hungary; thirty-nine years old in 1861; Major in Hungarian army of 1848; made and published the first large sectional and topographical map of Missouri, Colonel on Fremont's staff; suggested to- General Lyon the St. Louis forts built by Fremont 21,6 Gustav A. Finkelnburg — Lieutenant First Infantry Missouri Volunteers; Captain Company A before muster; Speaker of St. Louis Turnverein; lawyer; born in Germany; twenty-four years old in 1861; in Missouri Legislature from 1864 to 1866; in Congress from 1868 to 1872; candi- date for Governor; United States Judge in 1907 and 1908; died 1908. . 192 Henry T. Flad — Private Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, • Missouri Volunteers; civil engineer; born in Germany; thirty-seven years old in 1861; commanded engineer company of 'German revolu- tionists in 1848; Colonel of Engineers in the Civil War; afterwards Water C6mmissioner of St. Louis, President Board of Public Improve- ments for three terms; President Mississippi River Commission, also of American Society of Engineers; leading assistant engineer of Eads Bridge; died 1898 ". 104 John C. Fremont — Major-General" and Commander of Department; West- pointer; born in Georgia; fifty- two years old in 1861; pathfinder over the Rocky Mountains; Free-Soil candidate for President in 1856; (see page 385) ; died 1890 .' 336 FriederIch Hecker — Born in Germany; fifty years old in 1861; lawyer and farmer; Member of Parliament and leader in the Republican up- rising of 1848 in Germany; entered United States military service in 1861 as private; elected Colonel; after the war an effective lecturer, vindicating the gospel of rationalism through' his- speeches and writ- ings; died March 24, 1881 .' 96 Nathaniel Lyon — Captain United States Army; Brigadier-General of Volunteers; Westpointer; born in Connecticut; ^orty-two years old in 1861; fell at Wilson's Creek, August 10, 1861; had bequeathed $30,000 by will for the maintenance of the Union; '(see' page 208) 152 Peter J. Osterhaus— Captain Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; army officer in Eurppe; born in Germany; thirty-eight years old in 1861; commander of Manheim during revolutionary war of 1848; Brigadier- General and Major-General in the Union army and successful leader in many campaigns and battles,; later Consul in Europe 320 Illustrations. xiii Page Roderick E. Rombauer — Private First Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; afterwards Captain First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; lawyer; born in Hungary; twenty-eight years old in 1S6J.; active in the revolution of 1848; after the Civil War Judge of Law Commissioners, Circuit Court and Court of Appeals; legal ad- visor of School Board for years; one of the ablest jurists of Missouri. 200 John M. Schofield— Lieutenant United States Army; later Major First Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; Westpointer: professor at Washington University; mustering officer; born in New York; thirty years old in 1861; Lyon's Adjutant; became successful commander and Lieutenant- General of all armies of the United States; died in 1906 208 Nicolaus Schdettner — Colonel Fourth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; car- penter and builder; manufacturer of brick molds; born in Germany; forty years old in 1861 ; leader of the Schwarze Jager Schuetzenver- ein, a hunter's society; held Bird's Point in Southeast Missouri; died in 1868 288 Francis Sigel — Colonel Third Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; teacher; born in Germany; thirty-seven years old in 1861; artillerist and command- ing officer in Baden during the revolutionary war of 1848-9; principal German institute of education in St. Louis; organized Third Regiment and Battery, Brigadier-General and Major-General in the Union Army, holding important commands; after the war editor in Baltimore and civil officer in New York; (see page 262); died in 1902 280 Joseph Spiegelhalter — Lieutenant Fifth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; ' medical student of Humboldt Institute and teacher; graduated as doctor in 1862; twenty-six years old in 1861; 'surgeon of the Twelfth • Missouri Regiment during the war; later health officer, coroner; mem- ber of the Board of Health and of medical societies; President of St. Louis Tiirnverein and other associations; died in 1909 304 St. Louis Tornverein Building — Tenth and Walnut Streets; most popular meeting place of Union men in and before 1861, and cradle of first military Union organizations 128 Charles G. Stifel — Colonel Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; brewer; born in Germany; forty-two years of age in 1861; member of City Council in 1855; organized the Fifth Reserve and was its efficient and popular leader; presented the Schiller statue to St. Louis; public-spirited member of benovolent and other societies; died in 1900 296 MAPS AND CHARTS. Page Territory Ceded by States to United States 10 St. Louis County in 1861 .' 66 Territory Acquired by United States 72 Camp Jackson in 1861 ...'-.., • 228 Camp Jackson's Present Subdivision 229 Map of Missouri 267 Battlefield of Wilson's Creek 1 , 315 1 Compiled from notes of United States Topographical Survey and various reports. xiv PART I. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. CONSIDERATIONS. History is a unit by reason of the logic of events, which act all over the world in accordance with the eternal law of cause and effect. This applies to moral as well as physical conditions ; all laws should be in keeping with the laws of nature, which are immutable. They leave us the only alternative — either to live in accordance with them or to suffer. The obedience to these laws is dictated by common sense, and the Egotist will submit to them as well as the Altruist. It is our action within them, which establishes true value, and correct conventional law is, or should be, only natural law, with proper safeguards against the abuses facilitated by social relations. When our affections take in the members of our family exclusively, we prove our human worth to that extent, and in filling that first duty it is so decreed by the eternal wisdom which rules the Universe that we also become useful to mankind. Enlarged views and nobler senti- ments will also consider the community in which we live, and in proportion as our consideration embraces larger divisions of our kind, our value and worth as human beings also increases. Thus the Egotist rises to a good member of the family, a good citizen of the community, the state, the nation and the world. That is the prog- ress of the development of man — in cocentric circles from the nar- row limits of self to the all-comprehensive considerations of philan- thropy. But this process will be beneficent only as long as we are correct in our reasoning. We admire the attachment to family and kindred, the undaunted bravery of resolution, the perseverance of devotion, the fidelity to honest convictions, which guide the actions of man, but all these fine qualities can not make convictions right when ,they are cardinally wrong; all these high qualities which everybody admires, can not «anctify an aim which is destructive of the happiness of humanity (1) 2 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. at large. When we look back on the great tragedy of 1861 we find that a very large number of those who gravely erred in their judg- ment acted from pure motives and in keeping with their honest convictions; for the preceding events of a century had shaped opin- ions, and even sentiments, dividing the nation into two great camps, and leading with the certainty of fate to the irrepressible conflict. The eminent German historian Schlosser writes in his works: "No national, religious or class distinctions threatened the peace of the Union. Still the antagonistic relation of free and slave labor led to ominous contrasts which caused the greatest civil war known to History." There is no doubt now in the world, that Slavery was the cause of the civil war. This is generally conceded. The develop- ment, however, of Slavery from small beginnings until it became an aggressive power which shook a continent is full of the gravest lessons that may be most beneficently utilized by their timely appli- cation in future. In order to understand and to appreciate the actions and events of 1861, a brief review of the past is necessary. SLAVERY. Slavery existed before History knew civilized people. Probably it was restricted at first to captives of war and their families, and, as soon this proved profitable or convenient, it was made hereditary. Prowess on one side and weakness on the other have often produced a condition of dependence akin to Slavery. A relation which became common and general had to be regulated by law, and the person- who already inherited slaves grew up accustomed to relations whose justice .he had no incentive to question. The desire for happiness is, however, born with every human being, and this leads direct to a wish for liberty. As soon as this desire is noticed, repressive mea- sures are applied. These have a very bad effect on the master, mak- ing him more domineering, stern, often of necessity cruel, and they make the slave more miserable and discontented, and estrange him from his master. The ancient despotisms and more or less aristo- cratic republics nearly all kept Slaves, and, as war and conquest was the natural and usual condition of those States, their citizens were always ready to suppress every uprising. The baneful reaction of Slavery on the master and the nonslaveholding citizen was little considered or understood by the ancients. That the immense wealth of one class engendered the relative great poverty of the other was Introduction. 3 not thought of ; that luxury and passions, unrestrained by any con- siderations of laws of equal human rights, destroyed morality and justice, was not taken into account by ambitious and greedy states- men; that Slavery, in overloading the bondsmen, took from the citizen the chance of a healthy activity, qualifying him for idleness and military ambition, facilitating conquests and spoliation of other nations, was rather coveted than shunned; and yet militarism de- stroyed in the end the liberty loving spirit of the citizen, and cor- rupted his body and soul with the customs, vices and luxuries of inferior nations. The cruelty toward the slave dulled the sensibili- ties and kind feelings of the masters toward their other fellowmen, and led to fearful butcheries, proscriptions and wholesale spoliation, which caused the power of Rome, the best organized State of an- tiquity, to rot toward destruction. This lesson is the "Handwriting upon the wall" for other nations; it reads: Beware of Slavery, the inequalities of citizens, foreign conquests and militarism. The im- mortal doctrine of universal love, proclaimed by the great teacher of Nazareth, placed all human beings, a Roman Emperor as well as an African Slave, upon an equality before their Maker. A tran- sition from a corrupt empire to a radical republic, however, was an impossibility; but the spiritual equality established by the Church mitigated the conditions of slave dependence to milder forms, in establishing the organization of the feudal system, and of a serfdom conditioned as well as based on low ignorance on one side, and well nerved but often greedy capacity on the other. In the Orient Slavery continued unbroken ; the warlike, conquering disposition' of the Mohamedan spread it across Northern Africa to Spain, and in the year 990 merchants from the Barbary Coast brought slaves from Central Africa to Europe. The Turks enslaved their captives in war, without discrimination of color or nationality, carried women and children away, and raised the latter for the military service of that formidable body of soldiers, the Janissaries. Even this very astute slave policy proved a fearful curse in the end. The Janissaries grew as dangerous to the Sultan as the Pretorian Guards to the Roman Emperors, until in June, 1826, Sultan Mahomed defeated their insurrection after a most sanguinary battle and had them extermi- nated. In their attempts for the circumnavigation of Africa, the Portu- guese came in touch with the tribes of that continent, and brought from there the first colored slaves to be used for labor. Spain was 4 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. not slow to follow suit, and when Columbus discovered America, he enslaved Indian prisoners and with the blessings of his discovery laid the foundation of an evil which 365 years later should have to be redeemed by the untold sufferings of a great nation. In speaking of this arrangement of Spanish settlers in San Domingo, Washing- ton Irving in his "Life of Columbus," states: "He assigned to them (the settlers) liberal portions of land, and numerous Indian Slaves taken in the wars. He made an arrangement also by which the Caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, should furnish par- ties of their subjects, free Indians, to assist the Colonists in the cultiva- tion of their lands; a kind of feudal service which was the origin of the 'Repartimientos' or distributions of free Indians among the Colonists, after- wards generally adopted and shamefully abused throughout the Spanish Colonies; a source of intolerable hardship and oppressions to the unhappy na- tives, and which greatly contributed to exterminate them from the island of Hispaniola" (San Domingo). This was a source of evil, which three hundred years later, most cruelly exterminated the White race from that "West Indian Para- dise." While Queen Isabella discountenanced the enslavement of Indians by Columbus and even returned large numbers from Spain to their native island, they were still compelled to work in the mines and in other employments, which owing to the cruel greed of the Spaniards, finally ground them out of existence. It was at this time that Negro slaves born in Spain, were first imported into the West Indies. Of this event Washington Irving says: "It is a fact worthy of observation that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin against nature and humanity was first introduced into the New World, has been the first to exhibit an awful retribution." This came in San Domingo in the year 1791; a few refugees from this awful catastrophe found afterwards a sheltering home in St. Louis. Upon the share which Columbus had in introducing Slavery in San Domingo, Washington Irving says: "It is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Columbus on a point where it is Inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illus- trious name, and let others derive a lesson from it." Columbus enslaved a large number of Indians and sent them to European markets. Isabella of Spain ordered the liberation of the Indians in Europe, but left captive Moors and Negroes in bondage. Now Slavery ceased to be a war measure and became a factor in agri- cultural and mercantile economy. While the introduction of the Introduction. 5 stronger, more docile and tractable Negro, relieved the Indian on the Continent from this immediate danger to his liberty, it laid the foundation of an evil which almost became fatal to the life of the North American Union. The Popes, at the time the highest repre- sentatives of the ethical principle in the world, condemned Slavery at its very cradle. Pope Leo X. declared early in the sixteenth century :• "Not the Christian religion only, but nature, itself cries out against the state of Slavery;" and not much later Pope Paul III. imprecated a curse on Europeans who would enslave Indians, or any other class of men. It is hardly correct to lay the responsibility for the introduction of African Slavery in America, at the door of the Dominican monk De las Casas, who is said to have advised the practice of Negro Slavery already introduced before him, in order to protect the native Indian. That human rights did not then enter into the consideration of the Slavery question, is shown by the exam- ple of Charles V., who sailed with a great fleet, to liberate Christian slaves at Tunis, and at the same time sanctioned the African slave trade, by giving one of his subjects the exclusive privilege of import- ing Negro slaves to the "West Indies. No insincere "motives can be attributed to Charles V., who abdicated the greatest power in order to become a monk. When in 1607 the first permanent English col- ony was established at Jamestown, Va., Negro Slavery was over a century old in Spanish and Portuguese America and had existed over fifty years in other British American possessions. The adventurous disposition of the first settlers, who were little inclined to work, and the rich crops upon the virgin soil of the new Continent, created the strongest tendency, to propagate and to perpetuate Negro Slavery. The first slaves were sold at Jamestown, Va., December 22, 1620, and Slavery was introduced in all the colonies by 1650, while the legality of Slavery was still a mooted question. About that time Lord Holt expressed an opinion that Slavery was a condition un- known to English law, and that every person setting foot in England, thereby became free; soon after this Yorke and Talbot, attorneys and solicitors general, gave an opinion in 1729, that Negro slaves might be held in England just as well as in the Colonies, and later on, in 174S), Yorke as Lord Hardwick and Chancellor, gave the opinion that the Colonies are subject to the laws of England, and that if Slavery be contrary to English law, no local enactments of the Colonies could give it any- validity. Mighty rulers, as well as men of letters, supported Slavery. In 1713, according to Bancroft, a 6 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. company was created to engage in the African Slave trade; King Philip of Spain reserved to himself one-quarter of the stock, Queen Ann another quarter, and the last two quarters were to be divided among her subjects. For a long period there appeared no serious opposition to Slavery on any ground, and although liberty and self- government were vindicated by some nations more than two thou- sand years earlier, this seems to have been more an inborn human propensity than the acknowledgment of a principle applicable to all men. The chance warnings of Popes and some human philoso- phers were obliterated by the false, but general prejudice, that Pagans were not entitled to any considerations from Christians. In an age of "Autodafees" and of the most cruel butcheries of Chris- tians of one sect by Christians of another sect, this need not surprise anyone. English courts held up Slavery by various decisions until 1772, when Lord Mansfield, Chief Justice of England, pronounced in the famous Sommerset case, that by the laws of England no man could be held in Slavery. What a pity that this doctrine was not immediately applied to the Colonies; it would have saved America the civil war of 1861. LOCAL DIFFERENCES. Notwithstanding this high-sounding doctrine, Great Britain offered armed assistance to the Creole Slaveholders of San Domingo, when the latter were brought between two fires : the French radical- ism and the Negro insurrection. The relations of Slavery in San Domingo differed materially from those in the United States. There were three times as many mulattoes and twenty times as many Negro slaves as the 20,000 Creole white descendants of the original European conquerors, free- booters and adventurers. Many mulattoes also owned real estate and slaves. There was' no love lost between these three races, and the hatred and prejudice of caste precluded a mutual understanding, even when that became the only rational remedy to prevent disaster. The Creole whites, brave and reckless to a fault, often treated their slaves with brutal cruelty. Slave babies were marked with three cuts in the cheek, notwithstanding that the midwives for white and black were Negro women. Such conditions and the ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity, spread by the French Revolution, led to the uprising of the Negro slaves, who, degraded to the level of brutes, ex- Introduction. 7 i terminated their former tormentors in the most brutal manner. The cruelty of the masters was intensified by the tropical climate fostering violent passions; it was made unbearable by arrogant aristocratic notions, sprouting in the hotbed of voluptuous luxury, and became relentless by the fear of slave insurrections, threatened by the great disproportion between Whites and Blacks. In the United States the eeparating line was drawn between the pure White race and persons of all shades of color, and thus a more intelligent element, with better chances of enlightenment, was identified with the cause of the plantation slave, in addition to the ethical influence of the nonslaver holding White population. In a contest between human rights based on natural law, and special privileges based on conventional law, the former will prevail during the healthy development of a people, and where privileges prevail, there the State is sinking through ignorance to dependence. The narrow exclusive religious convictions of the New England settlers had little consideration for people of other or of no religious creed. The enslaved Indian was held by them more as a conquered foe than a merchantable article, while holding Negro slaves was more the aristocratic distinction of wealth. The agricultural and industrial conditions did not favor slaveholding at the North and the spirit of the community did not connive at slavebreeding. Entirely different relations existed in the South, where slave labor was highly remunerative and where the climate, the health, the descent or previous residence, to some extent at least disqualified the White inhabitant from great exertions. Georgia was the only Southern State which prohibited Slavery, owing to the farsighte TERRITORY CEDED BY STATES TO UNITED STATES. Introduction. 11 strong proof of his desire to restrict Slavery to the narrowest limits. On March 1, 1784, he presented the deed of cession of the Territory, heretofore claimed by Virginia, and being appointed on the Com- mittee, he reported an Ordinance for the government of the Terri- tory ceded already, or to be ceded by individual "States to the United States," for all land included between the 31° and the 47° of Lati- tude, which actually also included the Territory of the present State of Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee and all land North of these States. This Ordinance also contained a subdivision of the ceded Territory, with the names for the new States to be subsequently admitted by a two-third vote of the old States. The fifth Section of that Ordinance read : "That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, in any of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally guilty." At the end of this Ordinance was a provision that its "Arti- cles shall be formed into a charter of compact," which shall stand as fundamental condition, between the Thirteen States and those newly described, unalterable, except by the joint consent of the United States in Congress assembled and of the particular State, within which such alteration is proposed to be made. This proves that Jefferson wanted to add only Free States to the Union, and to make a change of that condition as difficult as possible. When this Ordinance was taken up by Congress, members from North and South Carolina objected to Section Five. The vote had to be taken by States. Six States voted for the Section and three States sustained the objection/ A majority of all the Thirteen States being required, Section Five, containing the restriction on Slavery was lost. This was caused by the absence of one member from New Jersey. A very unfortunate event, fraught with the most disastrous consequences, for if the restriction had been adopted, Slavery would have existed only in the States of Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, North and South Carolina and Georgia, it could have been bought off gradually, without loss to the slaveholder and at a very moderate cost to the nation. It is awful to contemplate what sacrifices were entailed by the absence of one man from his post of duty. Restricted forever to six States, the Slavery question could never have become the Keystone of a great political party, it never could have consumed the energies of a great nation by endless and hopeless altercations, it never could have alienated the South from the North, could not have 12 The. Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. led to an almost successful Secession of half the Union, and never could have provoked the greatest and most expensive civil war. On July 13, 1784, the Continental Congress adopted by an unani- mous vote of the States then represented, an Ordinance regarding the Territories of the United States Northwest of the Ohio River, which among other things, enacted: "There shall be neither Slavery, nor involuntary Servitude in the said Territory, otherwise' than in punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted." This last Ordinance also contained a provision for the rendition of fugitive slaves, which appears to have been the prize for the exclusion of Slavery from that Territory Northwest of the Ohio. Congress was authorized by the Constitution, to forbid the foreign slave trade from the year 1808, which was fortunately done by an act passed March 2, 1807. The power and obligation to return fugitive slaves, embodied in the Constitution of the United States, Art. IV., Sec. II., Paragraph 3, designates slaves as "persons held to service or labor in one State," and neither in this Section, nor in the one providing for the prohibi- tion of the foreign slave trade, nor in the Section which establishes that three-fifths of the slaves shall be added to the White population in apportioning the quota of representation in Congress, nor any- where in the Constitution, is the word "Slave" used. This proves that the framers of the Constitution, far from endorsing Slavery, even avoided to name it, and only suffered its existence in the hope that it will fade out soon. Coming events did not verify this expecta- tion. A peaceful and final solution of the Slavery question was possible, by framing the privileges and obligations of the Constitu- tion accordingly, but as this was not done, the two sections of the country started on diverging roads; two contrary systems of labor bred opposing interests, various customs, tastes, convictions, a hostile spirit, and the only other final solution left, was that awful arbitra- ment of arms, which ended at Appomattox. Ever since the adoption of the Constitution, the influence and power of both free labor and slave labor grew steadily, and they grew sometimes by giant strides. Opinions crystalized North and South on a different basis and in different issues, and an earlier calamity of an open breach was only staved off by periodical com- promise. The Constitution of the United States was adopted and signed, September 17, 1787, and already, in 1790, a stringent Fugi- tive Slave act was passed by Congress, the execution of which became Introduction. 13 a source of continuous trouble and agitation. Shortly before, in December, 1789, North Carolina ceded the Territory of Tennessee to the Union, with the following condition: "Provided always that no regulation made or to be made by Congress shall tend to emancipate Slaves." On the 2d of April, 1802, Georgia ceded her Territory, which now forms most of the States of Alabama and Mississippi, under the same conditions which governed the North- West Terri- tory, "the article only excepted which forbids Slavery." These very large Territories were situated far inland ; nowhere bordering on the sea; adjoining Slave States; well adapted for the staple products of the South — and they were many hundred miles away from the Free States, it was therefore, only natural, that the new States to be formed from them would become Slave States. Thus retribution followed upon the heels of an evil compromise, and the chance frustration of Thomas Jefferson's far-sighted policy. The aggression of the slave- holders did not stop here. A convention of that part of the North- West Territory which was to become the State of Ohio, petitioned Congress in 1802 for a temporary suspension of that part of the Ordinance which prohibited Slavery. Had this been granted, it would have carried Slavery North of the Ohio River, and once estab- lished there, it would have been very difficult to eradicate it. John Randolph of Roanoke, Va., himself a slaveholder, as Chairman of a Committee, reported adversely to the petition, stating that they "deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the North Western Country." No action was taken by Congress upon this petition, not even after the same was endorsed later by both Houses of the Territorial Legislature and repeatedly presented by William Henry Harrison, then Governor of the Territory and later I'resident of the United States. Thus the wisdom of Congress saved the North- West Territory from a blight, which a great many of its inhabitants were ready to fasten upon it. LOUISIANA PURCHASE. It now happened that an event, otherwise of incalculable benefit to the people of the Union, should incidentally also strengthen the cause of Slavery. On April 30, 1803, Napoleon sold the Louisiana Territory comprising the land west of the Mississippi, to the United States. The motive for this was evident. France could not defend this Territory, neither by sea nor by land, and in order to prevent 14 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its conquest by England, Napoleon transferred it to the United States, which already then bid fair to become a most formidable rival to the English power on the American Continent. Slavery was an existing institution in the Louisiana Territory, already before the transfer, and as all property rights were guaranteed by the pur- chase, Slavery' became an established fact in this part of the Union. Before portions of this new Territory could possibly become States, the number of slaveholders would increase, making it quite certain that the Southern part of the Louisiana Purchase would eventually be divided into several Slave States. The products of slave labor exhausted the soil and migration from old plantations, particularly from the hill lands, to the rich bottoms of the West, was the easiest remedy against the curse of impoverished lands. Besides the robber agriculture, the continual abrasion of large cleared tracks, the habitual exportation of bulky raw material, of necessity reduced the fertility of the old plantations. For this reason, the Eastern Slave States with impoverished soil, became slave breeders, and the South Western States slave consumers. In 1793 an invention made by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, added infinitely to the growing power of Slavery. The greatest drawback in the production of cotton was the difficulty of its separa- tion from the seeds. Even the first crude machines of Eli Whitney's cotton gin, increased the producing capacity of one man thirty fold, and improvements to the machine added much to its capacity. This made cotton raising exceedingly profitable and increased the produc- tion from 10,000 bales in 1793 to 1,000,000 bales in 1830, and to 5,000,000 bales in 1860. Eli Whitney reaped little benefit from his invention. The same greed which made chattels out of human beings, trespassed upon his patent, and robbed him of the just fruits of his labor. The long cherished expectation that Slavery would decrease, after the importation of foreign slaves ceased, was not realized, chiefly on account of the great wealth of the unoccupied land. Never since mankind has a History did any nation fall heir to such an immense land possession, of a fertile virgin soil, located in a genial climate. There was elbow room here for many, many millions of. people ; slave raising was inexpensive in the South and the price of slaves high, labor was degraded, the workman called the mudsill of society and the White man considered it below his dignity to work in competition with the Negro slave. Introduction. 15 In 1817 an attempt was made to colonize the Western Coast of Africa, and to 1847 about 15,000 colored people made the new State, Liberia, their home. But the result was out of all proportion to the object sought, and this notion of solving the color problem has been pretty nearly abandoned since. The very great pecuniary, investments in slaves and their products obliterated by degrees in the population of the Slave States the virtuous principles of the heroes of the revolutionary war and of the framers of the Constitu- tion. Practicing Slavery in all its horrible details, men became callous to all finer sentiments and boldly advanced the doctrine that Slavery was right; that it was a blessing for the slave; that it was in keeping with the laws of God, as stated by many ministers of the Gospel in the South. Habit, local pride and a false idea of self interest prompted the large majority in the Southern States to follow the political lead of John C. Calhoun and other talented men, who placed Slavery and its extension above Liberty and the Union, and the spirit of 1776 was shared in the South by a great many only so far as it maintained the "peculiar institution." Con- trary opinions were at first frowned upon, afterward proscribed and very soon persecuted. SEGREGATION OF PARTIES. Not only interests built up parties, but also political convictions and sympathies. The Federalists, under the lead of Alexander Hamilton, being in power, during the first two administrations, favored a liberal construction of the Constitution ; sought the friend- ship of England, advocated a national bank, urged the assumption by the Federal Government of the State debts which made a Tariff necessary ; while their opponents condemned most of these measures, and as a minority, demanded a strict construction of the United States Constitution, favored democratic France and styled themselves "Republicans," strengthening thereby the inference, "that the Fed- eralists were leaning towards the centralization of power common to monarchies. The Federalists were strongest in the North, the Republican Democrats in the South. The first issues between these parties, 'already lead to the first compromise, in consequence of which the national capital was located on Southern soil, while the Federalist policy, for the assumption of the State debts prevailed. The natural sequel to this was a Tariff policy, because the raising of 16 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the needed funds by direct taxation was out of question, on account of the provisions of Art. 1, Sect. II., Par. 3, of the United States Con- stitution, which ordains: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to sendee for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." Thus a direct tax would have been most oppressive on the poorer States and on the Slave States. The party division, already strongly sectional, was made critical by influences from beyond the sea. The French revolution of 1789 breathed the spirit of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 and of its author, Thomas Jefferson, the acknowledged leader of the Republican-Democrats. The political waves in France ran high enough to be felt on this side of the Atlantic, all the more, as the people here had just emerged from a long and victorious con- test against England. No wonder that with the just criticism of the Federalist policy of the Government, needless abuse and vitupera- tion was also heaped upon leaders, who favored England in the giant contest in Europe. Thus it happened, during the administra- tion of John Adams (1797-1801), that the Federalists retaliated upon their adversaries and adopted the "Alien and Sedition" laws, which gave the President power to send any foreigner at his discre- tion out of the country, also to punish libels on the President or other high officials, without judicial proceedings. This violation of the liberty of the press and free speech was resented all over the country and caused the final and lasting defeat of the Federalist party. STATE RIGHTS. The policy of the Federalists was met by the Republican-Demo- crats with a declaration of State Rights in the Kentucky resolutions, restricting the Federal authority to the rights granted by the United States Constitution ; claiming those rights not prohibited as reserved to the States, and declaring that all laws and measures of the Gen- eral Government, not in keeping with such delegated powers, were void and of no force, and that according to the "compact (the Con- stitution) each State acceded as a State and as an integral party, its co-States forming as to itself the other party ; that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge Introduction. 17 of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other cases of compact among powers hav- ing no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress." The resolution, credited to Thomas Jefferson, also attacked the Alien and Sedition acts in strong terms, calling upon other States to condemn and oppose all such usurpations of power by the Gen- eral Government, and they assume also for the other States, that each will take measures of its own, in providing that neither "these acts nor any others of the General Government, not plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be exercised with- in their respective Territories." Virginia passed similar resolutions, which had James Madison for their author. These resolutions already contained the seeds of Secession, for a difference of opinion upon a question of competency might arise at any time, and in such an event Nullification was not the proper remedy, but reference to a final tribunal; such was the Supreme Court of the United States, which by the terms of the Constitution had authority "in all controversies to which the United States shall be a party," also "in controversies between two or more States." It must, be borne in mind that Jefferson's championship of State Rights was caused by the tendency of centralization in the Federalists' camp and by their evident abuse of power in passing the "Alien and Sedition" laws; for no statesman ever opposed Slavery extension more successfully than Thomas Jefferson. The fear of centralization aided the State Rights doctrine, still the Constitution gave Congress 'the final sovereign power, and the method of election of United States Senators and. Members of the House neutralized all dangers of centralization. The Supreme Court consisting of members from different sections of the Union and sub- ject to confirmation by the Senate could hardly be considered a parti- san body, representing only the specific interests of the Federal Gov- ernment. This seems to have been the only chance for adjustment of a radical difference between the Federal and State authorities, and its only alternative was Secession and civil war. Upon this subject James Madison writes in a letter of December 23, 1832, to H. P. Trist, that Jefferson believed in the power of the old Congress to coerce a delinquent State and also states that neither the Virginia resolutions, which he wrote himself, nor the Kentucky resolutions, 18 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. attributed to Jefferson, bear out a different construction. In another letter to the same party, dated January 20, 1833, Madison states "The doctrine of Secession is losing ground, but it has as yet more adherents than its twin heresy Nullification, though x it ought to be buried in the same grave with it," and farther on the father of the Constitution foreshadows the great tragedy in store for this nation: "In the event of an irreconcilable conflict, not of rights, but of opin- ions and claims of right, force becomes the arbiter." During the debate of January 26, 1830, upon the Nullification of an act of Congress by a State, Daniel Webster clearly and forcibly stated the issue in these words : "I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course between submission to the laws, when regularly pronounced constitutional, on the one hand, and open resistance, which is revolution or rebellion, on the other. I say the right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained but on the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression — that is to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an ultimate violent remedy above the Constitution and in defiance of the Constitution, which may be resorted to, when revolution is to be justified. But I do not admic that, under the Constitution and in conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general movement, by force of her own laws under any circumstance whatever." This opinion, from one of the greatest legal minds and statesmen of the Union, although given thirty years later, is quite as applica- ble at the time, when the Kentucky resolutions appeared in the polit- ical arena, and it would be highly surprising should the same argu- ment not have been also obvious to the sage of Monticello, whose sincerity and patriotism was never "doubted. When the Louisiana, Purchase was made, Jefferson stated: "It was an act beyond the Constitution," which had made no provision for holding foreign territory, and he stated: "The Legislature must ratify and pay for it and throw themselves bn their country for doing for them unauthor- ized what we know they would have done themselves had they been in a situation to do it." The readiness to act for the benefit of the country, even without authority, the adherence to strict construction of the Constitution, the conscientiousness of seeking subsequently the authority for the action, are equally commendable, though these virtues do not seem to harmonize with the Nullification doctrine of the Kentucky resolutions, which showed the road to a most danger- ous application, no doubt foreign to Jefferson's mind, who vindicated Introduction. 19 State Rights to counteract centralization. As Jefferson prevented Slavery from going into the North-West Territory and exerted him- self to restrict it, to the original States, it could not possibly have been his intention to advance a State Rights doctrine which could be used to spread Slavery over this Continent. It is astonishing how in the course of years party names and party programmes changed. Thomas Jefferson, the Apostle of the Demo- cratic party for nearly a century was the leader of the Republicans or opponents of the Federalists. In his message of December 14, 1806, President Jefferson recommends not only protection, but also the application of a probable surplus in the Treasury, to public education and internal improvements. As a strict constructionist he recommends at the same time that the enumeration of these powers should be added through amendments to the Constitution. His devotion to the Union is expressed in these words: "By these operations, new channels of communication will be opened between the States, the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented by new and indissoluble ties." The Presidents elected by the followers of Jefferson, inclusive Jackson, advocated a protective Tariff. John C. Calhoun favored this policy, and a national policy generally, up to the year 1820, about which time his convictions changed and he became the leader of all violent State Rights men, and an uncompromising Free Trade advocate.. ' THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. At the session of Congress of 1818, a petition was presented for admission of Missouri as a State in the Union, which led to a very spirited contest between the Free and Slave State parties. After many debates, amendments and votes, no definite result was attained, nor did the Congress of 1819 settle the question. Arkansas, however, was admitted as a Slave State by a very close vote. The Missouri Statehood question, relative to Slavery, came up again in the fall of 1819. The Ordinance of 1787 had fixed the Ohio River as the Northern boundary for Slavery, and a majority of the House of Representatives desired to extend that boundary due Westward from the mouth of the Ohio, and to restrict Slavery North of that line to those born at the time of admission and until they were twenty-five years old. This proposition was rejected by the Senate. Memorials from State Legislatures and citizens, written by the ablest men of 20 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the country, supported the restriction of Slavery in Missouri, while fully as able men espoused the Southern side. It is noteworthy that at this time, the Grand Juries of St. Louis, St. Charles and Jefferson Counties, volunteered to instruct Congress, that it was infringing upon the rights of the States, by forestalling the existence of Slavery in Missouri, nor is it less memorable that Edward Bates, "the favored son of Missouri," for the Republican nomination of 1860, was March, 1819, Deputy Circuit Attorney for Jefferson County, of above Grand ^Jury celebrity. The remonstrance from Massachusetts, writ- ten by Daniel Webster, contained these memorable words : "We have a strong feeling of the injustice of any toleration of Slavery. Circumstances have entailed it on a portion of our community, which cannot be immediately relieved of it without consequences more injurious than the suffering of the evil. But to permit it in a new country, where as yet no habits are formed which render it indispensable, what is it but to encourage that rapacity, and fraud, and violence, against which we have so long pointed the denunciations of our penal code? What is it, but to tarnish the proud fame of the country? What is it, but to throw suspicion on the good faith, and to render questionable all its professions of regard for the rights of Humanity and the Liberties of Mankind?" On the 19th of February, 1820, the United States Senate sent to the House an act to admit Maine as a Free State, with the condition attached, to authorize the people of Missouri to form a State Con- stitution. The bill now introduced for the admission of Missouri contained a provision to exclude free colored persons from residence in the State. This was deemed unconstitutional, and the House of Representatives opposed it. Upon the initiative of Henry Clay, a Conference Committee was selected, which recommended practically the admission of Maine as a Free State and of Missouri as a Slave State, provided no more Slave States shall be created from the Louisi- ana Purchase Territory, North of 36° 30' North Latitude. UpoD motion of Mr. Thomas from Illinois, who had opposed restriction all the time, the so-called Missouri Compromise measure was adopted which reads as follows : "And be it further enacted, That in all that Territory, ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime,' whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohib- ited: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom Introduction. 21 labor or service Is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the Uniteo. States, such, fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." The Missouri Compromise measure passed the House by a majority of three, all Representatives from the Slave States and fourteen from the Free States voting for it, and eighty-seven Representatives of the Free States voting against it. Animosity run high during this debate and threats of separation were freely made ; but it is more than doubt- ful that the exclusion of Slavery from Missouri would have led to a Secession attempt. The passage of the Missouri Compromise quieted for a period the ' existing antagonism which had deeply agitated all minds. Ex-Presi- dent Jefferson wrote about it: "The Missouri question is the most portentous which has ever threatened the Union. In the gloomiest hour of the Revolutionary war, I never had apprehensions equal to those which I feel from this source." . Considering that these words fell from the lips of the sage of Monticello, who trembled for the fate of his country as he reflected upon the wrong of Slavery, and the Justice of God, the Missouri Compromise as a mere procrastina- tion of the Slavery issue, had an ominous significance. However, other questions of moment, soon occupied the public mind. Spain ceded Florida in 1820, and the Union recognized the South Ameri- can States, which recently set up independent governments. TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. A very high Tariff was passed in 1828, and although shortly after- wards modified, it exasperated the State Rights partisans for political as well as for economic reasons. To remedy this grievance, a con- vention was called in South Carolina, which met at her capital, November 19, 1832, and which passed an Ordinance, declaring the existing Tariff "Null and Void and no law, nor binding on this State, its Officers or Citizens," and at the same time it was forbidden within the State of South Carolina to pay duties on imports, after February 1, 1833. No appeal to the Supreme Court against the validity of said actr should be permitted, and any appeal to the judiciary of the United States, relative that Ordinance, should be dealt with as for a contempt of the Court. Officeholders and Jurors were obliged to swear to obey this Ordinance. In case the Federal Government should try to enforce the law nullified by the Ordinance, South 22 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Carolina would no longer consider herself a member of the Federal Union, but forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do "all other acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do." The Governor of South Carolina endorsed this Nullification Ordinance in the strongest terms; the Legislature passed acts to give it effect and authorized the Governor to accept the services of Volunteers ; John C. Calhoun resigned the Vice Presidency of the United States and was elected Senator ; proceeding in Decem- ber to Washington, took his seat and the oath to maintain the Con- stitution of the United States, thereby proving his firm belief in the legality of the Nullification Ordinance and practice. But other Southern statesmen thought differently at that time (1832). The Richmond Enquirer, headed by Thomas Jefferson and the ablest Democrats, stated upon Secession : "The majority of the States which formed the Union must consent to the withdrawal of any one branch of it. Until that consent has been obtained, any attempt to dissolve the Union or obstruct the efficiency of its constitutional laws, is Treason — Treason to all intents and purposes." About this time, President Jackson summoned Francis P. Blair (the father of Mont- gomery and- Frank P. Blair) , an able political writer and planter from Kentucky, to edit the Globe at Washington, in order to combat the then revealed powerful combination of Nullifiers. President Jackson did not wait for the prompting of Congress, but anticipating the passage of the Nullification Ordinance, assembled Regiments within convenient distance of South Carolina, stating to its people what they had to expect. He is even reported to have sent word to Calhoun that if he did any treasonable act he would hang him. General Scott received instruction for "superintending the safety of the ports of the United States," and also that he would be aided with the available military force. Instructions were likewise sent to the Collector of the Port at Charleston, guiding his actions, in case the Nullifiers should attempt to prevent the collection of duties under the United States law and Tariff. In December, 1832, President Jackson issued his famous proclamation, that he will suppress Nulli- fication as treason. In this document he declares: "To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a nation, because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an offense. Secession like any other revolutionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity Introduction. 23 of oppression; but to call It a constitutional right, is confounding the mean- ing of terms, and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those who are willing to assert a right, but would pause before they make a revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure." On his duties as President he says : "The law^ of the United State must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived you. They could not have been deceived them- selves; they know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execu- tion of the laws and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion. But be not deceived by names. Disunion by armed force is Treason." Jackson died the idol of the Democratic party which only in later years, by a peculiar combination of circumstances, became the cham- pion of Slavery extension. The President in this document also appeals to the patriotism of the people of South Carolina, to their conscience as men imperilling the happiness of their fellow citizens, and closes his proclamation with these patriotic words : "May the great Ruler of nations grant that the signal 'blessings with which he has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal ambition, be disregarded and lost; and may his wise providence bring those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they see the misery, of civil, strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as the only means of attain- ing the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire." January 16, 1833, President Jackson issued a special message against Nullification, in which among other statesmanlike arguments he says : "It is the attribute of free institutions, that under them the empire of reason and law is substituted for the power of the sword," and he declares, "It is the right of mankind generally to secure, by all means in their power, the blessings of liberty and happiness; but when for these purposes any body of men have voluntarily associated themselves, under any particular form of government, no portion of them can dissolve the association without acknowledging the correlative right in the remainder, to decide, whether that dissolution can be permitted consistently with the general happiness." If these uncontrovertible truths would have~been heeded later on by his fellow citizens, fellow partymen, fellow inhabitants of the 24 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. South, and fellow slaveholders, what immense sacrifices would have been saved to this nation ! President Jackson's policy and proclamation was greeted enthusi- astically by all States except South Carolina. Nevertheless, a bill was introduced in Congress proposing sweeping reductions and equal- ization of duties. This gave the South Carolina Legislature an opportunity to put off with good grace the date set for the actual infringement of the revenue Taws, from the first day of February, ] 834, until the close of the session of Congress and its final decision upon the new Tariff. Congress yielded towards the end of the ses- sion and adopted the compromise Tariff proposed by Henry Clay, which reduced the rates one-tenth every year until the 31st day of June, 1842, when all duties should be reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent. This left Calhoun and his followers the satisfaction that their grievance was acknowledged as just, even if their means for securing redress were considered wrong. Webster and Benton placed themselves in this controversy on national ground, claiming that the minority must submit; though Benton at this time com- menced to revise his views upon a protective Tariff, saying in one of his speeches: "The fine effects upon the prosperity of the West have been celebrated on this floor (Senate), with how much reason, let facts respond, and the people judge! I do not think we are indebted to the high Tariff for our fertile lands and our navigable rivers, and I am certain we are indebted to these blessings for the prosperity we enjoy." President Jackson signed the new Tariff act, though he con- demned the policy of yielding, stating in a letter to a friend : "The next will be the Slavery or Negro question." Daniel Webster pro- tested that no concession should be made to South Carolina until they should have abandoned their treasonable attitude, and Senator Benton said: "A compromise made with a State in arms is a capitulation to that State." This success of South Carolina would naturally encourage the State Rights element in the South to try the threat of Secession again in the future. A litigation between the Cherokee Indians and the State of Georgia also proved that the sphere of Federal and State Rights was not clearly established. The United States had by treaties, granted to the Cherokees the possession of their lands, from which they were ousted through legislative proceedings of the State of Georgia. When the case of Tassells, a Cherokee, was Introduction. 25 tried, the United States Court issued a "Writ of Error," asking Georgia to show cause, "why Tassells should not be discharged and his case be transferred to the Cherokee authorities, in keeping with existing treaties, the Writ was defied by Georgia, and the Indian was hung. In another instance, two missionaries were imprisoned by Georgia. Chief Justice Marshall held, that the treaties between the United States and the Cherokees were valid and binding on all the States and paramount to all State law, according to Article VI., Section 2, of the United States Constitution. When the attorney of the missionaries applied to President Jack- son to have the judgment enforced, he declined to do it, saying: "Well, John Marshall made his decision, let him enforce it." This was not at all in keeping with President Jackson's former energetic proclamation against the South Carolina Nullifiers, and he laid him- self open to the. supposition that in the South Carolina Nullifiers' case, he either yielded to his gifted Secretary of State, Edward Liv- ingston, or possibly acted from personal jealousy of J. C. Calhoun, the leader of the Nullifier movement, while in the Georgia case he followed a' policy of expediency, which suggested itself very oppor- tunely, to reward political services. Possibly also Jackson may have thought, if Congress yielded to the South Carolina Nullifiers' threat, by adopting the Henry Clay compromise Tariff Bill, why should he, Jackson, not yield to the widespread prejudice against the Indian and his vested rights. Be this as it may, both cases were most un- fortunate, as they strengthened the State Rights doctrine and helped to build up that arrogant, haughty spirit fof the South, which in 1861 precipitated the civil war. The lack of presidential power in similar difficulties, as the South Carolina Nullification scheme, caused the introduction of an act in Congress, named the Force Bill, which was to strengthen the Presi- dent's hands; it passed the House by a vote of 149 to 48, and the Senate by a vote of 32 to 1. When this bill was before the Senate, Benton emphatically reiter- ated the sentiment voiced by President Jackson, that the Union must and shall be preserved, and that it must be perpetual. On another occasion Benton used these words : "It was to get rid of the evils of the old Confederacy that the present Union was formed ; and having formed it, they -who formed it, undoubtedly undertook to make it perpetual and for that purpose had recourse to all sanctions held sacred among men: Commands, prohibition, oaths." 26 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Comparing these sentiments with Benton's early inactivity during the admission of Missouri as a Slave State, it is safe to assume that he did not appreciate at first the Union destructive tendency of Slavery, and that later on he was influenced by other statesmen, most of all by that sterling Union man, President Andrew Jackson. The protection of Slavery was no doubt the strongest incentive for the advocacy of State Rights, yet the Tariff question was closely linked with it. The Southern States were agricultural States, so made by the fertility of the soil, by climate and by their system of labor and lesser chances of navigation. The South, of necessity, had less cities, which are naturally the centers of manufactures. Producing only staple articles and buying all their other goods,veven provisions, the Tariff appeared an injustice to them, as it raised the price of every commodity they had to buy. The ships that left the Southern States laden with tobacco and cotton had to return with • empty hulls. All this deserves consideration, as it belongs to the springs of action, for even in a State like South Carolina, whose population has a decidedly emotional character, it would be difficult to start any great political movement without the substratum of an apparently rational cause. It must be also conceded that in an immense country, with a great variety of climate, soil and produc- tions, it is an exceedingly difficult task to construct a Tariff which will be just to all sections. The home market which a Tariff policy created did not benefit the Cotton States and benefited the Border States only to a limited extent. The manufacture of articles for defense in case of war called for their nursing as a home production, but the Southern States had no share in this manufacture, which built up during wars with foreign countries, still needed protection after peace was made. These differences of interests would probably have been adjusted by the accession of many Western States, which had similar Tariff interests as the South; the latter, however, showed no disposition to regulate the slave question in a manner to secure its extinction at a future, even at a remote future date, and it is this chiefly which led at the North to the ABOLITION MOVEMENT. The wave of popular enthusiasm which spread by the Declaration of Independence, carried sentiments for freedom, equity and human rights all over the Union ; still the ablest and most outspoken oppo- Introduction. 27 nents to Slavery, came from Southern States; among these were: Oglethorpe of 'Georgia, Henry Laurens of South Carolina, John Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington of Virginia. The brightest minds during the war for Independence, held, that the right to self government and to a representation of interests could only be safely based upon the broad principle that every man is bom free and equal and entitled to enjoy the fruits of his labor. These sentiments grew strong in the character of the American people, by the exertions with which they conquered the difficulties of settlement; they flashed into consciousness through the doctrines of contemporaneous philosophers, who even before the Declaration of Independence, spread the political gospel of ideal democracy and human rights, shaking -the structures of legalized usurpation and blind prejudices, to their very foundation. From the works of the Reformation, from the examples of Sidney and Hampden, from the writings of the Encyclopedists, sprung the seeds of independence, of convictions and measures, which had to destroy Slavery. Among the Articles of Association, which the General Congress of Philadelphia adopted in 1774, was the agreement, "that we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next," and in keeping with this agreement the slave trade was discontinued in nearly all States, while Slavery itself was gradually abolished in all Northern States. Societies were formed in most States, including Maryland and Virginia, which favored the emancipation of all slaves. Benjamin Franklin at the age of 84 years, was President of a similar Society and petitioned Congress for the "restoration to liberty of those unhappy men who alone in this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage." Congress politely declined many similar petitions, stating it had no power to abolish Slavery in the States. These petitions' created no excitement at first, but the spirit of the population and of the representatives changed, when new machinery and new territory made Slavery more remunerative. Many people at the North shared in these advantages, by furnishing provisions and other goods to the South and favored conditions resulting to their benefit; thus Edward Everett from Massachusetts stated in the Congress of 1826, that Slavery was sanctioned by religion; which John Randolph rebuked with the words, "I envy neither the head nor the heart of that man from the North who rises here to defend Slavery upon principle." 28 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The majority in Congress, however, resented the numerous peti- tions for the abolishment of Slavery in the District of Columbia, and by Rule 21, forbade their reading, which reduced their number from 6000 a year to 2 ; of this policy J. M. Botts, the distinguished Virginia statesman and slaveholder, stated that the denial of the right of petition in connection with Slavery "gave the first impetus toward a regular organization of a formidable Abolition party in all the Northern States." Botts further shows how the position of extreme Southern states- men in the Texas question reacted upon the North, by stating of Calhoun : "He openly proclaimed that the great object of the annexation was for the expansion of Slave territory, and consequent increase and continuance of power of the Democracy of the South, and this it was, as I had it from his own lips, that first drove John Quincy Adams into the ranks of the Abolition party." In his work, "The Great Rebellion" (page 95) , Botts relates upon this subject the following colloquy with Adams: "Upon the adjournment of the House, we walked down together, and 1 took occasion to refer to his remarks and said, I thought he did not mean to say all that his language could imply? Yes, he replied, I said it delib- erately and purposely. But, said I, Mr. Adams, you are not an Abolitionist? Yes, I am, said he. I never have been one until now; but when I see the Constitution of my country struck down by the South for such purposes as are openly avowed, no alternative is left me; I must oppose them with all the means within my reach; I must fight the devil with his own fire; and to do this effectually, I am obliged to co-operate with the Abolition party, who have been hateful to me heretofore." Mr. Botts adds that John Quincy Adams exercised more influence upon a large portion of the North than any other man. The action of the Constitutional Convention of Virginia in the year 1820, proved the aggressive disposition of the slaveowners. The majority sought a representation in the State Legislature, based upon the number of white inhabitants; the minority claimed that three-fifths of the slaves held chiefly in the Eastern counties, should be added to their white population and form the basis of representa- tion in the State Legislature. The minority carried the day, and the slaveholding or Eastern counties got the preponderance in polit- ical affairs. After this, the question of gradual emancipation was brought up only once more in the Virginia Legislature, but without Introduction. 29 practical result. However, as the question of emancipation of slaves faded out in the South, it received new life and vigor in the North. Abolition Societies, Newspapers and Public meetings increased the agitation. Fearless men of strong convictions, great energy and per- severance devoted their capacity and life to the cause of emancipa- tion. Benjamin Lundy, William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Elijah P. Lovejoy and others, exerted a most powerful influence upon the conscience of the nation. Though their number was small, their means insignificant, their education mostly common- place, they reached the heart of the nation, both North and South ; at the North rekindling the fires for universal freedom, reaching at first the leaders of intellect, from whom political insight permeated to the masses; while in the South, they excited the ire and hatred of the slaVeowning aristocracy, who dreaded the danger to their possession in slaves and who were also deeply offended by the detesta- tion of the peculiar institution, which they cherished, and enraged that petty scribblers and itinerant preachers dared to question the ethics of men before whose frown perhaps a thousand, slaves trem- bled. At the same time, poetry, novels and the stage graphically sketched the horrors of Slavery. "Uncle Tom's Cabin" by Harriet Beecher Stowe; poems of Longfellow and other able writers, roused the finer sensibilities of the nation. Extreme views, always strongly in evidence, were voiced North and South, and in both sections inconsiderate zealots were ever ready to plunge the nation into the misery of civil war. It can not be denied, however, that even among moderate people, the sentiment opposing the further spread of Slavery was steadily growing at the North, while the disposition to spread Slavery at all hazards was steadily growing at the South, where liberty of speech, of the press and even of conscience, soon became a myth. The Abolitionists were mobbed not only in the South, but even by Proslavery people in the North; and this did not only happen to persons of extreme views, but also to those who remained loyal to political obligations. A striking example of this was the tragic fate of Elijah P. Lovejoy, which is all the more germain to this sketch as the scene of his activity was St. Louis and its neighborhood. 30 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ELIJAH P. LOVEJOY came to St. Louis in the year 1827, and earned his living as a -teacher. He became editor of a political paper in 1828; four years later he became greatly interested in religious matters and entered a theological seminary in the East. Receiving a license, he preache'd in Rhode Island and New York in 1838. Re- turning to St. Louis, he established a religious newspaper under the name of "The St. Louis Observer," an orthodox Protestant paper although the people of St. Louis were mostly Catholics at the time. He took a firm stand against Slavery in 1835, but was opposed to immediate or unconditional emancipation. This does not seem to have been an exceptional position, for shortly before, the "St. Louis Republic," in discussing a proposed Constitutional Convention, stated : "We look to the convention as a happy means of relieving the State at some future day, of an evil, which is destroying all our wholesome energies, and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise and in wealth, behind the neighbor- ing States. We mean of course the curse of Slavery. We are not about to make any attack upon the rights of those who at present hold this descrip- tion of property. They ought to be respected to the letter. We only pro- pose, that measures shall now be taken, for the Abolition of Slavery, at such distant period of time, as may be thought expedient, and eventually for, rid- ding the country altogether of a colored population." Lovejoy, in writing upon this article, expressed the wish that some Southern man, well acquainted with all the relations of Slavery, should take the lead in this matter. Nevertheless, a hostile move- ment was started against the "Observer," whose patrons knowing the dangers of the situation, addressed, on October 5, 1835, a letter to Reverend E.'P. Lovejoy, its editor, of which the following are extracts: "The undersigned friends and supporters of the 'Ob- server' beg leave to suggest that the present temper of the times re- quires a change in the manner of conducting that print in relation to the subject of domestic Slavery. The public mind is greatly excited, and owing to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not in a situation to endure sound doctrine in relation to this subject. Indeed, we have reason to believe that violence is even now medi- tated against the 'Observer' office" ; advising him farther on 'to pass Introduction. 31 over in silence everything connected with the subject of Slavery.' " This letter was signed by Archibald Gamble, Nathan Ranney, Wm. S. Potts, G. W. Call, H. R. Gamble, Hezekiah King, John Kerr, Beverly Allen, J. B. Bryant, some of the foremost men of all Mis- souri. The letter not only characterizes the situation, but also shows in what esteem E. P. Lovejoy was held. Not less character- istic is the endorsement of Lovejoy thereon: 'I did not yield to the wishes herein expressed and in consequence have been perse- cuted ever since. But I have kept a good conscience in the matter, and that more than repays me for all I have suffered or can suffer. I have sworn eternal opposition to Slavery, and by the blessing of God, I will never go back.' Amen. E. P. L., October 24, 1837." The disposition on both sides, foreshadowed the issue, which was advanced by events, conditioned in the nature of things. Two men were illegally seized in Illinois, on a- suspicion that they had decoyed slaves. They were brought to St. Louis, taken outside the city limits and whipped with 100 to 200 lashes, the citizens taking turns in. the castigation. A meeting was held after the execution and reso- lutions passed, denying the right for the free discussion of Slavery and as leading to the disseverment of our prosperous Union. The resolutions also invoked the example of the Patriarchs and Prophets, who possessed slaves and ended by stating : "We consider Slavery as it now exists in the United States, as sanctioned by the sacred Scriptures." Lovejoy criticised these resolutions, and quoted Article 13, Section 16, of the Constitution of Missouri, in force at that time, which orders : ' "That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty." After logically .and elo- quently defending his position, Lovejoy concluded his appeal to "My Fellow Citizens," with the following manful words : "I do therefore, as an American citizen and Christian patriot, and in the name of Liberty and Law and Religion, solemnly protest against all these attempts, howsoever or by whomsoever made, to frown down the liberty of the press, and forbid the free expression of opinion. Under a deep sense of my obligations to my Country, the Church and my God, I declare it to be my fixed purpose, to submit to no such dictation. And I am prepared to abide the consequences. I have appealed to the Constitution and Laws of my country; if they fail to protect me,- 1 appeal to God, and with him I cheerfully rest my cause." 32 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Soon afterwards another incident aggravated the situation. In April, 1836, one Mcintosh, a mulatto, while under arrest at St. Louis, killed an officer of the law. He was dragged by a mob to a stake near Sixth and Chestnut and burned alive ; the charred corpse was afterwards made a target by degenerate boys. The case came before a Jury, which, in accordance with instructions, found no one guilty for the lawless and inhuman outrage. Love joy wrote about this in keeping with his conscience and convictions, whereupon the mob tore down his office. His press had been removed to Alttin, Illinois, but was destroyed there by some antagonists. Citizens of Alton made good his loss and Lovejoy bought another press and again published the "Observer" until August, 1837, discussing Slav- ery in the same spirit as before. On the 17th of August the St. Louis Republic published an article, counselling the Alton people to eject from amongst them that minister of mischief, the "Observer," to put a stop to the efforts of fanatics or expel them from their community. If this is not done, the travel of emigrants through their State, and the trade of the Slaveholding States and particularly Missouri, must stop. Four days later, the press, type and furniture of the "Observer" were totally destroyed by a mob. An appeal to friends furnished Lovejoy again with means to purchase a new press and type. When this press arrived it was broken to pieces by a mob and thrown into the river, the city authorities of Alton ap- parently conniving at these outrages. Meetings held and resolutions passed repeatedly, to influence his course, met the same moderation, but also the same resolution, that he will remain true to his con- victions and practice the rights of an American citizen. In one of his last speeches he said : "I know, sir, that you can tar and feather me, hang me up, or put me intj the Mississippi without the least difficulty. But what then? Where shall I go? I have been made to feel, that I am not safe at Alton; I shall not be safe anywhere." ... "I have no more claim upon the protection of another community than I have upon this ; and I have concluded, after con- sultation with my friends, and earnestly seeking counsel of God, to remain at Alton, and here to insist on protection in the exercise of my rights. If the Civil authorities refuse to protect me, I must look to God; and if I die, I have determined to make my grave in Alton." Was it a premonition of his sad fate, or was it an intuitive divina- tion, such as active exalted minds readily may gain from the logic Introduction. 33 of past and coming events, which prompted these words? Sure it is : that what they implied, was soon to be fulfilled. The last printing press was landed November 7, 1837, and under the protection of the city authorities, was safely placed in a ware- house, under the guard of a constable and a squad of a few men. These were attacked at night by a mob with brickbats and shots; the guard returned the fire, killing one man and wounding several others. Upon this the mob recoiled, but approached again more cautiously, scaled the roof with ladders and set the building on fire. A sortie of the guards succeeded in driving the mob back again. Lovejoy had stepped in front of the door, when a shot from ambush pierced his breast ; he run back into the warehouse and fell dead with the words, "0 God, I am shot." Here is an example of true greatness, such as Horace may have thought of when he wrote his immortal lines : "Justum ac tenacem propositi virum, Non civium ardor prava jubentium Mente quatit solida . . . Si fractus illabetur orbis, Impavidum ferient ruinae."i Mobs do not reflect : they act upon the spur of the moment's pas- sion. Had they reflected they would have paused, heeding the adage : "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church." INCENTIVES TO MOBS. The lawless violence, which as a means of intimidation, destroyed the property and life of Lovejoy, was not restricted to the "Wild West"; nor was it a rare occurrence. Other presses were thrown into the river; other offices gutted; other editors and speakers threat- ened and mobbed. Prices were offered for the heads of prominent Anti-slavery men, while newspapers bribed by the profits of slave labor, preached a crusade against Anti-slavery agitators, and provoked mob violence against the modest cottage df the ignor- iThe just man, in his purpose strong, No madding crowd can bend to wrong — On him all fearless would be hurled The ruins of a crumbling world." (Gladstone's translation.) 34 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ant and heedless Negro. President Jackson, in his annual mes- sage of December 2, 1835, called upon Congress to pass laws pre- venting the circulation of incendiary publications, prone to insti- gate slaves to insurrection. In this he had the support of J. 0. Cal- houn, saving the condition, that the latter desired the States to exer- cise the censorship. Governor Marcy, of New York, followed the lead, but Congress and Legislatures of Northern States were slow to infringe upon the liberty of the press, because the genius of the American people will stand considerable abuse before it will agree to curtail the. free expression of thought. This, of course, did not quiet the sensibilities of slave owners or the inhabitants of South- ern States, who actuated by economic and political motives, had also some apprehension of slave insurrections. True, there were fearful slave insurrections in ancient times, attempted with some show of success, even against powerful and warlike States. The uprising of the Helots against Sparta, about 470 B. C, tested the power of that State; but the Helots and their ancestors had been mostly warlike Greeks, and as knowledge in those days was chiefly spread by tradition and was not greatly cultivated by the Spartans, the intellectual superiority of the latter could have hardly outweighed the great numerical preponderance of the Helots, but for the rigid and perfect organization of the Spartans. Even a more formidable insurrection of slaves took place in the Roman State about 73 B. C, which not only left the local slave owners at the mercy of their former slaves, but also actually endangered the State. But the circumstances and conditions there were also widely differ- ent from those of the Slavery in the United States. The Roman's slave was often a captive of war, not seldom from a people of an old civilization ; a considerable number of those slaves were trained for gladiators; their bodily strength, fighting skill and disdain of danger and death, were systematically cultivated, and in their great Slave insurrection they had the sympathy of the old but subdued owners of the soil. The military organization and maneuvers of Roman troops were convenient for observation and imitation; the weapons in use were within reach of the next blacksmith shop, no ammunition was needed, no large distances or rivers had to be over- come, and a few able men could organize an army in a compara- tively short time. Notwithstanding, these favorable circumstances; the revolt was ended in three years. The 6,000 slaves which were Introduction. 35 crucified or hung, and the 60,000 slaves which were slain during this war, bear testimony to its dimensions. The cruelties perpe- trated were those of ignorant masses in revolt, no matter what color they have. Another slave insurrection, the rising of the Negroes in Hayti, in 1791, was much more akin to the relations in the United States, with regard to time, place and other circumstances, being in the immediate neighborhood and effected by Negroes shortly before the time when the Slavery difficulties commenced in the Union. The Hayti slave insurrection deserves special notice and considera- tion, because it was originated by political strife and ended in the self-liberation of black slaves. In consequence of the proclamation of universal human rights by the National Assembly in France, a conflict took place in Hayti, between the French White slave owners and the free Negroes and Mulattoes, in which the numerous slaves soon took part, siding naturally with their own race. The French Legislative Assembly tried to end this difficulty, by granting equal rights to all. The Whites, being heretofore the privileged and possessive class, refused to obey the Assembly. This renewed the strife with horrible cruelties, which ended in the almost total extinc- tion of the former slave owners. Compared with these mighty up- risings of slaves, what was Nat Turner's attempt with a band of 200 or John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry with 22 men. And what could any slave insurrection at the South accomplish, as long as a fraternal fellow feeling at the North and the powerful arm of the Government was ready to suppress it? Still, with such examples before them, the slaveholders of the United States fought with the greatest susceptibility and irritation against every publication which touched upon Slavery. This disposition made itself felt in Congress, mainly relative the District of Columbia, in which the laws of Virginia and Maryland had remained- in force. Washington City soon became a lively domestic slave market, and even the United States Marshal entered into competition with the other slavedealers, by selling colored per- sons who stayed at the Capital contrary to law. This anomalous /Condition, considering the Declaration of Independence, was the cause of taunts from foreign nations, and was greatly resented at the North. Petitions for the discontinuance of the slave market and Slavery in the District were frequently presented, but differently received from the one sent in by Benjamin Franklin shortly before his death. Year after year the restrictive rules, bearing upon this 36 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. subject were made tighter; at first the petitions were to be read and then laid on the table ; next, they were to be referred with instruction to report adversely; then they were to lay on the table without printing or reference; next there was added to the last condition, that no further action should be had upon them ; next they should be received without being debated, printed, read or referred; and last the reception of such petitions should be considered objected to and laid on the table. It was proposed at one time, to the whole Southern delegation in Congress, to retire from the halls of Con- gress, on account of the bare presentation of Abolition petitions by members. Some of these rules are in violation of Article I of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States which enjoins "Congress shall make no law abridging .the right of the people to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." All these subtle schemes were vain; the spirit of the age effaced a cause which was lost from the very cradle. FLORIDA AND TEXAS. In 1820, or seventeen years after the Louisiana Purchase, Florida was ceded to the United States for Five (5) Million Dollars, and schemes were already then maturing which should bring Texas into the Union. The Western men sought new territory. American settlers moved into the province of Texas, before the Treaty of 1819 was ratified. They attempted an insurrection before Slavery was abolished in Mexico, but failed. Americans had taken their slaves with them into Texas, and when the Mexican Government decreed the liberation of all slaves, they refused to be bound by the decree, and thus Slavery became one of the causes of the rebellion of Texas against Mexico. Senator Benton was in favor of acknowledging Texas as an independent State ; the North-East of the Union opposed it, for the intention was patent to secure more land for Slavery exten- sion and to increase the representation of the Slave States in the Senate and House of Representatives. In 1806, three years after the cession of Louisiana Territory, the Sabine River was agreed upon as the boundary of Texas. This was also acknowledged by the treaty ceding Florida in 1820 and was also admitted by two Secretaries of State, in offering a price for Texas which Mexico, however, declined to accept. For years com- binations were planned and partly carried out, to wrest Texas from Introduction. 37 the Spaniards, and after Mexico's Declaration of Independence, in 1822, also from the latter State. Many adventurers and pioneers, mostly from the Southern States of the Union, settled in Texas, among whom M. Austin from St. Louis, and Sam Houston from Tennessee and Arkansas, were lead- ing and representative men. These settlers called a constitutional convention in 1833, and passed a Declaration of Independence in 1836, which they actually made good, by the result of a successful war against Mexico. The origin of the settlers, the location and climate of Texas and Florida and their staple article cotton, had the tendency to make Slave States out of them, and for this reason their acquisition was firmly opposed at the North. In a speech at Niblo's Garden, March 15, 1837, Daniel Webster said: "Texas is likely to be a slave holding. country, and I frankly avow my unwillingness to do anything that shall extend the Slavery of the African race on this Continent or add other Slaveholding States to the Union. When I say that I regard Slavery in itself as a great moral, social and political evil, I only use language which has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of Slave- holding States." In 1844 J. C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, presented a treaty for the annexation of Texas, which was rejected by Congress. The vote cast was in line with the Anti- and Proslavery element, and the ' latter openly avowed that they desired to establish an equipoise of influence in the Halls of Congress, which shall furnish them a guar- anty of protection. When Texas applied for Statehood and admission to the Union in 1838, the administration was not ready for war. The evident intention in the South was to perpetuate Slavery, by having at least as many Slave States as Free States. The argument was also used that as the United States laws protected the interests of the manu- facturer at the North, they ought to extend their protection to Slavery at the South. Predictions were freely ventured that unless the above mentioned equality was maintained, the Union would vanish in the air. On the other hand the anti Slavery men stub- bornly held that if Texas was annexed and Slavery perpetuated, the Union could not hold together. Ex-President Jackson advocated the annexation of Texas on military grounds, which argument was rather questionable, considering that England had not only the whole Atlantic Coast, but also the St. Lawrence River and the Lakes 38 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. as a basis for military operations and that very long and difficult marches would have to be made, in order to reach from Texas any point of strategical importance. John C. Calhoun, as President Tyler's Secretary of State, sounded France on the annexation of Texas and advanced the argument that this measure would uphold Slavery through the whole Continent, which in his opinion was very desirable, as it would assist in the production of tropical and semi-tropical staples. Calhoun's political friends publicly declared, "Texas without the Union, rather than the Union without Texas." Men who afterwards had a great influence in shaping the destinies of our nation were of a different opinion. In his Personal Memoirs, U. S. Grant says upon- this question : "United States Colonists to Texas introduced Slavery into the State almost from the start, though the Constitution of Mexico did not, nor does it now, sanction that institution." "I was bitterly opposed to the measure (annexation of Texas), and to this day regard the war which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." "The occupation, separation and annexation were from the inception of the movement to its final consummation, a conspiracy to acquire territory, out of which Slave States might be formed for the American Union. . . . Nations, like individuals, are punished for their transgressions." All controversy on Texas was brought to an end when J. K. Polk, an outspoken annexationist, was elected President, with a majority in Congress of a similar disposition. The act of annexa- tion was approved March 2, 1845, even before the inauguration of President Polk. In expectation of hostilities from Mexico, General Zach Taylor landed in August, 1845, with 1,500 men at Corpus Christi, and by the end of the year had his little army increased to 4,000 men, stationed near the Nueces River, which was claimed as the boundary by Mexico. In the Spring of 1846 he was ordered by the President to advance. He reached the Rio Grande at the end of March, and being asked by the Commander of the Mexican troops to return to the Nueces River, while the pending question relative to Texas is regulated by the Governments, he declined to accede to this request. The Mexicans, 6,000 strong, attacked his 2,300 men at Palo Alto and were defeated; suffering another reverse next day at Resaca, they recrossed the Rio Grande. Congress, informed of these facts, discussed an act for the prosecution of the war by calling out 50,000 Volunteers and appropriating ten million dollars. It was quite Introduction. 39 evident now that more territory would be added to the United States, and as John C. Calhoun, the leading representative of the slave, power, had already proclaimed what the Dred Scott decision soon afterward corroborated, that the Federal Constitution carries Slavery into every Territory as soon as it is acquired, even the most moderate Antislavery men at the North became justly alarmed, and after con- sultation agreed to add to the first Section of the war bill the follow- ing, which ever since has been known as the Wilmot Proviso : "Provided, that as an express and fundamental' condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." This was offered by David Wilmot of Pennsylvania and adopted in Committee of the Whole. The House passed the Bill with the Wilmot Proviso, but as it came up on the last day of the session, the Senate failed to act upon it. Tyler, hoping for re-election, by favor- ing the annexation of Texas, did not wait for the Congressional measure to reach him, but sent commissioners to negotiate for the annexation of Texas. The decided vote of the House of Representatives in favor of the Bill with the Wilmot Proviso, caused a change in the policy of the advocates of Slavery. They set up the claim that this ques- tion should be settled by the local Governments, starting in this manner the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, soon afterwards made famous by the championship of Stephen A. Douglas. This was in keeping with J. C. Calhoun's claim that the Constitution carried Slavery into all Territories; the doctrine was convenient for the Northern Proslavery candidate, as it relieved him from the necessity of defending the spread of an institution, which was fast becoming unpopular at the North, and it referred ultimately all features bear- ing upon -it, to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, as the Slave power controlled the Government, was made up of its partisans. This was very soon afterwards to be proved in a most signal manner by the decision of the Dred Scott case. It is not material whether this was the premeditated plan of crafty states- men or whether it was a natural development by measures in the direction of least resistance; the tendency was wrong, and that con- demns it. 40 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. EFFECTS OF A LIBERAL MOVEMENT. The spring of nascent liberty had come for Europe in 1848; feudal privileges, clerical restrictions, aristocratic prerogatives and royal usurpations, carefully nursed by the reactionary spirit of the past decades, were superseded everywhere by the institutions of a free press, equal representation, religious liberty and constitutional guarantees of human rights. The influence of that popular up- heaval was also felt on this side of the Atlantic, in the spirit of public manifestations and the adoption of measures. The Demo- cratic National Convention, which met towards the end of May, and nominated General Lewis Cass, congratulated Europe for prostrat- ing thrones and erecting republics, by resolving that "the thirty States of the American Republic tender their fraternal congratula- tions to the national convention of the republic of France, now assembled as the free suffrage representatives of thirty-five million of republicans to establish government on those eternal principles of equal rights for which their Lafayette and our Washington fought side by side, in the struggle for our national independence." It adds significance to this resolution that the members of that convention must have been informed of Washington's and Lafay- ette's Antislavery convictions and that in speaking of "the thirty States of the American Republic," they blandish State Rights with the conception of the Union. The Free Soil Party convention met at Buffalo, nominated Martin Van Buren for President and came out boldly for limiting, localizing and discouraging Slavery; deny- ing that Congress had the power to establish it anywhere, and de- manded that the Government should abolish Slavery, wherever it had the Constitutional power. The Whig Party Convention met at Philadelphia on June 7, nominated Zach Taylor for President; it did not accept any decided platform nor did it act on the Wilmot proviso, which had been proposed to the Convention. General Taylor was elected President by the people; this was owing partly to his military renown and partly to the more liberal stand the Whig party took on the Slavery question, which was strengthened by the moral influence of the popular upheaval be- yond the Atlantic Ocean. This election proves the growing Anti- slavery disposition of the North ; for Martin Van Buren from New York, President of the United States from 1837 to 1841, elected as a Democrat, became the candidate of the Free Soil party in 1848 Introduction. 41 after the delegation of the New York Free Soil Democrats, not will- ing to share equally in representation with a contesting Proslavery delegation, had seceded from the regular Democratic convention. COMPROMISE OF 1850. Repeated attempts were made in Congress to extend the line of 36° 30' North Latitude . clear to the Pacific Ocean, as the limit between future Free and Slave States. This would have given the Indian Territory, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona and Southern California to the Slave power. These attempts failed, showing that the Antislavery extension movement had gained considerable strength, since the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. A sign of the times also was a resolution to stop the slave trade in the District of Columbia; it was introduced in the House and endorsed by the same, but strangled in committee ; still more, important than this was the ordering of a territorial government for Oregon, with a prohibition of Slavery, and without the counterweight of a slave Territory to pair off this Northern acquisition. The question upon the condition of the Territories acquired from Mexico was unsettled. The Military Governor of California, General B. Riley, issued on June 3, 1849, a proclamation, calling a Con- vention for the formation of a State Constitution, and the. people of California framed such a document in which Slavery was for- bidden. President Taylor had recommended in his message to await the action of the people of the Territories, to organize on such prin- ciples and forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. This recommendation also appears to be a precursor to Squatter Sovereignty. In Congress, views differed on various matters, but there was a pretty general desire to dispose of the Mexican Territory question. It again fell to the genius of Henry Clay to propose a compromise, which covered the issue and to which Webster and Calhoun agreed. After an animated debate, in which H. S. Foote and Jefferson Davis from Mississippi, and J. M. Mason from Virginia, stood up for extreme Southern theories, Daniel Webster occupied a middle ground and Henry Clay advo- cated for the people of the Territories more free choice relative Slavery, the compromise measure of 1850 was adopted, admitting California as a Free State, organizing the Territories of New Mexico and Utah without the Wilmot Proviso, establishing the boundary 42 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of Texas and paying that Territory ten million of dollars for ceded lands, making the Fugitive Slave law more stringent, prohibiting the slave trade in the District of Columbia and leaving Slavery there undisturbed. During the debate about this measure, Benton in plain words claimed to have been opposed to the extension of Slavery, since he was a law student in 1804. Referring to Tucker's edition of Black- stone's Commentaries, he said: "And here I find the largest objection to the extension of Slavery; to plant- ing it in new regions, where it does not now exist, bestowing It on those who have it not. The incurability of the evil, is the greatest objection to the exten- sion of Slavery. It is wrong for the legislator to inflict an evil which can be cured; how much more to inflict one that is incurable, and against the will of the people, who are to endure it forever! ... I deem it an evil and would neither adopt it, nor impose it upon others. Yet I am a slave- holder and among the few members of Congress who hold slaves in this District. . . . "Every one sees now that it is a question of races, involving consequences which go to the destruction of one or the other. It was seen fifty years ago, and the wisdom of Virginia balked at it then. It seems to be above human wisdom. But there is a wisdom above human! and to that we must look. In the meantime, do not extend the evil." These plain and forcible words, if spoken by Benton at the time when the admission of Missouri was considered, instead of his submitting to the Missouri compromise, would have had the most far-reaching consequences and would have made Missouri the greatest State, Benton the greatest man of the Union. There is no doubt that the tidal wave of Liberty, which swept away thrones in Europe in the spring of 1848, made a deep impression upon the mind of Benton, as it had its influence in. taming John C. Calhoun and the Southern extremists to submit to the terms of the compro- mise of 1850. The compromise of 1850 was not to go on record without the protest of ten Senators, who stated their disapprobation and pre- dicted the dissolution of the Union, in consequence of similar legis- lation; these ten Senators asked that their protest be spread upon the records. Benton objected both to the spirit of the protest and also to its being spread upon the records. The protest was not received by the Senate, and of course could not go on record in the journal, but for all that, no power on earth could prevent it from Introduction. 43 going on record in History, and according to Benton's own words did mark "one of those eras in the History of nations, from which calamitous events flow." Benton was not previously as outspoken on the Slavery question, for Calhoun said he was surprised at his opposition to the protest, expecting probably Benton to support it, as he came from the Slave State admitted by the Missouri compromise, which also made him Senator. The Missourian resented these remarks, saying it was impossible for Calhoun to have expected anything of that sort, to which rather insulting remark Calhoun retorted : "Then I shall know where to find the gentleman." To which Benton replied : "I shall be found in the right place on the side of my country and the Union." The compromise of 1850 was hailed as a measure calculated to adjust differences between the North and the South. It gave great satisfaction to the business, manufacturing and trading people, whose prosperity was threatened by every political commotion, which endangered the peace of the Federal Union. This satisfac- tion at first appears to have been quite general. For, as the extrem- ists in the South, set up State Rights tickets, always with a menace for the dissolution of the Union^ as an alternative to the adoption of their policy, they were signally defeated in the States of Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and South Carolina, by the Union or Moderate Democracy of those States. An even stronger endorsement to the Compromise measures was given by the National Democratic Con- vention of 1852, which nominated Franklin Pierce for President, and declared itself against all interference by Congress in the domes- tic institutions of States, but also pledged the party to abide by the compromise, in the hope that this will stop the agitation of the Slavery question in Congress and out of Congress. The Whig Na- tional Convention nominated General Winfield Scott, endorsed the compromise and deprecated the agitation of the questions thus set- tled. The Free Soil Convention nominated John P. Hale and came out in a radical manner against Slavery extension and all measures calculated to aid Slavery. While the Democrats carried the Union by a large majority of the electoral vote, the proportions of the popu- lar vote showed far less difference in relative strength, namely: 51 percent for Franklin Pierce, Democrat; 44 percent for Winfield Scott, Whig; 5 percent for John P. Hale, Free Soil. As both the Democratic and the Whig party had endorsed the 44 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. compromise of 1850, this vote would appear very promising for a lasting arrangement. Unfortunately, however, the compromise contained a feature for continuous friction in the stringent obliga- tions of the FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. The Southerners professed that they derived no benefit from the compromise, as the Northern people did not carry out its provisions in good faith. This was certainly true with regard to a great many persons, who regarded the Fugitive Slave Law, and their own forced participation as a "Posse Commitatus" to carry out its behests, as a gross infringement of their liberty of conscience, not deeming that any State had a right to demand from them actions, which they considered sinful. Thus nearly all Northern States tried to obviate the objectionable provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act, by passing Personal Liberty Bills, with various conditions. Maine forbid its public officers to aid the capture or detention of persons claimed to be slaves ; New Hampshire declared all Slaves free that were brought into the State with the consent of their master ; Vermont recognized no warrant under the Fugitive Slave Law and forbid its officers or citizens to give aid in capturing slaves, exempting United States officials from this prohibition, but orders State Attorneys to assist the fugitives, securing to them the benefits of the Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury and liberating the slaves under various conditions and providing punishment for captors; Massachusetts secured them Jury trial, legal advice, writ of Habeas Corpus and prohibits State officers to assist in the capture or detention of persons accused or convicted of resisting the Fugitive Slave law, punishes heavily all persons who aid a spurious claim, also punishes State officers and militiamen for assisting in the capture; Connecticut fines spurious claimants heavily; New York had a Habeas Corpus act protecting fugitives, which was deemed void under a United States Supreme Court decision; Pennsylvania prohibits her State officers to take cognizance of writs under the Fugitive Slave Law; Michigan gives legal aid, grants Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, and denies deten- tion in State prisons of persons claimed; Wisconsin gives legal aid, Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, appeal to Circuit Court, demands evidence by two credible witnesses and voids the sales made pursuant to the Fugitive Slave act penalties. - Introduction. 45 Disobedience of these several enactments were punished by fine and imprisonment, as follows: Maine, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. Vermont, 15 years prison and $2,000 fine. Massachusetts, 5 years prison and $5,000 fine. Pennsylvania, 3 months prison and $1,000 fine. Indiana, 14 years prison and $5,000 fine. Michigan, 10 years prison and $1,000 fine. • Iowa, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. Wisconsin, 2 years prison and $1,000 fine. No less just complaint could be raised by the Northern States. As every law is liable to be abused if executed by partisan agents, so was this, and men who would volunteer to catch fugitive slaves certainly belonged to the roughest element of the population North or South. Cruelties were perpetrated which would have shocked the sensibilities of any civilized community. Men were murdered be- cause they did not quietly submit to arrest, and trial by Jury was denied to fugitives ; mothers arrested, murdered their children rather than to have them returned to a cruel master ; people who had lived as free men and raised a family under free relations, were claimed as slaves with all their descendants. The fee for delivering a claimed person, being double in amount of the fee for his liberation, also strongly favored the claimant. The question of the constitu- tionality of the Fugitive Slave act, was raised by men of high authority in the community; this encouraged many to evade the obligations of the law wherever possible, while it nerved others to open and defiant resistance. The people of both the North and the South considered themselves aggrieved by the workings of the Fugi- tive Slave act, and this served to increase the animosity which was already previously engendered by party jealousy and rivalry. The aggression of the slave power became steady and unrelenting; in 1835 South Carolina passed an act for the arrest of free colored sailors found on board of vessels entering a South Carolina port, the same to remain in prison until the vessel cleared the port and to pay the expenses for these proceedings. Under this act, sailors from Massachusetts were arrested contrary to the provisions of the United States Constitution which ordains that: "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States." As free colored men were citizens and voters 46 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. not only in Northern States, but also in a Southern State, the Legis- lature of Massachusetts resolved to test the constitutionality of this special South Carolina law and commissioned Sam Hoar, a promi- nent citizen, to proceed to Charleston and institute legal measures, in order to secure in the Supreme Court of the United States, a final adjudication of the questions at issue. The Governor of South Carolina, being informed by Mr. Hoar of his mission, laid the matter before the Legislature of South Carolina which passed resolutions that persons of color are no citizens of the United States; that the emissary from Massachusetts is to be regarded a person interfering with the institutions of South Carolina and disturbing her peace, and that the Governor should expel such agent. A proposition for an agreed case was declined by the local officials and Mr. Hoar threatened with mob violence and lynching, had to return to Massa- chusetts, without being able to bring the case into Court. It was evident that the North and the South became more and more estranged and the compromise of 1850 was not a solution, but only a procrastination of a very grave issue. THE KANSAS CONTEST. While prosperity spread over the fair realm of the Union, heavy clouds gathered for the coming storm. West of Missouri and Iowa and East of New Mexico and Utah lay the balance of the Territory acquired by the Louisiana Purchase, in which Slavery was prohib- ited by the Missouri compromise, in consideration of the admission of Missouri as a Slave State. The inhabitants of the Western States desired the opening of this vast agricultural empire, whose great advantages were made known through a lively and lucrative trade with Santa Fe, through the migration of the Mormons to Utah, and most of all* through the very great number of teams, which by various overland routes were moving to the gold fields of Cali- fornia. In 1851 and 1852 petitions were presented to Congress for opening this Territory; they were urged by Willard P. Hall and David Atchison of Missouri, A. C. Dodge of Iowa and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The latter reported early in 1854 a bill for the organization of that Territory, which is memorable, because in his report, he questioned the constitutionality of that portion of the Missouri compromise of 1820, whereby "Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party Introduction. 47 shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever pro- hibited—in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies North of 36° 30' of North Latitude," excepting that part occupied by the State of Missouri. This bill reported for the organization of the Territories of Kan- sas and Nebraska enjoined "so far as the question of Slavery Is concerned, to carry into practical operation the following propositions and principles, established by the com- promise measures of 1850, to-wit: 1. That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people residing therein, through their appropriate representatives. "2. That all cases involving title to Slaves, and questions of personal free- dom, are referred to the adjudication of the local tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. "3. That the provisions of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into faithful exe- cution in all the organized Territories the same as in the States." The. same report added: "That the Constitution and all laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except the Section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being inconsistent with the principles of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and Territories (?) as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called the compromise measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." An attempt was made by S. P. Chase in the Senate and by Mr. English in, the House of Representatives, to leave the Slavery ques- tion, with the Territorial Legislature, but both were voted down, as it was the intention of the Congressional majority that only when the Constitution was framed and proposed for the admission to Statehood, should the citizens of the new Territories have the chances to determine whether they want to admit Slavery or not. The first energetic protest against this measure came from an indignation meeting at Chicago, called by George Schneider and George Hillgaertner, editors of the Illinois Staats Zeitung. The repeal of portions of the Missouri Compromise, by the Kansas- Nebraska act, was a breach of good faith, perpetrated by the Pro- slavery element. Missouri had been admitted as a Slave State only 48 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. on the condition that Slavery should be excluded from the Western Territory, lying North of 36° 30' North Latitude; if the compro- mise of 1820 was wrong, all of it should have been repealed if prac- ticable, and if not practicable, it should in all fairness have been left undisturbed. The Dred Scott decision, endorsing the extreme Southern views of John C. Calhoun, could not be used as authority for the Kansas-Nebraska act, which preceded it. Nor could the terms of the compromise of 1850 be made retrospective upon the compromise of 1820, as this would have been an evident anachron- ism, and as the two compromises treated upon different Territories, acquired under vastly different circumstances. Slavery was not excluded in so many words from the Territories of New Mexico and Utah in 1850, because according to Daniel Webster this would have uselessly reaffirmed an ordinance of nature, or re-enacted the will of God. Although the Congress of 1850, did not deem any condi- tion necessary for excluding Slavery from New Mexico and Utah; this was no sound reason to repeal its prohibition from the Terri- tories of Kansas and Nebraska, where a previous Congress had deemed the prohibition most necessary and had even allowed a valuable consideration for the same. The great actors in the contest on the Slavery question, the origi- nators and champions of the compromises, had now passed away: John C. Calhoun, President Taylor, Henry Clay and Daniel Web- ster, died in short succession. The sentiment for and against Slavery had steadily become more outspoken, and it is now quite certain that even these master minds could no more stem the swelling tide which pushed both sections of the country, to try conclusions by the foree of arms. The events which resulted from the unjust repeal of part of the Missouri compromise did not meet the anticipations of its advocates, nor did they verify the fears of its opponents. If the supporters of this measure expected that it will quiet the agita- tion of the Slavery question, they made their calculations without due regard to human nature. The opening of a new Territory always puts in motion a number of men who, from a desire to improve their condition, sometimes only from love of adventure, seek the dangers, difficulties and rewards of a new settlement. Shortly before the passage of the Kan- sas-Nebraska act, treaties were concluded with most of the Indians settled on the Eastern boundary of Kansas, which opened their lands to purchase and settlement. Citizens of the Western part of Introduction. 49 Missouri had early notice of these advantages and organized societies for protecting their interests and for planting Slavery into the new Territory. Soon after the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed, many members of these societies crossed the Missouri River, staked, out claims and passed resolutions hostile to settlers from the Free States. The resolutions at first only mildly hinted that no protection shall be afforded to Abolitionists settling in the Territory, next they de- clared that Slavery was already existing in the Territory, calling upon their fellow slaveholders . to introduce their property as early as possible. This last suggestion seems to imply that slaveholders were rather slow, to risk the safety of their slave property, by taking it to Kansas. In the meantime associations were also formed in the Free States to assist emigrants to Kansas who would oppose Slavery. This brought out a threat from Missouri societies that they will "remove" from Kansas Territory any and all emigrants who are sent there by Northern emigrant aid societies. The word "remove" used in this connection had an ominous sound, as it left an uncom- fortable latitude for the imagination. But the men from the North had just the same American spirit as the Missouriatis, and by the beginning of August, about one hundred men, directed by the New England Emigrant Aid Society, settled at Lawrence, Kansas. Soon afterwards a much stronger force of Proslavery men, mostly from Missouri, went into camp near by and sent a threatening note to the Free State people, stating that "the Abolitionists must leave the Territory;" finding, however, that the Free Statesmen were well armed and organized, the Proslavery men broke camp and left. In the fall of 1854, Andrew H. Reeder, the appointed Governor of Kansas, arrived in the Territory, and an election for one Delegate to Congress was held in November. About sixty percent of the votes were illegally cast by men who resided in Missouri and who were urged by Senator David R. Atchison at a public meeting to go and vote in Kansas. John W. Whitfield, an Indian Agent, was by these fraudulent votes elected delegate to Congress. The temper of the Proslavery press may be judged by a quotation of the "Squatter Sovereign," in which that newspaper promises: "We will continue to lynch and hang, tar and feather, and drown every white-livered Abolitionist who dares to pollute our soil." As every Free State man was termed an "Abolitionist," and as the road to Kansas led through Missouri, chiefly by steamer up the Missouri River, this language really applied to the whole Free State emigration. It is 50 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. quite clear from the above, that whatever rights the Kansas- Nebraska act intended to convey by the much vaunted principle of Squatter Sovereignty, those rights could be only maintained by the rifle. At an election for a Territorial Legislature and County Officers, ordered by Governor Reeder for March 30, 1855, large bands of Missouri Proslavery men overrun the Territory and carried every- thing by high-handed usurpation and fraudulent returns. In some districts, ten times as many votes were reported cast as there were actual voters in the district ; Judges of Election who tried to admin- ister the prescribed oath of residence were intimidated or driven away; men protesting against this wholesale fraud were tarred and feathered, by that greatest disgrace to democratic institutions — a lawless mob. Governor Reeder set aside the election in a number of Districts, and ordered a new election, which resulted in the choice of Free State men in all but the Leavenworth District, which was carried again by fraud. Governor Reeder's fairness did not change matters ; for the men elected were not admitted to seats by the Proslavery majority. The Legislature adjourned from Pawnee City in the interior to Shawnee Mission near the Missouri line, in order to be near the source of their inspiration and the State of their constitu- ency and armed support. This Legislature adopted most of the laws of Missouri and also passed some original laws for the protection of Slavery, by which the death penalty was decreed for raising a rebellion or insurrection of Slaves, free Negroes or Mulattoes; like- wise for aiding such rebellion or furnishing arms, or doing any other act in furtherance of such rebellion; likewise was the death penalty decreed for all who shall aid or assist in the bringing into Kansas, or publish, print, write or circulate, any book, paper, circu- lar, or magazine, inciting insurrection and rebellion. Smaller offenses, of a similar nature, were to be punished by imprisonment lasting from ten down to two years. The act of bringing a stolen slave into the Territory was also made punishable by death. Gover- nor Reeder vetoed these Drakonic laws, which were fit for the code of a Nero or Caligula. They were passed over his veto, and Presi- dent Pierce superseded Reeder by appointing Wilson Shannon, a more obsequious tool of the Slave power, who openly declared that he was for Slavery in Kansas. The Free State men forming the majority of actual settlers, Introduction. 51 spurned the authority and acts of a fraudulent Legislature and offi- cers, and in the true spirit of Squatter Sovereignty, assembled in mass convention at Big Spring on September 5, 1855, and repudi- ated the Shawnee Mission Proslavery Legislature and all its acts; they ordered an election for a Representative to Congress to be held on the second Tuesday in October^ and called a Delegate Con- vention to meet at Topeka the 19th day of October, 1858. Governor Reeder was nominated and elected to Congress by the Free State men, while on a different day the Proslavery men elected John W. Whitfield. The Constitutional Convention elected by the Free State Settlers, assembled at Topeka October 23 ; framed a Free State Con- stitution, and applied to Congress for admission under the same. The confusion created by the practical application of the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine was now complete. Two Legislatures ; two sets of laws ; two sets of officers and a bitter hostile disposition of the two contesting parties, trying to manage the Territorial affairs, offered numberless chances for conflicts, murders, "robbery and arson, for which some show of legality or authority could be pleaded, either under one code or under the other. As usual, the press discussed Kansas affairs from a partisan stand- point, and the irritation of parties North and South grew from day to day. Two Representatives to Congress had been chosen : John W. Whitfield, Proslavery, held the seat, which Andrew H. Reeder, elected by the Free State party, was contesting. In order to get at the true state of affairs, Congress appointed in March, 1856, William A. Howard of Michigan, John Sherman of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver of Missouri, an Investigating Committee, which took testi- mony in Kansas and reported back to Congress: that organized bands from Missouri prevented the settlers from exercising their citizen rights; that the Legislature of Kansas was illegally consti- tuted and could not pass valid laws; that it enacted measures for unlawful purposes; that John W. Whitfield, the Proslavery candi- date, was not elected in pursuance of any valid law ; that the election of Andrew H. Reeder was not held in pursuance of law; that Andrew H. Reeder, the Free State candidate, received a greater number of votes of resident citizens than John W. Whitfield, the Proslavery candidate; that a fair election could not be held in the Territory without a new census, a stringent election law, impartial judges and the presence of United States troops at every place of election ; that the constitution framed by the Topeka convention embodies the 52 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. will of a majority of the people. This report was valuable, for it gave a reliable basis for action, as it emanated from men of a Tiational reputation for candor and patriotism. But partisan spirit run too high, and, while the House of Representatives adopted the constitution by a close vote, the Proslavery Senate defeated all action upon the same. In the meantime, acts of violence continued in Kansas and Mis- souri. Persons were murdered ; farms and towns sacked and burned ; presses destroyed; emigrants forcibly detained; ships stopped at the mouth of the cannon ; men tarred and feathered. Most of this was done by Proslavery mobs; sometimes under the plea of law, by the order of a Governor, an act of the Legislature, or by the Posse of a Sheriff. In the spring of 1856, a Regiment hailing from South Carolina and Georgia, under Colonel Bufford made its appearance. This body with the Piatt County Rifles under Senator Atchison from Missouri surrounded Lawrence on May 21, 1856, disarmed its citizens, plundered the town, and burned down the hotel and print- ing office. Palmyra, Ossawatomie, Leavenworth, fared no better than Lawrence. These outrages called forth an energetic resistance from the Free State men; raids were made that extended into the State of Missouri; little battles were fought, in which John Brown, the hero of the most popular song in the Union armies during the civil war, came prominently before the American people. Being endangered in their passage through Missouri, large numbers of Free State emigrants took their route through Iowa and Nebraska, and came into Kansas through its Northern boundary. Here they were disarmed, however, by United States troops. This was in keeping with the dispersing of the Free State Legis- lature at Topeka, effected by Colonel E. V. Sumner, U. S. A., under orders from President Pierce. It must be said in justice to the people of Missouri, that the high- handed outrages and acts of violence were confined to the Western border and large slaveholding counties, whose population coming from Slave States had a more violent disposition, which was not at all improved by their contact with the neighbor Indians. Outside these genuine "Wild "West" people, the other citizens of Missouri were opposed to all lawless acts, and not a few of them decidedly opposed to Slavery. This last class lived mostly in St. Louis and the other cities in the State, and was largely composed of adopted citi- zens, their descendants and mountaineers. Nor did the out and out Introduction. 53 Proslavery men start in this controversy with as ferocious a disposi- tion as the one with which they ended. Their first manifestations were far more moderate than their later acts, and it was the greatest fault of the Squatter Sovereignty measure that its practical applica- tion worked up the passions of both parties to such a pitch as to greatly hasten the outbreak of the Civil War. With the duration of the strife, the rage and hatred intensified until it knew no measure and no story illustrates that more glaringly than that of John Brown, a diligent, successful and religious business man and father of twenty children. Four sons of John Brown went to Kansas as Free State settlers, to build up new homes. Believing in the peace- ful development of the Territory, they brought no arms with them, and were driven away by armed Missourians from their first settle- ment. They now wrote for arms, and John Brown brought them out, took the lead of his neighbors, who retaliated a raid of the Mis- sourians upon the hamlet of Ossawatomie, in which one of John Brown's sons was murdered. Another of his sons, elected to the Legislature of 1856, was seized by Proslavery men on some pretext or other, and while heavy chains cut into his ankles, marched under a hot sun from Ossawatomie to Lecompton, a distance of thirty miles ; he arrived exhausted and died from brain fever. John Brown had been an enthusiast for liberty before; now he became a relentless foe to Slavery. In the raids upon Missouri farms, some slaves were liberated. As Brown was disowned by the more moderate Free State men, he left Kansas and went to Canada.- Wrought up to fever heat, he planned and^on October 17, 1859, with 22 men, carried out his reckless attack on the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry. Inheriting the religious fanaticism of his Pilgrim forefathers, he was convinced of fighting the battles of the Almighty. Overpowered, wounded, almost the last man of his little squad, his soul remained unconquered, and on December 2, 1859, he walked to the scaffold "with a radiant countenance and the step of a conqueror." Of John Brown's deep religious fervor, his last letter to his wife and children bears testimony in the following word's : "I can not remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious and dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky." While John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry arsenal was lawless and under all circumstances doomed to failure, it greatly exasperated the Proslavery party at the South, and by its devoted heroism, it 54 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. called forth an inspiration at the North, which led to victorious battlefields while singing, "John Brown's body lays mouldering in the ground, but his soul is marching on." The war in Kansas, though on a small scale, reverberated in thundering peals through the press and the rostrums of the nation. Congressional debates and the Presidential election campaigns gave the issues a publicity which brought them home to nearly every citizen. Feeling run high, and the decided expressions of platforms showed that parties crystalized more and more on the one sectional issue of Slavery. The two antagonistic systems of "free labor and slave labor had created a difference in convictions, disposition, morals, habits, educa- tion and wealth, which even the wise provisions of the United States Constitution, and the genial efforts of its most patriotic men could no longer . harmonize. One incident in Congress brought this to light, in a manner which shocked the civilized world. Senator Charles 'Sumner of Massachusetts, having made a strong and uncom- promising argument against Slavery extension into Kansas, was attacked May 22, 1856, while in his seat in the Senate chamber by P. Brooks, M. C. from South Carolina. Senator Sumner was brutally knocked down and beaten, while laying, unconscious on the floor, until his life was endangered. Keith from South Carolina and Ed- mundson from Virginia, fellow-members of Brooks, abetted this outrage by their presence. Brooks was censured by the House and resigned his seat, but was immediately re-elected in South Carolina, showing that his constituents endorsed his brutal act and proving thereby that they had already lost their fitness for a free representa- tive Government. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1856. The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, June, 1856, nominated James Buchanan for President and notwithstand- ing the evil experiences of the past, endorsed the doctrine of Squat- ter Sovereignty in the hope of securing all Southern and sufficient Northern votes to carry the election. The Republican party con- vention met at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, nominated John C. Fremont for President and adopted a radical Free Soil platform, excluding Slavery from all Territories, and stating that it is both the right and the duty of Congress, to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, "Polygamy and Slavery." There Introduction. 55 was a third party convention under the title of American National, based chiefly on nativism. One-third of the members withdrew from this convention after their failure to hold the middle ground between the extreme parties, by the limitation of Slavery to territory .South of 36° 30' North Latitude. The remaining two-thirds en- dorsed the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine and nominated Millard Fillmore, who was afterwards also endorsed by a Whig convention at Baltimore. Upon the issues of the presidential election of 1856, Preston Brooks of South Carolina, the same who committed the ruffianly attack on Senator Sumner, gave it as his deliberate opinion, that if Fremont was elected, the South should on the 4th of March, 1857, "march to Washington, seize the archives and the Treasury of the Government, and leave the consequences to God." About the same time Governor Henry A. Wise of Virginia called on all Governors of Southern States to meet him at Raleigh and consult upon com- mon measures to -organize the Militia of their respective States; in all probability to carry out the idea of Preston Brooks. Wise was disappointed in the attendance, as only Governor Adams of South Carolina appeared. James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, was elected by a majority of 60 electoral votes, but failed to secure a majority of the popular vote, which stood : •James Buchanan, Democrat. . . .1,838,169 near 45% John C. Fremont, Republican .. 1,341,264 near 33% Millard Fillmore, American... 874,534 near 22% Total of votes cast 4,053,967 This proves that one-third of the voters were radically opposed to Slavery extension into any Territory, and that fifty-five percent were opposed to the policy of the Democratic party, which was again endorsed by the vote of all Southern States, with the exception of Maryland. It was evident from the above vote that no more Slave States would be admitted to the Union. In Kansas itself the Free State voters, largely exceeded the Proslavery citizens, who were defeated in their various schemes to perpetuate Slavery in the Terri- tory. In October, 1857, an election was held for a Territorial Legis- lature. Governor Robert J. Walker, a Mississippian by birth, secured a fair election, which defeated the Lecompton Constitution by a vote 56 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of 162 in favor of it and 10,226 against it. Notwithstanding this fact, President Buchanan recommended the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. The Proslavery Senate agreed to it, but the House rejected it. The Territorial Legislature having now a clear Free State majority, ordered a Constitutional Conven- tion to assemble at Wyandot ; this framed a Constitution, which was accepted by the House on April 11, 1860, but not acted upon by the Senate, probably to prevent the Kansas vote to affect the Presi- dential election. However, on the 21st day of January, 1861, Jefferson Davis and a number of other Southern Senators left the Senate, to pursue their ill-fated design of Secession, and on the same day Kansas was admitted by the Senate. The curtain fell on the Drama of Kansas, soon to rise on the great Tragedy of the Civil War. THE DEED SCOTT DECISION. The History of "Bleeding Kansas" illustrated the spirit and dis- position which influenced the citizens of the Union at large, while the Decision of the Dred Scott case demonstrated the partisan sub- serviency of the Supreme Court of the United States. As this Deci- sion was given after all the mischief of the Squatter Sovereignty practice had been accomplished, it came apparently only as the approving seal to a most nefarious public act, though in prospective iniquity, it went a good ways beyond it. Dred Scott, a Negro slave, was taken in 1834 from the Slave State Missouri to Rock Island in the Free State of Hlinois and later 'to Fort Snelling in Minnesota Territory, to which the Slavery Prohibi- tion of the Missouri Compromise was applicable. Here Scott mar- ried a woman who was also held as a slave. His master took the family to Jefferson Barracks, afterwards to St. Louis, where he sold them. Dred Scott now brought suit for his freedom in the St. Louis Circuit Court, and got judgment in his favor, which, however, was reversed by the Supreme Court of the State. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose mem- bers save one belonged to the Democratic party. This Court ap- proved the decision of the Missouri Supreme Court and declared that this Negro Slave was no citizen and had no citizen rights, nor could any such rights be conferred upon him ; that Negroes had no rights which the White man was bound to respect, but were an article of property, that the Declaration of Independence did not Introduction. 57 mean to embrace them ; that they can not be made citizens, because this would inconvenience others, nor can they sue because they are not citizens; that neither Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude Slavery from any Territory. The decision also stated that the United States Constitution takes effect upon any Territory which our Government may acquire, and this secures the right to the Slave owner to take his slave property into the same. Congress, therefore, was barred by the Constitution from the rights of prohib- iting Slavery in any Territory. The Kansas-Nebraska act anticipated most of these principles in practical execution. As the act and its sequels took place before the Dred Scott decision was made, and as the Supreme Court went out- side the record to make it, the object seems to have been to give the Squatter Sovereignty bill a judiciary foundation, which it had lacked before. The denial of the right of Congress to legislate upon Slavery in the Territories was made in this decision, in the face of contrary opinions of such eminent jurists as Daniel Webster, Thomas H. Benton and a number of Southern and Northern Judges, who all pointed out the fact that Slavery exists in the States only by local law, which can not be transferred from a State to a Territory. The Dred Scott decision spread Slavery over all Territories, and it is noteworthy that it embodies the ideas and conclusions which John C. Calhoun and W. L. Yancey, as leaders of the extreme Pro- slavery party, proposed to the National Democratic Convention of 1848, but which were rejected by a very decided vote of 216 to 36 ; probably because that Convention assembled under the elevating influence of the Revolution of 1848 for universal Liberty in Europe, and, therefore, could not possibly decree universal Slavery in America: Since that Convention, however, the Slavery party came into desperate straits. The doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty came in its very first application very near to start hostilities between the North and the South. The Republican victory in the general election made it highly probable that Kansas and the other Territories would become Free States: for this reason some other means had to be devised to prop up the' tottering Slave power. Thus the opportunity of the Dred Scott case was seized upon by the Proslavery Supreme Court to nationalize Slavery and proscribe Freedom. This decision, brought by the majority of barely one vote, had only the effect to 58 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. outrage all thoughtful men in the North and to mature the decision in a majority of citizens' that, cost what may, they will put an end to the spreading of the demoralizing influences of the "Peculiar Institution." Bouten states that the Dred Scott decision had been made, but was kept from publicity under the plea of reargument, and was only reported after the inauguration of President Buchanan. Had the decision been known before the election, its effect would probably have made John C. Fremont President and cut off four years from the preparations for Secession. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND SLAVERY. The activity of the Proslavery power was not restricted to the home Territories, to Congress, State Legislatures and the Supreme Court; but it made itself also felt in diplomatic circles, influencing the policy towards foreign countries. The Central and South American States had severed their allegiance to Spain and as inde- pendent Republics sought new channels for their trade, which largely fell to the share of Great Britain. The ambitious heir of the French Revolution was a captive to the powers of the "Holy Alliance," which reinstated the absolute governments all over Europe, and were eager to reach over the Atlantic, in order to reduce the new Spanish Republics, to their former state of depend- ence, from European monarchical authority. Canning, the English Prime Minister, called the attention of the Washington Govern- ment to this rising danger in commercial and political relations, and suggested a warning declaration, which should protect the Southern Republics and estop the powers from monarchical aggres- sions upon the American Continent. President Monroe shared the views of the English statesman, and in a Message of December 2, 1823, frankly stated that the United States should consider any attempt on the part of the allied monarchs to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety, and any interposition by them to oppress the young Repub- lics, or control their destiny, as a -manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. The President also stated: "The American Continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." The South American States called a Congress of American Re- Introduction. 59 publics to Panama, in order to unite on questions of common inter- est and common defense. It was also surmised in this connection that this Congress may devise means to free Cuba and Porto Rico from Spanish dominion." When the South American Republics secured their independence they emancipated their slaves, and Cuba and Porto Rico, if liberated from Spain, would no doubt, do the same. This was dreaded by the Slavery champions, as the emanci- pation notions might spread to the Union, and our diplomatic agents were instructed to counteract this disposition for the liberation of Cuba and Porto Rico, and to induce Spain to acknowledge the South American Republics, in order to remove the danger of interference with her sovereignty in the two islands. Thus the curse of Slavery placed the United States Government in the anomalous position that, while it protested against any attempt of European powers to extend the monarchical system on the American Continent, it pre- vented at the same time the liberation of Cuba and Porto Rico from the misrule of Spain, although the latter was a monarchical power. President John Quincy Adams appointed representatives to that Panama Congress, but when the nominations reached the Senate, that body ruled that the President had no right to name men for a mission which was not previously authorized by Congress. In his work on Benton, Theodore Roosevelt states that the Panama delegates were confirmed with Benton's opposition. Benton opposed the Congress at Panama, on the ground that matters were to be discussed there which could not be discussed at Washington. The United States had only commercial and no diplomatic rela- tions with the Negro Republic Hayti, while the Latin Republics were ready to treat the dusky representatives on equal footing. Catholicism, the almost exclusive religion of Mexico, Central and South America, never recognizing the color line, probably greatly assisted to frame the above disposition. The United States delegates came to Panama, after the Congress had adjourned, and it was sixty years later that a Pan-American Congress met at Washington. The Slavery power did not wish Cuba free, but sought the possession of the island with Slavery in it. President Polk had offered One Hundred Million Dollars for the island, which offer was declined. On December 1, 1852, Secretary of State E. Everett disclaimed to the French and English Ambassadors all desire for the annexation of Cuba ; but only two years later did President Pierce actually instruct his ambassadors to London, Paris and Madrid, to devise 60 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. means for getting possession of Cuba. These ambassadors met at Ostende, and on October 9, 1854, issued the famous Ostende Mani- festo," in which they declared that it was time for Spain to sell Cuba and for the United States to buy it ; no foreign power having a right to interfere, as it properly belongs to the United States, pursuant considerations of trade and security ; that this transfer would benefit Spain; and the ambassadors also intimated, that the United States would have Cuba at all events. Later several filibuster expeditions were started towards Cuba, which generally ended with the execu- tion of the leaders, of whom Lopez was the most noted. Cuba was not the only country where the Slave power of the Union sought a new foothold. William Walker, originally a citizen of Tennessee, started a filibustering expedition and made a descent on Nicaragua ; he captured Granada October 13, 1855, declared him- self President of the little Republic and established Slavery. Mis- managing his affairs, he had to surrender May 1, 1857. Avoiding punishment for this international offense, Walker started a second expedition ; on this he was intercepted by United States Commodore Spaulding and sent home s & prisoner, but was set free by President Buchanan, while Spaulding was reprimanded for his interference. Walker, nothing daunted, set out with a third expedition to Central America, was captured and shot. General Walker's perseverance and courage deserve all praise, but, most unfortunately for his fame, these fine qualities were wasted in an evil and hopeless cause. He did not heed the warning of ages : Be right first and then go ahead. According to the historian, Schlosser, the secret organization of the "Knights of the Golden Circle" was committed to a scheme of uniting the Gulf States, Mexico, Central and part of South America and adjacent islands into one great Confederation of Slave States. No great results are credited to this organization. Before the great contest for the election of 1860 set in, Missouri's greatest statesman, Thomas Hart Benton, paid his, last debt to nature. Over forty years he was a leading spirit in public affairs. During his thirty years in the Senate, he was independent on every question, neutral on none. Early in his life, he antagonized General Andrew Jackson in a murderous fracas and afterwards became his best friend. He suffered Missouri to become a Slave State, but stood valiantly by his obligations when Southern Statesmen went back upon their plighted faith, saying: "I have stood upon the Missouri Compromise for about thirty years, and, mean to stand upon it to Introduction. 61 the end of my life;" it is "a binding covenant upon both parties, and more so upon the South, as she imposed it." A champion of sound money, of the Homestead act, of the development of the West, of the Pacific road, he remained a Democrat, voted for Pierce and even for Buchanan, against his own son-in-law, Fremont, but always remained an uncompromising Union man. Benton run for Gover- nor of Missouri at the age of 74, made forty speeches, traveled 1,200 miles and being beaten lectured in New England and remained a diligent worker to his death on April 10, 1858. Theodore Roose- velt's work on Thomas H. Benton gives a detailed representation of a life, whose strenuous activity was conducive of health, longevity and great usefulness. SPIRIT OF NORTH AND SOUTH. However much the Proslavery leaders may have erred in their estimate of relative strength and their appreciation of ethical obli- gation, they certainly pursued their object with a wonderful tenacity, courage and adherence to their program. In the face of the threatening Free Soil majority at the North, their demands became more aggressive and left the only explanation, that they were bent on ruling or on dissolving the Union. The New Mexico Terri- torial Legislature passed in 1859 acts for the protection of property in slaves, while a Democratic convention in Texas advocated the reopening of the slave trade. The hostile disposition in the South grew worse from day to day. A few examples will suffice. A planter and slave owner, who had come from Connecticut to Eufaula, Ala- bama, in order to avoid the suspicion of being a Northern sympa- thizer, joined the Minute Men and was compelled to assist in the hanging of five mechanics and one minister, all from the North, and still could only save his own life by sudden flight. There were many similar difficulties. In 1860, free Negroes had to leave from Southern States at their peril of being hung, or sold into Slavery. Among others, the New York Times brought the following item: "Forty-three Negroes, who have been expelled from Arkansas, under the terms of the recent legislative enactment, which prescribes that in the event of their non-departure they should be sold into Slavery, arrived in Cincinnati, January 2, 1860, in a destitute con- dition." "The North bound boats on the Mississippi were crowded with these fugitives fleeing from their homes." Two hundred thou- sand free colored people were menaced with these laws. 62 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE. The contest in Kansas had agitated the minds of the whole nation. People who took little interest in politics were roused by the pas- sionate appeals to their judgment and sympathy. Most far-reaching of all campaign debates was that between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, candidates for the United States Senate in the State of Illinois. When Lincoln was nominated at Springfield, June 16, 1858, and stated: "This Government can not endure perma- nently half slave and half free," the words were re-echoed by the nation, which had gone through a long and bitter lesson of experi- ence, but whose very worst ordeal was yet to come. He endorsed the avowed policy of the Republican party by saying: "I am impliedly if not expressly pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the United States Territories." That no interference was intended with Slavery in the States where it existed is shown by Lincoln's words. "It is nothing but a miserable per- version of what I have said to assume that I have declared Missouri or any other Slave State shall emancipate her slaves." With regard to the District of Columbia, he recommended the abolishment of Slavery in a conservative way, that should have been acceptable to every one: 1. That the abolition should be gradual. 2. That it should be on a vote of the majority of the qualified voters in the District. 3. That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. These propositions were decidedly moderate upon a subject which Henry Clay once apostrophized: "Sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation." In Congress the agitation of the Slavery question was unabated. The Kansas issue, the Harper's Ferry raid, the reflections of campaign speeches, gave rise to heated debates and were supplemented by mat- ters from outside as the discussion on Helper's book, "The Impending Crisis," a most forcible collection of authorities and statistical dates, supporting free labor. Poetry and novel, pulpit and stage widened the breach between North and South. Jefferson Davis had intro- duced a series of resolutions limiting Squatter Sovereignty to the final adoption of the State Constitution, also some, reiterating the prin- ciples of the Dred Scott decision and others claiming that attacks on Slavery, were a breach of faith and a violation of solemn obliga- Introduction. 63 tions. These were adopted by the Senate only. During his debates, Lincoln referred casually to St. Louis and Missouri politics on gradual emancipation and said: "You all know that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown down there in St. Louis undertook to introduce that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the system of emancipation. . . . After a hard fight they were beaten." Conservative and moderate as Lincoln was in treat- ing the Southern problem in the States, he did not fail to point in his speeches to Jefferson's prophetic words relative to Slavery : "I tremble for the fate of my country when I think that God is just," and he said himself, "It is the same spirit that says, You work and toil and earn bread and I'll eat it," and also, "The real issue . . . is the eternal struggle between right and wrong." Lincoln held correctly that the premises in the Dred Scott decision, that slaves were recognized in the Constitution of the United States as being same property as cattle or money were false: for the Constitution does not speak of slaves at all, except by inference, as being among the "three-fifths of all other persons" counted in making up the ratio of representation ; while no representation whatever is granted to property of any kind. Characteristic is Lincoln's statement : "Slav- ery and Oppression must cease or American liberty must perish. True democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance of condition. I regard therefore the exclusion of the colored people as a body, from the elective franchise, as incompatible with the true democratic principle." He also called attention to Thos. Jefferson's recom- mendation to the Congress of Confederation in 1784, of an ordinance, which provided the prohibition of Slavery after the year 1800, above the 31° of North Latitude (the Northern line of Florida), which failed to pass by the lack of one vote, to the keen disappointment of Jefferson. To friends who objected to Lincoln's uncompromising utterances, with regard to Slavery, he said: "Friends, this thing has been re- tarded long enough. The time has come when this sentiment should be uttered, and if it is decreed that I should go down, be- cause of this speech, then let me go down, linked to the truth, let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right:" as prophetic upon his own fate, as previously similar words of Elijah -P. Lovejoy; or those spoken later by Nathaniel Lyon. 64 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In his speech of August 27, 1858, at Freeport, Illinois, Lincol^ put to Douglas this question : "Can the people of United States ter- ritory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude Slavery from its limits, prior to the forma- tion of a State Constitution?" Douglas answered in substance: The Territorial Legislature could exclude Slavery indirectly by un- friendly legislation. This "Indirection" saved Douglas sufficient votes of men who were in favor that Kansas should become a Free- State, to secure his senatorial election in Illinois, but it hopelessly lost him the support of the Southern Democracy, for the presi- dential election of 1860. The South never could forgive Douglas that he pointed out the way, by which the effects of the Dred Scott decision could be neutralized. One of the most remarkable speeches in the campaign of 1860, was held by Lincoln at the Cooper Insti- tute on February 27, 1860 ; in this he pointed out that in the Congress of Confederation in 1784, Sherman of Connecticut, Miflin of Pennsylvania, Hugh Williamson of North Carolina, voted for excluding Slavery from the Northwest Territory; also that in 1787 Wm. Blount of North Carolina and Wm. Few of Georgia voted the same way; that in 1789 the Congress of the United States excluded Slavery from that Northwest Territory by a unanimous vote; that sixteen members of that Congress were among the original signers of the Constitution and that George Washington approved their de- cision and signed the act. In the same speech Lincoln also mentions that Washington wrote to Lafayette : that we shall at some time have a confederacy of Free States. He also called attention to the fact that Congress had legislated upon Slavery in the Territory of Mississippi, and did the same in 1803 with regard to the Territory of Louisiana. Having given the general trend of events relative to the Slavery question in the Union, the special motives influencing the loyal movement of 1861 at St. Louis and in Missouri, may now be duly considered. B. GRATZ BFtpWN. Colonel 4th Regiment Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. CHAPTER II. THE PEOPLE OF ST. LOUIS. ORIGIN; FIRST SETTLEMENT. To realize the part which St. Louis bore in the events of 1861, a brief sketch of its origin, situation and the character and motives of its people, is necessary. Situated on the right bank of the Mississippi, St. Louis occupies a series of gentle hills,, whose highest elevation will reach near 200 feet above the river. St. Louis County, with which the city will eventually be co-extensive, borders on the East for 34 miles on the Mississippi; on the North for 46 miles on the Missouri; on the South 53 miles on the Meramec; takes in also twenty-five square miles south of that river and has westward a dry boundary of 11 miles. From an elevation of 390 feet above the sea level, at the Levee of the City of St. Louis, the ground is rising in undulating waves northward 260 feet; southward 280 feet; westward 410 feet, to the highest elevation on the western County line of 800 feet above the level of the sea. The declivities of the hills are gen- erally most sudden towards the rivers, offering beautiful residence sites, with fine garden and truck land in the interior. The many small creeks emptying into large rivers, and the general conditions of elevation in the County, offer unsurpassed facilities for drain- age and grading. With the two largest rivers on this Continent and a third river which readily can be made navigable ; with good clay for common and fire brick, fine limestone, a large coal field within 10 miles east, ample wood and a salubrious climate, St. Louis offers conditions for an immense city, unequalled anywhere in the world. This tract was originally part of that vast French empire, which extended from Labrador to the Floridas, and from the shores of the Atlantic to the most distant lakes of "Upper Canada." The prevalent French names and character of settlements in the Mis- sissippi Valley are due to the first discoveries by Frenchmen corn- 's (65) 66 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ing South from Canada on a search for the "great river." As early as 1673, Joliet and Father Marquette reached the Mississippi about the 40° and traveled South to the 33°. Kobert Cavalier de la Salle enlarged 5 their discoveries in 1678, while D'Iberville entered the mouth of the Mississippi early in 1699, when the first Governor was appointed for the immense Ter- StCHARLE, 400 *a Mites- _ _ _._ _-> ST. LOUIS COUNTY IN 1861. ritory of Louisiana, which hardly numbered a few hundred White- inhabitants. Ninety years had -passed since Joliet floated down along the rocky shore and primeval- forest/ where now St./ Louis stands. Other less eligible places were colonized before; St.- Louis, such as St; Genevieve and New Madrid, Missouri. Cahokia, on the opposite bank. in .Illinois, -was long in . existence, when on :the fifteenth day of February, 1764, the boat of Pierre Laclede Ligiiest, The People of St. Louis. 67 with young Auguste Chouteau, and a large party of Frenchmen, mostly mechanics from New Orleans, came near the site of St. Louis. The joy of the men may be imagined when' after the fatigue of more than three months in bringing a heavy boat by mere muscular exertion up the river, they beheld the site of their destination, near a valley . hemmed in by primeval forest and a short distance to the north of it and skirting the Mississippi, a rocky shore rising grad- ually from the bottom for a quarter of a mile to a perpendicular height of 40 feet and continuing northward at that elevation to a greater distance, while terraces of higher wooded hills, reached to the horizon towards the setting sun. j The party landed at. the foot of the present Walnut street; a Camp was established on the rocky bluff which extended northward from the present Poplar to Vine streets and blocks were laid out accord- ing, to lines, of trees . previously blazed by Laclede and , young , A, Chouteau. They established a warehouse and huts by driving posts, perpendicularly into the ground and quarried out .a road through the edge of the rock to the river. With the people that came over from Cahokia and Kaskaskia, the settlement had 120. persons, who were chiefly attracted by the privileges of the Northwestern .fur trade^ granted to Maxent, Laclede & Co. , , * Pierre Laclede, the enterprising head of the colony, was born in France, in 1724, came to New Orleans, when 31 years old and joined the above mercantile house. At that time Madame Marie Therese Chouteau, nee Bourgois, had separated from her: husband on account of ill treatment and with her son Auguste Chouteau returned to* her own family. Laclede made her acquaintance there, a mutual affec- tion sprung up, and by common consent she became the. wife of Laclede : but as no divorce could be obtained under the French 'law from her first husband, she retained the name of Madame Chouteau, which also passed to. the children of her second .union. .In the new colony, Laclede assigned lots under his original grant; established commons for the. cattle in the Southwest and apportioned common fields. in the Northwest of the village; the' limits of the place were then:. on the East the Mississippi, on the South a line pear Mill creek, on the West a line between Third and Fourth streets and on the North a line- near the present Wash street. . The high-, est point of this location was on Fourth and Walnut, from which the grade was sloping down in all directions. ; Upon this territory Auguste Chouteau laid out the first plat of town of about 50 blocks. 68 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the North and South streets being 36 feet, the East and West streets 30 feet wide, made so narrow chiefly for defensive purposes; the quarter of a square block was considered at first a lot for each dwell- ing and garden. Later on, the streets received the names, which they nearly all bear to the present date. The place was surrounded at first by an indented line of logs and earth thrown up as a parapet from the ditch. The commanding "Fort on the Hill" faced with a tower Walnut street on Fourth street and formed a square of 300 feet enclosed by loopholed stockades. The town was named St. Louis, in honor of Louis IX., who lived in the Thirteenth Century and was surnamed "Saint" on account of his piety and a crusade he led into Egypt. One year before the first settlement of St. Louis, the treaty of Paris ended the "Seven Years' War" in Europe. Frederic the Great remained in possession of the bitterly contested Province of Silesia ; England gained posses- sion of all the territory East of the Mississippi save New Orleans and its neighborhood, and November 3, 1762, France ceded all Louisiana West of the Mississippi to Spain. It took some time till this news reached the Territory and several years till the Spaniards took actual possession, thus without knowing it, the French Colonists founded St. Louis on Spanish territory. Soon afterwards, the French garrison of Fort Chartres, Illinois, commanded by St. Ange de Bellerive, being relieved by English troops, came over to St. Louis; many other Frenchmen from Illinois followed this example, and in 1766 the new colony had already 180 houses. The greater security from Indians, Laclede's genius in dealing with the savages and the antipathy which the French had against their ancestral foe, the English, aided the growth of the colony as much as its natural advantages. To bring order into public affairs, St. Ange was elected tem- porary Governor with Lefevre as associate and Joseph Labusciere Secretary. The latter kept the land grant book and the seal of the Governor had to be affixed to the land grants. The houses built with upright logs were of modest dimensions; a lot on southeast corner of Walnut and Second streets, being 60x150 feet, was sold for $20, the house upon it for $200. Negro slaves were then already bought and sold. Spanish troops passed St. Louis in 1768 and took possession of it in 1770 and Lieutenant Governor Don Pedro Piernas, with 80 soldiers, took command in 1771; Spanish became the official language, but socially St. Louis still remained French. The People of St. Louis. 69 INDIANS AND FORTIFICATIONS. Indians were frequent visitors at the new colony ; sometimes they came in sufficiently large numbers to endanger the safety of the inhabitants. The apprehensions from them grew when Laclede died in 1778, the year in which Colonel Geo. R. Clark captured Kaskaskia from the British. These fears led in 1779 to the fortifi- cation of the place, commencing on the River on the Southern end of the village, and coming back to the river, at the Northern end; three gates led through the line for convenient communication. These precautions were taken none too soon, for already on the 26th day of May, 1780, a band of hostile Indians surprised a number of inhabitants working in the fields outside the fortifications and killed about 30 persons of all ages and sexes. This sad lesson was not passed unheeded; the incapable or treacherous Commander Leyba was superseded by Lieutenant Governor Cruzat, who built half a dozen stone forts, fifty feet in diameter, and connected them by loop- holed stockades. Misfortunes were not spared the growing city; a great flood de- vastated the neighborhood in 1785, and besides the depredations of \he Indians, organized bands of river pirates infested the trade of the colony, which otherwise prospered under the fair administration of Spanish Governors ; still at that time no free Negro was admitted without a pass and no Protestant without a written permit . from Spanish authority; but for all that, up to the year 1800, St. Louis had not taken the decided lead of the surrounding settlements, which at that time are credited with the following number of inhabitants: St. Genevieve, 989; St. Louis, 925; St. Charles, 875; New Madrid, 782. Nevertheless St. Louis had then its great promises and natural charms, not the least of which was Chouteau's pond, a beautiful sheet of water of over 100 acres, surrounded by verdant hills and groves, occupying the very area where to-day a hundred locomotives and a thousand cars subserve the demands of a metropolis of trade and industry. The home relations in St. Louis at the time were quite primitive : water was hauled from the river on a drag; the people raised only what they needed; judgment sales were made at the church door after the mass ended on Sunday, and in the afternoon there was a dance. In April, 1775, 78 householders agreed to build a church 30'x60'xl4' ; as the Spanish succession terminated the exclusive privi- 70 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. lege or monopoly of Maxent Laclede & Co., of which house Auguste Chouteau had. become an. influential arid leading partner, trade be- came free,. Among the amenities of the business relations may be quoted that Charles Gratiot rode 1,500 miles from St. Louis to Rich- mond, to collect some due bills given him in payment by officers from Fort Chartres, and returned without success, though he had .the honor of meeting Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry. Legal service in ]St. Louis was then by written process : application, answer, rejoinder and judgment were brief, to the point and mostly final. Manumis- sion of slaves were frequent, and even Indian slaves are mentioned in a document. Regulations with regard to safety, .health, fire, .prices of provisions, morals, etc., were -simple, partaking somewhat of a paternal character, the same as the verbal grants and verbal permis- sions : a sign of primitive relations, but also of great reliance in the general honesty of the inhabitants. Inventories of estates of deceased persons were taken by order of the authorities and the beneficiaries were named, forming a valuable genealogy, highly useful in after years in tracing titles, a work which to some extent was made diffi- cult by the republican disposition of dropping prepositions or deriva- tive second names, habitual with gents of the antiquated nobility. War was threatening Spain in 1798, and its monarch asked for a voluntary contribution from those who had fortunes, promising in return rewards of dignity, office and honor. This genial sugges- tion is most likely the prototype to political campaign contributions, which came into practice with the increasing party spirit and mer- cenary disposition. Trouble being anticipated with the Indians n«jar New Madrid about November, 1802, all arm-bearing citizens were enlisted at St. Louis, St. Genevieve, Platin and New Bourbon. The whole force marched down in the best order and with all mili- tary precautions, necessary in a heavily wooded country and with an unknown foe. A number of Indian tribes were assembled at New Madrid; five Indian murderers were tried, found guilty and, with the approval, of the tribes, one Indian was shot and several others pardoned. The whole affair, inclusive the march back to St. Louis, was highly creditable to the military disposition and self-control of the young communities. . The moral relations of the young colony while under Spanish authority appear to have been very satisfactory. It has been asserted that during upward of. 30 years not a single instance of civil delin- quency or crime had been committed. While such negative evi- The People of St. Louis. 71 dence is not conclusive, it is an indication of the spirit of those times. Certain it is that the refined- manners of the French settlers, their capacity as traders, their friendly policy with the Indians, which enabled the Whites to go as hunters and trappers to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, added a great deal to the amenities of life, as well, as to the commercial 'development of St. Louis. LQUISIANA TERRITORY IN THE UNION. Pursuant the Treaty of Ildefpnso of August" 19, ' 1796, Spain retroceded the Louisiana Territory -to France. On the 30th of April, 1803, the same Territory was purchased- by the United States of America, in consequence of negotiations inaugurated by President Thomas Jefferson with the Republic of France, the purchase price being $15,000,000. ' Captain Amos Stoddard took possession of the new Territory on Mareh 10, 1804, and was. placed in command of the same. The cause for this transfer, by Napoleon Bonaparte, then the all-powerful Consul, of France, could easily be divined. France could not possibly protect'this Transatlantic possession against England and at the same time, the vast area of this Territory, would greatly, add to the power of the United States, which on the Continent of North America, was already.then more than" a matcb for England in any issue that had to be settled by the last resort of nations. The following is an abstract of the treaty of purchase by the United States of America from the Republic of France, April 30, 1803: " Plenipotentiaries on behalf of the United^ States; Robert R. Liv- ingston and James Monroe ; on behalf of France, Francis Barbe Marbois. * 1. Spain cedes the Colony and Province, of Louisiana to the French Republic and the latter- cedes it to the' United State's. 2. This eession.includes adjacent islands, lots, public places-, vacant levees, buildings, fortifications, barracks and other buildings that have no owners; archives, papers, etc: : , 3. The inhabitants will be a&mitted^conformably> to : the, require- ments of the Federal Constitution to enjoy the rights of citizens' and in the meantime be protected in their liberty, property 'and religion. 4. A French officer to receive and execute transfer. 5. Upon the ratification of the treaty France will deliver all mili- tary posts, and French and Spanish troops will vacate, if possible, within three months. 72 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. E-i £ 02 o H E-i t-) 55 « Q a & or o H § H E-i The People of St. Louis. ■ 73 6. United States will carry out Spanish treaties with Indians until new treaties void the old ones. 7. French and Spanish import to be placed for twelve years on the same footing as current American import. 8. After twelve years French vessels to enjoy rates of most favored nation. 9. Payment due to U. S. citizens prior to September 30, 1800, is approved; special convention relative to the definitive law between the contracting parties to be approved the same time. 10. Ratification to be exchanged within six months. Treaty written primitively in French, also in English. Executed at Paris, April 30, 1803. (Signed) ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, JAMES MONROE, F. BARBE MARBOIS. The Convention between the United States of America and the French Republic, after an appropriate introduction and preamble, stipulated: Article I. The Government of the United States will pay to the French Government sixty million livres. Article II. United States issue bonds for eleven million two hun- dred and fifty thousand dollars ($11,250,000), bearing 6 per cent interest per annum, payable half yearly. The principal payable at the Treasury of the United States not less than three million (3,000,000) annually, first payment fifteen years after the ratifi- cation. Article III. The dollar shall be fixed at five livres and eight sous, Turnois. To be ratified as above. Dated and signed as above. Another convention by the same parties regulated the total amount, mode of proof and payment of private claims. Governor Laussat from New Orleans authorized Lieutenant Gov- ernor Dehault De la Suze at St. Louis to deliver to Mr. Stoddard, under a power of attorney from France, the civil and military pos- session of that part of Louisiana, which De la Suze commands; he also instructed the latter, in conjunction with Pierre Chouteau, to make an inventory of all houses and buildings to be transferred, and sends these instructions on December 21, 1803, also: To Don Pedro Dehault De Lassus, commandant at New Bourbon. - To Don Francisco Valle, commandant at St. Genevieve. 74 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. To Don Louis Lorimer, commandant at Cape Girardeau. To Don John Lavallee, commandant at New Madrid. By the middle of February, 1804, letters from Laussat reached Cap- tain Amos Stoddard and he in turn wrote to Lieutenant Governor Delassus at St. Louis : Kaskaskia, 18th February, 1804. Sib — I have just received by express from New Orleans, a variety of dispatches, relative to the late retrocession of Louisiana. "Those addressed to you and entrusted to my care by the French and Spanish Commissioners, I do myself the honor to . forward by a Sergeant of our army, who is bound on business to Captain Lewis. "In a few days the troops under my command will ascend the Missis- sippi in public boats. I shall proceed before -them by land and concert with you the necessary arrangements before their arrival ' at St. Louis. The inclosed letter to Mr. Chouteau, I would thank you to deliver to him. Please accept the assurance of my respectful consideration. "Alios Stoddard, "Captain TJ. S. Artillery, Agent and Commissioner of the French Republic." In preparation for the transfer Lieutenant Governor Delassus 'or- dered all the garrisons to be neat and' in- readiness to. evacuate with arms and knapsacks, the commander trusting that "every man will ^o comport himself as to uphold the reputation of the Spanish troops.' 1 A soldier standing on the gallery of the Governor's man- sion, southeast corner of Main and Walnut, was in proper time to wave his hat as a signal for a "Salvo" from all the cannon that -were mounted and in battery. This was practicable, as the "Fort on the Hill" was on Fourth and Walnut and the ceremony took place at the Chouteau mansion on Main and Walnut. The troops of Captain Stoddard landed at Cahokia and were cantoned several days, waiting till March 9, 1304, when they were led over to the St. Louis side by Lieutenant Worrall, Adjutant to Captain Stoddard, who with Captain Merriwether Lewis' First U. S. Infantry, and the most prominent citizens of the place, assembled at the Governor's office, while most of the inhabitants gathered on the street before the house. Lieutenant Governor Delassus then read the following: PROCLAMATION. March 9, 1804. "Inhabitants of Upper Louisiana: "By the King's command, I am about to deliver up this Post and its dependencies. "The flag under which you have been protected for a period of nearly thirty-six years, is to be withdrawn. From this moment you are released from the oath of fidelity you took to support it. - Th& People of St. Louis. 75 "The fidelity and courage with which you have guarded and defended It, will never be forgotten, and in my character of representative, I en- .tertaln the most sincere wishes for your perfect prosperity." , . . With the exchange of the usual civilities, Delassus turned over the Governmental residence to Captain Stoddard, and the boom qi , the cannon announced to the whole neighborhood that a new era was to dawn on St. Louis and the West. The official document, testify- ing to the transfer of the Territory by Spain to France, represented by Captain Amos Stoddard, was executed in, triplicate, both in the Spanish and English language, signed by Carlos Dehault De Lassus and Amos Stoddard in presence, of Merriwether Lewis, Captain First U. S. Infantry; Antoine Soulard, /Surveyor General, and Charles Gratiot. ., This ..constituted, a double transfer: first, from Spain to France, pursuant the peace of Ildefonso, Captain Stoddard representing Trance, and second, France transferring the Territory to the United States by the means of a power of attorney given to Captain Stod- dard, The. American troops marched to the Fort, exchanged mili- tary salutes with the evacuating Spanish troops, which took, quar- ters on southwest corner of Elm and Third streets,, waiting for a chance to embark via -New Orleans for- Pensacola, Florida. . At the request of Captain Stoddard Lieutenant Governor Delassus addressed the Delaware, Abenaki. and.Sagui Indians,- and informed them of the transfer in the usual patronizing, style ; he lauded their past loyalty and exhorted them to follow it up ,in, the future and added that their Spanish „ father's, heart, was happy: to know that they will be protected and •sustained by their new father. Official circulars were sent to the subdistrict commanders conveying the. news and directions relative to the transfer. In keeping with instruptions of President Jefferson, the old method and practice of Administration was continued during the seven months of Captain Stoddard's authority, except that English became the official language instead of Spanish, which the inhabitants. could easily stand, for they were still mostly French. . Delassus gave to Stoddard the characteristic description of about 45 persons, more, or less officiating in Upper Louisiana. Of these eight-ninths (8-9) were of French descent and one-njnth (.1-9) of other nationality. A spirit of candor worthy to an old Roman per- vades this- list, -which is highly interesting reading, given in full in Fred L. Billon's Annals of St. Louis, first volume, pages 365-371. 76 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. With regard to legal transactions in the young colony it may be noted that the original documents of grants, deeds, certificates, etc., were made out on loose sheets, and afterwards stitched together, kept at the Government Office and passed from Governor to Governor. Most of these papers are now at the Recorder's office. These notes com- menced January 21, 1766, by Joseph Labusciere, were headed appro- priately and turned over to the first Spanish Governor. The first regular record books were commenced in November, 1816. The mode of securing land grants was simple. The settler peti- tioned the Governor for the grant of the land described by him, who acceded (if so) to the petition on the bottom or back of the same paper, and directed the Surveyor to run out the lands. This petition and the report of the Surveyor entitled the actual settler on application to the proper officer at New Orleans, to the issue of the grant. The great majority of these settlers never called for these grants, as it took five months to go to New Orleans and return, but having an equitable claim, expected an acknowledgement of their grants from the United States. On the suggestion of the Attorney General of the Indian Terri- tory, Captain Stoddard wrote on January 10, 1804, to the Secretary of War, that attempts to defraud the United States of land are being made; a previous Commander having signed blank papers for the insertion of the necessary petition, order of survey and dates. While that Commander had left more than 5 years ago, some of the claim- ants by the strength of such papers, had not resided in St. Louis for 2 years. Jefferson referred this report to Congress. The conditions of settlement exacted great fortitude on the part of the first inhabitants, who commenced to build up St. Louis. It took a resolute disposition to move a thousand miles into the wilder- ness, face an unknown climate, the savage Indians, forego the charms of civilization and medical aid. But these circumstances and their trials helped to mould the character of men, who played an impor- tant part in subsequent events. A few examples will suffice to show the nature of then existing general relations. Charles Gratiot came to St. Louis in 1781; he became a Spanish subject in order to be permitted to trade with the Indians; went to Richmond in the year 1783 and was absent one year to collect govern- ment bills due him. In 1791 he sailed with furs to Bordeaux in Trance and from there to London, which already then was the best fur market; from there he went to Switzerland and called on his The People of St. Louis. 77 relations after an absence of 25 years; returning by way of London he secured an outfit of merchandise needed in the far West, and came over Montreal and Mackinac back home to St. Louis. ' Gratiot made a second trip to London, but was dissatisfied with his results, and returned again to St. Louis. His energetic disposition and the general wants of a new community led him into various enterprises and he carried on a farm, mill, distillery and operated a tannery and salt works besides his trading ventures. In 1798 he received from the Governor General at New Orleans a concession for Gratiot League Square, and with his wife Victoire, eldest daughter of Madame Chouteau, educated their 13 children. Gratiot was active, judicious, perseverant and ambitious. Daniel Boone, from Pennsylvania, came to Upper Louisiana in 1797 when 62 years, of age. His previous successive homesteads were lost to him on account of neglect in perfecting their title; Boone received a grant of land from Governor Trudeau and settled with his son at the village of "Charette," probably named after the heroic leader of the Vendeens : another proof of the great diversity of the first settlers of Missouri. Daniel Boone's portrait was taken shortly before his death, at 86 years of age, by Chester Harding. Boone was for a time Syndic (Civil Magistrate) of the Femme Osage settlement. The adventures of the hardy pioneer are known all over the world. Chester Harding, painter, came to St. Louis in 1820, remained long enough to paint over 100 portraits, among which was also that of Daniel Boone. Left to perfect himself in Italy, returned to Bos- ton, living there in easy circumstances from the reward of his art ; one of his daughters married Judge John M. Krum, father of Judge Chester Krum. Two sons of Chester Harding the painter, became very prominent in Missouri in 1861. The one also named Chester Harding was Lyons' Adjutant General, and as such by General Lyons' order the actual Commander of all troops in Missouri; the second, James Harding, was Quartermaster General of the State Militia under Governor Jackson ; he married into a Southern family, and by the force of circumstances and associations drifted into the Confederate service. Interesting as the journeys through primeval forests and unknown rivers may have been, they were full of dangers, which tried the nerve and endurance of men to the utmost. Consider the case of Dr. Antoine Francois Saugrain from Paris, France, who started in March, 78 The Union Cause in St. Louis m 1861. 1788, from Pittsburg,- with three companions and horses on a flat- boat down the Ohio river. Opposite the Big Miami a. party of In- dians commenced to fire upon them from ambush, and shot two horses, wounded one man severely and injured the hand of Saugrain. Being pursued by the Indians in a canoe, all jumped from the flat- boat to reach the Kentucky shore, The wounded man's strength gave out and he drowned; another man was waylaid on shore, toma- hawked and scalped. Dr. Saugrain and the fourth man,, named Pierce, were overtaken by the Indians, bound and dragged along. During, the night, while the. Indians were fast asleep, Dr. Saugrain succeeded to. loosen his ties, liberated his companion and they fled through the woods skirting the river, until after three days of hunger, frost and exposure, they succeeded to hail a boat and secure relief and assistance, to. nurse their wounds and frosted limbs. It took nearly two months before they were able to continue their journey. Even more manifold than the experience of the first immigrants was their derivation and the causes which brought them to St: Louis: Adventure, trade, necessity brought the trapper, the. merchant, the refugee from the reign of terror, from the insurrection in the West Indies, the ice-bound lakes of Canada, from the ranks of discharged Spanish and American soldiers, all- to the common destiny of be- coming here good American citizens. TERRITORIAL DAYS OF MISSOURI. An Act of Congress of May 7, 1800, divided the Northwest Ter- ritory into Ohio and Indiana: the latter comprising ^Indiana, Illi- nois, Michigan and Wisconsin, to which, in 1804, Louisiana, includ- ing Missouri, was temporarily attached. Courts were held in June, September, December and March, and a Sheriff and Recorder ap- pointed. The days of ArcathW simplicity and quiet life were ended by the American possession' and immigration. In 1804 Lewis and dark started on their great expedition of discovery Northwest to the Pacific Ocean, considerably aided by the experience of St. Louis traders and trappers. ■ ; Merri wether Lewis from Virginia-, was private Secretary to Presi- dent Jefferson till 1803. Congress making an appropriation to ex- plore the Missouri river, cross the Stone Mountains, and descend on some river to the. Pacific Ocean, Lewis was appointed for the task and Captain Wm. Clark was associated with him. He waited in St. Louis for the spring, to- open >as well as for the actual transfer of the The. People of St, Louis. 79 Territory, at which he was present, signing the; document as a wit- ness. The expedition party was camping opposite the month of the Missouri; it consisted 'of 45 persons, of whom 12 were soldiers and 15 boat hands. One man died the first winter and 15 were sent back with dispatches. The expedition crossed the Kocky Moun- tains September 22, 1805, /built boats and reached the Pacific Ocean on the Columbia river on November 15, built a fort and passed here the second winter, returning to St. Louis September 23, 1806, after a voyage of 28 months. Lewis was rewarded by a land grant and the appointment as Governor of Upper Louisiana. He left St. Louis for Washington, became low spirited and «hot himself on his Way in Kentucky. The Lewis and Clark expedition practically gave Oregon to the United States. The Northern boundary of the Union was subsequently secured by i a treaty with Great Britain. In the meantime,, the city destined to become the commercial metropolis of the West, prospered. The numbr of taxpaying inhabi- tants was already 729 in the year 1807 and taxes could be paid in deer skins from October to April, after that date in cash. The tow© was incorporated in 1809, the centennial celebration of which will be held in October^ 1909, , The first Treasurer, Auguste ChouteauJ reported end of the year 1810 : Receipts from all sources. . . '. $529.68 Expenditures .....,,.. ' *399.T,5. Balance in' the Treasury .$130.53 A more promising sign of advancement was, in 1808, the first edi- tion of a newspaper : the Missouri 'Gazette,' published by : Joseph Charless, a son of Erin, and a refugee of the Irish rebellion of 1795. The first number of the paper was printed on foolscap; subscribers gave their notes or verbal promise; which they could redeem in flour, corn, beef or pork. The paper was- quite efficient in promoting the best interests tof the community. The way of making roads was simple, the Court ordered and in- spected the survey and. made provisions* for. its "cutting out." Thus a road was ordered to St. .Genevieve,/Cape Girardeau and New Madrid, quite- an enterprise, .considering that the- only -road leading from town to the river was on Market street,, for perpendicular rpcks, about 40 feef above the usual, stand of the river, extended from Poplar street to Rocky Branch. ., ,,. ■ 80 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In 1812 the Territory was named Missouri; a Governor was ap- pointed and the Legislature, biannually elective, met every year in St. Louis, the first meeting being in Mr. Sanguinette's loghouse on Second street. For the war of 1812 with Great Britain, St. Louis mustered one Company of Riflemen, one of Infantry and one of Artillery and one of Veterans above 45 years of age, which, according to the "Gazette," comprised nearly every man in the place. There were also several hundred Regulars here; their main duty was to watch the Indians, who under the pretext of war, robbed and killed several persons in the : neighborhood. During this war, expeditions of Regulars went from St. Louis or Bellefountaine to Portage des Sioux, Rock Island, Natchitoches, the Falls of St. Anthony and Council Bluff. Already February 18, 1815, the St. Louisians could fire a salute in honor of the victory of New Orleans, gained January. 8, full fourteen days after the "Treaty of Ghent" had been signed, of which no tele- graphic news could then be conveyed. Another memorable event gladdened the heart of the St. Louis people, when on August 2, 1815, probably the larger portion of the 2,000 inhabitants, watched the landing of the first steamboat on the St. Louis Levee : little did they dream then that less than fifty years later more than one hundred large steamboats would crowd that landing and that within another fifty years those floating palaces would be almost entirely superseded by the "Iron Horse^" which on this Continent commenced to feed on coal, cash and human flesh, full 13 years later than the landing of the steamer "Pike." From the date when St. Louis became part of the Union to the admission of Missouri as a State, namely, in a period of 17 years, the new conditions brought many notable men to the city. It is not possible within the compass of these lines to do justice to their merits. To those readers acquainted with the relations of St. Louis, the names themselves will suggest many living and institutional mementoes, while not few of these men acquired even a national reputation. SETTLERS OF AMERICAN ERA. This designation comprises chiefly those settlers who came to St. Louis between the dates of the Louisiana purchase and the admission of Missouri to Statehood. Many of these men are most intimately connected with the early development of St. Louis and are known even to the present generation. According to Mr. Billon's excellent The People of St. Louis. 81 Chronicle, there came to St. Louis in 1804: Gen. Daniel Bissell, Merriwether Lewis, Geo. Wm. Clark, Wm. C. Carr, Rufus Easton, Alex McNair, John Mullanphy ; in 1805 : Z. M. Pike, Clement Biddle, Jno. B. C. Lucas; 1806: Joseph Charless, the Blow family, Fred Bates; 1807: Dr. Bernard J. Farrar; 1809: John W. Honey, Michael Tesson, Bartholo Berthold, Rene Paul, Moses Austin; 1810: Judge Robt. Wash; 1811: Hy. Von Phul; 1813: Peter, John and Jessie Lindell, Captain Theo. Hunt, Jas. Kennerly; 1814: Edward Bates, Nathaniel Paschall; 1815: Major Thos. Forsyth, Captain Mackey Wherry, Thos. Hart Benton ; 1816 : Archibald Gamble, James Clem- ens, John Bobb; 1817: Robt. Collet, John D. Daggett, Wm. Glasgow, Jr., Thornton Grimsley, John L. Sutton; 1818: Hamilton R. Gam- ble, Geo. Collier, Sullivan Blood, Archbishop Louis Wm. V. Du- bourg, F. K. Billon, Jeremiah Connor, Col. John O'Fallon, Fred Dent; 1819: Dr. Wm. Carr Lane, Henry Shaw, Chas. Chambers, Jos. C. Laveille, Edward Knapp; 1820: Chester Harding, St., Elihu W. Sheppard, Britton A. Hill, D. Robt. Barclay, Wm. Higgins, N. B. Atwood. These men, with a few of the original settlers, very soon controlled the bulk of the real estate. Some of the largest holdings were soon subdivided, like the John Mullanphy estate, which through five married daughters went to Richard Graham, Chas. Chambers, Thos. Biddle, Wm. S. Harney, James Clemens, and one son, Bryan Mullanphy, whose generosity established the Mullanphy Emigrant Home. No doubt these large land holdings exerted a conservative influence and in latter days outweighed slaveholding interests. Gen. Daniel Bissell, Commander at Bellefountaine, bought a large tract of land in that neighborhood. Officers of the Army and of the Terri- torial Government, exercised through their culture and education a directive influence, while old troopers, discharged at this point, added to the settlement a hardy and resolute element. When Fred K. Billon arrived in St. Louis in 1818, its population was estimated at 3,000. The census gave the State of Missouri 20,000, and the Legislature petitioned Congress for admission as a State into the Union, which proved its appreciation of this part of the country by sending in 1819 the steamer "Western Engineer," drawing only 19 inches of water, up to the Yellow Stone river, to select a site for a fort and to make geodetic, geological, botanical and zoological observations ; each branch being represented by a pro- ficient scientist. This expedition started from Pittsburg and was ex- pected to stay out for two years. By this time two banks had been 82 The Union Cause, in St. Louis in 1861. started in St. Louis: the first was discontinued on account of too little confidence by the people, and the second on account of too much confidence in the people. Characteristic for the period (1810- 1818) are the four duels which had been fought on Bloody Island opposite St. Louis. None of these had an adequate cause and two terminated fatally. All of the parties professed to be Christians, though their vindictive hatred is little in accord with the teachings of the great master. In one of these duels, Thomas H. Benton killed Charles Lucas, a young attorney. Benton came recently from Tennessee, where he had been already prominent in politics, and where some of his experience is so far germane to these lines, as he was soon to become the most prominent man in St. Louis and Missouri. Under date of September 10, 1813, Thomas H. Benton describes a scene which casts a shadow before coming events, in so far as it brings to light vindictive passions and acts of cruel violence, that could only have been nurtured under the degrading influences of Slavery surroundings. He writes to a newspaper at Franklin, Tenn., September 10, 1813: "A difference which had been for some months brewing between Gen- eral Jackson and myself, produced on Saturday, the 4th inst., in the town- of Nashville, the most outrageous affray ever witnessed in a civilized country. "In communicating this affair to my friends and fellow citizens, I limit myself to the statement of a few leading facts, the truth of which I am ready to establish by judicial proof 3. "1. That myself and my brother, Jesse Benton, arriving at Nashville on the morning of the affray, and knowing of Gen'l Jackson's threats, went and took our lodgings in a different house from the one in which he stayed, on purpose to avoid him. "2. That the General and some of his friends came to the house where we had put up, and commenced the attack by leveling a pistol at me, when I had no weapon drawn, and advancing upon me at a quick pace, without giving me time to draw one. "3. That seeing this, my brother fired upon General Jackson, when he had got within eight or ten feet of me. "4. That four other pistols were fired in quick succession^— one by Gen- eral Jackson at me, two by me at the General, and one by Col. Coffee at me. In the course of this firing, General Jackson was brought to the ground, but I received no hurt. The People of St. Louis. 83 "5. That daggers were then drawn. Col. Coffee and Mr. Alexander Don- aldson made at me and gave me five slight wounds. Captain Hammond and Mr. Stockley Hays engaged my brother, who, being still weak from the effects of a severe wound he had lately received in a duel, was not able to resist two men. They got him down, and while Captain Ham- mond beat him on the head to make him lay still, Mr. Hays attempted to stab him, and wounded him in both arms, as he lay on his back parrying the thrusts with his naked hands. From this situation a gen- erous hearted citizen of Nashville, Mr. Summers, relieved him. Before he came to the ground, my brother clapped a pistol to* the breast of Mr. Hays to blow him through, but it missed fire. "6. My own and my brother's pistols carried two balls each; for it was our intention, if driven to our arms, to have no child's play. The pistols fired at me were so near that the blaze of the muzzle of one of them burned the sleeve of my coat, and the other was aimed at my head, a little more than arm's length from it. "7. Captain Carroll was to have taken part in the affray, but was absent by the permission of General Jackson, as he has since proved, by the General's certificate, which leaves the doubt open, whether it reflects less honor upon the General or upon the Captain. "8. That this attack was made upon me in the house where the Judge of the District, Mr. Searcy, had his lodging! So little are the laws and its ministers respected! Nor has the Civil authority yet taken cogni- zance of this horrible outrage. "These facts are sufficient to fix the public opinion. For my own part, I think it scandalous, that such things should take place at any time, when the public service requires the aid of all its citizens. As for the name of courage, God forbid that I should ever attempt to gain it by becom- ing a bully. "Those who know me, know full well that I would give a thousand times more for the reputation of Croghan, in defending his post, than I would for the reputation of all the duelists and gladiators that ever appeared on the face of the earth, "Thomas Hart Benton, "Lt. Colonel 39th Infantry." The incident displays the temper of persons, called upon to act a leading part in coming events. Soon after the above incident, Ben- ton removed to St. Louis, and in 1819 edited a newspaper in opposi- tion to the "Missouri Gazette" published by Joseph Charless. Charless was born in Ireland, 1772 ; took part in the Irish rebellion of 1795, in which Eobert Emmett perished. He fled to the United States; went first to Lexington, Ky., and came in 1806 to St. Louis, and being a practical printer and man of a liberal disposition, founded the "Mis- souri Gazette," the parent of the "St. Louis Republic." It was prob- 84 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ably the example of Charless which started a large Irish emigration to St. Louis, the city whose name was also congenial to their religious tennets. ADMISSION OF MISSOURI. The fourth session of the Missouri Territorial Legislature, organ- ized at St. Louis, October 26, 1818, by electing David Barton Speaker, and resolved upon the recommendation of a committee, that it was both proper and expedient to petition Congress, to admit Missouri as a State, authorizing it to propose a Constitution and form a State Government. The census gave Missouri 19,218 white male inhabitants, and the whole subject relative to Statehood was embodied into a memorial and the delegate to Congress was requested to present the same to the Federal Legislature. An act introduced at the same time in the Territorial Legislature of Missouri by Hy. S. Geyer, to incorporate a Board of Trustees for superintending schools in the town of St. Louis, shows the fostering care for education, coeval with the ambition for Statehood and a resolution passed shortly before adjournment on December 24, which rebuked the Lieutenant Gov- ernor for arrogating to himself the privilege of letting out the public printing, proves the jealousy of the ancestors in the case of vested rights. On the reassembling of the Territorial Legislature at St. Louis on September 18, 1819, Alexander McNair was declared elected Gov- ernor. On October 2 the Legislature had a joint session, in order to elect two Senators for Congress. Every one of the members of both houses had the right to vote for one Senator. David Barton received 34 votes ; Thomas H. Benton -27 ; John B. Lucas 16 ; while 27 votes were scattered between three more candidates. Barton and Benton were declared duly elected, though either of them received only a plurality of the votes cast. As the member to the House of Representatives in Washington had been previously elected by the people, the whole State machinery was ready for operation, long be- fore the State was admitted to the Union. The Constitutional Convention assembled at St. Louis, June 12, 1820, under an act of Congress of March 6, 1820, entitled "An act to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to form a Constitu- tion and State Government and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States and to pro- hibit Slavery in certain territories." The "certain territories" des- The People of St. Louis. 85 ignated in that act were laying West of Missouri and North of 36° 30' Latitude, and their consecration for future Free States was the consideration for admitting Missouri as a Slave State into the Union. This solemn compact was afterwards broken by the repeal of the Missouri compromise in 1854. St. Louis members of that convention were : David Barton, Presi- dent; William Rector, Alexander McNair, Bernard Pratte, Edward Bates, John C. Sullivan, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and Thomas Biddick, William G. Pettus was made Secretary over Archibald Gamble, can- didate for the same office. The v Constitution this convention framed guaranteed to tiolored people equality of punishment, but only with regard to capital offenses; slaves abused by their masters were to be sold by authority of the State, for the benefit of the master ; which for the slave, was rather an additional and cruel punishment. Slaves could not be emancipated, except by the consent of the owner. The ■provision to prevent free Negroes and Mulattoes from coming to and settling in the State was obviated by special ordinance, exacted by Congress as imperative, before the President could issue his procla- mation for the admission of the State. Article II, Section 9, of that Constitution enjoined: "No person, while he continues to exercise the functions of a bishop, priest, clergy- man or teacher of any religious persuasion, denomination, society or sect whatever, shall be eligible to a seat in either branch of the Legis- lature, or to be elected or appointed to any office of profit within this State, the office of Justice of Peace excepted." This indicates that the direct political activity of the designated persons 1 was not deemed beneficial, by the framers of the Constitution, who adopted the same by the vote of all members save one. English and French copies of the Constitution were ordered printed, for the use of the authorities When the Constitution was presented to Congress for approval and acceptance, the motion for its unconditional adoption was de- feated, and a resolution passed, of admitting the State on certain conditions. The Missouri Legislature complied with these on June 26, 1821, with these words: "That this State has assented and does assent that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the Constitution of this State shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law shall be passed, in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the United States, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such 86 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. citizens are entitled under the Constitution of the United States. This proviso secured to free Negroes and Mulattoes the right to come to and reside in Missouri. In consequence of the above pledge Presi- dent James Monroe issued his proclamation on August 10, 1821, that Missouri had become a State by virtue of accepting the condi- tions stipulated by Congress. The contest ended by the Missouri Compromise has been related before, with the general political development of the Slavery power. It seems that Benton's ability and influence lay dormant during this important period of State organization, which was the most oppor- tune time to free Missouri, as it would also have been the best time to fight Slavery extension. But no one was great enough to follow the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, who liberated the North-West Territory, by his far-sighted policy. Had Thomas H. Benton cast the weight of his capacity and influence for making Missouri a Free State, he would have. become one of the greatest men of this nation and saved hundreds of thousands from premature graves. Fearless, able, learned, genial in his disposition, he secured success and renown with other measures, but missed the chance of his life, when he assisted or suffered Missouri to become a Slave State. It is true he would have had to rise above the influences of his youth, the training in a Proslavery community, the vicious effects of absolute power, and for the time being, the allurements of high office. He was born a slaveholder in North Carolina, removed in his youth to a cotton plan- tation in Tennessee, got early into politics and was influenced by the unbridled passions of Southern Society; of which his own letter upon the difficulty with General Jackson is the best proof and the duel with young Lucas a sad sequel. Benton had afterwards the greatest merit in developing the Great West; he helped to secure Homesteads to millions; was a sound financier, and like his latter days friend, General Jackson, an uncompromising Union man ; but he failed to see that the Union could not exist with Slavery. Theo- dore Roosevelt says in his work upon Benton: "The South falling always more to the rear in the race for prosperity and blindly attrib- uting her failure to everything but the true reason — the existence of Slavery," also held that Benton tried to hide this cause from himself and others and placed it upon the Tariff. A few pages farther Roosevelt states : "Now whether a protective Tariff is right or wrong, may be open to question." It certainly was not an open question in the minds of the Southerners, who exported their staples for the price The People of St. Louis. 87 made in the world's markets and paid for the imported manufac- tures the prices enhanced by the Tariff. There are several mitigating circumstances, which to some extent/ palliate a Proslavery disposition in Missouri at the time. Slavery existed in the Louisiana Territory under Spanish dominion. Trance repossessed Louisiana only on paper and made the United States guarantee all possessive rights, which could readily be construed to include Slavery. The "peculiar institution" exhibited in Missouri a milder nature than farther South. While corporal punishment could be administered by master and overseer, its more severe applications were relegated to the justices and resolutions introduced in the Legis- lature "to treat them (the slaves) with humanity and to abstain from all injury to them, extending to life and' limb," prove that the slaves were partly protected by the Missouri laws, which were not as cruel towards the offending slave, as those in other parts of the country. It is true that here as in all Slave States a great many masters waived excessive punishments and treated their dependents with kindness and care; but neither this, nor the fear of remote slave insurrections could possibly excuse inhuman laws. On July 4, 1826, Thomas Jefferson died ; the great statesman and patriot was also the ablest opponent of Slavery expansion. Jefferson Barracks, named in his honor, was occupied the same day by foui» Companies of United States Soldiers and the next year the St. Louis Arsenal was started ; few anticipated then that civil war was so near, nor that this would be a most important place in the organization of Union forces. Three years later the corner stone of the St. Louis Cathedral was laid on Walnut street, very near the point where the first settlors landed; the very considerable dimensions of the Church anticipated the future great City. THE GERMAN IMMIGRATION OF 1830. With the year 1830, there commenced in Europe an era of such momentum in History that it cast the shadow of coming events west- ward, even to the far off banks of the Mississippi. The American War of Independence of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789, by their declarations of inalienable natural right, had roused a large portion of the people of Europe to a sense of their human dignity. The genial heir of France's revolutionary power humbled privileged legitimacy all over the Continent. Overreaching his capacity and 88 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. neglecting the very principles which elevated him, the Corsican conqueror fell as much through his own faults as through the national enthusiasm of the countries which his despotic rule had oppressed. The humbled legitimistic rulers took advantage of the national enthusiasm of their people, and, making a virtue out of necessity, partly granted and partly promised, liberal organic mea- sures. Once out of danger, however, nor dreading any more the "Ghost of St. Helena," their memory relative liberal promises failed; granted rights were evaded; old privileges re-established, and the reaction flourished all over Europe. This was the era of the "Holy Alliance" between Russia, Austria and Prussia, whose grasping abso- lutistic tendency was not limited even by the Atlantic Ocean, and elicited from a far seeing American Cabinet the famous document originating the "Monroe Doctrine." This "Reaction" was supreme from 1815 to 1830; but while it could change outward forms, it could not suppress the awakened spirit of the people seeking more liberal and progressive relations. The great lessons of American Independ- ence and the French Revolution, lived in the minds of the pest and ablest men, and spread from them quietly but irresistibly through •the masses. Charles X., King of France, by the grace of the Holy Alliance, a royal Bourbon, who never forgot past privileges nor com- prehended the progress of modern evolution, was chased from France by the revolution of 1830, which guided by aged Lafayette, Thiers, Arago and other liberal minded men, raised Louis Phillip to the throne as a "Citizen King" with constitutionally limited powers. This popular upheaval of France set all liberally disposed persons of Europe in motion, and for a time a general uprising was anticipated. It was partly suppressed and partly neutralized by the yielding of the Governments, granting some constitutional institutions, which, however, were not satisfactory to the men of most progressive minds, and especially not to the students of the German Universities, where the "Bursch Societies," cultivated an idealism of truth, which the most resolute capacities among them tried to apply to practical life. The theories of natural human rights brought down upon them the persecution of the absolute governments. Prominent among these students, both for his" zeal in the cause of free institutions, and his ability and learning, was Karl Follen or Follenius, who even dreamed of a German Republic to be proclaimed on the battlefield of Leipzic, for which he and friends had already discussed the plan of a Consti- tution. Follen was an uncompromising Republican, in the full The People of St. Louis. 89 meaning of the word. The dawn of the new era of 1830 animated him to these lines : "It is awaking, > It is awaking! Out of the depth of sun pregnant night, In flaming glow of a morning rapture, The sun of suns — „ > The people's might. Humanity, thou greatest of deserts, Greeted in vain, by the spring of mind, Tear up and break up the ice of ages, Rush on in strong, proud ocean billows; Down serf and tyrant, who only abused thee. Be now a nation, and a Republic — "Fight for thy kind!" Follen's general tendency being known, the authorities made an attempt to connect him with the crime of Sand, who for political reasons murdered Kotzebue in 1819. This attempt failed, but the' persecutions continued. Follen accepted a call for a professorship in Chur, Switzerland, which shielded him against the attacks of the reactionary powers, until he left.for Paris, where the venerable Gen- eral Lafayette gave to Follen letters of recommendation, which secured him a professorship at the Harvard University in Boston. He found friends among the most cultured people and joined the Antislavery Society started in 1832, knowing that this would bar his permanent employment at the University. Animated by the idea of "a healthy mind in a healthy' body," Follen started a Turn place for gymnastic exercises. It will be seen later that the Turners, whose societies spread all over the country, were among the first and staunchest supporters of the Union cause. The Governor of Massachusetts in his inaugural address, intimated that the Abolitionists, by their sayings and doings, were guilty of an offense against the laws of their country and liable to prosecution. The subject was referred to a Committee before whom delegates of the Antislavery society appeared, in order to prevent hostile legisla- tion. Follen pointed out in his pleading that the object of muzzling people by law was to perpetuate Slavery; that the slaveholders had incited hatred against the Abolitionists; that Southern Legislatures had offered rewards for the abduction or assassination of Antislavery men, and that if now any censure should be passed upon the Aboli- tionists or members of the Antislavery Society, this would even 90 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 186 1. endanger their personal safety or life, just in the same manner as a recent meeting at Faneuil Hall condemning Anti-slavery doc- trines, caused the gathering of a mob, which threatened the personal liberty of people, and dragged Lloyd Garrison with a halter round his neck, through the streets of Boston. Heedless of such experiences, five thousand people celebrated the martyrdom of Elijah P. Lovejoy at the Tabernacle in 1837. For all that, Karl Follen never dared to call on his brother in Missouri ; he perished in 1840 on the steamer Lexington. The same spirit which animated Karl Follen was shared by his younger brother, Paul Follenius, and the latter's brother-in-law, Friederich Muench. While classmates at the University they had the same political aims and shared in the same disappointment in their old home relations, and organized in 1833 the "Gieszen Emigra- tion Society" of five hundred members; one-half started under the lead of Follenius via Bremen and New Orleans, the other half under the lead of Frederick Muench via Baltimore. Cholera broke out on Follenius' vessel on the Mississippi; he himself remained behind sick in Paducah; when he arrived at St. Louis, the society had dis- banded, without due consideration of incurred obligations. Follenius and six families went to Duden's old place, 56 miles west of St. Louis; he bought there a farm of "160 acres, and Father Muench settled in the same neighborhood. Fred Muench was very active in securing a large German immigration to Missouri. Having faith in free institutions, he desired to share them with men of similar convictions, who at that time despaired of a favorable political development in Germany. He no doubt held that an addition of German idealism, thrift and social tendency, will be very acceptable to the serious business disposition, daring enterprise and more or less puritanic rigor of the native American. His writings of a political and philosophical nature, enlightened the reader on the questions of American organization. Antislavery in conviction, as all educated Europeans had been, he still did not agitate the question, expecting from the natural develop- ment of forces a favorable solution of the issue. -The few allusions to the Slavery question in his works published in 1902 are conserva- tive, but none the less decided; thus he said in an essay before the National Turner Convention at Pittsburgh, in August, 1856: "No one will doubt that where equality of human rights is maintained without exception, the community is morally elevated. It has the same The People of St. Louis. 91 effect here fair action. But even in St. Louis the animosity between the parties was steadily growing. At a ratification meeting for Lincoln and Hamlin, held on Lucas Market (Twelfth and Olive), the speakers were frequently interrupted with taunts and missiles and the meeting was broken up. To guard against such impositions a Republican campaign organization was formed under the name of "Wide Awakes," in which James Peckham, later on author of the valuable work, "Gen. N. Lyon and Missouri in 1861," was the leading spirit. Although the "Wide Awakes" were not an armed organization, their prompt services, orderly marches and united action were a practical example for the powerful military organizations which sprung into life in the spring of 1861, the germs of which, however, lay much deeper than the Republican "Wide Awakes" or Democrat "Broom .Rangers." The time for these campaign exertions could be well spared, even by steady men, for business was slack, merchants and manufacturers had to contend with financial difficulties ; heavy losses were imminent on all sides ; scarcity of money, heavy discounts and poor prospects ahead; but all this did not hinder the good citizens of St. Louis to attend to their political - duties. The result of the election was the end of a most animated cam- paign, in which the ablest statesmen and speakers of the North and the South addressed large enthusiastic meetings, as the Free Soil orators spoke almost exclusively to Northern audiences and the Ultra Pro-Slavery Democrats to Southern gatherings, this was no more a campaign for an intellectual victory by shaping opinion, but it was one of animating the followers of two different and antagonistic camps, and of firing the Northern and the Southern heart. That which had been mooted in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, and had been often threatened by speakers in and out of Congress, and had been boldly proclaimed and brought to the verge of execu- tion by the nullifying proceedings in South Carolina, should now become an accomplished fact of the gravest consequences. Already in October, 1856, the Governors of Southern States met at Raleigh, N. C. and consulted on common measures to be taken by their people in case of Fremont's election, and Governor Wise of Virginia 110 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. volunteered in that event to march to Washington with 20,000 men, take possession of the Capitol and prevent Fremont's inaugura- tion. Unfortunately, Fremont was not elected and the Anti-Free Soil Seceders, not hindered by the irresolute and incapable adminis- tration of Buchanan, gained four more years to stock Southern Arsenals with arms and ammunition; to disperse the United States Navy to all points of the compass; to bring faithless officers into command of troops located in the South; and to work up to fever heat race prejudice and apprehensions of possession in a Southern population, which was always more inclined to bold action, than to cool reflecting reasoning. CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR. The immense moral power in this gigantic contest, both North and South, was based on the two diametrically opposed interpreta- tions of implied rights, which were derived and claimed from cir- cumstances, but nowhere clearly defined or concisely expressed, nor vested by the Constitution of the United States in any authority ; the South claiming State sovereignty and the North the sovereignty of the Union. Incidental causes were assigned, as the Fugitive Slave law and the Personal Liberty bills; the making and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; the Protective Tariff; the ethical verdict' of the world; abolition fanaticism; the servility of ministers of the Gospel; the different systems of labor creating divergent interests and disposition; estrangement on account of contrary views on the liberty of conscience, of speech, of the press, of education and inalien- able human rights; the injustice in the representation; the inven- tion of the cotton gin; Squatter Sovereignty; the Louisiana Pur- chase; the Mexican War; the admission of Territories as States and other minor causes ; but all these are only stages or incidents of the gradual development from the original great cause: the permanent admission of the institution of Slavery by the Constitution of the United States of America. State rights and the maxim of an equal number of Northern and Southern States; a rigorous Fugitive Slave Law; the muzzling of free speech, prohibition of education; lynch law and mob violence were advocated and practiced almost exclu- sively in defense of Slavery only; the representation of three-fifths of all other persons (meaning slaves) was in the same interest, and Union Politics. Ill its injustice is flagrant. According to the census of I860, six slave T holding Gulf States with a population of 2,311,260 white citizens, had 28 Representatives and 12 Senators, or 40 in all, while the State of Ohio, with a population of 2,339,599 white citizens, had only a representation in Congress of 18 members in the- house and 2 Sen- ators, or 20 in all — just one-half the representation for a larger num- ber of citizens The invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney of Massachusetts added one thousand millions of dollars to Southern wealth; it made slave labor more remunerative, but not more just. However, when the South set up its bill of grievances against the North, and espe- cially against Massachusetts, it should have credited the same with the. thousand millions gained "by the invention of Eli Whitney from Massachusetts. The State sovereignty doctrine was illogically de- rived from the constitutional limitations of Congress, which were enacted with the evident intention of counterbalancing Federal cen- tralization, advocated by Hamilton and the Federalists, and it was this interest for which Jefferson and Madison proposed the Ken- tucky and Virginia resolutions, for both were decided anti-Slavery men. During later developments it was found that State rights were the best shield for Slavery ; but when the Northern States tried to neutralize some effects of the Fugitive Slave act through Personal Liberty bills brought by their State Legislatures the Southern states- men charged ill faith and appealed to the Federal Government to vindicate the supremacy of the Union, which was done, as the case of Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave, proved, who in 1855 was returned from Massachusetts and marched through the streets of Boston under the protection of United States Marines and State militia, in spite of an outraged population. The Presidential vote of 1860 terminated Slavery extension to new territory, but the Republican party reaffirmed the obligation of non- interference with Slavery in the States. There' is no doubt that later a gradual emancipation would be sought and realized in every State. But this could only be done with the consent of each State, and in a manner subservient to the interests of the slaveholders. At present every one comprehends that this would have been an immense sav- ing in life, health, happiness, treasure and chances of development. Why was it not done? It was not done because the slaveholders of the South, barely one-fifth of its population, were also the large land- owners, formed an aristocracy and became the rulers in politics 132 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. through educational facilities and a high property qualification for office holding. Standing intellectually and materially above their white fellow citizen?, the slave barons directed them to vote, work and fight for the "peculiar institution." The habit of commanding slaves made the planters domineering, haughty, overbearing and un- fitted for a representative government, and the moment their selfish arguments did not prevail, their very nature prompted them to vio- lence. Alike with every other aristocracy in the wofld r its status was fortified by laws made at the expense of outclassed neighbors. The South was by nature an agricultural country ; a rich soil and genial climate favored this condition, but the climate was also ener- vating, ill adapted to manufactures, nay, even unfavorable to mer- cantile pursuits, which demand a higher bodily and mental alacrity. This circumstance often entailed a dependence of the planter antici- pating the price of his crops from the trader, who advanced the means for maintaining the slaves. Planters and traders were the most efficient church members, and many preachers avoided those ethical questions which endangered their pulpits, while others, true to their vocation, served the, cause of religion under great difficulties. As to the Southern poor people, it must be borne in mind that satis- faction in life largely depends upon comparative conditions, and that people felt somewhat dignified to have others not only poor, but also black and enslaved. The unrestrained rule and license toward slaves, as they had no rights which a white man was "bound to respect," reacted fearfully upon the white population ; for if a man does not respect the rights of one set of, men, why should he respect the rights of another? Ne- gro Slavery was the substratum of Southern aristocracy, but every other slavery and aristocracy produced the same effects. The aristoc- racies of the old world all led to corruption and their own overthrow ; for if the common people had sunk top low, these aristocracies led to empires, and where the common people had sufficient moral strength left, they regenerated in republics. That the breeder of slaves for the market of the Cotton States was a willing tool of the planter is self-evident. It must be admitted that the South could not well tolerate the preaching of abolition doctrines ; that any measure of immediate and unconditional emancipation would have been wrong, both for the slaveowner and the slave; but such extreme doctrines had hardly any following, and its votaries were persecuted at the North. Edu- Union Politics. 113 cation of the Negro could only come with the prospective liberty of the slave, which would have removed the incentive for Negro insur- rections and the apprehension for the safety of slaveholding fami- lies, probably the greatest cause of Southern irritation and of the desire to suppress the discussion of the Slavery question. Tyrannical, oppressive and vicious as Slavery was to the Negro, it was a by far greater curse to the White man who practiced it and to the one who tolerated it. Figuratively speaking, the whole American Nation was put to the cross before it could redeem the commonwealth from this terrible evil. 'SECESSION. When Lincoln's eleetion became most probable meetings of prominent representative men were held in South Carolina and the other Southern States, to prepare measures for Secession. Such states- men had nearly all died out in the South, who would have said with the lamented Henry Clay : "If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls the ban^ ner of resistance; I never will fight under that banner. I owe a para- mount allegiance to the whole Union, a subordinate one to my State." Different sentiments prevailed now, which were voiced on the eve of election in a speech by N. W. Boyce of South Carolina, when he said : "I think the only policy for us is to arm as soon as we receive au- thentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln. It is for South Caro- lina in the quickest manner and by the most direct means to with- draw from the Union." • This advice was promptly followed. The news of Lincoln's election was received in Charleston with enthusi- astic cheers for the Southern Confederacy. On November 7th the Governor of South Carolina recommended to the Legislature Seces- sion, and the arming of all men from the 18th to the 45th year of age ; also that the Legislature call a Convention, to meet at Columbia, December 17, 1860. This latter body met, and on the 20th of De- cember passed by a unanimous vote the following Secession ordi- nance : "An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Caro- lina and other .States, united with her under the compact entitled the Constitution of the United States of America. "We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem- bled, do declare, and ordain and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General 114 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Assembly of this State, ratifying the amendments of the said Constitu- tion, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved." After giving as a cause for this action, the shortcomings of the Free States in their obligations with regard to Slavery and the Fugi- tive Slave law, and stating that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement entirely releases the obligation of the other, they conclude by appealing to the "Su- preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions," and state "that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world as a separate and independent State, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estab- lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do." There are several incorrections in this document, the most obvious lies in the words: "South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world," for she never held that position, being a British Province before her people joined the Union, and being only part of a nation after they joined the Union. Although this attempt at legitimacy may have no intrinsic value, it shows that the people of South Carolina were desirous of -placing their action upon a legal basis. It was not this effort at legitimacy which then prevented the expression of Union sentiments in the South, but the wild, excited crowds with Secession cockades and Secession flags, threatening vio- lence to dissenters. As anticipated by Southern statesmen, the Secession lead of South Carolina was quickly followed by the other States, which adopted Secession ordinances in the following order : Date of Secession. State. Free men. Slaves. Total 1860. Dec. 20 I South Carolina 1861. Jan'y 9 Mississippi 1861. Jan'y 10 ... . Florida 1861. Jan'y 11 . .-. . [Alabama 1861. Jan'y 18 ... . |Georgia 1861. Jan'y 26 Louisiana 1861. Febr'y 1. . . . jTexas 301,271 354,700 78,686 529,164 595,097 376,280 421,750 402,541 436,696 61,753 435,132 462,232 333,010 180,682 Total 2,656,948 2,312; 046 703,812 791,396 140,439 964,296 1,057,329 709,290 602,432 4,968,994 Union Politics. 115 SLAVE STATES WHICH SECEDED LATER. Date of Secession. State. Free Men. Slaves. Total. 1861. May 1861. May 1861. May North Carolina Virginia 324,323 661,586 1,105,192 111,104 331,081 490,887 435,427 992,667 1,596,079" Total 2,091,101 4,748,049 933,072 3,245,118 3,024,173 Aggregate of Seceding States 7,993,167 SLAVE STATES REMAINING IN THE UNION. Delaware Kentucky Maryland Missouri Tennessee District of Columbia. . 110,420 930,223 599,846 1,067,352 834,063 71,895 1,798 225,490 87,188 114,965 275,784 3,181 Total j 3,613,799 708,406 112,218 1,155,713 687,034 1,182,317 1,109,847 75,076 4,322,205 Of the population of the States which seceded immediately after the election, 47% were slaves; in the group of States which deferred Secession the slave population was only 31%, and in the Slave States which did not secede the slave population was only 16% of their in- habitants. As the large plantations were in South Carolina, Georgia and the Gulf States, which first rushed into Secession, it is evident that the slave oligarchs forced the issue in the supposed interest of their large possessions. The Secessionists had hardly a bare majority in any of the Southern States, but by acting a couple of months; be- fore the inauguration of President Lincoln the seceders gained a very valuable time for organization, without risking any interference from President Buchanan's pusillanimous administration. Another rea- son prompted immediate action on their part: the members of a defeated party always feel bitter after the election; passions are worked up to a high pitch, and the people are inclined to redress by violence their shortcomings in judgment or management. This dis- position would have cooled off shortly afterwards, and the judicious, conciliating, yet firm and energetic action which could be expected from President Lincoln would have restricted Secession to a very few States. As it were, all the Slave States that did not secede disa^ 116 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. proved this measure, either through their Governors or through votes by the people. It would be erroneous, however, to estimate the re- sources in men and material by taking only the seceded States into account. There was a large population in the Border States which furnished a considerable contingent to the Southern armies, and there were in the ranks of the Democratic party at the North a num- ber of Southern sympathizers, who often hindered energetic action, and even threatened riot and violence. Several Northern publicists of great influence, like Horace Gree- ley, Wendell Phillips and others, would permit Secession, notwith- standing the necessity that, if the Secessionists were not immediately conquered as insurgents, they would have to be conquered soon after- wards as aliens. Southern statesmen, with few exceptions, did not deem either contingency probable, for they counted upon the greater martial spirit of the Southerners and upon the ability and greater number of the West Pointers hailing from their section. No doubt the great extent of Southern territory, its large wooded portion cut up by great rivers, bays and bayous, its poor roads and means of trans- portation, were favorable to a defensive war. They placed also some reliance upon European, chiefly British, intervention, as one-eighth of the population of England depended for a living upon the cotton factories, drawing their raw material almost entirely from the Cotton States. This hope proved futile, for England did not receive the Southern Commissioners in. December, 1860, nor did they fare bet- ter in France, whose disposition was reflected by the "Opinion-Na- tionale," which denounced the application for aid made by the Con- federate Commissioners, stating : ■ ' "In the Nineteenth Century, men are found so destitute of all moral sense, as to rebel, to revolutionize the country, expose it to ruin and civil war, in the name of that social leprosy called Slavery. O shame! These men, without heart, dare address an appeal to France to aid them, and rend herself an accomplice in their criminal projects. No! The France of 79-30-48 can never take under her protection traders in human flesh." At home matters of public opinion were more favorable. The con- servative element of all parties was for compromise and peace, even at a sacrifice. Possessive and business interests favored a procrastina- tion of the issue, either not knowing that time only increased the magnitude of the evil, or from the usual policy of habitual selfish- ness. "After us the deluge." It is true that the Regular army of the Federal Government was small, and the available Militia at first of Union Politics. ' 117 little value in the field. But 'there were nineteen million people North to eight million whites and four million slaves in the South, and in a last emergency these four million slaves could be turned into four million allies, which was partly done when, towards the end of the war, Negro Regiments were organized. Besides this, the North vastly outstripped the South in industrial capacity, skilled arti- zans, machinery, military outfit and provisions. One advantage of the South was real, even if not quite obvious at first sight : the meas- ures of the North were limited by the Constitution of the United States, whose validity it tried to enforce, while the Confederacy framed its Constitution to suit the exigencies of the hour. VAIN COMPROMISE PLANS. Upon the heels of the election of the Republican candidate came the news of the immediate Secession movement in the South. The excitement of the canvass had not quite subsided when the attention of patriots was directed- to the threatened danger. There Was hardly time for opinions to crystallize into measures, yet the emergency was pressing and many and various propositions were advanced to meet the difficulties. The New York Tribune, a leading Republican paper, advised, November 9, 1860 : "If the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than 'in it, we insist on letting them go in peace." Other influential papers, in trying to avoid civil war, suggested a convention of the people, counselling moderation and agreement on mutual interests. December 10, 1860, a Union meeting was held at Philadelphia in which the Mayor of the town favored another compromise and yielding to Southern aggression in order to prevent the loss of the Southern trade. To prove how cir- cumstances alter cases, one speaker called Slavery the moth in the eyes of the South, and Free-Soil notions the beam in the eyes of the North. The resolutions of that meeting called for the repeal of of- fensive State laws; for a cheerful submission to the Fugitive Slave law, and for muzzling the public North and South upon the Slavery question. It was an expression of conservative cowardice, stimulated by selfish greed. There were some good grounds for despondency in the face of the three months' continuance of the administration of Buchanan, who announced his helplessness in his last message to Congress, in which he said "that intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States 118 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. has at length produced its natural effect"; but in this President Buchanan was not correct, for the avowed object of the Republican party was to prevent the extension of Slavery into the Territories, while it disavowed either the intention or the right to interfere with Slavery in the States where it existed. Theodore Roosevelt, in his book on Benton, says: "The national government, even under Re- publican rule, would never have meddled with Slavery in the vari- ous States unless as a war measure." This was correct at the time, but would have changed after new acts of violence had broken down all considerations of amity and fellowship. President Buchanan justly blamed some States for trying to de- feat the Fugitive Slave law, but in referring to apprehensions of slave insurrections he omitted to state that none of any consequence took place, and that a policy of gradual emancipation upon good be- havior, financially guaranteed by the United States, would prevent any possible slave insurrection. He also said it was his duty and de- termination to protect the public property and to enforce the laws in all the States, but he had no officers in the South (they had re- signed). He could not execute the laws, and, under the circum- stances, there was no power of coercion granted to Congress, the Judi- ciary or the President. With regard to this message of the President, the reflection readily suggests itself that excuses are always near at hand where the good will is wanting, and President Buchanan found them without diffi- culty, as he was not inclined to act as the President of the United States, but only as the President of a political party — a misconcep- tion of duty which necessarily must lower the dignity and authority of that high office. The conservative, even reactionary, manifesta- tions of the public naturally found a reflection in the old Congress assembling December 3, 1860, and whose time only expired March 3, 1861, and whose many members still cherished the hope of a peace- ful solution. With the pressing emergency grew the exertion for devising measures to allay the coming storm. Desirous of finding a just mean between the opposing factions, statesmen of ability and patriotic intentions strained every nerve to find the correct remedies. Among the suggestions were: the immediate apportionment of all the territory into future States ; the re-establishment of the division line of 36° 30' ; the subdivision of the Union into four political bodies called sections, the North, the West, the Pacific and the South, a ma- jority in each section to be requisite for the passage of an act. This Union Politics. 119 would have given any section an absolute veto power; the abolition of the Presidency; the establishment of an equilibrium between Free and Slave States, and a Convention of all States was also suggested. All these various propositions were referred to a grand select commit- tee in the House, and a similar committee took up all propositions offered in the Senate, among which those offered by J. J. Crittenden of Kentucky were most prominent, bearing the authority and weight of a highly esteemed Senator, coming from a Slave State offering great strategical advantages in case of war. The leading features of the Crittenden compromise were : In Territories north of 36° 30' north latitude Slavery is prohibited; ur Territories south, of that line it is to be admitted and protected by Congress. The Territories North and South of that line may elect to come into the Union as Free or as Slave States at the time of making their application for admission ; Congress shall not abolish Slavery on places where the United States have exclusive jurisdiction within the limits of Slave . States, nor in the District of Columbia, as long as Slavery exists in Virginia and Maryland ; the transportation of slaves shall not be hindered and Congress shall pay for rescued slaves; the Fugitive Slave law shall be made more efficient, and State laws con- flicting with it shall be repealed. The above conditions mostly favored the views and objects of the Slavery power, while some minor conditions proposed with regard to fees of officers, nugatory features of the Fugitive Slave act, and upon the African slave trade, made the proposed compromise more accep- table to Northern views. Article 6, however, of the Crittenden Com- promise contained the most extraordinary provision, forbidding any future amendment to the United States Constitution with regard to some o'f the amendments just proposed, and also with regard to some which were already in the Constitution. Mr. Crittenden forgot that there is only one power which makes immutable laws. Moreover, the above cpndition tended to change the United States Constitution to a compact, the very contrivance upon which the doctrine of Seces- sion was based and which sooner or later would have led to civil war. A SQUARE ISSUE. The above terms were probably the best that had a chance to be accepted by the Southern States with the exception of South Carolina ; Northern Democrats sustained them and President Buchanan urged 120 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. their adoption ; but as they sacrificed the Free Soil principle and their sanction by constitutional amendments was slow and uncertain, they were opposed by most Republicans, of whom Th. L. Snead, a South- ern writer, in his valuable work, "A Fight for Missouri," says : "They would not abandon, in the hour of victory, the principles for which they had manfully contended through forty years of defeat and disaster, nor would they let those whom they had just vanquished, destroy the Union, in the very fiour that it was about to be dedicated, as they believed, to a wider freedom and! higher humanity." Senator B. F. Wade of Ohio represented the Republican sentiment when he frankly declared that every civilized nation on the globe has the same opinion of Slavery as the Republican party, and if it had the power, not another inch of Free Soil of this government should be invaded by Slavery ; at the same time it repudiates the idea of inter- fering with the institution in the States ; the day of compromise was gone ; they were not kept. The honest verdict of the people by a fair election cannot be set aside by a compromise ; a majority fairly given must rule. This spirit evidenced by B. F. Wade carried a substitute for the Crittenden resolutions, offered by Clark of New Hampshire : "Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce the laws, rather than in new guarantees for peculiar interests, compromises for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands. "Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or over- throw or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory and destructive; that, in the opinion of the Senate of the United States, no such reconstruction is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the depart- ments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens." This was carried by 25 Republican votes, and opposed by 21 Demo- crats and 2 Conservatives, 23 votes in all. Subsequently a direct vote was had on the Crittenden resolutions. They were defeated by the majority of one, all Republicans voting against them and all Democrats and Conservatives for them. The House of Representa- tives also defeated the Crittenden Compromise by a decided vote, and, upon recommendation of the Committee of Thirty-three, adopted Union Politics. 121 Thomas Corwin's resolutions, which made concessions to the South relative to hostile legislation by Northern States, the Fugitive Slave law and migration with slaves, but made no concession to Slavery in the Territories. It is claimed that these resolutions would have been also adopted by the Senate if any disposition whatever would have been shown that they are acceptable to the South. The Senate's "Clark" resolution was brought into the House as a substitute to Cor- win's, but not acted upon, as the latter eovered -the same ground, in addition to some compromise measures, and their wording was milder, yet fully as decided on the question of maintaining the Union. While these unavailing attempts at a Compromise were made, events steadily drifted towards a hostile conflict. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, anticipating the final breakdown, resigned on December 8th and left for Georgia. December 15th General Scott suggested the reinforcement of Major Anderson at Charleston with 300 men, and, though Secretary Cass also strongly urged this meas- ure, President Buchanan refused his consent, whereupon Cass re- signed and Judge Black became Secretary of State. Major Anderson, deserted by the administration, finding it impossible to defend Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter with two weak companies of Artillery, abandoned Moultrie and removed all his forces to Fort Sumter. Floyd, hearing the news, wrote to the President: "One remedy is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charles- ton. I hopcthe President will allow me to make the order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war." The President declined to act upon his advice and Floyd re- signed; he evidently knew what was coming, for on the 26th the Se- cessisonists seized Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinkney and the Custom- house and all United States officers in South Carolina resigned. On the 30th the United States Arsenal of that State, with munitions of war to the value of $500,000 was seized. In the face of such facts Buchanan's declaration made on the last of the year that he will defend Fort Sumter was of very little consequence. The very same day the Senate committee reported that they cannot agree upon any plan of settlement between the North and -the South. A Democratic State Convention was held at Albany, N. Y., Janu- ary 1, 1861, in which the most prominent men of the party and other conservatives took part. The tenor of the speeches and resolu- tions were chiefly criticisms of the Republican party; warnings 122 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. against coercion ; prayers for compromise ; abuse of Congress ; threats of the guillotine for those who propose to maintain the Union by force ; indorsement of the Crittenden resolutions and a Convention by States' also the appointment of alternates to the Peace Conference which, pursuant to a call of the Virginia Legislature, was to assem- ble at Washington February 4, 1861. At this Peace Conference nearly all the Free States were represented; of the Slave States only seven, namely, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken- tucky, Tennessee and Missouri. This conference, through its chair- man, John Tyler, ex-President of the United States, proposed as an amendment to the Constitution : to exclude Slavery in all Territories north of 36° 30' north latitude, but to admit States North or South of that line with or without Slavery ; only conditional acquisition of new territory by consent of a majority of the Northern and a majority of the Southern Representatives; restrictions regarding Slavery in the District of Columbia ; enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law ; reim- bursement for fugitives; regulation of slave trade; consent of all States to certain constitutional amendments. These and other com- promise measures were offered before the close of the session, but without any result. As a further concession to the South may be considered the passage by Congress of separate acts organizing the Territories of Colorado, Nevada and Dakotah without any condition relative to Slavery. This left the status of those Territories only subject to past laws and their interpretation by the Supreme Court; practically, however, Slavery was out of the question in any of those Territories, and the result proved that the South paid little heed to such advances. A Texas Senator, referring to the free debates which similar propo- sitions might elicit at home, remarked: "A great many' of the free debaters were hanging from the trees of that country," and a Georgia Senator, while discussing Texas politics, apostrophized Sam Houston for his Union fealty by expressing the wish : "Some Texas Brutus may arise to rid his country of this old hoary-headed traitor." When such sentiments prevail among the Senators of a great party, all con- cessions and peace offerings would appear to be idle waste. If any one doubted this proposition, the general rejoicing, booming of can- non and festive celebration which took place in all the larger cities of the South upon the news of the Secession of South Carolina, De- cember 20, 1860, ought to have convinced him of the error of his ways. Union Politics. 123 TREASON IN THE CABINET. A demand made on President Buchanan to rid his Cabinet from unreliable and even hostile elements was fully justified by circum- stances. During 1860 Secretary Floyd had transferred from the Springfield Armory and Watervliet Arsenal, by order of December 29, 1859, 115,000 stands of arms and had sent them to the several arsenals at the South. A few days before Floyd resigned, towards the end of December, an order arrived from. him at the Alleghstny Arsenal, near Pittsburgh, to send 46 pieces of heavy ordnance to Ship Island, Louisiana, and 78 similar cannon to Galveston, Texas. An indignation meeting of citizens at Pittsburg secured a counter- manding order from Washington which stopped this treasonable out- rage. Secretary of War Floyd sold between the first of January, 1860, and the first of January, 1861, 31,610 percussion muskets at $2.50 apiece, on which the officers appointed for scrutiny disagreed as to their warranted condemnation. He wanted to send to Southern forts not ready for armament ever 100 columbiads and a large num- ber of 32-pounders, but the order was countermanded by Secretary Holt before it was fully executed. On November 21, 1860, a Mr. Belknap made application to buy from 100,000 to 250,000 United States muskets at $2.15. The Secretary claimed that this application was granted under the misapprehension that the price was to be $2.50, and Secretary Holt refused to recognize this contract. General Scott stated that Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- bama, Mississippi and Kansas were supplied with their full quotas of arms for 1861 in advance. Thus it seemsthat all the seceding States anticipated the war in 1860. In Texas the Union Governor, Sam Houston, prevented this, while a strong drift of Union sentiment did the same in Tennessee and Arkansas. After Floyd left he was indicted by the United States Grand Jury for a defalcation of a quarter million of dollars. He had systemati- cally stocked the Southern forts and arsenals with arms, ammunition and war material. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, and Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, slaveholders and Secessionists, acted in a similar way, sending good arms to the South and the war vessels to distant ports, leaving for home service, from a total of 90 vessels with 2,418 guns, one vessel, the steamer "Brooklyn," with 25 guns, and the storeship "Relief," with 2 guns. A report upon the ^ n r.Ji'ti'/m r\f tlio now rnnflfi f;n PVmoTASK in HVhrnnrv 1861 sVirvros 124 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. that the same had been as treacherously handled as the army. Octo- ber 13, 1860, the "Richmond" was sent to the Mediterranean squad- ron ; December 21 the "Vandalia" to East India, the "Saratoga" to join the African squadron, and other vessels to Vera Cruz. February 21, 1861, Dawes reports there are 28 dismantled ships with 874 guns, none of which could be repaired under several weeks, while many would- require six months. No orders had been issued to put any of them in readiness. The whole Atlantic Coast was left without de- fense and the "Brooklyn" was too large to enter the harbor of Charles- ton. But for this treacherous disposition of vessels there would have been an ample force to protect the United States forts, arsenals, cus- tom-houses and navy yards, and to prevent any possible powerful organization of the Secession forces. Resignations of navy officers were accepted after the date on which they had betrayed their trust, some by telegraph and some even made retrospective. It was report- ed later that when the "Star of the West" was sent with supplies to the starving garrison of Fort Sumter, Secretary Thompson betrayed her mission to the South Carolina authorities and subsequently even bragged of this treason in a speech at Oxford, Mississippi. "I sent a dispatch to Judge Longstreth that the 'Star of the West' was coming with reinforcements. The troops were then put on their guard, and when the 'Star of the West' arrived she received a warm welcome from booming cannon, and beat a hasty retreat." The report of a select committee of the House of Representatives, appointed Febru- ary 21, 1861, is quoted as the authority for the above statements. With the Secession hand in hand went the seizure of arsenals and forts, until in the course of a few weeks the arsenals of Charleston, S. O, Augusta, Ga., Fayetteville, N. O, Mobile, Ala., Baton Rouge, La., and the forts in South Carolina, Pulaski and Jackson in Georgia, Fort Mason and others in North Carolina, Forts Jackson, St. Philip and Pike in Louisiana, Fort Barancas and the navy yard in Pensa- cola, Fla., were seized. To complete this spoliation, about the end of February, 1861, Brigadier General Twiggs surrendered nearly one- half of the United States army, with all forts and war material, to the State authorities of Texas. A number of revenue cutters were lost in this way. Of the Southern fortified defenses all that was left to the United States were Fortress Monroe, Fort Sumter, Fort Pick- ens, the fortresses on Key West, the Tortugas, and the Arsenal at St. Louis, Mo. It was estimated that 5000 cannon, over 200,000 stand of arms and an imnjense war material amounting in all to over forty Union Politics. 125 millions of dollars were taken from the United States even before President Buchanan's term expired. Towards the end the Cabinet of that most ill-advised of all Presidents went to pieces ; some mem- bers resigned because he admitted interference in the South; others because he did not interfere enough, and some left to avoid the con- sequences of their criminal acts. CHAPTER IV. MISSOURI EVENTS. THE SOUTHWEST CAMPAIGN. North of Texas and west of the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains extended the Department of the West, to whose command General Harney was assigned, who arrived at St. Louis November 18, 1860. Harney, born in Louisiana, was a slaveholder, though credited to be a Union man. Although he had a national reputation as a great Indian fighter, his assignment to St. Louis was made for political reasons. Having married a Mullanphy heiress, he was in- timately connected with the largest landed estate and its many repre- sentatives in St. Louis, and could be expected to harmonize with the leading political party of the State. The Kansas-Nebraska difficulty was not yet finally adjusted, and a strong disciplinarian might have awed the Jay hawker (Free State man) and the Border Ruffian (Pro- slavery Democrat). Harney was barely three days in command when, news came that Montgomery and his band had invaded Fort Scott. General Frost's Brigade of Missouri Militia, 550 men, was called out to march to Fort Scott, and military companies were or- ganized all over the State to assist Frost. General Harney left St. Louis November 24 and hastened to the somewhat indefinite seat of war. The Governor of Kansas also issued a proclamation against mob law, and an armed band under the leadership of "one James Montgomery." The trouble seems to have originated by Free State men settling upon what was claimed to be Cherokee neutral land. These settlers were forcibly ejected by an agent of the Indian Bu- reau and some fifteen of their shanties burned, upon which their own- ers banded together and retaliated upon Proslavery men. Some kid- napers of Negroes in the Territory were killed, in keeping with Mont- gomery's "higher law" notions, which enjoined that "any man con- victed of kidnaping a human being in the Territory shall die." Ac- cording to the "Missouri Democrat," Montgomery took, up arms to avenge the quarrel of parties who had been expelled from lands re- Missouri Events. 127 served for the use of Indian tribes. Even Leavenworth Republicans passed resolutions condemning Montgomery's raid, although the charge that the invasion was made to liberate slaves in Missouri was false. Sixteen of Montgomery's men approached Fort Scott, but no one was molested, least of all the United States Court. The lynching of three men hung and two shot was done in the Territory, and, although frankly owned up by Montgomery's men, was as much to be condemned as all lynch outrages. But for the exaggerated reports from Fort Scott, Frost's Brigade would never have been ordered out, and as the whole difficulty occurred in the Territory, the resort to Missouri Militia was as impolitic as it was improper. 1 Frost's Brigade returned to St. Louis already on December 18. Its being called out for this service, however, has this peculiar bearing on the St. Louis events of 1861, that this Brigade formed the bulk of the State Militia force which the next May was concentrated at Camp Jackson. It was mooted that this excursion was made with the design of a later resistance to Federal authority. State-right badges were worn by troopers in this campaign, and a detachment of all three arms was left on the border under the command of a determined Secessionist. Robert Stewart, the outgoing Governor, was not wittingly a' party to such a scheme, which might be readily credited to the incoming of- ficers of Secession proclivities. THE ST. LOUIS TURNVEREIN. The last days of 1860 found the State of Missouri with a heteroge- neous population of 1,200,000 people, with 100,000 slaves, while St. Louis had then 200,000 inhabitants and 120 slaves. The State was Democratic, the city Republican. In detail the city voters were: Republicans, Conservatives and Secessionists; the State voters, Con- servatives, Secessionists, Republicans, approximating in strength the order in which they are here named. The citizens of foreign ex- traction, mostly Germans, were, with few exceptions, decided Union men, and even the Irishmen, though leaning politically strongly towards the Democratic South, wheeled into the Union ranks after i Of this South West expedition, Uriel Wright, a very able attorney, State- Rights man, and later on officer in the Confederate Army, made the state- ment in the Missouri State Convention: "The only reason why an army was sent to the frontier to put down a Montgomery raid, was that there was no Montgomery raid to put down." 128 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ' the first few months of 1861 and formed some excellent Regiments. The convivial habits of the Germans, their common interests, tastes, progressive views upon human rights, spread through numerous sing- ing and other societies a strong spirit of fellowship, which found its most advanced expression in the St. Louis Turnverein. The immi- grants of 1830, with more academic views, had become somewhat conservative and habituated to existing institutions and relations, while those of 1848 were more radical and uncompromising; still, when it came to questions of leading humanitarian principles, both immigrations stood shoulder to shoulder for all progressive measures. The St. Louis Turn Society was a branch of the national organiza- tion ; it became a center of social amusement and rational develop- ment, seeking to verify the time-honored adage, "A healthy mind in a healthy body." The society was organized May 12, 1850, by Charles Speck, Fred Roever, C. B. Dickriede, W. Moll, George Meyer, Theodore Hildenbrandt, Jehn Bolland, William Grahl, L. A. Bennet, Louis Barthels and William Meyer. It was incorporated on February 24, 1855, with the aid of Attorney D. M. Frost, who on the day of the capture of Camp Jackson may have felt remorse for this act of cour- tesy. The "St. Louis Turnverein" soon united several hundred able- bodied and clear-headed young men, who without interfering with others claimed the privilege of living up to their own convictions. Soon after the organization of the society a rifle section was formed with about fifty members, who were pledged to military obedience when in service ; they elected their officers and instructors and bought their own rifles ; took up regular weekly drills, arranged target prac- tices and trial marches to neighboring cities. Already in February, 1860, General Francis Sigel lectured before this section. At that time the Prussian tactics, published by the Cincinnati Turner Society, were in practice. Among the instructors were Louis Duestrow, Theo- dore Fischbach, Hugo Gollmer, Francis Sigel, Constantin Blandovski. April 4, 1860, a keg of powder was bought, and in May a new target practice place selected and drill twice a week ordered ; in July target practice was held every week ; in September, upon the advice of Gen- eral Sigel, Scott's tactics were adopted. On November 8 the rifles and armament were transferred to the mother society, which, pursuant to its new constitution, ordered all members to regular- military drill as part of the gymnastic exercises! This was certainly a quick and significant answer to all threats of Secession, uttered on account of Lincoln's election. The rifles were to be kept at Turner Hall, on ST. LOUIS TURNER HALL. 10th and Walnut Streets. Where the first companies of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers were organized in 1861. Missouri Events. 129 Tenth and Walnut, and their price was credited to their owners on their dues maturing. January 10 ,1861, bayonet fencing was taken up under Captain Blandovski, and those who wished to join the rifle company after February 7 had to report to J. Tiemeyer, who would furnish them with rifles. Among the three to four hundred mem- bers of the society were many prominent business men, merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, doctors; in fact, the St. Louis Turnverein was a good representation of the solid Teutonic element in the com- munity. Threats by the ultra Southern press were so. frequent and violent that towards the end of 1860, even a local, conflict was anticipated by many, and they deemed it advisable to prepare for it. A consider- able portion of the people of St. Louis came from Southern States, shared in the fiery spirit of that section, was leaning to Know Noth- ingism and had national and religious prejudices. All these sources of antagonism were unfortunately fostered by the circumstance that the different elements of population occupied also different and pretty well defined sections of the city. The Americans lived nearly all in the central and western part of town, the foreign-born eitizens, main- ly Germans and their descendants, lived mostly south of Market street, with a strong colony on Franklin avenue and also an even stronger contingent north of Cass avenue. Between these last two localities, on Wash, Carr, Biddle, Mullanphy and Cass avenue, were the habitations of most Irishmen. While all men of' common sense or culture vindicate the liberty of conscience to everybody, those who are unfortunately limited when born and those whose education is neglected often cherish sentiments of jealousy and even of hatred towards people who differ from them. In this sense there was consid- erable animosity felt in St. Louis between different elements of the population. It does not' improve matters that the latter disposition was often nursed for selfish purposes. THE ST. LOUIS PRESS. The German newspapers of St. Louis were ably edited in the past by Theodore Olshausen, Emil Preetorius, Henry Bqernstein, George Hillgaertner, Charles L. Bernays, D. Hertel, with most valuable con- tributions from Fred Muench, Gustave Koerner, Fred Hecker, Carl Schurz, Carl Luedeking and others, who animated their readers to aid with their votes and actions the country of their adoption. The 130 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. publications in the German language were able exponents of the views of the readers and of their progressive disposition. While not extreme on the Slavery question, they were firm and uncompromising with regard to the inalienable rights of men and most determined for the maintenance of the Union of all States. The Missouri Democrat, the leading Republican paper of the West, exercised a great influence during the past decades and fearlessly spread the gospel of human lib- erty. It was the medium of information between Congress and the West, and its editors, proprietors and coworkers formed the center of Western American liberalism. Robinson, in his "Kansas Conflict," writes of the "Missouri Democrat": "It is doubtful if Kansas could have been saved from the grasp of the invaders but for the hot shot poured into Atchison, Stringfellow & Co. by this paper. James Rid- path was its regular correspondent. The leading Democratic paper, the "St. Louis Republic," did not permit its conservative proclivities to drag it into the disunion camp. In fact, it seemed at times as if the spirit of its founder, Joseph Charless, the Irish patriot, the man who opposed the brutal lynching of the negro Mcintosh and who be- friended E. P. Lovejoy, was still permeating the columns of that paper. Editorially and by correspondents the paper contended for the legality of Lincoln's election and was opposed to the folly of Se- cession. On November 10 Henry Clay Dean, an Iowa Democrat, published through the columns of the "St. Louis Republic" these words: "Mr. Lincoln is elected. He is the constitutional President. Every North- ern State has voted for him. /We have no discretion but to yield obe- dience. Resistance is revolution, and civil war must follow revolu- tion." A couple days later C. R. Wickliffe writes in the same paper. "Let us all unite upon this one question, that the disunionists may know they have no allies or sympathizers among the citizens of Ken- tucky." The same paper quotes on November 12 the proceedings of a former Mississippi State Convention which condemned Secession. Its columns, however, were open to the following advertisement : . "Runaway Slave. Was committed to the jail of Cape Girardeau County, in the State of Missouri, on the 15th of September, 1860, as a runaway slave, a negro man who calls himself Henry Williams, and says he is free, and lived on the island of Hayti; he is of copper color, 5 feet 4^ inches high, weighs about 150 pounds, supposed to be 22 years old, has three upper jaw teeth out, whiskers on his chin, heavy head of hair, no scars about his person, except his ears have been pierced; says he got off a steamboat at Mound City about the 10th inst; had on when taken a pair of new pants of Missouri Events. 131 dark grey cashmere, red flannel drawers, black color frock coat, striped cashmere vest, a brown hat, three white shirts with linen bosoms, and an old pair of gaiter shoes. "The owner of said .negro is hereby notified to come forward and prove said Slave and pay charges, otherwise said Slave will be sold at pu'blic auction to the highest bidder, for cash on hand, at the Court House door, in the town of Jackson, in Cape Girardeau County, Mo., on Tuesday, the 1st day of January, A. D. 1861." What right did the Sheriff have to sell that man, when he did not even know that he was a slave and had an owner? Other slave sale advertisements were made for January 1, 1861, to take, place at the east door of the St. Louis Courthouse, and B. M. Lynch advertised his large, airy, new quarters, No. 57 South Fifth (now Broadway), corner of Myrtle, and will pay highest price for Negroes suited to the Southern market. "Negroes on hand and for sale at all times." From this it would appear that the Negro breeding for the Southern market was not restricted to the Eastern Border States. On the 14th of November the "St. Louis Republic" deemed a stronger dose of Unionism necessary to the failing patriots, and it- published in full President Jackson's proclamation against the Se- cessionists of South Carolina, issued December 11, 1832. The inten- tion was good and locally had a wholesome effect, as later on the vote for the members of the Missouri State Convention proved. As to the Cotton States, they were then already past redemption ; to their senti- mental disposition the words of Schiller fully applied : "Man fears the lion's kingly tread, Man fears the tiger's fangs of terror, But Man himself is most to dread When mad with social error!" Carlyle's translation of : "Gefaehrlich ists den Leu zu wecken, Verderblich ist des Tigers Zahn, Doch ach der schreklichste der Schreken Das ist der Mensch in seinem Wahn." - On the other hand, there were powerful influences which made St. Louis a veritable commonwealth for both sections. The North- ern and Southern trade of the Mississippi Valley centered here, it was 132 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the distributing point for the Eastern wholesale trade. Large mills, foundries, machine shops and factories combined the interests of the capitalist, the engineer, the laborer, and with a hostile South and a hostile immediate West all this was doomed to destruction. Although the directive capital was chiefly in the hands of Southerners, their very great possessions pleaded most eloquently for the maintenance of peace. These considerations guided the conservative element of the city and State and remained a powerful factor until the furies of war stamped out every peaceful disposition in the Union. Events strongly pointed in that direction when on December 13, 1860, Southern members of Congress recommended to their constituencies speedy Secession. THE LAST DAYS OF 1860. The Commissioners of the seceded State of South Carolina called on President Buchanan December 28, 1860, and proposed to treat with him as with the representative of a foreign power, which he de- clined, referring them to Congress. This was useless, for December 31 the committee of thirteen Republican and thirteen Senators from all other parties, forming two classes with equal rights, reported that, after considering many propositions, they could not agree upon any. general plan of adjustment. So far only South Carolina had seceded, but Conventions for that purpose had been called by Georgia, Missis* sippi, Florida, Louisiana and Alabama; the Governors of Missouri, Tennessee, Arkansas and Virginia favored Secession, and the calling of a Convention, while Governor Hicks of Maryland and Sam Hous- ton of Texas were opposed to any such measure. Houston even said he would hang every Secessionist as a traitor if he had the power. End of November, 1860, a company of Constitutional Guards was formed under Colonel Thornton Grimsley, a declaration of principles was issued for them by which they claimed fealty to the Union and to the State of Missouri ; also claimed that the Republican party and the Personal Liberty laws should be put down as well as all traitors to the supreme Federal Government, as long as the latter acts within the sphere of its constitutional duties. They enjoined that every State should "contend for its right and equality within the Union so long as. its protective powers remain unexhausted, and any one De- partment of that government is able to uphold its true spirit and in- tegrity," and "that all should rally behind the remaining bulwarks of the Constitution." Missouri Events. 133 Verbose and confused in its original text as this declaration was, it shows that there must have existed a strong Union feeling among those who were expected to join the organization. Still, the many conditions ornamenting this Unionism were so many loopholes to slip from it to outright Secessionism. Far less moderate was the antag- onism against the incoming Federal administration further South. In New Orleans men were beaten and almost lynched for selling medals of Lincoln and shouting "Hurrah for Lincoln !" In South Caro- lina the President elect was burned in effigy, and the Southern army and navy officers were called upon "to renounce at once the sword and rations of the vulgar oppressor and to hasten at once to the homes that gave them birth." Good many could not dp this, for, having emigrated to Western States, they had to shift their State Rights pa- triotism to the new basis of settlement. General Pillow called Lin-" coin's election "the death knell of the Union." More characteristic is an extract from a letter of Paul J. Semmes, a graduate of West Point, made Brigadier General in Georgia and subsequently made famous by his cruises and blockade running, which shows the bitter resentment of Southern people and the great chasm which separated them from the friends of the Union : "Southerners have a high and sacred duty to perform ; they know well how to perform that duty. He who' dallies is a dastard, he who doubts is damned, and he who cries peace, peace, Union, Union, when there is no peace, no Union, and never can be, with a fanatic and infidel people, who, repudiating God and the Bible, have proclaimed themselves in favor of an Anti-Slavery Bible and an Anti-Slavery God; deserves everlasting execration." Characterizing the financial policy of the Union as a robbery, Semmes goes on: "Their votes, their hands (in our pockets) we dread, Their bayonets themselves we despise. Let a United South rally and strike down this God-forsaken Union with robbers, fanatics, incen- diaries, infidels." It is strange that a brave man like Semmes should have indulged in such blustering talk, for true heroism is generally paired with modesty. At that time there were considerate men who had not yet given up all hope for an adjustment. Governor Johnson of Georgia answered men who consulted him that the election of Lincoln was no cause for dissolving the Union ; that the majority of Congress was still Democratic, and that Lincoln cannot even organize his Cabinet without the consent of the Senate. The possible failure to execute the Fugitive Slave act Governor Johnson considered. a more serious grievance. 134 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In fhe meantime a wavering policy was continued at Washington, where on December 4 President Buchanan took the position that coer- cion is unconstitutional, and recommended : 1. An amendment to the Constitution which shall plainly acknowl- edge the legality of Slavery in the States. 2. Protect Slavery in all Territories until they become States. 3. Enforce the Fugitive Slave law. Attorney General Black gave his opinion to the President that the Government had a right to defend its property and also to retake it when invaded, and further claimed that the President has a right to call out the Militia when the execution of the law is obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings. But the military must be used in support of the civil officers, and if no civil officers are found the use of the mili- tary is illegal because, as Judge Black said, it would be levying war upon such State. According to this reasoning, South Carolina was in the Union far enough to claim the protection of the Constitution, but otherwise sufficiently out of the Union to void all her obligations and connections with it. Judge Black said, further, the President must remain strictly on the defensive; if the means to collect the revenue are insufficient, Congress may make them more effective. Even under Black's opinion, the President had the right and duty to defend the forts of the United States. He should have reinforced them in time, and Robert Anderson should have broken up the bat- teries raised to subdue him. President Buchanan never asked Con- gress for additional power to aid Fort Sumter, and a fort cannot be defended without breaking up the batteries which were erected to reduce it. It seems that none of the conservative politicians under- stood the question of the hour, which was : Shall the Union perish, or shall the South be subdued by war? Stephen A. Douglas spoke towards the end of 1860 at different places of the South, denying the right of Secession and strengthen- ing the Union sentiment; but no little and no big giant could stay any more the tide of coming events, of which one able writer prophet- ically said: "When we see such men at the South as Stephens and Johnson of Georgia, Forsyth and Winston of Alabama, Foote of Ten- nessee, Soule and Wickliff of Louisiana, Houston of Texas and hosts of other distinguished statesmen of the South borne down by the re- sistless tide, we cannot, if we would, shut our eyes to the danger which menaces the safety and perpetuity of the Union." Missouri, Events. 135 Grave cares oppressed all thoughtful men, for most ominous were the forebodings of the last days of I860. 1861. THE MISSOURI STATE LEGISLATURE met on the last day of 1860, and organized January 2, by electing avowed Secessionists as officers. Governor Stewart in his farewell message denied the right of Secession, as Missouri belonged to the Union by right of purchase, and said : "So long as there Is hope of success, she (Missouri) will seek for justice within the Union. She cannot be frightened from her propriety by the past unfriendly legislation from the North, nor be dragooned into Seces- sion 'by the extreme South. Missouri' will rather take the high position of armed neutrality." Governor Stewart also makes use of these words: "Missouri, with scarcely a disunionist per se to be found in her borders," and closes with the words: "I would here, in my last public official act as Governor of Missouri, record my solemn protest against unwise and hasty action, and my unalterable devotion to the Union, as long as it can be made the protector of equal rights." This is strong evidence that the majority of Missomians were Union men. Governor Stewart's remarks of an "armed neutrality" gave probably the keynote to some subsequent threats of the same nature. The idea of an armed neutrality was mooted in the Border States .and Indian Territory early in the course of hostile development. Strategically it was a genial conception in favor of Secession, and if carried out would have secured to the- seceded States, with the ex- ception of their seacoast, immunity against hostile aggression from the North. Such a neutral belt, resulting from the dissolution of Ihe Union, would have served also as a buffer zone between the Northern and Southern confederation. Under "equal right?,"' upon which Governor Stewart based his "unaltered devotion to the Union," he must have meant equal State Rights respecting Slavery in the Terri- tories tor in the South at that time equal rights were on a level with the planters' conception: "This is a free country; this man is mine." Governor Clayborn F. Jackson, born in Keutucky in 1807, was a decided pro-Slavery man, who in the Missouri Legislature of 1848-49 reported the resolutions instructing Benton and his colleague in the Senate to support that tendency. X36 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The qualifying words in these resolutions were: "Any organization of the Territorial Government excluding the citizens of any part of the Union from removing to such Territories . with their property would alienate one portion of the Union from another and tend ulti- mately to disunion." Benton's opposition to these resolutions defeat- ed him for re-election to the Senate arid eliminated him from becom- ing a possible President, who, like Andrew Jackson, might have ' stamped out Secession in its very inception. Clayborne F. Jackson said in his inaugural : "Missouri and Kentucky should stand by the South and preserve her equilibrium;" also that he will defend the honor and interests of Missouri against all assailants whatever. Ry Governor Jackson's statement that "if the Northern States have resolved to admit no more Slaveholding States into the Union'" they have practically abandoned the Union, and will not expect our sub- mission to a Government on terms of inequality and subordination," he practically announces his hostility to the Union, which by a ma- jority of votes had decided to admit no more Slave States. Governor Jackson's demand for an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, asked for very obvious reasons, an impossibility at the time. He concluded by recommending the immediate call of a State Convention, saying: "In this way the whole subject will be brought directly before the people af large, who will determine for themselves what is to be the ultimate action of the State." It seems, however, that the Governor himself had little. faith in his peaceful remedy, as at the end of his message he recommends("a thorough or- ganization of our Militia^f' \ Governor Jackson must have seen that, while the pro-Slavery disposition was clear and emphatic in the Cot- ton States, the anti-Slavery disposition was by no means such in the Northern States; for the great enthusiasm for the war in the North and the great sacrifices brought later on by the Northern States werc- chiefly made for the preservation of the Union of States, and not for the destruction of Slavery, jj Even if Governor Jackson was convinced that the once-roused conscience of the Nation would not stop short of the complete extinction of Slavery, he had every reason to believe that emancipation would be gradual arid with an equitable compensa- tion. But for him and the leaders in the Secession moveinent the question, pure and simple, was : "Slavery in the Union or Slavery out of the Union." Governor Jackson recomiriended the holding of a State Convention, for which a bill passed on January 18, in order to consider whether Missouri Events. 137 Missouri should secede ; also for the purpose of vindicating the sover- eignty of the State and the protection of her institutions. With the exception of the St. Louis delegation nearly all members voted for this measure. The known disposition of the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Legislators justify the supposition that the call was made under the false impression that the Convention would vote for Secession. This belief was caused by the more passionate and demon- strative nature -of the ultra Southerners, which made them appear much stronger in numbers than they actually were. It was not the first time in history that appearances deceived. It can be safely assumed that in every community the great ma- jority of people are well-intended persons, and their differences, though intensified by prejudices, are rooted in deep elementary con- victions. While in ordinary times party affiliations are formed often without much reflection, in consequence of association, derivation, local pride, self-interest and inheritance, yet when an actual recourse to the arbitrament of arms is imminent a great many people are in doubt which side to choose. The hope to influence this portion of the population dictated in the Border States that temporizing, vacillating, procrastinating policy which deferred success and caused great loss of life and treasure. Neither the Free Soil Republicans nor the Slavery and State Rights defenders in St. Louis were guilty of the above fault; they knew that war was the only alternative left, and they proceeded to organize and arm. On the 4th of January, D. R. Russell, Commissioner of the State of Mississippi, was received by the joint session of the Legislature at Jefferson City. He came to ask the cooperation of Missouri in the common defense of the Slaveholding States. A special committee was appointed to conduct RusseJ.1 to the hall, and Lieutenant Gov- ernor Reynolds, presiding, ordered: "When the Commissioner from the State of Mississippi is announced the members of the General As- sembly will rise to receive him." J. D. Stevenson, from St. Louis, objected to this demand, which was qualified by Reynolds with the rather rude remark: "I will change it to a request, and I hope no member of this General Assembly will have the indecency to refuse to rise." Stevenson did not dream then that in 1863 he, as General, will command the leading attack against Vicksburg and effectually help to conquer the very State of. that Commissioner. Russell spoke, as might have been expected, from a representative of a seceded State. Lieutenant Governor Reynolds was very prominent in the Seces- sion movement in Missouri ; he claimed to be a native of South Caro- 138 'The Union uause in St. Louis %n 1861. lina, was well versed in politics and diplomacy, had a very good edu- cation and was energetic and fearless. Early in December, 1860, he sought the councils of the Southern leaders in Washington, and it is more than probable that there and then plans were adopted and meas- ures resolved upon which should guide the Secession policy in Mis- souri. It was hardly in keeping with his usual sense of tact and pro- priety that he anticipated both the messages of the outgoing and of the incoming Governor by publishing on the first legislative day a letter indicating his personal views upon the course Missouri should pursue. He advised the General Assembly to resist all attempts at coercion or for collecting United States revenues or for enforcing Fed- eral laws in seceded States, and urged the speedy organization of the State Militia. He also advised Missouri to call a Convention of all the States for the settlement of their differences, and held that if no such adjustment could be secured before March 4, Missouri should not per- mit Mr. Lincoln to exercise any functions of government within her limits. It is also more than probable that the heated political de- bates during the election campaign of 1860 led Governor Reynolds from step to step, as it did so many others, until sentiments of local patriotism, pride and falsely conceived honor made it impossible for him to retrace his steps. How bitter the political controversies of pre- ceding days were may be judged by the fact that in consequence of them Reynolds fought two duels with B. Gratz Borwn, in the second of which the latter was wounded. Measures hostile to St. Louis and the Union were now rushed through at Jefferson City. Bills were introduced for the call of a State Convention, which was to consider the relations between Mis- souri, the Union and the different States of the Union and for the vindication of Missouri's State sovereignty and the protection of her institutions. There were also acts introduced to arm and equip the Militia; to curtail the powers of the Mayor of St. Louis; to increase the powers of the Governor ; to create a new Police Board for the city, which the Governor was to appoint. Of the tendency of these bills Thomas S. Snead, himself a Secessionist and Secretary of Governor Jackson, in his eminent work, "A Fight for Missouri," says : "The prompt and almost unanimous favor with which the General Assembly received these measures, shows the strength of the feeling which was then forcing Missouri onward towards Secession. To the casual observer it seemed to be irresistible, and the Southern Rights People were exultant, and even defiant." Missouri Events. 139 The Military bill introduced by Monroe Parsons January 5, appro- priated to the disposal of the Governor $150,000 ; it placed the whole population of the State at his mercy; it punished disrespectful lan- guage towards Governor or Legislature and superseded the allegiance to the Federal Government. The Militia law passed, gave the Gov- ernor all power ; the money of the schools, the Blind and Insane Asy- lum were diverted to pay the expenses of the Militia. It was prohib- ited to teach slaves to read or write, and running away slaves was punished by death. To popularize this last measure the same penalty was decreed for horse' stealing. In consideration of a larger fixed contribution to the Democratic campaign fund the Missouri Legislature passed a bill which made it obligatory that all legal advertisements and notices in St. Louis Coun- ty (which at that time included the city of St. Louis) should be made in the "State Journal," published by Moritz Niedner. This indirect extortion of money from the public, to be passed temporarily to M. Niedner in order to be squeezed out of him for the Democratic cam- paign fund, was an outrage, and as all St. Louis newspapers lost through the same valuable advertisements, their ardor in denouncing the measure knew no bounds, and Niedner for a time at least was the best-abused man in St. Louis and even threatened to be lynched. His. defense that he was only a printer and could not secure the publica- tion of the Legal Record without submitting to the extortion was ignored by the local press. This indirect corruption, which was to furnish the sinews of war for the Secession campaign, greatly aided the Union cause in St. Louis, for the Legislature, known to be hostile to the Union, added injury to insult by curtailing the revenue of all newspapers. FEARS AND DOUBTS IN ST. LOUIS. 'Brigadier General Frost of the Missouri State militia, issued order No. 4 on January 8, which commanded all troops to assemble as soon as the bells of the churches sound continued peals with five-minute intermission, and to await further orders. Archbishop Kendrick, an eminent church dignitary, promptly stopped this, abuse of church bells under his control. The measure of church bells was of doubtful utility, for it would have roused the Union men and organizations as well as the Secessionists. The measure of suddenly assembling the State Militia through alarm bells was believed to be intended for the capture of the Arsenal, 140 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of which the Confederate writer, J. C. Moore, states: "It could have been taken at any time for months with the tacit consent of its com- mandant if the State authorities had possessed the courage to take it." "Volunteers were ready to act at an hour's notice." It was now deemed opportune in St. Louis to neutralize the animos- ity which the last presidential campaign had created between Union Democrats and Republicans. On January 11 a meeting was called at Washington Hall for the organization of Union clubs, irrespective of previous party affiliations. This helped to consolidate the Union ele- ment to some extent, and by bringing the men in different localities more in contact with each other materially aided the formation of the first ten Regiments enlisting in the United States service. Another Union meeting was called for January 12 by N. Paschal, Hamilton R. Gamble, James E. Yeatman and Robert Campbell, ask- ing among other things for the protection of slave property by the Federal Government and threatening that "if the Federal Govern- ment shall fail and refuse this right * * * Missouri will share the common duties and common dangers of the South." The meet- ing also took strong grounds against coercion, approved the Critten- den Compromise and a State Convention for Missouri. This meeting represented conservative and conditional Union men but neither the mass of Republicans nor the active working Union men of St. Louis, who were warned by posters not to participate in this conservative move. The "St. Louis Republic" strongly advocated a similar conservative policy in its issue of January 14, stating that six States had already seceded, and one-half of the others would resist a policy of coercion, and Kentucky and Tennessee would again be- come the "Dark and Bloody Ground." A Bill calling a Convention of the State of Missouri passed both houses of the Legislature, with only 20 dissenting votes, and the date for the election of members to the Convention was set for February 18. Besides this, another care beset the minds of the Union people in whose eyes General Harney's loyalty was an unknown quantity and beyond their mental computation ; another circumstance greatly ag- gravated the situation, namely, the commander of the Arsenal, which held 60,000 stand of arms, large quantities of ammunition and war material, was at that time William H. Bell, from North Carolina, a man known to have strong Southern sympathies. Matters looked very unsafe in and around St. Louis, and induced Isaac H. Sturgeon, United States Assistant Treasurer, to write to President Buchanan Missouri Events. 141 that "both parties had their eyes fixed upon those two points," mean- ing the Arsenal and the Subtreasury with $400,000 cash in its vaults. Sturgeon suggested to the President to concentrate troops at the Ar- senal for the protection of the property in both places. In response to this General Scott wired on February 13 to Harney : "Have you in St. Louis Arsenal troops enough to defend it? Ought you not send up all the men from Jefferson Barracks?" to which Harney answered : "The' Secession party is in a minority in St. Louis, and there is every reason to suppose, that in the event of a movement from any quarter upon the Arsenal, its garrisons would be promptly succored by an overwhelming force from the city." General Scott neverthe- less ordered fifty men to St. Louis to be placed by the Department Commander at the disposal of the Assistant Treasurer. The men were stationed at the Custom House, until the treasure was removed. This transaction created an immense excitement in the city and gathered great crowds on the streets : which, however, is not unusual even on very trivial occasions. Governor Jackson called the atten- tion of the General Assembly to the event, and Senator Parsons vindicated the honor of Missouri by offering the following resolution : "That we view the act of the Administration as insulting to the dignity and patriotism of the State, and calculated to arouse sus- picion and distrust on the part of her people towards the Federal Government." "Resolved, That the Governor be requested to inquire of the Presi- dent, what had induced him to place the property of the United States within the State, in charge of an armed Federal force." With due recollection and appreciation of the recent seizure of the Sub- Treasury at New Orleans, the inquiry was dropped. Strangely enough the argument was used later, that this apparent distrust of the Federal authorities advanced the Secession disposition in Mis- souri, while it would appear that the inducement for Secession could not possibly be increased by the removal of these funds, which lessened the opportunities to secure the sinews of war. While these measures were carried out, the overcharged imagina- tion of some "Fire-eaters" urged Governor Jackson to "do and dare" and take the Arsenal with its 60,000 stand of arms, great store of powder and war material. Governor Jackson wisely thought "discre- tion the better part of valor" and deferred an attack upon the Arsenal until he had a force to insure success, which, however, never hap- pened. The St. Louis Arsenal could be defended against great odds ; 142 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its main strength, however, was its location, surrounded by a loyal population. The St. Louis ward lines run at that time from the river west to' the city limits, the numbers commencing at the south end with the First Ward. The wards south of Market street, peo- pled mainly by Germans and other immigrants, were so strongly imbued by Union sentiments, that besides furnishing the bulk of the first four Volunteer Regiments, they also raised three Regiments of Reserves or Home Guards, and all of this before the sun set on the 8th of May. In January and February, 1861, the ^Arsenal at St. Louis was also comparatively safe, because actual hostilities against the Union had not commenced and the Secessionists of Missouri trusted to the State Convention to give them a kind of a legal standing by passing a Secession Ordinance ; besides this they relied upon the State Rights proclivities of Major Bell, the Commander of the Arsenal, as the following highly interesting letter of General D. M. Frost shows: A TELL TALE LETTER. "St. Louis, January 24, 1861. "To C. T. Jackson, Governor of Missouri: "Dear Sir — I have just returned from the Arsenal, where I have had an Interview with Major Bell, the commanding officer of that place. I found the Major everything that you or I could desire. He assured me that he considered that Missouri had, whenever -the time came, a right to claim it as being on her soil. He asserted his determination to defend it against any and all irresponsible mobs, come from whence they might, but at the same time gave me to understand that he would not attempt any defense against the proper State authorities. "He promised me, upon the honor of an officer and a gentleman, that he would not suffer any arms to be removed from the place without first giving me timely information, and I, in return, promised him that 1 would use all the force at my command to prevent him being annoyed by irrespon- sible persons. "I at the same time gave him notice that if affairs assumed so threaten- ing a character as to render it unsafe, to leave the place in its compara- tively unprotected condition, that I might come down and quarter a proper force there, to protect it from the assaults of any persons whatsoever, to which he assented. In a word, the Major is with us, where he ought to be, for all his worldly wealth lies here in St. Louis (and it is very large) ; and then, again, his sympathies are with us. "I shall therefore rest perfectly easy and use all my influence to stop the sensationists from attracting the particular attention of the Govern- ment to this particular spot. The telegrams you received were the sheerest "canards" of persons who, without discretion, are extremely anxious to Missouri Events. 143 show their zeal. I shall be thoroughly prepared with the proper force, to act as emergency may require. The use of force will only be resorted to when nothing else will avail, to prevent the shipment or removal of arms. The Major informed me that he had arms for 40,000 men, with all the ap- .< pliances to manufacture munitions of almost every kind. "This Arsenal, if properly looked after, will he everything to our State, and I intend to look after It, very quietly, however. I have every con- fidence in the word of honor pledged to me by the Major, and would as soon think of doubting the oath of the best man in the community. "His idea is that it would be disgraceful to him as a military man to surrender to a mob, whilst he could do so, without compromising his dig- nity to the State authorities. Of course, I did not show him your order, but I informed him that you authorized me to act as I might think proper, to protect the public property. He desired that I would not divulge his peculiar views, which I promised not to do, except to yourself. I beg, therefore, that you will say nothing that might compromise him eventually with the General Government, for thereby I would be placed in an awkward position, while he probably would be removed, which would be unpleasant to our interests. . . . McLaren and George made the mistake of tele- graphing a falsehood to you. "I should be pleased to hear whether you approve of the course I have adopted, and if not, I am ready to take any other that you, as my com- mander, may suggest. I am, etc., " D.- M. Fbost." General D. M. Frost, born in Ne#York in 1823, graduated al West Point in 1844 ; took part in the Mexican war and was breveted First Lieutenant by General Harney after the Battle of Cerro Gordo. His connections in St. Louis were with Southern families, and he resigned his commission in the army already in 1853; he was a member of the Missouri Legislature and became General of the Brigade sent to the Southwest frontier, ostensibly to protect Mis- sourians from an invasion of Kansas people under Captain Mont- gomery. Frost's Brigade comprised Infantry, Cavalry and-Artillery, 'and numbered near 600 men, which was less than one-third of its full complement, but which in case of an emergency, could have been recruited up on short notice. It is difficult to understand the whole course of General Frost. Born and educated in a Northern State, of independent fortune, his Missouri Southern connections led him to espouse the cause of Secession ; no doubt that wounded pride, on account of the surrender of Camp Jackson, affected his course; after being exchanged, he immediately joined the Confederate serv- ice, but left this already in 1863 and went to Canada. His, also, was one of those cases where sentiment obliterated sound judgment. T. S. Snead states that General Frost made the necessity of seizing the 144 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Arsenal, manifest to the Governor, "and was by him authorized to seize the Arsenal," whenever the occasion might require such de- cisive action ; and thereby proves, that those who anticipated such a probable event, showed eminent good sense. It also proves that the State authorities, made plans for the seizure of the Arsenal as early as January, 1861. Colonel Broadhead in a short treatise upon the war in St. Louis quotes an interview of Governor Jackson with Isaac H. Sturgeon, President of the North Missouri Railroad, at the latter's office, in which Jackson said: "That if his advice had been taken, the Ar- senal would have been seized, when he could have walked in with ten armed men and taken it, as it had no protection ; but to do so now would cost the lives of great many men, and the probable destruction of the city." These sentiments do not tally with the expressions of General Frost in his letter to the Governor, of January 26th, and the most charitable construction that can be placed upon this in- cident, is, that the Governor's mind was unsettled, for his subse- quent behavior did not bear out his above quoted expressions. All subsequent professions of pacific intentions uttered by Governor Jackson or General Frost must appear in the light of being at first a veil and later on a palliation^of "constructive treason" to the United States. On the same day on which General Frost wrote to Governor Jackson a telegram /was sent from Washington to the New York Evening Post, stating that General Scott had information of a plot for the seizure of the St. Louis Arsenal ; was this caused by General Frost's visit to the Arsenal? So much is certain, that this informa- tion and the earnest and repeated demands of Frank P. Blair and other decided Union men, at last prevailed upon the administra- tion at Washington. Major Bell was superseded in command of the Arsenal by Major Hagner. This frustrated all chances of a peaceful- occupation of the U. S. Arsenal by Secessionists in the guise of State Militia. On January 26 Captain Sweeney was ordered from Jefferson Bar- racks, to take command of the troops at the Arsenal; but Major Hag- ner remained Commander of the Arsenal, and was his superior offi- cer, and while Sweeney had the de facto power to assume authority, he could do so only at the risk of a court martial, for evidently the final authority vested. in Major Hagner. An anecdote reveals the peculiar service relations of that period. An old fellow officer of Sweeney, named Croghan, called on him at the Arsenal, revealed his Missouri Events. 145 uniform and rank as a Confederate field officer and advised Sweeney to get out of the Arsenal, because he said: "We intend to - take it." Sweeney peremptorily declared he would blow up the Arsenal be- fore surrendering it, and warned Croghan of his danger of being in a Confederate uniform at the Arsenal. Rumor, which a Latin poet 1,900 years ago, designated, as a hor- rible, immense, blind monster, was now as ever busily at work. Union leaders and men were alarmed and cautioned to defend the Arsenal against secretly planned attacks by the Secessionist, for which even specific dates were designated, but no clearly formulated plan is thus far on record, no such attack was ever made and all such schemes appear to have remained in the embryo condition of mere evil intentions. THE MISSOURI STATE CONVENTION. Towards the end of January, a number of Union men met at the Mercantile Library and appointed a committee to propose candi- dates for the State Convention. An adjourned meeting at Verandah Hall adopted the following, ticket: Ferd. Meyer, T.T. Gantt,Dr. M. L. Linton, H. R. Gamble, Hudson E. Bridge, John F. Long, Sol. Smith, J. H. Shakelford, Uriel Wright, Samuel Breckenridge, Rob- ert Holmes, Jas. O. Broadhead, Isidore Bush, John How, Henry Hitchcock, which were classified as seven Douglas Democrats, four Lincoln Republicans, three Union men from the Bell and Everett following, and one was not classified. Strong Union resolutions in- dorsed these candidates. The names on the ticket were not selected in proportion to the Union vote in St. Louis, which was chiefly German, and in its great majority for Lincoln, but the object was to secure the undecided vote and the favorable result, fully justified the selection. With regard to the political complexion as far as the voters of the whole State are concerned, the classification of T. L. Snead, Secre- tary to Governor Jackson, may be safely assumed as reliable; he states that the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, a majority of the General' Assembly, both United States Senators, Jas. L. Green and Trusten Polk ; also General David Atchison, were Secessionists in so far that they would have Missouri eventually side with the seceded States, which, in their opinion, would include all" slaveholding States ; their faction represented about 19 per cent of the voters. He classifies as conditional Union men : H. R. Gamble, A. W. Doniphan, 10 146 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Jas. R. Collins, W. A. Hall, J. S. Phelps,, Robert Stewart, Sterling Price, N. Paschall, editor of the St. Louis Republic, and states that their influence was chiefly with men who sympathized with the South, but saw that the business and geographical relations made it the interest of the State to remain with the Northern States in the Union ; many men of this faction had still a latent hope for a com- promise. They recruited from the Douglas and Bell men and jointly cast about 71 per cent in the last election. The unconditional Union men were immigrants from Europe, chiefly Germany, with comparatively few Americans from the Middle and Eastern States and mountaineers from the border States; they were mostly inhabi- tants of cities and cast only 10 per cent of the votes at the last presidential election. However, that was not their real strength; for in the interior of the State, great many did not vote for pruden- tial reasons, others voted for Douglas believing in squatter sover- eignty, and again others for Bell on general principle of conserva- tism, indecision and doubt. It will be remembered that Virginia had asked all States to send Commissioners to Washington for a Convention on February 4 to consider and if practicable to agree upon some suitable adjustment between the North and the South. Although Congress treated the proposition with indifference, most Northern and all border States, Tennessee and North Carolina, sent delegates. There was a hope that this Peace Convention would result in a compromise, for abso- lute yielding either at the North or at the South was entirely out of the question. This hope was used to great advantage by the conditional Union men during the campaign for the election of Convention members. The brilliant eloquence of James S. Rollins, himself a large slaveholder, a Union man, though opposed to coercion ; the convincing logic of W. A. Hall, who pointed out the hopeless strategical position of Missouri as a Secession State, wedged in between the three energetic and blooming Free States of Illinois, Iowa and Kansas ; the uselessness in case of isolation of her splendid communicational means of the greatest navigable river net of the world ; the certainty of the loss of all slaves in case of Secession and the danger to the families and possessions of the seceders in the State ; all these were so weighty that they largely overcame the more sentimental influence of derivation, habit and past association. The members of the Missouri State Convention were elected on February 18, upon the presumption that they had the right to Missouri Events. 147 submit a Secession Ordinance to the voters of the State. It is a memorable fact, that out of the 104 members elected for the Con- vention 81 were born in Slave States, 19 in Free States, 3 in Ger- many and 1 in Ireland. Contrary to the anticipations of the Gov- ernor, the election passed off quietly and resulted in a great Union victory. In St. Louis city and county, the Union men received over 5,000, and in the State over 80,000 majority, and not a single avowed Secessionist was elected. This was a terrible defeat for the Governor and the Secessionists in the Legislature and a damper on their military schemes. As far as ascertained from 99 members of the Convention, only 27 were under and 72 above forty years of age; with regard to the same number, 52 were lawyers (9 of whom had been judges), 26 fajmers, 11 merchants and 10 other professions; certainly a very conservative body, regarding both age and occupation, and as far as experience in life is concerned it was entitled to the highest consideration. W. L. Webb, a Confederate writer, classified the members of the Missouri State Convention as 52 unconditional Union men and 47 who believed in Secession under circumstances of sufficient provocation; but with regard to. the latter number, due allowance must be made, between avowed intention and practical execution, which both are influenced by developing circumstances. Be this as it may, so much is certain, that this Convention was a very strong representative body, and while it could not quite save Missouri from the ravages of civil war, it imparted a knowledge of the true interests of the State, which kept many Missourians from unnecessary sacrifices. The thanks of the State are due to all its members, even to those whose better judgment was afterwards over- come by sentiment, local pride and chivalrous notions which had no solid foundation in facts. LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE STATE CONVENTION OF MISSOURI, MARCH 31, 1861. Name. Born. Representing. Sterling Price, President Virginia Brunswick, Chariton Co. Sam A. Lowe, Secretary Maryland Georgetown, Pettis Co. R. A. Campbell, Asst. Secretary....Missouri Bowling Green, Pike Co. C. P. Anderson, Doorkeeper Tennessee California. B. W. Grover, Sergeant-at-Arms Ohio Warrensburg. And. Monroe, Chaplain Virginia Fayette. Allen, J. S Tennessee Bethany; Harrison Co. Bartlet, Orson Virginia Bloomfield, Stoddard Co. 148 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Name. Born. Representing. Bass, L. B Tennessee Ashland, Boone Co. Bast, Geo. Y _ Kentucky Rhineland, Montgomery Co. Birch, Jas. H Virginia Plattsburg, Clinton Co. Bogy, Joseph „ .Missouri St. Mary, St. Genevieve Co. Breckinridge, Sam Kentucky. St. Louis. Broadhead, Jas. O Virginia St. Louis. Bridge, Hudson E New Hampshire St. Louis. Brown, B. A Tennessee .Cass County. Bush, Isidor .Bohemia -St. Louis. Calhoun, Robert Ireland Callaway County. Cayce, Milton P Virginia Fannington, St. Francis Co. Chenault, Jno. R Kentucky Carthage, Jasper Co. Collier, Sam Missouri Fredericktown, Madison Co. Comingo, A Kentucky Independence. Crawford, Robt. W Virginia Mt. Vernon, Lawrence Co. Doniphan, A. W Kentucky .Liberty, Clay Co. Donnell, R. W North Carolina St. Joseph. Douglass, Wm Virginia Boonville. Drake, Chas Kentucky .California. Dunn, Geo. W Kentucky Richmond. Eitzen, Chas. D Germany .Hermann. Frayser, Robt. B , Virginia St. Charles Co. Flood, Jos Kentucky Callaway County. Foster, John D Kentucky Kirksville. Gamble, Hamilton R Virginia St. Louis. Gantt, Thos. T Dist. Columbia St. Louis. Givens, N. F „ Kentucky Clark County. Gorin, Hy. M Kentucky Scotland County. Gravely, J. J..: Virginia Cedar County. Hall, Willard P. Virginia St. Joseph. Hall, William A Maine .Randolph County. Harbin, A. S North Carolina Barry County. Hatcher, Robt. A Virginia New Madrid. Henderson, John B Virginia Pike County. Hendrick, Littleberry Virginia Springfield. Hill, V. B Kentucky Pulaski County. Hitchcock, Hy Alabama St. Louis. Holmes, Robt ~ Pennsylvania St. Louis. Holt, John Kentucky Dent County. Hough, Harrison Kentucky Mississippi County. How, John Pennsylvania St. Louis. Howell, Wm. J Kentucky .....Monroe County. Hudgins, Prince L Kentucky Andrew County. Irwin, Jos. M Virginia Shelby County. Isbell, Z Virginia Osage County. Jackson, Wm Tennessee Putnam County. Jameson, Robt. W Kentucky..' .Webster County. Johnson, Jas. W.../ Virginia Bolivar. Missouri Events. 149 Name. Born. Representing. Kidd, Christ. G Kentucky Henry County. Knott, J. Proctor ^ Kentucky Jefferson City. Leper, Wm. T Tennessee Wayne County. Linton, M. L Kentucky St. Louis. Long, John F Missouri St. Louis. Marmaduke, Vincent Missouri Saline County. Marvin, Asa C New Hampshire Henry County. Matson, Jas. T Missouri...- .Ralls County. Maupin, A. W Missouri Franklin County. McClurg, J. W Missouri Linn Creek. McCormack, Jas. R .. Missouri Perry County. McDowell, Nelson Illinois Dade County. McFerran, Jas Maine. Daviess County. Meyer, Ferdinand Prussia St. Louis. Morrow, W. L Tennessee Dallas County. Moss, Jas. H Missouri Clay County. Noell, Jas. C Virginia Bollinger County. Norton, E. H Kentucky Platte City. Orr, Sample , Tennessee Springfield. Phillips, John F Missouri.. Pettis County. Pipkin, Phil Tennessee Iron County. Pomeroy, Wm. G :.New York Crawford County. Rankin, Chas. G Missouri Jefferson County. Ray, Robt. D _ Kentucky ..Carrolton. Redd, John T Kentucky Palmyra. Ritchey, M. H Tennessee Newton County. Ross, Jas. P , Maryland Morgan County. Rowland, Fred North Carolina Macon City. Sawyer, Sam L New Hampshire Lexington. ' Sayre, E. K New Jersey Lewis County. Scott, Thomas Kentucky... Tuscumbia. Shackelford, Thomas Missouri Glasgow. Shackelford, J. H, Kentucky St. Louis County. Sheehey, Jas. K Kentucky Independence. Smith, Jacob Kentucky Linn County. Smith, Sol New York.: St. Louis. Stewart, Robt M_ New York. :....St. Joseph. Tindall, Jacob T „ ..Kentucky Grundy County. Turner, W. W Illinois Lebanon. Waller, Jos. G Virginia .Warren County. Watkins, N. W Kentucky Cape Girardeau County. Welch, Aikman Missouri Warrensburg. Wilson, Robt Virginia St. Joseph. Woodson, Warren Virginia Columbia. Woolfolk, Alex. M Kentucky Chillicothe. Wright, Uriel — Virginia St. Louis. Vanbuskirk, Elery Ohio Holt County. Zimmerman, Geo Virginia New Hope. 150 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The members of the Convention met at Jefferson City on February 28th and organized, by all members taking the oath of office to support the Constitution of the United States and "of the State of Missouri." They adopted the rules of a previous convention ; elected, on motion of Jas. 0. Broadhead, Gen. Sterling Price permanent chairman ; resolved to continue their sessions at St. Louis, and made their resolutions, taken thus far final, by laying a motion for recon- sideration on the table ; this latter was carried by a vote of 65 to 30, showing the ruling tendency of the convention. After this, the # con- vention adjourned to St. Louis, into an atmosphere more favorable to the Union cause. Shortly before, on Friday, February 15th, the Legislature tried to tune the convention by passing Mr. Vest's anti- coercion bill, which emphatically stated that, upon the invasion of any State, "the people of Missouri will instantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren, to resist the invaders at all hazards and to the last extremity." This resolution may to some extent have in- fluenced public opinion, but had no binding force upon any one member of the convention, nor its decisions, which upon the ques- tions at issue were the supreme law of the State. However, events must be related now which exercised an influence upon the tra tions of the convention. NATHANIEL LYON. During the Kansas troubles, a military officer stationed in that Territory called at the Missouri Democrat office, to settle his sub- scription. Daniel M. Houser, one of the proprietors, met him and expressed his gratification to find among the very conservative ele- ment of the army an officer who would support the radical tendency of the Missouri Democrat, to which remark the officer replied with great earnestness : "Every possible means should be exhausted be- fore another Slave State is admitted into the Union." This man was Captain Nathaniel Lyon. When it became evident that a change in the command at the St. Louis Arsenal was absolutely necessary, D. M. Houser suggested to a conference of Union men Captain Lyon, whose appointment was secured, and who arrived at the St. Louis Arsenal with eighty men, Infantry, not as a stranger, but as a well-known, resolute, uncompromising Union man and a Free Soiler, notwithstanding that he had been a Democrat, favoring free trade. Missouri Events. 151 Lyon was born July 14, 1818, at Ashford, Conn.; graduated at West Point in 1841; distinguished himself in the Mexican War. and was breveted Captain August, 1847, and afterwards served with distinction against the Indians in California. The picture he makes of himself at the time is highly interesting: "Growing old, but not ashamed of it ; proud, perhaps, but not haughty ; prudent, it may be, in worldly affairs, yet not crafty for wealth; desirous enough for fame, but not infuriated with blind ambition ; and in general, taking the world as it comes, enjoying richly its many blessings, sympa- thizing with the unfortunate, and laughing with the indifference of cool philosophy at the sore disappointments with which selfishness and cupidity are ever torturing their victims." In 1852 Lyon was a Democrat and a supporter of Franklin Pierce, and, while on leave, spoke in favor of his election. While at Wash- ington he took great interest in the debates of Congress upon the Kansas-Nebraska issue, and these debates crystalized his opinion and strongly enlisted his sympathies in favor of the oppressed race. Sent to Fort Riley in 1854, during the animated discussion sprung upon Congress by the Kansas and Nebraska Act, he espoused the cause of the Free Soil party with all the fervor of an earnest soul. A few extracts from his letters will show his disposition. He writes on March 2d, 1855: "It is fully apprehended that the aggressions of the pro-Slavery men will not be checked till a lesson has been taught them in letters of fire and blood." In December of the same year Lyon writes: "I have seen so much of the overbearing domina- tion of the pro-Slavery people in Kansas toward the Free State men, that I am persuaded that the latter have either to fight in self-de- fense or submit ignobly to the demands of their aggressors." . . . "I despair of living peaceably with our Southern brethren, without making disgraceful concessions, but rest assured that this will not always be, and in this view I foresee ultimate sectional strife, which I do not care to delay." In another letter he names Jefferson Davis, at the time Secretary of War, a heartless villain. The partiality of Buchanan's administration for the pro-Slavery party in Kansas disgusted Lyon to an extent that he seriously considered his resignation from the army rather than to enforce the laws of the United States in Kansas, arguing that he "could not submit to the self-debasement and humiliation of being employed as a tool in the hands of evil rulers for the accomplishment of evil ends. 152 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Lyon writes from Fort Scott, to which place he was sent by Gen. Harney to head off Montgomery with the aid of Frost's Missouri Militia: "January 27th, 1861. — I do not consider troops at all nec- essary here, and should much prefer to be employed in the legitimate and appropriate service of contributing to stay the idiotic fratricidal hands now at work to destroy our Government. . . . It is no longer useful to appeal to reason, but to the sword, and trifle no longer in senseless wrangling. I shall not hesitate to rejoice at the triumph of my principles, though this triumph may involve an issue in which I certainly expect to expose and very likely shall lose my life. I would a thousand times rather incur this than recall the result of our presidential election. We shall rejoice, though, in mar- tyrdom if need be." It was an "Ave libertas, moriturus te salutam" (Hail liberty! fated to die, I greet thee !") . A few days later Lyon's company was ordered to St. Louis. Snead describes Lyon as 43 years old, less than medium height, slender and angular, with abundant sandy hair, reddish-brown beard, deep-set blue eyes, rough and homely features, and weather- beaten aspect; while Peckham describes Lyon's disposition serious, his bearing modest, stature slender and proportionally well built, with large forehead spreading above, clear deep-blue eyes, face nar- row, hair and beard sandy. Both descriptions are correct. There may be added to them that Lyon's features had a thoughtful and keen cast and made the impression of a nervous disposition. He was a diligent student of classical literature and history, and an ad- mirer of the deeds of great men. Personal experience and past events shaped Lyon's convictions, which were to serve the highest aims of humanity. For him the flag of the United States was the symbol of that tendency, and his determination was that it should wave in triumph over the North American Continent. How clear Lyon's mind was upon the great issues of the day, his own words show: "I do not see how war is to be avdided. Under quack management it may be long and bloody; yet I have no apprehension about the final triumph of Almighty Truth, though at the cost of many un- necessary sacrifices. I would rather see the country lighted up with flames, from its center to its remotest borders, than that the great rights and hopes of the human race should expire before the arro- gance of the Secessionists. Of this, however, there is no danger. NATHANIEL LYON. Captain U. S. A., Brigadier-General of Volunteers. Missouri Events. 153 They (the Secessionists) are at war with nature and the human heart, and cannot succeed." Arrived at St. Louis Arsenal February 6th, 1861, Lyon asserted his right to command, being an older Captain than Hagner. The latter was sustained, however, by Harney and the President, because Hagner had been breveted Major. It was said that Lyon made the claim because he distrusted Hagner, who associated with Southern sympathizers, and whose wife was a slave-holder's daughter. Lyon certainly was convinced of the justice of his own claim, or he never would have made it. He established the closest relations with Blair and other influential Union men, who said that he had been sent to them, as it were, by Providence." His clear intellect and great energy mastered all phases of the local situation. A life- long officer of the regular army, with its strict discipline and punctilious system of order, it was no easy task to be called to the head of many organizations of a heterogeneous nature, which on all sides were rapidly springing into life; nor could he have done it without the efficient aid of many able, experienced and cultured men of St. Louis, nor without the devotion of the Union population, which stands without a parallel in the annals of our History. On February 16th the garrison at the Arsenal was reinforced by 203 men, to which, a few days later, 102 were added, bringing the force stationed there to 484 men. Harney had reported East that there never was a danger of an attack upon the Arsenal, and if an attack should be made, the garrison would be promptly rescued by an overwhelming force from the city. This latter conclusion of Harney was correct, but not the premises, for the Secessionists certainly had the intention and would have improved any chance to capture the Arsenal, but great vigilance prevented such a chance, and the vote on members of the Missouri State Convention on Feb- ruary 18th, defeating every Secession candidate, destroyed all hope of support from the irresolute, noncommittal portion of the com- munity, which at best was an unknown quantity. The vote on the Convention members had a depressing influence upon the Seces- sionists, but neither they nor the Union, men did for a moment relent in their efforts to prepare by all possible means for the coming conflict. To remedy the unsatisfactory condition of affairs at the Arsenal, F. P. Blair went to Washington, stopping off on his way at Spring- 154 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. field, Illinois, to see the incoming President. Lyon wrote to Blair on February 25th a long letter, specifying all grievances, which, among other things, is also memorable for the latitude of expression which an American officer used about his superior officer. Part of the words referred to are: "The announcement of General Scott that the command belongs to Major Hagner, is his own decision and done in his usual sordid spirit of partisanship and favoritism, to pets and personal associates and toadies." Lyon states in this letter that the fine stone wall surrounding the Arsenal should be used for defense by preparing scaffoldings from which to fire, hav- ing sand bags ready to protect artillery pieces, which would sweep the outside faces of the walls,' also to put up traverses inside, and place a battery to clear out intruders inside the walls; further, to mine the buildings for blowing them up if they could not be de- fended ; to form a battery towards the Mississippi, or Arsenal Island, and the opposite shore. Major Hagner objected to all these prepara- tions, wanted to admit the enemy unopposed inside the wall, and only to defend the main buildings. Captain Lyon in his letter designates Hagner's plan in his terse diction: "This is either im- becility or villainy." He ends the letter with the words: "If I should have command, I would have no trouble to arm any assisting party, and perhaps, by becoming responsible for the arms, etc., I might fit out the Kegiment we saw in the garden the other day ; but- most I concern myself with a view to sustain the Government here, and trust to such measures as may be found available. Yours truly, N. Lyon." Two days before this letter, an article appeared in the Missouri Democrat, representing the defenses of the Arsenal much stronger than they actually were, with the evident intention of deterring Secessionists from attacking the same. A few days later, on March 1st, the Commissioner of Georgia, Luther J. Glenn, arrived at Jefferson City to invite Missouri into the Southern Confederacy. Notwithstanding the overwhelming Union vote of the State, Governor Jackson introduced him to a meeting, and reiterated that the honor of Missouri required her to stand with the Confederate States and to join them, should Lincoln make war on the South. Both Houses invited Mr. Glenn to address the members of the Legislature, but his speech did not elicit any specific action of that body. Glenn had the satisfaction of a serenade Missouri Events. 155 and of witnessing that some members of the Legislature habitually saluted a Secession flag, which was hoisted opposite the Post Office. The St. Louis State Convention met at the St. Louis Mercantile Library hall on March 4 and organized by electing Sterling Price President, with 75 out of 99 votes. On May 3 the Minute Men raised the flag of Missouri on the Courthouse dome, which, being unauthor- ized, was taken down by the Custodian. The same parties raised a Secession Bag on Berthold's building, Fifth and Pine, the Minute Men's Headquarters. A Union £ag was raised on the opposite build- ing by Tony Niederwieser, his brother and other Union men. Crowds gathering in the street, commenced to cheer their respective flags, and a chance shot might have precipitated a fearful street fight ; but passions had not reached that fever heat, which disregards all danger and all consequences. The Union men in the street were prevailed upon to defer action to a more propitious time. Rumor brought this excitement in connection with a very improbable scheme to capture the Arsenal. On the 4th of, March the spirit of the Secessionists was at its lowest ebb; their number was too small for such an enterprise, and the chances could not be improved by starting a street fight two and one-half miles away. CHAPTER V. THE APPROACHING STORM. DRIFTING TOWARDS WAR. In the meantime, seizures of United States property went on lustily in the South. On the 3d of January Fort Pulaski, near Savannah; on the 4th, the Arsenal, near Mount Vernon, Alabama; on the 5th, Fort Morgan and Gaines, guarding the approaches to Mobile; on the 6th, the Arsenal at Apalachicola ; on the 7th, Fort Marion, near St. Augustin, was seized; it was also officially stated that Virginia was already then prepared to arm 25,000 troops. A day of national humiliation, fasting and prayer was proclaimed at Washington, but a less peaceful spirit prevailed next day at many places in the North, where salutes were fired in approval of Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter, which, in fact, was an act of the plainest military duty. Delegates from South Carolina now called upon President Buchanan, who said he could receive them only as private citizens, and also informed them that he would defend Fort Sumter. Upon this information, the delegation of private citizens left unceremoniously for home. On January 5 the "Star of the West" left New York harbor with men and munitions of war for Fort Sum- ter; the same day the Senators from Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas met at Washington and advised their States to secede, and to organize a Slave-holding Con- federacy. This action was incorrectly attributed to the President's answer to the citizens of South Carolina, likewise to the sailing of the "Star of the West." The Senators, as part of the Government, were in daily and direct communication with the President, and did not need any outside information. It may be taken as a self-evident axiom in History that great events have great causes. The probability is that the South Carolina delegation was sent to Washington to hasten the call for the Slave-holding Confederation, a measure which had been preconsidered long before. (156) The Approaching Storm. 157 On the last of December, an anticoercion resolution was tabled in the House of Congress by a vote of 98 to 55, and later a resolution was passed, approving Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter and promising support to the President for all his constitutional meas- ures for the preservation of the Union. A bill introduced by Bing- ham of Ohio in the House, empowering the President to transfer the Collector's office, if need be, on board of a war vessel, was supported by 103 votes against 62, which, not being the two-third vote requisite under the rules, had to lay over and was never reached. There was no use in President Buchanan's asking Congress to enact laws, which would give him power to perform his duty, when the votes of his party friends and' Southern sympathizers could block such legisla- tion. The compromise measures still pending were probably the greatest hindrance to energetic action. In times of general excitement men may be led to odd notions. Fernando Wood, Mayor of New York, stung by some legislation which s curtailed the corporate rights of New York City, recom- mended to the Common Council, early in January, to consider the advisability of seceding from the State and the Union. As he stated himself, this step may not be necessary if the Legislature and Congress will bring the desired relief by the repeal of objectionable laws and the restoration of corporate rights. It is not recorded whether the steel-nerved and clear-headed business men of New York only smiled at this odd suggestion or laughed outright. This exceeded even the dreams of those political visionaries that hinted at the possibility of a separate Northwestern, Pacific or Western Union, in addition to the Southern Confederacy. When the "Star of the West" arrived before. Charleston harbor it was fired upon from the Batteries of the Secessionists, which had been erected to reduce Fort Sumter and to defend Charleston. The surmise that the mission of the "Star of the West" had precipitated the war, had no foundation in fact, for the Cotton States were bent on Secession, unless the principle ,of Slavery extension was granted, and, besides, it was the solemn duty of the President to maintain the Arsenals and Forts of the United States in a defensible condition. Nor was it very material who commenced hostilities; for, with the disposition of the people of both sections of the Union, war was inevitable. The shot fired at the "Star of the West" was only the last drop, which made the bucket overflow.. The response from the 158 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. North came quick, in accents which could not be misunderstood. Already, on the 11th of January, the Legislature of New York passed a preamble recounting all treasonable acts in the Cotton States, specifying the "firing into a Government vessel, ordered by the Government to convey troops and provisions to Fort Sumter," and stating that by this act "the Cotton States virtually declared war." The Legislature resolved to support and preserve the Union unimpaired, and closed with the emphatic words: "Renewing the pledge given and redeemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives and our sacred honor to upholding the Union and Constitution." The Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota passed similar resolutions, and Governor Andrews of Massachusetts ordered the enrollment of all militiamen to be ready for field service, on the call of the President. In the meantime the disintegrating process went on in the South. January 9 Mississippi and -on the 10th Florida seceded and occupied the barracks at Pensacola, while Lieutenant Slemmer transferred the United States forces from the mainland to Fort Pickens. On the 10th the Arsenal at Baton Rouge, and on the 11th Fort St. Philip and Fort Jackson, in Louisiana, were seized, and the same day Ala- bama seceded and invited all Slave-holding States to send delegates, to meet in convention February 4. at Montgomery, in order to con- sider measures for their common peace and security. On January 19 the Legislature of Virginia voted one million dollars for arming and equipping the Militia, and resolved: "That if all efforts to recon- cile the differences between the two sections of the country should prove abortive, then every consideration of honor and interest demanded that Virginia should unite her destinies with those of her sister Slave-holding States." About the same time both the Legis- latures of Tennessee and Kentucky passed anti-coercion resolutions and threatened to resist every invasion of their territory made by the Federal Army for the purpose of keeping the seceded States in the Union. ALEXANDER STEPHENS' GREAT EFFORT. In Georgia the example of the seceding States was sorely felt. Its leading Statesman, Alexander Stephens, was opposed to all hasty action, and stated that Secession should be conditioned on President Lincoln's actions, or on the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, which could not take place before the new Congress assembled. Stephens The Approaching Storm. 159 held civil war the greatest curse that can befall a free people, and pointed at improper motives, saying: "Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations, that is true, and from that comes a great part of our trouble, but, for all that, he would say, Georgia first and the Union next." About the middle of January he made the effort of his life before the Georgia State Convention, and the strongest and ablest argument that ever was made against Secession. This speech, more than any other circumstance, proves how strong State rights patriotism, and love for accustomed home associations, must have been in the South, that, notwithstanding his views of the madness of Secession, Stephens could cling to his native State, even in its folly, and dignify what he knew to be a lost cause by accepting the Vice-Presidency of the Confederate States. Shortly before Stephens had said: "Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix from which spring all our characteristics," and he knew that the institution of Slavery had so shaped Southern pride, passion and domineering ambition; knew that the excitement of the recent political campaign had so inflamed Southern sentiment that the people there would not even listen to, far less consider, the wisest counsel. And, still, Alexander H. Stephens, known as the clearest head of the South, thought it his duty to make a final appeal to prevent the Secession of Georgia, and thus addressed the Convention : "This step (Secession) once taken, can never be recalled; and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the Con- vention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South, desolated by the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably invite and call forth; when our green fields of waving harvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolations of war upon us; who but this Convention will be held responsible for it? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall be held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reason you can give that will even satisfy yourself in calmer moments, what reasons you can give to your fellow sufferers, in the calamity that it will bring upon us. "What reasons can you give to the nations of the earth to justify it? They will be the calm and deliberate judges in the casej and what cause or one overt act can yon name or print on which to rest the plea of justification? What right has the North assailed? What interest of the South has been invaded? What justice has been denied? and what claim 160 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1&61. founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can either of you today name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the Government of Washington of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of the South and her institu- tions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness) of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and -unde- niable and which now stand as records, authentic, in the History of our country. When we of the South demanded the Slave trade, or the importa- tion of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right- for twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply that in many Instances they have violated this compact, and. have not been faithful to their engagements? As individual and local communi- ties they have done so, but not by the sanction of Government; for that has always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another act: when we have asked that more territory should be added that we might spread the institution of Slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due time,' if you by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico, or by the vindictive decree of a uni- versal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow? "But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our relation to the General Government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the executive department. So of the judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North; although nearly three-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court had always been from the South. This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Con- stitution unfavorable to us. In like manner, we have been equally watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of Government. In choos- ing the presiding Presidents (pro tem) of the Senate, we have had twenty- four to their eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other The Approaching Storm. 161 department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have had fourteen, while the North had but five. Foreign Ministers we had eighty- six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which de- mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the principal embassies, so as to secure the world markets for our cotton, tobacco and sugar, on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Squally so of clerks, auditors and comptrollers, filling the executive department, the records show for the last fifty years that of the 3,000 thus employed we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic. "Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting Government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over three- fourths of the revenue collected for the support of Government has uni- formly been raised from the North. "Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of the Government and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and post-office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government, as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Postmaster General for the year 1860, a little over $13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States, the transporta- tion of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974 to be supplied by the North, for our accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most essential branch of Government. "Leaving out of view for the present the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition — and for what? we ask again. Is it for the overthrow of the American Government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right, Justice and Humanity? And as such I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wises of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles, to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquility accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed — is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." li 162 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. It was all in vain. Georgia seceded January 19, 1861. Of the means used to bring this about Colonel T. T. Gantt, a State Rights man and Democrat, stated in the Missouri State Convention : "Most infamous falsehoods were sent over the telegraph in order to precipitate the passage of the act of Secession by the Convention. It was reported, through the telegraph, that the Federal Government had sent an army to Charleston; that operations were commenced by the bombardment of that city; that old men, helpless children and women were being slaughtered by the hundreds; that the city was in flames— all by an act of a tyrannous Federal executive." Had Georgia voted down Secession, probably no more States would have followed in the wake of South Carolina, and the leaves of His- tory would have recorded less heroism and more compromises. Frail man must bow to the wisdom which governs the Universe, though he often may not comprehend it. As early as January 11, Governor Pickens demanded from Major Anderson the surrender of Fort Sumter. The Major reported this to Washington, where Southern Senators requested the President not to reinforce Fort Sumter. To these Senators the President inti- mated, through the Secretary of War, J. Holt, that no hostile action is intended by him towards the State of South Carolina, and that the transfer of Major Anderson's Command to Fort Sumter was for protection of United States property, and purely a defensive measure, and that, when needed, Fort Sumter will be reinforced. On the last day of January Colonel Hayne, pursuant instructions from Charleston, demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter. Presi- dent Buchanan refused to comply with this demand, stating that he had no constitutional warrant for such action, and closed his reply with the words: "If the authorities of that State (South Carolina) shall assault Fort Sumter . . . and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then, upon them and those they represent, must rest the responsibility." It seems President Buchanan could have made short work of the civil war had he acted with the same decision as President Jackson did under similar cir- cumstances. THE PEACE CONFERENCE AND SCHEMES. The same day on which the Peace Conference called by the State of Virginia met at Washington, namely, February 4, the delegates The Approaching Storm. 163 of the seceded States also met at Montgomery, Alabama, adopted a few days later a provisional Constitution, and elected Jefferson Davis President and Alexander Stephens Vice-President of the Confederate States of America. The coincidence of these dates sounds almost like a mockery of fate at the exertions of men. Commissioners appeared to the Peace Conference from the Governors or Legislatures of thir- teen Northern and five Border States, and from Tennessee and North Carolina, but none from the States further South. John Tyler, ex- President of the United States, was made Chairman. The Confer- ence lasted thirteen days; its recommendations, similar to the Crit- tenden resolutions, were of little practical value, for both the House of Representatives and the Senate rejected them. The Commissioners which the Confederate States had sent to Washington in February, to treat with the Federal Government upon the establishment of friendly relations, met a similar fate." Shortly afterwards, Jefferson Davis was inaugurated, and called out 100,000 Volunteers for military service ; anticipating the first Union call by two months and exceeding it by 25,000 CU'S"-! O Headquarters. June Sept. June July May June August June June, June July June July June June June { June & 1 July May & June June July May August May August 1 53 August 12 4 1295 335 July May 1 84 July 1 1 6 1 2 7 70 68 537 43 135 750 July June May June June July 17,058 Springfield and Ozark. Bethany. Eleven companies not re- ported, Warrensburg. Edina. Mt. Vernon. Lewis Co. Lafayette Co. Chillicothe, H. & St. Joe R. R. Marion Co. Tipton, Mo. Pac. R. R. Maryville. Linn, Mo. Pac. R. R. Hermitage. Ozark Co. Franklin or Pacific Mo. Pac. R. R. Sedalia, Mo. Pac. R. R, Rolla. S. W. Br. R. R. Frisco. Hannibal, H. &St. JoeR. R. Iron Co., I. M. R. R. Washington Co., I. M. R. R. Unionville. Unionville. St. Louis. St. Louis. St. Louis. St. Charles, N. Mo. R. R. Benton, C & F. R. R. Unionville. Shelbina, H. & St. Joe R. R. Adair, N. Mo. R. R. Galena. Cassville. Milan. Marshfield. In a subsequent letter of Montgomery Blair to Frank Blair June 4, 1861, he expresses the conviction that there will be an invasion of Missouri from Arkansas. He also indorses the extension of McClel- 258 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. lan's Command over Missouri, which many thought to have been a grave error and which it no doubt was, judging it from a military, standpoint. Mr. Blair gives a statesman's reason for the joining of Missouri to McClellan's Department, namely, that this measure will remove from the mind of such Union men in Missouri who do not like Frank P. Blair, the idea that the movement of Union troops here were dictated by mere partisanship, and adds : "This is a feeling that I see colors the course of things in Missouri. It is not so much disunion as hostility to the Republicans, which gives Jackson's clique power. Now, whilst I am anxious that the Union feeling in the State should come to the Republicans (and it will eventually do so), you must, be careful at present, as far as possible, not to arrest the Union feeling by making it too visibly your propesty. I see that you have acted with this be- fore you in giving Lyon the position of General, and not taking it yourself. It is a full justification and vindication of you that Harney, after denouncing the Military bill as unconstitutional, proceeded to treat with Price, acting under its authority, who did not, of course, keep faith, but proceeded at once to play out the game intended by the bill itself. "MONTGOMEBY BLAIB." To divest the Union movement in St. Louis and Missouri from its partisan Republican coloring was extremely sound policy ; for, while every Republican was. a Union man, not every Union man was a Republican. But as the armed contest grew out of the political one, the heated political campaigns of the immediate past naturally induced every Democrat to side at first with his recent partisan bed- fellows, and, while every Secessionist was a Democrat, - not every Democrat was a Secessionist, not even in the Southern States, far less in the Border States, and only exceptionally in the Free States. So that while the sympathies of most Democrats were at first with the South, the "rule or ruin" policy of that section and the hostile armed attacks of Secession leaders and troops, sobered many Democrats up, and they soon filled the ranks of Union Regiments. A striking ex- ample of this was given by the population of Irish descent.- Their stronghold in St. Louis was the Ninth Ward, also the most Demo- cratic Ward; in the spring of 1861 it was an acknowledged menace to every Union man. A very small number of Irishmen joined the first ten Union Regiments; in fact, there were Regiments in which there was not a single one. But as soon as the first events revealed the true spirit of parties, they forsook the cause of the slave-owners and joined the Union armies. This is not astonishing, for Lyon in Command. 259 the Catholic religion discountenanced Slavery and did not even draw the color line for the road of its votaries to heaven. With the above exception, Mr. Blair's policy was lost upon the conserva- tives, for very few of them jeopardized their lives for the mainte- . nance of the Union and the abolition of Slavery, two objects which the development of events proved to be identical. The letter quoted above also indicates that Frank P. Blair gave Lyon the position of General, instead of taking it himself. No, doubt some of his old party friends preferred Blair even to Lyon, but the knowledge that his political activity would keep him away from the tented field, very rationally induced Blair, not to covet that position. While this Harney interlude went on, an army of about 15,000 Union men stood with grounded arms; the most precious time was lost and it took millions of treasure and thousands of lives to repair the damage caused by temporizing at a time, when energetic meas- ures, so happily inaugurated, would have led to entirely different results. The unpardonable neglect' of Harney, in failing to utilize the advantages gained by the capture of Camp Jackson, was duly rep- resented to the President, but the aid sought was not adequate to the occasion. When Blair asked only for the Leavenworth Regulars and the Kansas troops that were being raised at that time, and added : "We are well able to take care of this State without assistance from elsewhere, if authorized to raise a sufficient force within the State; and after that work is done we can take care of the Secessionists from the Arkansas line to the gulf, along the west shore of the Mississipi." These were rather Utopian views, and if at the time shared by Lyon at all, were soon abandoned, as his repeated and urgent demand for reinforcements, even after the Regulars from Leavenworth and two Kansas Regiments had joined him, fully proved. Lyon knew well that the worst fault of a General is to underrate the enemy. He urged the Secretary 6f War and the Governors of Illinois and Iowa for more troops, with which to meet.McCulloch, who was reported to be advancing from Arkansas with a considerable force. Confed- erate writers claimed that besides the above and the troops neces- sary at St. Louis, Lyon had in different parts of the State several thousand Home Guards, well armed and equipped; the Iowa regi- ments of Bates and Curtis on the northern frontier of the State, and troops concentrating at Quincy, Alton and Cairo. To these, they 260 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. held, the State could only oppose one thousand poorly armed men and six pieces of Artillery, and no money. Coming events do not bear out this estimate. Governor Jacksen could count upon a large contingent of excellent marksmen, who, as pioneers of the West, were better inured to camp life, and were more used to the rifle than the Union troops of Missouri, who mostly hailed from the cities. Besides this, the above estimate of the Confederates is misleading, for the Home Guards in the State were mostly available only in their immediate neighborhood, their arms were mostly poor and they had no equipment for field service, and the troops in north Missouri were absorbed by the needs of that locality. < MOVES FOR TIME AND POSITION. When General Price learned of the removal of Harney and succes- sion of Lyon, he sent publicly an order to the commanders of the districts, stating that while he and the Governor were desirous to carry out the Price-Harney agreement, and await the decision of the Missouri State Convention, he had apprehensions General Lyon would force the issue, by the terror of a military .invasion, which ought to be resisted to the last extremity ; that he himself intended to prevent such an outrage, and that a million of Missourians could not be subjugated. In order to go sure in the matter, General Price issued at the same time secret orders to the Brigadiers, urging them to hasten the organization of troops in their districts and to fit them out for immediate active service. The commanders were ordered to have State flags prepared of blue merino, with the gilt arms of the State upon them. Similar reflections induced Governor Jackson, on June 1st, to have the army and workshops of the State removed to Boon- ville, considering that that point was more central to the Secession sympathizers, while Jefferson City had a large Union and German population. Price was in hopes to be able to hold Boonville and the upper Missouri River, until the Confederate States could send an army to his support. In the meantime conservative men persuaded Governor Jackson and General Price to have an interview with Gen- eral Lyon, for the purpose of avoiding a conflict with the United States troops and authority. General Lyon consented, and issued on June 8th, to Governor Jackson and General Price; a letter grant- ing safe conduct to St. Louis and return to Jefferson City, up to the Lyon in Command. 261 12th of June, for the purpose of discussing the troubles in Mis- souri. The parties met at the Planters House, on June 11th, name- ly: Governor Jackson, General Price, Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- ernor's private secretary ; Colonel Frank P. Blair, General Lyon and his adjutant, Major Connant. Governor Jackson professed a' desire for peace, without troops on either side, and said: "The United States Troops must leave the State and not enter it, and he would disband his own troops, and then we should certainly have peace." General Price held that his course was in perfect harmony with his and General Harney's conceptions, and that he had made no agree- ment whatever with General Harney about the enforcement or carry- ing out of the Military Bill. At tihs point a memorandum was read by Lyon, in which Harney asks Price to review the features of the bill and discover some means by which its action may be suspended until a competent tribunal -shall deeide upon its validity. Harney in this memorandum refers to the oath of allegiance to the State of Missouri, without recognizing the existence of the Government of the United States, and secondly to the express requirements, by which troops within the State not organized under the provisions of the Military Bill, are to be disarmed by the State Guards. On the bottom of this memorandum was an N.B. — "Read to General Price in the presence of Major H. L. Turner, on the evening of the 21st of May." General Price said he did not remember hearing the paper read; he said Hitchcock and H. L. Turner were to see him, but he did not see or hear of such a paper. Price insisted further that no armed bodies of United States troops should pass through or be. stationed in the State, as such would occasion civil war; that Missouri must be neutral, and neither side should arm, Governor Jackson to give protection to Union men and to disband his State Troops. To this General Lyon remarked, that if the government withdrew its forces, measures would be resorted to for providing arms and perfecting organizations, which upon any pretext could put forth a formidable opposition ; combinations would be formed to drive out loyal citizens, which 'the government could not protect if its forces could not be brought into the State, and a force could be brought into the State to carry out the Secession program. The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its rights. If the Governor would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State and resist out- 262 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. -rages upon loyal citizens, repress insurrection, and in case of violent combinations call upon the United States troops for assistance, the government purpose would be subserved and the rights and dignity of the State not infringed. When the verbal conference failed, which was a foregone conclu- sion, Governor Jackson still sought to gain more time and proposed to continue the consultation through correspondence, which was declined, General Lyon stating that their views were too widely apart and it would lead to nothing; but he proposed that each one should briefly put down his views and they should be published. Governor Jackson was not disposed to agree to this. Gereral Lyon reminded the Governor that heretofore Missouri had the fostering care of the Fed- eral Government, but by the failure of the chief executive to comply with constitutional requirements, she will be made to feel its power. Blair's more diplomatic arguments were from the beginning super- seded by Lyon's more direct statements, and after a conference of nearly five hours, it became evident that conceptions of right and wrong were too divergent to admit a common basis for agreement. After this became manifest, according to Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- ernor's secretary, who was present during the entire conference, Lyon, still in his seat, spoke slowly and with peculiar emphasis: "Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out of or through the State ; rather than concede to the State of Missouri, for one single instant, the right to dictate to my government in any matter, however unimportant, I would (rising as he said this, and pointing in turn to every one in the room) see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man woman and_ child in this State, dead and buried." Turning to the Governor, he said : "This means war. In an hour one of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines." With these words Lyon left the room without further ceremony. There never was a plausible basis for this conference. The Governor considered, or at least publicly professed, Camp Jackson to be a legitimate State military camp, and Lyon captured it as a nucleus of a Secession army; the Governor considered the Federal Government a military despotism, while every fiber in General Lyon was loyal to the Union and in sympathy with the aims of the administration ; the Governor Lyon in Command. 263 believed in the right, and for Missouri as a slave state, even in the honorable obligation of Secession, while General Lyon held and was in duty bound to hold diametrically opposite convictions. Under such circumstances there was no chance for an agreement. There seems to be only one explanation for this conference. Gov- ernor Jackson must have become aware that the Federal commander contemplated to make a forward movement into the State very soon. While neither side was quite ready, Governor Jackson certainly needed the time most, and it is therefore fair to credit him with this scheme, to defer the armed conflict. After the conference broke up, Governor Jackson and General Price speeded back to Jefferson City, and resolved while -still on train to destroy the large bridges over the Gasconade and Osage Riv- ers; not as great military leaders had formerly done on the line of their own retreat, but on the line of the advance of the Union host. HOSTILITIES COMMENCE. Governor Jackson and General Price arrived at Jefferson City at 2 a. m. on the 12th. First of all General Price ordered the telegraph wires cut; next he sent Captain Kelly with a company and proper tools, post haste, to destroy the bridges. Kelly's attempt to blow up the draw of the Gasconade bridge failed; the torch being applied the draw fell into the river. On returning, the same party burned the west span of the Osage bridge. The state officers at Jefferson City were in great haste to pack their important documents for the prospective flight from the capital, while Snead, the Governor's Secre- tary, was hard at work all night on the governor's proclamation, which went to press soon after daylight. With this proclamation Governor Jackson tried to influence the undecided portion of the community, by shifting the blame of unjust aggression upon the Federal authority, which design was favored by the circumstance that Missouri slave owners had a pecuniary interest in common with the seceded states, and, besides this, most of her native citizens were of Southern extraction, had friends and relatives in the South, many of them were reared in the South and looked upon the "peculiar in- stitution" as being approved even by religion. Besides this, ultra conservative men from the North and the South wanted peace at any price, and did not see that public opinion at the North had diverged 264 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. from that at the South to an extent that either Slavery or the Union had to cease. Although Governor Jackson had repeatedly declared that Missouri must join her fate with the South and support the se- ceded States, he still was in hopes, first to organize and arm the State under the mask of neutrality. When this intention was foiled, he tried to make the best of the situation by open war measures, such as the burning of the bridges, and the following proclamation : "To the People of Missodbi: "A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties of its people, by wicked and unprincipled men, professing to act under the authority of the United States Government. The solemn enactments of your Legislature have been nullified; your volunteer soldiers have been taken prisoners; your commerce with your sister States has been suspended; your, trade with your own fellow-citizens has been, and is, subjected to the haras- sing control of an armed soldiery; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned without warrant of law; unoffending and defenseless men, women and children have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered; and other unbearable indig- nities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves. After this eloquent introduction, which misconstrued the dire ne- cessities of the Federal authority, Governor Jackson extolls his own patience; his desire to maintain peace through the Price-Harney agreement ; relates the disavowal of that arrangement by the Federal Government and the recall of General Harney, which he calls a dismissal; refers to the interview with Lyon and Blair (which has been previously related in this work), and terminates his proclama- tion with the following high-sounding appeal: "Now, therefore, I, C. F. Jackson, Governor of the State of Missouri, do, in view of the foregoing facts, and by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution and laws of this Commonwealth, issue my proclamation, calling the militia of the State, to the number of fifty thousand, into the active service of the State, for the purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty and prosperity of the citizens of this State. "And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Missouri to rally under the flag of their State for the protection of their endangered homes and firesides, and for the defense of their most sacred rights and dearest liberties. "In issuing this proclamation, I hold it to be my solemn duty to remind you that Missouri is still one of the United States; that the Executive De- partment of the State Government does not arrogate to itself the power to disturb that relation; that that power has been wisely vested in a conven- tion, which will at the proper time express your sovereign will; and that meanwhile it is your duty to obey all constitutional requirements of the Lyon in Command. 265 Federal Government. But it is equally my duty to advise you that your first allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are under no obligation whatever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and de- grading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave and true-hearted Missourian will obey one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes. "Given under my hand as Governor and under the great seal of the State of Missouri, at Jefferson City, this twelfth day of June, 1861. "By the Governor, "Claiborne F. Jackson, "B. F. Masset, "Secretary of State." Hide it as he may, the Governor could not cover up his sinister intentions, even by the words of his own proclamation ; for, divested of its verbiage calculated to potentiate the State right notions and partisan prejudices of the people, he would permit the United. States troops to occupy St. Louis only, the balance of the State would be left to his discretion, and he would call United States troops when he thought necessary, which emergency, considering the Governor's disposition, would never arise. The Governor had calculated that, even if he should fail to carry Missouri into the Southern Confeder- acy, the State should at least remain a neutral wedge between the States of Illinois, Iowa, Kansas and Arkansas, permitting the Seceded States west of the Mississippi to use their forces towards the Ohio and the East. Nothing, however, shows the flagrant inconsistency of Gov- ernor Jackson more than his sudden change in the appreciation of measures and men. On the 11th of June he treats with the rep- resentatives of the Federal Governmerit about terms, as he avers, to pacify Missouri, and next day, namely on the 12th of June, he proclaims the Federal authority " a military despotism which lias enthroned itself at Washington," and he calls Lyon and Blair, with whom he had treated for terms on the preceding day, "wicked min- ions of that despotism." The Governor's proclamation of the 12th gravely reflects on his sincerity on the 11th. Considering the un- deniable treason of Governor Jackson in sending his agents with letters to Jefferson Davis to secure cannon and mortars for the in- tended reduction of the United States Arsenal at St. Louis; con- sidering his promise made on April 19th to David Walker, President of the Arkansas Convention, that Missouri will be ready for Secession 266 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. in less than thirty days ; considering the Governor's appointment of violent Secessionists as Major and Brigadier generals of the Militia, and also his letter to Tucker — all his sophisms lose every vestige of moral force. Besides the proclamation, telegrams, letters and messengers were now sent from Jefferson City, to urge a still more speedy organiza- tion. General Parsons was ordered to retreat with the small force collected at Jefferson City, westward along the Missouri Pacific Kailroad to Tipton, a point south of Boonville. All the rail rolling- stock was taken to Tipton, and the railroad bridges were burned be- hind the last train. Governor Jackson, several State officers and Captain Kelly's company boarded the steamer "White Cloud," and arrived at Boonville on the morning of June 13th. Brigadier Gen- eral Clark had been ordered to concentrate his men at Boonville, and the Governor found several hundred of them there, while many more were on the road and arrived the next two days. On the 15th of June, a report reached Boonville that a skirmish had taken place at Inde- pendence, and that State troops assembling at Lexington were threat- ened by a large force from Kansas. Upon this General Price left Clark in command at Boonville, with instructions to retreat fight- ing, toward General Parsons, while he proceeded to attend to the affairs at Lexington. The question arises here, Why did Governor Jackson and his advisers flee from Jefferson City? Had he been true to his oath of office and his duties as Governor, he could have remained at the head of the State to the end of his term. But, as he had conspired for Secession and the Confederacy, notwithstanding the great popular vote for the Union, the evidence was so strong against him that he did not dare to face the threatening impeach- ment by the Convention. LYON'S ADVANCE INTO THE STATE. When the proclamation of Governor Jackson proved to General Lyon that the former had thrown off his mask, and the burning of the Missouri Pacific Railroad bridges emphasized by their revolu- tionary nature the hostile words of the Governor's proclamation, the forward movements into the State could no longer be post- poned and were formally resolved upon. Two lines of operation were adopted; — the one southwest , via Rolla to Springfield; the other al- Lyon, in Command. 267 most due west via Missouri River to Jefferson City and the center of the State. The direction of all other affairs at the Arsenal and in the o o a, < S Department was left to Colonel Chester Harding, Assistant adjutant general, who was authorized to sign Lyon's name to all orders. 268 The Union Cause im, St. Louis in 1861. Chester Harding was considered one of the ablest lawyers of St. Louis, of an even, considerate disposition and great mental cap- acity. The southwest column was started first. One Battalion with sev- eral field pieces and camp equipage, under Lieut. Colonel Hassen- deubel, started June 11th. The second Battalion, under command of Colonel Sigel, started on the 13th, with six guns and one howitzer, under Major Bischoff, and two rifle companies under A. Albert and Joseph Conrad via Pacific to Rolla. Colonel Solomon, with the Fifth Missouri Volunteers, followed on the 15th to the same point, and Colonel B. Gratz Brown, with the Fourth Regiment Reserves, and six pieces of artillery, took up the same route. General Lyon ordered Sigel, with the whole command, to Springfield, with in- structions to march thence westward to Mt. Vernon and Neosho, in order to intercept Jackson and Price's commands on their South- ward march, while yielding to Lyons pressure from the North. Sigel was enthusiastically cheered on his march to Rolla, where he hauled down a Secession flag and hoisted the Stars and Stripes. Two companies of State Guards, which had been stationed there, fled before the Union troops. These Secessionists probably formed the nucleus of a marauding band which later infested the roads to the West and the South, though beyond destroying here and there some wagons, they could do little damage, for the roads were solid and the rivers had no bridges. The column under the direct command of General Lyon started on the 13th of June. At 11 o'clock a. m. the steamer Iatan took on board part of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, under Lieut. Colonel Andrews, two companies of Regulars under Captain Lathrop and a section of Totten's Light Battery. At 2 p. m. General Lyon and his staff, with the balance of the First Volunteers and the Regulars, 1500 men in all, with the necessary camp equipage, horses, wagons and provisions, started on the steamer J. C. Swon, following the Iatan up the river. The boats were enthusiastically cheered on leaving the Arsenal; their destination was correctly surmised to be Jefferson City. Passing St. Charles, about 8 p. m., the steamers laid by for the night. Starting early in the morning of the 14th, they steamed past Augusta, the home of the veteran champion of free institutions, Friederich Muench. Above the headquarters of a Home Guard Company, formed at Augusta a week sooner, floated the Union Lyon in Command. 269 flag, and here, in Washington and Hermann, cheer after cheer greet- ed the Stars and Stripes. All these were German settlements, and thus far the vessels steamed up stream in comparative safety. Here the large bottoms extend chiefly on the North side of the river, while the South shore is skirted with high, rocky bluffs, wooded where the soil permits ; above high-water mark along the foot of the bluffa> runs the Missouri Pacific Railroad, surveyed here in 1853, when a party of young engineers traced the line through these primeval forests, and after the day's fatigues listened in their camp to the doleful tunes of the whip-poor-will. How changed were the relations in that short period, and the fate of members from that small party of engineers is a vivid example of the distraction of the people of Missouri. The chief of the party and the builder of the Osage bridge both fell at the head of a Union regiment at Vicksburg; an as- sistant from Massachusetts married into a Southern family' and be- came Governor Jackson's Quartermaster General, notwithstanding that his brother was Lyon's Adjutant; the rodman went back to Maryland to aid the Southern cause; the axmen, two Hungarians, got to the command of a Union regiment and company, while the son of the Emerald Isle probably turned up in a Union Irish brigade. After the ships of Lyon passed the mouth of the Gasconade, their safety was highly questionable. -Callaway County, which fringes here the North shore of the Missouri River, was inhabited by Southern sympathizers, who were not likely to betray any move- ment hostile to the Union forces. Considering that a single cannon ball would pass through one of those light river boats from stem to stern, and that a well-protected Battery could be thrown up on shore on short notice, it was very fortunate for Lyon's command that the enemy's enterprise was not on a level with his intentions. West of the mouth of the Osage, the situation became even worse, because both shores were under absolute control of the Secessionists. Never- theless Lyon occupied Jefferson City /without opposition on June 15th, and was cordially welcomed by a large delegation of citizens, headed by Governor Thomas L. Price. After, disembarking, the troops occupied without delay all high and commanding positions, such as the penitentiary, the capitol, and raised upon the latter, under the animating accords of the "Star Spangled Banner," the flag of the Union, with the good intention that it should not be lowered from there through all the vicissitudes of the war. A false 270 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. report was current at Jefferson City that Governor Jackson had been at Boonville on the evening of the 14th, but had left since for Arkansas. Some travelers that escaped from Boonville in a skiff brought the news that the place was being fortified, and that about one thousand men were there concentrated and more were ex- pected. Colonel Boernstein, with the Second Volunteers, arrived per train at Hermann, waited there for the steamer Louisiana and followed the Iatan and Swon, which had passed before him up the river. BATTLE OF BOONVILLE. Leaving Boernstein with three companies in charge of Jefferson City, Lyon's command, consisting of the First Volunteers, a Battalion of the Second Volunteers, Companies of Regulars, Totten's Battery, and a few Pioneers, in all about 1700 men, embarked on the steamers A. McDowell, Iatan and City of Louisiana, on June 16th, in the afternoon, and passed the night on board, laying by on account of unsafe navigation ; the command passed Rockport in the morning of June 17th, and learning that the enemy, a few miles ahead, was fortifying a position, they disembarked at the foot of an island in a bottom, beyond the" reach of ordinary artillery from the bluffs, and about eight miles distant from Boonville. One steamer with a howitzer and a Company for escort was dispatched up the river to make a diversion and also to silence a Battery which the Secession- ists had posted on the river bank, in order to stop all navigation. Lyon, with the main force, proceeded cautiously along the bottom road towards Boonville, having been informed that the place con- tained from three to four thousand defenders, among whom were several companies from Cooper County under command of Captain Robert McCulloch. Parsons had been ordered to march from Tipton to Boonville, twenty miles distant. Of this John C. Moore writes: "Parsons did not obey the order, though he had a day and a half in which to reach the designated point. The governor insisted on fighting at Boonville." Colonel Marmaduke was directed to march with all available men against Lyon, and retard his advance until Parsons' arrival, possibly also to give some citizens of Boonville a bet- ter chance to leave the city, and also to give Quartermaster General James Harding time to arrange for the destruction of such ordnance Lyon in Command. Ill stores which in case of a retreat could not be removed. Marmaduke, with near five hundred men, marched to the foot of the hills, but when the advance guard of Lyon's column drove in his pickets and skirmishers, he took a better position about a mile to the rear, posting his men in a lane and later on the brow of the hill, which caused Lyon to deploy his line, taking the Second Volunteers to his right, the First Volunteers and Regulars to the left. In this position sev- eral men were wounded, but Totten's Battery, taken to the front, forced Marmaduke again to fall back, when an order came to him from Governor Jackson to retreat and to join Parson's command, which was said to be fast approaching from Tipton. The retreat com- menced at first in good order, but a more rapid Artillery fire soon turned it into a rout. Some shots fired from the steamer McDowell with the howitzer, under Captain Voerster, hastened the abandon- ment of Camp Vest, for fear that the retreat might be cut off. A third stand was contemplated near the fair grounds, a mile east of Boonville, which was frustrated by the fire of the Union Infantry and Artillery. The loss on the Federal side was reported as two killed and nine wounded ; from the Secessionists two killed and six wound- ed, besides the captured or missing. Abbot gives the enemy's loss from twenty to fifty. The losses on both sides were out of proportion to the lively musketry firing, owing to a sound policy of keeping young troops busy. The correspondent of the Missouri Democrat stated about the battle of Boonville that "the engagement was short ; the flight of the Secessionists commenced soon after 8 o'clock a. m. and lasted until 11 a. m. A vigorous pursuit was prevented by the lack of Cavalry and by Lyon's resolution to spare the city. The few prisoners cap- tured, mostly young men from the neighborhood, were nearly all paroled.' Two cannon, fifty firearms, twenty-five tents, a larger quantity of boots and two Secession flags, represented the limited booty. Three hundred of the Secessionists crossed the Missouri River and retreated northward ; some went southward, but the bulk went towards the west. General Lyon's force reached the city about 2 p. m., having advanced eight miles since 8 a. m. As three-fourths of the Boonville people were Union men, the Federal soldiers were welcomed as friends, and their hearts were gladdened by the ap- pearance of many Union flags on public and private buildings,. Federal officers estimated the Secession force at Boonville at 4000, 272 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. that of the Union army at 2000 ; but Lyon had the great advantage of being able to choose the time and point, of attack; and of having a well-served Artillery under Totten and partly under Captain John A. Neustaedter, the same who with Lieutenant Carl Schurz of the Baden Artillery had in 1849 escaped through the sewers of Ras- tadt, from the bloody vengeance of reactionary tyrants. Lyon also had an infantry, which could be handled in large bodies without risk of disorder or confusion, while the Secessionists had assembled at the spur of the moment, were not properly organized in Regiments or Brigades and could hardly be expected to make a tenacious re- sistance in a retreating fight. The circumstance that Price left the place before the actual attack, indicates his intention to draw Lyon further from his base and direct line of operation, which was towards the southwest from Jefferson City, considering that the real danger foT the Union cause in Missouri came from the southwest- ern border of the State and Arkansas, and from Louisiana and Texas. This Lyon recognized, stating in a letter of June 18 to Colonel Hard- ing that he anticipated a hostile movement from Texas. The same opinion was expressed by M. Blair in one of his former letters. Gen- eral Lyon spoke modestly of the Boonville affair, well knowing that nowhere in the absolute realization of facts more necessary than in military matters, where the stake is life and the price human hap- piness. To General McClellan, his own superior commander, Lyon reports on the 20th of June: "Boonville is an important point, and should have at least a whole Regiment, with an advanced post at Warsaw, which is a nest of rebels who at Camp Cole (Cole Camp) massacred Union men." These words indicate more the intention of protecting Union men by occupying separate posts of the country than a purpose to prepare a strong base and line of operation against a hostile army, which was expected to invade the State. For Boon- ville is over. fifty miles by river from Jefferson City, and Warsaw is only ten miles nearer to Boonville than to Jefferson City and only twenty miles nearer to Boonville than to Rolla, which latter had an undisputed and safe railroad communication with St. Louis, while the river communication was slow and precarious. The distance from Rolla to Springfield is shorter than from any point on the Mis- souri Pacific Railroad and far more so than from any point of the Missouri River, and the divide between the Osage and Gasconade- offers within a day's march from Rolla the topography for a -good HENRY BOERNSTEIN. Colonel 2d Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. Lyon in Command. 273 military road. The easily interrupted navigation of the Missouri was too unsafe for a base of supplies. However, General Lyon had some very good reasons for following Governor Jackson to Boonville in- stead of General Parsons' larger force, directly west along the Mis- souri Pacific Railroad. Lyon had no army wagons for land trans- portation and the "red tape" of the army regulations prevented him from pressing civil conveyances into immediate service. The same applies to the* non-recOnstruction of railroad bridges. Besides, the Missouri River was a tempting, though unreliable means of com- munication. Along the course of the river were several flourishing towns, with strong portions of Union population, and along its shores where the largest slave Counties of the State, and the possession of the river hindered a free communication of the hostile elements north and south of the same, and if it did not prevent at all events it retarded their organization. It may be noted here, incidentally, that the easy success at Boonville, to some extent at least, led to an under- valuation of the fighting capacity of the enemy, and that this was apt to lead to a neglect of that caution which-, other circumstances dictated. On leaving St. Louis General Lyon had published an address to the people of Missouri, setting forth the objects of the Union move into the State, in consequence of the declaration of war by Governor Jackson. No copies of this address had reached Boonville, and he therefore issued another proclamation on June 18th, reiterating the causes which prompted his action towards Governor Jackson, after the latter's declaration of defiance and acts of warfare. He refers to Jackson's violations of the Harney agreement and his misleading the people relative to the intentions of the United States Government in protecting loyal citizens and maintaining its supremacy. Lyon warns the people that the clemency of the past should not be mis- construed nor expected to shield additional provocations, and closes with these words: "Having learned that those plotting against the Government have falsely represented that the Government troops intended a forcible and violent in- vasion of Missouri, for the purpose of military despotism and tyranny, I hereby give notice to the people of this State that I shall scrupulously avoid all interference with the business, rights and property of every description, recognized by the laws of this State, and belonging to law-abiding citizens; but that it is equally my duty to maintain the paramount authority of the United States, with such force as I have at my command, which shall be re- 18 274 • The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. tained only so long as opposition shall make it necessary; and that it is my wish, and shall be my purpose, to devolve any unavoidable rigor, arising in this issue, upon those only who provoke it. "All persons who, under the misapprehension above mentioned, have taken up arms, or who are now preparing to do so, are invited to return to their homes, and relinquish their hostile attitude to the General Government, and are assured that they may do sd without being molested for past occurrences. "N. Lyon, "Brig. Gen. U. S. Vol. Com." Colonel Frank P. Blair had been with Lyon during the campaign up to and at the battle of Boonville, and was an intimate and valua- ble adviser of the commander. Blair's regiment, the First Missouri Volunteers, had already by the 12th of June, been reorganized for three years. The government at Washington discovered early in the war that a three months' service would not answer the purpose, but that it would even lead to very serious complications, so the policy was changed, and volunteer troops were thereafter enlisted for three years or the war. Colonel Blair got leave to reorganize his Regiment for three years, about the middle of its three months' term, and went at it with his usual energy. He left Lyon's command at Boonville and went to attend to his political duties as Congressman in Washington. This double position was very unfortunate, for Blair was sorely missed at the head of his Regiment and still more so at the side of Lyon, whose constant and intimate adviser he had thus far been. Blair's ac- quaintance with all parties in the State opened to him invaluable sources of information which were not available to Lyon or his Regular officers, who were, comparatively speaking, strangers. Even Blair's presence in Washington was no offset for the above, for al- though the wants of the Union commanders were known to him, his activity at the seat of government in favor of Missouri's affairs was less efficient after the State was attaohed to the depart- ment of McClellan, and still less so after Fremont assumed com- mand. The occupation of Boonville and the Missouri River line was to some extent supported by troops under General Hurlbut, press- ing from the northeast southward. Colonel Curtis,with 3000 men, arrived on June 15 at St. Joseph, with two engines of the North Missouri Railroad, from Macon. His men had some skirmishing with bridge burning Secessionists, of whom several were killed. The Lyon in Command. 275 Second Reserve Regiment and companies of the Third Reserve were started toward Wentzville, to assist in the above service; they cap- tured a few Secessionists and discharged them on their taking the oath of allegiance ; seized firearms, contraband articles and some Se- cession flags. Bridges had been burned at Centralia and Sturgeon, notwithstanding that the resident population discountenanced such proceedings and outrages of marauding bands. Although the hostile opposition north of the Missouri River was not well organized, still General Harris and other band leaders were active at many points, detaining a large number of troops, much needed to strengthen Gen- eral Lyon's army south of the river, thu3 securing peace to the State at a much earlier period. Another instance of the decentralizing exi- gencies of the war in Missouri was the detachment of the Fourth Mis- souri Volunteers (Black Jaegers), under Colonel Schuettner, to Cairo and Birdspoint, while its rifle Battalion was sent to guard the Pacific Railroad bridges. The Fourth Missouri Volunteers rendered good service at Birdspoint. Separated by the broad Mississippi River from Cairo, the "Schwarze Jaeger" raised intrenchments at Birds- poiii\ which latter was only a high bottom projecting into the river, hol."'g the farm houses of Bird, surrounded by a few hundred acres of open fields and skirted on all sides by dense and swampy forests. The Regiment took possession of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad, which ran at that time a few miles beyond Charleston, Mo. The scouts of the Fourth Regiment extended into several counties; a Secession company of sixty men was taken prisoner, and information gath- ered of approaching or organizing hostile forces. Thus the Regiment formed the western outpost of Cairo, the all-important point for the Ohio and Mississippi navigation. Later the Regiment garrisoned Cairo until recalled. St. Louis City and Arsenal were so far chiefly guarded by the First, Second, Third and Fifth Reserves and the Fifth Volunteer troops, which all made occasional scouts into the surrounding coun- try and often to points in the city, where depots of arms or war ma- terial were suspected. Most of these scouts were without result and often an annoyance to citizens, but with a population partly hostile to the Union, could hardly be avoided. An account given by Lieu- tenant Wiliam M. Wherry of the Third Reserve, who later became a General, best describes the nature and circumstances of such scouts. He wrote: 276 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "I was on duty with the Regiment during the exciting days of riot and apprehension succeeding the capture of Camp Jackson, and on one day marched my company to the Levee, to inspect the steamer J. C. Swon for powder and munitions of war. ... I marched my troop in platoon front, taking the whole street from house to house, and so avoided being surrounded. At the Levee the company stood in line, while the detail went on boat. The crowd gathered about and began hooting. Seeing that we were about to be hemmed in by a mob, I 'about faced' the rear rank and advanced both ranks in opposite directions, with bayonets at a charge, thus clearing a space; then threw out sentinels and moved the company back to the center of the space, leaving the ranks facing outward, thus preventing any attack and, as I be- lieve, bloodshed. After the search we marched back to Turner's Hall in safety." General Lyon had at first the intention to hold the line of the Missouri River even beyond Boonville and up to Kansas City; for this his force was inadequate. The last volunteer regiment, namely the Fifth, left St. Louis on the 16th of June, in order to reinforce the Southwest column towards Springfield. The volunteer com- mands from other States, stationed in north Missouri, were slow to gain the line of the Missouri River, held back by their service to protect railroads and to awe the guerilla bands of the neighborhood. General Pope divided the railroads into sections and held the citizens of the neighborhood responsible for all damages, but this plan also absorbed many troops, much needed in the Southeast and Southwest. For this reason volunteers from the First Reserves were called to garrison Jefferson City. Seven companies responded and arrived on the 20th of June at Jefferson City, occupied the capitol grounds and were quartered in the basement of the capitol. Colonel Boern- stein stated that he expected an attack of his position at any time. The field officers of the First Reserve had seen active military service before, namely Colonel Almstedt in the Mexican war, Lieut. Colonel Rombauer in" the war for Hungary's independence and Major Phil Brimmer had been an officer in the Prussian army; they sug- gested that under the circumstances a more complete outpost service was requisite. No satisfaction was given them in this regard, but an intimation that several companies of the First Reserve should be sent from forty to sixty miles westward along the Pacific Railroad. This was three days after the battle of Boonville and the day after the massacre of two hundred home guards at Cole Camp, though not yet known at Jefferson City at the time. The Secessionists under General Parsons and those retiring from Boonville were on the line of the Pacific Railroad; several thousand marched from Lexington Lyon in Command. 277 southward and a westward move with only a few Infantry Companies looked rather adventurous. Still field officers of the First Reserve offered to lead the detachment, but requested that it should be formed from companies of the Second Volunteers, who were better prepared and equipped for field service. It seems Colonel Boernstein did not wish to part with his own Companies, and no westward movement from Jefferson City was made at the time. The Companies of the First Reserve were ordered back to St. Louis on June 25,' and the Fifth Reserve, Colonel Charles A. Stifel, and four Companies of the Seventh Volunteers, Colonel John D. Stevenson, proceeded to relieve Lyon at Boonville, and arrived there on the 27th. By this time Major John M. Schofield had completed his mustering service in St. Louis and repaired to his Regiment, the First Volunteers, at Boonville. Lyon immediately appointed him his Assistant Adjutant General, in which position his valuable activity continued till after the battle of Wilson's Creek. It had been the intention of Lyon to move South- ward from Boonville before this date, but the time necessary for secur- ing transportation, accumulating provisions, posting troops for hold- ing the Missouri River line, delayed his start even beyond the date when the Southwest Column had passed Springfield and points farther west. Colonel Stevenson was place*d in command of the Missouri River line from Kansas City to the Mississippi, with head- quarters at Boonville. He was to establish Posts also at Lexington and Jefferson City, each Post to have six Companies of Infantry and one field piece. These were to furnish detachments for operation in their vicinity, and the patroling boats on the river were to be armed also with a 24-pound Howitzer. Only boats in service of the Govern- ment were allowed on the river between Herman and Kansas City, and all skiffs, boats and ferries were taken possession of and securely moored. Colonel Boernstein was relieved at Jefferson City for the purpose of reorganizing the Second Volunteers at St. Louis for the "Three Years" Service. The arrangement of attaching Missouri to the Department of the Ohio, credited to the advice of General Scott, Edward Bates and Gov- ernor Gamble, was not satisfactory to St. Louis people, and Francis P. Blair sought to effect a change at Washington, stating that McClellan himself was opposed and had said that all he could do was to let Lyon follow up his own plans. All these various tendencies finally resulted in the organization of the Western Department, under Major General John C. Fremont. CHAPTER X. THE SOUTHWEST. DISPOSITION OF SECESSION FORCES. The period is now near when the Missouri Secessionists received very efficient assistance from the Confederate States. These appointed May 13 Ben McCulloch "Brigadier General and assigned to his Com- mand one Louisiana Infantry and one Cavalry Regiment from Texas and one from Arkansas, and gave him authority to raise two Regi- ments in the Indian Territory. General N. B. Pearce was near Fort Smith with 1,500 men of Arkansas Militia. On leaving Jefferson City June 13 Governor Jackson dispatched Colton Green to ask assistance from McCulloch ? then camping in Northwest Arkansas. The latter recommended to the Confederate authorities the granting of this request, and asked leave to occupy Fort Scott in order to secure the sympathies of the Cherokee Indians. McCull ch averred later that these Indians were not to be used in the States : if so, their organization was certainly superfluous in the Terri- tory. McCulloch also asked that Arkansas should be added to his Department; but his application met with no favor, and the Con- federate Secretary of War wrote him : "The position of Missouri as a Southern State still in the Union, requires much prudence and cir- cumspection, and it should only be, when necessity and propriety unite, that active and direct assistance should be afforded by crossing the boundary and entering the State." As soon, however, as McCul- loch heard that Governor Jackson and General Price were retreating towards Northwest Arkansas, he set out for Maysville, and ordered the troops within reach to follow. Immediately after the battle of Boonville several thousand Seces- sionists assembled at Lexington under Generals Rains and Slack. These troops Price commenced to organize, when the news of Gov- ernor Jackson's and General Parson's retreat towards Warsaw reached him. Leaving Rains in command, with instructions to (278) The Southwest. 279 retreat towards Lamar, Price, with his staff and a small escort, went southward to meet McCulloch, who had already started to the relief of the retreating Missouri Secession forces, even before he had received the above qualifying instructions from the Confederate Secretary of War. Price was joined on his Southern march at various points by assembling Secessionists, and when he arrived at Cowskin Prairie in the southwest corner of the State, he had about 1,200 men, of whom 600 received muskets from General Pearce. McCulloch met Price at Cowskin Prairie. The meeting of the Missouri Secessionists with their Confederate allies must have been a picturesque sight. On the one side McCulloch with his well-dressed staff, the clean lines of Con- federate Regiments in the prim uniforms, all well armed and equipped ; on the other, the dusty, motley crowds of Missourians, with- out uniforms, with a variety of arms, haggard by exposure and fatigue, but, for all that, an excellent fighting material. Their State pride for Missouri ; their self-sacrificing disposition for the Southern cause; their endurance in the campaign and prowess in battle, was not unjustly extolled by Confederate writers; but when they said that not a man had come forth to fight for Slavery, they were grievously mistaken. For Slavery was the cause of the Mexican war; Slavery was the cause of the raids into Kansas; and the legally defeated chance of Slavery extension, was the cause of the war of Secession. While Price was organizing his Command at Cowskin Prairie, McCul- loch, paying deference to the advice from Headquarters, returned to Maysville, Arkansas. In the meantime Governor Jackson moved Southward at a slower gait; on the road to Warsaw he learned of the massacre of the Cole Camp Home Guards, of which- 1. C. Moore writes that Lieutenant Colonel Walter S. O'Kane, assisted by Major Thomas M. Murray, raised about 350 State Guard troops, struck the Home Guards, who had no pickets out, "killed 206, wounding a still larger number, and taking over 100 prisoners." Union reports had it that these Home Guards, nearly all Germans, were surprised in a barn while sleeping^ and shot down with unnecessary cruelty. The circumstance that only 360 muskets were delivered while the number of dead Home Guards was 206, that of wounded over 200 and that of prisoners 100, casts a very dark shadow over this affair. South of the Osage River, Henry Guibor and William P. Barlow, two St. Louis Secessionists, joined the Governor, who placed them in charge of his Artillery. His forces 280 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. went into camp on the right bank of Spring River, three miles north of Lamar, and were here joined by the Commands of Rains and Slack, who had been detained by high water and a long train of wagons. The Confederate author Snead states that the Governor's forces assembled at Lamar Camp were: Infantry. Cavalry. Guns. Total. Rains 1,200 600 3" 1,800 Parsons 400 250 4 650 Clark.../ 360 360 Slack 700 500 .. 1,200 Artillery 190 2,660 1,350 7 4,200 Besides the above, there were about 800 unarmed recruits in Camp. This rapid growth of the Secession forces, under very adverse cir- cumstances, is additional proof of Harney's great mistake in making a one-sided agreement, with an able and determined foe, who was only sparring for time to complete his armament. THE SOUTHWEST UNION COLUMN. Uniting his Regiment at Rolla, Sigel proceeded on June 13 towards Springfield, which he reached on June 23. The Fifth Volunteers under Solomon arrived at the same place on the 27th, after leaving one Company behind to hold Lebanon, half way between Rolla and Springfield. Major F. W. Oronenbold of the Fifth was left at Springfield with two Companies of the Fifth Volunteers, while the balance of that Regiment pushed on to Sar- coxie, and Sigel reached Neosho by the first of July and found that Price had evacuated the place. Neosho was the point designated by Lyon, where Sigel should intercept the southward moving Seces- sionists, though Lyon now was still at Boonville, 150 miles away. In the meantime Captain Sweeney, upon whom General Harney had conferred the title of Brigadier General of the Reserves, marched to the support of the Southwest Column with four Com- panies of the Third Reserve; at Lebanon one of these Companies, to which many prominent St. Louis citizens belonged, mutineered, FRANCIS SIGEL. Colonel 3d Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, in 1861. The Southwest. 281 was disarmed and sent back to St. Louis. The cause of the trouble was that the Company insisted that some of its members, who had trespassed on the property of fugitive Secessionists, should not be left at Lebanon, as they deemed, at the mercy of Secessionists, arguing that while those men deserve punishment, they do not deserve abandonment. Lebanon, however, was held until the retreat of the Union forces from Springfield. The Fourth Eeserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, after some delay, seeured transportation at Bolla, and marched to Springfield. At Neosho, Sigel had no hope to force Price, under favorable cir- cumstances, to an engagement; he therefore marched his Command northward, in order to approach his base of supplies and supports, and also to come nearer to the Union forces, expected to advance from the North. In order to guard against an enemy approaching from the South, Sigel left two Companies under Captain Conrad at Neosho. This Rear-Guard duty could only be reasonably expected by ordering such Command to follow the main body within sup- porting distance. Captain Conrad had no Cavalry for distant scout- ing service, and his evil fate might have been anticipated. THE BATTLE OF CARTHAGE. On July 1 Sweeney arrived at Springfield and ordered Solomon to report in person at Headquarters ; but four Companies of the Fifth Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Christian Wolf had joined Sigel on the preceding day at Neosho, and Solomon followed with the balance, using bis discretion in the matter, as military orders are only peremptory when the Commander, by his personal presence, can be cognkant of all circumstances. The wisdom of this policy was best demonstrated by the success of the German armies in their European campaigns. Sigel was also ordered to return to Springfield, but being informed that a Secession force was heading towards Carthage, he marched to that place for the purpose of intercepting their southward march, and encamped on the 4th on the south fork of Spring River, east of Carthage. The Secessionist General, Parsons, being informed of Sigel's position, ordered his Command at 10 o'clock that night to advance towards Carthage, but was recalled by Governor Jackson, who ordered the whole Secession Army to advance southward at daybreak of July 5, with Rain's Brigade in the lead. 282 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. About five miles south of Lamar the report came in that Sigel was advancing to give battle, and that his troops were seen descending the slope towards Coon Creek. Sigel's Command left camp in , the vicinity of Carthage at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 5th, and shortly after 9 a. m. saw the army of the Secessionists on a low hill in the prairie. They had 600 of Rain's Cavalry standing on the extreme right, and from this towards the left Weightman's Infantry (1,200); Bledsoe's Battery of three guns; Slack's Infantry (700); Guibor's Battery (4 guns) ; Parson's and Clark's Infantry, together 700, and on the extreme right 750 men Cavalry under Brown and Rives ; their heaviest caliber, one twelve-pounder, was posted in front, the six-pounders towards the right and left flank; 2,000 unarmed Cavalry were sent to the wagon train. Leaving one Company and one cannon to protect the ford of Dry Fork, a small tributary of Spring River, heavily fringed with timber, Sigel deployed his forces in line of battle on a ridge of the prairie, which gently slopes towards Coon Creek; the Fifth Volunteers, under C. E. Solomon, and one six pounder formed the right wing; the Third Volunteers, under Francis Hassendeubel, and one six- pounder formed the left wing, and four pieces of Artillery were placed in the center. According to Snead, the Confederate authority, Sigel's Command emerged from the brush on the north side of the creek and advanced with the precision of veterans, deployed into line at a distance of 1,200 yards, having 9 Companies of Sigel's Regi- ment and 7 Companies' of Solomon's, with 125 of Majot Backoff's Artillerists under Captains Theo Wilkins and Jacob Essig, or near 1,000 men in all. After a few inspiring words from Colonel Sigel, his Artillery advanced within 900 yards of the enemy's line and commenced firing. Federal authorities state that the twelve-pounder in the center of the Secessionists' line was first silenced and soon afterwards their pieces on the wings also ceased firing, while their Infantry in the center was badly shaken. Snead does not mention this, but says that the Secession Batteries answered the fire, which was kept up ineffectually for an hour, when the Governor sent his 2,000 unarmed horsemen for shelter into a heavy timber on the right of his line, which indicated that the Union Artillery made an impression. A front attack was now attempted by a large force of the Secessionists, but several volleys of the Infantry and a few grape shots from the Artillery forced them to retreat. The Union men The Southwest. 283 cheered, but had also lost by this time several men and horses, and had one cannon disabled, and Captain Wilkins reported that the ammunition for his Battery was getting short. The enemy's Cavalry now closed in on both wings, threatening Sigel's flanks, bag- gage and line of retreat. He therefore sent some Infantry and Artillery to the ford of a creek in the .rear, and followed with the main body of troops in the best order, checking the advance of the enemy by occasional halts and firing. During such a halt at on other branch some more men were lost. It was not known in the Federal Camp that the 2,000 men sent by Governor Jackson to the woods were unarmed, and their movement was interpreted as a scheme to cut off the retreat. Essig's Battery, with five Companies, was ordered to higher ground south of the creek, commanding its defile and checked the Secessionists, who advanced within 400 yards of Coon Creek ford. The Battery and the troops supporting it were withdrawn and followed the retreating column. At about 5 o'clock p. m. the enemy's Cavalry tried to intercept the retreat, at a place where the road passed between high bluffs. A feint was made by the Union troops, as if they intended to avoid the narrow passage and march around the hill. This brought the Seces- sion Cavalry in large numbers into the road, when Sigel's Infantry unmasked the Artillery behind them, which opened a destructive fire, scattering riderless horses around the prairie. Here 85 horses were captured, 65 double-barreled shotguns picked up, and two offi- cers and 250 men taken as prisoners. The retreat thence continued in good order, followed at a distance by skirmishing parties. Sigel crossed the south fork of Spring River without opposition, holding in the neighborhood of Carthage till 7 p. m. to relieve the march of the train. About 8 o'clock p. m. the last fighting took place on the Sarcoxie road, where Lt. Joseph Spiegelhalter commanded the rear guard of two Companies and two cannon. The Secessionists' Cavalry advanced within 30 yards, when some volleys dispersed them. Hence the retreat to Sarcoxie, and later to Mount Vernon, was unmolested. Sigel's advance to the battle of Carthage and his retreat to Sar- coxie, where he arrived on July 6 at 4 a. m., exacted from his troops a march of 84 miles in 25 hours, without halting to eat or sleep, and with continued skirmishing. It was necessary, after meeting in an open country an enemy who outnumbered him four to one. Sigel , 284 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. had no doubt the better organized troops, both in Infantry and Artillery. His lack of Cavalry and the disproportion of forces should have dictated to him a defensive position, with strong natural advantages. As Sigel had an excellent military education, his march into the open prairie can be only explained on the supposition that he was not informed about the existing circumstances. Having no news from Lyon or Sturgis, he could not possibly expect from them any assistance. However, Sigel's orderly retreat was, under existing circumstances, creditable to the discipline of his troops and the capacity of the leader ; the same cannot be said of the inefficient and lame pursuit by his adversaries. The Federal loss in the battle of Carthage was 13 killed and 31 wounded; the Secessionists lost 10 killed and 64 wounded. Current estimates of the Federal loss were 400; of the Secessionists 600. Nothing is more common in times of war than exaggeration. In his official report upon the battle of Carthage, Sigel speaks in the highest terms of the bravery and discipline of his Command. He personally mentions for valuable services Major Backoff, Ad- jutants A. Albert and Heinrichs, also Lieutenant Colonel Hassen- deubel, Wolff and Captains Essig, Stephany, Golmer, Densler, Stark and Messner. McCulloch, who had learned already on July 2 that Governor Jackson and General Rains were closely pressed by Lyon, advanced into Missouri on the 4th, with two Infantry and one Cavalry Regi- ment and Woodruff's Battery, and was joined by Price's Command. Informed of Sigel's movements, the two leaders left their Infantry behind and pushed more rapidly forward with their Cavalry and sur- prised Captain Conrad with two Companies of the Third Volunteers and some train, at Neosho, and 137 men, with nine wagons of sup- plies, were made prisoners, any resistance proving futile, as they were surrounded by 1,500 men, which rumor swelled to 3,000. General Sigel was blamed for exposing these Companies to capture in the manner he did. It was a severe check to the Union cause; not so much on account of the actual loss, but much more so on account of its moral effect. The large number of Confederate and Secession troops at Neosho augured no good for the small Federal army con- centrating at Springfield, for, although the Governor's Command was under the impression of having avoided a great danger, believing Lyon and Sturgis at their heels, this fear was entirely unfounded, The Southwest. 285 for the very day they loudly welcomed McCulloch, Lyon was joined by Sturgis on Grand River, fully 100 miles away. When the news came to Springfield of Sigel's retreat to Mount Vernon, Sweeney started to his support on the evening of July 7 with three Companies of the Third Reserve and one Company of Springfield Home Guards, and was followed the next day by the Fourth Reserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown. On the 10th of July the entire Command returned to Springfield, while the Confederates and Secessionists, instead of fol- lowing up their advantage, steadily retreated Southward. There had been some apprehension on the part of the Federal leaders that dur- ing the absence of most of their troops from Springfield, the very numerous Cavalry of the enemy might make a raid on Springfield, destroy the depot of provisions and the workshops in which the patriotic men of the town manufactured ammunition and war material. But nothing of the kind was done by McCulloch, who led his troops back to Maysville, Arkansas, while Price reorganized the Missouri Secessionists in the camp at Cowskin Prairie, where the powder brought by Governor Jackson and the lead taken from the Granby mine's was also turned into ammunition. Thus in tbree weeks 5,000 men were ready for the field, and 2,000 additional, well drilled, expected to take the arms of the dead, wounded or sick. Governor Jackson left this camp on July 12 to seek aid from General Polk at Memphis. He never returned to his State. Colonel Chester Harding reported on July 7 to Washington that 3,000 Union men held Springfield and vicinity as an objective point, and that they were under the command of Captain T. W. Sweeney, Second United States Infantry, who was acting under an election and by order of General Harney as Brigadier General of the United States Reserve Corps. Such election and appointment must have been very informal, nor was any such office, to the knowledge or those most interested, ever authorized or confirmed from Washing- ton. Besides the troops already mentioned above, a Rifle Battalion of the First Volunteers, a Regiment of Home Guards and Colonel Wayman's Thirteenth Illinois at Rolla, were protecting the com- munications between St. Louis and Springfield. In the same report Harding also mentions that General Pope's Brigade was placed at the disposal of General Lyon. If so, they never figured in Lyon's actual little army in the Southwest. Harding's further remark, "No more troops wiil be called for at present," did not appreciate the threaten- ing condition of affairs in the Southwest. 286 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. LYON'S MARCH SOUTH. By the first days of July General Lyon had secured at Boonville a scanty supply of provisions and transportation; having reported his deficiencies of same, on June 22 and 30, to General McClellan without effect; he also reported that he had ordered Major Sturgis from Leavenworth to follow the Secessionists retreating from Lex- ington. Sturgis had two Regiments of Kansas Infantry, four cannon and nearly one Regiment of Cavalry. Leaving Colonel J. D. Steven- son with 1,400 men of the Second and Seventh Volunteers and the Fifth Reserve at Booneville, to guard the Missouri River line, Lyon started, on July 3, Southward with the First Missouri and First Iowa Volunteers, 250 men United States Infantry, two Companies Second Missouri Volunteers under Major Osterhaus, 60 men Pioneers and Artillery and four Staff Officers, aggregating about 2,300 men. Sturgis' Command of 2,200 men was to join LyOn's at Osceola, about 90 miles from Boonville, and the united command would thence proceed to Springfield, to which place Colonel Harding was ordered to forward the necessary provisions by way of Rolla. Osceola, the place designated for meeting Sturgis' Command, is 40 miles west of the direct route from Boonville to Springfield. Sturgis started his Command several days before Lyon. It consisted of one Company of the Second Dragoons, four Companies of the First United States Cavalry, Dubois Battery of four guns, three Companies of the First and two Companies of the Second United States Infantry, with some recruits ; the First and Second Kansas Volunteers, and one Company of Kansas Cavalry. Major Sturgis' orders were to follow Rains' troop of Secessionists, but he was delayed by high water and the destruction of bridges, and after waiting three days, was joined b$ Lyon west of Warsaw on the 6th of July, or one day after the battle of Carthage. The long delay at Boonville and the high water frus- trated all concerted plans with the Southwest Column, which under any and all circumstances, were planned over too great distances and too long periods for execution. The united army of Lyon, now 4,500 men strong and its train, were ferried across the Osage on the 10th and the afternoon of the 11th, marched 27 miles south of Osceola, rested a few hours and continued their march until 3 o*clock next morning, covering an additional 23 miles. On that morning, July The Southwest. 287 12, Lyon received the news that the Confederates and Secessionists had gone towards Arkansas, and that Sigel's Command was safe at Springfield. Lyon's army marched that same day 18 miles farther and camped 12 miles from Springfield. It is related that during these forced marches under a July sun, often without food and water, several officers called on Major Osterhaus, asking him to speak to Lyon about these unusual exertions, to which the man who later on became a renowned Major General of the Federal Army is quoted to have politely answered : "You must excuse me, gentlemen, but that it not ray business." The Command had made the march from Boonville to Springfield in 11 days, four days of which it was detained by the high water of the Osage and Grand rivers. On the morning of the 13th Lyon entered Springfield, as Snead reports, with an escort of a bodyguard "of ten stalwart troopers, enlisted from among the German butchers of St. Louis for that especial duty." Lyon rode his iron gray horse, and the martial appearance of the cavalcade made a great impression on the people of Springfield, who greeted him as the hero of Camp Jackson and Boonville, and the Commander who chased the Secession Governor from his Capital. At that time Lyon estimated the United Secession forces threatening Springfield at 30,000, while Snead's estimate was 11,000. The mean between the two amounts seems to be nearer the actual condition than either estimate. Upon an order issued by Lyon July 2, Colonel Harding suppressed the State Journal on July 12 and had its editor, J. W. Tucker, arrested under a charge of treason. Colonel James O. Broadhead found in Tucker's office the letter from Governor Jackson dated April 28 quoted before, in which the latter fully avowed his. treacher- ous design of forcing~Missouri into Secession. Tucker felt guilty and jumped his bond of $10,000. Several publications were started after- wards under new names, but in reality only continuations of the State Journal, and they were also suppressed. The seizure of the Journal brought a great crowd of people to- gether on the street. As the interference with the liberty of the press by governmental authority was very exceptional, it naturally created an unusual excitement. 288 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. SOUTHEAST MISSOURI. In the previous mentioned report to Washington, Colonel Harding laid great stress upon the needs of the Union defenses in Southeast Missouri, where he claimed that a large" force with Artillery and Cavalry may hereafter be necessary. He referred chiefly to the low- land Counties of Southeast Missouri, which, however, were largely protected by nature, having the Mississippi River on the East and communicational lines, broken by bayous, swamps and lakes, which made the advance of larger bodies of troops extremely difficult. These lowlands stretch far into Arkansas, but in Missouri alone they extend over 75 miles to the South, by about 35 miles in width and cover over 2,500 square miles. Their topography had been changed by the great New Madrid earthquake, still their elevation is so uni- form that the overflow water of the Mississippi near Commerce runs inland nearly 60 miles, and returns to the Mississippi with the White River, after a course of 200 miles. For these reasons the policy of occupying Cairo, Cape Girardeau, Iron Mountain and points where the bluffs of the Ozarks sink into the lowlands answered all defensive purposes, at least as long as an advance down the Mis- sissippi River, for political as well as military reasons, was still out of question. But the reports did not cease, that troops are concen- trating in Arkansas for an attack upon Southeast Missouri. S. S. Williams, McClellan's Adjutant General, informed General Lyon on July 15 from Cincinnati that Bragg's Battery, four 32-pounders, three 64-pounders and one Regiment were embarked on a steamer in Memphis, with the destination of Pocahontas on the Black River ; that they expected to find 6,000 Missouri and Arkansas troops at the latter place, which was only 100 miles from Sikeston, the terminus of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad. The route of these troops was to be down the Mississippi to the mouth of White River and upstream on the latter and Black River- to Pocahontas. Corroborating the above report as it would appear, was a letter dated July 16 from M. Jeff Thompson ("The Swamp Fox"), which letter was found on a captive and in which Thompson wrote : "I am advancing and General Yell will follow me in a few days with 5,000 men. He will take position between Rolla and Iron ton. General Watkins will move up, sus- tained by General Pillow, and if proper energy is exercised, we can NICOLAUS SCHUETTNER. Colonel 4th Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. The Southwest. 289 drive the enemy North of the Missouri, and into St. Louis in 30 days." Both these news, from Memphis and the "Swamp Fox," look very much-like a put-up job to divert the attention of the Federal authorities, and to mask the movement of troops and war material up the White and Arkansas rivers, for an attack of the Union posi- tion at Springfield near the head of White River. This supposition was strengthened by the condition of the roads between Black River, the Cache and the Castor, where a small force could stop a little army. The position of Colonel Harding, as chief director of military affairs during Lyon's absence from St. Louis was one fraught with great difficulties ; he had often to act upon the spur of the moment with- out the General's advice; demands for troops, provisions, arms, money, came in from all quarters, and he lacked the proper assist-. ance, of a directive general staff. The situation was soon to be aggravated by events at the seat of war in the East. President Lincoln had asked Congress, which assem- bled on July 4, to call out 400,000 men, and to vote a credit of $400,- 000,000. Congress, without hesitation, authorized the. calling out of 500,000 men, and voted a credit of $500,000,000. Besides this patriotic resolve, the Union arms were successful in some smaller engagements. On the 16th of July, however, General McDowell left Washington, D. C, with 32,500 men, camped at Fairfax Court- house and concentrated his forces on the 20th at Centreville. Some precious time was lost in too much reconnoitering, for had the attack upon the Confederate lines taken place on the 20th of July, the defeat of Beauregard at Bull Run would have been certain, as the Confederate troops under Johnston could not possibly arrive on the battlefield before noon of the 21st. As it was, the Union forces, though at first successful in front, were taken unawares in their flank and suffered a crushing defeat. To guard against its reacting consequences, the news of the lost battle was suppressed in the St. Louis evening papers, and all possible precautions were taken to meet -disorders in the city ; every suspicious move was immediately reported and traced to its origin. Popular commotions are like an incipient fire, easily stopped at the beginning, but if permitted to spread, soon get beyond control. This time the peace of the city was not disturbed ; a sure sign, that the armies in the field had already : absorbed the most fiery elements. 290 ^ e Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- MISSOURI. STATE CONVENTION OUSTS GOVERNOR. The Missouri State Convention adjourned in St. Louis on March 22, subject to the call of the majority of a Committee : R, W. Wilson, J. T. Tindall, J. W. McClurg, James R. McCormack and Thomas T. Gantt, being such majority, called the Convention to re-assemble at Jefferson City on the 22d day of July. The Convention, on reassembling at Jefferson City, witnessed the absence of its first Chairman, General Sterling Price, and of 16 mem- bers who were already in the Camp of the Secessionists; all of them were former conditional Union men, with conditions that could not be filled. A new President of the Convention was elected, and on behalf of a Committee of Seven, James O. Broadhead reported on the condition of the State : "We find our Capitol deserted by its Governor and other high officers of state. We find that, in opposition to the known wishes of the people and in violation of their obligations to the Constitution of the United States, which they had sworn to support, they had formed a conspiracy to dissolve the con- nection of Missouri with the Federal Government, and that, in conjunction with a large portion of members of the Legislature, they have attempted, through the forms of legislation, to establish a military despotism oVer the people. We find that our Governor has, by his proclamation, incited the people of this Commonwealth to armed opposition to the Laws and Govern- ment of the United States, and that he is now in open rebellion against that Government and urging the people of other States, and the Indian tribes, to invade the soil of his own State, whose credit he has prostrated and whose property he has wantonry destroyed." The natural consequence of this truthful representation of affairs was that the vacation of the offices of Governor Jackson, Lieutenant Governor Reynolds and Secretary of State Massey, who had fled to the Secessionist camp and out of the State, was finally declared on July 30 by a vote of 56 to 25. Next day Hamilton R. Gamble was elected Governor, Willard P. Hall Lieutenant Governor, Mordecai Oliver Secretary of State, George A. Bingham Treasurer. In his address Governor Gamble emphasized his unconditional adherence to the Union. From all those who were to continue or to come into office the Convention demanded an oath of loyalty to the Union ; the same was made a condition of the voting franchise. The State Gov- ernment was to have its official seat in St. Louis, for Secession raids were anticipated, which made Jefferson City unsafe. Having fin- The Southwest. 291 ished its business, the Convention issued a memorial, embodying its transactions and giving the reasons for the decree of the adopted measures. The election of Gamble for Governor was a concession to the Ultra Conservative Union element, and no doubt pleased even all condition- al Union men. Gamble had supported Harney and was hostile to Lyon and his policy of arming Home Guards. At first sight the elec- tion looked as one of those dangerous half measures, which generally only cause mischief, and it is an open question whether his later use- fulness was an equivalent for his immediate powerless condition in the gubernatorial chair in 1861, because the active Union men of that period who could be useful to his organizing talent had no sympathy for him. Archibald Gamble and the great majority of the Conven- tion represented the conservative Union men of Missouri of 1860, most of whom were strong State Rights men. The active Union men of St. Louis and Missouri, who saved the city and the State to the Union, were Eadicals, whose political convictions were settled and could not be influenced by the action of the Convention. A Seces- sion ordinance by that Convention would have only hastened the conquest of the State by the Union forces. These later had to hold Gamble in his Governor's position, for his "peace for any price" friends were completely obliterated by the rush of events. Neverthe- less Gamble's conservatism kept conservative Southern sympathizers in Missouri from active participation in hostilities. At this June meeting of the Missouri State Convention the worst and most revolutionary laws of the last Legislature were repealed, namely, those establishing a military force, its financial support, and the office of Major General ; likewise the grab law of the School Fund, and the law catering to the friendship of the Indians, while the Militia law of December 31, 1859, was reinstated. In these matters the Convention proved equal to the exigencies of the hour. The status of Slavery in Missouri was not touched ; for, although the Con- vention was sovereign in Missouri State maters, an outside impetus was expected by the members before venturing to handle the most difficult question of the whole situation. During the session of the Convention Colonel John D. Stevenson wrote to Adjutant Harding: "All the members of the Convention from the Southwest urge the necessity of sending plenty of reinforce- ments to General Lyon, and request me to so telegraph you. I do 292 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- so ; of course, you know what is best ; whether they are better informed than you are, you can judge." Of course,.that went without saying, that the authority at Headquarters was in the position to judge best where to apply reinforcemnts. The urgent and repeated demands from the Southeast had to be weighed with those of Northern Mis- souri, where Harris was to make a combined attack on Jefferson City with forces from Osage, Pettis, Linn and Camden Counties, although he would have to cross the Missouri River, and had neither bridge nor boats. Harris, who was speeding to a combined movement with Secessionists from Osage County, who were also separated from Jef- ferson by the deep and broad Osage River; the same Harris who, by previous reports, was to be assisted by his friends from Pettis County, who had to march 50 miles with a Federal force at Boonville in then- flank. Now such news may sound ominous, but there is so little probabil- ity in them that they should have weighed lightly in the scale of considerations; while Lyon's representations, coming from an ex- perienced leader, deserved the greatest possible attention. THE BATTLE OF FULTON. Callaway County borders on the Missouri River from Jefferson City eastward for over 40 miles, to near the mouth of the Gasconade. It was infested by a Secessionist organization under Tom Harris, who threatened the safety of the Capital, but still more the communica- tion on the River, the Pacific Railroad and the small Union settle- ments of the neighborhood. There were no troops disposable at Jef- ferson City with which this hostile band could be checked, and Volunteers -were called from the Third Reserve Regiment to under- take this task. Near 460 men responded, proceeded on the 16th of July by train to Jefferson City, and after being hospitably entertained by Colonel Boernstein with coffee and crackers, crossed the Missouri River the same evening and went into "Camp Fritz," several miles northeast of the city. A chance shot of a Sentinel alarmed the camp in the small hours of the night, upon which Colonel McNeill ordered a hasty breakfast taken, broke camp and started at daylight North- ward. Single horsemen had been seen already the preceding day. watching from a distance the movements of the Third Reserve. Great care was had on the march through the wooded and hilly terri- The Southwest. 293 tory, with occasional fields of deserted farms. While an old camp of the enemy was passed, several shots were fired from the bush, severely wounding one man. The column now advanced in the fol- lowing order: Van Guard Company F, Captain Ph. Weigel; Main Column Company E, Captain William A. Hequembourg; Company I, Captain R. Hundhausen ; Company B, Captain Charles A. Warner ; Company H, Captain Hy. Lischer; Rear Guard, Captain Tony Niederwieser. The freshness of the morning" air was soon super- seded by a sweltering heat, and the rays of a July sun bathed in perspiration the limbs of the marching soldiers. About 10 o'clock the column halted on a more elevated part of the road, thinly skirted with trees, when those at the head of the main column per- ceived the enemy at some distance in front. There was a more heavily wooded ravine to the side, which the Van Guard must have passed unobserved, or without clearing it upj for all of a sudden several shots and then volleys from hundreds of muskets greeted the resting men. The first Companies threw themselves on the ground to avoid the fire and then rapidly formed into line parallel to the enemy and sent several volleys into the well-covered line of the ambush. The Companies from the rear had also moved into line, and took up the fire, when Colonel McNeill, apprehending that the main body was firing at the Van Guard, galloped to the front, waiv- ing a revolver and commanding, "Cease firing." The Van Guard, however, had been permitted to pass the ambush unnoticed and was out of harm's way. The Secessionists could not stand the fire of the Union Companies, and, at their charge with the bayonet, broke through the woods, run to their horses tied to a fence, rode off towards Fulton, in whose streets they disappeared. In this engage- ment the Third Reserve had 20 wounded, 1 mortally ; while the loss of the Secessionists, owing to the heavier caliber of trje Union mus- kets, must have been much larger. While in Fulton members of the Third Reserve published an issue of the deserted "Callaway Union." Quartermaster George E. Leigh- ton was the able editor, foreman was Captain Hy. Lischer, and the compositors were taken from the rank and file. This issue contained a patriotic appeal to the disaffected citizens of Missouri and Joseph Holt's renowned Louisville speech of July 14, also the "In Memoriam". for Christian Pahlman, the young German who only recently immigrated, and died in defense of his adopted country. 294 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- The plan had been that a concerted movement was to defeat Harris. Lieutenant Colonel Hammer, with several Companies of the Fourth Volunteers, crossed the Missouri at Hermann, marched to Florence on the North Missouri Railroad, but arrived at Fulton after the Third Reserve and the retreat of Harris. Forty-two men Cavalry of the First Reserve were attacked by a body of Secessionists on the march from Montgomery to Mexico. In the skirmish Lieutenant Anton Jaeger of the First Reserve was killed, one man wounded and several horses lost. Colonel M. L. Smith, with two Companies of the Eighth Missouri Volunteers and four Companies of the Second Mis- souri Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Fred Schaeffer, were sent by rail to Mexico, to meet Hurlbut's belated troops, who should have cut off the retreat of the Secessionists. This plan failed, as all similar long-distance combinations usually fail. Still these expedi- tions were useful, as they pacified the country and secured the much- needed lines of communication. THE SITUATION AT ST. LOUIS. Turner Hall, on Tenth and Walnut, had its windows and doors barricaded and prepared for shooting. Its central location made it important in case of a riot or a hostile rising, especially as it was near the disaffected residence portion of the city. When the larger portion of the Third Reserve volunteered out of town four Companies of the First Reserve under Lieutenant Colonel R. J. Rombauer were ordered to occupy Turner Hall. These Companies were : B, Captain R. E. Rombauer; C, Captain Theodore Hildenbrandt ; D, Captain Leonhard Weindel; E, Lieutenant Lorenz Liebermann. The Com- mander ordered Lieutenant Charles G. Johnson of the Third Reserve to assemble those members of his Regiment who remained in town to form with them three Companies, take command of the First Com- pany, give the Second to Louis Duestrow and the Third to Lieu- tenant James H. Wodwarka of the First Reserve, and let these Cap- tains appoint pro tem their other officers, assign the sections to Sergeants, who made out rolls of the residence and business places of their men. This arrangement of July 15 gave to Lieutenant Colonel Rombauer a command of seven full Companies, which were sufficient to deal with any casual disturbance in the center of town. Gustaye Hammerstein acted as Aid and Commissary for the First The Southwest. 295 and Charles P. Johnson for the Third Reserve. One full Company was on guard duty and one held in reserve each night. Rallying places were assigned and all had dfders to march to Turner's Hall on the first alarm. Companies B, C and D of the First Reserve to take position in the yard ; Company E of same and the First and Third Company of the Third' Reserve on the first floor, and the Second Company of the Third Reserve in the large hall of the second floor ; all Companies to face south, With their right wing at the west wall. When the news of the defeat of Bull! Run (July 21) reached St. Louis the excitement in town was great, and all Companies of the Command were consigned to stay day and night at Turner Hall. Every one who was not on the Callaway County expedition responded cheerfully to this duty, although many members of the Reserve, par- ticularly of the Third Regiment, already then represented large business interests; as, for instance, Eberhardt AnheUser, Adam Roth, Theodore Platte, Adolphus Busch, I. A. Holmes, C. H. Dunker, Chauncey I. Filley, Daniel M. Houser, Lucien Eaton, William J. Lemp and others too numerous to name. On the 25th the detach- ment was relieved by the Companies of the Third returning from the Callaway County scout. Adjutant General Harding, writing to Lyon on the day of the battle of Bull Run, characterizes the situation at St. Louis: "From Jefferson City, I had nothing but trouble. It being impossible to supply the places of Boernstein's six Companies, I left him there and — but I won't-stop to mention his performances." "At home our friends are alarmed, and the city is uneasy. . . . Only 2,200 Reserve Corps left; there is mismanagement of trans- portation -at Rolla. - A large number of army wagons with mules have been sent down — 250,000 rations were ordered on the 6th; 4,000 pair shoes and clothing to match were ordered on the 13th ; part have been shipped." He also refers to reorganizations for the three- yean service, and mentions Lieutenant Colonel Hassendeubel, who starts a Regiment (the Seventeenth Missouri), and writes: "I shall reorganize the Second and Fourth under their Captains and put the first ten Companies formed into one Regiment, without regard to the preferences of individuals." A questionable policy. Harding con- tinues: "The Eighth Missouri Volunteers can go down this week; the Ninth and Tenth are filling up fast." . . . "Mulligan's Regiment from Illinois arrived here yesterday for arms; several of 296 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its Companies were sent to Jefferson City, others will go up Tuesday." This Regiment went later to Lexington, Missouri, where troops from Boonville of the Seventh Missouri and Fifth Reserve, Charles G. Stifel, had diligently prepared the position for defense. Two days after Lyon started south from Boonville a detachment of the Fifth Reserve left that place to visit the river towns up the Missouri. They hoisted a Union flag at Brunswick, organized Home Guards and captured some violent Secessionists. On July 9 they fished out five old cannon from their hiding place in the river at Lexington, secured some powder, and, under the direction of Captain John A. Neustaedter from the Artillery, laid out and built the fortifications, which later on were defended by Mulligan's men and 1,220 men under Colonel B. W. Grover, who formed a Home Guard Regiment from the neighboring counties and was mortally wounded in defense of the place. While at Blue Mills destroying boats the Fifth Reserve lost 1 man killed and had 12 wounded Companies of the Regiment went up to Leavenworth and secured there some aid in men and arms, and left two cannons and two mortars in the Lexington forts. Re- turning to Boonville, they were attacked from the river bluff and lost several men. On July 19th Colonel Stifel's Fifth Reserve re- turned to the St. Louis Arsenal and delivered their prisoners and contraband of war. CHARLES G. STIFEL. Colonel 5th U. S. Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. CHAPTER XI. JOHN C. FREMONT. The measure of attaching Missouri to McClellan's Department, with Headquarters 500 miles away, was objected to by McClellan himself, and the Blairs and other prominent Union men urged and secured the organization of the Western Department, embracing all States and Territories west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, including also the State of Illinois. John C. Fremont was appointed to this Command. It was a popular appointment. The pathfinder over the Rocky Mountains who had crossed the great desert and secured California, the land whose rivers run with sand of gold; the scientist honored by Alexander Humboldt, the Republican candidate for Presidency in 1856, nominated on the first ballot and receiving 114 electoral votes, was certainly the most welcome Commander to all progressive elements in the new Department. John C. Fremont was born and educated in the South; the exact study of. mathematics, leading to a realization of -conditions, and a world-wide culture, as well as his happy" union with Jessie Benton, daughter of Missouri's great Senator, elevated him above local prejudices of the oligarchic and plutocratic power. The freedom of nature in the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada nerved every fiber of his being. His very fealty to the cause of human liberty secured him the Free Soil or Republican nomination of 1856. He had read History and knew that Aristocracy and Slavery go hand in hand ; that the privileges of the few are the doom of the masses ; that the immense wealth, accumulated by the Slave barons was used for the destruction of the Union, and by word and deed he was deter- mined to strike at the root of the evil; and he did it most effectually by his proclamation for the emancipation' of the Slaves of armed Secessionists, which he issued August 31, 1861. On his return from Europe, where he had been sent by the U'.JS.' Government to^purchase a large supply of arms, he was appointed Major General, and assumed command at St. Louis- on the 25th of 297 298 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. July, and immediately applied to the National Headquarters for a force and outfit adequate to his task. Washington was in the height of excitement on account of the disaster at Bull Run, and M. Blair answered him that it was impossible at the time to give attention to Missouri affairs; Fremont should act upon his own judgment and sponsibility to defend the Union cause and people in the West, lie Secessionists had at that time 20,000 men under Pillow, Hardee id Jeff Thompson in the southeast of Missouri; 30,000 under Mc- llloch and Price in the Southwest. To the latter Lyon could oppose Y,000 at Springfield, whose time of service was rapidly expiring ; about 6,500 Union troops were under Prentiss at Cairo ; near 1,000 at Ironton, and a force of several thousand under Pope's command in North Missouri. An urgent representation came from General Prentiss at Cairo, as the term of service of six out of his eight Regi- ments had nearly expired. Besides this, the garrisons of Cape Girardeau and Ironton were hardly adequate to the defense of those places. In fact, the term of all three-months men was fast expiring. Scouts reported General Pillow gathering a force of some 20,000 at New Madrid; General Hardee, with 5,000, to be marching on Ironton; Col. Jeff Thompson (surnamed the "Swamp Fox") mus- tering a force at Bloomfield. Even if this news was exaggerated, the hostile preparations looked threatening enough to call for im- mediate action; and, prompted by these circumstances, Gen. Fre- mont organized the expedition to Cairo and Bird's Point, which by the 31st of July was ready to move South. According to Colonel Chester Harding's evidence, given before the Committee on the Conduct of War, the disposition of the troops in Missouri on the 25th day of July, the day of Fremont's arrival at St. Louis, was the following : AT ST. LOUIS. The Eighth Regiment, Missouri Infantry, at Abbey Park; the Second and Fourth Missouri Infantry were being mustered out and reorganizing at the Arsenal. Of the Ninth and Tenth Volunteers, 225 men were distributed in skeleton Companies at the Arsenal, bnt neither clothed nor equipped. The Engineer Regiment of the West had just been started. Buell's Battery of 150 men, recently assigned to the Department, had orders for Artillery equipments and guns. The First, Second, Third, Fourth and part of the Fifth Reserve John C. Fremont. 299 Regiments were at St. Louis, but could, not be moved from there without their consent. AT KOLLA. There were 554 men of Bayless' Rifle Battalion, and 1,000 men of the Thirteenth Illinois Infantry, Col. Wayman. AT SPEINGFIELD. Five companies of Regular Infantry and five companies of Regu- lar Cavalry. The First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, and parts of the Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers, with the exception of three-months men, sent home to be mustered out; two Rifle Com- panies of the Second Missouri Volunteers, and the First and Second Kansas Volunteers; one Company of Pioneers; Totten's and Dubois' Regular Batteries, and two Batteries from Backoff's Artillery Bat- talion. AT JEFFERSON CITY. Two Companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry; seven Com- panies of the Twenty-third Illinois Infantry. The other three Com- panies of same were under orders to come up from St. Louis. One section of Backoff's Artillery Battalion. AT BOONVI1LE. Eight companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry, Col. Steven- son, and one section of Backoff's Artillery. AT LEXINGTON. Part of the Fifth U. S. Reserve Corps. AT PILOT KNOB AND IRONTON. The Sixth Missouri Infantry, Col. Bland, and a section of Pio- neers. AT CAPE GIRARDEAU. The Twentieth Regiment, Illinois Infantry, under Col. Marsh. 300 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- AT ST. CHARLES. One section of Pioneers. According to Col. Harding, these troops aggregated 15,943 men. Besides these, twenty-three Companies of Home Guards guarded the railroad bridges in different parts of the State. Two Illinois and one Iowa Infantry Regiment were guarding the Hannibal & St. Joseph R. R., while General Pope, with part of his Division, was guarding Northeast Missouri. The threats of invading hostile forces from all sides, and the scarcity of troops, induced General Fremont to push the field fortifica- tions of St. Louis to their rapid completion. Granting the difficulty of defending a large city like St. Louis by isolated forts; granting that it would take a large army to defend the very extended position of these forts, they no doubt had a great moral effect, both in the councils of the hostile camp, as well as upon the partially disaffected population of the City itself. St. Louis had lost a large portion of its trade; party animosity led even to a split among the members of the Merchants' Exchange; the Southern sympathizers kept up the Chamber of Commerce, while those opposed to Secession in any form organized the Union Mer- chants' Exchange. Factories lay idle; by the end of July over 20,000 of their best workingmen were either in the Union or Con- federate military service, neither of whom were paid at the time, and a large portion of the population faced starvation. Patriotic ladies organized soup-houses, rolled up their sleeves and went cook- ing for the poor, and the chance to earn wages by work on the forti- fications was a godsend to the inhabitants. A peremptory order upon the Subtreasury of St. Louis for $100,000, without the direct sanction from Washington, relieved the greatest distress. CAIRO AND BIRD'S POINT. Already, on the 19th of July, or six days before Fremont arrived at St. Louis, Colonel Harding sent a report to him, on the threatening conditions of affairs in Southeast Missouri, stating in his report: "If we once lose possession of the swamps of that region, a large army will be required to clear them, while if we get possession first and hold the causeway, a smaller force will do. General McClellan tele- John C. Fremont. 301 graphed that he had authentic intelligence of a large army gather- ing at Pocahontas, according with what I have advised for weeks. Will you take into consideration the importance to Cairo, that the Southeast should be held by us?" Upon Fremont's arrival, fre- quent telegrams from General Prentiss,. Cairo, and Colonel Marsh, Cape Girardeau, represented the situation as extremely dangerous. In fact, it was expected that as soon as the enemy gathered sufficient strength, he would attack Bird's Point and press towards St. Louis. Governor Jackson left the. Secessionist Camp of the Southwest on July 12th, called on General Polk at Memphis, and urged him to aid an invasion of Missouri, with the object of influencing the de- cisions of the Missouri Convention, which was to meet at Jefferson City on the 22d of July. For this purpose he was evidently too late. Nevertheless, a division of forces of the United States was very desirable for the Confederates, and for this reason General Polk directed General Pillow to move with 6,000 men from Western Tennessee to New Madrid, Mo., unite there with Jefferson Thomp- son, effect a junction with Hardee from Pocahontas, and attack Lyen in rear, or march direct upon St. Louis. Such visionary schemes, considering distances and difficulties of communication, could only be explained upon the theory that the news of the Con- federate victory at Bull Run, rah away with the judgment of other- wise sensible men. General Polk enlarged even on this scheme, as T. L. Snead quotes him : "Having driven the enemy from the State, I will then enter Illinois," wrote the brave old soldier, "and take Cairo in rear on my return." General Pillow occupied New Madrid on the 28th of July. His army was called by his party friends the "Army of Liberation," al- though its purpose was the extension of Slavery. This threatening move only prompted greater haste for Fremont's Cairo expedition, particularly as an order to General U. S. Grant to advance with a force to Bloomfield had been countermanded. Pressing demands also came from General Lyon from the Southwest, but the free navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, secured by the possession of Cairo >and Bird's Point, were considered of higher strategic im ? portance. Lyon was advised by Fremont that he could send him no Immediate reinforcements; and as it had been intimated by his friends that Lyon might fight a battle at Springfield, Fremont de- 302 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- clared that if Lyon fights at Springfield, he does so upon his own responsibility. This information shows that Lyon was expected to retreat from Springfield. Such were the circumstances under which Fremont turned towards Cairo, as the most important threat- ened point. He gathered together a force of near 4,000 men of Iowa and Illinois troops, with one detachment of 1,000 men of the St. Louis First and Second Reserve Regiment, under Lieutenant- Colonel R. J. Rombauer; Lieutenant-Colonel Phillip Brimmer and Major Julius Rapp, Adjutant Herman Bleek, Quartermas- ter H. Ratjen and Commissary Geo. Bensberg. The Detachment had twelve Companies: First Company, Capt. R. E. Rombauer; Second Company, Capt. Theo. Hildenbrandt ; Third Company, Capt. Aug. Eichele; Fourth Company, Lt. Geo. Reinhardt; Fifth Com- pany, Capt. Chas. Hartig; Sixth Company, Capt. Jos. Schubert; Seventh Company, Capt. B. Essroger; Eighth Company, Capt. Wm. Hahn ; Ninth Company, Capt. Ed. Wuerpel ; Tenth Company, Capt. Felix Laies; Eleventh Company, Capt. Theo. Boethelt; Twelfth Company, Capt. H. Zakrzewski. The other men of the First and Second Reserve were on the Pacific, Southwest Branch and Iron Mountain Railroad, under Colonel Henry Almstedt of the First and Herman Kallmann of the Second Reserve; on bridge guarding and scouting service. The De- tachment of the First and Second Reserve, camped at Scholten's Gar- den, now Lemp's Park. It being excessively hot, Lieutenant Loreni Liebermann was sunstruck and died. By the first of August all troops boarded vessels — Major General Fremont and Staff, the "City of Alton" ; the Missouri Reserves, the "H. W. Graham" ; the other troops, the "City of Louisiana," the "Warsaw," "War Eagle," "D. A. January" and "Empress." By 3 o'clock p. m. the fleet formed in line. It was a beautiful day. The sun, reflected from the Mis- sissippi River, penetrated the dark volumes of smoke, which rose towards a cloudless sky, relieved here and there by the foaming white steam. Every available place from the boiler to the hurricane deck was crowded by soldiers, who were greeted from the shores by thousands of waving handkerchiefs and hats, when the whistles sounded, the cannon boomed, the band struck up "The Star-Spangled Banner," and the steamers, with one magnificent swoop, turned southward towards the land of cotton, soon to be lost in the gray distance to many eyes dimmed by the tears of emotion. The fleet John C. Fremont. 303 laid by four hours during the night, and at 7 a. m. was greeted by the American Zouaves of the Twentieth Illinois Volunteers at Cape Girardeau, and reached Bird's Point at 4 p. m. Rounding to the shore, the "H. W. Graham" tied up under a high bank, cutting off all breeze. Here the intense heat of the sun and the boilers over- came many men and gave Dr. Emil Seeman and his assistants more work than they could attend to. This sudden • dropping of many men almost created a panic, and the great stress upon the nerves was only relieved when the working parties succeeded in making a practicable road to the top of the high bank. Besides the Reserves, the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Illinois and the Second Iowa Volun- teer Infantry landed at Bird's Point. The Mississippi River was the natural line of operation for a Union Army in the West, on account of the facility of transporta- tion and the great technical advantages of the North in the equip- ment of gunboats, tinclads, and vessels of all kinds, which were available to the South only in a very limited way. - All this became more important as the Southern railroads had a different guage from the Northern, which made their road-beds of little immediate value after their rolling stock had been removed. The real objective points in every contest are the armies of the enemy, which would naturally concentrate in defense of the great artery of national life; and for this-reason a possession of the Mississippi meant the possession of the West. In the hands of the Union Army, it cut off almost one- third of the Confederacy by permanently stopping the communica- tion between the seceded States east and west of the river. On the other hand, there were considerations for the safety of the Union men in the Border States, which led to a scattering of troops over a large area, often isolated and without proper means of communica- tion. Still, there is no doubt that the destruction of the hostile armies was of greater importance than the protection of scattered Union posts. Therefore Fremont's move to Cairo and Bird's Point appears to be correct, and fault may be found chiefly with that authority which did not energetically push the movement South- ward. The Mississippi at Cairo is very wide; still, a hostile Battery at JBlird's Point would have effectually stopped navigation of transports from the Upper Mississippi to the Ohio. While Bird's Point itself is only a high bottom, it had. sufficient open field all around it to make 304 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- the Held fortifications raised at the place quite defensible, while the swampy woods, at about 1,500 yards distance, could be also utilized for a preliminary defense. Within a day's march South were Con- federate troops under Pillow, and Jeff Thompson's bands were in-, festing the neighborhood. A specimen of the latter's mode of war- fare may be had from his own report of August 12th, to General Pillow: "I seat my dragoons over the river to gather transportation. "The tempta- tion to have a brush before leaving was too great, and they charged into the town of Hamburg, scattering the Dutch in all directions. My men fired at them as they ran through the fields, although unarmed, and killed one, mor- tally wounded five, seriously wounded several others and brought away thir- teen prisoners and twenty-five horses. These men were the federal Home Guards, 'but the attack was so unexpected that they did not find their guns to fight, but as they kept them secreted, our men only got five." Everybody can analyze this report for himself, and trace to their very origin those causes which made it possible. LYON AT SPRINGFIELD. On Lyon's taking command at Springfield, July 14th, the Union affairs in that neighborhood were in a critical condition. The time of service of the three-months men, which formed about half his command, was rapidly expiring. Notwithstanding the Order of Quartermaster General Meigs, issued July 6th, to Quartermaster Mc- Kinstrey at St. Louis, to send as many teams as may be required to transport supplies, forage and clothing to Lyon's army, hardly any- thing had reached that destination by July 27th — nay, McKinstrey had even discharged the teams previously hired by Sigel, Gratz Brown and Sweeney. It wsfe evident that the machinery did not work right, which was chiefly the fault of a system which tied the hands of the local commanders. Under date of Springfield, July 13th, Lyon writes to Harding: "My effective force will soon be reduced by about four thousand men, including the Illinois Regiment now on the march from Rolla (which never got to Lyon). Governor Jackson will soon have in this vicinity not less than thirty thousand men. I must have at once an additional force of ten thousand men, or abandon my posi- tion. All must have supplies and clothing. N. Lyon." JOSEPH SPIEGELHALTER. Lieutenant 5th Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, in 1861. John V. Fremont. 305 July 15th his Assistant Adjutant General, Schofield, writes a letter of similar tenor, and adds : "Our troops "are badly clothed, poorly fed, and imperfectly supplied with tents; none of them have yet been paid, and the three-months Volunteers have become disheart- ened to sueh an extent that very few of them are willing to renew their enlistment." He also suggests, very sensibly, that the garri- soning of St. Louis should be left entirely to the Home Guards. At this time Lyon received an order from General Scott to send five Companies of Regulars, with Captain Sweeney, east, which proves that Sweeney was not considered a Brigadier General at Washington. To this last demand from Army Headquarters, Lyon answered : "My aggregate is between seven thousand and eight thousand men, more than half of whom are three months' Volunteers, some of whose term of enlist- ment has just expired; others will claim a discharge within a week or two and the dissolution of my forces from this necessity, already commenced, will leave me less than four thousand men. In my immediate vicinity, it is cur- rently reported, there are thirty thousand troops and upward whose number is constantly augmenting. The evils consequent upon the withdrawal of any portion of my force will be apparent; — possible defeat of my troops in battle will peril the continued ascendancy of the Federal power itself, not only in the State, but in the whole West; — large bodies of troops should be sent forward to this State, instead of withdrawn. . The moral support of the presence of the few Regulars in my command is doubtless the main con- sideration which holds the enemy in check. ... In this state of affairs, presumed to have been unknown, when the order was issued, I have felt justi- fied in delaying its execution for further instruction." Two days later, Lyon asks Colonel Harding to send to him the Fourth and Fifth Regiment, Iowa Volunteers, from Burlington, Iowa, if they are not otherwise needed. They never got to^hlni: Authority from Washington was now received at St. Louis to accMB all three-year Regiments that offer their services. In consequence of this authority, Colonel Harding thought he could soon reinforce Lvon, which might have been done from other quarters, for on July 15th Brigadier General John Pope T who, with his command, guarded railroads in North Missouri, sent this short notice to Assistant Adju- tant General Harding : "Have dispatched conditions of affairs to Gen- eral Fremont and asked authority to take the field with five more Regiments. Expect answer to-night. Will go down and confer with you soon as I hear." Fremont, however, assumed command at St. Louis only on the 25th, and ten precious days were lost by General Pope's waiting for orders. 23 306 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Most unfortunately for Lyon's Command, the terms of the three- months Volunteers nearly all expired between the 22nd and 28th of July, while only the First Missouri had reorganized for three years' service. Those not willing to re-enlist were transferred to other Regi- ments. There was an undue pressure brought to bear upon the men whose terms had expired, to make them stay at Springfield, and their readiness to serve their country in April, 1861, was ill rewarded even by threats of coercion. The ill-feeling started when, upon the re- organization of the First Missouri Volunteers for the three-years' ser- vice on June 10th, a large number of its members declined to take up that new term of service, and there were some not very creditable attempts made to induce them to yield to the wishes of the higher officers, but better counsels prevailed, and later the just demands were granted, and men of the First, Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers and of the Artillery Battalion, whose time had expired and who had not re-enlisted for the three-years' service, left Springfield July 24th, under command of Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Wolff, at a time when there was no hostile force of any consequence within sixty miles of Springfield. C. D. Wolff's Detachment arrived in St. Louis August 2nd, and the men were honorably discharged August 12th. Most of them re-enlisted soon afterwards in various Regiments, and for three years, or the duration of the war. The lack of a well-organized Staff was sorely felt at Washington, and in the Western Department. Colonel Harding was almost op- pressed by this want, and Lyon complained of it repeatedly. Recur- ring verbal messages through traveling officers could give no satis- factory basis for action, as they are subject to misconceptions, lapses "of memory, the individual shadings of subaltern officers, which may hive a sinister influence upon the decision of important questions. On July 27th Lyqn handed to Colonel John S. Phelps, an eminent Union man from Springfield, a memorandum, and asked him to' see General Fremont about troops, stores, pay, clothing, shoes and staff officers, stating also the strength of his command, which was much reduced in numbers by the expiration of the three-months' term of troops, and ended the letter with the words: "The public press is full of reports that troops from other States are moving toward the northern border of Arkansas, for the purpose of invading Missouri." It took Colonel Phelps three days to get to St. Louis, and he arrived at Fremont's Headquarters shortly before the latter John C. Frewiont. 307 embarked with a large expedition for Cairo and Bird's Point, owing ta the danger which threatened Cairo, the moat important center of communication in the West. About the same time, Captain John S. Cavender, of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, called at Fremont's Headquarters, and, after a delay of two days, succeeded in seeing Fremont, to whom he made explicit representations of the difficulties in the Southwest. Before returning to Springfield he was informed by Assistant Adju- tant General Kelton that a Paymaster had been ordered to leave in the cars next morning, "and General Fremont has arranged to send reinforcements at once. At least five thousand will go forward as soon as the orders can reach them. It's all right, Captain. You can tell General Lyon he will be attended to." Quite to the contrary effect is the statement of Dr. Frank G. Porter, who also, upon Lyon's request, called on Quartermaster General McKinstrey,- and stated to him that, if Lyon could get the Thirteenth Illinois from Rolla and the Seventh Missouri from Boonville, he would be confident of success in any encounter with the Secessionists. McKin- strey answered it was impossible to secure transportation for those Regiments. Dr. Porter then called upon General Fremont and re- peated the information given by Phelps and Cavender, and added that it was Lyon's intention to fight the enemy at Springfield; to which General Fremont, as Dr. Porter says, replied that if General Lyon made the fight at Springfield he must do it upon his own re- sponsibility ; General Lyon has his orders to fall back. The items of the above narration are taken from Jas. Peckham's well-known work on General Lyon. He speaks in the highest terms of Dr. Por- ter's character, and as Peckham was very well informed upon the affairs of the day, and not at all partial to General Fremont, his state- ment is of very great importance, for it proves that already in the last days of July Lyon was expected to fall back from Springfield, and that he fought the battle of Wilson'-s Creek on his own. responsibility. This fact is corroborated by General Schofield's statement in his work, "Forty-Six Years in the Army." As to the difficulty of having need of staff officers, it must be noted that General Lyon certainly had in Major Schofield the ablest Chief of Staff that could be secured from the Regular Army in the West, and Lyon himself had the best possible opinion of Regular Army, officers and men ; still, for his minor staff officers, he had the choice 308 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. among many experienced Volunteer officers, non-commissioned offi- cers and privates, as the Volunteer Regiments were in the main com- posed of a by far abler element than the rank and file of the Regu- lar Army. Before 1861 it was very seldom the case that a Private in the Regular Army should advance to an officer's rank. There was some reason for this in the small peace army, but none whatever during a war. The proverb, "Familiarity breeds contempt," was never known in the French Army since France became a free nation, yet they raised genial officers. News came to General Lyon that a recruiting camp of Secessionists was formed at Forsyth, on the White River. He detached, on July 20th, 1,200 men and a Section of Artillery, under the command of Captain Sweeney, who captured at that place a number of prisoners and secured some Quartermaster stores and provisions, without meet- ing a larger force of the enemy ; nor did Sweeney's scouts learn of any larger force in that vicinity. After a thorough investigation, the expedition returned to Springfield. McCulloch and Price had already before the middle of July sent a Special Messenger to Hardee at Pocahontas, asking his co-operation against Lyon, but received an unfavorable answer, as Hardee waited for reinforcements and a more complete outfit. This did not hinder the Secession army to start from Cowskin Prairie on July 25, arriving at Cassville on the 28th, where it was joined by 650 men. McCul- loch's Command followed the next day, while Pearce came within ten miles of the place. This united force of 11,000 armed and about 2,000 unarmed men commenced its northward march from Cassville on July 31. Being advised of the advance of the enemy, Lyon seriously con- sidered what plan and policy to pursue. Three chances were before him: a retreat to Fort Scott or Rolla, a defense of Springfield as a fortified camp, and to take the offensive and make an attack upon the enemy. The patriotic citizens of Springfield were decidedly against a retreat, which, for many of them, involved the leaving of house and home. Lyon's own disposition and the spirit of the army were adverse to a retreat, which would entail the loss of prestige and war material, while some of his officers even doubted the feasibility of a retreat, although his best educated officers firmly held that a retreat was prac- ticable, almost at any time. Weighty reasons spoke against making Springfield a fortified camp; the large area which the place covers John C. Fremont. 309 and its topography were not favorable for defense ; its population and buildings could not be shielded against hostile projectiles; provisions were scant even for a short period, and the large mounted force of the enemy could have isolated the defenders from the first day of the siege. It would have taken quite a large army to raise the siege, and there was no prospect that such could be gathered on the outside before the want of provisions forced a surrender. Under these circum- stances Lyon resolved to improve the situation by attacking the enemy. It had been reported to him that the Secessionists were mov- ing upon Springfield in three columns : one from the South by way of Harrisonville, one from the West by way of Greenfield and the third from the Southwest, on the direct road from Cassville. By simply watching the Harrisonville route and sending the First Missouri Volunteers to Greenfield for observation, Lyon was enabled to pro- ceed on August 1 with the bulk of his forces on the direct road towards Cassville, in the hope of defeating the strongest column ex- pected from that direction. Being informed that the detachment at Greenfield was not needed, he ordered the First Missouri Volunteers to join the main column, which it did by a forced march, making 60 miles in 33 hours. In the meantime Lyon's Advance Guard of two Companies under Steele, one Company under Lothrop, Totten's Battery of six guns, a Section of Captain Schaeffer's Cavalry and a Squadron under D. S. Stanley met, on August 2, the enemy's Advance Guard at Duck Springs, and after a short skirmish, some Artillery firing and a Cavalry charge under Lieutenant Michael J. Kelly, which was made after a recall had been sounded, forced Gen- eral Rains' Command to retreat in considerable confusion. This made a very bad impression in the Southern Camp, as the loss on either side was trifling, and there seemed to be no pressing occasion for a sudden retreat. The First Missouri Volunteers, which had joined the main body by this time, occupied the hostile camp. Next day, on August 3, the enemy was again met half a day's march farther South, at Curran's Postoffice. Here again they showed little resistance and gave way, retreating to Crane Creek, six miles further South, where McCulloch was concentrating his forces. In these skirmishes the Secessionists' loss was estimated at 70, the Union loss was very small. A brief report from Mcintosh to McCul- loch upon this affair shows that considerable ill-feeling and jealousy prevailed in the Secession Camp. He writes on August 3 : 310 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- "Three miles from your camp, the command of General Rains, as I expected, came down upon us in full flight and in the greatest confusion. 1 drew up my men across the road and rallied the greater portion of them and sent them on in regular order. General Rains had engaged the enemy unadvisedly, and had sent for my small command to reinforce him, which I respectfully declined, having no disposition to sacrifice it in such company. Jas. McIntosh." At the Union Camp the opinion was prevalent that the object of the Secession leader was to draw Lyon further away from his supplies, and, in fact, the provisions in Lyon's Camp at that time had been reduced to one day's rations. Schofield writes upon this situation: "The enemy showed no great force, and offered but slight resistance to our advance. It was evident that a general engagement could not be brought on within the limits of time and distance to which we were confined by the state of our supplies." "As Lyon had the bulk of his army (over 5,000 men of all arms) with him, he exposed Springfield to the chance of being taken by the enemy's stealing a march upon him along another route. After consulting the Com- manding Officers, Lyon ordered the retreat to Springfield, where his army was concentrated on August 5. At Crane Creek a Texas Regiment joined McCulloch's forces. Still Price urged him in vain to follow Lyon. In order to induce him to advance, General Price, though Senior in rank, offered to follow McCulloch's lead. After one day's consideration, and after receiving the news that General Pillow was advancing from New Madrid, Mc- Culloch's conscientious scruples vanished, and he assumed the com- mand. This is another instance of that jealous ambition among high military officers which so often has made and unmade History. In this instance, however, General Price's patriotic devotion saved the Secession cause a serious reverse. McCulloch now set his whole Com- mand in motion, but was too late to overtake Lyon. He pushed, on the 5th, to Moody's Spring, near Tyrrel's Creek, and on the 6th went into camp at Wilson's Creek. Here fine fields of ripening corn furnished him a subsistence, badly needed by his army. Arrived at Springfield, Lyon felt depressed on account of lack of provisions, want of reinforcements and the doubt that the means at his command will suffice to protect the Union people of the Southwest. His ener- getic spirit and devoted patriotism could ill brook even a temporary check, and his unfounded suspicion of an intrigue against him by John C. Fremont: 311 persons high in office, increased his irritation to a point where even defeat appeared preferable to a voluntary retreat. It has been stated that on consultation of Commanders and higher officers, all except Captain Sweeney and Major Cornyn advised a retreat. After com- ing back from Curran Postoffice, Captain Plummer of the Regular Army stated to Lyon his opinion that the evacuation of Springfield might be safely effected in a couple of days, and one of the best educated and qualified officers of the United States Army, Major John M. Schofield, held the same opinion, and, as he was at the time Chief of Staff of Lyon's Army, was certainly best informed upon the details of the situation. In his work, "Forty-six Years in the Army," he states the case clearly and justly on page'39 of his work : "Lyons' personal feeling was so strongly enlisted in the Union cause, its friends were so emphatically his personal friends and its enemies his personal enemies . . . that he could not take the cool, soldierly view of the situa- tion, which should control the actions of the commander of a national army. If Lyon could have foreseen how many times the poor people of that section were destined to be overrun by the contending forces, before the contest could be finally decided, his extreme solicitude at that moment would have disap- peared. Or, if he could have risen to an appreciation of the fact, that his duty as the Commander in the field of one of the most important of the national armies, was not to protect a few loyal people from the inevitable hardships of war (loss of their cattle, grain and fences), but to make as sure as possible the defeat of the hostile army, no matter whether to-day, to-morrow, or next month; the battle of Wilson's Creek would not have been fought." Upon the same point Captain Plummer, a Regular officer of great merit, says: "I think it was the morning of the 5th (August) that we reached Spring- field. The question then arose that morning whether we should remain at Springfield and defend ourselves until we received reinforcements, or whether we should continue our retreat right on toward Rolla or Fort Scott. My own opinion was that we ought to remain a few days, we should wait at least two or three days for reinforcements. He (Lyon) stated he was not expecting any. About that time we received a few wagon loads of supplies from Rolla, which gave us some five or six days' rations. On the afternoon of the 9th we received marching orders. In the conversations of General Lyon with his officers, the only questions that arose were whether we should intrench ourselves at Springfield and wait for reinforcements, or retreat upon Rolla; or, rather, if we retreated, whether we should retreat upon Rolla, or upon Fort Scott. The determination to fight the battle of Springfield (Wilson's Creek) was his own — at least he did not consult me." Plummer estimated that by forced marches troops could reach Springfield from Rolla in four days. Only excellent troops could 312 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- do this, and as for want of transportation, neither Stephenson's Sev- enth Missouri nor Way man's Twelfth Illinois started in time, their assistance at Wilson's Creek on August 10 was out of the question. Lieutenant Hammer called, on August 3, at Fremont's Head- quarters, explaining the situation at Springfield, stating "that Jack- son's Army is in Jasper and adjacent counties with not less than 20,000 men ; that Lyon's force is not much more than one-fourth." This was promptly reported to General Fremont at Cairo, and he ordered Colonel Montgomery with the Third Kansas and Stephenson with the Seventh Missouri Volunteers to report to Lyon. Fremont also wrote care of I. B. Wayman, Rolla, a letter, which Lyon received on August 9, and of which Schofield says: "The purport of that part of it, which was then of vital importance, is still fresh in my memory. That purport was instructions to the effect that if Lyon was not strong enough to maintain his position as far in advance as Springfield, he should fall back toward Rolla, until reinforcements should meet him." On the morning of August 9 Schofield suggested to Lyon the fol- lowing answer to Fremont's letter: "Springfield, August 9, 1861. "General: I have just received your note of the 6th inst.. by special mes- senger. "I retired to this place, as I have before informed you, reaching here on the 5th. The enemy followed to within ten miles of here. He has taken a strong position, and is recruiting his supplies of horses, mules and provisions, by forays into the surrounding country; his large force of mounted men enabling him to do this without annoyance from me. "I find my position extremely embarrassing and am at present unable to determine whether I shall be able to hold my ground or be forced to retire. I can resist any attack from the front, but if the enemy moves to surround me, I must retire. I shall hold my ground as long as possible, and not endanger the safety of my entire force with its valuable material." This form of a letter Lyon changed, leaving out the portion in italics after the word "possible" in the penultimate line and adding after that word the following: "Though I may, without knowing how far, endanger the safety of my entire force, with its valuable material, being induced by the important considera- tions involved, to take this step. The enemy yesterday made a show of force, about five miles distant, and has doubtless a full purpose of making an attack upon me. Yours, N. Lyon." John C. Fremont. 313 The changes made in the letter by Lyon clearly indicate his inten- tion of risking the chances of a battle, notwithstanding the great odds he anticipated to meet. Schofield states that the plan of battle was determined on the morning of the 9th by Lyon and Sigel, no other officer being present. Lyon said "it is Sigel's plan," yet he seemed to have no hesitation in adopting it. The period of service for two Companies of the Third Volunteers and that of the Fourth Reserve having expired on August 8, they left Springfield on the 9th in order to be mustered out at St. Louis. The opinion "that Lyon could have safely retreated on the 9th or 10th is supported by the favorable topography of the route towards Rolla, which first passes on the divide between the tributaries of the White and Osage rivers and farther east on the divide between the Osage and Gasconade, offering excellent positions for the Artillery, which could keep the enemy at a respectful distance ; especially as it had the support of a well-mounted and armed Cavalry, ready to charge the mounted shotgun Infantry of the enemy. The Union Infantry was better armed and drilled, and their fire would have told heavily upon a pursuing troop. There were no bridges or difficult passes on this line of retreat up to the Gasconade 12 miles west of Rolla, having there excellent positions for defense and the best chances for reinforcement. As the country round Springfield was inhabited by a mixed popu- lation of Union men and Secessionists, it was not very difficult to receive information relative both Camps. Still McCulloch's recon- noitering with an armed force failed to draw out Lyon's troops or to make them reveal their strength and position, and to the suggestion for an advance, he positively declined to "bring on an engagement with an unknown enemy." At a council of war on the 8th General Price insisted on an attack of Lyon's position, and as this was urged by other Commanders, McCulloch gave out marching orders for August 9 at 9 p. m., but as rain set in before that hour, the orders were countermanded, otherwise the hostile armies would have met at night, each bent upon surprising the other. CHAPTER XII. THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. Beyond the observations of the Pickets, some reconnoitering was done from Lyon's Camp. Early on the 9th Captain Harry Stone of the First Missouri Regiment was sent with his Company five miles out of town to the Picket Line, and ordered to proceed from there with only one Company of Cavalry, towards the enemy's Camp, with a view of gathering information. He reported the arrival at Wilson's Creek Camp of new Texas and Arkansas troops. The Camp was only ten miles distant from Springfield ; it had been repeatedly traversed on previous marches of Union troops and by citizens of Springfield, so that the general features of its topography were well known. After some consultation between Lyon and Sigel, the plan was adopted to attack the Camp at daybreak of the 10th by a sur- prise from two sides: one Column, under Lyon, to approach from the Northwest, the Second Column, under Sigel, from the Southeast. Lieutenant Colonel F. W. Cronenbold of the Fifth Missouri was to hold- Springfield with a Command of a few Companies. The Camp of the Confederates was in the valley and the slopes on both sides of Wilson's Creek. This creek rises near the town of Springfield, flows four to five miles westward, then takes an almost southern direction for nearly ten miles before it empties into James River a tributary of White River. One mile above the mouth of Wilson's Creek it is joined from the West by Tyrell Creek and near one and one-half mile farther north by Skegg's Branch, coming also from the West. The road from Cassville, called the Fayetteville road, crosses both branches mentioned, then runs a mile northward above Skegg's Branch, along the western bank of Wilson's Creek, crosses this at a ford and runs northeast to Springfield. The neighboring hills rose to about 150 feet above the valley, which, with its slopes, was covered with trees and partly quite heavy underbrush. Between Skegg's Branch and the Ford the road is hemmed in by the bluff and the creek; west of it the hill rises to over 130 feet, with slopes cut 314 The Battle 'of Wilson's Creek, 315. BATTLEFIELD OF WILSON'S CREEK 316 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. by ravines, covered with scrub oaks and brush, and with rocks crop- ping out near the top. This hill has since the battle received the name of "Bloody Hill." The hills on the eastern bank of Wilson's Creek often rise abruptly about 75 feet before they assume gentler slopes. Beyond the north- ern end of Bloody Hill a larger ravine runs into the creek, and opposite this and somewhat east of the creek was a large cornfield, fenced and surrounded as usual by thicker underbrush. From the Northeast a small branch joined the Creek near the ford of the wagon road. Wilson's Creek is everywhere fordable for foot and horsemen ; south of Skegg's Branch and east of the Fayetteville road the valley widens. Here camped the Mounted Regiments of Greer and Churchill, and the Mounted Missourians under Major and Brown. North of Skegg's Branch, to the foot of Bloody Hill, camped the Missouri Infantry Commands of McBride, Slack, Clark and Par- sons, and near them, on the road, were General Price's Headquarters. The extreme north of the Camp was held by Cawthon of Rain's Mounted Missourians, whose outposts stretched northward beyond Gibson's Mill. Mcintosh's Command held the ground north of the ford, and on the bluff east of him was Pierce's Brigade, Woodruff's Battery commanding the opposite hills, McRae's Battalion and the Third Louisiana Regiment, McCulloch's Headquarters being to the west of them. Farther south, and also on the eastern hill, stood Reid's Battery, and opposite the mouth of Skegg's Branch was Weightman's Brigade. The Camp extended along the right and left bank of the creek for about three miles, with a width of half that dis- tance. Broken by hills, ravines, creek banks, covered with trees, undergrowth and rocks, it was good defensive fighting ground for Infantry, with limited chances for the use of Artillery and very little chance for Cavalry. The short, clear spaces put for once the double- barreled shotgun on an equality with the rifle or minie musket. There are several versions extant with regard to the adoption of the plan for the attack upon the hostile Camp. One is that the Com- manders of Troops were assembled by Lyon and asked to give their opinion. Among them were able and experienced men like Schofield, who later advanced to the highest Command in the Army; Francis Sigel, with a thorough military education and large experience; Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert, who had been Chief of Staff of an Army Corps in Hungary's war of 1848 ; Major Peter Osterhaus, an The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 317 educated German Officer, who became a renowned Major General during the war, and many officers of the Regular Army with their excellent West Point training. It is said all these officers were in favor of a retreat to Rolla. Captain Sweeney and Major Cornyn were not present, but said to have favored giving battle before Spring- field. This latter advice coincided with Lyon's disposition, who could ill brook a retreat, even before a superior force. The idea of deserting the Springfield Union population, which had received him enthusias- tically, was adverse to his sense of honor; the failure of reinforce- ments and supplies made him feel bitter and prompted him to a bold dash, which might possibly lead to victory or so cripple the enemy that he could not hinder a safe retreat. Thus it happened that, con- trary to the advice of his best officers and the directions of General Fremont, Lyon made up his mind to give battle. The value of this decision could naturally only be proved by its consequences. The plan of the attack was made by Lyon and Sigel alone, as stated, at the latter's suggestion, but no doubt approved by Lyon. The general features of. the plan were given to the Chief of Staff, who worked out the detailed dispositions and issued the necessary orders. Accordingly, Sigel was to move with 1,600 Infantry, two Companies of Cavalry and six cannon, on the evening of the 9th, along the Fayetteville road, deviate South and come close to the enemy without alarming him, halt for a rest and time his further advance so as to arrive in the right flank of the enemy at daylight. General Lyon, with 3,700 Infantry, two Companies of Cavalry and ten cannon, was to start in the evening of the 9th on the Mount Ver- non road, deviate from it, proceeding to a point unobserved by the enemy, rest there, and time his advance to reach the left wing and flank'of the enemy at daylight. There was a scanty supper before the start in the evening; there was no prospect for ajjreakfast in the morning, and, for all they knew, little expectation foT a dinner. By 1 o'clock after midnight Lyon's Column came within two miles of the enemy, whose campfires were dimly reflected towards the sky as the drizzling rain dampened their ardor. Lyon laid down for a short nap, as Schofield relates: "We went forward together, slept under the same blanket while the Column was halted from about midnight till the dawn of day, and remained close together nearly all the time until his death." Most men slept the brief hours soundly, not know- ing where and when their next rest would be. Resuming the march 318 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- Southeastward from Little York Postoffice at daylight, with Sturgis' Brigade in front, Captain Plummer's Battalion.of four Companies of Regulars, two Companies of the Second Volunteers under Osterhaus, two Companies of Cavalry and Totten's Battery of six guns. This was followed by the Second Brigade under Lt. Col. Andrews, consist- ing of the First Missouri and Second Iowa Volunteers, four Com- panies of Regular under Captain Steele, Dubois Light Battery of four guns ; next came the Third Brigade under Colonel Deitzler, being the reserve, and consisting of the First and Second Kansas, the First Iowa Volunteers and 200 mounted Home Guards. Steadily the Column moves forward; the space between the Van Guard and main body of troops is shortened; no tap of the drum marks the step, no bugle sound conveys a. command; smoking and talking is prohibited; the troops move forward in sullen, solemn silence over the waves of the undulating -ground, brushing the dew drops from the prairie which to the South is fringed by the trees and undergrowth in ravines and valleys, and where the smoke of rekin- dled campfires rises in the gray of the morning atmosphere. The Field Officers, Adjutants and Orderlies rise in the stirrups and strain their eyes to spy the pickets. So far all is quiet ; now a drowsy hostile Sentinel notices a dark line moving down the hill ; a challenge rings out, "Hold, who comes there?" No answer, but a steady advancing tramp. No doubt it is the foe, and the report of the Sentinel's rifle sends the alarm along the picket line, while shot after shot from the skirmishers of the First and Second Missouri Union Volunteers veri- fies the cause of the enemy's alarm. The attacking Column has hastened the step; the command now sounds in clear accents : "Forward, right and left, into line. Guide right!" Drums beat, bugles sound, commands follow in quick suc- cession. "Battalion, Hold I Ready! Aim! Fire!" A Battery gal- lops forward, imlimbers and follows up the racket and hail of small arms with the thundering base of the cannon. The surprised picket line of the Secessionists retreats rapidly down the hill. Men, horses, wagons and riders, rush like a wild stream to the rear, carrying con- fusion into the forming Battalions. Brave officers of the outposts and First Camp of Cawthon rally their men and give slowly way to the advancing Regulars under Plummer, towards the ravine and the creek, while the First and Second Missouri Volunteers pressed for- ward towards Bloody Hill. The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 819 The fleeing and retreating Secessionists were here taken up by General Price's advancing Battalions, who paralleled the Union line from the creek and ravine westward across the hill. Here a most obstinate rifle fire contested every inch of ground; rocks and trees, gulches and elevations and depressions of the ground, offering cover for obstinate resistance. The white steam of the guns which slowly rose through bush and tree, occasionally revealed and again hid, loosely formed lines of human beings, who, with set features and strained muscles, advanced from the North and South to the fra- tricidal strife. Crouching now like the hunter, again erect in order better to see, with extended nostrils, sparkling eyes, the perspiration streaking the powder-darkened faces, swayed the lines forward and backward, as some addition to the force, withdrawal of thinned-out Companies or a rising momentum of animation, carried one or the other host forward. Batteries exchanged shots from hilltop to hill- top, though their main attention was devoted to check the advancing Infantry. There was no tear for the dead; hardly any time to aid the wounded. A chance message from the dying, a short greeting to a mother, or loved one, and the mortally wounded turned over on the sod, that was soon to cover him. The disabled wounded dragged slowly to the rear, where the busy surgeons had spread out their instruments and lint, to put on temporary bandages upon those who waited with fateful patience upon their turn. Between the wild swayings of fire-vomiting lines were periods of almost absolute calm, when the steam and smoke settled down so heavily near the ground that it was impossible to see 10 feet ahead. Men, several times wounded and even captured, got away in the mist and returned to the firing line; others again, after a temporary bandage had been laid on, came back to the contest, perhaps only to receive their final quietus for all terrestrial pleasures and troubles. The battle of Wilson's Creek was, as far as the Union forces are concerned, a double battle. Lyon from the North, Sigel from the South, made disconnected and independent attacks upon a foe de- fending his camp between them. The official reports of the two Union Commanders are the most valuable and reliable sources of information, respective their own separate actions, and are given here almost complete. Major Sturgis was in command of the North Column after Lyon fell, and he reports after the Advance Guard had driven in the Outppsts and Pickets of the Secessionists : 320 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "Captain Plummer's Battalion with the Home Guards on his left were to cross Wilson's Creek and move toward the front, keeping pace with the advance on the opposite bank, for the purpose of protecting our left flank against any attempt of the enemy to turn it. After ciossing a ravine and ascending a high ridge, we came in full view of a considerable force of the enemy's skirmishers. Major Osterhaus' Battalion was at once deployed to the right, and Cavenders and Yates' Companies of the First Missouri Volun- teers were deployed to the left as skirmishers. The firing now at 5:30 a. m. became very severe." . . . The First Missouri and First Kansas moved at once to the front. The First Missouri now took its position in front, upon the crest of a small elevated plateau. The First Kansas was posted on the left of the First Missouri and separated from it sixty yards, because of a ravine. The First Iowa took its position on the left of the First Kansas, while Totten's Battery was placed opposite the interval between the First Kansas and the First Missouri. Major Osterhaus' Battalion occupied the extreme right, resting on a ravine, which turned abruptly to our right and rear. Dubois' Battery, supported by Steele's Battalion, was placed some eighty yards to the left and rear of Totten's guns, so as to bear upon a powerful Battery of the enemy, posted opposite our left and front, on the opposite side of Wilson's Creek, to sweep the entire plateau upon which our troops were formed." After stating that considerable numbers of the enemy gathered in front of this force, the report says that Captain Plummer's Battalion of four Companies of Regulars separated from the other Union troops by a deep ravine, descended a slope, but was checked in a cornfield in the valley by a considerable force of the enemy. Artillery fire was now, at 6 o'clock a. m., heard from a distance of about two miles and from the direction where Sigel's attack was to commence. After a dozen shots, this Artillery fire ceased and was only heard again for a few minutes at about half past 8 o'clock. This time it sounded west of the previous reports, and from two to three miles distant. After a brisk Infantry and Artillery fire from the Union troops of Lyon's immediate Command the enemy gave way in utmost con- fusion. However, Plummer, himself wounded, had to retreat before superior numbers. Captain Steele's Battalion and Dubois' Battery came to his assistance and cleared the cornfield in front. There was a momentary cessation of firing with the exception of the extreme right, where the enemy pressed the First Missouri, which stubbornly held its position, but was in danger of being overpowered, when Lyon ordered the Second Kansas to its support. Again a general advance took place by the enemy, attacking in front as well as on both wings, and the engagement again became general and inconceivably fierce PETER J. OSTERHAUS. Captain 2d Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, in 1861. Photograph by Bmil Boehl. The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 321 along the entire line. As the First Iowa had been called earlier to the support of the First Missouri and First Kansas, every available Bat- talion was already brought into action. The battle swayed forward and backward over a short space for nearly an hour. While Lyon was endeavoring to rally our troops his horse, which he was leading, was killed and himself wounded in the leg and head. Walking slowly to the rear, Lyon said, "I fear the day is lost," but he mounted another horse, and, swinging his hat in the air, called on the troops nearest him to follow. "The Second Kansas gallantly rallied around him, headed by the brave Colonel Mitchell. In a few moments the Colonel fell, severely wounded. About the same time a fatal ball was lodged in the General's breast, and he was carried from the field a corpse. Thus gloriously fell as brave a soldier as ever drew a sword — a man whose honesty of purpose was proverbial ; a noble patriot, and one who held his life as nothing when his country demanded it of him." Major Sturgis was now in command. While a consultation of offi- cers was going on, the enemy made another fierce and desperate attack upon the Union line, but was repulsed on all points and re- treated. . Sturgis, considering the exhaustion of the Union troops, the great odds of the enemy, and, most of all, the very scanty supply of ammunition — one Regiment had to be withdrawn for want of it — ■ ordered the retreat to Springfield. The Union Army left the field undisturbed at half past 11, after an engagement of six hours, and arrived at Springfield in good order at 5 p. m. Major Sturgis reports : "Our total loss in killed, wounded and' missing amounts to 1,235. That of the enemy will probably reach 3,000." On August 18 General Sigel sent in his official report upon the share of his Command in the battle of Wilson's Creek, and states that he was informed on August 9 of Lyon's intention to give battle next day ; that the attack should be made early in the morning from two sides, and that he (Sigel) should have command of the left attack with 900 men from the Third and Fifth Regiments, Missouri Volun- teers, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert and Colonel C. E. Salomon, six pieces of Artillery under Lieutenants Schaefer and Schuetzenbach and two Companies of Regular Cavalry, under Cap- tain Carr and Lieutenant Farrand. General Sigel proceeds in his report : ' 322 The Union Cause in St. Lov.is in 1861. "I left Camp Fremont on the South Side of Springfield, at half past six o'clock on the evening of the 9th and arrived at daybreak within a mile of the enemy's camp, and after taking forward the two Cavalry Companies from the right and left, I cut off about forty men of the enemy's troops, who were coming from the camp in little squads to get water and provision. This was done in such a manner that no news of our advance could be brought into camp. In sight of the enemy's tents, which spread out on our front and right, I planted four pieces of Artillery on a little hill, while the Infantry advanced toward the point where the Fayetteville road crosses Wilson's Creek and the two Cavalry Companies extended to the right and left, to guard our flanks. It was half past five o'clock when some musket firing was heard from the Northwest. I, therefore, ordered the Artillery to begin their fire against the camp of the enemy, which was so destructive that the enemy were seen leaving their tents and retiring in haste toward the North-East of the valley. Meanwhile the Third and Fifth Regiments had quickly advanced, passed the Creek and traversing the camp, formed almost in the center of it. As the enemy made his rally in large numbers before us, about three thousand strong, consisting of Infantry and Cavalry, I ordered the Artillery to be brought forward from the, hill, and formed there in battery across the valley, with the Third and Fifth to the left and the Cavalry to the right. After an effective fire of half an hour, the enemy retired in some confusion into the woods and up the adjoining hills. The firing towards the North West was now more distinct, and increased, until it was evident, that the main corps of General Lyon had engaged the enemy along the whole line. To give the greatest possible assistance to him, I left position in the camp and advanced toward the North-West, to attack the enemy's line of battle in the rear." 'Marching forward, we struck the Fayetteville road, making our way through a large number of cattle and horses, until we arrived at an eminence used as a slaughtering place, and known as Sharp's farm. On our route we had taken about one hundred prisoners, who were scattered over the camp. At Sharp's place we met numbers of the enemy's soidiers, who were evident- ly retiring in this direction and as I suspected that the enpmy on his retreat would follow in the same direction, I formed the troops across the road, by planting the Artillery on the plateau and the two Infantry Regiments on the right and left across the road, while the Cavalry Companies extended on our flanks. At this time and after some skirmishing along the front of our line, the firing in the direction o* the northwest, which was during an hour's time roaring in succession, had almost entirely ceased. I, thereupon, presumed that the attack of General Lyon had been successful, and that his troops were in pursuit of the enemy, who moved in large numbers towards the South along the ridge of a hill about seven hundred yards opposite our right. "This was the state of affairs at half past eight o'clock in the morning, when it was reported to me by Dr. Melcher and some of our skirmishers that Lyons men were coming up the road. Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert of the Third Missouri and Colonel C. E. Solomon of the Fifth notified their Regiments not to fire on troops coming In this direction, while I cautioned the Artillery in the same manner. Our troops at this moment expected with anxiety the approach of their friends, and were waving the flag as a signal to their com- The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 323 rades, when at once two Batteries opened their fire against us, one in front placed on the Fayette road, and the other upon the hill, upon which we had supposed Lyon's forces were in pursuit of the enemy, while a strong column of infantry, supposed to be the Iowa Regiment, advanced from the Fayetteville road and attacked our right. It is impossible for me to describe the confusion and frightful consternation which was occasioned by this important event. The cry: 'They (Lyon's troops) are firing against us' spread like wildfire through our ranks; the Artillerymen, ordered to fire and directed by myself, could hardly be brought forward to serve their pieces; the Infantry would not level their arms until it was too late. The enemy arrived within ten paces of the muzzles of our cannon, killed the horses, turned the ranks of the Infantry and forced them to flee. The troops were throwing themselves into the bushes and by-roads, retreating as well as they could, followed and attacked incessantly by large bodies of Arkansas and Texas Cavalry. In this retreat we lost five cannon, of which three were spiked, and the colors of the Third Missouri Volunteers, the color bearer having been wounded and his substitute killed. The total loss of the two Regiments, the Artillery and the Pioneers, in killed and wounded and missing, amounts to two hundred and ninety-two men, as will be seen from the respective lists. In order to understand clearly our action and our fate, you will permit me to state the following facts: "First. According to orders, it was the duty of this Brigade to attack the enemy in the rear, and to cut off his retreat, which order I tried to execute, whatever the consequences might be. "Second. The time of service of the Fifth Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, had expired before the battle. I had induced them, company by company, not to leave us in the most critical moment, and had engaged them for the term of eight days, and this term ending on Friday, the 9th, the day before the battle. "Third. The Third Regiment, of which four hundred three-months men had been dismissed, was composed of the greater part of recruits,, who had not seen the enemy before, and who were imperfectly drilled. "Fourth. The men serving the pieces, and the drivers, consisted of Infantry taken from the Third Regiment, and were mostly recruits, who had only a few days of instruction. "Fifth. About two-thirds of our officers had left us; some companies had no officers at all — a great pity, but the consequence of the system of the three-months service. "After the arrival of the army at Springfield, the command was intrusted to me by Major Sturgis and the majority of the commanders of Regiments." (Balance of report refers to the retreat to Rolla.) "F. Siqel. "Commanding Second Brigade, Missouri Vol." While the two Columns of Lyon and Sigel fought two discon- nected battles under separate Commanders, the Confederate forces, though attacked in front and rear of their Camp, in reality only 324 The Union Vause m at. Louis in 1861- fought one battle, for, being in the middle between the two attacks, they could, and partly did use, the same troops towards either attack. The developments of that memorable field will be better understood if the movements of the Secessionists are given connectedly, based upon notes from the Confederate, T. L. Snead's work, "A Fight for Missouri." It seems that when firing commenced by the Union forces under Lyon at the north side of the Camp, Cawthon's Brigade of Rains' Command was driven down the southern slope of the hills. General. Rains sent an officer to the front, who reported a large Federal force was approaching from the Northwest, and he dispatched the news to McCulloch and Price's Headquarters, where the officer sent made a greatly exaggerated statement of Lyon's forces, estimating them at 20,000 with 100 cannon. Upon the heels of this report came down the hill a fleeing mass of men afoot and on horseback, mixed with teams and lead horses, while Totten's Battery, about 1,000 yards dis- tant, was firing into the crowd from the top of the hill. About the same time the boom of Sigel's Artillery was heard from the right wing of the Camp, as he opened fire on the troops of Churchill, Greer, Major and Brown, and drove them in confusion, Northward, towards the thick woods along Skegg's Branch and the slopes on either side. Sigel had left Springfield before sunset, moved out the Fayetteville road about four miles, then turned South, mak- ing a circuit, arrived about break of day near Wilson's Creek, where Tyrell's Creek flows into it, thus succeeding to turn the Confederates' right wing without alarming them. This was done by capturing all straggling outside men. He posted four guns in battery on a point which overlooked Churchill's Camp, and, leaving a small Infantry support with them, crossed with the balance of his troops Wilson's Creek below the mouth of Tyrell's Creek and facing Northward, waited for the reports from Lyon's cannon. The troops opposed to him had no Pickets out. On hearing Totten's guns, Sigel's cannon also opened fire. McCulloch now took command of the forces east of Wilson's Creek. Price hurried to the retreating Brigade of Cawthon on the southern slope of Bloody Hill and brought them into line, sheltered from Tot- ten's fire and protected by underbrush, where other Missouri troops, Slack's Brigade and Burbridge's Regiment, deployed into line on Cawthon's left. McBride's two Regiments took position on the ex- The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 325 treme left of Price's line. Parsons, with Kelly's Regiment and Gui- bor's Battery of four cannon and very soon afterwards Weightman with 7Q0 men, strengthened and completed the line, which now aggre- gated about 3,100 men and four cannon, and was greatly assisted by Woodruff's Battery (four guns), which, from the hill east of the ford, checked Lyon's advance. On Bloody Hill Lyon had only 1,900 men to oppose Price's 3,100 ; but he had Totten's and Dubois' Regular Batteries, aggregat- ing ten guns. His Infantry in this line was the First Missouri (800) , the First Kansas (800) and Osterhaus' Battalion (300) of the Second Missouri Volunteers. Plummer's Battalion of Regulars (300) was sent to Lyon's left across Wilson's Creek to a cornfield, while the balance of Lyon's Command, the First Iowa and Second Kansas, Steele's Regulars, Company D, United States Cavalry; the Kansas Mounted Rangers and Wright's Squadron of Home Guards were kept in reserve. An open ground on which the better muskets and rifles of the Union forces could be used with a telling effect would have been of very great advantage ; but Bloody Hill was covered with underbrush, and to see each other troops had to come to close quarters. Lyon, try T ing to force the issue, ordered his line forward. . When it came within easy range, shot for shot was exchanged. Lines had to advance very close, woirid fire and draw back for loading. Thus continued the con- test here for hours, deservedly naming the locality the "Bloody Hill." This periodical approach and parting "of the hostile lines caused intervals of undisturbed quiet, seldom witnessed in a. larger engage- ment." McCulloch's . care was directed towards Sigel's attack. To prevent him from , charging General Price's forces near Skegg's Branch in rear, he placed Reid's Battery (four guns) on the eastern hill opposite the Skegg Branch, ordered Walker's Regiment to protect the Battery and placed Dockery's (650) and Gratiot's (750) Regiments further north on the bluff near the east bank of Wilson's Creek and north of them McRae's Battalion (220) and the Third Louisiana Regiment (700). Sigel, after driving Churchill (600), Greer (800), Major (273) and Brown (320) out of. their Camp, took position near, Sharp's house on a hill south of Skegg's Branch, as stated, with the purpose TT 1 1 32tt The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- westward and northward and attacked the rear and left flank of Price's Army, the day might have still been saved. Sigel's Battery was posted on high ground ; his Infantry to the right and left- of the cannon and his Cavalry on both wings. He had Pearce's Brigade,. Walker's Regiment and Reid's Battery (four guns) very near his own right flank, almost enfilading him, and in his front the dense woods of Skegg's Branch, which were being occupied by Confederate troops, O'Kane's Battalion and Bledsoe's Battery of three guns, com- manding Sigel's position, which was now approached by a gray uniformed Regiment, mistaken by one of Sigel's officers for the First Iowa and so reported to Sigel, who thereupon warned his men not to fire. All at once Reid's Battery from the east on the bluff beyond Wilson's Creek, and Bledsoe's from the northwest, above Skegg's Branch, opened fire upon Sigel's line. According to his own report "consternation and frightful confusion" spread among his men, who were shouting "Our men are firing against us." The Third Lou- isiana, Roser and O'Kane's Battalion rushed out from the thick brush and charged the Battery, took five of the six guns, and Sigel's men fled in a panic. Part of his Command retreated by way of Little York, making a total circuit of the enemy's Camp, while Sigel, Solo- mon and Lieutenant Carr returned on the road they came. About 200 of his Infantry were overtaken by Major with mounted Texans and Missourians, and were killed, wounded or captured. Sigel's casualties were 27 per cent; those of the Regular Cavalry with him were 4 per cent missing. A proper use of the Cavalry would have largely changed that proportion of losses. Woodruff's Battery (four guns) on the bluff east of Wilson's Creek and south of the Fayetteville road, being threatened by a Federal force under Plummer (300) which had crossed from the west to the east bank of Wilson's Creek, McCulloch ordered Gratiot to protect the Battery, and Mcintosh's (400) dismounted men, the Third Lou- isiana (700) and McRae (220) to meet the force of Plummer's 300. Mcintosh crossed the Fayetteville road, keeping on the east side of Wilson's Creek, found cover for his men from Dubois' Bat- tery, which was posted on the east brow of Bloody Hill. Plummer's Regulars had reached the north side of a cornfield about 250 yards wide and 300 yards long from north to south. On the southern end of this Mcintosh took position, but his men were considerably thinned out by the better armed men of Plummer. Between the The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 327 alternative of retreating and getting again under fire of Dubois' Bat- tery or of charging the Regulars, Mcintosh correctly choose the lat- ter, which he well could do, as he outnumbered Plummer three to one. The latter retreated as rapidly as practicable and drew Mcin- tosh's men into the close fire of Steele's Battalion, which drove them back in some disorder. The loss of Mcintosh in killed and wounded was over 100, or near 1Q per cent ; that of Plummer's Command near 80, or 25 per cent. Churchill, after being driven from Camp by Sigel, had formed his men first on Price's extreme left, afterwards on Slack's left, with about 500 on foot, the other men holding the horses. This addition to Price's force caused a yielding of the Union line, which Lyon re- trieved by bringing a section of Totten's Battery, well protected by Infantry, far enough ahead of his right wing to enfilade the Secession lines. To neutralize this move, McCulloch sent Carroll's Cavalry and five Companies, of Greer's Mounted Texans (about 600) to turn Lyon's right wing, to charge and take the section of Totten's guns. This move failed to make any serious impression, though it may have induced Lyon to call the First Iowa and Steele's two Companies of Regulars from the reserve to the front; in order to strengthen his right wing. At 10 a. m. the Confederates still had several Regiments which had not fired a shot, while Lyon had his last reserves engaged. He now tried to force the issue, for every moment must increase the odds against him. The continued silence from the south of the Camp convinced him of Sigel's failure. He saw from the top of Bloody Hill Gratiot's men approaching, Pearce's Brigade forming and men mustering who had left the field in dismay. He knew that the force which defeated Sigel would soon also be turned against him, and he animated his troops to a last exertion. The opposing lines had shortened, drawing nearer toward the Batteries; men were in three and four ranks, lying down, kneeling, standing; approaching within 30 yards and again being driven back by the incessant heavy firing. Lyon, encouraging his men, was wounded in the leg and head, and said to those near him he thought the battle was lost ; but he rallied quickly and dashed to the front with the Second Kansas, whose gallant Colonel Mitchell fell near him. Next moment Lyon was pierced by a ball in his breast and fell from his horse. Sturgis, his successor in command, fully aware by this time of the relative strength, seeing additional reinforcements of the enemy com- ing up, gave, at 10 :30, the command to retreat, which was carried out 328 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- in good order, Steele's Regulars forming the Rear Guard. The thick inderbrush masked the retreat, which became known to Price's roops only when they saw the Federals ascend the hill, from which hey had commenced the attack on Rains' troops at daybreak. After the battle General Price insisted on an energetic pursuit, as here were still available 5,000 or 6,000 fresh troops and several Bat- teries which had fired only a few shots ; but McCulloch did not accede to his wishes. Lyon's body, still in his Captain's uniform, was deliv- ered to a Union officer who called, under a flag of truce, while Fed- erals and Confederates were buried by McCulloch's order on the battlefield. The following tables of the numerical strength and losses at Wilson's Creek are computed from notes of T. L. Snead : Union Forces Aug. 10, 1861. W >> ■a 8 m c O First Mo. Vol. Infantry. . . . Osterhaus Battalion First Iowa Infantry First Kansas Infantry ..'... Second Kansas Infantry . . . Steele's Battalion Totten's Battery, six guns. Dubois Battery $> bo Wi a) o ft* 38% 37% 19% Total on Bloody Hill. 12% 22% 13% ca bo I bo 775 150 800 800 600 275 84 66 3550 * 76 15 12 77 5 15 4 73 0) T3 S 3 O 208 40 138 187 59 44 7 2 to ' - C I C0 0Q 1 oS 3 |m ii 4 20 6 2 204 685 44 295 55 154 284 70 61 11 3 933 *> hi) Plummer's Battalion Comp. D. First U. S. Cavalry . . Kansas Rangers ) Home Guards Total Lyons Column 27% 300 19 52 ■ 9 f2% 24% 350 4 3 4200 223 741 56 80 1020 SIGELS COLUMN. Infantry and Artillery 27% 3% 25% 1075 j 65 } 60 1200 35 132 132 126 1' 293 Comp. I. First U. S. Cavalry . . ) Comp. C. Sec'd U. S. Dragoons \ 4 35 130 297 Lyon's Aggregate 4200 1200 223 35 741 132 56 130 1020 Sigel's Aggregate 297 Grand Total 24.4% 5400 258 873 186 1317 The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 329 Confederate Forces Aug. 10, 1861. bo . " X o 4) O IS bo IV i» bo « •a c g bo C s o o 1- 9) E PhM Third Louisiana Infantry . McRae's Battalion Churchill's Regiment Mcintosh Regiment Greer's Regiment Gratiot's Regiment Walker's Regiment Dockery's Regiment Carroll's Regiment Carroll's Company Woodruff's Battery, 4 guns . Reid's Battery, 4 guns 8% 4% 33% 13% 3% 13% 22% a •a OS PL, Weightmah's Brigade, 3 guns, Infantry and Artillery Cawthon's Brigade, Mounted . . Kelly's Regiment, 6 Companies Brown's Regiment, 3 Companies Mounted ; Guibor's Battery, 4 guns ^3 ] Burbridge's Regiment, Infantry. Miesche, Fred Miller, Ernst Mueller, August Neumann, Fred Noll, Jacob Olbert, Jacob Oriane, Fred Petus, Fred Quillisch, Wm. Reichard, Chas. Roecklein, Hy. Roedgin, Fred Roeffel, Adam Rohman, Phil Roth, John Rumpf, Daniel Rumpf, Hy. Schaffer, Peter Schick, Wendelin Schlegel, Trista M. Schmidt, Chas. Schmidt, Jacob Schnieder, Geo. Peter Schocht, Fred Schoerl, Christian Schumacher, Geo. Schwarz, Theodor Schwenk, Nicolas 382 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- Simons, Fred. Sligo, Hy. Spohr, Herman Hy. Stautem, Fred Steinenger, Frank Stereiner, Caspar Strobe!, Caspar COMPANY A.^Ctm't. Sturzenberg, Gustav Tacke, John Tacke, Joseph Trostorff, Fred. Uellmer, John Ullrich, August Vorholz, Fred. Wartha, George Weber, Peter Wigand, Jacob Wellers, Nicolas Williams, Chas. Woell, Peter Zerwes, John RIFLE COMPANY A. Joseph Indest, Captain Leopold Helmle, 1st Lieutenant William JRoemer, 2d Lieutenant Fred Wolf, 1st Sergeant August Neufang, Sergeant Anton Blanke, Sergeanj: John Steiger, Sergeant Geo. Schills, Corporal Wm. Stark, Corporal John Kaiser, Corporal Fred Benkerk, Corporal Gustav Hug, Drummer Hy. Dietrich, Bugler Albitz, Fritz Albrecht, Henry Arensmann, Geo. Arensmann, Wm. Badena, Anton Batterman, Gustav Bede, John Bieclebe, Theodor Bieland, Samuel Bieleck, Adam Bierwirth, August Bleish, Christian Blickensdorfer, Hy. Borocsi, Hy. Burger, David Burger, John Burri, Jacob Bussow, Chas. Dahlmann, Jacob Danner, Chas. Dittany, Lorenz Diprebris, John Dreibus, Jacob Ealer, Adam Ebert, Fred Privates. Eissele, Louis Engasser, Herman Engert, Sebastian Federle, Gustav Federle, Moss Ferman, John Fuhrmann, Andreas Gerner, Geo. Geschwend, Albert Gramb, Hy. Greber, Michael Gresehbach, Aug. Grelter, Geo. Guenzius, Christ. Guhlner, Wm. Hammel, Martin Hanisch, Christ Hartmann, Fred. Hauck, Louis Hebeler, Henry Heder, Phillip Heine, Henry Henning, H. K. Hennings, Otto Herke, Paul Herzig, Charles Herzog, Jacob Herzog, John Heyer, Joseph Jehle, Leopold Jericho, Louis Johler, Louis Joos, Jacob Kaiser, Peter Karsch, August Kassamer, Mainhold Keller, Rudolph Kessler, John Kellerer, George Knoblauch, Gustav Kribs, John Knehner, Alexander Kurtz, Stephan Leeteld, Henry Maes, Robert May, John Meier, Fred. Mueller, Frank Mueller, John Nebel, John Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 383, RIFLE COMPANY A,.—Con't. Nehung,' Fred. Neucomme, Wm. Oelfken, Wilhelm Pauly, Joseph Reckenbach, John Reckenbach, M. Reichenroth, Ferd. Retz, Chas, Regemueller, Fred. Ritter, Henry Roemer, Henry Rose, Henry Rosenbach, Peter Salzman, Fred. Schaper, Hy. Schaub, Conrad, Schreiner, Fred. Schmaiden, John Schmidt, Louis Schmidt, W. H. Schultz, John Schwarz, John Schwenkner, Julius Segely, Mathias Stefany, Julius Sellenstein, Adolph Sengenberger, Geo. Steitz, Louis Soil, Henry Spengler, Fred. Spengler, Gottfried Springeman, Hy. Stockes, Barthold Tannhaeuser, Hy. Tailleur, Christ.. Thill, Martin Thon, Henry Uphof, Hy. Vogel, Fred. Walkenfoldt, John Walz, Joseph Weber, Otto Weisshaupt, Chas. Wender, Christoph Weren, Samuel Wittemberg, Chas. Wollshagen,, Louis Worth, Jacob. Woyder, John Zumsteg, Jacob COMPANY B. Joseph Conrad, Captain Wm. Mettman, 1st. Lieutenant Geo. Dambde, 2d Lieutenant John A. Fischer, 1st Sergeant John Mueller, Sergeant Fred Manker, Sergeant. John G. Brossmer, Sergeant Wm. M. Harper, Sergeant Phillip, Biermann, Corporal Herman Flock, Corporal, August Keepart, Corporal Fr. August Schmidt, Corporal August Kurris, Corporal Chas. Winkler, Drummer Chas. Grad, Fifer Andreas Trulleib, Fifer Ackermann, Peter Anheuser, Adolph Arneker, Jacob Baumeier, Hy. Bayer, John Betz, Albert Blank, Louis Boehmer, Heinrich Brandson, Theodor Braun, Leopold Brown, Ludwig Brunswerman, Geo. Dauer, Geo. Privates. Delos, Charles Ellsasser, Conrad Engal, Stephan Fiege) Edward Fischer, Jacob Frei, Carl Fuss, Ludwig Ganter, Hugo Geier, Martin Gent, Henry Gerhardt, John Geske, Gottfried Glaser, Wm. Glente, Hyacinth Godehart, Moritz Gotze, Edward Grad, Charles Haefle, Adolph Hammerstadt, Val. Hansgen, Hy. Hardigar, Adrian Heldmann, Wm. Heifer, Herman Hoesde, Carl Hoffarth, Franz Hoffman, August 384 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- Hoffman, Peter Hoffmann, Phil. Holywort;h, Rudolph Hoppeler, James Hubold, George Jenger, John Kaeppe, August Kafner, Caspar Keistner, Hyeronim Kemb, Fred Kintorp, John Klelne, Fred. Kleinschmidt, Win. Klen, Fred. 1 Klen, Fred. 2 Klentz, Wm. 1 Klentz, Wm. 2 Koch, John 1 Koch, John 2 Kress, Nicolaus Kromer, Michael Kruse, JacoD Kurrus, Herman Kulten, John Kuttler, Herman Lang, George Lange, Conrad Lange, Fritz A. Langewieschke, Jul. Law, Gottfried Maesch, Fred. Mahr, Markins COMPANY B.— Om't. Mathias, Henry May, Jacob Meyer, Fred. Meyer, Henry Meyer, Thomas Michel, Charles Mische, Fred. Moi, Nicolas Mueller, Adolph Mueller, Carl Mueller, Ernst Mueller, Rudolph Neubert, Hy. Nickels, Wm. Niemann, Geo. Otto, John Paffman, Geo. Pfeiffer, Gottlieb Phillip, Edw. Rapp, Carl Reuter, Charles Rickert, John Riegel, John Rodemeier, Peter Rotermund, Fred. Runnemeln, Jos. Rust, Herman Schalick, August Schlefke, Gustav Schlitzberger, Louis Schmidt, Hy. 1 Schmidt, Hy. 2 Schmidt, Hy. W. Schmidt, John Schoffer, Peter Schuetzel, Andreas Schultz, Wm. Jos. Schulze, Robert Seewald, John Sellinter, Andreas Soil, Henry Speck, Jacob Stabler, Peter Stern, Joseph Stoffler, John Stricke, Hy. Studer, Jos. Thene, Geo. Thomas, Fred. Tischer, Herman Trandrupp, Hy. Volk, Conrad Wallback, Albert Waldweiler, John Walkenfordt, Herman Wasthus, Theodor Weber, Henry Wernse, Albert Welts, John Wetzel, August Wetzel, Wm. Winkler, Jos. Wittenberg, Chas. Zindel, Franz RIFLE COMPANY B. Henry Zeis, Captain Joseph Fries, 1st Lieutenant Peter Stever, 2d Lieutenant Gustav Vohlman, 1st Sergeant John Meyer, Sergeant Phillip Kemp, Sergeant Henry Schwarnaider, Sergeant Joseph Hell, Corporal Henry Hartman, Corporal Gustav Ulrich, Corporal Frederick Beck, Corporal Michael Beschel, Musician Ernest Hokel, Musician Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 385 RIFLE COMPANY B.—Con't. Ackermann, John Altschuh, Phil Bangar, Joe. Bangen, Ambrose Bauer, Louis Baumann, John Beir, Henry Berneck, John Bertz, Hy. Birkenholtz, Franz Bonne, Martin Borgemann, Martin Brasch, Henry 1 Brasch, Henry 2 Breitbeil, Caspar Brynn, August Bugler, Jacob Busche, Fer. Damot, Herman Diedrich, Caspar Dieterman, Jacob Dietrich, Phillip Drevis, Casimir Dritschler, Phil. Dude, Moritz Eisenberger, Caspar Fess, John Fischer, August Fischer, Henry Fischer, Frederick Flitsch, Jacob Flitsch, John Franke, Herman Feuerstein, Geo. Frey, Joseph Friederich, Paul Fuchs, Adam Gatz, Francis Geiger, Jean Geisgen, Fred. Goeher, Jacob Grebe, Adam Haack, Edward Haas, Max Haemerle, Caspar Haeser, Lorenz 25 Privates. Hammer, Anton Hammer, Nicolas Hardalein, Hy. Harr, Jacob Hensler, Michael Herter, Jacob Hoftarth, George Hoffmann, Francis Hoffman, Jacob Hohn, Phillip Hoof, Phillip Hubrecht, Jean Huck, Ferd. Infeld, Christ. Kahn, Wm. Kehle, Christ. Kelle, Caspar Kempf, John Kleine, Adam Klung, Daniel Knaupper, Geo. Knopp, William Koch, Frederick Koch, Henry Koch, Kelom Krein, Peter Kuettler, Herman Laib, John Lamperman, B. Lang, Louis Lohrenzen, Xavier Lorane, Jean Lortz, John Ludwig, Francis McCabe, Patrick Manger, Jacob Marks, John Marks, Levi Markwart, Herman May, Charles Mayer, Francis Mayer, Joseph Miller, Wm. Mueller, Conrad Nebb, Phillip Neisen, John Redman, Wm. Reimer, August Reinschmidt, Chas. Reiter, John Remmert, Albert Reppich, Christ. Roos, Lorenz Roth, George Salf eld, Louis Sander, Emanuel Santo, Otto Schaefler, Francis Scheppert, Aug. Schiller, Julius Schilling, John 1 Schilling, John 2 Schlusselez, Elmo Schmidt, John Schmidt, Julius Schmidt, Valentin Schmidt, Wm. Schneider, Samuel Schreiber, Henry Seifert, Moritz Sicken'zen, John Simon, Bernhardt Stork, Henry Stengele, Marcy Streits, Thomas Surmann, Henry Templer, Jacob Thomas, Henry Vochel, Conrad Wachtel, John Wachter, John Wagener, Louis Walter, Conrad Walter, John Walton, Theodor Weir, Adolph Woehrle, Henry Wolf, George Wullupp, Jacob Zerbach, Joseph 386 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- COMPANY C. Jacob Hartmann, Captain Prank Hedjergott, Corporal Henry Bischoff, 1st Lieutenant Hy. Heidermayer, Corporal Zacharias Heckenlauer, 2d Lieutenant Andreas Wacbter, Corporal Christopher Mayer, 1st Sergeant Henry Busching, Corporal George Buschman, Sergeant John Engelhardt, Musician Henry Dietrich, Sergeant Carl Weil, Musician Anschuetz, Aug. Backhaus, Caspar Baronovsky, Prank Barth, Robert Baumgartner, Theo. Baumeyer, Henry Beck, John Beckman, henry Berger, Charles Bernal, Michael Beumer, Caspar Bischoff, Louis Blank, Joseph Blank, Louis Brandt, Hy. Brasse, Hy. Brinker, Louis Brinkman, Hy. . Butler, John Denkler, Wm. Doepke, Wm. Dressier, Fred. Ebeler, Albert Engel, Fred. Engelbrecht, Wm. Engelman, Chas. Prein, John Gizizky, Fred. Wm. Glaser, Frederick Goelpke, George Greenekl, Louis Hagenbach, Fred Hansgen, Hy. Hartung, John Hartzig, Franz Hasselbrink, John Hartman, Albert Heiligendori, John Heilmann, Hy. Privates. Heinrich, Wm. Heitz, Jacob Hoppe, Henry Hucknerkoff, Geo. Hudsmann, Conrad Kase, Henry Kaspohl, Louis Kins, John Kipp, Phillip Kliffman, Hy. Knipper, Edward Koener, Herman Koos, Conrad Krause, John Kruger, Henry Kuhl, William Leiber, Christian Leiner, Samuel Lohman, August Lohmeyer, Chas. Ludes, Nicolas Magrath, Martin Maisch, Hubert Mathias, Fritz Matzer, Peter Meltzon, August Meyer, Henry Meyer, John Fred Mochster, Henry Moritz, Henry Mueller, August Niekomm, Frank Niewassner, Chas. Nonnenkamp, Hy. Obershelp, Phillip Offer, Henry Osemeyer, Fred. Overthelp, Herman Paern, Christian Paulus, Peter Pellmann, Wm. Pepmeyer, Hy. Plegge, Edward Postman, Caspar Rabunz, John Rammers, Theodor Regel, Hy. Regenhard, Louis Reinel, Fred. Riepe, Fred. Roskow, Fred. Salzmann, Adolph Schaeperkotter, Louis Schartelmann, Hy. Schmidt, Louis Schmiz, John Sellmayer, John Spezig, Wm. Strieker, Hy. Tossea, Rudolph Trentrup, Louis Vasterling, Henry Vollrath, Michael Wacker, Henry Wagemann, Louis • Wagner, John Waismund, Chas. Wassner, Henry Welpot, Wm. Woestendick, Louis Wetzel, Louis Wiese, William Wiman, Simon Wipking, John Zahn, William Zipp, Nicolas Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 387 COMPANY D. August Hackman, Captain Liberath Danner, 1st Lieutenant Stephen Jehle, 2d Lieutenant Charles Hager, 1st Sergeant Wm. Schneeweis, Sergeant John Botz, Sergeant Charles Gieseler, Corporal William Winkelmayer, Corporal Frederick Simon, Corporal Herman Flock, Corporal Leopold Borger, Fifer Antony, Jacob Baethke, Fred. Bager, Benno Berg, Ernst Bohle, Hy. Wm. Braun, Hy. Brillhauer, Chas. Conrath, Wm. Depenbrock, Aug. Diehl, Conrad Elsasser, Conrad Fischer, Jacob Friedrich, Adam Fruehlingsdorf, Julius Geesler, Fred. Gonser, Christian Gotthard, Moritz Grasse, Dietrich Hager, Frank Hassenflug, John Heck, Phillip Helmerich, Edw. Helmke, Ludwig Holz, John Hcman, Christofer Privates. Hoppler, James - Hubaer, Edw. Kauth, Nicolas Kleeman, Peter Koch, Jacob Koneman, Frank Kremer, Wm. Kufner, Louis Kuhlman, Edw. Lang, George Law, Gottfried Mueller, Bader Olp, Charles Ott, John Ottomayer, Christian Pfaff, Jacob Pulver, William Reckort, John Reichert, Charles Reinschuter, Ch. Rohrman, Phil. Schaetzle, Martin Scharz, Theodor Schmidt, Herman Schmidt, John Schmidt, Wm. Schollmeyer, Hy. Schonek, John Schwertzler, Geo. Seifried, Chas. Seifried, Wm. Spring, August Stadler, Charles Stark, Louis Stern, Leopold Thieden, Michael Thomas, Fred. Tiney, Thomas Alb. Tischer, Herman Tonnor, Pierre Ulrich, August Wagner, Fred. Wansch, Max Weber, Geo. Weber, Hy. Weidner, Jacob Werkmeister, Albert Zenner, Martin Zens, Andreas Zieres, Henry 388 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. John E. Strodtkamp, Captain E. H. Poten, 1st Lieutenant Charles Schaerff, 2d Lieutenant Gottlieb Schmidt, 1st Sergeant Charles Stiesmeier, Sergeant William Kossack, Sergeant Wm. H. Godfrey, Sergeant Christian Koemer, Sergeant Otto C. Lademann, Sergeant Frederick Hansen, Corporal Fred Moltz, Corporal Wm. Goetz, Corporal Robert E. Fischer, Corporal John Zeller, Corporal Louis Hoffner, Musician Andreas Weitzel, Musician Beier, Michael Bemelberg, Edw. Benecke, August Bender, Jacob Bihrle, Henry Boeringer, Chas. Borg, Jacob Borstel, Geo. E. Brandle, Louis Brechtel, Martin Burger, Charles Danner, Anton Deppe, August Foerster, Michael Foester, John Fremer, Jacob Gambs, Hy. F. Gebhard, Andrew Gelzleichter, Chas. Geske, Gottfried Gessner, John Graff, William Granar, Michael Grase, Fred Greb, Wm. Harlman, Louis Heinbach, Herman Hemans, Henry Privates. Hensen, Valentin Hetzel, Chas. Hieppert, Phil. Hodepp, Sebastian Hoever, August Hogan, Edward Hovert, Wm. Ittman, Chas. Jacobs, John Jung, Peter Kaegi, John Kampmann, Chas. Keller, Jacob Kirchhoffer, Mathias Klein, Rudolph Knollhoff, Louis Kortmann, Louis Krese, Nicolas Loew, Fred George Mauer, Fred R. Meier, Fred Meier, Henry Meier, Joseph Meier, Martin Merrem, Fred Metzger, Wm. Meur, George Mick, Charles Mick, Henry Miller, Wm. Mueller, Alex B. Mussing, Chas. Neimer, Martin Pauly, Wm. Preissle, Frank P. Rake, John Renn, Ambrose Rodgers, Bernard Rohlfing, Wm. Rudolph, Julius Rush, Thomas H. Scheiner, Herman Schmidt, Charles Schmidt, John Schneider, Frank Schoenderfer, Christ Schulte, Bernard Schwertfeger, Wm. Seibert, Phillip Spanholz, Chas. Starke, Rudolph Strelow, Fred Wm. Tomacz, Kieweiz Westphal, Hy. Zeerburg, Hy. Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 389 COMPANY F. Constantin Blandovski, Captain Hugo Gollmer, Captain August Wm. Busehe, 1st Lieutenant John Fred Hohlfeld, 2d Lieutenant Fred Hartenstein, 1st Sergeant Ernst Hohlfeld, Sergeant John Henning, Sergeant Henry Sontag, Sergeant Henry Lambert, Corporal John Woelfert, Corporal A'dolph Baumann, Corporal Geo. Elwerth, Corporal Dietrich Fohrbach, Musician Remigens Leber, Musician Arnold, Wm. Bachmann, Gottlieb Bauer, Henry Baumeyer, Charles Becker, Adam Becker, John Bender, George Bentrop, Fred Beser, Jacob Betz, John Beumer, Hy. Bohns, John F: Bolender, Jos. Brawner, Emanuel Brockmann, Wm. Christ, Valentin Cramer> John Eichholtz, Hy. Enderlein, Ernst Engelhard, Martin Festge, Herman Feuerhalin, Valentin Florch, Jacob Florke, David Fritz, Jacob Gardee, Henry Gerlach, Ferdinand Geschwend, Francis Gr'ahl, Charles Gronemeyer, Wm. Privates. Gubser, Charles Hauweg, Bernhard Heitzman, Franz H. Heller, Ernst Hilkebaumer, Hy. Hatches, John Kaseman, John Kastner, Erasmus Kempter, Joseph Koch, Henry Koch, William Kolzenberg, Wm. Kulkebach, Fred Kulkebach, Hy. Kunz, Hy. Lehmann, Fred. Chas. Loebig, Michael Lunigkorner, Hy. Malmistrom, Chas. Mauch, Chas. Maus, George Mueller, Herman Munsch, Mathias Neunzerling, Jacob Niehaus, William Perez, William Pfeiffer, Fred Pflster, Peter Potthast, Fred Puis, Christian Reinhard, George Ries, Henry Rose, Adam Roterman, Fred Roth, Charles Roth, Henry Roth, Wm. Saum, Adam Schaarschek, Jas. Schlee, Joseph Schlosser, Henry Schmidt, Jacob Silberer, Lovemore Silbermann, John Simon, John * Stallmann, Jacob Stange, Rudolph Stangre, Otto Franz Stumpe, Dietrich Tallhaber, Jos. Trulleib, Andreas Waldweiler, John Weig, Jacob Weiss, Charles Wenz, Gottfried Werder, John Westreider, Fred Wetzel, August Wilbermann, J. Hy. 390 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Adolph Dengler, Captain Charles Hoeny, 1st Lieutenant Edward Krebe, 2d Lieutenant John Lendroth, 1st Sergeant Theodore Schneider, Sergeant Charles Doll, Sergeant Charles Duisenberg, Sergeant Henry Meier, Corporal Ernst Scheidig, Corporal Louis Rauch, Corporal Charles Zierath, Corporal Fred Schuchmann, Drummer Wllhelm Grill, Fifer Abel, John Auer, Fred Bastian, Joseph Beck, John Becker, John Betzer, Fred Bierwirth, Fred Bonneberger, M. Brod, Julius Bruner, Joseph ■Christen, Francis Diesel, John Esig, Michael Falter, Lazarus Fehrenbaah, Sebastian Fidler, Hy. Fischer, Chas. Fischer, August Flug, Balthazar Frlcker, John Gebhard, John Geiger, Mathias Gemund, Anton Graff, Geo. P. Grossmann, Jacob Hahn, Henry Hammer, Phillip Heilig, John Hess, Louis Hockert, Samuel Hoffman, Peter Hofmeister, Win. Privates. Holdener, Joseph Jung, Wilhelm Junghaus, Herman Kaiser, Fred Keller, Hieronymus Kesselring, Conrad Kimmerl, Franz Klaus, Franz Klingenpis, Jonathan Koppmann, Franz Kremer, Hy. Krim, John Kuhn, Andreas Kuhnl, Michael Lammert, Louis Leppert, Geo. Lorenz, John Ludescher, Franz Martin, Geo. Meier, Benjamin Meinhardt, John B. Metzger, Raimond Missbach, Leopold Mueller, Charles Pfeifer, Peter Rake, Fred Rampenthold, Fred Salterbach, Christian Schibert, Wm. Schlohmann, Fred Schmitt, Carl Schmitt, Carl Aug. Schopp, Leonhard Schroeder, Henry Schuchard, Hy. Schuekel, Anton Seeman, John Sendelbach, John Siegrist, Charles Siering, Jacob Sueger, Fred Sohn, Michael Spatzer, Francis Spiro, Simon Steimel, Rupert Strauss, Charles Strittmatter, Jacob Stutzel, Henry Sutter, Rudolph Tober, Joseph Toepfer, Fred Tritchler, Theo. Waechter, Jacob Wahl, Henry Wallerman, John Wand, John Wangelin, Gustav Wannemacher, Sebastian Weber, Benjamin Wiebel, Wm. Wiegand, Herman Winterwerl, Phil. Wool, John' Zaumseil, Henry Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 391 COMPANY H. George D. Friedlein, Captain Geo. Marschall, 1st Lieutenant John Kaegi, 2d Lieutenant Chas Hayemann, 1st Sergeant Christ. Trautman, Sergeant Wm. Eisermann, Sergeant Chas. Hugo Ropiquet, Sergeant Phillip Scherer, Corporal Wm. Ollomann, Corporal Edward Thees, Corporal Wendelin Burkhardt, Corporal Wm. Richter, Fifer Siebrecht, Drummer Adamski, Anton Amberg, Michael Angermann, Hy. Armbruster, John Auerswald, Herman Bader, August Baners, John Behler, Franz Behringhof, Max Bering, John Bertsch, Louis Becks, Fred Biehler, John Bruder, Joseph Butscher, Henry Carl, Edward Crepen, Joseph Diebel, Louis Ehrhard, Fred Elkner, Edward Emil, Joseph Engelhardt, Martin Faes, John Findies, Louis Funkhouser, Andrew Fuderer, John Furder, John Gebensleben, Rudolph Gemp, Ely Genz, Friedolin Goeschel, Albert Gollez, John Heeger, Wendelin Helm, Julius Hoffman, Phillip Privates. Hoppman, Martin Jung, John Kackler, Emil Kaes, Fred Kahn, Fred Kambert, William Kapp, Phillip Kappers, Valentin Kapps, Rudolph Kasten, Daniel Koch, Bruno Koerner, Herman Kohle, Louis Kohlmann, Fred Koser, Fred Krdcht, John Krause, August Kunz, Fred Ledermann, Jacob Lempke, Charles Lipps, Christian Loescher, Jacob Lohner, John Lohrer, Michael Loosen, Gottfried Lott, John Lubzeier, Joseph Mathias, Henry Mayforth, Fred Meyer, Jacob Meyer, Michael Meyer, Stephen Molitor,. Jacob Mueller, Andreas Mueller, Anton Mueller, Michael Niedringhaus, Fred Null, John Nutzener^ Chas. Oster, Theodor Pall, William Plotscher, Frank Ratz, Henry Riegel, John Roesch, Louis Rohr, Robert Rose, Gustav Ruedlinger, Frank Schaller, Valentin Schaub, Jacob No. 1 Schaub, Jacob No. 2 Schavang, Rudolph Schitting, John Schoeppe, George Schnitzler, Martin Schutzler, Sebastian Schwarz, Otto Seiler, Jacob Tupple, Sebastian Ulrich, Albert Vogel, Gottlieb Volm, Wendelin Voltz, Bernhard Voss, Adrian Weigmand, Phil. Wenzel, Rudolph Wiedmar, John Wilde, Rudolph Winder, John Ziegler, Fred 392 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Chas. H. Mannhardt, Captain H. Klostermann, 1st Lieutenant Joseph Priesner, 2d Lieutenant Julius Gemmer, 1st Sergeant Louis Gaurain, Sergeant Wilhelm Kramer, Sergeant Alexander Schrader, Sergeant John Koegg, Corporal Adolph Mallinkrodt, Corporal Peter Quickert, Corporal Ferd. Schrader, Corporal Charles Derr, Drummer Richard Schuchmann, Pifer Anike, Jacob Baunneberg, John Blinkensdorfer, Wm. Bohn, Henry Bomm, Conrad Brand, John Brockmann, Ernst Brommelmeyer, Geo. Bunn, Ludwig Buetler, Andreas Dannmann, Herman Dantz, Peter Dickmann, Herman Dietz, Charles Prontrup, Hy. Geier, Martin Glock, Peter Goetz, Edward Hassenritter, Herman Heidemann, Albert Heltmann, Wm. Hensick, Caspar H. Hensler, Prantz Herman, Adolph Herman, Charles Heydt,. Adolph Heydt, John G. Hoffarth, Pranz Hofner, Caspar Just, Edward Jensen, John C. Privates. Kaegg, John Kessler, Charles Kessler, Herman Kirchner, Albert Kissing, Wm. Klein, Fred Koch, Ernst Koch, Gustav Koch, Otto Koch, Wm. Kruse, Jacob Kuntz, Christian Kittner, Herman Lange, Frank Leisler, Wm. Limmert, Louis Lohmann, Louis Louis, Joseph Mathias, Henry Mathias, Herman Maurer, Charles May, Jacob Meyer, Andreas Meyer, John M. Molitor, Jacob Mueller, Geo. E. Mukin, Adolph Munch, Albert Munch, Berthold Munch, Ferdinand Munding, Conrad Munk, Henry Otto, John C. Pappenhauser, Hy. Pfister, Christian Pfund, Gottfried Probst, Edward Ruebling, Paul Rupert, Wm. Rust, Herman Ryan, Patrick Schaebert, August Schaerf, Joseph Schaub, Jacob Schoeder, Louis Schluter, Henry Schmidt, Leonhardt Schraeder, Adolph Schroeder, Fritz Schwarz, Otto Seewald, Chas. Spannaus, Henry Steininger, Jacob Steitz, Louis Stern, Joseph Stopping, Michael Stuebler, Peter Theene, George Thiehlmann, Hy. Thiehlmann, John F. Wenker, Henry Wetzel, Wm. Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 393 COMPANY K. Theodor Meumann, Captain Theodor Henck, 1st Lieutenant George Schuster, 2d Lieutenant William Wolf, 1st Sergeant Charles Tillenger, Sergeant Henry Beneke, Sergeant Louis Coloman Lucas, Corporal Fred Kolwatz, Corporal Gustav Bitter, Corporal Fred Krueger, Corporal Christian B. Biebel, Corporal Peter Hartman, Musician Christian Helmer, Musician Abel, Geo. Alex Allgier, Michael Andree, Charles Autenrieth, Herman Becherer, Xavier Beka, Benjamin Beman, Phillip Bemis, Chas. Aug. Benzon, Andrew Block, Budolph Blume, Franz Bracke, William Bruns, Henry Danvil, William Debusman, Chas. Dietrich, Caspar Dieu, John Dozer, Edward Dreinhoefer, Bdw. Dutsch, John Eggus, Chas. Aug. Eich, Wm. Eiserman, Hy. Elgars, Herman Engfer, John Faist, William Faller, Edward Fassler, Leopold Fassler, William Fencel, William Fischer, Phillip Fischer, Hugo Privates. Flack, Bichard Frank, John Freble, Jacob Gebelein, John Guedemann, Bethline Hammer, Isaac Happenberg, Gustav Hecker, Arthur Held, George Heller, John Henscheil, Bernhard Herneise, Gottlieb Hipp, Charles Hoffman, Leonhard Holzwarth, John Horstbrink, Ludwig Jobs, Jacob Jungst, Henry Kauffman, Wm. Keelenberg, Charles Kessler, Charles Koch, Adam Koster, Henry Kowalsky, Theodore Krette, Phillip Lenze, Chas. Macbeth, Jos. Mark, Otto May, Julius Mayenberg, Fred Mohr, Wm. Mueller, Andreas Nelgne, August Olfers, Herman Panse, Herman Pretorius, Wm. Pritzel, John Beifurth, August Beuss, Chas. Albert Boeslein, Anton Schamburger, Fred Schell, George Schlesp, John Schmidt, Berne Schmith, Louis Schroeder, Anton Schurmann, Fred Seidler, Charles Spridler, Julius Stein, Charles Steiner, Charles Tending, Christopher . Todt, Charles Twelbeck, John "Vielhack, August 1 Vielhack, August 2 Walter, Fred Walthmann, Chas. Wenze, Rudolph Wuestner, Edmund Zack, Wenzel Zott, Arnim FOURTH REGIMENT INFANTRY, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS. The Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, was or- ganized with twelve Companies towards the end of April, 1861, by electing Nicolaus Schuettner Colonel. It was originally a hunting society of longer standing called "Die Schwarzen Jaeger," equipped with the usual outfit of a hunting society. This and the Schuetzen Section of the St. Louis Turnverein were the first armed Union volunteer bodies in St. Louis, even before President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men. The Regiment took part in the capture of Camp Jackson and was soon thereafter sent down to protect Cairo and Birds Point. It made a fortified camp at the latter place and carried on a success- ful scouting in Southeast Missouri. On returning to St. Louis the Regiment was sent on a larger expedition to Callaway County, while two of its "Companies were on detached service guarding the Pacific Railroad. The Regiment was mustered out at the expiration of its term of service on July 30, 1861, and those of its members who re- enlisted joined different Regiments and Companies, but the original ' organization was not continued. Of its 1,037 members, 88 per cent were Germans, 8 per cent Bohemians, the balance Americans. FIELD AND STAFF. Nicholas Schuettner, Colonel Christ. Grison, Quartermaster Adam Hammer, Lt.-Colonel Chas. Gus Louis Beck, Surgeon Fred Niegemann, Major Adolph Rosch, Asst. Surgeon Sigmund Homburg, Adjutant Gus R. Spannagel, Sergt.-Major Aug. Boettcher, Quartermaster Sergt. Band. Ferdinand Knecht, Drum Major Casper Herget, Fife Major 394 Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 395 COMPANY A. Geo. Dahmer, Captain Jacob Kiburz, 1st Lieutenant Frank Guide, 2d Lieutenant Geo. Mueller, 1st Sergeant Win. Hagen, Sergeant Daniel Kaesten, Sergeant Wm. Vblmar, Sergeant Louis Chouteau, Corporal Julius Lachs, Corporal John Schaub, Corporal Robt. Venn, Corporal Dietrich Wehrmann, Drummer Jos. Dammermuth, Bugler Adam, August Albrecht, John Berg, Henry Bischoff, Wm. Brockmann, Hy. Bucker, John Busch, Jacob Carroll, Louis Davis Dreher, Henry Drinker, George Emmler, John Erdsmannsdorfer, Chas. Gebraetz, Aug. Goetz, Anton Goetz, John Green, Geo. M. Green, Hy. Hauck, Alex Hauck, Jacob Heier, George Heinze, Charles Heitzmann, Jos. Held, Christian Helwig, Christian Privates. Herwig, Wm. Hettler, Joseph Hofer, Conrad Kaester, Edward Keischt, Conrad Koch, Henry Krimenau, Henry Metzerock, Albert Meyer, Frederick Meyer, John Rudolph Meyer, Michael Meyer, Phillipp Muellerbach, Cornelius Obrecht, Ferd. Obrist, Rudolph Poetting, Fred Pries, Henry Reinhardt, Fritz Richard, Jacob Riedel, Wm. Ruedi, Wieland Ruppol, Simon Sand, John Schaedler, Wm. Schauble.Michael Jacob Schlecht, Jacob Schlumpf, Wm. Schmidt, Ernst Schnell, Reinhold Schuler, Albert Seibel, Nicolaus Spindler, Andrew Stroh, Ludwig Sybolsky, John Tamm, Henry Tuchof, Friederich TJlrich, Theodore Vaulhaber, Val. Voigt, Bernhardt Wagner, Gottlieb Walther, Henry Walther, Michael Weber, Joseph Weigel, John Widmann, Hy. Wittig, Edward Zinglin, Peter Zipf, John 39e The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY B. George Rieman, Captain, April 24 Ludwig Hofstedter, 1st Lieutenant Conrad Grenzebach, 2d Lieutenant Louis Holland, 1st Sergeant Wm. Albrecht, Sergeant Ferd. Hahn, Sergeant Carl Kunst, Sergeant Anton Thebus, Sergeant Geo. Anschuetz, Corporal John Gunther, Corporal Wm. Ruge, Corporal John Stemler, Corporal Fred Weinig, Musician Aug. Jones, Musician Ackermann, Paul Ascherer, F. C. Berlach or Burbach.E.H. Berner, Louis Besse, Hy. Bindbeutel, Charles Bisser, Conrad Bisser, Rudolph Blase, Wm. Bock, Emil Bohly, Wm. Candle, Mathew Christmann, John Dahmer, Henry Dewein, Michael Doyn H. Van Ebenhok or Ebenhaz, Louis Ellenberger, Jacob Engel, Jesse Engel, John Ernst, Chas. Fahler, Adolph Fanning, Harry Fohrkolb, John Privates. Gasche, Alois Ginz, Louis Glunk, Alois Guenther, Hannibal Gruenewald, Andrew Gutting, Anton Halter, Arnold Halter, John Hegeschweiler, F. Hoffling, Anton Kaufman, Peter Kautz, Peter Kellner, Charley Kettelkamp, Hy. Klein, Mich. Kurtzeborn, Jacob Lielig, Henry Lotter, Ad Maat, John Van Marschall, G. A. Menke, Frank Mueller, Frank Niederer, Gustav Nyhouse, Wm. Otto, Emil Otzinger, Jacob Preis, Justus Raschel, Wm. Reinert, Jacob Reinecke, Ludwig Ried, Julius Rohrbach, John Rotty, Ignatz Rusterholz, John Sauerwein, Adam Schira, Conrad Schoeneberg, Dan Schull, Sam Schulz, Chas. Schwartz, Wm. Stork, Andrew Vander Maat, John Vogel, Christoph Walter, Wm. Weber, Wm. Weigand, Hy. Weigel, Aug. Wieneck, Andrew Winter, John Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 397 COMPANY C. Fred Sehueddig, Captain Gottlieb Stossberg, Sergeant Ferdinand Sehueddig, 1st Lieutenant Jacob Blatz, Corporal Anton Wald, 2d Lieutenant Julius Hertz, 1st Sergeant Carl Court, Sergeant Carl Luttgens, Sergeant Julius Conrades, Corporal John Gutgemann, Corporal John Hoefeler, Corporal Carl Geldmacher, Bugler Aug. Bredemeyer, Drummer Adrian, Ludwig Andermadt, Geo. Arns, Carl Arnst, John Bergert, Engelbert Biek, Bernhardt Brockmann, Hy. Buntenbach, Samuel Carle, Wm. Court, Wm. Demper, Philip Ernzen, John Evertz, Carl Evertz, Fred Falkenrath, Gottlieb Fluegel, Jacob Friederich, Hy. Freiner, Fred Geldmacher, Fred Giebe, Fred Gosker, Hy. Graf. Carl Graf, Paul Gross, Andrew Hack, John Privates. Hamm, Joseph Hartkopf , Julius Hillerscheidt, Carl Hinterschitt, John M. Hunnius, Carl Jannot, John Jansen, Henry Justus, Christian Kasten, C. L. Klarenbach, Gustav Klee, Daniel Klein, Albert Kuhn, Valentin Langenohl, Aug. Leindecker, John Lutz, Edward Meier, Wm. Melcher, Gustav Memmler, Jos. Metz, August Mielke, Emil Mueller, Ernst Nack, Jacob Paffrath, Caspar Peter, Conrad Rothenbucher, Conrad Rumler, Peter Sann, John Schmidt, Gustav Schmidt, Louis Schroeder, Theo. Schuddig, Ferd. Siemens, Aug. Simon, John Simon, Peter Sommer, Carl Spohr, Christian Stocker, Friederich Stocker, Robert Stossberg, Gottlieb Teuber, Aug. Tiegel, Fred. Van Dawen, Ad. Weber, John Wirtz, Anton Wittkorn, Theo. Witzel, Magnus Zepf, Franz 398 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. George Hassfurther, Captain John Donertfort, 1st Lieutenant John Rifer, 2d Lieutenant Julius Zesch, 1st Sergeant Francis Unger, Sergeant Christian Wolf, Sergeant Fred Arnold, Corporal John Muckstadt, Corporal August Obst, Corporal Peter Spahn, Corporal Blasius Schatz, Drummer Aug. Puhlan, Bugler Andrew, Anton Behrens, Henry Bertsch, John Blattner, Hy. Borcherding, Christ. Braun, Wm. Caspary, Caspar Clemens, Geo. Conzelmann, Chas. Doerr, Henry Doersch, John Eichele, Chas. Erg, Wm.. Ernst, George Fischbach, Francis Gast, Andres Gehauf, Christian Goerthelman, Geo. Phil. Gribke, Hy. Grund, Adam Hampe, Francis Hechinger, Ignatz Heil, Wm. Hogarth, John Holtzwarth, Daniel Horcher, Louis Privates. Horst, Charles Hugelman, Bernard Kern, John Kornberger, Rudolph Kulli; Charles Kunzmann, Andreas Leiman, John Lieblanger, Nicolaus Lielich, Conrad Luecksfeld, Jacob Muelhaus, Hy. Mahrs, August Matt, Jacob Meier, Charles Meier, Hermann Meirer, Mathias Meirer, Nicolaus Messmer, Mathias Mueller, Clemens Mueller, Conrad Mueller, Henry Nax, Philip OM, Wm. Peter, Gottlieb Probst, Aug. Rolli, Peter Rudolph, Fred. Schadt, Phil. Schatz, Marcus Schenk, Frederich Schilling, John Schilling, Wm. Schmidt, Adam Scholl, Philip Schummaeher, Anton Soloman, Hermann Stall, Gustave Steer, Jacob Steiner, Jacob Stoeber, George Stoeber, Hy. Stroh, Frederich TJien, Albert Weiss, Michael Weissbrod, Peter Wetzel, Sebastian Wolf, John Wuertenbecher, Jacob Zellweger, John Zesch, Maurice Zoore, Herman Zuengler, Geo. Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 399 Theo. Fischbach, Captain Ignatz Hunditzka, 1st Lieutenant John Wildberger, 2d Lieutenant Casper Sperber, 1st Sergeant Claus Voege, Sergeant Charles Weiss, Sergeant COMPANY E. Emanuel Wessely, Sergeant Gustav Brhard, Corporal Wenzel Moschna, Corporal Wenzel (Henry) Schery, Corporal Christoph Schwier, Corporal Chas. Pelican, Musician Frank Janot, Musician Andes, Conrad Bruder, Wenzel Bicha, Jacob Buehler, John Buehly, Lorenz Bruner, Albert Doerner, Hy. Doerner, Jacob Dollar, Frank Eisenhuth, John Entschelmeyer. Herman Erchinger, Simon Friedrich, Wm. Gubser, Boniface Hahn, John Hayek, Vincent Heilby, Joseph Hildeberger, John Hornbach, Nic. Huhn, John Hurka, Jacob Icha, John Jedicka, Frank Karl, John Ke Privates. Kletzan, Wenzel Koran, Jack Korel, Wenzel Kram, Hy. Krause, Aug. Kubik, John Kuerr, Michael Kutschera, Mathias Leber, John Macha, Martin Merkel, Andreas Meyer, Wenzel (Henry) Michael, John Mrasik, Jos. Nikola, Wm. Obermeyer, Jos. • Peliowitz, John Poenesch, Mathias Priester, Michael Rak, John Rayek, Will Riha, Martin Riha, Mathias Rosipal, Joseph Scherny, John Schub, John Schwegla, Wenzel Schymany, Walter Stauh, Joseph Stauh, Thomas Stein, John Stodola, Jos. Stodola, Wenzel Stromberger, Louis Stroslick, Frank Suda, Wenzel Swazina, Jos. Ulman, Peter Viata, Frank Walter, Andreas Wenger, Christ. Wenzlick, Peter Werdich, John Wetzel, Erhard Woita, Tom Worrel, John Zerelin, Ignatz Zingula, Joseph 400 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. George Berg, Captain John Mockenhaupt, 1st Lieutenant Edward Koenig, 2d Lieutenant John Simon, 1st Sergeant Louis Eisleben, Sergeant Hy. Schulte, Sergeant Hy. Wallman, Sergeant Wm. Engel, Corporal John Graf, Corporal John Helgoth, Corporal Jos. Vorst, Corporal Leonard Fasshauer, Bugler John Berg, Drummer Adam, Rudolph Becherer, Joseph Becker, Hy. Broder, Conrad Brodhack, Jacob Buchle, Jacob Buchlein, Hy. Cahen, Ferdinand Dallmeyer, Ferdinand Deberle, Gottlieb Eberts, Jacob Fehl, George Fluhler, Michael Forster, Wm. Goebe, John Graseck, Ernest Griesecker, Jos. Grosch, Casper Haller, Julius Hercke or Herge, Hy. Hoffman, George Hyden, Louis Hyer, Hy. I. Hyer, Hy. II. Privates. Jaeger, August Kautz, Charles Kuhne, Ernst Lannert, Phil. Laux, Louis Meyer, John I. Meyer, John II. Moebus, Wm. Mueller, Andrew Mueller, Louis Mund, Albert Niemeyer, Wm. Nueffer, Bernhard Obermeyer, Bernhard Otto, George Preussgen, Robt. Renn, Jacob Rische, Aug. Sauer, Edward Schellkopf, Fred. Schroeder, John Schroeder, Robert Schnermann, Wm. Seehausen, Gittlieb Siebel, August Smalenberger, Fred. Smith, Hy. Spies, Hy. Spies, Jacob Stahlhut, Wm. Steinberg, Chas. Stocker, Ferd. Templer. Wm. Viehring, Wm. \\ eiler, Wm. Woinhagen, Edw. Weinrich, John Weiss, Conrad _ Wilde, Jacob Witt, Leonhard Wolff, Valentin Wolney. Rudolph Weichner, John Wunsch, Hy. Wurst, Jos. Zerlgett, Aug Zulich, Hy. Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 401 COMPANY G. Chas. Demny, Captain Chas. Kutischauser, 1st Lieutenant Wm. Fred Faust, 2d Lieutenant Herman Tuerk, 1st Sergeant Hy. Hagermann, Sergeant , Ferd Hasner, Sergeant Jacob Metzger, Sergeant Fred Havendick, Corporal John Keis, Corporal Christ Luckfleld, Corporal Herman Schierholz, Corporal Emil Dosenbach, Musician John Bear, Musician Ackermann, Edw. Ahrens, Bernhard Altzenz. Chas. Andrae, Aug. Angele, Wm. Bauer, John Baumgard, Gottlieb Bender, John Bernst, John Bieckelberg, Fred. Bietlingmeyer, John Boullige, John Bucher, Jos. Diezel, Adam Diezel, Hermann Elbe, Gottlieb Ester, Christian Franke, Hy. Franke, Wm. Freese, Henry Freyte, Alex. Geers, Herman Gerber, Henry Gerdes, Herman Privates. Giebel, Hy. Greemann, Casper Hartmann, Chas. Herdt, Chas. Hering, Peter Hirschberger, Peter Kayser, Chas. Koester, Wm. Lahmann, Wm. Lapp, Louis Meyer, Wm. Mueller, Leonard Nischwitz, Philip Offel, Joseph Pietz, Herman Potthof, Hy. Racky, Jos. Rasmus, John Riegelman, Conrad Rohr, Casper Rotter, Adolph Russ, Ignatz Saltenberger, John Sandhoff, John SchaefCer, Gottlieb Schlenker, Jacob Sehmelzer, Wm. Schmidt, George Schmidt, Fred Schneider, John Schneiderwind, Hy. Schott, Wm. Schutz, Fred Seeck, Claus Speckmann, Fred Spoerl, Christian Stoffregen, Wm. Tanner, Jos. Ulrich, John Weimann, Hy. Wegener, Chas. Wittig, Alexander Wittig, Edward Woehle, Louis Wolf, Henry Zurcher, Louis 402 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. Philip Frank, Captain John Jos. Petri, 1st Lieutenant Francis Jac Botz, 2d Lieutenant Fred Bornefeld, 1st Sergeant Paul Achenbach, Sergeant T. Adam Fink, Sergeant Louis Schweitzer, Sergeant Cbas. Butzinger, Corporal Francis Hartmann, Corporal John Huegerich, Cqrporal Chas. Schoetz, Corporal Chas. Schmidt, Musician John A. Maier, Musician Algeier, Michael Arzt, Wm. Bauer, Phil. Benshing, Wm. Berkel, Michael Bien, John Bilger, Mary Brandau, Adam Brandau, Wm. Busley, Fred. Demuth, Wendelin Ebel, Martin Egener, Phil Frank, Hy. Frank, Lorenz Freeh, Hubert Frey, Adam Frey, Fred Fridrickson, Fred Gleich, Jacob Gronemeyer, Dietrich Hammer, John Harst, Peter Herzog, Adolph Horn, Hy. Privates. Huller, John Jacob, Peter Kaub, Francis Keim, John Kettel, Hubert Kissling, Michael Kilbs, Peter Kloes, Nicolaus Kraehe, Hy. Krueger, Chas. Kuepferle, Nicolas Kuntz, Michael Kutcher, Ferdinand Leindecker, Michael Leu, Balthazar Licht, Jos. Lohman, Wm. Maag, Philip Menzemer, Christ Meuzemer, Geo. Menzemer, Jacob Meyer, Aug. Nast, Chas. Nees, Peter Otte, George Rahtert, Wm. Remmert, John Rinker, Andreas Roffmann, Frederick Scheibel, John Schmahl, Gottfried Schwend, Alois Seiler, Gregory Seitrig, Hy. Siegrist, Chas. Sievers, Geo. Sondermann, Gottlieb Stadler, Martin Stauffer, Jacob Stoll, Hy. Stutz, Pius Uhl, Michael Wagner, Lorenz Weber, Julius Wengender, Jos. Werner, Basil Wunsch, Max " Zeiger, Louis Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 403 COMPANY I. Louis B. Hubbel, Captain Chas. H. Warrens, 1st Lieutenant Wm. P. Cousley, 2d Lieutenant Jas. H. Chancey, Sergeant John M. Hays, Sergeant Sam N. Sluter, Sergeant Martin Welfley, Sergeant Frederic Davis, Corporal Wm. Cordes, Corporal Chas. Humpert, Corporal John Speck, Corporal Wm. Catts, or Cutts, Drummer Nicolas Ambrose, Musician Peter Decker, Bugler Alexander, Motley Ash, Wm. Ashburn, Jefferson Bear, Wm. Becker, John Beem, Martin Beiser, Nicolaus Bell, James Benzen, Christian Bilger, John Bollinger, John Bonnell; Wm. Borden, Conrad Chamberlain, Albert Connell, Jerries Corra or Conrett, Louis Crossman, Robt. Dummeborn, Frank Ebka, Louis Elstrow, Frederick Farrires, John Ferdinand, Chas. Fink, Aug. Gill, Wm. W. Privates. Hahn, Andrew Hassler, Louis Hood, Andrew Horran, K. Huston, Ben. Kaiser, Robt. Kerl, Silas King, Ernst Konning, Hy. Kulber, Gustav Laudenschlaeger, Ernst Leuman, Sam. P. McCabe, James Merritt, Peter H. Miller, Chas. Millis, Michael Morlan, Chas. Myers, Wm. Nay, Peter Perrin, Thomas H. Pearce,' Hy. P. Pfiffner, Jos. Pogue, Hy. Polack, Louis Read, Chas. Reaves, Aquilla Reed, Chas. F. Remer, John, Rodenburg, Christ Roehrich, Herman Ross, Conrad Routcliffe, Wm. Ruisia, Alex. Rundel, Horace Schriner, Herman Schulte, Anton F. Slater, Jas. Smith, Francis Stamps, Jas. B. Stamps, John C. Stillwell, John Strickler, John H. Sueter, John Sullivan, Cornelius Thompson, John Vaupel, Louis Wildermuth, David 404 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. Louis Rohrer, Captain Geo. Glassner, 1st Lieutenant Emil Luedecke, 2d Lieutenant Andrew Wachtel, 1st Sergeant Adolph Gerisher, Sergeant Philipp Hohl, Sergeant Aug. Stiller, Sergeant Wm. Korsch, Corporal Fred Meier, Corporal Edw. Neiske, Corporal Andrew Welsh, Corporal Chas. Wagner, Musician Xaver Hoferer, Musician Albrecht, Charles Bengard, Prosper Benz, Geo. Bergmann, Hy. Bergmann, Wm. Bieger, Jos. Bolchhoefner, Gustav Brockmeyer, Christian Bruening, Fred. Busch, George Dedeck, Paul Dietrichs, George Dreyer, Jacob Dzengolewsky, Edw. Ellersick, Hermann Endler, Frederick Fey, Justus Fielde, Hy. Foesst, Wm. Fluri, Jacob Franz, Lorenz Fries, Albert Firey, Charles Gall, Anthony Gansmann, Jos. Privates. Goehns, Chas. Guenther, Fred. Habersaat, John Heiligensetzer, Frank Heim, Fred Hofmeister, George Jacob, Oswald Just, Christ Keck, John Koch, Frederick Koser, Hy. Kratz. Fred. Krebs, Chas. Krey, Wm. Kundinger, Theo. Kurns, Anthony Kurtz, Chas. Lange, John Langhoff, John Lenz, Simon Luhrmann, Hy. McGuire, Jas. McNeil, Hugh Mehler, Aug. Mueller, Ernst Munn, John Obenziske, Jos. Oster, John Prach, Peter Rabien, Hy. Reis, Adam Ribsam, Gotthardt Schillmger, John Schlo, Wm. Schmelzer, Wm. Schmidt, Christoph Schmidt, Edward Schmidt, Gustav Schultze, Wm. Schulz/ Christ. Schulz, John Schupp, Hy. Thies, Hy. Vogt, Anthony Wedermeyer, John Weiss, Hy. Willauer, Peter Zick, Frank Zimmermann, Jos. Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 405 COMPANY L. John Weber, Captain Frank Romer, 1st Lieutenant Chas. Kull, 2d Lieutenant Frank Jos. Widmer, 1st Sergeant Frank Fleischman, Sergeant Ferd. Hermle, Sergeant Christian Stieren, Sergeant Nicolas Kariger, Corporal Jos. Manhardt, Corporal Stephan Sutter, Corporal Mathew Willmann, Corporal Mathew Strassner, Musician Fridolin Meier, Musician Adolph, John Ambros, Nicolas Amsler, Samuel Baker, Christian Bakers, Nicolaus Baumann, Francis Baumgartner, Fred. Bendixen, Jacob Benot, Frederick Bieser, Hy. Bikel, Chas. Bleichman, Jos. Borsum, Hy. Christmann, Jacob Cook, John Darner muth, Jos. Dreher, Engelbert Durch, Frederick Durst, Anton Ehrman, Chas. Flamman, John Flittner, Frederick Frey, Henry Gardhofner, Math. Gardner, Christ. Privates. Grueny, Michael Gunther, Xavier Hedinger, John Heer, Jacob Hesti, John Hesti, Leonhardt Hinterberger, Christian Holdener, Melchoir Jobs, Jacob Kircher, Jacob Koch, Leonhard Koehler, Hy. Kramer, Anton Lang, Joseph Leich, Gottlieb Marbeth, Felix Massbost, Jos. Massboot Mellony, Jas. Meury, Gregory Moes, Andrew Muri, Casimir Nelson, Hy. Nesson, Vincenz Richter, Gustav Ripp, Charles Ruedi, Frank Rupp, Peter Rutz, Abraham Scheele, Edw. Scherrer, Christian Schleter, Henry Schmieder, Sebastian Schweizer, Henry Sendel, Aug. Sik, Peter Spengelman, Casper Troxler, Justin Trutman, Frank Vogtli, Jos. Wagner, Jacob Walter, Frank Waly, Fred. Widmer, Jos. Wuhrman, John Wumersdorf, Louis Ziegler, John Zik, Wm. Zimmerman, Nic. Zumsteg, John 406 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY M. Robt. M. Haney, Captain Ferd. Wagenfuhr, 1st Lieutenant Fred von Bodungen, 2d Lieutenant Anton Boekling, 1st Sergeant Philip Franklin, Sergeant Th. Heiss, Sergeant Chas. Frentel, Corporal Julius A. Harrach, Corporal Charles Notzel, Corporal Gottlieb Stossberg, Corporal Wm. Tell, Musician Jos. Bucher, Musician Andreas, Frederick Angst, Gebhardt Bauman, John Bender, Max Bergman, Martin Biermann, Anton Block, Jacob Blumeier, Herman Bornler, Geo. Boss, Caspar Brown, Charles Breitsche, Charles Diesel, Peter Eckhardt, Peter Finer, Chas. Eisenhuth, John S. Falbush, Fred. Hy. Fischer, Christian Fuchs," Andreas Fuhrman, Hy. Gautner, Jacob Gardner, Hy. Gieselman, John Harter, Jacob Privates. Hartroth, Louis Hattimer, Bernhard Heiss, Fred. Hermann, John Hugger, Max Hulle, George Imboden, Christian Kacherer, Bernhardt Kamleiter, Fred. Kehl, Christian Kleb, Christian KIopp, Hy. Knoche, George Konigung, Gottlieb Kumler, Fred. Kupferschmidt, Jos. Leitmeiler, Fred. Meinhaus, Bernhard Mueller, Frank Nantz, Hy. Niederer, Otto Noll, Adam Orzokowsky, Jos, Osten, Geo. Ott, Fred. Wm. Price, Justus Ruemler, Chas. Rupertus, Peter Schmidt, Wm. Schmidt, Herman Seiber, Fred. Schiller, Julius Schirmer, Herman Schneider, Hy. Schnider, John Spatz, Philip Stettin, Wm. Strickler, Victor Sassenguth, Aug. Thomas, Mathias Trummer, Wm. Walter, John Weavers, Bernhardt Weber, John Wettstein, Hy. York, Hy. Zwissler, Theo. FIFTH REGIMENT INFANTRY, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS. The quota of Missouri under President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men, had been filled by the first four Regiments of Volunteers, but, in anticipation that more troops would be accepted, Companies of the Fifth Missouri Volunteers were organized and mustered in, at the time, when the President's Order of April 30 authorized enlist- ments in St. Louis up to 10,000 men. The Regiment was com- pleted May 18 by electing C. E. Solomon ' Colonel. Companies of the Fifth Volunteers garrisoned the Arsenal on Camp Jackson Day. The Regiment left St. Louis June 16 and marched Southwest, via Rolla, leaving one Company at Lebanon and two at Springfield. It reached Dry Forks, ten miles north of Carthage, took part in that engagement and creditably held its ground in the battle of Wilson's Creek, although the time of the men had expired. Returning to St. Louis August 18, the Regiment was mustered out August 26, most of its members joining different organizations for the three years' service. The Missouri Adjutant General's Report for 1863 states relative the Fifth Volunteer Regiment: "'A' no company." Another office record states: "Company 'A,' Fifth Missouri Volunteers, went, under Captain Nelson Cole, with Companies A and B Rifles of the First Missouri Volunteers, to the southeast of the State," and in the Adjutant General's Office of Missouri are recorded transfers, amounting to nearly a full Company, from Company A, Fifth Vol- unteers, to Captain Cole's Company E, First Regiment Volunteers, three years' service. To avoid duplication, the names are only re- ported in the latter list. In the United States Records of the Civil War the report appears from St. Louis Arsenal, May 16, 1861, that Captain Nelson Cole, Company A, Fifth Regiment, Missouri Infantry, and Company A, Rifle Battalion, First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, went to Potosi, captured lead and some prisoners, and returned to St. Louis, leav- ing Lieutenant Murphy with 30 men at De Soto. The Fifth Regiment had only 775 men, being reduced by Com- 407 408 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. pany "A" detachment. The nationality of its members was 65 per cent German, the balance American, Bohemian and Irish. FIELD AND STAFF. Chas. E. Solomon, Colonel Christ D. Wolff, Lt.-Colonel Fred W. Cronenbold, Major Edward C. Franklin, Surgeon Samuel H. Melcher, Asst. Surgeon Bernard Meissner, Quartermaster Wm. Gerlach, Adjutant Joseph Nemeth, 1st Lieut., ext. duty Fred Cassel, Quartermaster Sergt. John A. Pranger, Drum Major George Beck, Corporal NO COMPANY A. COMPANY B. Louis Gottschalk, Captain Emil Wachter, 1st Lieutenant Wm. Bang, 2d Lieutenant John C. Castelhuhn, 1st Sergeant Henry Bedecker, Sergeant Wm. Goetz, Sergeant Conrad Hahn, Sergeant Wm. Buchmer, Corporal John Machin, Corporal Peter Wlrz, Corporal George Beck, Corporal Chas. Welker, Musician Alt, Charles Anslinger, John Baumhoeffner, Aug. Beckerle, Valentin Bergfeld, Frank Bernhardt, David Braun, Fred Broham, John Brown, Wm. F. Burckhardt, Robt. De Haas, Hy. Caspar Firx, Fred Frielingsdorf, Ewald Gallagher, John Gates, Hy. Geimer, Fred. Glatz, George Grau, Rudolph Griffin, Michael Guenshoner, Anton Guth, Geo. John Halbrank, Hy. Hankes, Frank Hipp, Jacob Hirschmann, Wm. Hirzlin, Geo. Hoffman, Adam Horn, John Privates. Jenter, Michael Kaufman, John Kehler, Louis Klinge, Hy. Kull, Fred. Kunold, Hy. Kunst, Hy. Linnewirt, Christ. Lynnot, Thomas Markert, Chas. Marquart, Joachim Mayer, And. Merkel, Chas. Merz, John B. Meschke, Hy. Mueller, Jacob Nestel, Jos. Olte, Chas. Paetz, Peter Obrecht, Michael Paul, Jacob Paul, Louis Praegizer, John Reeg, Wm. Regg, Louis Reiter, Peter Richter, Ernst Rothfusz, John Saul, Adam Schauerte, Jos. Schlingemann, Wm. Schlosser, Jacob Schmidt, Chas. Schuller, Gustav Schwab, Anton Schweigler, Andrew Spikermann, Jacob Stadelmann, Geo. Stelling, Wm. Stohr, Louis Strassner, Leonhardt Trahant, Hy. Voelpel, Ad. Phil. Voelpel, Wm. Vogt, Chas. Vogt, Theodor Wagner, Peter Webers, Hy. Wendel, Conrad Wieners, Louis Wolff, Hy. Zeller, Hy. Ziegler, Fred. Zimmermann, Fred. Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 409 COMPANY C. Fred Solomon, Captain Wm. Kossack, 1st Lieutenant Otto Venn, 2d Lieutenant Julius Uhlenhut, 1st Sergeant Victor Dehlinger, Sergeant B. A. Stephan, Sergeant Paul Andres, Sergeant Fred Hohmann, Corporal Otto Groeger, Corporal Hy. Held, Corporal Ferdinand Poettgen, Corporal Hy. Phillips, Musician Louis S. Phillips, Musician Abel, John Anders, Chas. Anselm, David Babureck, Jos. Berghofer, John Blaha, Martin Bollmann, Hy. Brinkop, Hy. Bruder,- Nicolaus Bain, John Dierberger, John Drescelius, Adam Dewitz, Chas. Eckerle, Lorenz Bllerbeck, Fr. W. Fialla, Wenzel Gerwiner, Arnold Goetz, Jacob Grumm, Mathias Haake, Wm. Harsch, Phillip' Hlawatzek, Wendel John, Frederick Privates. Jost, August Kristufest, Jacob Krug, Edward Kuhut, Herman Leonhart, Sam. Linhard, Ferd. Lohrum, Jacob Long, John Ludy, Andrew Mannwell, Aug. Mueller, Ignatz Nemetz, Wenzel Niematz, Jos. Nock, Nicolaus Pflster, Victor A. Punger, John Rappensecker, L. Rannowsky, John Rauck, Jno. Nic. Regiaz, Francis Rehberg, John Rice, Adam Rotermund, Fred. Rubi, John Rudolph, Chas. Rueckert, Phil. Rupel, Andreas Salatz, Anton Sandau, Martin Schmidt, 'Geo. * Seider, Felix Siedler, Christ Skalla, Adolph Stuck, John Stuck, Wenzel Stevens, Theodor Sushank, Wenzel Tessary, Jos. Waechter, Louis Waterloo, Balthasar Welch, Mathias Welck, Francis Will, Hy. Wimer, CHas. Wurster, Fred Zauf, Joseph 410 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. Charles Mehl, Captain Gustav Seebold, 1st Lieutenant Christopher Stork, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Kuhl, 1st Sergeant Moritz Schilling, Sergeant Peter Hufschmidt, Sergeant Charles Betz, Sergeant Valentin Knell, Corporal George Stier, Corporal Joseph Griener, Corporal August Hinterthier, Corporal Aulbach, Adam Batter, Jos. Bergemann, Aug. Binder, Anton Brauer, Conrad Brauns, Aug. Brendle, Rud. Broring, Ferd. Damm, Michael Day, Priedrich Eckhoff, Fred. Ehing, Sebastian Emig, Louis Engelmann, Anton Fischer, Chas. Fred. Foeger, Johann Poekle, Henry Pranke, Carl Freier, Gotttried Fuchs, Joseph Geilsdorf, Carl Greib, Andreas Greim, Hy. Greiner, Xavier Privates. Grieser, Franz Grundrich, Jos. Grundamer, Andr. Hambloch, Theo. Henzieck, Hy. Hesberg, Jacob Hoffmann, John Jost, Christoph Keanter, Fritz Kellikohl, Oswald Klappinger, Peter Kleibstein, Adolph Kling, Jacob Lammers, Hy. Lamert, Valentin List, Geo. Lochbuehler, Michel Meyer, Louis Mick, Jackes Mick, Jean Mohle, Charles Mohle, Wm. Mueller, Fritz Poppmeier, Mathias Rauer, Hy. Ravonsky, Adolph Reming, Jean Rosemeier, Jos. Rothenbucher, Jac. Rothfuss, David Schaefer, Thos. Schaller, Jacob Schaller, Michael Schlinger, Franz Schmidt, Franz Scholz, Louis Schulz, Anton Schulz, Carl Spehn, Jacob Stadtmann, Bernhard Strobel, John Weidemueller, Hy. Wieland, Christ Woldung, Fritz Wonefahrt, John Zapf, Jean Zoller, Adolph Zumsteg, Jos. Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 411 COMPANY E. Carl Stephany, Captain Jos. Ballhaus, 1st Lieutenant Julius Nehrig, 2u Lieutenant John Martin, 1st Sergeant John Meurer, Sergeant Dietrich. Meyer, Sergeant Christian Clement, Sergeant Guttman Conrad, Sergeant Phil Breiheuser, Corporal Charles Dietz, Corporal Franz Schifferle, Corporal Louis Bergthold, Corporal Christ Leimonstahl, Musician Adam, Hy. Bassmann, John Bechtler, Christ Bergmann, Hy. Bomes, Phillip Bock, John Bock, Ludwig Bornnosky, Christ Breitenbach, Gustav Burkhard, Phillip Burns, John Dankert, John Dolle, Win. Edler, Charles Eisenlohr, Rudolph Farren, James Fleischhut, Fred. Frenk, Hy. Privates. Geier, Louis Geiser, James Grase, Christ Grunkemeyer, Chas. Guntensperger, Robt. Haffner, Ludwig Herr, Ferdinand Hoffner, John Holzapfel, Gottfried Jicha, John Koester, Fred. Krapf, Valentin Kuhl, Andreas Langenthal, Edw. Luhrs, Chas. Magers, Hy. Mansur, Carl Mersoh, Chas. Meyer, George Munnig, Urban Oberbeck, Hy. Papenhagen, Fred. Peck, Charles Poekler,- Wm. Saeger, Hy. Schaefer, Mathias Schanz, Christian Schirmer, Edw. Schulte, Chas. Schwade, Adolph Sewing, Fred. Stark, Balthasar Temsch, Alois Volz, Alexander Wenzel, Adam 412 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. Alfred Arnaud, Captain Rudolph Schneider, 1st Lieutenant Emil Thomas, 2d Lieutenant ' John Etling, 1st Sergeant Alex Lamouroux, Sergeant Jacob Peters, Sergeant Caspar Zimmermann, Sergeant Andrew Hoffmann, Sergeant Henry Erbe, Corporal Anton Constant, Corporal Peter Kerth, Corporal John Vinchard, Corporal Edw. Curtois, Corporal Michael Meyer, Musician Beckman, John G. Behrley, Fred. Bloomer, John Boncher, Ambrose Boncher, Joseph Bonnet, Pierre Briard, David O. Brothers, Nicolas Coats, John Collerant, Aug. Dehler, Anthony Dihner, Adolph Dorn, Emil Drost, G. H. Eckerly, Lorenz Enge, Joseph Erdman, John Forman, Jacob Gehner, Philip Geis, Francis Geisthing, Fred. German, John P. Grasse, Michael Gye, Joseph Harding, Gottlieb Privates. Hayet, Jno. Herzog, Wm. • Hoesly, Hy. Hook, Louis Hossman, A. Joseph, Andre Kastens, Harvey Klingler, Chas. Koch, Gottfried Lamotte, John P. Laternicht, John Lavandesky Lanvert, Hy. Lauday, John Lenhard, Ferd. Leonhard, Melchoir Mattern, George Matthieu, Jos. Meyer, Chas. Miller, John Opel, Edward Park, Dan A. Pastor, Michael Prack, Jno. Prevot, Louis Raisch, Jos. Renaud, John Robade, Jos. Rothenberger, Robert Rothenthaler, Fred. Rudolph, B. Schaad, Jno. Schoenstein, Bert Schoen, Henry Sihonette, Wm. Schulz, John Schwalby, Fred. Seliere, Victor Sip, Gideon Sweeney, Martin Sweeney, Wm. Thieling, Pierre Thily, Phillip Ushers, Robert Verlay, Christ. Vinchard, Chas. Weigly, Jacob Wohloch, John Jac. Zimmerman, Frank Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 41: COMPANY G. Chas. E. Stark, Captain Nicolaus Fuester, 1st Lieutenant Charles Weiss, 2d Lieutenant Geo. Niebauer, 1st Sergeant Conrad Beck, Sergeant Peter Hellmuth, Sergeant Frank Paschen, Sergeant Henry Neuer, Sergeant Chas. Critzmann, Corporal Leopold Kingelbach, Corporal Wm. Braun, Corporal Edward Kroll,. Corporal Hy. Egbers, Musician Adolph, Henry Barthel, Mathias Bauer, Michael Baumann, Jno. Brerkle, Phil Breuninger, Leonhard Brey, Julius Buermann, Wm. Chase, Henry Drenz, A. Fischer, August Flemm, Chas. Fasmer, Wm. Ganter, Wendelin Gerber, Henry Grimm, Jacob Grundreich, Christ Heimberger, Chas. Heinz, Jno. Hemp, Hy. Huber, Aloys Humbrecht, Aloys Privates. Junger, Adam Kaemerer, Anton Kallhof, Theodor Kleeberg, Rudolph Knopp, Martin B. Koch, John Koch, Victor Koeb, Frank Lamp, Henry Lang, Nieolas Leingang, Peter Loesch, August Lohman, Jac. Mavinger, Peter Michelen, Mathias Moor, Henry Neubert, Caspar Neumann, Louis Olbert, Jacob Pott, Michel Purte, John Reuter, Nicolas Raesch, Frank Saarsmann, Wm. Schlatter, Jac. Schmidt, Chas. 1 Schmidt, Chas. 2 Schmidt, George Schmidt, John Schmitz, Hermann Schneider, Fred. Schulenburg, Fred. Steinle, Rudolph Stock, Benedict Sudbeck, Franz H. Wehrle, Xavier Weidner, Chas. Weisbeck, Michael Wildhaber, Meinrad Wirth, John Witte, Gerhard Wolff, Anton Zobelei, Stephan Zoeller, Andrew 414 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. Wm. J. Chester, Captain John Coleman, 1st Lieutenant Samuel Morris, 2d Lieutenant John L. Eager, 1st Sergeant Wm. Boker, Sergeant Wyman Vonbeck, Sergeant Jos. B. Ashton, Sergeant Mathew Grover, Corporal Jas. Healey, Corporal Sam I. Brown, Corporal Timothy Kinney, Corporal Armbrust, Bernard Anderson, Brestby Barber, Chas. E. Bauer, Stephan Becker, Fred. Brenard, Henry Bridgeford, Frank Brogan, Patrick Burner, Patrick Burow, John Bushby, Josiah Carter, John Clarkson, Jas. Clas, Andreas Cody, William Connors, Daniel Cosmelia, Robert Curtis, John Davis, W. W. Dempsey, Andrew Develin, Chas. Dickson, Ison Dorman, John Douglas, Jos. W. Feaney, John Flatron, Louis J. Privates. Gallagher, Mike George, Mathew Gimbel, Chas. Goday, Chas. Gracey, John E. Gremtz, Louis Griffin, John Grimes, Richard Harbinson, Edward Handlen, Larry Harrison, Edward Hayeck, John Heinzelman, Valentin Irwlne, Chas. Kelley, Daniel Kelley, Wm. Kerner, Leonard Kimbel, Chas. Kirea, Patrick Knowlan, John Laren, Hy. H. Lynch, Thomas McCartney, John McGrath, Wm. McKinney, Martin L. Matheson, Jas. Moog, Hy. Mueller, Fred. Murphy, Thomas ^Oliver, Chas. R. Owen, O. H. Pierce, John Preston, Wm. H. Raule, Frank W. Reid, Andrew J. Renard, -Eugene Riley, Jos. J. Runyon, Fred Ruper, John Ryan, Andrew Ryan, Benjamin Ryan, John Shipley, Chas. Sniff, Jos. Vosse, Peter Walker, Edw. Weedon, John Wegler, Chas. Whiteside, Jas. Woods, Jas. Yoring, Jas. Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 415 COMPANY H. MARKED FOR TRANSFER TO SEVENTH MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS. Wm. J. Hawkins, Captain James Butler, Sergeant Monroe Harrison, 2d Lieutenant Jas. McGoffin, Corporal Phil D. Foomer, 1st Sergeant Geo. Fairbanks, Corporal Barton Dear, Sergeant John R. Taylor, Musician Bowman, J. A. Campbell, Thos. J. Conners, Patrick Cowley, Cornelius Cussick, Mike Fairbanks, Hy. Fairbanks, Wm. Filbert, Sebastian Flinn, Ben F. Flynn, Daniel Frail, Francis Privates. Gan, Alex. Gilet, Martin L. Harper, Wm. H. Harris, James Hogan, James Kinney, Henry Knopp, Alvina E. Lesser, Byron McDonald,' John Mclntyre, Thos. McNamara, Jas. Reams, Barthel Roberts, W. Rollins, Jos. Scott, John Smith, John Sullivan, Mike Terry, George White, Patrick Wills, Geo. N. Winchell, Daniel Wymer, Fred. COMPANY I. Chas. P. Meissner, Captain G. Adam Bauer, 1st Lieutenant Joseph Spiegelhalter, 2d Lieutenant Anton Michaelis, 1st Sergeant Franz Reichard, Sergeant John Rossart, Sergeant August Gottschalk, Sergeant Bernard Breitenbach, Corporal Herman Schafer, Corporal Andreas Neimer, Corporal Bachmann, Louis Backlein, Hy. Bangert, Louis Becker, Franz Becker, Joseph Behland, Adam Bender, Rudolph Bertram, Mathias Besler, August Biermann, Frank Butz, Peter Dan, John, Derbofen, Fred Dessienso, Louis Dieke, Lorenz Dulle, Henry Eckert, Otto Bilman, Herman Finke, Fred. Fish, Math. Privates. Flassack, Jos. Fortkamp, Hy. Foss, Charles Frank, Jac. Geister, Valentin Geneke, Ernst Hauberick, Jacob Heinrich, Gottlieb Hoeberle, Adam Hoffman, Fred. Huber, Jos. Jaeger, Wm. Johnson, George Kaus, David Koenemann, Hy. Kurzeborn, Wm. Lueders, Henry Meier, Chas. F. Mikers, Theo. Mueller, Francis Mueller, Fred. Neuman, Fred. Oberkamp, John Ratz, Gustav Renner, Albert Roth, Fred Sachse, Chas. Schafer, Chas. Schaub, Joseph Schawinsky, Anton Schmitz, Chas. Schwarzwalder, Hy. Stengel, Andreas StoII, Mathias Topper, Wm. Wahl, Hy. Wessels, Bern. Wingmann, Geo. Woerner, John Zittzmann, Emil 416 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. Samuel A. Flagg, Captain Wm. S. Boyd, 1st Lieutenant Wm. H. Thompson, 2d Lieutenant Christ A. Whitmer, 1st Sergeant Geo. Cleghorn, Sergeant John W. Fisk, Sergeant Comfort E. Rutherford, Sergeant John F. White, Corporal John C. Tuch, Corporal Daniel Brady, Corporal Hy. C. Thompson, Corporal Wm. Sulivan, Musician Babler, John Beach, Louis Bell, Wm. Belling, Wm. Berman, Jno. Bickford, Chas. Boker, Chas. Calef, Dan R. Campbell, Jno. A. Cane, James Cane, John Coniar, Jas. Crade, Chas. Crude, Wm. Curtis, Jos. Driscoll, John Dulan, John Eno, John Fenlaron, Wm. H. Fitzgerald, John Privates. Gallagher, Thomas Green, Phillip Haack, John Hench, Samuel Hunter, Benj. R. Karbs, Fred. Lanfra, Wm., Jr. Linn, Chas. Long, Anthony Lynch, Dan Lynch, John McAlister, Wm. McFilly, Jas. McKenzie, Hy. McKnight, Wm. Maher, John ' Marrow. John H. Miller, Fred. Nelson, Andrew Outerbridge, M. C. Peterson, Martin Petraw, Chas. Roach, John Ronte, Wm. Rupple, Fritz Rupple, Jos. Ruzers, Andreas Ryan, John Schwarze, Aug. Shannon, Frank Shofe, Thomas Slecke, Louis Simpson, David F. Sneider, Frank Speckelburg, Sam. Striegle, August Syme, Thomas Transfiel, John Tuttle, Eugene FIRST REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, was organized in the First Ward of St. Louis, south of Soulard street, under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, 1861, and mustered in for home service at the St. Louis Arsenal under Colonel Henry Almstedt on May 7. It had 1,200 men in 12 Companies. Its Armory was Jaeger's Garden on Sidney and Tenth streets. On May 10 six Companies marched to Camp Jackson and six were posted on Sidney street, guarding the avenues to the Arsenal. On May 18 a Cavalry Company from the same Ward joined, which did valuable scouting service. When the Volunteers moved from St. Louis part of the Regiment held the Arsenal, protected the railroad to Rolla, and garrisoned, for a short time, Jefferson City. Four Companies occupied Turner Hall during the absence of the Third Reserve, and six Companies followed Fremont to Birds Point until ordered to St. Louis to be mustered out on August 20. With the exception of 6 per cent Bohemians, the Regiment was almost en- tirely German. The Three Months' Regiment consisted of 12 Infantry and 1 Cavalry Company, numbering 1,269 men. It reorganized for a Three-Year Reserve Regiment by September 12 under Colonel Rob- ert J. Rombauer. FIRST REGIMENT IT. S. RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, MUSTERED FOR THREE MONTHS' SERVICE, ST. LOUIS ARSENAL, MAY 7, 1861.. Henry Almstedt, Colonel Emil Seeman, Surgeon Robert J. Rombauer, Lt. Colonel John Heimbach, Ass't Surgeon Philip J. Brimmer, Major Wm. Waldschmidt, Adjutant August Leussler, Quartermaster 417 27 418 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Jacob Horn, Captain Emil Mark, 1st Lieutenant Wm. Waldschmidt, 2d Lieutenant Michael Best, 1st Sergeant Peter M. Dangler, Sergeant Anton Herzog, Sergeant Andreas Goetz, Sergeant Valentine Schaaf, Corporal Franz Doll, Corporal Jacob Berberich, Corporal Anton Unger, Corporal Martin Neubaus, Musician Joseph Marx, Musician Bahr, Joseph Berns, Fred. Bitsch, George Botts, John Bressel, John Brohammer, John Bush, Fred. Ehiet, Fred. Decock, John Ditzler, George Doerr, Conrad Dumet, Francis Dusalt, Michael Eck, P. Eisner, Fred. Eckerich, Martin Findel, Henry Firmbach, Philip Flachmeyer, Casp. Foester, Michael Foetz, George Freck, John Freihaut, Hy. Funk, Andreas Gab, Jacob Gack, George. Geiger, Francis Gruber, Michael Gruber, Silvester Haffner, Anton Hahl, Michael Privates. Hanser, Anselm Hanser, George Heins, Andreas Heller, Daniel Hinkel, John Hofman, Christoph Holstein, Christian Holzford, Edmund Huckshold, Gottlieb Jacob, John Kern, Daniel 1st Kern, Daniel, 2d Kescher, Lorenz Killi, Isidor Klein, Marx Kling, Daniel Koch, Jacob Kochler, George Koeling, George Kornelius, Jacob Krueger, Julius Lang, John Langendorf, Mathias Lehmert, John Lenther, P. Jos. Lind, John Machmeyer, John Mangel, Hy. Mayer, Conrad Muencke, Geo. Muencke, Isaac Noll, John Offermann, Geo. Rehman, Emil Rothermel, Wm. Roessler, Gabriel Schaaf, Andreas Schaper, Daniel Schaper, Fred Scharbonier, John Schilling, Anton Schlichting, Aug. Schlund, John Schmidt, Xavier Schmidt, Fred. Schreiber, Fred. Schultz, Christoph Siess, Jacob Sievers, William Streif, Fred. Supiner, Anton Tanka, Hy. Thomas, John J Ulius, Hy. Vanberi, Hy. Vollmer. Hy. Wieland, George Wilhelm, Jacob Winkler, Lorenz Winkler, Wm. Winkler, Edmund First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 419 COMPANY B Roderick E. Rombauer, Captain Theobald Eckerle, 1st Lieutenant Isaac Baer, 2nd Lieutenant Leo Rassieur, 1st Sergeant Lorenz Engelhorn, Sergeant I. N. Heintz, Sergeant Albert Beller, Sergeant Wendelin Meyer, Sergeant Frank Gitsen, Corporal John Stadler, Corporal Fred Schragg, Corporal Ignatz Heuer, Corporal N. John Eddelman, Musician Alois Lieman, Musician Aschner, Nathan Ast, John Baer, Xavier Bastian, Jacob Biddermann, George Bockius, Nicholaus Bockewitz, Geo. C. Bonifer, Martin Bolte, Henry Buettner, George Decker, Chas. Decker, Geo. Dermeyer, Hy. Ditmar, Henry Doerr, Caspar Dueven, Francis Durban, Andrew Elsasser, Geo. Fenner, Wm. Fischer, Geo. Fleischman, Pancratius Foerstel, Nic Frabks, Wm. Giesen, Jacob Goebel, John Graeff, Baltasar Grunder, Aug. Haas, Baltazar Haentges, John Herder, Adam Hillsdorf, Hy. , Privates. Hof, Martin Jaeschke, Robert Kalert, Wm. Keller, Theo. Kleibolt, Theo. Klopper, Jos. Kolb, Albert Kolb, Charles Kremer, John Krauss, John Lambert, Geo. Landfried, Geo. Landfried, Jacob Landwehrmann, Peter Langemann, Ernst Langloth, Dan Laschope, Michael Laux, John Leimgreber, John Lepert, Hy. Machmer, Jacob Meyer, Charles Meyer, Louis Nolte, Anton Ottenad, John P. Paulus, John Pfenninger, Jacob Reis, Michael Reith, George Reith, Joseph Roeder, Wm. Sauerwein, Frank Scheed, John Schmitz, Ignatz Schneider, John Schobe, Geo. Schoener, Norbert Schwening, Xavier Sexauer, Geo. Segelke, Dietrich Sicking, Wm. B. Sipieser, John Spengman, Hy. Spuhle, Phillip Stadel, Francis Stahl, John Stark, Geo. Steinmeyer, Fred. Streib, Geo. Strittmatter, Chas. Uhri, Andrew Voelker, Christ. Voester, Nicholas Vogel, Hy. Vollmer, Christoph Weidburg, Edward Wesseling, Bernhard Weiss, Francis Wettig, Fred. Woehrle, John 420 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Theodore Hildenbrandt, Captain James F. Wodwarka, 1st Lieutenant George Ost, 2d Lieutenant Franz Howarka, 1st Sergeant Fred Nischwitz, Sergeant John Brosch, Sergeant Win. Reuss, Sergeant Joseph Wuch, Corporal Henry Kail, Corporal Mathias Lohr, Corporal Conrad Grefl, Corporal Wenzel Pfeiffer, Musician Chas. Gebhardt, Musician Banhardt, Hy. Becke, George Bertram, John Bileck, Joseph Blaha, Frank 1st Blaha, Frank 2d Borecky, John Deis, Jacob Deitz, Hy. Dirkes, Clemens Drescher, Frank Droschak, Frank Ebert, Geo. Erhardt, Friedrich Fink, Louis Fischer, Mehand Forst, Anton Frabks, . Wm. Frauenholzer, Christ Gicha, Frank Grahr, John Halblaut, Hy. Haneschek, Wenzel Hauser, John Hegela, Joseph Hoff, Jacob Hotmann, Henry Holzer, Meinradt Horst, John Huffner, Peter Huttler, Christian Privates. Icha, Wenzel Jobst, Alois Jonas, John Jung, Abraham Jungel, Martin Kadletz, Thomas Kalinovsky, Jonas Kiesela, John Kiesela, John Kiesle, Rudolph Kirkawa, Martin Koell, Frank Koels, John Koza, Mathias Kurwitch, Anton Kutina, Joseph Lang, Andreas Maag, John Marecek, Jos. Mathias, John Miller, Egidius Moser, Frederick Opperman, Jacob Paner, Solomon Panuschka, Wenzel Patz, Justus Pelikan, Joseph Peschek, Francis Pohn, August Pollack, Francis Rank, Gottfried Ritter, Nicholaus . Roth, Charles Saba, Joseph ' Samiel, Joseph Schiepek, Joseph Schlichter, Anton Scholi, John Schurr, John Schwarz, Frank Schwarz, John Schwarz, Joseph Schwarz, Wenzel Stack, Otto Stankowsky, Joseph Trefung, John Underhaten, Frank Vollmer, Joseph Waecht, Adam Walovsky, Jacob Wander, George Weinheimer, Mathias Westhausen, Aug. Wickman, Frederick Wirthel, John Zerny, Wenzel Ziegler, Andreas Ziegler, Rochus Zimraczek, Francis Zournan, Richard First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 421 COMPANY D. Leonhard Weindel, Captain Fred. W. Henkels, 1st Lieutenant Peter Schardin, 2d Lieutenant Max Saettele, 1st Sergeant Robert Mandel, Sergeant August Hammerstein, Sergeant John Lebbing, Corporal Gustav Hammerstein, Corporal Jacob Weindel, Corporal Balthazar Lorch, Corporal Frederick Volz, Musician Robert Zumbo, Musician Albert, John Bornscheid, Bernhardt Buhler, Leopold Byer, Francis Dahl, Nicholaus Davis, Henry Depenhauer, Christian Bberhardt, John Geo. Ehnert, Frederick Fath, Jacob Fehl, Henry Fedke, John Gent, Frederick Graff, Vincent Gruenewald, John Guethe, Henry Harstick, Christian Hauberich, Peter Hertlinger, Michael Hesch, Phillip Hugegeb, Jacob Jacob, Nicholas Jacob, Philip Junger, Geo. Kauffman, Win. Privates. Klein, Hy. Kraemer, Hy. Krenzer, Louis Krus, Andreas Lecker, Wm. Lieb, Andreas Lorenz, Fred Ludwig, Gustav Maiberg, Hy. Martin, Francis Menches, John Meyer, Bernhardt Moeller, Henry Moser, Jacob Moskopf, Lorenz Mutz, Ephraim Nagel, Jacob Nager, Charles Nester, Christian Netzer 1 , Peter • Neustaedter, Fred. Pappett, Eusebius Pein, Wm. Remmers, Christian Roche, Wm. ; Roehl, Lorenz Roemer, Peter Schittenhelm, Louis Schlitter, Jacob Schmeikel, John Schroeder, Conrad Schwartz, J. Senti, Christopher Siegmund, Andreas Taussig, Moritz Taylor, Fred. Trauer, Samuel Tschudi, Jacob Wagner, Peter Walzer, Jacob Weidner, Wm. Weiss, George Welte, Wm. Wirsz, Francis Wirsz, George Wolff, Christian Zimmermann, Andreas Zimmermann, Theodor 422 The Union Gauge in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. George Rothweller, Captain Lorenz Llebermann, 1st Lieutenant Gustav Garrell, 2d Lieutenant Frederich Tieman, 1st Sergeant Valentin Path, Sergeant William Griselman, Sergeant Hy. Scharringhausen, Sergeant Henry Roth, Corporal Henry Kohlman, Corporal Wm. H. Taylor, Corporal Hy. Bischoff, Corporal Anton Heyer, Musician John Schaefer, Musician Bauer, Charles Bauer, John Baumgarten, Benedict Belz, John Besch, Christian Besch, Peter Bierman, Wm. Boll, Mathias Burkadt, Leonhart Buckler, Henry Casper, Christopher Dicker, Adam Diehl, August Disch, Xavier Ens, August Eisner, Frederick Fessel, Adam Foell, Christopher Frank, Francis Frank, Christopher Freitag, Hy. Fuchs, Joseph Gerdes, Theobald Gieselmann, Gottlieb Grave, Wm. Guth, Wm. Hahn, John Hahne, Hy. Haller, Hy. Hampe, Charles Hampe, Wm. Harding, Conrad Hettler, Chas. Privates. Heyer, John Hindeman, John Hoge, Frederick Kahlenbeck, Hy. Kasten, Wm. Keltner, Emanuel Kirchhaus, Geo. Klaas, Henry Koehler, Basilius Kramer, Adam Krausnick, Edward Krautsch, Aug. Leue, Henry Levy, Fred. Luth, Louis Meyer, Hermann Miller, Fred. 1 Miller, Fred. 2 Moeller, George Moller, Wm. Nieman, Rudolph Reems, Gerhard Risse, Nicholaus Roef, Conrad Roth, John Rothe, Henry Rudolph, Henry Rudolph, Wm. Ruggs, John Russler, Hy. Schaefer, J. Scharringhausen, Dietrich Scharringhausen, Fred Schaumberg, Phil. Scherer, Xavier Schlichter, Peter Schmidt, Hy. Schmidt, John Schnier, Henry Schramm, Friederich Schuerman, Herman Schulz, Hy. Spieswiger, Frank Staehle, Jacob Staehlin, Christ. Standt, J. Stickler, David Stuckenberg, Hermann Stuckenberg, John Stucker, August Stutz, Anton H. Toma, Gallas Unverdorben, Louis Vorenbach, Charles Wacker, John Weilmunster, Conrad Wehmuller, Fred. Wendt, Fred. Wetteroth, Louis Werder, Jacob Wirthlin, Louis Woldt, Fred. Wuchlhausen, John Zeus, Charles nann, Joseph First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 423 COMPANY F. Wiliam Balz, Captain Geo. Reinhardt, 1st Lieutenant Jacob Reinhardt, 2d Lieutenant Stephan Freckmann, 1st Sergeant Conrad Breitenbach, Sergeant Chas. Schumann, Sergeant Moritz Bauer, Corporal Bernhardt Bolzenthal, Corporal Frederick Basch, Corporal Peter Kriegsbaum, Corporal Wm. Hassenpflug, Musician Henry Hedrich, Musician Anschuetz, Aug. Appuhn, Wm. Arras, Peter Bloecher, Christ. Boemler, Hy. Boerger, Balthasar Boschoff, Martin Brenchel, Henry Brobst, Fidel Brockmeyer, Christian Bungdorf, Christian Dauber, Phillip Dauber, Wm. Ditgen, Jacob Dutte, Wm. Dunkel, Louis Eberle, Charles Eckerle, Charles Eckert, Hy. Eichhorn, Christian Elsperman, John Enghauser, Anton Enzinger, P. H. M. Eubler, Francis Evers, Fred. Fey, Anton Fey, Michael Florg, Edward Francis, David Freyse, Fred Fritzshe, August Privates. Gatting, John Geitmar, Martin Giesecke, Christ Goetz, Martin Grunow, Fred. Hanewinkel, John Held, Henry Helmbacher, Michael Hummel, John Kehrer, William Kick, Charles Korber, Phillip Krach, Henry Krusius, Jacob Lander, Geo. Limburg, Christian Loehr, Phillip Manter£eld, Henry Mauver, Michael Meisbach, Conrad Meyer, Ludwig Mollenpage, Conrad Mueller, Francis Niehaus, Henry Nussbaum, Levy Ochs, Henry Getting, Ferdinand Pannert, John Pausback, Phillip Pohnert, Ludwig Quenyen, Christian Ragenaw, Phillip Reid, John Rohlfing, Hy. 1st Rohlflng, Hy. 2d Roll, Hy. Sartorius, Martin Sauerwine, Charles Saum, Nicolaus Schaaf, Phillip Schall, Michael Schallmeyer, Ludwig Schepp, Peter Schettler, Adolph Schleifstein, John Schindler, Valentin Seele, Christ. Soldmann, John Stengel, John Steigewald, Adam Steuber, Francis Strele, George Strele, Wm Voelker, Hy. Wagner, Phillip Wald, Fred. Warneke, John Winfeld, Wm. Wolf, Ludwig Wolff, Joseph 424 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Charles Hartig, Captain Arnold P. Roetter, 1st Lieutenant George Clemens, 2d Lieutenant Henry Wand, 1st Sergeant Louis Bonlin, Sergeant Chas. Bechtlieft, Sergeant Henry Buehler, Sergeant Louis Suesdorf, Sergeant Fred Lohman, Corporal Fred Bertram, Corporal Jacob Stemler, Corporal Tobias Grewe, Corporal John Staelski, Musician Emil Balinger, Musician Almerodt, Adam Aulback, Peter Berblinger, Hy. Bielefeld, Louis Bleicher, Chas. Blatz, Jacob Bobe, Felix Bobe, Peter Boechur, Frank Brandt, Charles Brichoux, Peter Broadhack, Wm. Buehler, Conrad Deffen, Louis Diehl, Phillip Fisher, Joseph Fleish, Joseph Frank, Nicolaus Franz, Andreas Franz, Ephraim Fritsch, Fred. Gebhard, Fred Gels, John Gerau, Andreas Grampp, George Greitler, August Happel, Hartmann Heidenthal, Egidius Helnbach, Peter Herurch, Henry Hildebrandt, Stephen Hoeveke, Gerard Privates. Hohenschild, Fred. Hupp, John Huppmann, John Huppner, John Koehler, John Kuehne, Albert Kuehne, Edward Kuepper, John Kunz, Joseph • Laux, Michael Leingruber, Hermann Loider, Albert Loos, Henry Loux, Martin Menges, Peter Ph. Meyer, Hy. Michaelis, Andreas Mueth, August Muth, Lorenz Neckermann, Louis Nuss, Christ Orth, Peter Ottenmeyer, Fred. Padberg, August Padberg, Lorenz Picker, Charles Reifeis, Fred. Reis, John Rohre, George Rothaermel, Jacob Schaab, Henry Schill, Martin Schill, Michael Schilling, Robert Schlingmann, Chas. Schob, Ernst Schopper, Fred. Sehweiss, Anton Seibold. Hermann Sinn, Leonhardt Smidtiel, Sigmund Still, Wendel Straub, Xavier Stubb, John Thaler, John Versen, Joseph Vetter, John Vollman, George Wack, Wm. Wagner, Fred. Wagner, Phillip Waldschmidt, Fred. Waterla, Leopold Weber, Gottfried Wehling, John Weiss, Fravens Wille, John Wintler, Henry Winniger, John Zeimere, Martin Zimmer, John Zimmermann, Jacob First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 425 COMPANY H. Joseph Schubert, Captain Casper Koehler, 1st Lieutenant George Damner, 2d Lieutenant August Etling, 1st Sergeant Francis Stutz, Sergeant Paul Holzscheiter, Sergeant Ernst Kiesewetter, Sergeant John Rinkle, Sergeant Henry Perty, Corporal John Blank, Corporal Charles Hauck, Corporal Anton Schminke, Corporal Valentine Stocke,- Corporal Okel Conrad, Musician Altfeld, Hy. Bauer, Adam Beckemeier, Wm. Becker, George Beismann, Hy. Boesch, Jacob Boesch, Phillip Bollinger, Valentine Bollmann, Joseph Bollwerk, Harvy Breidenbach, Henry Bruns, Charles Bruns, Henry Bugg, Jacob Burgdorf, Chas. Bush, Michael Christopher, Fred. Christopher, Wm. Cornelius, Anton Crone, Charles Ducker, Fred. Ehrler, 'John Geo. Engelbrecht, Christoph. Enger, George Engau, Chas. Etling, Chas. Fansen, William Flink, Hy. Frank, Christoph. Frey, Jacob Frey, Nicolaus Gartner, Caspar Glassner, Geo. Goesser, Aug. Privates. Gubser, Frank Hartmann, Lorenz Hebel, Louis Heck, Ignatz Heinsrith, Chas. Henke, Frederick Hoffmann, Louis. Holls, Charles Homer, Theobald Horsche, Friederich Huber, Ignatz Ittel, Alexander Jacobs, Phillip Kartmann, Hermann Kirchhof, Ludwig Koch, Albert Kohlebruck, Louis Leitner, Joseph Lennert, Conrad Linnenfelser, Fred. Lipphardt, Hy. Loewenstein, Chas. Mayer, Franz Meier, John H. Missemeier, John Muegge, Wm. Mueller, Henry Peter, Jacob Pfirman, Valentine Rather, Christian Rausch, Emil Reifs, Adolpn Reifeis, Wm. Reisse, Charles Reisse, Wm. Renneberg, Geo. Rinnert, Charles Rolfing, Conrad Rolfing, Hy. Roselin, Chas. Rosner, Henry Sandmann, Hermann Schadler, John Schafer, Chas. Schauer, Adam Schildhelni, John Schoenning, Mathias Schrink, Gustavus Schrot, John Schweigler, Geo. Settmeier, Fred. Sommer, Jacob Stephan, Michael Stoll, Charles Vich, John Vogel, Anton Vollmer, Gottlieb Wagner, Fried. Wagner, Phillip Walter, Carl H. Weber, Chas. Fried. Wehkjng, Chas. Wiegand, Adam Wiese, Christian Wischt, Michael Wisemann, John 426 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Hermann T. Hesse, Captain Clemens Gutgesell, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Krenning, 2d Lieutenant Ferd Schuchart, 1st Sergeant Fred Pommer, Sergeant Chas. Baer, Sergeant August Feeder, Sergeant Thomas Beyer, Corporal Peter Bausback, Corporal Albert Sanders, Corporal Phillip Lauter, Corporal Conrad Oppermann, Musician Christian Mevisor, Musician Ameling, Wm. Asshauer, Christ. Auping, Hy. , Barthels, Aug. Beyer, Charles Beyer, Charles Bindbeutel, Fred. Breggmann, Herm. Briesinger, John Brindbeutel Brinkschulte, Phil. Brockmeyer, Hy. Brustken, Mathias Bucher, John Buol, John Dane, Ferdinand Dienstbier, Hy. Diren, John Dobler, John Dose, Henry Douglass, Alex. Essler, Geo. Fedder, Wm. Fritzinger, Chas. W. Fritzinger, Hy. Gis, John Guensche, Chas. Halblaut, Phillip Hanks, John Hanses, Peter Privates. Harre, Fried. Hartmann, John Heim, John Heim, Michael Heitlauf, Jacob Hellmann, John Henne, Christian Horst, Joseph Jokel, Casper Kasbarl, Frank Kayser, Fred. Koenig, John Koronan, Lorenz Kraemer, Adam Kraemer, John Kuehnrich, Fred. Kunz, Florian Kustenreuter, John Lempke, Chas. Link, Jacob Luettolf, Chas. Lutz, Anton Meyer, John Meyer, John A. Muehrle, Geo. Nauman, Hy. Nolte, Fred. Nunn, Joseph Paul, Fred. Pflantz, Adam Reisner, Geo. Richard, Conrad Roedel, Fred. Roeth, Fred. Roesch, Michael Rohmann, Hermann Rotterman, Frank Schaper, Ernst Schaper, Jacob Schaper, George Schiffmann, John Schneider, John Schwarzkopf, Andreas Seiru, Charles Sommer, Jacob Spahn, Hy. Stockamp, Wm. Stonmeler, Wm. Stuber, John Them, Fred. Temme, Ernst Traber, Edward Traubel, Nicolaus Trautmann, Andreas Ude, August Williamson, Francis Wind, John Winter, Bernard Wollenweber, Christian Zwick, Gottlieb First Regiment, V. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 427 COMPANY K. William Hahn, Captain Henry Debus, 1st Lieutenant Joseph Witzel, 2d Lieutenant George Lung, 1st Sergeant Hy. Battermann, Sergeant John Pelletier, Sergeant Chas. Fichtemeier, Corporal Hy. Fath, Corporal Ignatz Reich, Corporal Henry "Wicking, Corporal John Gubrie, Musician John Kiburz, Musician Arnold, Michael Barmatius, John Baumgartner, J. Baumann, Joseph Beckmeyer, Fred. Behrle, Protas Beschner, John Blege, Jacob Boothe, Michael Christen, Michael Corcoran, William Dreyer, Wm. Ehred, Fred. Elmer, Joseph Faude, Jacob Firmbach, Stanislaus Frey, George Frey, Patrick Gall, Jacob Gautner, Casper Goss, Jacob Harting, Henry Haupt, Frank Heb, FraiiK Heinicke, Henry Heitz, George Heitz, Michael Hermans, John Hertz, Joseph Privates. Hinkes, Theodore Hof, Phillip Hurlemann^ Christ. Jost, Wendelin Kellerman, Wm. Klein, Rudolph Kleinhus, Franz Koehler, Chas. Kraft, John Kreig, Michael Kuper, Michael Lachtrop, Christ. Lamb, Michael Leumenstahl, And. W. Lorey, Tobias Lungstrass, Rudolph Mais, John Maurer, Xavier Meser, Christian Meyer, Christian Michael, Christian Michael, Fred. Mueller, Peter Mueller, Bernhard Muninger, Andr. Ockel, Conrad Pagel, Fred. Pressler, Valentine Remers, Henry Redmeyer, Henry Reinhard, Phillip Rohlflng, Hy. Rolfmeyer, Hy. Sack, Peter Scbabacker, Bernard Schaffner, Geo. Schaper, Ernst Schaper, Wm. Schepp, Henry Nic. Schmidgen, John Schmidt, Adam Seegar, John Siedentopf, Wm. Sellhofer, Hy. Sohnlein, Wm. Spitzfaden, M. W. Steitz, Reinhardt Stephan, Geo. Stindker, Fred. Sturm, Andreas Tapp, Fred. Teurer, Nicolaus Vollmer, Fred. Walter, Rudolph Warbinsky, Theo. Warings, Bernard Wiegand, Adam Zepp, Adam 428 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY L. William Rottermann, Captain Jacob Bischoff, 1st Lieutenant August Leussler, 2d Lieutenant Dietrich Cordes, 1st Sergeant Fred Kunst, Sergeant John Toepper, Sergeant Michael Obenauer, Sergeant John Leimehuegel, Corporal John Petow, Corporal Geo. Kessler, Corporal And. Bberhardt, Corporal Phil M. Enzinger, Musician William Zimmermann, Musician Abeln, T. Joseph Barthold, Geo. Batz, Eckhardt Berghofer, Henry Bohnmann, Fred Brockschmidt, Herm. Bruer, Fred Conrad, George Dennert, Anton Dippel, Herman Ellersick, Hy. Ellrich, Christ. Fischer, Charles Pries, George Frost, Sebastian Geuth'e, John Glck, Henry Gieselmann, Hy. Gildehaus, John Gilve, Paulus Groesch, Sebastian Haas, George Habicht, Oswald Hammersen, John Heine, Jacob Henning, Adam Privates. Hensel, George Kaldeway, Fred Kasselbaum, Emerich Keil, Leonhard.t Klink, Gottlieb Koenneke, Fred Krapp, Geo. Kuberich, Ferdinand Kubrick, Charles Kunst, Wm. Lennert, Sebastian Lohrum, Peter Mankel, Daniel Metzger, Bernard Moehle, Fred Mueller, Joseph Mueller, Martin Nanert, Joseph Nieman, Henry Rieber, Sebastian Ries, George Roemer, Louis Roseof, Wm. Ruewe, Hermann Salterbach, Pnillip Sauerwein, Fred Schatz, William Schatzel, Geo. Schlicker, Ohnst Schmieder, Conrad Schmidt, uottlieb Schoo, John Jacob Schrieber, Christoph Schroeder, Gottfried Schubert, John Sehwimm, John Sintel, Fred Staus, Nicolaus Steck, Bernard Strebel, Andreas Sutor, Andreas Thunnel, John Thomas, Frank Vogth, Ignatz Volger, Ignatz Voth, Hermann Walter, Jac. Fred Weithner, Moritz Zumkeller, John Zumsteg,. Joseph First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 429 COMPANY M. Augustus Eichele, Captain Chas. B. Gutjahr, 1st Lieutenant Hermann Lautenschlaeger, 2d Lieutenant Edward Herzog, 1st Sergeant Peter Schmidt, Sergeant Theo. Oppermann, Sergeant Fred Frank, Sergeant Christ Cornelius, Corporal Peter Malig, Corporal Ferd Spiekermann, Corporal Ferd Heger, Corporal Ludwig C. B. Schnell, Musician Fred Kamueller; Musician Arandt, Pnillip Alsheimer, Peter Bather, Nicolaus Berners, Frank Boele, Henry Boeser, Henry Bohle, Henry Dietz, Andreas Dietz, Henry Dillman, Joseph Dingier, Phillip Doersch, Jacob Dritsch, Chas. Ecker, Wm. Erhard, Jos. s Fahner, Tobias Fischer, Henry Foerstel, Michael Foerster, Frank Frickert, John Gamier, Max. Goeger, Joseph Hambelson, Mathias Hambelson, Peter Hartmann, Geo. Privates. Heher, Gottlieb Herbst, Christian Herbster, Jacob Hertling, Henry Hess, John Heuer, Henry Himmer, Chas. Hoffman, Fred . Holseback, Peter Holz, John Jacob, Phillip Jung, Mathias Katie, Jacob Keil, Nicolaus Koch, Peter Kroth, Casper Lackmann, George Lan'gguth, Adam Leonhard, Adam Liebel, Geo. P. Litzenroth, Hy. Meinhard, John Momberger, Casper Nauroth, Christian Nieman, Christian. Peffle, Jacob Pelod, "Frank Pfister, Frank Preiser, Geo. Redel, John Reiser, Christoph Roth, Geo. Scherer, Jacob Schifferle, John E. Schmidt, Adam Schott, Christian Schott, George Schwarz, Fritz Schwarzkoph, Christ Seither, Theodor Severan, John Simon, Ferdinand Suess, Geo. Suess, Jacob Thomas, Jacob Vogel, Ernst Walter, Jacob Zimmer, Philip 430 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY "A," CAVALRY, THREE MONTHS SERVICE. Jacob Melter, Captain John Traber, 1st Lieutenant Anthony Jaeger,- 2d Lieutenant Louis Ost, 1st Sergeant Charles Volling, Sergeant Henry Stolle, Sergeant Bernard Weber, Sergeant Thomas Garney, Corporal Henry Lohmann, Corporal Charles Forstel, Corporal John Weisertz, Corporal Sebastian Weik, Musician George Glock, Musician Amelung, Wm. Balz, Xaver Berger, Balthasar Brokate, Philip Emeling, Theobald Eisick, Leopold Fath, Jacob Floriz, Edward Gerhardt, Peter Gieser, August Groffmann, Chas. Gutting, John Hoffmeister, A. Huttling, Wm. Keller, John Private*. Koch, Henry Koehler, Conrad Koehler, Ferdinand Koenig, Henry Krebs, George Kuhl, Adolph Langenecker, John Leisenring, Edward Linnes, Fritz Lupfer, August May, Gottlieb Mink, Wm. Reifeis, Wm. Rindskbpf, Isaac Rose, Edward Schaefer, George Schneider, Chas. Schneider, Michael Schrader, Gustav Schroeder, Henry Schulde, Jno. Seibert, John Siegmund, Caspar Wodicka, John Wodicka, Joseph Zadek, Frank Zeigler, Frederick Zepp, John Zink, Valentine SECOND REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, was organized for home service May 7, with nine Companies under President Lincoln's order of April 30, by citizens of the Second Ward living between Soulard and Chouteau avenue, by electing Herman Kallman Colonel and establishing Soulard Market their Headquarters and Armory. On May 10 one Battalion marched to Camp Jackson and the balance guarded the avenues leading to the Arsenal. In June the Regiment guarded the North Missouri Rail- road, and on its homeward march was fired upon from a fire engine- house in the center of St. Louis. Later on portions guarded the Iron Mountain Railroad, while six Companies went with Fremont's Ex- pedition to Bird's Point. On returning the Regiment was mustered out in August and reorganized early in September for three 7ears' service in the State of Missouri, electing Hermann Kallmann Colonel. With the exception of 8 per cent Bohemians, the Regiment was almost entirely German. The number of men on the Three Months' Lists were 785. FIELD AND STAFF. Herman Kallmann, Colonel F. C. Castlehun, Surgeon John T. Fiala, Lt. Colonel Charles Spinzig, Asst. Surgeon Julius Rapp, Major Henry L. Rathjen, Sergt. Major Anthony Zeitinger, Adjutant George Geholz, Q. M. Sergeant Charles Gottschalk, Quartermaster Jacob Kost, Drum Major Ferd Herwlg, Musician 431 432 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Bernard Essroger, Captain Herman Bleeck, 1st Lieutenant Leonhard Zwanziger, 2d Lieutenant Fred Zaehrich, 1st Sergeant Hy. Wm. Volkers, Sergeant . Nicholas Doering, Sergeant Otto Stiekel, Corporal Michael Puhl, Corporal Fred Hunricks, Corporal Emil Ulrlci, Corporal H. E. Suschizki, Musician. Jac. Bauer, Musician Aschner, Adolph Bastian, Joseph Becherer, Lamhrecht Becherle, John Berman, Carl Berneker, Fred Bidur, Francis Biehinger, Fred Blanc, Larment Blum, Peter Blumenberg, Hy. Brunner, Franz Buerger, Bernhard Bunzenthal, Carl Butterniek, Fred Cassen, Schoon Doering, Benjamin Dormitzer, Joseph Eckhardt, Otto Eicke, Wm. Fehl, Hy. Flick, Louis Fluegel, H. Gabare, Louis Geiger, Henry Geiss, Jacob Giestemeyer, John Goetz, Fred Graff, John Privates. Groschell, Michael Gutjahr, Peter Haas, Peter Haentges, John Heckwolff, Fred Helmer, Wm. Hertel, Wolfgang Hildebrand, Aug. Hocherl, James Hoge, Henry Holderle, Casper Hunold, Carl Juppier, James Kern, Xaver Kirchner, David Koelling, Chas. Koelling, Fred Koerchel, Anton Kosser, John Kress, Joseph Krug, Michael Lauff ert, John Lindecker, Mathias Lindwig, Anton Masse, George Matter, John Maurath, Dennis Menden, Wm. Meyer, A. F. Meyer, Chas. Mueller, John Nitz, Phil. Osterkamp, Hy. Ranquet, Chas. Louis Rothenhagen, Louis Scherer; Christ Schinitsschnieder,. Geo. Schmidt, Joseph Schneider, Christ. Schnerr, Const. Schortten, Chas. Schroer, Henry Schroer, Wm. Schultheis, Peter Schwartz, John Setzer, August Spindler, Leonhard Tice, Henry TJlrici, Rudolph Wacherle, Fred Walkenhorst, Fred Weithopp, Henry Wincent, Henry Yarpun, Benjamin Zahn, Franz Zorrus, Free* Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 433 COMPANY B. Edmund Wuerpel, Captain Joseph Gerwiner, 1st Lieutenant Franz Schindler, 2d Lieutenant Fred Brueggerhoff, 1st Sergeant Phillip Diekenhoff, Sergeant Mathias Gerner, Sergeant Henry Rauschenplatt, Sergeant Henry Stumpf, Corporal Fred Cassel, Corporal John Reihn, Corporal Henry Breystedt, Musician Severn Sauter, Musician Albrecht, Julius Anheuser, Peter Baumann, John Bechmann, Hy. Bender, Christian , Bilmeyer, Joseph Brandenburger, A. Breidenbach, Christ. Buckner, Henry Dammert, Chas. Doll, Gerhard Dormitzer, Joseph Fiesellmann, Henry Fischer, Julius Flaminger, John Flammger, Paul Freiner, John Frey, August Fritz, Louis Goebel, Franz Gruennagel, Adam Gruennagel, Geo. Gundlach, Hy. Privates. Hausmann, John Helbling, Henry Helgoth, John Herget, Phillip Hiemenz, Jacob Hinspeter, Fred. Hoffman, Henry Hoppius, Wm. Huehl, John Kahlbaum, John Kaltwasser, J. Phillip Klungmann, Gottfried Koerner, Julius Korte, Herman Kriechelt, Geo. Lanz, John Lavin, Franz Lehrn, August Lerchenmissler, John Lindell, John Mellenbeck, Hermann Meyer, Anton Meyer, Charles Morhardt, George Mueller, John Nolte, Hermann Reedlin, Jeremias Rueckert, Dietrich Schmalz, Michael Schmiech, John Schuler, Hy. Siferth, Joseph Stamm, Fried. Stamm, Wm. Stock, Peter Stoll, Ferdinand Stumpf, John Taussig, Edward Tschigner, Ernst Voesterling, Fried. Volz, Fried. Weber, John Woehrle, John Wohlschlager, B. Zauener, Christian Zrueki, H. 434 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Herman Schroeders, Captain Fred Mueller, 1st Lieutenant Fred Cratz, 2d Lieutenant Christ Niemann, 1st Sergeant Christ Klubscheid, Sergeant Herman Mardorf, Sergeant Christ Rohlflng, Sergeant Gregor Lingg, Corporal Geo. Doerr, Corporal Lorenz Zeller, Corporal Chas. Jeremias, Corporal John Erhardt, Musician August Kanne, Musician Albrecht, Wm. Armbrust, John Bang, Adolph Bang, Charles Bange, Henry Bauman, Julius Behrens, Hy. Beisch, Geo. Borrell, Geo. Bruder, John Buxot, Fred. Dernbacher, John Epstein, Heyman Erhard, John Geo. P'euchtenbemer, Mich. Pohr, Jacob Grieshaber, Adolf Haering, John Harbniann, Conrad Hartmann, Conrad Henrichsen, John Hoffmann, Alex. Hoffmann, Geo. Holzscheiter, Herbert Hoppe, Henry Huff nagel, Henry Private*. Israel, S. Jehlen, Geo. H. JohaDn, Michael Kaltwasser, John Kiefer, Geo. Kissell, Valentine Klemm, Michael Klotz, John Kowancyk, Franz Kraemer, Christ Kraemer, G. J. Krause, Geo. Kreidenmacher, John Leitner, Michael Leva, Christ Lustig, Joseph Mack, Friederich Manhorst, Adam Maul, J. H. Alohrardt, Geo. Mueller, August Mueller, John Mueller, Martin Mueller, Phillip Pfund, L. F. Rasp, Matthew Reisch, Geo. Reisch, Joseph Rohlflng, Fred. Ruppert, Franz Scheek, John Schmitz, Alex. Schnurmacher, Elias Schulz, Jacob Schuster, Florian Schuster, Hermann Schuster, Hugo Schwarztrouble, Nic. Seiter, Fred. Shupmann, Aug. Sicher, Wm. Spuhler, Henry Uebel, Henry Uhrig, Joseph Vohrwlnker, Jacob Weber, John Weinlein, Joseph Welge, Theodor Winkler, Joseph Zeisler, Stephan Zipf, Sebastian Zumsteg, John Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 435 COMPANY D. F. M. Wotke, Captain Bernard Klein, 1st Lieutenant Fred Gottschalk, 2d Lieutenant H. H. Bodemann, 1st Sergeant John P. Liphard, Sergeant John C. Koerner, Sergeant Christ 'Mehl, Sergeant W. T. Cronde, Corporal Ferdinand Heiser, Corporal Aug. Kriekenbaum, Corporal Hermann Gelsheuser, Corporal John Fries, Musician C. Surborn, Musician Altenberend, Christ Altschul, Charles Amsler, Casimir Auswahl, Frank Bapp, John Bassali, Wm. Becker, Louis Benkler, Joseph Bissner, Geo. Bleidorn, Frank Boldswey, Hy. Borngesser, Fred. Borngesser, Peter Conrad, Wm. Deitz, Chas. V. Disener, Wm. Emanuel, David Figgo, Fred. Frieseke, Wm. Gahl, Wm. Gaussmann, John Privates. Gebhardt, Gottfried Gelsheuser, Hy. Gleidrauff, Caesar Grab, Henry Grad, Andreas Granvelur, Geo. Groeser, Martin Guesbach, Wm. Haeneseh, Daniel Hein, Conrad Heinze, Henry Hiltpold, John Hoffman, Martin Hold, Robert Jehle, Wm. Joss, Jacob Kaltwasser, Chas. Kaltwasser, Fred. Kellner, Conrad Kempe, Anson Keppe, Henry Kley, Wm. Kolb, Andreas Korhammer, Hy. Koerner, Wm. Kraus, v^onrad Kruser, Valentine Leber, Joseph Leva, Christian Lindeker, John Mees, Jacob Meekbach, Hy. Pucker, John Rail, Ignatz Razoze, Geo. Rosemann, Frank , Schluter, E. H. : Schnell, Caspar Schroeder, Henry Zunz, Joseph 436 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. Felix Laies, Captain Christian Ploeser, 1st Lieutenant Phillip Michael, 2d Lieutenant Henry Quellmalz, 1st Sergeant Conrad Wetzel, Sergeant George Drescher, Sergeant Mathias Metz, Corporal John Schork, Corporal John Kree, Corporal Fred Offenbecker, Corporal Fred Stagier, Musician Arnold Porbeck, Musician Amelung, Hy. Andreas, Louis Apel, Zacharias Artmann, Michael Berkerle, John, Binder, August Blaick, Wm. Bos, Geo. Both, Henry Boy, Clemens Brugmeier, Bern. Brugner, Thomas Degenhardt, Jos. Diehl, Henry Feltsk, TJlrich Feldman, John Fetter, Jacob Fey, George Frank, Henry Gessner, Christian Gopel, Adam Goth, Andreas Hack, Franz Helm, John Herrel, David Privates. Hertchen, John Hoffmann, Joseph Huhn, Peter Kaenter, Wm. Kehr, Karl Kennicker, Wm. Kessler, Bdw. Klatt, Wm. Kling, Peter Knopf, Nicolaus Kohl, John Kopf, Joseph Kruger, Nicolaus Kubler, Louis Lambing, Fred. Link, Hy. Lorenz, Wilhelm Meinberg, Aug. Menn, Wilhelm Mueller, Charles Mueller, Henry Mueller, Jacob Noll, Henry Osflng, Henry Pels, John Petz, Herman Quellmalz, Arthur Quitler, George Rau, Joseph Renhard,- Valentine Renkel, Jacob Ritter, Joseph Rockenbrod, Andreas Schaaf, Paul Scharding, Franz Schmidt, John Schurmer, Friederich Sehr, George Siebenmeyer, Ferd. Stork, John Stumpf, Bernhard Tieber, Carl Volbers, Wm. Volker, Franz Volkmar, Christ. Wahl, Christoff Waldemeler, Christ. Waticke, Ignatz Worner, John Worner, Joseph Second Regiment, V. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 437 COMPANY F. Theo. Boethelt, Captain Alex Windmiller, 1st Lieutenant Anthony Ochosky, 2d Lieutenant Fred W. Plass, 1st Sergeant Chas. W. Schickenberg, Sergeant John Ranft, Sergeant Chas. Dehaut, Sergeant John Brink, Corporal Aug. H. Meyer, Corporal Fred Osborg, Corporal Gottfried Voelkefs, Corporal Frank Bodwein, Musician Benedict Weitzenecker, Musician Adler, Gustav Arshlimon, Edw. Bauer, Peter Becker, Peter Blumenberg, Julius Bruderlin, Emil Fantt, Martin Grumme. Win. Hagan, Chas. Haller, Caspar Heidel, John Heinz, August Herflicker, Jacob Hichler, Geo. Holt, Gustav Huhn, Peter Koenig, Joseph Kuehler, Gottfried Lange, Ferdinand Mauch, August Meinhard, Hy. Meissenbach, Gustave Merkel, Egidius Meyer, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred. Privates. Meyer, Henry Muehs, Wm. Muhs, August Munslinger, Peter Neff, John Neuhaus, Jno. N. Novack, Wm. Ockronglowerus, Louis Oestereicher, Hy. Qtt, Henry Otto, Edward Petermann, Valentin Pohlmann, Theo. Rattinger, Ranier Roseller, Chas. H. Rosenhaner, Edw. Rupert, Wm. Ruprecht, John Schlesberger, S. Schrirey, Geo. Schornholz, Amsler Schuelthoefer, Ph. Schuman, George Seibecker, Chas. Slent, Charles Spies, Ferdinand Spilker, August Staats, Fred Strohmeyer, John Stueck, John R. Stumpf, Chas. Stumpf, Fred. Stumpf, Hy. Taubener, John Thomas, George Tromant, Nic. Volk, F. Vondach, Fried. Wagner, Phil. Wambsgans, John Weber, Andrew Winderworth, Edw. Winkler, John A. Witzemann, Geo. Wolbert, Sebastian Zeller, Wm. Zimmere?, Joseph Zimmermann, Fred. 438 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Hermann Zakrzewski, Captain Gerhard Bensberg, 1st Lieutenant Herman Moll, 2d Lieutenant Geo. Schwerdt, 1st Sergeant Balthazer Strahli, Sergeant Carl Borkman, Sergeant Adam Jost, Sergeant James Vandeventer, Corporal Franz Hecker, Corporal Franz Hoefling, Corporal H. L. Vanbel,- Corporal Henry Voght, Musician G. K. Erames, Musician Bebie, John Bennet, Hy. Benz, Wm. Berthold, Jacob Bischoff, John Bracht, Franz Burkhardt, Rudolph Day, Adam Degen, Adam Dode, Wm. Egemann, Wm. Endlich, Peter Frank, Michael Franke, Hy. Frentrop, Louis Fritz, Max Geislet, Oswald Gerhard, George Gernhardt, Aug. Grampner, Hy. Heneklau, Edw. Hermann, Chas. Hoffmann, Chas. Privates. Hohmann, Nicolaus Horn, Michael Hufnagel, Wm. Kenne, Fred Kentzer, Hy. Kleintropp, Adam Korbeli, Henry Kozel, Jacob Krass, John Kreichelt, August Kreubohn, Clemens Lendowski, Michael Loeffel, Wm. Lucks, Wm. Michel, Joseph Mueller, Louis Mueller, Wm. Opermann, John Peckmann, Wm. Pfeil, Geo. Ploeser, Louis Ring, Jacob Roehrig, Nicolaus Rung, Otto Sante, Wm. Schaaf, Paul Schneider, Hy. Schroer, E. H. R. Schulwig, Wm. Simon, Joseph Specht, August Storch, Jacob Strahli, Nicolaus Suess, Wm. Suschaner, Jos. Taussig, James Vetter, Alexander Volberg, Wm. Wessel, John Weyers, John Winkler, Hermann Wunderlich, Wm. Wurst, Phillip Zeisler, Adam Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 439 COMPANY H. Chr. Goerisch, Captain Chas. Hoppe, 1st Lieutenant John Hensack, 2d Lieutenant Chas. H. Teichmann, 1st Sergeant Ed. Kienle, Sergeant Franz Steiger, Sergeant John L. Nitzge, Sergeant George Mogge, Corporal Ad. Schild, Corporal Franz Schmidt, Corporal A.dam Held, Corporal Frank Smith, Musician Wm. Roleschka, Musician Barbach, Leo Bauer, John Becker, Casper Belz, John Berry, Chas. Bolin, Wm. Bollmann, Michael Borrel, George Brandmeyer, Geo. Brants, Fr. Bravitz, Jos. Bueri, John Burrisch, Math. Dewald, Peter Doehne, Chas. Foellner, Ernst Frank, Geo. Funk, Ad. Gessert, Chr. Gleich, Nic. Goreke, Geo. Goerisch, Jac. Haller, Albert Hartman, Wm. Privates. Herschfeld, A. Hoffmann, John Hohlwey, A. Hopes, Phil. Hubert, John Huhn, J. Jorrus, Wm. Jung, Christian Kaufmann, Ch. Kentzer, Welsh Koepping, Ed. Klier, Henry Kuger, Ad. Laux, Balthazar Lueder, Ch.. Meyer, Anton Michel, B. Mueller, J. C. Mueller, Wm. J. Nickel, Anton Nossel, M. Pitzer, John Prim, John Reibsam, John Keinhard, Hy. Reis, Jacob Rott, Geo. Sabath, Hy. W. Sabath, Chas. Scheuerer, Fritz Schilling, Hermann Schirms, Joseph Schmidt, Conrad Schreiber, David Schultz, Anton Seele, Fritz Seele, Henry Seibert, Jac. Steinberg, Henry Stocker, Andr. Steubler, Valentine Voigt, Joseph Wachtel, A. Weil, Robt. Wunsch, Andrew Zimmer, Conrad Zuelsh, J. H. 440 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Jacob Riseck, Captain John Ruedi, 1st Lieutenant August Frohnhaefer, 2d Lieutenant Joseph Moser, 1st Sergeant Christ H. Wacker, Sergeant Chas. Wacker, Sergeant Fr. Winkelmann, Corporal John Bucheit, Corporal John Bleitz, Corporal Martin Meyer, Corporal Hy. Bloscher, Musician Chas. Vogel, Musician Amsler, Lorenz Argast, Edward Beck, Stephan Binz, Jacob Birkle, Balthazar Boecke, Herman Brankey, Christ. Buercher, Andr. Burkhardt, Geo. Bushey, Frank Carell, Phillip Dangeisen, Jacob Deinger, John Eggart, Charles Foerster, Herman Frueh, Mathias Fuchs, Charles Gellert, Fried. Grohammer, Fred. Haenschen, Jobst Hapstroetter, John Heit, Bug Heit, John Holzer, Sigmund Hueter, Jac. Humer, Joseph Privates. Kelfe, Fred. Kewe, Chas. Aug. Kleine, Henry Koch, Peter Krause, Ad. Kumpf, Peter Lauter, Phillip Link, Ernst Luther, Gustave Machick, Wenzel Maeler, Fred Many, John Martin, Henry Meurer, Joseph Meyer, Louis Millinett, Bernard Mueller, John W. Mungenast, Bendt Myer, John Neckert, John Ochs, Chas. M. Pflidringer, F. R. Rapps, James Rendenspacher, Fr. Riemenschneider, Aug. Riemenschneider, Hy. Rolte, Joseph Ruderhauser, Fred. Sambach, Michael Santer, Tho. Schoeppner, Christ. Schuchardt, Ed. Schumacher, Aug. Schwarz, Gottlieb Seekler, Jacob Steiger, Jacob Steiner, Julius Stille, Werner Stroebel, Jacob Sutter, Simon Thibold, Phillip Thorn, Nic. Trapp, John Uhrig, Fred. Wehrle, Jos. Weinrich, Geo. Welzel, Conrad Wenzel, Hy. Wihl, Carl Wunsch, Adolph THIRD REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, mustered for home service May 8, under President Lincoln's order of April 30, with ten Companies, by electing John McNeil Colonel and establishing Headquarters and Armory at the St. Louis Turner Hall on Tenth and Walnut streets, where many of its members had been drilling before. Company "A" was formed of St. Louis Turn- ers, who also largely entered into the formation of other Companies, as their numbers exceeded the original quota, which was rapidly filled up by the first four Volunteer Regiments. The Regiment marched out to Camp Jackson. It chiefly garrisoned the city until July 1, when three of its Companies joined the Southwest expe- dition, while on the 16th of July six Companies marched, via Jeffer- son, into Callaway County and defeated a Secession troop under Harris, after a short engagement, and took possession of Fulton, from where the Companies returned to St. Louis, to be mustered out at the expiration of service. The Regiment had among its members many prominent business men, whose offices in the center of town made Turner Hall a convenient place of assembly. The Regiment held 20 per cent Americans, 5 per cent other nationalities and 75 per cent Germans. It reorganized for the Three- Year Reserve Corps Service, under Colonel C. A. Fritz, in September and consolidated with other troops in January, 1862, forming the Fourth Missouri Volunteers. The Regiment listed for the Three Months' Service 1,028 men. , FIELD AND STAFF. John McNeil, Colonel Geo. E. Leighton, Quartermaster Charles A. Fritz, Lit. Colonel Wm. Arthur, Commissary- Charles W. Marsh, Major Elery P. Smith, Surgeon Samuel P. Simpson, Adjutant N Edmund Boemer, Ass't Surgeon Band. Martin Fryberthyser, Christopher Beau John Richter Leader Sam Crawford Fred Schmidt Conrad Fryberthyser James R. Gibson Wm. D. Story Hy. Freiberthyser Adolph Hoffman Hy. Walquit John Freiberthyser Frederick Robold Hy. Spindler 441 442 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Charles W. Smith, Captain Hy. Robert Serot, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Lesser, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Hoist, 1st Lieutenant Geo. Howard, Sr., 1st Lieutenant Hy. Wiegand, 2d Lieutenant Julius Friton, 1st Sergeant W. B. Oken, Sergeant Hy. Spaekler, Sergeant Peter Loersch, Sergeant Wm. Lenks, Sergeant Hy. Schaffert, Corporal Adolph Elbert, Corporal Hy. Heidsick, Corporal Louis Gerichten, Corporal Michael Solomon, Musician Achenbach, Herman Ahrens, John H. Angermueller, Herm. Anheuser, Conrad Assman, Charles Baesler, Geo. Bakofen, Gottfried Barth, Fred. Becker, Francis P. Becker, Geo. Benerman, John Brack, John Braner, Geo. Bruder, Adolph Bruder, Edward Bueshing, Fred. Burkholtz.'Wm. Chors, Gustav Dickroger, heiivy Diehl, Louis Doebler, Louis Evers, Adolph Falkenheimer, Hy. Feldbusch, Dietrich Fluth, Geo. Friedeking, Hy. Glaser, John Y. Goerke, Peter Gossel, August Greittner, Emil Hahn, Emil Privates. Haller, Fred Helgoth, Lorenz Helkenkamp, Wm. Henricks, Julius Heymeier, John Hoffman, Ernst Holtkamp, Wm. Hortmann, Chas. Kaiser, Louis Klein, Jacob Kleinschmidt, Franz Kleinschmidt, Henry Kleinschmidt, Theo. Kloepner, Hy. Koenig, Hy. Kress, Francis Lehman, Charles Leiber, Charles Leiber, Geo. Lenck, John Meiseman, Herman Merkel, Wm. Mestemacher, Chas. Meyer, Hermann Moergel, Rudolph Mohrstedt, Chas. Moll, Henry Moller, Gustav Muff, Ernst Mueller, Emil Naegler, Wm. Nellmar, John Norton, Henry Quellmalz, Chas. Rapsfiner, Nicolas Rehbein, Adolph Reiman, Gustav Remler, Adolph Renz, Fred. Rose, Leo Rottenbrock, Adolph' Ruof, Chas. Rupert, Wm. Schenk, Adolph Schenker, Herman Scherer, John Schiffman, Herman Schiller, Louis Schoenthaler, John Schultz, Jacob Sporleder, Julius Sumner, Chas. Tittman, Edward Upmeyer, Hy. Vallet, Charles Vogler, Julius Welgoth, Francis Wolf, Paul Wolferkieler, Julius Wyeges, Anthony Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 443 COMPANY B. Charles Albert Warner, Captain Louis Fuchs, 1st Sergeant Geo. Adler, Sergeant Geo. Miller, Sergeant Paul Heith, Sergeant Phillip Ittel, Sergeant Fritz Otto, Corporal Chas. Meddler, Corporal John Krumholz, Corporal Hugo Witter, Corporal Anion Weiss, Corporal William Spickman, Corpora! Nathan Bass, Musician Phillip Gruber, Musician Arnheim, Adam Bartman, Simon Bauer, John Bauman, Jacob Beck, Louis Benkler, Carl Bentler, August Benzinger, Cnas. Bert, Bernhardt Beyer, Albert Blattner, Andreas Bock, Ferdinand Boettger, Fritz Bracke, Theo. Braun, Wm. Brickler, John Chartmann, Wm. Dames, John Dann, Joseph Detzel, John Dommemuth, Charles Durek, Geo. Eispenhard, John Enizer, Frank Fluhrer, Henry Franz, Bernhart Fuchs, Charles Gallenbach, Caspar Glicker, Franz Griesmeier, Herman Guerther, Wm. Guttmann, Herman Haas, Fried. Hahn, John Privates. Hansmann, Jos. Heder, Balthazar Heid, Joseph Hennings, Fred. Hermann, Geo. Hundstock, Geo. Hunkenmiller, Geo. Jaeger, Phillip Kaufmann, Adam Keil, Lenhardt Keppler, Hermann Kupper, Frank Lang, John Leich, Geo. Lerzo, Adolph Linharth, Chas. Linharth, Jacob Lohmann, Charles Lowell, Wm. Metzger, Engelbrecht Metzelfeld, August Meyer, Joseph Michenfelder, Franz Morrell, Hermann Mueller, Jacob Mueller, Pius Mussler, Charles Neumeister, Fred Ockenfuss, John Ofmann, Peter Oppermann, Louis Oppman, Louis Orth, Henry Other, John Ott, Christian Ox, Martin Pulis, Frank Rahm, George Renz, Fred. Reuter, John Ringweld, Xavier Roth, Adam Ruck, Albert Ruprecht, Louis Schaper, Henry Schmidt, Mark Schneider, Henry Schroeder, Hermann Seitz, A. Sorns, Valentine Steibler, Nicolaus Stoehn, Martin Stumph, Joseph Stuyk, Wm. Suchof, Gerhardt Thies, Theo. Uebricht, John Weber, Henry Weber, Joseph Weiss, Geo. Weisshaar, Joseph Westerick, Henry Winter, Charles Zeller, Charles Zimmerer, John G. Zudderrovest, Hy. 444 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Tony Niederwieaer, Captain Henry P. Fabricius, 1st Lieutenant Wm, Hirt, 2d Lieutenant Wm. J. Lemp, 1st Sergeant Hy. Kampe, Sergeant Philip Dauernheim, Sergeant Hy. Hock, Sergeant Carl Monelius, Corporal Nicolaus Mueller, Corporal Oswald Roessel, Corporal Guido Kalb, Corporal Louis Heimbach, Musician E. R. Evans, Musician Alles, Hy. J. Ambs, Jacob Anheuser, Eberhard Baehler, Carl Becker, Carl A. Behne, Ernst J. Bender, Francis Bischoff, Jacob Blattner, Jacob Bliesner, William Blind, Frederick Boerker, Charles Borgstede, Herman Bornefeld, Chas. Braut, Louis Buettner, John H. Caspar, Geo. Chenery, August Daffner, John M. Debus, John Deschamps, Guillaume Detzel, Henry Diehl, Conrad Dienst, August Dinius, Michael Ehrmann, Gottfried Feuerbacher, Max Foerg, Henry Gaertner, Xaver Griesman, Valentin Grossenheider, Julius Haeusgen, Fred. Privates. Handge, Gustav Hartman, Julius Hechler, Hy. Heitmeyer, Hy. Hemmer, August Hennicke, Henry Herrman, John Hertle, Daniel Hiob, Henry Hoefele, Charles Hofer, Charles Jauch, Lorenz Klee, William Kollmeyer, J. T. Krantz, Michael Krebs, Hugo Krug, Louis Lagemann, Henry Lendy, Francis Lueg, Henry Martini, August Martini, Charles Menne, Alois Merkel, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred. Moehl, Charles Moeller, Charles Mueller, August Mueller, Christian Mueller, Herman Nasse, August Neflf, Alexander Oebicke, William Raaf , George Ravenberg, Michael Rechtglaub, Herman Rinne, Eime Ritschy, Frederick Rose, Charles Schiffer, George Schmedel, Hieronimus Schmidt, Franz Schroth, Peter A. Schuhman, August Schumacher, Casimir Schwaneck, John Schweickhardt, Bern. Schweecke, Frederick Sinner, George Sommer, Herman Spannagel, Gustav Specht, Henry Steck, Charles Stelnhaus, August Sutter, John Teuteberg, Charles Theobald, George Vallat, Ernst Verman, Alex. J. Werkman, Geo. C. Wezler, Charles Wilken, William •Wolf, Theodore Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 445 COMPANY D. Merritt W. Griswold, Captain Wm. M. Wherry, 1st Lieutenant Charles P. Johnson, 2d Lieutenant Henry T. Kroh, Sergeant John M. Wherry, Sergeant Joel Abbott, Sergeant Louis Miller, Sergeant Calvin Reed, Sergeant Summ Haywood, Corporal Henry Holmes, Corporal Chas. Steubenaugh, Corporal George Hessie, Corporal John Liebig, Musician Abbott, James Ashton, James Bacon, Oliver N. Beckerman, Henry Bornefeld, Ch. B. Brindle, James L. Bright, Hy., Jr. Bronson, Edw. J. Buchanan, R. W. Burnsides, James Bywater, John C. Castillo, Charles Congers, Geo. P. Cuddy, Wm. Ebers, Louis B. Ellis, Jas. R. W. Plaescher, Bernard Flint, Aggrippa Ford, Alvin Grimm, Henry Hanke, John F. Privates. Hannay, Annal M. Heil, Jacob Hill, Wm. Hilton, Hy. A. Hollibaugh, Geo. W. Hunter, Samuel Huss, Herman Jeffs, Wm. S. Kiebler, Dan'l. C. Kirker, John Kroeger, August Liebig, Henry Long, Phillip McPherson, Benj. Meyer, Joseph~ Miller, Joseph McK. Moehl, Charles Moffit, Hy. C. O'Kelly, D. J. Otis, Edw. R. Parsons, J. R. Pearce, Daniel B. Peck, Berwell Pool, Wm. Ralston, John C. Reiley, Jos. D. Robbins, Henry Robertson, James M. Ruckel, Wm. Scannel, Wm. Schwartz, Conrad Scott, John T. Seidell, Louis E. Smith, John C. Staeger, Ernst Sterburt, David Van Bramm, David Van Bramm, Francis Velde, Fred. Wilson, W. H. Wirt, David B. 446 The Union Cause in St.. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. Wm. A. Hequembourg, Captain Felix Coste, 1st Lieutenant Carl Rudolph Fritsch, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Roever, 1st Sergeant Wm. Heinrichshofen, Sergeant Gustav Bolms, Sergeant Alvin Schenker, Corporal John G. Burkhard, Corporal Adolphus Busch, Corporal Geo. W. Blood, Corporal John Ganter, Musician Robert Lange, Musician Achilles, Victor Berg, Wm. Biggers, Chas. A. Bittinger, Nicolas Bland, Richard D. Brann, Valentin Brenner, Ferd. Brocey, Conrad Brocy, Henry Burg, Louis Burg, Phillip Chaman, Hy. Chawshaw, Edw. Coolidge, John A. Dobyns, D. P. Doerner, August Eidemann, John Elbrecht, Hy. Engelhardt, Wm. Erhardt, Valentine Ewald, Moritz Follbert, Jos. L. Forseil, Neil Frank, Chas. H. Goetting, Christian Harding, Sam. W. Privates. Hart, Charles Herwitz, August Huber, Michael Jennings, David H. Judd, Wm. H. Koehl, Christian Krause, Henry Krupple, Herman Lelsse, G. Augustus Louis, John Lowry, Henry M. Massar, Walter Mussler, Joseph Newman, Chas. Ortt, John Paul, John Pfau, Theo. Reichart, Chas. Remmler, Chafe. Richter, Henrj Richter, Theo. Rodgers, W. H. Roessler, August Sailer, Christian Scheeper, Julius Schlange, Clemens Schmidt, Charles Schwartz, Francis Scott, John C. Schackelford, Jno. B. Sigle, Andrew Snyder, Joseph Spincerly, John H. Sporleder, Louis Stamm, Hermann They, John Thumann, Francis Tiefenbrunn, Jas. Treaselmann, Wm. Unteimer, Henry Vandemale, Victor Vernitor, Fred. Vormehr, John Wellmann, Henry Wellmann, Herman Wells, Wm. J. Whetmore, D. R. Wilson, Thomas Zander, Fred. Zuercher, Jacob Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 447 COMPANY F. Philip F. Weigel, Captain John C. Blech, 1st Lieutenant Max Koerner, 2d Lieutenant Theodore Plate, 1st Sergeant Rudolph Wagner, Sergeant Louis Heide, Sergeant Henry Lagemann, Sergeant Wm. Spangenberg, Sergeant Wm. Dickriede, Corporal John G. Meyer, Corporal Wendelein Straubinger, Corporal Charles Killing, Corporal Wm. Nelson, Musician Adam, Martin Baily, Edw. Berner, Christian Borchert, Fred. Boltinger, Martin Casper, Johannes Claus, Nicolas Donnerberg, Hy. Dortsch, John Dunker, Caspar H. Faust, Michael Felber, Jacob Fischer, Adam Flad, Henry Forthman, John H. ' Frey, Anton Gebhardt, Franz Grimminger, Martin Groninger, Fred. Haag, Paul Hahn, Louis Hansen, Fred. Heilwerk, Jacob Hemminger, Fred Hertel, Geo. Hetlmann, Wm. Hinz, August Holm, Geo. Hutte, Lone Isler, Christian Isler, John Jacoby, Adolph Privates. Jacoby, Meyer Kesselring, Henry Kinderman, Hy. Konemann, Henry Koser, Fred. W. Kramer, John Hy. Krecht, Robert Kubler, Jacob Kuder, Henry Kufner, Geo. Limpert, Albert Linstroth, Hy. Loeffler, August Loubach, Hy. Lutz, Daniel Lutz, Geo. Mallinkrodt, Jas. T. Martin, Albert Maerzweiler, Adolph Meyer, Fred. C. Meyer, Gebhardt Mueller, Jacob Mueller, Wm. Murdeubel, Ernst Olfe, Henry Osterholt, Anton Petig, Nicholas Pilz, John Predicow, Herman Rammelkamp, R. Rocker, Henry Roehn, Christin Rosche, Nicolas Sandwald, Fred. Schapperkotter, Hy. Schneeberger, John Schwecke, Theo. Sebold, Sebastian Sepler, Michael Statz, John Speith, Franz Squeschka, Chas. Stein, Peter Stender, Wm. Strieker, Anton Strim, August Terre, Gottlieb Thoroman, Joseph Tinime, Herman Ulbert, Phillip Ulrich, Leopold. Warneke, Fred. Warneke, Henry Warneke, Jno. C. Weidehaus, Peter Weideman, Henry. Werner, Wendelin Wetekamp, Aug. Wild, Jacob Woestendick, D. Wohlfarth, Nicolaus Zimmerer, Mathias 448 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Geo. Dominick, Captain Chas. Moeller, 1st Lieutenant Samuel P. Simpson, 2d Lieutenant Augustus Tille. 1st Sergeant Charles Hessell, Sergeant Fr. A. Hansteiner, Sergeant Fred Folenius, Sergeant Chas. Sampe, Sergeant Geo. Richardt, Corporal Geo. Saerber, Corporal John Eichberger, Corporal Conrad Leonhardt, Corporal Gottlieb Seller, Musician Martin Scherer, Musician Ackerman, Fred. Aschmeyer, Hy. Behrends, John Belter, Jonn Belzer, Fred. Boekemann, Jno. W. Boeker, Fred. Berne, George Bertsch, Geo. Bohlinger, Paul Borgstedt, Hy. Brey, Ernst Clay, John Coerber, Henry Dado, Joseph Darks, Fred. Darr, Christian Dennins, Andreas Denz, Clemens Dietrich, Jacob Disterhorst, Fred. Duenewald, Andreas Dueringhoff, Dan'l. Ehlert, Adolph Ernst, John Franz, Henry Ganter, Lorenz Gay, Louis Gramm, Simon Grote, Adam Guilmer, Claude Haendel, Chas. Ham, Fred. Heimberger, Henry Privates. Helmich, Hy. Helrig. Fred. Hoster, John Huber, Joseph Huentelman, Theo. Jacobi, Henry H. Jung, Mathias Keller, Geo. Keyerlebebe, Chas. Kowendewer, Hy. Kowendewer, John Krafft, Fred. Kretschmar, Jos. Kull, Adolphus Lenzen, Henry Long, Adam Lorenz, Henry Luhn, Gustavus Mack, Wm. Marcoli, Francis Mattock, Fred. Meckfessel, Fred Mersenheim, Christ. Milliet, Francis Mittenhauser, Henry Muchlaupt, John Munzlinger, Jno. M. Murlock, Geo. Muschleisen, Nicolas Petri, Wm. Poetner, Caspar Poetner, Henry ■ Popp, Christian Pringel, Michael Rememam, Christ. Rhein, Peter Rohlfing, Wm. Romelin, Joseph Ruediman, Michael Salzgeber, John C. t Schaeffer, Christ. Scherr, Geo. Schermeier, Francis Schewitz, Charles Schlachter, Chas. Schlatteiler, Michael Schlesinger, Michael Schmidt, Adam Schmidt, Jacob Schmidt, John Schorr, Adam Schowing, Francis Seibert, Augustus Seibert, John A. Seifert, Ernst F. Steiger, Louis Tanby, Geo. Thiel, Wm. Wack, Herman Wahl, Francis Wehner, Chas. Werner, Geo. Winkler, August Wolff, Augustus Wolz, Charles Ziegler, Wm. Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 449 COMPANY H. Henry Lischer, Captain Theodore Kalb, 1st Lieutenant Adolph Knipper, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Herz, 1st Sergeant John Mueller, Sergeant Christ Santer, Sergeant Louis Haenisch, int Andreas Raub, Corporal Edmund Giebel, Corporal Bob Gebhard, Corporal Phillip Goetz, Corporal John B. Pfeffer, Corporal Wm. Schister, Corporal Phil Koeppling, Musician Wm. Herz, Musician Aerchlumann, Fred. Alles, Gottfried Argast, Sebastian Backer, Henry P. Baer, Jacob Barth, Jacob Beele, August Benner, Caspar Bennert, Henry Berker, Hy. Boutzer, Hermann Brening, Andreas Brinkman, Henry Carl, Jacob Croisant, Fred Derenbecker, Charles Diehl, Daniel Dilart, Frank Dutz, Fred Ehrlicb, Hermann Eisebraun, Jacob Felber, Jacob Fette, August Foerster, Fred. Gansmeier, Paul Gauss, Thomas Gerber, Francis Gerfinger, Michael Gordon, Louis Goss, Jacob Privates. Greder, Louis Grohmann, Fred./ Gruffer, Charles Guerdan, Francis Hartmann, Wm. Herter, Felix Hoffmann, Adolph Hoher, Joseph Hunicke, Herman Kautz, Joseph Kessler, August Knoblauch, Chas. Krauthoff, Louis Kummer, Phillip Leonhardt, Christ Lerdeh, Wm. Lery, Abraham Maer, August Maritetzel, Wm. Martin, Gottlieb Mauer, Lorenz Mehl, Peter Meier, Henry Meier, Wm. Meine, August Miller, John M. Mueller, Gustav F. Pander, Charles Pliess, Jacob Roederer, Phillip Rosenthal, Fred. W. Rossenbach, John Rotty, Simon Ruder, Chas. Rueger, John Sanbery, Theodor Schaaf, Henry Scheip, Fred Schenk, John Schmisser, Geo. Schnell, John Schwarz, Fred. Seckingen, Mathias Seibel, Charles Seibel, Conrad Stein, John Steitz, William Suiter, Gottfried Ulrici, Bernhardt Vogel, August Vogel., Peter Waldschmidt, Hy. Walter, Jacob Welzer, John Werner, Cuno Wettslies, Caspar Wolter, Louis Zumbehl. Henry 29 450 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Robert Hundhausen, Captain Louis Duestrow, 1st Lieutenant J. Conrad Meyer, 2d Lieutenant. Paul Bush, 1st Sergeant Charles Bosse, Sergeant Hy. Gildehaus, Sergeant Win. Borgelt, Sergeant Herman Kahman, Corporal Herman Schepman, Corporal Louis Koop, Corporal John Brauer, Corporal Charles Koop, Corporal Daniel Schwenk, Musician Chas. Brachers, Musician Acker, Pnillip Ahrens, Chas. I. Ahrens, Chas. II. Bischop, Phil. Hy. Boehme, Hy. Bruenn, John Crebs, Hermann Denner, Paul Feustel, Julius Fink, Jurger Plohr, William Floyd, John Frank, John A. Freimuth, Fred. Fuchs, Fred. Griffhorn, Peter Groesche, Fred Groene, Louis Hagedorn, John Hallbaum, Chas. Heitz, Charles Helmholz,. Henry Hesselmeyer, Herman Immer, Charles Klingler, John Kreinheeler, Henry Privates. Krug, Max Kuchenbuch, M. Kunz, Henry Kunz, Joseph Landenberger Peter Lindhorst, Henry Margrander, Adam Massman, Charles Meisbach, Henry Meisinger, Phillip Mueller, Louis Pahlman, Christ. Pfeffer, Charles Quartman, Joseph Ribben, Mathias Rickborn, Theo. Ringhoff, Wm. Rolfes, Henry Ruesing, Fred. Ruesing, John Ruf, Chas. Saner, Wm. Schemper, Jacob Schleier, Adam Schmieding, Fred. Schmidt, Charles Schmidt, Henry Schnur, Otto Spahn, John Spaulding, B. Paul Steinmesch, John Still, Werner Strich, Peter Sutor, Henry Tamm, Theodor Temme, George Tiemann, Fred. Tiemann, Hy. Tiester, Martin Veslage, G. Henry Von Ahnen, Nicolas Waechter, Fred. Walz, Jacob Weichner, Henry Weider, Henry Wesselman, Bernard Wiche, Max Wilhelm, Fred. Witte, John F. Wulf, Ernst Wulfing, Fred Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 451 COMPANY K. George A. Rowley, Captain Edward J. Clark, 1st Lieutenant George E. Leighton, 2d Lieutenant Joseph P. Taylor, 1st Sergeant James E. Clark, Sergeant Lucien Eaton, Sergeant Jacobs S. Wiliams, Sergeant Wm. Zukoski, Sergeant Wm. H. Hayden, Corporal Truman W. Post, Corporal Jesmore H. Bacon, Corporal John McGinn, Corporal Max Volkmann, Musician Armuth, Jos. G. Arthur, Wm. Ashton, James Beaman, Geo. W. Behr, Peter Besber, Hy. E. Biden, Ed. S. Bigelow, Geo. H. Brielle, John P. Buchanan, Alex. J. Burgh, Thomas Cleveland, Hy. Cohen, Chas. M. Cohen, R. A. Cook, Alfred H. Cottan, John Cottan, Richard Cowdary, John W. Crane, Arba N. Crook, John B. Deimling, F. C. Delut, William Evans,- John B. Finan, Thomas Fisher, Calvin G. Fisk, William Fitscher, Jos. B. Freeman, Elisha P. Graham, John Privates. Greene, Edw. R. Hargate, Joseph Hase, Joseph Hart, Henry Harting, Wm. Hartwell, Alfred S. Hayden, Charles Hearsum, Fred. H. Heath, Wm. H. Hlckey, James M. Holmes, Henry Holmes, Jno. H. Hosier, Jacob Howe, James F. Howland, Chas. H. Hull, Wm. Jacobson, Augustus Jeffs, Reuben Jeffs, Wm. S. Kehr, Edward C. Kendall, Robert T. Knight, Wm. K. Kushke, Robert Luthmann, Christ. McBride, Theo. McDonough, Alfred J. McGunn, James E. Mathews, Thomas Menche, Ernst Miller, Joseph Mills, James Mosly, Benjamin Nagel, August Parr, John A. Patrick, Wm. K. Reed, David Rice, Edward Richards, John L. Rickford, William Robbins, Henry Rogers, John Sanders, John Scotter, John Smith, John C. Spencer, Robert C. Spies, Fred. Stone, Chas. H. Stone, Theo. L. Tomlinson, Alois Tucker, Geo. W. Turner, Timothy D. Uder, Henry Weichman, Fred. Whitmore, Hy. R. Whitney, Chas. Woods, John L. Young, John W. FOURTH REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, mustered May 8, under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, with eleven Companies, chiefly from the immediate neighborhood of Franklin avenue, by ecting B. Gratz Brown Colonel and establish- ing an Armory and neadquarters at Uhrig's Cave, southwest corner of Washington and Jefferson avenues. On May 10 it held the north- eastern approaches of town to Camp Jackson. In June and July it secured the route, via Rolla, to the Southwest, where transports had to provision the -Army over 120 miles of wagon road. The Regiment met Sigel on his retreat from Carthage to Springfield at Mount Ver- non. Of the 11 Companies of the Regiment, one was composed almost entirely of Americans, and one of Frenchmen ; of the entire body 75 per cent were Germans. Mustered out at the expiration of service in August, six Companies reorganized for the Reserve Service in September, under Lieutenant Colonel John H. Herder, but were already, in January, 1862, consol- idated with the Eighteenth Missouri Volunteers. The Regiment mustered for the Three Months' Service 1,014 men. FIELD AND STAFF. B. Gratz Brown, Colonel Wm. H. Koch, Assistant Surgeon Rudolph Wesseling, Lt Colonel E. M. Joel, Quartermaster Sergeant Samuel B. Shaw, Major Edward Schultz, Commissary Sergeant ■George Kaufbold, Adjutant Fred A. M. Maschmeyer, Sergeant John C. Vogel, Quartermaster Major Jacques Ravold, Surgeon John Schnell, Musician Wm. F. Diedrich, Musician 452 Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. ■ 453 COMPANY A. Charles E. Adams, Captain Geo. Kaufbold, 1st Lieutenant Geo. Calvert, 2d Lieutenant Frederick Doering, 1st Sergeant Paul Rohr, Sergeant E. B. Beyer, Sergeant James Getty, Sergeant Thomas Wilk, Corporal John J. Sutter, Corporal Samuel H. Titus, Corporal Conrad Andreas, Corporal Albertis, Charles Andre, Geo. H. Bachman, Wm. L. Becker, Phillip Bohe, Adam Bohlman, August Bohlman, Charles Born, George Bope, Richard Borkelsberger, Herman Breltomen, Stephen Brissick, Henry Christman, Bernard Dailey, John Deutelmoser, Adolph Dugan, Charles Ebett, Joseph Eckstein, George Ewig, Conrad Fennerbach, Jos. Fischer, Frederick Fischer, Henry Floreich, Philip Fury, Michael- Galvin, Alexander Gartland, Thomas Gelhard, George Gerdelman, Rudolph Gerhardt, Wm. Privates. Gerkin, Clement Guth, Louis Halson, Oliver Hartwig, Gustav Hasse, Wm. Hermann, John Herming, Lorenz Herzog, Edward Hoffmann, Frederick Ichtertz, John Jurgen, Philip Kane, Alexander Kinmean, Robert Kritzinger, Herman Krulich, David Kyler, George Lang, Peter Liepkin, Louis I udwig, Conrad McArten, Daniel Manheim, Joel Mannewall, Charles Mare, John Merk, Pius Morton, John Morton, John J. Nink, Andre Norteman, Louis Norton, Kennedy Offenstein, Adam M. Palmer, Charles Peter, Phillip C. Plitte, Gustav Ramer, William Reichsteiger, Henry Reihn, Zepherino Renns, Samuel J. Rick, Louis Riley, William Rumler, Adam Rumler, Peter Runs, Joseph B. Sauer, John Schaeffer, Joseph Scharp, Joseph Schenk, Henry Schuetz, Charles Schuetz, Christian Serigel, Wm. Smithaus, John Steininger, John G. Thompson, Jamt*. Tower, Joel K. Voges, Henry Zell, George Ziel, Wm. 454 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY B. Alex. G. Hequembourg, Captain Louis Sclmell, 1st Lieutenant Charles Schnell, 2d Lieutenant Charles A. Meyer, 1st Sergeant Robert Oliver, Sergeant Wm. H. Souerhy, Sergeant H. Scharringhausen, Sergeant Wm. Drezer, Sergeant August Overbeck, Corporal Henry Beckmeier, Corporal Nicolas Meyer, Corporal Chas. Osburg, Corporal Acker mann, John Appelbaum, John Balmer, Charles Bauer, Godfried Barding, Robert Begelsacher, August Bergmann, Herman Blanke, August Boiling, Rudolph Brecker, Frederick Bredemeyer, Chas. Brockrick, Frederick Buecher, Frederick Bunnemann, Charles Christen, Frank Christensen, Christian Crawshaw, Joseph Drescher, Wm. Dressier, Henry Dressier, Wm. Egbert, Charles Engler, Charles Fischer, Andreas Geistlich, Caspar Gorden, Henry Gusselman, Wm. Hayesdorf, Charles Hazmack, Jacob Heifers, Henry Hermann, Edward Hermann, George Privates. Herr, Mat. Jones, Reiser H. Kimbermann, Edw. Kleingrus, Theodor Koch, John Kossick, Wm. Kramer, John Kruegar, Christian Kruegar, Edward Langhorst, Henry Lasar, Hy. S. Lum, Joseph Maguire, Peter Maritz, Frederick Mathieu, Joseph Meise, John F. Mezer, Albert Mullenfield, Wm. Nenedeck, Charles Oberle, Conrad Osburne, Moses Ottring, John Pfeil, Jacob Reahing, Charles Reck, George Rein, John Rett, Mathiaa, Renner, Joseph Reopen, Bernhardt Rezan, Michael Riecht, George Rumph, Henry Sagerhorn, Diedrich Schaeffer, Charles Schall, Joseph Schatt, John Schmarz, Ferdinand Schmirot, Godfried Schwarz, Charles Schwer, Wm. Sickman, Henry Sieling, Hermann Siglinger, John Siler, Phillip Spechs, Henry Spengler, John Steinkamp, Wm. Steppelwirth, John Stolte, Henry Storch, John Strauberg, Henry Stuckman, Charles Thiekmeyer, Christ. Tunnelle, John Turk, Bernhardt Vanbrock, Hermann Voelker, Frederick Wagman, Henry Welte, Jacob Wilhelm, Andreas Wilson, Edwin Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 455 COMPANY C. John F. W. Gehner, Captain Julius W. Koch, 1st" Lieutenant Louis Reicholz, 2d Lieutenant Adolph Graser, 1st Sergeant Louis Friedburg, Sergeant August Zimmer, Sergeant Rudolph Schmieding, Sergeant Theodore Wippern, Corporal Henry Sutemeyer, Corporal Geo. Trorlicht, Corporal Fred Schmidt, Jr., Corporal Wm. G. Diederich, Musician Henry Foelsing, Musician Ande, D. C. Arnold, Chas. Barth, G. Wm. Bauman, Christof Beeehtuft, Alexander Bechtufft, Fred. W. Bieg, Valentine Bird, Louis Bornecker, Joseph L. Bosh, Emil Brand, Wm. Bresch, Charles Brode, August Bruening, August Budke, Conrad Bull, John Christman, Julius Diedrichs, Henry Druiding, Henry Dunker, Henry Emminghausen, Theo. Fischer, Herman Fleck, John Fresel, Herman H. Gehner, John F. W., Jr. Geiss, Christ. Gersel, Siegfried Griesedick, Frank Hahn, Alexander Privates. Hapstedt, John Hemm, Peter Hempinger, Chas. Henzing, Hy. Hellmer, Henry Holthaus Kellmann, Otto Klaus, Rudolph Klein, Frederick Kniedersch'eck, Thomas Kortkamp, Edward Maestens, Herman G. Mathias, Adolph Mauch, Henry Medlar, Martin Merkel, Ernst Meyer, Fred. W. Meyer, Henry Millenghausen, Aug. Mueller, Tonger W. Niehaus, Frank H. Osburg, Louis Persbacher, Fritz Pfeifer, Theodore Peiper, Leop. Roerig, Fritz Rosemann, Fritz Sanders, Wm. Sandewein, Martin Schlag, Bernhard Schlicht, August Schmidt, Fred. Schmidt, Julius Seckler, John Sefert, Henry Sorgenfrey, Henry Stecker, Joseph Steidemann, Martin Steinhrugge, Conrad Steinwender, Gustav Steinwender, Hermann Stoehr, Louis Suhre, Fred W. Tebbe, John H. Timken, Henry Trauernicht, Fred. C. Trorlicht, Bernard' Uffman, Aug. E. Valendy, Aug. Valkened, John Wagner, Henry Wenzel, Adam Wielandy, John Wilcke, Henry Witte, Fritz A. Woermer, Louis W. 456 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. Louis Schneider, Captain Christopher Winkle, 1st Lieutenant John A. Bremsler, 2d Lieutenant John Hilmer, 1st Sergeant Gerhart H. Stockhoff, Sergeant Robert Fenstel, Sergeant Phillip Heick, Sergeant Charles F. Schultze, Corporal Prldolin Neef, Corporal Henry Kellmer, Corporal Peter Theis, Corporal John Treck, Musician Aug. Essner, Musician Ahlert, Henry Ahrens, Chas. Armbruster, Jas. Beckerle, Mathew Beneke, Herman Bertsch, Augustus Binder, Henry Brueggemann, Aug. Budde, Herman Bushman, Henry Cordes, Gottiried Dickhoener, Wm. H. Doerr, Fred. Dorn, Andrew Erbe, Phillip Frogge, Fred. Frohard, H. C. Fiene, William Fishel, Fred Fisher, Ernst Fuene, Henry Germer, Fred Gipperich, James Goldstein, Robert Graefe, Michael Gutman, Martin Privates. Hanrath, Henry G. Hartman, David Hauck, Julius Hild, James Hirsch, Fred. Hock, Joseph Hussman, Francis, Sr. Hussman, Francis, Jr. Joachim, Jacob Kemp, Michael A. Klages, Gustav C. W. Kober, George Koenig, John Lahman, Fred. Leyh, George H. Meier, Herman H. Montague, Victor Mueller, Jacob Muessler, Rudolph Nelmann, Christopher Oberwenter, Phillip Paskiloi islaus Past, Fi Perter, Peters, „ ., Poelting, Wm. Rail, Christopher Raller, Fred Ranch, George Reidel, Valentine Rothgang, Gottfried Rueppel, Charles Saegel, Louis Schale, John G. Scharnhorst, Fred Schlosser, James Schuchard, Godfried Schumacher, Hy. Seifried, Jacob Siever, Wm. Struebe, Louis Thoene, Henrr Troll, Henry Uhlhomm, Hy. F. Waldman, Valentine Wedig, Henry Wehrman, Fred Wendschil, George Wiesehahn, Wm. G. Wolff, Henry Fred. Ziefle, John The Union Cause' in St. Louis in 1861. 457 COMPANY E. Charles Zimmer, Captain John Schenkel, 1st Lieutenant H. Obermueller, 2d Lieutenant Gustav Gest, 1st Sergeant Gerhard Schneider, Sergeant Jacob Greenewald, Sergeant Chas. J. William Kelhoff, Sergeant Jacob Greenewald, Jr., Corporal Frederick Hirsch, Corporal John Beeknemann, Corporal Fred Busing, Corporal Louis Mockel, Musician Rithes, Musician Archenbacker, Wm. Ackermann, Emanuel Baxsold, Max Beekemann, Fred Beekemann, Brand, Johann Brinkman, Fred Brocke, Henry Buhler, Arnold Conzelmann, John Claus, George Dang, Adam Danz, Joseph Droge, Hermann Eiken, Fred Emsichler, August Fideldey, George Fischer, Casper Fischer, Charles Green, Henry Gildehaus, Henry Haag, William Haase, Fred Hacke, Louis Hassebaum, Fred Hasselmann, Charles Henmann, Herman Henslck, Adam Hermann, Gerhardt Privates. Hillmann, Wm. Hillsick, August Hirsch, George Hummert, Hy. Jaeger, Michael Joos, William , Kessler, John Kicker, Fred Kindermann, Hermann King, Anton Kinke, John Klaus, Henry Kloren, Fred Kramer, William Kreckel, mollis Krein, Francis Kriegman, Rudolph Lang, Joseph Lang, Josepn Leimkuehler, Francis Leimkuehler, "Hy. Leyler, George Lohman, Chas. Lorsch, John Luffler, Gebhard Mahs, Peter Manken, John B. Meier, John Meyer, Henry Meyer, Louis Meyer, Simon Moenminges, Mueller, Christian Obermueller, Fred Opimus, Henry Papse, John Ratt, Bernhard Rase, Bernhard Rookenbach, Michael Schabe, Henry Schilling, Fritz Schlottman, Hy. Schmidt, John Schmuck, Ferdinand Schneider, George Schott, George Sieber, Fred Spilken, William Stamm, Balthazar Timmermann, Christ. Valliand, John Wasmut^h, Fred. Weldemeyer, Henry Wicke, John Wiecke, William Woener, George Woener, William 458 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. Peter Helle, Captain Jacob Jung, Sergeant Valentine Merzweiler, 1st Lieutenant Nicolas King, Corporal Charles F. Knoll, 2d Lieutenant Louis Voss, 1st Sergeant George J. Weigel, Sergeant Gustav Benrig, Sergeant Henry Hahnmueller, Corporal John Jung, Corporal Carl Dellerman, Corporal John Schnell, Musician Charles Schellinger, Musician Albrant, Steppant Beehrdt, Prank Bertenstein, Louis Berwig, Geo. P. Broechel, August Christman, Andreas Claus, Nicolas Demkes, Lamert Dettmann, Gustave Die}, Christian Diel, John Doerr, George Esmus, Nicolas Feuerbach, John Fegbiel, Henry Gillmer, John Glass, John Guede, Henry Hacker, John Hartmann, Frank Hellenbach, John Hess, Nicolas Home, Joseph Kannell, Peter Private!. Keth, Jacob Klein, Louis Klemm, Fred W. Koch, Charles Kraft, Adolph Kuhn, John Meyer, Peter Mueller, Martin Nicolas, Joseph Ohme, William Peters, Christian Portmann, August Raacke, Ferdinand Rachel, Frederick Reelig, John Reinert, John Reinstaedler, John Reitz, Lorenz Ries, Fritz Rolfing, Fred. W. Ruebel, Michael Ruedemeyer, Christ. Ruloff, Mathias Samner, Ferdinand Satt, John Schaeffer, Louis Scheman, Herman Schmoll, George Scholer, John Schubert, George Schumber, Peter Schwagul, Jacob Sopp, Andrew Steinhoff, August Sumpf, Frederick Triebel, Henry Tuenberg, Fred ' Voelker, John Weitzel, Waltz, Conrad Weltler, Wm. Wessling, George Wiegand, William Wilcke, Jacob Wilde, Julius Witte, Henry Wolfmeyer, Gerhard Fourth Regiment, V. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 459 COMPANY G. John H. Diecher, Captain Casper Kopp, 1st Lieutenant Montague S. Hasse, 2d Lieutenant F. W. Gieselmann, 1st Sergeant Caspar Hatlo, Sergeant Albert Buescher, Sergeant Charles Soeeker, Corporal Henry Wolfmeyer, Corporal Henry Eppmeier, Corporal Christoph Peters, Corporal Casper Woeoheide, Musician Beckman, Ed. Berbmann, Aug. Bloebaum, Aug. Boese, Reinhard Bohmenkamp, Gottlieb Bohmer, Charles Bokamper, Fred Brockman, Fred Brund, Henry Brunsman, Ernst Budde, Henry Docke, Charles Doepke, Ernst Doepke, Henry Drane, Henry Eggert, Henry Engelmann, Herman Evers, William Evert, William "Feuerborn, Wm. Fleischman, Chas. Gehring, Wm. Gruen, Charles Hafmeister, Chas. Hagemeyer, William Hannebaum, Franz Harland, George Hassemeyer, Adam Hatte, Frederick Privates* Heid, Jacob Heidbreder, Fred Heidemann, Henry Helmkamp, Henry Hesse, George Hinnenthal, Henry Hinricks, Frank Kaup, Fred Keisker, Ernst Kenning, Francis Klusman, Ernst Knichmeyer, August Knichmeyer, Charles Koenigkraemer, Henry Konnemann, Henry Koke, Wiliam Kraemer, Charles Krumwiele, Frea Kunsemueller, Fritz Lanmann, Fred Mueller, Wm. H. Municke, Henry Nagel, John Nolte, Christian Nordbrock, John Placke, August Plattner, John Puis, Chas. Ralf, Gottlieb Rane, Christian Reinecke, John Rippe, Charles Ritter, August Rodermund, Henry Ruemler, Christ Rummler, Alexander Schneeck, Hermann Schorfheide, Hermann Schubert, Chas. Siekmann, Wm. Stahl, Joseph Upmann, Chas. Vogel, Christian Waldecker, Christian Werz, Henry Westhold, Henry Wetterau, John Wilke, Frank Wilke, T William Wilken, Aug. Woerheide, Henry Wolfmeyer, Wiliam 460 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. William Heyl, Captain Bernhard Loeblein, 1st Lieutenant John M. Render, 2d Lieutenant George H. Frank, 1st Sergeant Samuel Smith, Sergeant Alexander Schnurr, Sergeant Henry Meinhardt, Corporal Christian Wildesen, Corporal Frank Bohrm, Corporal George Koecheig, Corporal Apprederis, Emil Bechter, Casimir Beims, Frederick Berger, Charles Beymohr, John Buehler, William Dansch, Frank Dhiemann, Casper Duckstine, Henry Duel, Henry Erdschlag, Henry Frank, Henry Gaubatz, Fritz Grafe, Herman Held, Henry Henge, Henry Herold, Charles Heyd, Henry Huseman, Herman Ihrach, Frederick Privatet. Kaiser, Henry Kerzinger, Francis Klein, Sebastian Kleinhaus, Leonhard Koehler, Louis Kbehnemann, Fred Kollman, Henry Lambert, Henry Lentewith, Wm. Meier, John B. Menninger, Chas. Mowton, Louis Newkamp, Edward Obernear, Wm. Ockel, August Pabst, Wm. Pale, Frank Reibel, George Reinecke, Hermann Ryder, James Sander, Jacob Schaeffer, Wm. Schilling, John Schrader, August Schrader, George Storbeck, Chas. Strich, Henry Striecher, Leo Trost, Christoph Varnhold, Fritz Vierheller, Adam Volz, Christian Vossick, Henry Walter, Geo. Waiters, Peter Woisel, Frank Wischmeier, Charles Wolfers, Bernhard Fourth Regiment, U. 8. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 461 COMPANY I. Wm. C. Jones, Captain John H. Stephens, 1st Lieutenant John H. Hohlman, 2d Lieutenant N. Everett Horton, 1st Sergeant Isaac Balmer, Sergeant W. H. Stephens, Sergeant James C. Jones, Sergeant Geo. W. Ellonhead, Corporal Harvey S. Page, Corporal John Mehagan, Corporal James W. Pickup, Corporal "Wm. Mathews, Musician James Mather, Musician Anderson, George Atkinson, James Bassett, Alfred Bird, Geo. M. Bowman, Chas. H. Bruce, Elias V. B. Burroughs, John Butts, Wm. A. Cahor, John Cannon, Chas. P. Cheney, ' Cyrus F. Compton, Geo. Constable, Nathaniel Crouch, Geo. W. Crowell, Benj. P. Delaplain, Wm. P. Delviny, John Erhardt, Frederick Estel, Martin Fahn, Hermann . Ferrest, Peter Feuerborn, John H. JFlynn, Thomas Froecke, Joseph C. Gissiker, Fred Gleason, Geo. F. Goode, W. I. Goss, John Hamilton, Thomas - Hartman, John Privates. Harvey, Benjamin Hendry, Edward Hendry, Elihu E. Hendry, Wm. J. Herman, Charles Himstedt, Conrad Hosicke, Manuel M. Houston, Charles Hubbel, Monroe Jasper, John \ Johnson, Robert B. Kaeshofer, John Kayser, Cornelius Kayser, Peter D. Kennedy, Thomas Ketraus, Thomas Kilpatrick, Wm. Klegis, Henry Kleine, Leonard Kurz, Ferdinand Kurz, Henry Laurence, Edward Lonergan, Wm. Loyd, Samuel W. McClusky, Hy. McDonald, Austin McKinley, Thomas McLain, George McManus, John McMillan, Wm. Macke, Phillip Malone, Edward Malone, Luke Marling, Jacob Meinke, John O'Brien, Patrick Pheley, Isaac Pierce, Wm. W. Roach, Dan D. Rourke, Wm. , Schneider, Adam Schneider, Peter Seymour, Geo. W. Smith, Thomas Sommers, Lymon C. Stoddard, David W. Sweeney, Martin R. Sweeney, Wm. H. Talbot, Jorel Z. Trafton, Lysander B. Ubrich, Christian Van Deizer, Albert S. Webster, Joseph H. Wilson, Samuel. O. Wingert, Joseph E. . Whitton, James Wood, Horatio D. Young, John 462 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. Charles Osburg, Captain Jujius Glade, 1st Lieutenant Henry Kleeman, Lieutenant Edward Schulz, Lieutenant John D. Torlina, 1st Sergeant Henry Schaepperkotter, Sergeant Henry Brandes, Sergeant John Wolf, Sergeant Wm. Noark, Corporal Fred Kayser, Corporal Fred Farhold, Corporal Charles Mueller, Corporal Albermeyer, Fred Ande, Charles Bargstedt, John H. Behrman, Martin Bendorf, Hy. Blancke, Hy. Bleeckbaum, Chas. Bovemmermann, Hy. Brinckman, Christ Brockman, John Buchartring, Louis Burgdorf, Christian Deckert, Adam Deickles, Fred Demme, Adam Dolde, John Ehlmann, Dietrich Eskmeyer, Henry Funck, Ernst Giesecke, Chas. Hausschild, Chas. Heber, Francis Privatet. Hunger, Hermann Imgrund, Herman Kethe, Henry Klett, Gottlieb Kluls, August Koch, Henry Koring, Wm. Kortes, Nicolas Kramer, Henry Krohne, Fred Kumpt, Peter Lammering, Rud. Mail, Frederick Melczer, Julius Merten, Henry Mette, Aug. Meyer, Henry Meyer, Henry H. Meyer, John J. Mueller, Herman H. Nast, Frederick Neff, John XT_..l*_ —4.1. ftl 1 Ochtebeck, Daniel Reis, George Reublinger, Dowie Richards, Charles Schmutter, Henry Schnute, Ernst L. Schorteke, Henry Schultz, August Schwartz, George Sohrkamp, Christian Specht, Michael Steetner, Peter Steinraef, John Steinrauch, Balsar Steinrauch, Louis Strassheim, Jacob Voss, Fred Weideler, Henry Weitkamp, Fred Wei man, Henry Weitz, Stephen Wichaude, John Jacob :enry 'iurth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 463 COMPANY L. Louis Loos, Captain Christian Heilweck, 1st Lieutenant Charles Guerine, 2d Lieutenant Roland Hirsenbach, 1st Sergeant Hermann Moos, Sergeant John Wetzstein, Sergeant Louis Gellett, Sergeant Emil Bohn, Corporal Charles Messner, Corporal George Sauerbei, Corporal Win. Belzer, Corporal Banez, Geo. Barbet, Pierce Belschens, Adam Bird, Win. Blaise, Gaspard Bremer, Andreas Burla, Pierce Caspar, Nicolas Castellon, Louis Cigrand, Peter Clades, Jules Coffe, Vincent Degois, Nicolas Duerch, Pierce Duhammel, Jean Fagins, Alexander Favervian, Pierre Fetle, Joshua Finoh, Jean Foehr, Johann Gelzer, Johann Privates. Guillard, Antoine Hook, Andrew Isele, Thomas Kales, Josepn Kreemuth, Louis Kroff, George Kuehre, Ernst Lautstruth, Wnk Lavah, Jean Lecontour, Hypolite Lehoag, Michael -Leopold, Nicolas Loble, August Loiseau, Joseph Loiseau, Marcel Luft, Henry Mathias, Ferdinand Meier, Wendelin Mercudier, Benjamin Merringhey, Francis Mesnier, Charles Meswand, Francis Meyer, Louis Muschling, Joachim Paste, Antoine Perria, Jean Picard, Victor Poireh, Atexis Ramband, Louis Revoire, Francis Reynard, Charles Reynard, Paul Rertry, August Rock, George Rossbach, uharles Sainton, Felix Salariner, Noel Sauree, Arsine Souping, Mathieu Spach, Polasius Vogt, Theo. Wich, Paul FIFTH REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, organized under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, for home service, the men living chiefly in the old Tenth Ward of St. Louis, which included the northwestern part of the city ; they elected Chas. G. Stifel Colonel and established their Armory and Headquarters at hie brewery on Eighteenth and Howard streets. The Regiment mustered into service May 11 and on returning from the Arsenal was attacked by a mob on corner of Walnut and Broadway; shots were exchanged and a number of men lost their lives. In June three Companies went to Jefferson City to guard the Penitentiary and to escort provisions to Lyon's Army at Boonville, from where the whole Regiment took up a steamboat scouting service up the Missouri River; it helped to fortify Lexington, organized Home Guard Com- panies for its defense, secured arms from Fort Leavenworth and routed Secession bands along the river. Returning to St. Louis, the Regiment was mustered out at the end of August ; seven Companies of it reorganized for home service in September, under Lieutenant Colonel John Jacob Fischer, were consolidated with other troops, retaining the privileges of the Reserve Service ; of the original Regi- ment 83 per cent were Germane, 14 per cent Americans. The Three- Months' Regiment mustered 1,130 men. FIELD AND STAFF. Charles G. Stifel, Colonel Rudolph Doehn, Chaplain Robert White, tit. Colonel Caspar Bachner, Leader of Band John J. Fisher, Major ^ Basilius Ruthard, Leader of Band John K. Cummings, Adjutant John Kupferle, Sergeant Major John B. Mears, Quartermaster James K. Hall, Quartermaster Ser- Adalbert Gemmer, Surgeon geant Wm. Drechsler, Assistant Surgeon William, Leffmann, Commissary Sergeant 464 Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 465 COMPANY A. Ernst W. Steinmann, Captain Wm. Obermeyer, Sergeant Henry Wilke (Wilks),.lst Lieutenant Charles Salamon, Sergeant Otto Grassmer, 2d Lieutenant Frederick Siefker, 1st Sergeant John Holland, Sergeant George Koch, Sergeant George Rubelmann, Sergeant Friederich Kemper, Corporal Valentine Koenig, Corporal Ernst Eschmann, Corporal William Kirby, Musician William Weinbieth, Musician John Ackermann, Artificer Alexander, Jacob Aller, Christian Baumann, Wm. Beckmann, August Bergmann, Wm. Binenger, Henry Boeschen, Herman Bohn, August Brocke, Charles Brocke, Edward Broer, Conrad Broemmelsich, Fred Conrades, Jacob Cramer, Adam Denper, John A. Deppe, Henry Dewein, George Dickmann, Frederick Dillong, Cornelius Donnerberg, Frederick Frahlmann, Henry Frohrmann, Hy. Gauger, Jacob Gespuhl, Andreas Gestring, Charles Greiner, Moritz Grieser, Xavier Hahn, William Heidemann, Hermann Hemen, Henry Hensted, Conrad Hensel, August Hoevel, Henry Hoffmann, David Privates. Hpspes, Richard Kasten, Charles Kertzel, Wm. Kinkmeyer, Hy. Kleeman, Charles Klokenbrink, Ernst Krauss, Charles Kupferle, John Kurfinke, Wm. Ladenberger, Charles Leidner, Phillip Lindhorst, Henry Lueking, Henry Marx, Frederick Mathias, Wm. Mertz, David Meyer, Bernard Meyer, Charles Meyer, Charles N. Meyer, William Michael, August Michael, Frederick Milgest, Ernst Millage, Christoph Miller, Charles Moeller, John F. Mudler, Schwethart Mueller, John Neiber, Frederick Pars, Frederick , Peter, Christian Plenger, Adolph H. Plenger, Wm. Poos, Wm. Protzmann, Wm. Rehkamp, Henry Remmelkamp, Rudolph Ringeling, Charles Roehl, Fred. W. Ruhland, Wm, Schade, Gottfried Schaeffer, Henry Scheele, Gottlieb Schenkfeir, Louis Schlingmann, Fred Schlingmann, Henry I. Schlingmann, Henry II. Schlueter, Charles Schmidt, August Schsvoepper, William Seeklouberg, Moritz Seidler, Fred R. Sessinghaus, Gustav Sessinghaus, Theodore Sessinghaus, William Seupberg, Justus Sommerfruechte, D. Steinbruege, Fred Stiffen, Dietrich Stockhaus, Wm. Sulz, John Uhlmeyer, Wm. Vornberg, George Wagner, John Wagner, Louis Wehmeyer, Henry Weiser, Henry Wise, Christian 30 466 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY B. Julius Krusch, Captain George Dietrich, 1st Lieutenant Fred Forthman, 2d Lieutenant Hartman Moeller, 1st Sergeant Henry Mulfemeier, Sergeant Fred Baumhoefer, Sergeant Francis Boeding, Sergeant William Witthoeft, Corporal - John Lieberau, Corporal Wm. Thorever, Corporal Christian Schoenhardt, Corporal Peter Verhorst, Musician Bernhardt, Walter, Musician Althorn, William Altmeier, Herman Bartels, Fred Bellerson, Henry Beste, Gottlieb Bockstiegel, John Borgenkamp, Hy. Brandt, William Buckruman, William Buetner, Henry Cordes, Louis Crallman, Casper Culman, Henry Eneke, Bernhard Fleer, Caspar Fueser, Phillip Gerding, Fred Gerspacker, Mazoe M. Gethardt, Robert Hackman, Fred Hackman, Henry Harding, Wm. Hassebrock, George Hayemann, Wm. Helmkamp, ' Wm. Henger, Wm. Herdeman, Henry Herdeman, Herman Heuerman, Henry Heuerman, Wm. Heyde, Herman Hoberg, Fred Hoffman, Andrew Privates. Kamp, Fred Kasslng, Herman Klein, Christian Klingmeier, Hy. Klute, Rudolph Kombrink, Wm. Kralemann, Wm. Kronsbein, Jacob Lange, Henry Latthalm, Fred Liepold, Wm. Lindhorst, Wm. Luderwink, Rudolph Mehrnert, Hy. Meier, Albert Meier, Ernst Meier, Fred I. Meier, Fred II. Mertz, Fred- Mester, Fred Muckermann, Hy. Niemueller, Fred Papenbrock, Fred Paser, Wm. Passe, Christian Pilgrimm, Hy. Pohlmann, Caspar Rabeneck, Christ. Rake, Fred Rauschenbach, Christ. Roedicker, Wm. Rose, Henry Sandrock, Gustav Schleef, Hy. Schloemermann, Her. Schlueter, Hy. Schlute, Francis Schlueter, Louis Schneider, Andrew Schnellbacher, Phillip Schuepzles, Herman Schwendt, Joseph Soeker, Bernhardt Stochner, Fred Stodeck, Charles Strothman, Hy. Sudhoelter, Henry Thein, Henry Tieman, Fred Tiepel, Francis Tilker, Zacharias Tilling, Charles „ Van Steenwygh, Wm. Vogel, Fred Vogelsang, Henry Vogt, Casper Vplmer, Henry Vostler, Michael Wellmeier, John Wenz, John Westerheide, August Wetzel, Conrad Whiltcock, Wm. Witthus, Fred Wuekoff, Adolph Zurninhem, Henry Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 467 COMPANY C. Augustus Thorwald, Captain Louis Brinker, Sergeant Hermann Schuh, 1st Lieutenant Henry Wiese, Corporal Frank Lohmann, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Bergman, Corporal Bernhard Weingaertner, 2d Lieutenant.Clemence Schwarzkopf, Corporal Gustavus Pons, 1st Sergeant Peter Etsenstrauth, Corporal Frederick Wedel, Sergeant Phillip Koch, Musician John Helms, Sergeant Gustav Fiedler, Musician Edward Gotsch, Musician Acmis, Frederich Barkhoefer, Fred Baumann, Jacob Bellmann, Henry Block, Frederick Bollogh, Hy. Boy, Ludwig Bruggemann, Adolph Bucher, Francis Deiken, Herman Dreher, Charles Dunken, Frederick Fangmann, Dietrich Fisher, Hoppert Flasskemper, Louis Frentel, Henry Fromhold, August Gartner, William Gesloff, William Gimicke, Christian Grauber, Ernest Hamepeter, Fred Harsh, Frank Hartmann, Michel Hause, John Henning, Heinrich Hermann, Fred Hermann, Mathias Kallenhaus, Wm. Kirsch, Frederick Kobold, Frederick Koenig, Jacob Privates. Kolman, Peter Kraushaar, Adam Krieger, Frederick Krooflenberg, Dietrich Kuhne, Henry Lambrecht, Anton Laueberg, August Laubrecht, Francis Leopold, Mathias Lippelmanns, John Maisch, Joseph May, Frederick Mayer, Henry Mebus, Charles Meinhold, Frederick Middendbrf, Henry Miller, Henry Moepps, Johann Morgraff, Francis Mueller, Bernhard Nagel, Henry Neff, Frangall Neupert, Adam Noise, Henry Pleaker, Louis Ruff, Andreas Ruttratter, Wm. Salmon, Gustav Salmon, Hermann Sandherr, Henry Sass, Augustus Schaeffer, Henry Scherrick, Hy. Scherry, Christian Schlewing, Gottlieb Schmid, Johann Schmidt, August Schrieck, Julius Sigmund, Louis. Spilker, Peter Stein, Johann ' Stobur, Baptist Stolle, Henry Striseckel, William Strubel, Anton Thins, August Vass, Henry Vette, Wm. Vogt, Joseph Weidmann, Henry Weingartner, Bernhard Weischaum, Wm. Welp, Henry Werth, Anton Wessel, Henry Wesselkamp, Joseph Windhorst, Henry Windhorst, Wm. Windmeyer, Frederick Winkelmeyer, Winkelmeyer, Henry Winter, Gottlieb Winter, Wm. Wittbrodt, Peter 468 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. Robert C. White, Captain Wm S. Herd, Captain Joseph Tallman, 1st Lieutenant Wm. S. Robinson, 2d Lieutenant Richard Branch, 2d Lieutenant James E. Love, 1st Sergeant Edward M. Taylor, Sergeant Augustus W. Grote, Sergeant Charles William H. Ruthoelp, Sergeant John K. Cummings, Sergeant Sam K. Hall, Sergeant John Cook, Corporal Michael Doyle, Corporal John N. Rollins, Corporal Augustus Keyte, Corporal Howard S. Harbough, Musician Pittman, Musician Astor, William Baillie, James Baillie, John C. Banta, Albert Bocke, Augustus Boerning, Gerhard Boerning, Michael Brazzelton, Isaac Brown, Richard Burnett, Elisha Bussa, Ignatz Carlan, Hugh Carroll, John Cohen, Robert P. Conroy, John H. Cousland, Geo. Cross, Andrew Dixon, Hy. Dreese, Henry Druse, Theodor Dunnavant, James R. Dutro, Ezekiel L. Eastwood, Thomas Emmich, Jacob Fagg, Patrick Penlenson, Perry W. Flint, Charles Flynn, Daniel Friedmayer, August Friedmayer, Christian Galliner, James Gibson, Thomas Gilbert, Abraham Glantz, Valentine Gloor, Godfrey Private*. Gon, Manon Gordon, Jackson Gould, Samuel Graham, Nic. H. Green, John Groessling, Charles Groessling, William Gulmore, Nicolas Hagamon, Merrit H. Hagamon, Wm. Hamill, Charles Harte, Charles Helm, Peter Hight, William Howard, James M. Huetson, Frederick Jennings, William H. Jones, Joseph Kepferle, Christian Kobolt, Charles Lewis, John Loudough, Louis Lyon, Edward F. Marschmeyer, Geo. Martin, Geo. Meane, John B. Meyers, Benedict Milton, John Morgan, Charles Morton, William North, William Obernier, Frederick Oestermann, Joseph Outes, Henry Passegote, John Patterson, James M. Price, George Reed, Louis Van Reederer George Reinhardt, Godfrey Revoir, Mitchel Reynolds, James W. Ruhr, Frank Schellhammer, Charles Schewe, Ernst Schmidt, Martin Schreiner, Randolph Sipple, Conrad Smith, Jonathan Smith, Samuel W. Southmayd, Andrew J. Spillman, Thomas H. Sterritt, Robt. J. Stohl, John Sudholter, Henry Sweeney, James Taylor, John Tukett, Charles Voss, John Wallace, W. G. Wellmeyer, Francis White, Charles White, John White, Wiliam Wiegan, Casper Williams, Frank Wintling, Jacob Wirt, Geo. L. C. Zorofeter, Hermann Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 469 COMPANY E. Frederick Wedekind, Captain John Gutberlet, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Barth, 2d Lieutenant John Calomus, 1st Sergeant Daniel Eilers, Sergeant Herman Woerheide, Sergeant Caspar Rolf, Sergeant Joseph Bucher, Corporal Louis Gumner, Corporal Henry Stohlberg, Corporal August Dodt, Corporal Ernst Lueker, Musician Gustave Wedekind, Musician Abelmann, Henry Ahlert, Herman Ahrens, Andreas Asteroth, Herman Bakerfen, Hy. Barthelheimer, Aug. Behmer, Christian Behmer, Henry Beinker, Wm. Bieber, Henry Blase, Frederick Bode, , Henry Brommelsick, Fred Buchka, John Budde, Fred Conrad, Xavier Dettmar, Adolph Diehle, Charles Eggert, Frank Elgelkerk, Christian Ellerbrock, William Engel, Martin Fischer, Louis Fishback, Fred Frank, Conrad Fredecker, Hy. Gartner, Gottfried Gartner, Herman Gent, Christian Goerlick, Alfred Goldstein, Henry Gormann, Frederick Hagemeyer, Hy. Hagemeyer, Wm. Privates. Hagenach, Claus R. Hansche, Ernst Hassmann, Ernst Heinzemann, Sebastian Hesse, Zacharias Hilge, William Hoppe, Hy. Horsthalte, Hermann Horstmann, Hy. Hubersmann, Benedict Karsten, Ernst Klein, Frederick Kochbeck, Christopher Kochler, John Koehler, John Kohring, Charles Kohring, John Kollensletter, Theodor Kopp, Adolph Krammer, Wm. Krickeberg, George Kropp, Conrad Loss, Adam F. Lucke, Henry Lunte, William Maneke, Henry Meyer, Florenz W. Meyer, Henry Millflel, Wm. Muenkemann, Wm. Mueller, Henry Naw, Frederick Oeters, Francis Ostgen, Frederick Paust, Caspar Paust, Henry Peters, Gustavus Peters, Rudolph Prussner, Frederick I. Prussner, Frederick II. Pulaw, George Pulaw, Henry Reh, John Rief, John Rolf, Frederick Rolf, Wiliam Ross, John Sachleben, Gerhard F. Saegers, Henry Schneider, Henry Schulenberg, Hermann Schuster, Bernard Sparwasser, Wm. Spoeneman, William Steffen, Christian Steinmann, Henry Strunk, Henry Stuhrmann, Henry Stuhrmann, Rudolph Stutle, Christian TJhm, Peter Uthmann, Wm. Verforth, Lambert Wassermann, Charles Wehmeyer, August Wittier, Gottlieb Wurst, Peter 470 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. John N. Herder, Captain Frederick Kreuter, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Lubering, 2d Lieutenant Michael Meyer, Sergeant Anton Fahrenholz, Sergeant William Korlan, Sergeant William Ellersick, Sergeant Charles Lauber, Corporal Crist Suckle, Corporal Phillip Johler, Corporal Edward Bitterburg, Corporal Hy. Marske, Musician Arnold Clemens, Musician Allers, Anton Althoff, John P.achman, Jacob Baitscher, Wm. Barkei, Henry Barlword, Herman Becker, Theobald Beinert, Frederich Bensick, Frederich Bock, William Bockstiegel, Wm. Brehm, John Brinkmeyer, Hy. Brunning, Christ. Busack, Henry Dethoff, John Diddrich, Adolph Brewes, Henry Ebbmeier, Herman Edler, Anton Edler, John Ekerman, John Ellenbrock, Louis Fahrenkoph, Val. Fisher, Frederick Fricke, Henry Gauder, Frederick Giesse, Franz Giesselman, Herman Grieve, John Grundel, Franz Hacke, Herman Privates. Hackel, Charles Hagensicker, Fred Hagensicker, Hy. Hahn, Henry Hahn, Jacob Heim, George Heimbrockel, John Hellering, Hy. Hellman, John Herkenhoff, Wm. Hillerich, Adam' Hoeppener, Henry Holyhauer, Phil. Homemeier, Henry Hullinghorst, Henry Hullinghorst, Wm. Jansen, John Jasper, Franz Kellerman, Wm. Kerles, William Kleinman, Herman Kneler, August Koppelman, Henry Kork, Henry Kracht, Emil Krallman, Hy. Krallman, John Kramme, Frederick Krassing, Henry Krassing, John Kufner, John Kunner, Dietrich Lambrecht, Frederick Lammers, Henry Levin, Frederick Lieberum, Henry Lieberum, Wm. Lithegen, Franz Lohoefener, Herman Luking, Henry McCormick, Owen Maier, Herman Marske, Edward Maura, Phillip Mentz, William Meyer, Charles Montag, Jacob Morr, Joseph Neupert, George Nieberg, Henry ' Niefind, Peter Niehaus, Charles Niekamp, William Niemeier, Henry Ott, Frederick Paust, Frederick Paust, Herman Pogenmueller, Chas. Reuttinger, Felix Richter, Henry Rohlfing, John Schreiner, Herman Spilker, Valentine Welsh, Frederick Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 471 COMPANY G. Wm. Lorbe, Captain Henry Bohle, 1st Lieutenant Henry Mester, 1st Lieutenant Frederich Pollman, 2d Lieutenant Frank Knoll, Sergeant William Bachmer, Sergeant, Frank Langenberg, Sergeant Frederick Stiffer, Sergeant Frederick Kuffendick, Corporal Herman Sahrhage, Corporal Conrad Weckeiser, Corporal Hy. Schollmeyer, Corporal Hy. Hoyer, Musician Pete Koch, Musician AlthdB, Wm. Assenbrink, Wm. Bergsicker, Fred Berrissheim, Leopold Berthold, Aug. Bier, Adolph Biermann, Wm. Boessling, Charles Bohle, Henry Borgmeyer, Frederick Bosse, Charles Burke, Henry Dietz, Gottlieb Ellerbeck, August Erdterugger, Henry Faste, William Freese, Henry Genge, Henry Gerdelman, Fred Giesecke, Hy. Giesecke, Louis Groebe, Henry Guttering, Joseph Halig, Henry Haning, August Haupt, Peter Heckerman, Fred Heeman, Albert Heintzman, Christoph Herdeur, John Herman, Frank Hoekel, Frederick Privates. Hoener, Frank Hoyer, William Johantosettle, Henry Kamp, Henry Kappelman, Wm. Keimann, Henry Klasterhoff, Wm. Kleemeler, Henry Kleemeier, Wm. Koehe, Frederick Koester, Herman Kropp, Charles Kufner, John Thomas Lanstrath, Hy. Leeker, Henry Lepping, Ferdinand Loescheer, Adolph Maas, Frederick Maser, Henry Meiberth, Frederick Moeller, Charles Moeller, Wm. Niedringhaus, Christian Priesmeier, Gottlieb Puhse, Christian Reber, Charles Redecker, Frederick Reder, George Rellmann, Henry Rieckmann, Christian Riemann, Frederick Schapperkoetter, Fred Schapperkoetter, Wm. Schlingman, Wm. . Schluter, Henry Schmidt, Henry Schrader, Wm. Schroeder, Frederick Schultz, Louis Schultz, Wm. Schurman, Fred Schurman, Henry Schurmeier, Fred Schweppe, Caspar Stein," John Steinberg, John Steirman, John Stockmeier, Wm. Stoner, Frank Strube, Henry Strube, John Sturman, Frederick Temme, Ernst Temme, William Tramps, Charles Tubesing, John Vass, Frank Walkenford, Jacob Weber, Joseph Wenle, William Werthman, Anton Wilker, John Witte, Henry 472 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. Charles F. Koch, Captain GuBtavus Knoch, 1st Lieutenant John B. Strauch, 2d Lieutenant John B. Mears, 2d Lieutenant Win. Grassmuck, 1st Sergeant Burghard Krug, Sergeant Wolfgang Mirr, Sergeant Nicolas Liernson, Sergeant Bernhard Kramer, Sergeant Anton Joachim, Sergeant Louis Will, Corporal Rudolph Schoenle, Corporal Hermann Biks, Corporal August Joch, Corporal Andreas Wachter, Musician Fred Linsell, Musician Aetchoff, Henry Beckman, Henry Beinker, L. John Beinker, H. W. Bobell, August Borghoff, Edward Broeckler, Bernhard Bude, Henry Caspohl, Fred Demper, Fred Dreeman, Ire H. Ebler, George Evans, John P. Fink, Jos. Anton Fischer, Fred Fredeking, Wm. Gauding, Henry Gaussman, Bernard Gloor, Henry Hafer, William Hagelweide, Chas. Hannaman, Fred Hoch, Henry Hoerman, David Holthes, Fred Holste, Herman Hucker, Ernst Hucker, Henry Jache, John Joachim, Anton Keil, Adam Knoke, Fred Knoll, Conrad Privates. Koenemann, Fred Koether, Herman Kopetz, Adam Kroener, Fred Kuhs, Louis Lamperseck, Chas. Leabel, George Lohede, Henry Luedeman, Ferdinand Mahr, John Mayer, Mathias F. Maysack, Martin Menzeroeff, Fred Meyer, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred W. Meyer, George Meyer, John C. Mueller, John Mysing, Fred Obermeyer, Wm. Oseak, Fred Otto, Fred Platz, John Plenge, Dietrich Prasse, John H. Pueskon, Anton Quernheim, Hy. Wm. Ras, John Richman, Fred Richter, August Schaale, John H. Schafering, H. W. Schaper, Henry Schelp, Fred Wm. Scherman, August Schilling, Ernst Schlef, Henry Schlink, Henry Schutte, Hy. W. Schwaneker, August Schwartz, Peter Sickman, Wm. Smith, William Soeltau, Fred Stadick, Henry Staudner, Caspar Steinkamp, Wm. Steitz, Phillip Stieneman, Gerhard Stoppelman, Henry Stratman, Fred Stuedlo, Thomas Tellenhorst, Christian Tellenhorst, John Tiemoro, Herman Tirre, Fred W. Toelke, Peter Tubbesing, Herman Twellman, John H. Uchman, Chas. Waldecker, Christ Wamekeer, Clemens Winkleman, Gottlieb Winkler, Hy. William Winkler, Herman Fifth Regiment, U. 8. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 473 COMPANY I. Charles Schoenbeck, Captain Charles Beck, 1st Lieutenant Conrad Miller, 2d Lieutenant Herman Strausmeyer, 1st Sergeant John Heideman, Sergeant Adolph Wilke, Sergeant John Kramer, Sergeant J. H. Heidman, Corporal Henry Mohrman, Corporal Peter Hermminghaus, Corporal Herman Heideman, Corporal August Bieland, Musician Herman Dreiling, Musician Abers, Jorgh Allerdissen, Gottlieb Alsmeyer, Ferdinand Bekes, Francis Bekes, Philip Benedict, Henry Berdenkalter, Louis Bergsicker, Henry Bierman, Gotlieb Brand, Fred Brintits, Henry Damman, William Derling, William Ditmeyer, Lawrence Docktor, Ernst Elgeser, Edward Ernst, William Etzel, Charles Fefferley, Stephen Fischback, Christ Fisher, Jobst Forfel, William Freker, William Gertner, Henry Glitt, William Harnischmacher, Fred. Heideman, Ferd. Heideman, Win. Heitbreder, John Helmer, Charles Hetlager, Herman Hohnstretter, Francis Privates. Hostman, August Hullinghaus, Henry Joesding, Henry Joesger, Allen Kamp, Reinhard Kampherner, John Kinderman, Charles Kinder man, Wm. Kleine, Fred. Kottlander, Fred Kronsbein, Herman Krude, Fred Kruger, Gottlieb Krukberg, Charles Kullerville, Fred Lange, Herman Ludinghaus, Henry Luke, Henry F. Mauman, John Meinholt, Henry Miller, Louis Misberling, Chas. Portner, Henry Prangs, Francis Regeley, Wendely Reller, Henry Richter, Henry Richter, Julius Rieke, Wm. Rippe, Charles Roemer, Julius Rohn, Christopher Roeppelsey, Joseph Schaeper, Wm. Schaub, Henry Sehlef, Fred. Schlef, Herman Schreiber, Wm. Schrepel, Fred. Schroeder, Henry Schulte, Wm. Schultz, Herman Seiber, August Sprick, Conrad Stalle, Fred. Johan Starch, Jorgh Strattelgahan, Herman Surver, August Telles, Henry Tugal, Herman Ullein, Lorenz Ulrich, Clemens tflrich, Henry Vogel, Joseph Vohlen, Fred. J. Vohner, Henry Wehmeyer, Wm. Weisheir,- Jobst Werley, John Winter, Wm. Woeler, Wm. Woerman, Herman Wollbring, Henry 474 The Union Cause in St.jjouis in 1861. COMPANY K. James B. Tannehill, Captain Nic. F. Wolf, 1st Lieutenant Phillip H. Reeger, 2d Lieutenant August Hiambyky, 1st Sergeant Edward F. Wolff, Sergeant Robert Herman, Sergeant Ernst Grasshoff, Sergeant Isaac Russig, Corporal Edward Curt, Corporal Gustav Mollenschlader, Corporal William Neuman, Corporal Win. Koenig, Musician Henry Messegrades, Musician Ackerman, Geo. Ahrens, Henry E. Aller, Christian Althoff, William Bacherer, Adam Backer, John- Barth, John F. Becker, Frank Bergman, Herman Birkenkamp, Henry Bleich, John Bodefeld, Frank Bodenstedt, Fred. Bonnett, John Bottiger, Charles Brosamle, John Bruer, John Dalilof, Samuel Deitz, Jacob Delkskamp, Fred. Delley, Christian Detring, Dietrich Deuback, Henry Dustman, Peter Ellerbeck, Fred Fehr, Henry Feick, Henry Ficken, John Funke, Stephen Gang, Sylvester Geisicke, Christian Gerike, Henry Goris, Nic. Grote, Charles Grumme, Wm. Hasper, Charles L. Privates. Heidechrist, Ernst Heidenrick, John Henig, Adam Henig, John Hemmeling, Fred Herman, John Hilker, August Hoffman, George Huffet, Louis Hugelheim, Henry Jauch, Andrew Just, Andrew Kaseberg, John Keller, Jacob Kline, Christian Kobush, Hy. J. Koch, Ferdinand Koenig, Louis F. Krickmeyer, Henry Kruse, Conrad Kuhn, Louis Kurchhoff, Herman Kusten, Henry Lammermeier, Herm. Lappe, Conrad Lunt, Frank Maas, Phillip Maas, Wm. Maasman, Fred. Neiderhoff, G. Neistrath, Henry Neuman, Aug. Ponte, Isadore Reider, John Rautenstrauch, Hy. Rund, Michael Ryan, Michael Sandhaus, Charles Schmidt, Charles Schmidt, Fridolin Schmoenkamp, Wm. Schneider, Frank Schorr, John Schuller, George Seller, Otto Selb, Theodore Sievers, Henry Smidt, Frank Sommers, Andrew Soreng, Herman Spiring, John Steinman, Ernst Stemler, Christ Stiniger, Wm. A. Stobbelworth, Wm. Stort, William Stradtman, Wm. Strieker, Aug. Sunber, Wm. Turin, Louis A. Vogler, George Vogler, John Vogt, Fritz Walter, Frank Werneke, Henry Will, Christopher Withaupt, Frank L. Wolff, John Zumsteg, Jacob Zumsteg, John Zumsteg, Leonard COMPANY B, PACIFIC BATTALION, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS. Among the patriotic organizations of St. Louis County, during the Three-Months' Union Service of 1861, was COMPANY B, PACIFIC BATTALION, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, formed at Allenton, being part of the Command of Major "Wm. C. Inks of Franklin County. The chief service of the Company was to guard the railroad bridges from June 8th v to 28th at Fox Creek, and after that date at Glencoe. The Company made two larger scouts into Jefferson County, infested at the time by the notorious bushwhacker Sam Hilderbrandt. The first of these scouts, under Lieutenant Colonel Holmes, the second, under Captain Robert C. Allen, were undertaken to secure safety to Union people, arrest marauding bands and seize contraband of war. The organization was mustered out of service by Colonel Chester Harding, on September 18th, 1861, re- ceiving a nominal pay of $10, not having been regularly mustered into the United States Service. Officers of the Company were": Robert C. Allen, Captain D. M. Keler, 1st Lieutenant P. Wengler, 2d Lieutenant J. T. Ferguson, 1st Sergeant Hiram Wood, Sergeant P. Murphy, Sergeant C. L. Brown, Sergeant •Thomas Thomas, Sergeant Theo. Logger, Corporal Numon Wood, Corporal J. C. Cloak, Corporal Wm. C. Wengler, Corporal Brown, Benjamin Brown, John Butterbread, John Cloak, Wm. K. Clifton, Thomas Cochran, John Cochran, Nat. DeMire, John Dickens, Geo. Dickens, James Dickens, Wood Privates. Dickets, John Fraze, Emanuel Fleming, John Hensley, Joshua Hepp, George Hinze, Herman Hoffman, John Lintz, Arntz Miner, Augustus Schoemate, Wm. Sickman, Kasper Wasson, John Wasson, Robert Wasson, Thompson Westmann, Michael Will, David Williams, Ben Williams, John Willis, Fred Younger, John Note.— The lists of the Artillery Battalion and the Pioneer Company of the Three Months' Service could not be secured with the available facilities and without indefinite delay. 475