ftUoIogle^I 0emin^rg dbraris THE GIFT OF • Hi^nrg m. Sage OF ITHACA. ■■ ' 234 2. Verbs in -oo;, -oia, -ofoi 238 3. Verbs in -ea, -eue, -efai and -ifa 239 Fibst Excursus. — On the Interchange and Meaning of the Verbs in -au, -oa, -eu 244 Second Bxcuesus. — On the Inflexion of the Contracted Verbs . . . 246 4. Verbs in -ua and -ifcu 249 5. Verbs in -uoi and -ufoi 250 6. Verbs in -eva> and -ova ......... 251 n. Consonantal Division 253 1. Derived Verbs in -cw 253 2. Derived Verbs in -pa 255 3. Derived Verbs in -A.» . ......... 255 4. Derived Verbs in - Q-ttu) 256 CHAPTER Xn. TME E- CLASS AND THE RELATED FORMATIONS . 258 1. Presents in -ew with Forms from a shorter Stem in other Tenses . 262 2. Presents without an -e by the side of other Forms with e or tj . . 263 3. Both Formations side by side in the Present 268 4. E-Formations in other Tenses than the Present, where the Present- Stem is expanded in some other way ..,,,. 270 APPENDIX TO THE E- CLASS , . . .273 1^14] TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER XIII. PAQB THEMATIC AOmSTS 275 I. AOEISTS WITHOUT- EBDUPLICATION 278 ir. AOEISTS WITH Kbduplication 288 CHAPTER XIV. THE MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. 29S I. Impeeative 296 A) Second Singular Active 297 B) Second Person Middle . 304 C) Third Singular, Active and Middle 305 D) Third Plural, Active and Middle 306 E) Dual Forms 310 11. Conjunctive 311 in. Optative 324 CHAPTER XV. VERBAL NOUNS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM 338 I. Infinitives 338 II. Pakticiplbs 351 CHAPTER XVI. THE PERFECT STEM AND THE FORMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT 354 I. Reduplication in the Pbefbct 356 A) With an Initial Consonant 356 B) With an Initial Vowel of the Stem 365 C) Loss of Eeduplication 370 D) Position of the Eeduplication 373 II. The Active Pbefbct 3g]^ A) Personal Terminations of the Indicative 38X B) Formation of the Stem 3gg a. Eelics of the Primary Formation 3g6 6. Formation of the Stem by an added Vowel . . . . 388 t. Changes in the Vowel of the Stem-Syllable . . . 395 d. Consonantal Changes in the Stem-Syllable , . . . 403 e. The Perfect with k 4q8 m. The Middle Pbefbct ' ^.jg rv. Moods of the Perfect 422 V. Verbal Nounb op the Pbefbct 424 TABLE OF CONTENTS. [15]' PAOE VI. Tendencies towards Sigmatic Pebfbct Forms . . . .427 VII. The Pluperfect .... 428 A) Active Pluperfect 428- B) Middle Pluperfect . . 434 VIII. The Future prom the Perfect Stem 435 CHAPTER XVII. XHE SIGMATIC AORIST 43r A) Relics of a Primitive Formation 445- B) The Ordinary Formation 44ff C) Irregularities 460- OHAPTER XVIII. THU FUTURE 46r I. The Sigmatic Future . 468 II. The Future without t?-ox^ (partici- pium) ; the only pity is that this name was coniined to a part only of the group. We shall find it best to speak of the whole class as verbal nouns. The elements of meaning which find expression in the Greek verb finite are of six kinds: 1), Person; 2), Number; 3), Eelation borne by the action to the subject, the difference, i.e. between Active, Middle, and Passive, so well named by the ancients lMBe, it is true, is 1st sing, for both iud. and conj., but as there are in Homer forms in -w -/ji for the conj., there was once a distinction between the two forms. Avr; is in Attic at once 3rd sing. conj. act. and 2nd sing. conj. middle ; but Homer distinguishes between Xvrfai. and Xiljjai, and even Attic at one time between Xvrj and Xvei. The aor. I. inf. act. and the 2nd sing, imp. aor. I. mid. are at any rate occasionally distinguishable by their accent, e.g. TraiSeSo-at and izailevcrai — reason enough for counting each form separately. On the same principles the 1st sing. fut. act., e.g. Xvau for Xvtrto), has been distinguished from the 1st sing. aor. I. conj. Xvaui. On the other hand, it cannot be shown that there ever was a phonetic distinction in Greek itself between Xvetov, Xveirdoy as 2nd dual ind. and imperat., or between Xvere, Xvecrde as 2nd pi. of the two moods, and therefore such forms are only counted once. In this way we get the following result. From the present-stem are formed — Pr. Ind. Pr. Coni. Pr. Opt. Pr. Imp. Impf. Act. 7 7 8 4 8 Mid. 7 7 8 4 8 that is, 68 forms belonging to the verb finite. Besides these there are 5 2 infinitives and 2 participles with 19 each, that is, 40 forms of the verb infinite — in all 108. / From the future-stem come — Ind. Opt. Act. 7 8 Mid. 7 8 that is, 30 forms of the verb finite, and then there are 2 infinitives and 2 participles with 19 case-forms apiece. Altogether from the future- stem 70 forms. From the aorist-stem, either the strong or the weak, come — Ind. Conj. Opt. Imp, Act. 8 7 8 6 Mid. 8 7 8 6 In addition to these 58 come the 40 forms of the infinitives and parti- ciples — in all 98. Under the perfect-stem we omit entirely the rare conj., opt. and imp. of the active, but not the imperative middle, which is more frequent. We thus get — B 2 4 INTRODUCTION. ch. i. Perf. Ind. Imper. Pluperf. Fut. Act. 7 8 3 Mid. 7 4 8 Ind. 7, Opt. 8 altogether 49 forms of the verb finite ; and to this have to be added 3 infinitives and 3 participles — in all 109. The passive-stem, strong or weak as the case may be, gives — Aor. Ind. Conj. Opt. Imp. 8 7 8 6 Fut. Ind. Opt. 7 9 44 which, with the 2 infinitives and the 38 participial forms, give a total of 84. The verbal adjectives, which belong to no tense-stem, produce 38 case- forms. In all, then, we may get from a complete verb— 249 forms of the verb finite, and 258 forms of the verb infinite altogether 607. I A glance at the Latin verb is enough to show us how much poorer it is than the Greek. The Latin verbal forms may be referred to two tense-stems, of which the second, that of the perfect, does not extend beyond the active. The present-stem has — Ind. Conj. Act. 6 6 Mid. 6 6 Imper. 5 4 Imperf. Ind. 6 6 Imperf. Conj. 6 6 Fut, 6 6 altogether 69 forms of the verb finite, to which must be added 2 infinitives and a participle with 8 different case-forms, and the gerundive with 12 case-forms' — that is, 91 forms in all. The perfect- stem has — 6 forms for the indicative perf. 6 „ „ conjunctive perf. 6 „ „ indic. pluperf. 6 „ „ conj. pluperf. 1 form for the fut. perf for it is only the 1st pers. sing, that is diflferent from the perf. conj. — in all 25 — which with the addition of the inf act. make 26. Besides these there is the fut. part. act. with its 12 forms, the perf pass. part, with the same number, and the 2 supines — in all 26. The verb finite reckons altogether 94 forms, the verb infinite 49 total 143. Everything besides is periphrastic. In Gothic the resources are stUl more meagre. We can here only compare the verb finite, as the declension of the participles is so much more complicated that their sum cannot be clearly stated. The strong verb in Gothic as in Latin falls into two groups, here called present and past. The present group comprises in the indicative 7 forms the ' I have counted the same form only once when it does duty for more than one case, as e.g. legenM for gen. s. and nom. pi. OH. I. NUMBEE OF VERBAL EOEMS. 5 3rd sing, and the 2nd plur. being identical, in tlie conjunctive 8, in the imperative only 1, as 3 forms are identical with the corresponding indie, forms ; then there are 6 middle forms. The past has 8 for the indibative and 8 for the conjunctive. The entire sum is therefore 38. The language that comes nearest to Greek in wealth of forms is 7 undoubtedly Sanskrit. Here aU the three numbers have their three persons complete, so that each mood and tense shows 9 forms. Of moods and tenses there are 9, as the tenth system of forms, that of the participial future, being periphrastic, cannot be reckoned here. We thus get 81 forms of the verb finite iu active, middle, and passive respectively — in all, therefore, 243, as against the 268 of Greek. Then there are the conjunctive forms and several optatives peculiar to the dialect of the Vedas, in which dialect, however, many of the later forms are wanting. Still the verbal system in Indian is on the whole, as Delbriick remarks (' Altindisches Verbum,' p. 15), not very sharply defined, so that it hardly admits of this kind of calculation. Owing to the fact that many verbs have alternative forms of the present- stem freely cm-rent side by side, the number often mounts up excessively. There are, for instance, from the rt. hour make, according to Delbriick, 336 forms of the present verb finite alone in Yedic Sanskrit. At a later stage again the language has a much smaller store to show than Greek. No doubt it would be the other way if we reckoned the causative, intensive, and desiderative formations as well. These count in Sanskrit grammar for integral parts of the regular verbal inflexion, whereas in Greek, where they are far less numerous, they are separate verbs. Since each of these derived formations goes through all persons in the three voices, and has only the perfect formed by periphrasis, for every group of 81 forms of the primitive verb we get one of 72 — in all, that is, 216 for each derived formation, and 648 for all the three. Add to these the forms of the primitive verb, and thete results the gigantic total of 891 genuine verbal forms. Still we should no doubt go wrong if we treated each and all of the forms in this tabulated grammatical system as actually existing. The whole list may be found conveniently arranged in Max MiiUer's ' Sanskrit Grammar ' (London 1870, p. 245 ff.). This much may, I believe, be positively asserted, that in the number of verbal forms in living use Greek hardly comes behind Sanskrit. This is in part con- nected with the far finer distinctions of meaning which are to be found 8 in Greek. Withoiit doubt both tense and mood systems are in the latter language more developed and more compact. If after this detailed survey of the extensive stock of Greek forms we now try to understand how all this wealth originated, the first certainty we can arrive at is that its formation was a process of time. Of this fact we get some few but important indications from the period of the language's history, which may in the narrower sense be called historic, that, namely, which has left us written specimens. One of the most in- genious formations of the Greek verb, the weak passive future, is entirely wanting in Homeric Greek, and of the strong passive future there is but one certain, instance, (xiyricrEiTdai, which only occurs at K 365, for Saijiro- fiai has not the right meaning. These forms, therefore, were clearly not made tUl the time subsequent to that in which the Homeric Epic was in its prime. They were evidently made to supplement the long current passive aorists and on the analogy of the other futures. There had long 6 INTRODUCTION. cs. i. been by tbe side of eftr/ fifjvai a jirtaofiai, by the side of rKrjvai rKfjirofiai, by the side of yorifxcrai yori(rtTai — why should not niyrifiEvai have fiiyn- aofiai ? and later on, why should not Kivrjdijvai have Kivridfiaofxai ? espe- cially as these forms gave greater facility for the expression of passivity than was afforded by the middle forms fjt^ofiai Kivriaafiai. The future optative likewise is unknown to Homeric Greek. For no doubt La Roche is right in altering the completely isolated and not even well attested oKvloi at p 547, and reading ovM ici tiq davarov koX Kijiiae a\vi,ei after the analogy of other passages. This late growth is very significant, and teaches us much of the nature of the verb. While the system of cases not only receives no addition whatever in the period known to us by written records, but is actually curtailed, and while very con- siderable losses can be discovered within the limits of Homeric Greek, in the verb the power of putting out new shoots lasted much longer. In the use of the cases then it is remarkable to find older and nicer distinc- tions of meaning often replaced by a less delicate accuracy, and one case assuming the functions of another as well as its own. With the verb, 9 however, the case is the reverse ; here we can, so far at least as tenses and moods are concerned, discern here and there the stamp of a greater delicacy and a more thoroughgoing completeness. We find analogy to be the means by which a still living creative force attains its ends, and we may conclude that analogy was also a material element in producing the results of yet earlier times. The impulse to carry through to the end what is once begun, to fill up the gaps in what was at first an isolated group of forms after the pattern of older types, is one which is specially characteristic of the Greek language. Hence it was comparatively late that the marvellous system we see before us reached its full completeness. By the side of this process of completion of the whole we can also trace a few less important innovations as they arise, e.g. the formation of the aspirated perfect, quite unknown to Homeric Greek, the extensive use of the k in making the active perfect, of which again we see only the beginnings in Homer. Other Greek dialects are of considerable use in many directions in helping us to ascertain what we can of the phonetic relations of an older time before the division into dialects had taken place. But these are all isolated phenomena compared with the mass of forms which are unquestionably as old as Greek itself, and which prove, by the wide extent to which they accord with pheno- mena in related languages, that they were the common inheritance of all or at any rate several of the Indo-Germanic tongues. The task, therefore, which we have to perform, if we are to understand the structure of the Greek verb, can only be done by going back to the relations and conditions of the language in a pre-Greek age. The main parts of the structure were the work, not of Greeks, but of Indo- G^rmans far away in antiquity. Our investigation therefore, whether we are examining a single phenomenon or constructing a whole out of many, must always be of two kinds — reconstructive and constructive as well. The former is the easier task. Reconstruction has to take the forms of the several languages and conclude from them what the primi- tive Indo-Germanic form was, and to obtain by a systematic combina- 1 tion of such primitive forms a complete image of the structure such as we may conjecture it to have been before the first encroachments of deface- ment and decay. On the side of construction we have to ask with what CH. I. GROWTH OF THE INDO-GEEMANIC VERB. 7 notion was tliis primitive structure invented — how did it arise 1 In so doing we try to transport ourselves in thougiit to periods wliicli are still more ancient, when the language bears still less direct resemblance to that of later times. A clear perception of this twofold nature of our task is indispensable. There ai'o cases where the two sides are, so to speak, at odds, where it is a question whether the surplus shown by one language or dialect compared with others is of primeval growth,^ or an extraneous imitation of some other similar form — a question we shall have to raise, e.g. in the case of the full termination -/it in the 1st sing, optative. In the same way it is sometimes not easy, in the case of a sound by which a form in one language is distinguished from the form equivalent to it in another, to see at once whether this sound has always had a share in. marking the significance of the form, and consequently is to be explained construc- tively, or whether it may not have arisen through a later dulling and special, purely phonetic development. In the latter case a reconstruc- tion is necessary before we can arrive at the older soimd. Hence, though in theory it may be possible to keep these two sides distinct in the treat- ment of individual cases, it is practically inexpedient. What is of real importance is rather that we should never lose sight of either. Still, ' since the examination of the details of the Greek verbal structure cannot fail to be a distraction to the due consideration of the whole, and as at the same time it is of great importance that we should view the whole collectively, it will be expedient to summarise here, by way of introduc- tion, the most essential points of what seems to me ascertainable about the gradual origin of that verbal system which we may regard as already complete before the separation of the Indo-Germanic languages. To this may weU. be added a short examination of such objections as have been raised against some of the main points in this collective view, and a short estimate of the interpretations — some of them diametrically opposed to each other — which have been suggested by its opponents in its stead. To begin then with the positive part of these considerations ; of this much we may be sure, in the first place, that the Indo-Germanic verb, so far 1 1 as we can by reconstruction arrive at its fundamental outlines, no more came into being all at once than did the Greek. It did not begin by being a ready-made system of aU kinds of form, each with its clearly defined function assigned to it at its birth. Every attempt to conceive of the verb as a definite entity, after the fashion of the philosophising gram- marians of earlier times, or to show how it needs must follow this pattern and no other, is a mistake. This huge system of verbal forms, perhaps the most marvellous creation of the language- making mind of. man, is a stratified formation. The science of language has long devoted its atten- tion to the right discrimination between these various strata of forms lying one above the other, of which the younger always presupposes and is qualified by the older. I have discussed these problems before in my treatise, ' Zur Ohronologie der indogermanischen Sprachforschung,' 2nd edit. Leipz. 1873, but I must here repeat my main poiuts. All formal structure in the languages of our stock consists essentially in the union of two elements, one with meaning and the other without ; that is, to adopt the usual phraseology, in the union of verbal rqots with pronominal stems. Of this union two kinds are possible. Either it is attributive, that is, the pronominal stem is added to the more significant root with the same force with which at a later stage of the language an 8 INTKODUCTION. CH. i. adjective or pronoun is said by grammarians to be joined attributively to a substantive : ttat is, ag-a (Gk. ay-d(-c)), ag-man (Lat. ag-men) is like 6 aviip, or ovtoq 6 avr}p. The added pronoun has here no other force than that of pointing, like a local adverb ' there' to the notion expressed in the root, and bringing it into prominence just as an_ article might. This kiud of union is the main source from which arise the formative suffixes and some of the case suffixes, especially thoseof the nominative and accusative. The other kind of union is the predicative, the essence of which is that the added pronominal stem_ does duty as subject, and consequently turns the significant stem to which it is added into the predicate. In the clear separation of the predicative- con- nexion from the attributive, while in their origin the two were hardly 12 distinguishable, lies the chef d'oeuvre of the Indo-Germanic formal struc- ture. By the more detailed arguments of the treatise above mentioned I believe I have shown that the predicative connexion was probably the one that was developed first in this stock of languages. Now herein lies the germ of the verb. When once a root like da was united to a prono- minal stem like ta in such a way that this combination da-ta meant that man giver, or he giver, and nothing else, a verbal form had been made, and when presently corresponding forms were made for the other persons too, the primitive forms being da-ma, da-tva, there existed a set of such forms, a small paradigm, with the consciousness of their inter-connexion as a necessary consequence. And as men's minds were already awake to the necessity of avoiding confusion, and care was taken to keep these forms distinct in sound from the attributive compounds, the verbs as a separate part of speech now existed once for all. The further steps taken before the end of this primitive period, — the expression of the plural by the union of several pronominal elements, and the expression of the middle voice by a difierent combination of the same, the prefiixing of yet another pronominal stem, the augment as it is called, by which the grade of past time was marked ofi" clearly from the grade of present, — all these we shall see more clearly when we come to the examination of the details. What we have to do here is rather to get a bird's-eye view of the process of development as a whole. This first stratum of verbal forms thus given in outline comprehends only such forms as occur, say, in the present indicative and imperfect of the Greek verb ^ij^ui. There is only one verb-stem here, and that as yet quite a simple one. Next to the indicative apparently the imperative was formed, as we shall see further on, and its characteristic mark Kes, as in the indicative, only in the personal terminations. But of any other mark of distinction of mood or of the kind of time there is not a trace. The capital gain of the first verbal period is essentially this, that there were now two sets of clearly stamped personal terminations for active and middle, and an augment. . These possessions were lasting, and the 13 distinctions thus struck out were made use of in all subsequently formed strata. The augment, where it was wanted, at the beginning, and the personal terminations at the end of the word made, as it were, the firm framework for all new productions whatever within the verb finite. Tt is at this point that the language appears to have made use, very early in its progress, of a means which it employs in the most varied ways for the emphasising of a syllable, namely, repetition or reduplication. Instead of the simple stem, e.g. da, there might appear within the same CH. I. GROWTH OF THE INDO-GERMANIC VERB. 9 verbal framework the reduplicated stem, e.g. dada, and so instead of da-ta dada-ta ; and, as this happened right through all the forms, there arose a twofold series : da-ma, da-tva, da-ta, &c., and dada-ma, dada-tva, dada- ta. These two series could hardly fail to be distinguished in meaning. In many cases the difference was this, that the first series was employed to denote momentary action, the second with its fuller forms to denote continuous. Here then we have the first materials for marking what I have called the kind of time. Any further formative power therefore had hardly room to exert itself either at the beginning or end of the word, but had to confine itself exclusively to the interior. If we would understand other expansions, we must remember always that the verbal stem forms the predicate to the shifting subjects denoted by the terminations. Now this predicate may in a certain sense be compared to the later noun-stems, although quite at the beginning — that is, before the creation of verbal forms — the distinction between noun and verb did not exist. No doiibt every rendering of primitive Indo-Germanic in language of a later development can be only approximative ; for there is in the essence of this oldest mode of expression an indistinctness which must of necessity give way to a greater distinctness in the case of a language which has been actually, handed down by tradition. But if we are conscious that we are only very imperfectly reproducing the real meaning of those primitive formations, we may perhaps render da-ma by give I, da-ta by give he, and conjecture that the predicative syllable gradually acquired a force which was not very different from that of the afterwards clearly distinguished participle or nomen agentis, e.g. giving, giver. The idea 14 that a copula is needed here appears completely untenable even when viewed from the position of a later development of the language ; for sentences like ovk ayadov woXvKoipavir) have not been wanting in any period, and no doubt they were for a long time the only kind of predica- tions in use.^ The next expansion of verbal forms then was brought about, we conclude, by way of the more elaborate specialisation of the forms and functions of the predicate. The means used was exactly the same as in the case of the noun-stems just mentioned, i.e. expansion of the stem. As noun-stems, even in periods of the language which are known to us, appear now without any suffix, now with several, so the verb-stem can be used without addition as well as with the addition of a suffix. The commonest and shortest sufiSx is the vowel a? Instead of attaching the personal terminations directly to the rt. ag the noun- stem aga is formed from it, and this aga is then connected, e.g. with the sign of the third pers. sing, ta, later ti (aga-ti^ayei, a^it), in the same way in which later the sign of the nominative case is added to the same stein atti-ibutively {aga-s=^a.y6-Q). An imaginable 1st pers. plur. ag-mas would bear to the actiially deducible aga-m^as^^ayo/iec, agimus, the same relation as that borne by the Lat. noun-stem ag-men to an agi-men ' [Cp. Koby's Latin Qramma/r, ii. p. xxii.] ' Fick's attempt to dispute the existence of the suffix a (JBeAtr. z. K. der Indq- Germ. Spraolien, vol. i. p. 1 ff.) seems to me unsuccessful. Nor can I see what gain is expected to result from dividing, e.g. *T>lia-ra instead of J)lw/r-a, since it makes both" syllables quite unintelligible. There is nothing to prove the priority of the verbal form. It would be just as lawful to deny that na and nu are nominal suffixes. 10 INTEODUCTION. ch. i. wMcli the analogy of regi-men will readily suggest. These os-stems so outgrew the older stratum in numbers, as time went on, that they de- cidedly formed the rule and turned the first stratum into a group of more or less anomalous exceptions. The original pfoperty of forming stems possessed by this a served to give to the stem still more of the character of a noun, and thus to mark the action denoted by it as a continuous, lasting one. This 15 explains the fact that this a, represented in Greek by e or o, and lengthened in the 1st sing, to w, belongs especially to the present-stem — that is, to that group of forms intended to express the action in its extent and duration. By the side of this a appear two more expansions of stem which a comparison of the related languages shows to be primitive, i.e. the syllables na and nu, about which little else can be said than that they ai-e used to make other stems beside verb-stems. The syllables in the middle of (rdS-va-fity, op-vv-fiev are compared to the stem-forming elements in vtt-vo-q ( = Skt. svdp-na-s, Lat. som-nu-s for sop-nu-s), in the Skt., Goth., and Lith. su-nu-s son, in the Skt. dhrshnH-s bold, with which we may directly connect dhrshno-mi I am bold (rt. dharsh=.Grk.. Bapa). It is hard to see any peculiarity in these expansive syllables distinguishing them from the vowel a. Nor is it easy to find any further points of analogy between special forms of present-stems and noun-stems of a similar grade of formation. After these forms had established themselves, nominal and verbal stem-formation went each their own way. The intrusion of these stem-forming syllables into the framework of the verb can only be explained by supposing that at the time of its occurrence the forms had not yet completely set, so to speak, and that there still existed a sense that the terminations were the sub- jects and the stem the predicate. Of marks of case or number these noun-forms show not the faintest trace, and hence we conclude that the inflexion of the noun arose later. It is only in the period of stem- formation that the verb and the noun have anything in common. In this both are alike. But as soon as the noun-forms turned themselves by fresh suffixes, and especially by case-terminations, to polysyllabic formations, they became wholly unfit to be made straight into verbs. Reduplication is an internal, and the attachment of suffixes an external expansion of the stem. But the two methods may be com- bined. The stem that has been expanded externally may be inwardly strengthened as well. We find reduplication and lengthening of the stem- vowel side by side with the attachment of a suffix, especially of an a, and the latter, i.e. lengthening or intensification, becomes an important 16 distinction between dijfferent tense-stems. When a distinction arises between a stem bhuga and hhauga, lipa and laipa, we have again a twofold series of forms, and to the old binary stem-formation (the simple and the reduplicated) is added a new means of distinguishing continuous action (ipevynv, Xeittuv) from momentary (cpvyilv, XltteIv). Meanwhile reduplication, sometimes in conjunction with the suffixed a, sometimes without it, furnishes the means of expressing the more intense, the com- pleted action, and thus when specially developed becomes the source of the perfect tense. All forms characterised by the expansion of the stem by a suffix we may distinguish from primitive forms under the name thematic. But in Greek grammar it is advisable to restrict the term thematic to those forms which show the vowels e (>?, ei) and o (w, ov) in regular interchange, or in other words, which belong to what has always CH. u GROWTH OF THE INDO-GERMANIC VERB. 11 been called the conjugation in il. This same interchange of vowels may- be seen in the conjunctive throughout, and this is enough to show that this mood is a product of the period we have just been describiag. But since a portion of the so-called verbs in MI follow, as we saw, in their present stems ia -va and -w the same priaciple of foi-mation, the term thematic is found inadequate. We shall find it more correct to call this class, as opposed to the primitive or radical stratum, the secondary, or — in so far as we here use the word stem in the sense of the already moulded and modified stem — the stem-stratum. Besides these, however, there is yet a third group of verbal forms, the analysis of which shows fresh elements in addition to those common to all verbal forms alike. The o- in 'i-Xvtra and Xvaw, and the d in eXidrjii do not belong to the root, nor can they be compared with the expansive stem-suffixes used in the verb after the analogy of noun-stems. No noun-stems show anything corresponding to these elements. The source from which noun-suffixes are drawn is pronominar stems, but with these the syllables in question have little or nothing in common. Their origin must therefore be sought elsewhere. Bopp in his time recognised in them auxiliary verbs, and accordingly regarded the verbal forms so originated as compounds. This last expression, now in universal use in comparative grammar, must be taten, it is true, in a limited and special 17 sense, since in the fullest sense of the word all verbal forms are com- pounds. But whereas in r)-fii, Stk-i'v-fitv, Xeliro-fiey we have a single verbal stem in connexion with one or more pronominal stems, there are in e-Xv-a-a-nev, k-\v-Qr]-v at least two verbal stems, and we can thus call the latter compound verbal forms with the same propriety as Xoyoypafo-Q, Xvai-irovoQ can be called compound nominal forms. Still, to denote them more exactly, we shall find it better to use the more significant expression auxiliary forms, or auxiliary stratum. This third stratum of necessity presupposes the other two ; for if there were no verbs there could be no auxiliaries to use. Auxiliaries are nothing but verbs which have lost their full meaning. It is the rule in language that the full, the significant, and the lifelike precedes that which is empty, inexpressive, and lifeless ; and every verb that has degenerated into a shadowy auxiliary must have first enjoyed full powers and an independent life of its own. Of this the auxiliary verbs in every language afford the clearest proof in their etymology. In periods of which the language has come down to us verbs which originally had most clearly defined meanings, such as stand (stare, IV. ete=status), remain, become (Germ, werden, orig. turn), to be bound (Germ, sollen), have, dwell (Goth, wisan [Eng. was], Skt. rt. vas, dwell), have become mere auxiliaries, and are sometimes nothing more than a copula. The Indo-Germanic tongue must have possessed at least one verb that had degenerated into a copula before the separation of the languages, i.e. as- mi I am. It had, however, other verbs as well, most likely, which already had such small specific force that they could be used to express an action by conjunction with another stem, there being no doubt a shorter way of sajring the same thiag by the use of one stem only. We can, how- ever, distinguish clearly the first and second strata in the inflexion of the auxiliary-forms. The aorist iXvdrjv corresponds to 'iQriv, that is, the auxiliary element here is primary or radical in its iaflexion. "E-Xiz-o-a, on the other hand, Hke the simple ea for iaa=eram, shows an expanded stem having the a added to its root. There must have long existed an 12 INTEODUCTION. ch. .. kaa, or rather, as the whole formation belongs to the Indo-Germanic 18 period, an asa, before iXvaa arose. We see from this that the third stratum presupposes both the first and the second. The rt. ec, moreover, must, before enteriag into this combination, have passed from the full meaning breathe, live, which it is highly probable it first possessed, to the empty one which makes us give to elpai the name of verb substan- tive, or even simple copxila. There must in fact have already existed a verb substantive, inflected according to the rule of the first or second stratum, before the forms of the third stratum arose. If these hypotheses are granted, there is nothing extraordinary in our theory. Every form of the verb finite is a little sentence. Up to this time speakers had been content with sentences without a copula, in which the connexion between subject and predicate was expressed by the mere juxtaposition of the two, and now it was extremely natural to follow the analogy of sentences where the copula stood separate, and have a copula expressed inside the verb itself. While 'i^ov, i.e. a-da-nt, translated into the language of later times, would be tuTn dantes, eSo-aav, i.e. a-da-sa-nt, would be turn dantes erant. Two points only must be presupposed : first, a kind of fluidity about the verbal forms, in con- sequence of which the sense of the origin of the predicative syllables and their analogy to noun-stems had not yet been lost ; and secondly, an absence of marks of case and number at the time that the combiuation took place. An uninflected dik, uniting in itself the meanings showing and show, could easily combine with a following asmi I am, to make dik-asmi, shortened dik-smi ; so, too, asa-mi, the later by-form of as-mi, could combine with the same nominal stem to make dik-asami, shortened dik-sami, from which was formed the past tense a-dik-sam, i.e. Skt. ddiksham=e?ei^a. Besides the rt. as we find two other verbal roots used in the same way : the rt. dha do, and the rt. ja go. Later periods give us in- structive instances of the periphrastic use of these two roots. Inasmuch as every verb expresses an action, every verbal form can be replaced by the periphrasis of an abstract noun and the verb ' do.' The infinitive occurs oftenest in this connexion ; cp. e.g. the German er thut kommen, the English how do you do ? The rt.ja, on the other hand, is exactly 19 adapted to express cu-cumstance, inasmuch as go is equivalent to go about, versari in aliqua re. Standing separately it has this force in the Lat. infitias ire, and the German spazieren gehen {to go a walking). Inasmuch, again, as there is in going the idea of motion towards a goal, S'o^cp. the Fr. je vais /aire — can acquire the meaning strive, pursue, and thus become the source of marks of mood and of the future tense. Finally, it can be used for the passive, as we have it used in venum ire, as the opposite of venum dare. For go is an intransitive verb, and as such stands in a kind of opposition to doing, and the notion ' to get into such and such a plight,' supplies a link between it and the expression of passivity. Since two or more auxiliary elements of this kind can be combined there arises the possibility of a large number of forms which partly serve to supply the deficiencies of the older strata, especially in cases where phonetic diflSculties have arisen, partly ofier an opportunity of conveying various meanings which the means at hand are quite or partially unable to express. In the course of time this third stratum outgrew the two earlier ones. CH. I. OBJECTIONS TO THE AGGLUTINATIVE THEORY. 13 Of course the origin of the auxiliary elements was soon lost to view, just as in the second stratum the sense of the way in which the stems had been expanded had soon disappeared. But these syllables, beginning as they did with a consonant, and capable of symmetncal adjustment to all kinds of stems, met the wants of what were relatively late periods. There was not so much force wanted for their articulation nor so great a nicety of distinction required as there was for the production of the more delicate and finer formations of a previous age, whith, now that they had themselves provided a pattern for the younger generation of formations, became more and more antiquated, though fortunately they were too numerous ever to become entirely obsolete. This short sketch of the gradual genesis of the Greek verbal forms is on the whole in accordance with the views which since Bopp's time have obtained among comparative grammarians, and which have only been modified in single points here and there by further investigations, among which those of Schleicher may be named as the most conclusive and com- prehensive. It is scarcely surprising that in so difficult problems there 20 have been difiFerences of Opinion on certain points. Still, since the ap- pearance of Bopp's ' Conjugations-system ' the main outKnes have received general recognition. Such independent enquirers as Pott, Benfey, and Schleicher have been here completely at one with Bopp. Jacob Grimm, who is repeatedly spoken of by the below-mentioned opponent of the received theory as opposed to Bopp, expresses himseK (' D. Gr.' i. 1051 ff.) as essentially of the same opinion. Those who treat the philosophical side of language take the same view. For this it is enough to refer to W. V. Humboldt's treatise 'Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen ' (' Ges. Schr.' iii. pp. 290, 297), and to Steinthal's ' Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues ' (p. 285 ff.). As we shall see later on, even before Bopp, Buttmann was of the same view with respect to one of the main points, i.e. the origin of personal terminations from suffixed pronominal stems. This really remarkable unanimity has been met by a very decided opposition from two sources : first from Westphal in his ' Philosophisch-historische Grammatik der deutschen Sprache,' and later in his ' Methodische Grammatik der griechischen Sprache,' in both of which books the view we have adopted is called ' die Bopp'sche Agglutinationstheorie,' and most emphatically denounced as erroneous. The second attack has been made by H. Merguet, who in his book ' Die Entwickelung der lateinischen Formenbildung ' (Berl. 1870) makes radical objections to several of the main points.^ A scientific oppo- sition to widespread views is itself a useful stimulus and may lead to greater 21 certainty if it can be shown to be ill-grounded. I think therefore that it is worth while to make a brief examination of these objections, and for * Merguet has since given repeated expression to his views, but, as far as I can see, without going more deeply into the question, or subjecting the views lie combats to a thorough examination. I may refer specially to his latest work, Veber den Mnfluss der Analogie wnd Differenzirvmg auf die Gestaltung der SpraoTi- formen, Konigsberg, 1876 Similar doubts have been expressed, though with more reserve, by Bergaigne in the Memoires de la Sodete de Ungmstiqiie, vol. iii., who partly follows Alfred Ludwig (2)er Infimtiv im, Veda ; Agglutination oder Adap- tation). A. H. Sayoe, who, in his Principles of Comparative Philology (2nd ed. Lond. 1875), opposes Bopp's theory in many important points, still, at p. 294, accepts its explanation of the personal terminations. 14 INTEODUCTION. ch. i. a moment to look the new theories of our opponents straight in the face. In so doing we must treat separately the origin of the personal termina- tion and the construction of compound verbal forms. As far then as the personal terminations are concerned, Westphal acknowledges the phonetic similarity between them and the stems of the personal pronouns, but he adopts the view advanced, though not very positively, by Karl Ferd. Becker, according to which the personal ter- minations, and, as Westphal holds, the middle ones, came first, and the personal pronouns were afterwards formed from them. The positive part of his view we shall have to examine later on, but first of all we must enquire into its negative side. What are the grounds then which decide Westphal to abandon a theory that is so widespread and, as it seems to me, so well considered? It almost looks as if he thought the name • Agglutinationstheorie ' enough in itself to arouse a feeling of abhorrence in every thoughtful mind, as in fact the expression ' Bopp's Agglutinationstheorie ' — for Bopp's name others with equal capriciousness put Schleicher's — has subsequently been used here and there in a like contemptuous sense. The reasons casually adduced by Westphal are mightily meagre. In spite of repeated perusal I have only been able to discover three definite objections. The first rests on the difference between the termination of the 1st sing. act. mi or m and the nomina- tive of the first personal pronoun. ' Those,' he says ('Philos. Gr.' 129), ' who take the view contrary to mine and explain the termination of the first person in the verb by supposing the attachment of a word which abeady had its own meaning of /, are forced into a grave self-contradic- tion, for the stem ma to which they have recourse has no meaning but me, to m,e, and never that of /.' This objection is not hard, I think, to disable. It seems to me that the difference between the nominative and the oblique cases is one which language took cognisance of, not when stems were formed, but after inflexion had begun. No one ever said that a Tiomi- 22 native m,a was the source of the termination rnii, but a stein m,a, which, like every other stem, possessed the faculty of producing various cases in a period subsequent, as I think I have shown, to that of the origin of verbal forms. That a stem should in itself be adapted only for a certain set of cases and not for others seems to me as inconceivable logically as that a verb-stem should be adapted only for certain persons, moods, or tenses. All these things are merely accidents affecting the substance of the stem after it has taken shape,, not before. There is nothing of the kind to be seen in the pronominal stem tva for the second or ta for the third person. If then in the language of later times the stem ma forms no nominative, it must be held in so far defective ; it must have left off forming a nomi- native. We find something similar in the case of the stem ta. This stem developes no nom. sing. masc. and fem. ta-s ta as an independent pronoun, but the nom. plur. ta-i, tas is enough to show us that there is no conceivable obstruction producing this defect, and compound forms like av-rd-e and is-te prove conclusively that there is no such thing as the creation of stems for oblique cases alone. Westphal, it is true, regards the assumption that the stem ma may once have had the power of denoting the subject as an hypothesis that we have no right to make.^ But how is it possible to discuss the first estab- ' How little scruple Westphal has to assume even for Greek forms not sup- CH. I. OBJECTIONS TO THE AGGLUTINATIVE THEORY. 15 lishment of linguistic forms which undoubtedly took shape in very early times, if we do not use hypotheses? Does Westphal then make no hypotheses when he assumes a language without personal pronouns, assumes personal terminations to have arisen from ' essentially meaning- less ' vowels and consonants, taken quite at will and presumed to ' occur naturally ' to the primitive Indo-Germans 1 I think these such violent and improbable hypotheses that by theii' side the assumption that ma was defective seems perfectly innocent. Why, where are we to look for 23 a language without personal pronouns ? How are we ever to conceive of a verbal structure so elaborate, with the most accurate means of denoting the I, thou, we, &c., if the language was not at the same time able to ex- press the corresponding persons when standing by themselves, able, how- ever imperfectly, to express ' to him ' or ' him,' ' to thee ' or ' thee ' some- how or other ? On Westphal's hypothesis this must have been impossible until this process in the verb was completed. And how is it, if the per- sonal terminations really did fall like drops from the body of the middle voice, or like ripe apples from its branches, that notwithstanding there is so very little likeness between e.g. the plural of the middle terminations and that of the personal pronouns ? He is obliged to admit in his ' Greek Grammar,' i. p. 391 ff., that even after applying all the 'euphonic' sounds, 'fulcra,' ifec, which he has at his beck, he finds the stem of the second person plural ' completely unintelligible.' But if it is necessary, before we can explain the production of the independent pronouns in the plural, to find other tendencies at work than those which are discernible in the personal terminations of the verb, the whole of Westphal's hypo- thesis falls to the ground. A second objection deals with the relation of the secondaryto the primary terminations. Westphal will not allow us any right to derive the former from the latter by loss of sound. In the preterite, he says, we never find mi, si, ti, nti, and are not justified in assuming it to have had these forms once. But here, too, the received theory is supported by analogies which are beyond doubt, and which even Westphal cannot reject. If the poetical eatri had not been preserved we should not have a single Greek second person singular with the full termination ; in all other cases the <. has disappeared. In Latin there is no m,i, si, ti. The i has been completely lost, with the exception of a single trace in the Carmen Saliare. In the first person plural it is only Yedic Sanskrit in its -m,asi, which there occurs more often than -mas, and the Zend -m,ahi, which have kept the i, which we must undoubtedly assume for the original Indo-Germanic tongue. In the perfect active in Sanskrit the personal termination of the 1st and 3rd sing, has disappeared, the primary ending 24 of the 3rd plur. {us by the side of anti) is considerably abbreviated. In short, the rejection of final vowels, especially by polysyllabic forms, is among the best-established facts of the history of language, and since it is quite impossible to tinderstand the verbal system without some recon- struction, there is no excessive boldness in presupposing similar processes to have happened in the earliest period of the genesis and first estab- ported by any authority may be seen from what he says at p. 75 of vol. ii. of his Gh. Gr. : < We must assume that there was at an earlier stage of the Greek language not only a Ae'7eTc say ye, &c., but also \eyov I should like to say, and Kiyofiev we want to say.' 16 INTEODXJCTIOSr. ch. i. lislmient of these forms when we have such clear analogies to guide us. The moderate assumption of such losses, even for so early times, is justified by the fact that all inflexion not only allows but necessitates some degree of weakening of the constructive elements added to the body of the word. A thu-d argument, on which our opponent lays stress, deals with the n of the 3rd pers. plur. [nti, nt, ' Gk. Gram.' p. 79). He holds that ' it is impossible to discern a mark of the third person in each of the two elements n and t so as to give probability to what analogy would show to be the primary meaning,' i.e. he and he. - We shall see below, however, that the pronominal stem an provides us with a satisfactory explana- tion, and this was recognised long since by Schleicher, though to this the author of the ' Methodical Grammar ' did not choose to pay any attention. I have not been able to discover any other objections to the received theory. It would rather seem that this scholar, who many years since showed himself, by his valuable investigation of the laws of final letters in Gothic, to be an acute enquirer, but who has paid little atten- tion to the literature of lingiiistie science since that time, has been really driven, by a line of argument that does not touch the Indo-Germanic languages at all, to represent the construction of Indo-Germanic speech as different to what all previous enquirers have thought it. In the preface to his ' Philosophisch-historische Grammatik,' p. xii, he says : ' There is no self-evident ground for the assumption that all phenomena of the oldest and most primitive store of Indo-Germanic and Semitic inflexions must necessarily have arisen by agglutination, and admit of 25 absolutely no other explanation or analysis.' With respect to the possi- bility of inflexions of a different origin, he appeals especially to Arabic, saying that we have here ' a class of inflexions of the noblest and oldest kind, and here not even an attempt can be made to refer the inflexional endiags a, i, u, cm, in, un (for this triplet of pure vowels is the basis of the later terminations which were dulled by e and o) to pronominal or significant roots.' But we must not be too sure of this. It is main- tained, e.g. by Dillmann, a scholar of some note (' Aethiopische Gramm.' p. 254), in spite of Westphal's veto, that the a of the ace, by the side of which there occurs in ^Slthiopian ha as well, is a primitive ' impersonal demonstrative particle, meaning here, there, identical with the Hebrew n— of direction.' Besides, these elements belong to the formation of cases, others adduced by Westphal to that of moods ; and so even if they could not be shown to have arisen from the adhesion of originally independent stems, this would prove nothing about the personal termina- tions. That these arose in Semitic from pronominal stems seems generally admitted (cp. e.g. Gesenius, ' Hebr. Gr.' (21st ed.),p. 80; Dill- mann, ' Aethiop. Gr.' p. 161), and is with respect to many of the ter- minations so evident as hardly to admit of a doubt, especially as the Semitic terminations share with the independent pronoun the power of marking gender, a power -which no other verbs possess. This last fact proves clearly that here, as shown by Schleicher, ' Ueber Nomen und Verbum ' (Abh. d. k. Sachs. Ges. d. Wissensch. hist.-philosoph. Abth. iv. p. 514 S.), the distinction between noun and verb has not yet been quite clearly drawn. This theory of agglutination which Westphal attacks is supported CH. I. OBJECTIONS TO THE AGGLUTINATIVE THEORY. 17 by an almost iacaloulable number of facts, and takes account throughout of tangible magnitudes. It is a fact that in a large number of languages- the personal terminations are absolutely identical with the possessive suffixes. Compare, e.g. the Magyar (Schleicher, ut supra, 527) — vdrt-am I have waited hal-am my fish vdrt-ad thou hast waited for him hal-ad thy fish vdrt-a he has waited for him hal-a his fish vdrt-unk we have waited. • hal-unk om- fish. Who can doubt here that in both eases the terminations were in them- 26 selves nothing but expressions of the different persons ? / and my, thou and thi/, are here completely identical, so that we are justified in trans- lating the verbal forms as viewed by the Magyar language by my having waited, thy having waited, &c. ; and it wUl hardly be supposed that this agglutination took place in the verb sooner than in the noun. Exactly the same process can be diseerned in many other languages, as may be conveniently seen in Schleicher (ut supra), e.g. Ostjakish (p. 535). pane-m I laid ime-m, my wife pane-n thou laidest ime-n thy wife pane-t he laid. ime-t his wife. Jakutish : byst-ym I cut ' has-ym, my head hyst-yu thou cutteat has-yu thy head byst-a he cut. hai-a his head. If, then,"Westphal bases his view on the very imperfectly demonstrated impossibility of explaining all inflexion to have arisen from the accretion of separate formations, the opposite view is supported by numerous actual instances of the growth of personal terminations out of pronominal stems. Add to this that, in later periods of languages whose stock of sounds has been much reduced and thus made often undistinguishable from each other, personal pronouns are a second time iised with verbal forms to denote the grammatical subject, now of course not as stems but as outworn cases : Igive,je donne, &c., and it wUl appear that the origin claimed for these terminations — however difficult it may be to explain some individual instances — is really as probable a one as we can ever expect to find in the case of problems which deal with the earliest periods of the life of language. It has, moreover, the support of the grand idea which, is so truly in harmony with the researches of natural science, that of the continuity of all linguistic formation. The higher stages of language are not separated from the lower by an impassable gulf, but only by a greater nicety of elaboration to which certain races have never attained. Monosyllabic speech, imperfect combination (agglu- tination), perfect combination (inflexion), these are the three main 27 stages, the third of which, if I am not mistaken, is being every day found to be more Kke the second. These self-conSistent, clear, and simple opinions, which more or less explicitly form the basis of the whole mass of modern linguistic science, will, I venture to think, find no difficulty in holding their own against the diametrically opposite view expounded by Westphal, especially in his ' philosophitch-historische Grammatik,' e.g. p. 9.4 ff. It does not fall 18 INTRODUCTION. ch. i. within our province to examine his general considerations, which are so suggestive of the natural philosophy of earlier times. To many they will be unintelligible, as I confess they are to me. Westphal regards the linguistic structure of the Indo-Germanic stock as ' an architectural work of art, endowed with endless magnificence and lavish grandeur.' 'The logico-constructive categories followed by the Indo-Germans in the for- mation of ■ their language are the same categories which have sway in the Cosmos, in the macrocosm and in the microcosm alike ; the same that underlie sidereal life and the various forms of telluric existence, whether inorganic, vegetable, or animal.' I readily admit, and perhaps more readers than one would do the same, that I find theories of such a vast sweep brought no nearer to my comprehension by the following somewhat extraordinary comparison. Westphal goes on to say, ' Our primitive Indo-Germanic ancestors followed these categories with the same perfect unconsciousness as when they snatched at the first food to nourish their bodies, or when the first Indo-German man embraced for the first time the first Indo-German woman, who, though he did not know it yet, was to produce him a man like himself From this ' dialec- tic of celestial iutelligence ' we are at length conducted to the world, with which we are directly concerned, the world of sounds, forms, and linguistic expression. But bere on the threshold we are met by assertions for which no support is even attempted — ' a is the vowel which came nearest to his (the Indo-German's) organs.' Since Westphal himself admits that the primitive Indo-German bad i and u at command as well, it is quite im- 28 possible to see by what rule he measures the nearness to the Indo-German of these different vowels. What is meant by ' coming nearer "? If it means ' being more easy to pronounce,' the history of language and physi- ology both give the assertion a flat contradiction. The vowel a demands a greater tension of the organs of speech than i or u, and hence, as is well known, a tends everywhere, as languages go on, to become more like i or M. And yet it is upon this undefined notion of ' coming nearer,' which surprises us as we pass from the macrocosm to the origin of lan- guage, that all Westphal's subsequent system rests. He confidently applies the same notion of approximation to the consonants as well : ' The nasal is the consonant that comes nearest to the organs of speech, the dental mute and the sibilant are more remote," hence in the inflex- ional system the former is the representative of what comes nearer to the speaker among the dialectical series of definite conceptions, the dental mute or the dental sibilant, which takes its place, the expression of some- thing more remote.' Here, as we see, this ambiguous conception is turned to practica,l account, by being made to serve as an explanation of the personal terminations m, s, t. I have thought it not superfluous to add these samples of the positive side of Westphal's teaching, though I confess that while reading these theorems I have at times doubted whether the author was in earnest, or only wanted to try how much nonsense superficial readers could be made to accept. I will leave each reader to take his choice between the much- abused ' agglutination ' and this new philosophy of the nearest. Another point of importance in the representation cursorily given » Gk. 6r. p. 80 : ' Of oonsonanls those that come nearest are the nasal and the mute which is interchangeable with the denial sibilant,' OH. I. OBJECTIONS TO THE AGGLUTINATIVE THEORY. 19 above of the -way in which verbal inflexion arose is the question of cmn- pound tenses. It is universally admitted that composition, a source of ■word-making from which the Indo-Germans have gained so much and various help for the noun, is to be found af work in the verb as well. Who could fail to recognise even in Latin forms like pot-ero, Gothic like sdki-dedum (we did seek), the presence of two verbal stems, the second of 29 which takes a position of subserviency to the first ? But Westphal (' Philos. Gr.' 107) looks on the whole phenomenon as a comparatively late one. His view is that compound verbal forms are uniformly combinations of vnflected noun-forms with inflected verbal forms, as is the case, e.g. in the Skt. periphrastic perfect of the verbs of the 10th class, e.g. Jcorajan Kakara, properly 'I made theft' for 'I stole,' or liorajam dsa, Morajam habhuva, properly ' I was theft.' As infinitives again are universally held to be petrified case-forms, Westphal is content if he can find an infinitive in the first half of such a verbal compound. A compoimd therefore like the French fiit. aimer-ai, properly ' I have to love,' he finds no stumbling- block. On the other hand, he denies that an uninflected or bare verbal- stem can be compounded with an inflected verbal form, which is the assumption made, e.g. by Bopp and others in order to explain the Skt. d-dik-sha-m = Greek i-iei^a. Here Westphal and Merguet are quite at one, with this exception, that Merguet goes farther than his predecessor in his unqualified objection to the received theory. The difierence between us here is by no means so fundamental as that discussed above. It is an actual fact that many verbal compounds are of the kind allowed by both scholars, and hence the question must be asked in each case, whether or not there can be found in the verbal-stem a noun-stem capable of ioflexion. This question we shall not fail to investigate below when we come to the forms concerned. We may, however, notice two points by the way. Great mistakes are often made by those who look for inflected noun-forms or infinitives in the interior of verbal compounds. For instance, while Westphal (p. Ill) asserts that ' before this old perfeqt too of the vei'b to do {sdki-da, &c.) there must have been an infinitive originally,' he makes not the faintest attempt to establish this by the investigation of the Teutonic languages. What is the good of this ' must ' if he leaves the question in such an imperfect state ? Again, in spite of his unwillingness to recognise bare stems in verbal compounds, Westphal admits on the same page that in the Latin forms eram, erim (legeram, legerim) ' it certainly looks as if the auxiliary 30 form in question had been added to the simple perfect-stem, though these combinations are too obscured to admit of a clear insight into their genesis.' In such a case we may be sure of so much at least, that on his own showing there are still some obscurities left in Westphal's theory. Merguet expresses himself more strongly still. At p. 199 of the above-mentioned work he passes a final judgment on all such formations in the following words : ' We must not forget that stems with no inflex- ion can only be assumed to have existed as independent words in a period antecedent to the appearance of inflexion, and must have ceased to exist as such as soon as inflexion arose. iNow the auxiliary verb assumed to be the second component appears in an inflected form, and therefore presup- poses the existence of inflexion. So that we should have to suppose two words to be here combined, of which the former could only have existed before inflexion began, while the latter owed its existence to inflexion c 2 So INTEODUCTION. cs. i. itself. These two words consequently could not both have been in use at once, and the supposition of their combination involves a contradic- tion.' Linguistic science would indeed be in an evil plight if it had been maintaining for half a century doctrines which a couple of sen- tences could so completely upset. It is a pity that Merguet did not make himself a little better acquainted with the views he attacks before writing these words. He talks throughout as if what he calls inflexion had bm-st upon the world all at once like some natural phenomenon, revolu- tionising all the previous order of things, and introducing in fact just the inflexions of verbs and nouns which are to be found in the school-books. But all linguistic enquiry, as I have repeatedly pointed out, assumes forms to have arisen gradually and in strata. Where inflexion was of so gradual a growth, there is no absurdity at all in supposing that by the side of and in composition with inflected forms there appeared formations belonging to a previous stage of development. In my treatise ' Zur Chronologic,' to which he occasionally refei's, I have endeavoured to prove that inflexion in the nouns did not take place till some time after the three main stages had been reached in the inflex- ion of the verb. If this was so, there were, e.g. no case-forms of the noun- 31 stem dih for a long time after the production of a verbal form asmi or asami I am ; that is, there was a bare stem then in use. And why shoiild it be thought impossible that these two forms should have come together with a small change into dih-sami, and that this dik-sami should make a preterite a-diksa-m as dada-mi made a-dadd-m 1 Merguet himself (p. 64) is obliged to admit that the vocative is an uninfleoted stem-form. There is here nothing like the anachronism or ' self-contradiction ' which Merguet imagines he has. found. Again, what are we to say to com- pounds like trvp-^opo-c, Trav{T)-ao(j>o-s, Xoyo-irow-e ? In all these cases we most unmistakeably find iminflected uniting with inflected stems to make organic wholes. Or are we to suppose that in all these cases case-termi- nations have been lost t Who would venture to try and establish that 1 In answer to objections Merguet has published ^ a second work, ' Die Ableitung der Verbalendungen aus Hilfsverben ' &c. (Berlin, 18-71). At p. 33 of this work he is already on the road to the discovery that if we want to understand the nature of compounded stems, we must transport ourselves to that period in which words ' had the form of bare stems.' Without doubt even at that early time types had been produced of every kind of composition, and among others of the composition of predicative stems with the auxiliary verbal forms which I suppose to have been already developed. We are, in fact, brought back constantly from all directions to the fundamental truth, that in aU linguistic life we find older strata side by side with younger, cropping up here and there, and reaching over from an earlier into a later period. What Merguet goes on to say in his first work about the improbability that auxiliary verbs were older than others is stO.1 less to the point. No one ever said they were : it is universally held, on the contrary, that auxiliaries are weakened verbs of independent meaning. Forms then with auxiliaries in them do certainly presuppose older strata of verbal forms, but there is nothing that forbids us to suppose that later, after a number of verbs 32 which originally had a full meaning had become auxilia,ries in separate use, the attempt was made to use them in compounds as well and that CH. 1. OBJECTIONS TO THE AGGLUTINATIVE THEOEY. 21 too when they were bare steins, just as they were used in later times after theif stems had been expanded and even provided with case-inflex- ions. In my treatise ' Zur Ohronologie,' e.g. p. 55 f. (2nd edit.), I have called attention to all this, and pointed out how vast are the periods which the consideration of aU these strata one upon another reveals to us. And in fact 1 cannot see how what I have there said — and Merguet nowhere examines more closely — is in the very least refuted by the con- tradiction he says he has discovered. Still less successful are the attempts made to find another explanation for the forms in question. Westphal, inasmuch as he is unable to explain the whole mass of forms by the aid of the elements which he regards as primitive, assumes a twofold series of adjuncts by which what he takes to have been the primitive formations were expanded. To the first series of adjuncts he assigns meanings, e.g. to the i of the term, mi, which — although by his theory * is a ' more remote ' vowel — comes nearest, i.e. is the right one to express present time, to the s of the aorist, to which, for some unknown reason, he ascribes an intensive force, and to the a which he says occasionally denotes the plural. To this list must be added, if I understand Westphal rightly, those expansives to which he gives the name ' fulcra,' e.g. the syllables as and jus in the pronominal stems as-ma, jus-ma, and perhaps too some of what he calls ' strengthenings,' or ' secondary adjuncts,' e.g. the k in (tk. All these sounds and syllables, of which he nowhere gives any explanation, can according to his theory be introduced, even after the primary structure of the language has been established, as a kind of second instalment or reserve force from the divine tKfiaytiov of forms, at the beginning, middle, or end of woi'ds, A second series of subsequently introduced adjuncts are, on the contrary, held to be purely phonetic. It contains ' euphonic,' ' purely euphonic,' ' purely phonetic ' vowels, and consonants as well, the latter, where they appear between vowels, being entitled ' dividing consonants,' the exact counterpart, that is, of the well-known and still favourite ' connecting vowels.' In this latter point Westphal and Merguet are at one. Both credit the ' fuga hiatus,' that is, the disinclination to let two vowels come into direct contact, with the production of a goodly row of 33 consonants which Merguet supposes (p. 205) to have arisen ' out of what was originally a very indistinct aspiration.' To criticise these views, which Merguet advances less positively in his second work, is not here our object. There are only two points to which I wish to call attention. The fifst is, that by such assumptions we are really transported bodily back to the old grammarians' point of view, which it was hoped was left behind for ever. It is notorious that their exploded etymologies were indebted for their existence to the freest possible use of the 7r\£orao-/iot of single sounds and whole syllables. What are these ' fulcra,' i\etfii. Most of the examples, however, belong to formations which differ from those of other dialects, not in their terminations, but only m their > Bragman's attempt (Stud. ix. 314 fE.) to represent the vowel which stands before the personal terminations in the perfect as a mere production of the nasal, and make the vowel of the 3rd eing. e.g. ^ajana — fiyove rest on mere formation by analogy, does not convince me in the least. CH. II. ,FIEST PERSON SINGULAR, ACTIVE. • 2? internal vowel, e.g. 3 pi. iTrippdfijSeim (Sappho 2), 'Ickti (ib. 16), part. oiKeis (Ale. 69), TidEtQ (ib. 34), koXjjjuei'oc, alreiXiiTriv, (TvvavTr]Triv, (pHfiij- fiEvai. Here tbe dialectic difference lies in the different treatment of the vowels which clash ui the contracted verbs, and this must be discussed elsewhere. I only mention this fact now because it serves to refute an assumption made by Ludw. Hirzel (' Zur BeurtheUung des aeolischen Dialekts,' p. 56 &), and supported by several scholars, that in their oprffit, &c., the Aeolians were not preserving a relic of older language ,40 but had only at a late period applied the fuller termiaations in larger numbers on the analogy of the verbs like 'iarrifii, ridrtfii^ iidioftt. Forms like ^oprffieQa (Alc. 18, 4), KuXi^fievoQ, ^'iKqaOa, &c., prove that' the analogy which ■ is sought in the forms of the ordinary Greek verbs in MI did not exist at all. For authentic Aeolic forms like akvlofxivai, ovQip^vm (Ahr. 141), irepOeixivuiv (Sappho 64), ewtarafieva (ib. 70), are markedly distinguished froia those given just above by their short vowels, as I have shown at greater length in . my essay, ' Zur Geschichte der griechischen zusam- mengezogenen Verbalformen,' Stud. ui. 379 ff. Thus regarded these Aeolisms again assume the character of great antiquity ; and of this we are the less entitled to doubt because we have yet other traces handed down to us of the better preservation of the genuine full personal terminations, especially from the Homeric dialect, and to these traces we will now turn. .3) The termination jui in the conjunctive was, after a few scattered notices of the old grammarians, first iatroduced into our Homeric text by Gottfr. Hermann (De Emend. Eatione Gramm. Gr. p. 263) and F. A. Wolf, while the M.SS. have in its place the ordinary optatives, which, however, in many places violate the syntax. (Cp. Buttmann, Ausf. Gr. i.^ 351; Matthiae, i. 453j G. Hermann, on Hymn, in Cererem, v. 123.) Bekker, Hom. Blatter, i. 218, recognises the following ten instances : — Si 717 eirijv ayayoffu Sofwi'Se (Et. M. p. 54, 43) E 279 ft KB Tvxi\riv woiriaofi' aicoiTiv (Apollon. de Conjunct. ; Bekker, Anecd. p. 516) H 243 and x 7 e'i ke rvxtofii (Eustathius, p. 1279, 48) A 549 ov Se k' iyi)v UTrayevde veQv idiXtofxi vorjtrai (p 348 e'i K idE\pa etrot e'iir(iipoifii. But we find nothing of the kind. The linguistic sense of the Greeks could hardly fail, even before the time of grammatical consciousness, to see the com- plete analogy that existed between the optative and the preterite, an analogy which must have been most perceptible to the ear in the marked contrast shown in the middle between ju»;v, oir]y. Lobeck quite agrees with this doc- trine (El. ii. 140) ; although the presupposed *Tpe 257. p 388 Trepl izdvTi^v dg iivr)(rTr\pi>>v is the only place where it would not. This fact, noticed also by Leo Meyer^ Ztschr. ix. 374, is no doubt the reason why Ahrens in his Griechische Formenlehre does not mention the second foi-m at all. • Some scruples are, it is true, raised against the attempt to exclude the form tig altogether from Homer by the fact that it is undoubtedly New-Ionic (Bredow de dial. Herodotea, 403), and consequently may occur in the Homeric poems by the side of the older iaai, just as possibly as several other later forms by. the side of .earlier ones. It should be remarked, moreover, that taai was also Syracusan, and that the apostrophised kaa' occurs in Epicharmus (fr. 125 Ahr., Ahr. Dor. 318). In Pindar, Theocritus, and Theognis kaal may be regarded as a reminiscence of Epic usage. The personal termination has been completely lost in tl thou art, and also in the Attic tl thou wUt go, whether on .the analogy of the former, or, as seems to me more probable, by the same expulsion of the 50 a: *ti-ai, *d-i eI, I cannot decide. For the loss of the n- in these forms we have a complete analogy in .the Lithuanian. This language has but very rarely retained the termina- tion -si (Schleicher-, Comp.^ 658), while as a rule it has, after the expulsion of the s, contracted the preceding thematic vowel 6 with the i of the termination into the diphthong e. *veze-=vehis (we may conclude from the reflexive ve£e-s=:velieris that *veze did exist), and thus is a formation completely parallel to the Gk. tl, and bears to the Gh.-Sl. veze-si the very same relation borne by tl to the tai which we deduce from iaai. ' Cp. Le&kieu on the Genitive in oio, Jahn's Jahrb. 1867, p. 1 S. D 34 THE PBESONAL TEEMINATIONS. ch. ii. The effect produced by the final i in the diphthong in the preceding syllable {(jtiptie) will have to be discussed later in connexion with the thematic vowel. 2) A simple sigma. The simple sigma belonged no doubt originally only to the secondary forms : £-i)i£p£-e^Skt. d-hhara-s. But there are other languages in which it takes the place of si, as in the Lat. veJii-s, Goth, vigi-s. Hence we need not be surprised at TlOtjg, SiSwg, and SeUwe ; the less so that if the termination had been retained entire, the lonians at least wotfld have had no means of distinguishing the 2nd pers. sing, from the third. The loss of the final « after o- may be compared with that in the dat. plur. \6yoi£ for X6yoiriaQa A 397 and elsewhere in Homer, and then common Attic. The corresponding form seems to have been Aeolic as well ace. to ApoUon. Soph. p. 162, 25 s. v. ^rinQa : iivev Be tov i ypaTTTeov, kirei koX ol AioXeTc ^eaQa Xiyovaiv avTi tov eXfyte, where perhaps we ought to read '^ao-^a. ^etada quoted only from Plato, Euthyphr. 4 Eir^etirea, Tim. 26 Sirjtiirdu. yoriffd' T 93, ySriirOa in Attic writers, with the less well authen. ticated variant fjdeLiTOa. iipijpuaQa Archil..fr.'94, 3 B^. 52 e) Optatives. /3a\oi(r0a O 571 KkaioioQa ii 619 Trpo(j)vyoiiTda j( 325 elriada Theogn. 715, l3XelriiT0n=(ia.XoLtrea Et. Gud. p. 103, 38. This enumeration was necessary if we want a sure foundation for the analysis of the form. Of these 33 forms there are but 2 in which the T before the can belong to the verb-stem : ^ffda from the rt. tc, and olada from the rt. Fi^.. In all the rest the o- belongs to the termination. This fact goes dead against Bopp's view (Vgl. Gr. ii.^ 292), which has lately received what seems to me an inconclusive defence from Osthoff (Ztschr. xxiii. 320 ff.), that these two forms gave as it were the pattern on which the others were formed. • Still less shall we be content to. accept the view of the old grammarians and those who have ranged themselves with them in later times, that the -da is a mere appendage assumed by the 2nd person when already formed. This doctrine is developed by Lobeck, Elem. ii. 266 ff., with no hint of doubt, under the head of Proschematismus. It can be traced back to Herodian, who, ttj pi fiovripovQ Xe^Eioe (ii. 950, 1. 28, ed. Lentz), gives oltrda, which he regai'ds as syncopated — from ot?ar\yvv-in, which occur from Homer's time' on to the latest period of Attic Greek, though even here there are not wanting by-forms which follow the usual mode of inflexion. This formation may therefore be said to be Ionic in the fullest sense of the term, and it even penetrated to Pindar's language, while the Dorians preserved the -n, and the Lesbian Aeolians knocked the termina- tion off altogether and said r/9j/, as we shall see presently. It is only in ri-ai he says (Sappho, 97 Be.'), that we find a trace of this termination even in this stem. b) In conjunctives the Homeric dialect often retains the termination tri . I. Bekker (Hom. Bl. i. 218) gives 75 forms, not reckoning compounds and synonymous pairs of forms. Of presents of both of the main conjuga- tions there are ayjjo-t, aeidyeri, kBiXytri (also in Hesiod), Tipwr/m, Tafivqni, 'iyiTi, nedlTjin, ipyai ; of active aorists of every formation, ayayrjcri, Xaptjin (also in Hesiod), Xafljjo-i, eXytn, Ka/urjcn, Zuriai or 2ji(T(, ^(ti, ■Kavatitri, Tri/xipriai. We may add the perfect ippLyyai, which Bekker has omitted (Stier. Stud.'ii. 128, 353). Sometimes there is a clear connexion between these longer 3rd persons and the longer 1st or 2nd persons : THIED PEESON SINGULAR, ACTIVE. 39 iBeXam idekricrSa iOeXjjcn ewrcofii em-rjo-Ba ciirjjcn Pdhria-da ^akrjo-i evSr/a-Ba evhrjo-i cXV'Ba exno-i 'iricrda 'Irja-i ird6r](T8a irdBrjcTi dydyafii dydyrjo-i ruxcofAi rixjio-i The number is not much increased by later poets : pi^ftjo-i Hesiod fr. 195 (Rzach Dialekt des Hesiod, p. 438), epedjjcn Hymn, in Martem (viii.) 14, lyai Theogn. 94, vTroviixirpyaL C?) Aristoph. Lysistr. 348, TriTrrjjo-i Plato Com. ap. Eustathium ad Iliad, p. 1161,.ii)ro7rr£u),(rt Theocr. xxiii., 10, 58 daXidricrt Nicand. Ther. 832, KaraKTeliriin Quint.- Smyrn. 153, oparjiH- ApoUon. Ehod. III. 1039, a/i^ieVj/irt ' Orph. Lith. 273, most of which instances I have taken from Lobeck, Elem. ii. 264. Even the forms already used by Homer occur but rarely in later poets. "We may add the forms given by Lobeck, Rhemat. 183 from verbs in-aia: mnayai, (TKtaytii (Ajat. 795, 864), and similar rarities of a still later time. ' Lobeck i upholds the view of the ancients that all these forms had arisen by liriKraaie from the ordinary ones, and hence he combats the view ad- vanced as a conjecture by Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. i.^ 352; cf. Kriiger, Dial. § 30,1 note 4), and more confidently by Thiersch, Gr. p. 352 and Gott- ILng on Hesiod Theog. v. 60, that these forms' have no right to the t sub- script. It is true that the authority of good manuscripts, and that of Herodian (cp. on O 359), is on the side of the retention of the i. But all that this proves is that the theory of even the best grammarians required it to be written. For it is certaia that in Herodian's time there was no difference of pronunciation between »/ and ?/. The authority of these men then would not prevent us from rejecting the i here amy more than in the case of the 2nd sing, forms in -ijo-Sa if there were really no way of explaining it. In my Tempora und Modi, p. 23, I expressed a de- cided opinion that it ought to be rejected, because I then regarded the epenthesis as a transposition of the t from the final syllable to the preced- ing one. I have since come to a difierent, and as I believe, more correct opinion on the subject, an opinion which I have stated in my Principles II. 337. I now regard the epenthesis as an echo of the i in the syllable pre- ceding it, which, as is shown by eivi (from eyt), is not necessarily con- nected with the disappearance of this vowel from its original place. *a.yr)Tt, aytfui are therdore forms admitting of quite a simple explanation. They bear to the more primitive * ayip-i precisely the relation that the Zend conjunctive form avdi-ti does to the Skt. dvd-ti (rt. av). The epenthesis is, it is true, not a necessary or irresistible affection, only one which may attack a sound, and one to which long vowels are less liable than short ones. Still Aeolic forms like yiXaifii for * yeXa-fii and the like, e.g. ypa-i-a-jjie.-b} from- * ■xpa-i-aifio for *'Xpa-(Tifio, prove that the length 59 of the vowel does not exclude the possibility of this affection. Now as we have besides the analogy of the indicative, i.e. *ayj)ri : *ay^(7i ;; ayti-ri : aye-ri, I think we shall do well to foUow the tradition and leave the I subscript in undisputed possession. c) An isolated Optative. Such, it seems, is wapatpdaitjai K 346, which is defended by I. Bekker 40 THE PERSONAL TEEHINATIONS. ch. ii. (Horn. Bl. i. 218 note) against alterations (e.g. Trapnfjydriricrt Thiersch, La Eoche). The form was perhaps invented by a bard who thought -o-t an addition that might be used on occasion even in the optative.. I could hardly venture to assume in the case of so isolated a form in a lay. of the Iliad, that is evidently not one of the oldest, that we have in the -m a real old companion to the -pi of the 1st sing. opt. Syntactically the conjunc- tive is just as admissible here as the optative, and hence it is not impos- sible that, as Joh, Schmidt suggests (Ztschr. xxiii. 299), (jidalrjiri is a conjunctive of a present * (pdaiw that occurs nowhere else. d) Indicatives in -riffi. It is -very generally held that there are also indicatives in -jjo-i from verbs of the thematic conjugation. It is true that Buttmann ( Ausf. Gr. i.^ 498) has pronounced against such forms in the Homeric poems, show- ing that all that were thought to be. indicatives might be conjunctives. TMs applies particularly to r 111 if. In Hymn. Honier. xxi. 15 the gap that immediately precedes renders a decisive judgment impossible. In Ibycus these indicatives seem to be better established. It is true that Alistarchus by his 'diple' at E 6 Tra^^a/Kpo-i, ti SlttXtj on arn Tovira^^aivrf. ■ TrXiovacih Ik "IftvKoc Tto toiovtio points' to nothing but a conjunctive. But the (Tx^/-'" 'I/Sw/'ftov in the language of the later grammarians and rhe- toricians, especially in Aelius Herodianus (Spengel, Ehetores Graeci, iii. 101), Lesbonax (De Figm-is, p. 166 Valcken.), HeracMes, in Eustath., 1576, 20, was the specific name of a grammatical figure, that is, it was believed- that Ibycus used conjunctive forms in the sense of indicatives. Instances of this which we actually find in our fragments are fr. 7 Be.^ TdjxoQ avTCfOQ (?) KKvroQ (ipdpoe iyciprjaLV aridoras and fr,. 9 (jidfiic ej^jjti /3|Oor(3v and in Bacchyl. fr. 27 yXvKtl' avayKa aevopiya kvKIkwv daX-nriai 60 Bvfiov. We must meanwhile admit with Bergk, with reference to the first passage, that the fragmentary form in which it reaches us precludes the possibility of passing a decisive judgment upon it. It is possible after all that the grammarians made a mistake and that they were aU the time instances of the conjunctive which was used in the Homeric • • fashion in a certain kind of relative sentences. But the statement is made so often and in such precise terms that it is hard to believe that they were so mistaken. Buttmann saw no objection to the supposition of such indicatives in -/j(7i ia the ' Dorico-Aeolic dialect,' and appealed to some supposed indica- tives in -r]e for -eig and -ri for -ei. But the genuineness of such forms is suc- cessfully impugned by Ahrens (Aeol. 91). Corssen's attempt too to find a support for this tj in the ' vowel-iatensifi cation ' of which so much is heard and so little seen, must be held to have failed.^ It is hard to imagine how a language of such nice distinctions as. Greek is, which in all other cases consistently reserves the long vowel for the subjunctive, ■ should in this one instance have been so careless as to lengthen the the- matic vowel in the indicative as well. If then we cannot believe in the actual existence in living speech of indicatives like ixv^i^ "^^ must take one of two com-ses. Either we must = Corssen discusses these forms at great length in his posthumous work, Seitrdge zw itaUsehen SpraehliUTide, p. 479. In his attempt to establish ^x'?"''. ■ and the like as real forms of vulgar Doric, this meritorious scholar (who, however; was too much inclined to make short work of questions of sound-change in Greek) quite forgot that the Dorians never put o- for t in the third person singular. CH. II. FIRST PEESON PLUEAL, ACTIVE. 41 adopt Akrens's view (Dor. 303) that these formations were 'a poetis Homeri locos nonnullos male interpretatis per imitationem procusa.' (It must fee admitted that the supposition of such an origin in the case of so old and so little learned a poet as Ibycus is rather a violent one.) Or we must assume them to be the mistakes of an early copyist. If we do so, the most natural supposition is that they represent forms in -ei(7i. ixet-iTi, kyeipci-ai are forms which analogy would warrant us in assumiag. So Westphal, Meth. Gr. ii. 38. Ahrens is ready, it is true, with' an objection to' this view : ' in Dorica Eheginorum dialecto illae fprmae certe in Ti pro (Tt exire debebant,' ah objection which seems to me unanswer- 61 able. If, therefore, these remarkable forms are genuine, this dialectologi- cal argument shuts us up, it seems, to the explanation given by Ahrens. 3) Loss of the termination. a) In present and perfect forms. The loss of the termination ia the verbs in -fii among the Aeolians is remarkable (Ahr. 138). The granimarians mention riQij, yeXai (1 sing. yeKaifii), diSoi, though their testimony varies a good deal as to the diphthong or vowel. These forms serve as a stepping-stone to the ordinary Greek forms of the thematic conjugation : fepa, t'xtt, which, as we shall see, arose from *5)e'p£irt, *£j^£irt, by way of *(j)EpeiT, ^ly^cLT. There was, I am inclined to believe, a reciprocal influence exercised by the three singular forms upon each other. After one of them had become dissyllabic in these verbs, the others followed iu its train. In the perfect the termination disappeared throughout in Greek as in Sanskrit : §a-^dna=ye-yove.. So too in Zend, e.g. dd-d(M-ega-=.li-ZopKi.. Latin alone in its ce-cidi-t, pe-pigi-t (=7r£'-7rj)y£), has preserved the t. The only trace of a 3rd sing. perf. with a personal termination is the Doric 'i(Ta-Ti he knows, which in its stem-formation stands apart from other perfects, and which will have to be examined minutely further on. b) In the preterite, and in the optative which goes along with it, the secondary t originally survived alone as a. final letter. So in Skt. e.g. d-dd-t, d-dadd-t, d-hhara-t; in Zend dd-t, hara-t; in Latin era-t. Greek phonetic laws compelled the r to disappear ; t-/3ij, e-diSw, E-(j>EpE, ^t(>'). Kuhn's conjecture (Ztschr. xv. 404) that the r first changed to c and then disappeared is hardly justifiable. It relies on the analogy of primary forms like ridrjai, but these are confined to the Ionic main dialect, while the Dorians never changed r to o- before i. The loss of the final T in ordinary Greek is completely distinct from the change above men- tioned, which is confined to a single dialect. The same loss has been suffered by Old Persian : a-dadd, a-hara. It is impossible to establish that the v iiiitkicva-iKov of 'ifEpE-y is the remains of the vanished r, since g2 the nasal addition is also made to euTiy, (prjirli', (pepovaiv, diatrtV, where it is impossible that it should have had an origin of this kind (Principlesl. 68). First Person Plural. The termination occurs very often ^ in the dialect of the Yedas as masi, which later becomes mas, and again ma. The final vowel has been retained also in the Zend mahi, which shows the regular change of s to A; vaza-mahi=^\.t. vdhd-mas{iy Bopp (Vergl. Gr. ii." 271) had " According to Delbriick's calculation, far oftener than inas. ' If Joh. Schinidt is right ( FocaZ. ii. 279) in referring the O. H. G. term, -ims 42 THE PEESONAL TEEMINATIONS. ch. ii. not made up his mind how Tnaai ought to be analysed. He could not doubt that in the m was contained the pronominal stem shown in the singular. But he was iucHned to regard. the rest of the termination either as a plural nominative termination, on which view, however, an explanation of the i was impossible, or as the remains of the demon- strative pronoun stna, which pervades pronominal forms iu many shapes. Pott's analysis, however (Jahrb. fiir wissensch. Kritik, 1833, p. 326), with which Kuhn (de conjugatione in MI, p. 29) and Schleicher (Oomp.^ 651) agree, is far more probable. It divides' ma-si thus, interpretiag it as I-thou, i.e. I and thou. This view has lately been attacked by Benfey, TJeber einige Pluralbildungen des Indo-Germanischen Yerbums, pp. 10 and 14. He brings two objections in particular against.it, both on chronological grounds. In the first place, he thiaks the mode of com- position therein assumed, i.e. the copulative, which supplies the notion of an ' and,' and was called Dvandva by the Indian grammarians, of too modem a date to be found iu so primitive a termination. But we must not tie ourselves down here to the analogy of nominal composition, which, it is true, only shows cases of dvcmdva in its later stages. Noun • composition is altogether a comparatively late phenomenon, but the pro- nominal stems on the other hand clearly showed from the very first a 63 disposition to run together in the most various ways. Latin knows no instance of dvandva in the noun-^if we except perhaps the loosely com- pounded su-ove-taur-ilia — but pronominal forms like guisquis, quot- quot, utut, are not uncommon. In Greek a nominal compound made up of a nominative joined to an accusative governed by a verb outside the compound is unheard of, but pronominal compounds with their separate members in this relation may be seen in aXK-rikovc, avr-avTov (Sitzungsber. d. k. sachs. Ges. der Wissensch. 1864, p. 226). Cases of dvandva are unmistakeable in numerals like ivwSei:a=:duodecim^Sk.t. dvadagan. The plural nominatives (e.g.) to-i=Gk. to-/ and a^vdsa-s (i.e. (Vttoi) can hardly be otherwise explained than as formed from a copulative accumulation of pronominal stems, and Benfey will have to renounce all hope of explaining the termiuation anti in the 3rd pL, inas- much as his prejudice in the matter compels him to reject the very simple one from an he and ta he, which makes it^he and he. Still less weight attaches to a second objection, which is drawn from the phonetic character ^ of the syllables, si, Benfey holds, is a comparatively late shape assumed by tva, and it is incredible that the language should have postponed the formation of the plural until tva should have degenerated into si. No doubt ; but why cannot we refer ma-si to an older ma-tva as easily as si to tva 1 We may assume, I think, that this comparatively late meta- morphosis took place at about the same time in the 2nd siag. and in the 1st plur. Now of this still older ma-tva we find almost a superfluity of the clearest traces, as Schleicher and still more minutely Misteli (Ztschr. XV. 300) have not failed to point out. The tva of the sing, showed itself, we found, in a variety of shapes, and among others as dhi. And we meet with the same consonant in the 1st plur. iniddle, for which we may with certainty give ma-dhai as the termination. • The 9a of the Gk. /u£-6a forcibly suggests the fla in ola-Qa. Can it be an accident that we to ma-si, * mm-si (with epenthesis), we have a trace left on Teutonic ground of this fullest form of the suffix of the 1st plui. act. CH. II. FIEST PERSON PLURAL, ACTIVE. 43 should find the same sound here that we find in the 2nd sing, t Benfey's own explanation, that the 1st pers. plural springs from / they, and that of these two the ' they ' is merely a mark of the plural, somehow in the way in which the English she is used to mark a feminine (she horse), is too extraordinary to procure acceptance, especially as there is not even- an attempt made to produce evidence of the actual use of this si in the 64 meaning that is assumed for it. Bopp has raised another objection to our view. It is based on the nature of the pronoun ' we.' ' When we say " we," ' he says with his usual acutenessj ' we far more often associate other companions with the I than the person or persons addressed.' For this reason he looks rather for ' I and he ' in the ' we ' than for ' I and thou.' But it often happens that the spirit that animates language catches at a single idea and chooses it with a tyrannous caprice from among many possible ones. Who knows whether in one of those languages of uncivilised peoples which lose sight of the essential in a superfluity of nice distinctions, there may not be two we's, one meaning ' I and thou,' the other ' I and he.' It may be that ma-tva may have had a companion form ma-ta ; the latter may have gone out of use by some chance, and ma-tva have done duty for both, in somewhat the same way in which in the dual the masculine rw takes the place of the coinpletely obsolete feminine. Schleicher (ut supra) takes a similar view. This ma-si, sprung, as we have conjectured, from ma-tva, regularly . degenerates in post-vedic Sanskrit to ma-s, and in the perfect and in secondary tenses we find ma. There is not therefore quite the same strictness in the relation of mas to ma, as in that between other primary and secondary terminations, e.g. mi and m, si and s. Strictly speaking, ma-si is the primary form, of which ma-s is already a curtailment, which further weakening must be regarded similarly to that of ui to £ in ScIkwc. It is probable that at the time of the separation of the languages there still existed a bhara-^nasi but an a-bhara-mas. We need not be surprised therefore at being unable to discern any distinction whatever between the primary and secondary forms in Greek and Latin, both of which languages have lost all trace of the final vowel, or in any other European language either. The only forni in use in Latin is mits, while Greek has either fiee or fiev according to the particular dialect. 1) /ACS. This is the Doric termination (Ahr. Dor. 291), the only one occurring on the Heraclean tables, and that too in the secondary forms : o-uje^e- rp^o-a/itC (Nr. 5774, IQ), KaTtra/xofies (ib. 14), Karea^aafxee (ib. 47, 51), 65 earaffafiec (ib. 53), iiraiafiet; (ib. 78), as also upon old Theraic and Cretan inscriptions in the primary forms Nr. 2448 £/i/3aXoS/i£f, 2557 tvy^apiarw- fiec, and is attested among others by Epicharmus, Sophron, and by Doric passages of the Lysistrata and Achamians of Aristophanes. When we find fiev even in strict Doric, it is due no doubt to the influence of the poetical . language common to all, or to that of Atticism. In Pindar /utc does not occur (Boeokh, i.^ 291), though it does in the more vulgar idiom of Theocritus, vii. 2 etpiro/xEc, 12 tvpoftet, ii. 143 iivdofiec. One example has been discovered in an Arcadian inscription (Le Bas- Poucart Nr. 328a, 16) : oyuoAoyr/CTw/iEs. 44 THE PERSONAL TEEMINATIONS. ch. u. 2) jLiev. Among the Aeolians and lonians this is the only form of the tefmina- tion. Bopp's conjecture (Vergl. Gr. ii. 280), that the v came from e, found an early opponent in Pott (Et. Porsch. ii.' 301). Bopp appeals to Prakrit, which shows the form hi corresponding to the Skt. bhis in the instrumental. Whether we have here a real change of s to a final nasalisation I leave an open question. But, since we find not only a movable v in Greek appearing often as a superadded nasal sound, but also, as will appear hereafter, an immovable one, it is a more probable supposition that here too the sibilant disappeared and the nasal was added subsequently, especially as a direct change of the sibilant to the nasal would be difficult to explain, .and even unprecedented, yuer then is a termination of the stage of the Skt. ma and the Ijith. me, while /ieq corresponds to mas. So too Schleicher Comp.^ 652. The view advanced by Misteli in his otherwise most valuable essay on the terminations of the middle voice (Ztschr. xv. p. 321), that the' v, and in other fornis even the Skt. m, is to be considered to be a compensation for a lost t, is based on no clear case of such a kind and has no intrinsic probability. The objection ' why did not other forms ending in a vowel, e.g. the voc. of the 2nd declension, receive similar nasal accretions?' (p. 330) is removed when we consider that language shows sporadic tendencies as well as inviolable laws of sound. The nasal accretion belongs clearly to 66 the former class. . Greek has certainly no disinclination to a. final c, and yet \vere stands by the side of the Latin hoitis, and as certainly none to a final t, and yet ka-Ttv is fotmd as well as eoti. Into more comprehensive attempts to explain the nasal, of which particularly Scherer's (Zur Gesch. d. d. Spr. 193) has been sufficiently confuted by Kuhn, Ztschr. xviii. 349 fi".. Twill not enter here. Second Peeson Pltjral. On the pattern of the 'I and thou' of the 1st plur. we should expect a ' thou and thou ' for the 2nd plur. ; a tvortva, that is, by the side of ma-tva. We find, however, only a monosyllabic termination, in which we have little difficulty, in recognising the stem of the pronoun of the second person. In Sanskrit the termination is -tha, precisely identical, that is, with one of the singular endings above discussed. Here, as there, we can detect in the th the remains of a tv. There is just as little trace of any fuller termination in Zend, which varies between -tha and -ta, in the Greek re, in the Oh.-Sl. and Lith. -te, or in the Gothic -th. Latin here, with its ti-s, which points to an older ta-s, outstrips all the sister languages. In this termination we may regard the -s, like that in ma-s (jit-Q, m/u-s), as the representative of the second pronominal stem of which we are in search. There is a corresponding form in the termination of the 2nd dual in Skt. -tha-s, where the th gives satisfactory proof of its near relation to the -tha of the plural. We shall constantly be led to the conclusion that plura,l and dual forms did not begin by being funda- mentayy distinct. The second tva then, we may presume, was volatilised in exactly the same way as in the 1st plur., first to -si, then to -s, and then to nothing at all. It is probable that Schleicher (Comp.^ 659) is right in seeing a still more perfect representative of the original termina- tion tva-tva in the 2nd plur. imper. in -to-te, Umbr. -tu-tu, in which forms CH. II. THIED PERSON PLURAL, ACTIVE. 45 both syllables are preserved bodily, tbe first being ' lengthened for emphasis.' Corresponding to the Latin tis, which the te of the imperatiye proves to be a -weakening of tes, we might expect to find a Greek Tee, and such 67 a form has been actually maintained to exist in the Homeric poems. Thiersch showed a correct insight iato what the structure of the language demanded, but he was wrong, nevertheless, in conjecturing that there were traces of this Tsg left in Homer (Griech. Gr. vorz. des homer. Dia- lekts, 3rd edit. § 163 note). Seeing that in our days scholars have not always been able to draw the boimdary between what is Indo-Germanic and what is Hotoeric, it should cause us less astonishment that in Thiersch's time there was a tendency to conjecture the existence in the text of Homer of what was recognised to be old and according to rule. The passages in Homer put forward by Thiersch in support of his view — Tc 403 kpiiacraTE ijTretpoySe, 404 weXatriraTe OTrXa re irarra, w 216 UpeviraTE o(TTis apitrroQ — ^prove nothing. There is nothing unheard of in the hiatus after the bucolic caesura. Besides we have in all three instances to deal with imperatives, and here the analogy of the Lat. te would not lead us to expect a final t. Among the instances given by Hofimann in his Quaestiones Homericae, i. p. 92, of an hiatus non excusatus, there is not a single imperative of the kind. The usual forms in re, both in indicatives and conjunctives, of the principal tenses, are established even in Homer by passages like B 485 irapeare re "inre re Travra, N 120 Ta-)(a Irj ri kukov TTOifiireTe fxel^ov, 18 u'a e'lSere ■iravrec. As now we find not a trace of this primitive fomi in any other Greek dialect, we cannot with certainty do more than set down the form tes as belonging to a pre-Greek age. For this period, however, we are obliged to ass^ime its existence, as other- wise we cannot find a common origin for the Gk. te and the Lat. tis with its by-form te. Third Person Plural. The first question that meets us under this head- is whether we are to regard an-ti or n^ti as the full primary termination. At one time I followed Bopp (Yergl. Gr.^ ii. 299) in choosing the latter, comparing the plural nti with the singular ti and regarding the introduction of the nasal as the mai-k of the plural. A more (ireful consideration, however, ren- ders this symbolical explanation untenable here as elsewhere. While I still hold that nasalisation, Hke vowel-intensification, and reduplication 68 are used to give a syllable prominence, I am also of opinion that many phenomena once explained by me in this way ought to be regarded from other points of view. In irifnrXripi, Trafjfaivto, e.g., weight is un- doubtedly added to the reduplication by this accretion of a nasal to the syllable. But from the nature of the case it is the syllable that contains the nasal that gains the additional emphasis. Even granting then the plural form fa-v-Ti to have been made from the singular ipb)i'TL ? But the entire expulsion of one of two vowels which come into collision is a weakening, that it is not hard to explain. Sanski-it moreover gives a hint of this weakening when in this person it expels even the n in monosyllabic reduplicating a- stems, such as dada, and gives us ddda-ti instead of dada-nti, or, we may say, dadd-nti. If then we set down anti as the real termination, -we shall find an easy explanation of it if we^again following Schleicher — resolve it into the pronominal stem an, to be seen in the Gk. ki/i, er and in the expanded form ana in many languages — in Gk. e.g. in iiva, civo) — and the ti (from ta) of the 3rd pers. singular. The two — that one, he, or some- thing like it — are to be imagined as joined copulatively with the meaning ' that one and he ' or ' he and he.' There can be no expression of the plural more simple than this.* 69 1) The primary avn, vtl. The various forms assumed by the termination anti, nti in Greek may be reviewed in the following order. a) The full unaltered termination has been presei-ved within the widest range by the Dorians. Here the difierenee, elsewhere so strongly marked, between the various ramifications does not exist. Ahrens (p. 292) is loud in the praises of the ' summa constantia ' of the Dorians as shown in the antiquity of this very form. References to inscrip- tions of the difierent periods and places are given by Ahrens, who arranges those of all kinds of forms together e.g. ayovn — -avayyeX'wvTi — avartdeKavTi — ttoi&vti, tiayvUvTi — eyFriXrjdlwvri (^^i^eiXrjdwtn). At the same place are to be found the corresponding forms from Epicharmus and Sophron. To these others have been added from inscriptions since discovered : from Delphian inscr. (Ber. d. sachs. Ges., 1864, p. 223) avaridevTi, 'e-)(OVTi, ayovn, (pvkacrrrovTi, KpirdiVTi, ^u)iavTi, OeXwvrt, a.t'TiXiyu)VTi, jraduiVTi, TcXevTatriovri, Troijjo-divri, k^eXbmvTi ; from Locrian inscriptions EfciiTi, a vSi^a^'"'''') ipvXo a-trovn (Allen Studien, iii. 263); from the Elic decree in honour of ' Damokrater ' (1. 28) fierexovTi. In Pindar the Doric form of the 3rd plur. is, ace. to Boeckh in his edition 1, 2, p. 358, and Peter, de dial. Pind. p. 56, far commoner than the AeoUc. In Callimachus (Lav. Pall. 115, 120) we get lenrvriisEvvTi, fievevvn; in Theo- critus forms like fioxdlZovn (i. 38), (iliiKavTi (i. 43), kirraKavn, evSivcvvri (xv. 82). b) The form which comes nearest to the Doric is. the Boeotian. Ahrens indeed (Aeol. 208) founds on the form evri, which Aristophanes ' There are two new views of the 3rd plur. which I am unwilling to pass by unnoticed. Br^al (MSmoires de la societS de Unguigt. ii. p. 193) regards the nasal which distinguishes the 3rd plur. from the 3rd sing, as a 'particularity de prononciation sans valeur significative,' which only gradually came to be confined to the plural. Until updoubted singulars are produced with such nasals, this re- mains a conjecture without any basis of fact. Quite different points of view are presented by Brugman's enquiry {Stud. ix. p. 293 £E.), where he suggests that the a, where it is peculiar to this personal termination, may have developed itself out of a so-called .' » sonmig.' The question, however, still needs a, comprehensive and careful examination. CH. II. THIED PERSON PLUEAL, ACTIVE. 47 puts into the mouth of his Boeotian at Ach. 902, and on a passage of Heraclides in Eustath. 1557, 41, where oUevri and (fiiXevrL are quoted as Aeolisms, the conjecture that this dialect ia the earliest times did, not dif- fer from the Doric in. the formation of the 3rd plural. As we have other, instances preserved of very early coincidences between Boeotian and Dorian, this is not improbable. On inscriptions, however, the t has been 70 changed to 6: C. I. 1568, 6 'ix-ivOi, 1569 a, 35 airoUioavdi, ib. 46 'iau/0(. (Cp. Beermann, de dialecto Boeotico, Stud. ix. 62.) This. change of sound occurs elsewhere after a nasal, e.g. inthe middle form (rvve^aXovQo in a Boeotian inscr. in Eangab6 Antiqu. Hell. Nr. 898 (cp. Principles II., Ill), and therefore cannot be regarded as a link between r and a, for the change of r to a, which is far more frequent, is due to an influence exerted by the i. c) On the other hand, there has been discovered in the Arcadian dia- lect of Tegea.a remarkable link in the chain between the original fn and the ai with preceding lengthening, found commonly in the Lesbio-Aeolic and Ionic dialects. On the inscription edited by Ad. Michaelis we read (Jahn's Jahrb. 1861, p. 585) Kpivuivtri, KcXtvwvai, ■Kapira.^Mvm (1. 5, 15, 27). The forms are important, not only because they afford striking confirmation of a fonnation which was before only conjectured, but also because they show that it was not only among the Lesbian Aeolians, who might be supposed to have been influenced by the lonians, that i became a before i. d) Connected immediately with the preceding coraes the Lesbian ai ' with an i before it as compensation for the loss of the v. Forms like ^alai, ■^oXaiSi (=^-)(aXiiirTi), Btipai(n, kirippofifieKn, ireirdyaiaiv, oiKriiroKn, Kpinrroiai (Ahrens, 72, 129, 139), had long been known from the testimony of the grammarians and the fragments of the Lesbian poets. But as ififievioim Was the only form attested by an inscription, and no 3rd pi. conj. of this dialect was yet known,. it is worth special notice that on the Lesbian imcriptions edited by Conze we read cnrayyeWoKri (xii. a, 33), and ypa(l>b)iin (vi. 11). Pindar uses the forms in -oia-iTav, e-Bo-aav contain the'preterite of the rt. as shortened to a-ai' and destitute of augment (=£(rav), and the view of the ancients that the shorter formation arose from the longer may be regarded as disposed of. The direct addition of the personal termiaation to the stem in the case of verbs with no thematic vowel is from the earliest periods of the language onwards rarer than that of the longer -(rav. In Homer we have — ea-rav A 535 by the side of laraa-av 2 346 crrdu I 193 „ „ jrapiirraa-av H 467 e/Sav A 391 „ „ VTrepPaa-au only M 469 ^dv A 209 „ „ e^Tjo-ai/ 343 fav r 161- „ „ ecpaa-av O 700 ' (C. I. 29), now found also on the Olympian nike- inscription of the Messenians and Naupactians, airiiTTav, Siiyvov (Heracl. Tables, Meister Stud. iv. 420), to which may be added eSov from the inscription from Tegea, 0. I. 30. From hence they made their way into Pindar's poetry : Karearav Pjrth. i. 35, irlTvav Nem. v. 11, aviQev Isthm. viii. 58 (op. Simonides Oeus, 137), Tidev Pyth. iii.' 65, 'icv Isthm. i. 22, E^ui', Pyth. i. 42, by the side of diaav Pyth. it. 39, eloisav Nem. vi. 10, and iadirectly, though very scantily, into that of the dramatists : ifiav Aesch. Pers. 18, aweSpav Soph. Aj. 167, KUTifiav Soph. Trach. 504, effray Eurip. Phoen. 1246. The corresponding forms of the passive aorists are discussed ii. 323. The tei-mination o-ai', which clearly took the place of v more and more as time went on, has perhaps no counterpart outside Greek except ia Old Persian : e.g. pati-y-di-sa='irpos-rii-(Tav (Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften, p. 168). DUAL. The first person dual, which originally ended in -va-si, as is shown by the Skt. va-s, the Zd. va-hi, the Ch.-Sl. ve, the Lith. -va, and which, it is highly probable, difiered from the 1st plur. only by the ' Beermann, de dial. Boeotioa (Stud. ix. p. 78), takes another view of this form, which he connects with the Arcadian &irv-S6as discussed Verb, ii, 288. CH. n. DUAL, ACTIVE. 51 weakening of tte m to v (ScUeich. Comp.^ 653), has disappeared from. Greek without leaving a trace. "We may perhaps conjecture that the disinclination this language showed to a digamma, especially in the middle of a word, had something to do with this, especially as of the two dialects which did hold to the /, the Aeolic had no dual. There are so many questions that touch both persons of the dual equally, 76 that we shall have to consider the second and third persons together. The termination of the 2nd pers. in the Indo-Germanic period appears to have been -tva-s, the nearest approach to which is the Skt. -tha-s. It would hardly be possible to establish any other analysis of this than that into -tva-si, i.e. ' thou thou,' so that, as already pointed out on p. 44, the second person dual was originally identical with the second person plural. Notwithstanding this it is quite clear- that there was a difference between the two numbers in this person before the separation of the Indo- Grermanic languages, for the difference is visible not only in Sanskrit and Greek but Lithuanian (2nd du. -ta, 2nd pi. -te) and Gothic (2nd du. -ts, 2nd pi. -th) as well. Now this primary termination has, it is true, dis- appeared from Greek. But there is a corresponding secondary form, the Skt. twm, with which the Gk top is identical. How this tarn, is connected with the assumed primary form *tva-8 is not clearly ascertained. If we take .the Greek language as our point of view we are iaclined to state the relation thus : ficv : fice ; '. tov : *tva-8. It is true that in the 1st plur. the nasal is exclusively Greek, while in the 2nd and .3rd dual it is Indian as well. In the former case it can be explained by the phonetic ten- dencies of Greek, in the latter it is a mere meaningless phonetic addition that admits of no explanation. We cannot rest content either with Schleicher's conjecture (Comp.^ 660) that we ought perhaps to divide it t-rnn, and regard the am as an accession ' with no clearly distinguishable function.' I am afraid that we must here and in some other cases leave this m for the present as an as to be explained in the futui'e. In the 3rd person dual Sanskrit has the primary termination -tas, Zend -td, in which the d is the regular and pm-ely phonetic transforma- tion of cbs. It is clear that -tas : -thas '. '. pron. stem ta ; tva (tha), that is, fas originated in ta-si ' he he,' as did thas in tva-si. The syllable si then, which is in most cases the mark of the second person, here belongs to the third, being weakened from sa, ' he.' Bopp's conjecture that the s is the remnant of a pronoun sma, which must evidently have arisen from sa + ma, seems to me less Kkely (Vgl. Gr. ii.^ 280), though on this assump- tion, which would have to 'be extended to the' 2nd dual as well, it might 77 be possible to find an explanation for the enigmatic m of the secondary terminations. It might be that out of this sma the primary *tvas, ta-s kept the s and the secondary tarn the m. No specific mark of duality has been retained in either of the two persons. Possibly it was a gradually formed usage which restricted them to this narrower sphere, though at the first they denoted iadefinite plurality. The Gk. termination -TOV is evidently related to this -tas precisely as the same termination in the 2nd dual is to -t?ias. By the side of this primary form stands a secondary. Here Indian and Greek show a remarkable accord, the former having -tarn, the latter -Triv. The length of the vowel as compared with the short vowel of the primary form is striking. Blisteli in his essay on the termiiiations of the middle (Ztschr. xv. 329), believes the ground of the lengthening is E 2 52 THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. ch. ir, to be found in the effort to distinguish it from the 2nd dual. But this, effort cannot anyhow have been very strong in Greek, or the primary forms for the two persons would not have remained the same. I am more inclined to think that it was a kind of accident which preserved! the long secondary vowel, and that the primary vowel was long too at first, that consequently there stood originally tds tarn side by side, and that this a was of the same nature as that in the -tha of the 2nd sing. We have occasionally to assume terminations with long vowels for impe- rative and middle forms as well. The agreement between Greek and Sanskrit in this point is the more remarkable because Zend here shows the short vowel (Schleicher, Comp.^ 670) : here the termination is -tern, e.g. in ^a^ae-tem=-jiaaKoi-Triv. The Ch.-Sl. te, both primary and secondary, does not help us much : Gothic and Lithuanian give us no help at all. While the schema given by Greek grammarians — 2 du. TOV TOV 3 du. TOV Tr)V derives powerful support from these considerations, Comparative Grammar has here much to say on the points of controversy which have occupied the students of Greek Grammar in particular. In discussing the strange 78 irregularities which meet us here we may take the middle forms into consideration at the same time, although we shall have to discuss their origin later on. Anyhow the parallel between tov Tr]v and aQov adr)v is visible at once. The strange thing is that the rules of the schema given us by tradition are so very seldom observed in practice. No doubt this is partly'because the dual forms do. not occur very often anywhere, and only in Attic with any frequency. It is therefore worth special notice that the regular form in -rr^v for the 3rd dual does sometimes occur in Attic in- scriptions (Corp. Inscr. Att. No. 358 avederriv, 396, 374, and elsewhere eTToiriaxiTrjv), and that we have in a Boeotian (C. I. No. 1580) and in a Dorian inscription (No. 25) a 3rd dual in -rav : aviQirav, iirorjaaTav (Ahr. Dor. 298). To the grammatical rule there are exceptions of two kinds, which have been discussed with most minuteness by Aug. Bieber, De Duali Numero (Jena, 1864), p. 20, who follows in the steps of earlier authorities to whom we shall have occasionally to refer. 1) In Homer -tov takes the place of -txiv as the termination of the 3rd dual in secondary forms. Of this we have three certain instances, recognised as such by the old grammarians : K'36S. &>s t6v TvSeiSris r/B' 6 nroXiTropdos '08v(rcrevg Xaov aiTOTjiri^avTe 8ui>Kfrov e/ifieves dei. Aristarchus's attempt to get out of the difficulty here -by assuming an enallage temporum has been thoroughly refuted by FriecQander, PMlol. vi. 669 ff. No refutation is needed of the view of other grammarians that there is an enallage personarum. N 345. ra 8' dii(j)is vKTtiv, but slttce then he has shown a wise caution in not venturing to introduce these creations of his own into the text. In the case of *Xa(i)VKTr]v particularly this would have been open to objection; as it would have been contrary to all analogy, and has no longer the support even of *aTr]V. ' Compare Sesiodea edd. Koechly et Kinkel, who have adopted itiw, and Ezach, Ber tHaleU des Hegiodos (Jahrbucher f. class. Philologie, Suppl. b. viii. p. 438). 54 THE PERSONAL TBEMINATIONS. ch. ii. 2) More attention has been paid to the anomaly which is the reverse of this, the substitution of -rriv {-adrjv) for -tov (-a-dov) in the second person dual of the secondary forms. Since Elmsley's note on Aristoph. Acharn. 733, and Eurip. Medea, 1041, a small literature has amassed itself on this subject, out of which I wUl only mention Buttmann, Ausf. Gr. i.2 341 ; Cobet, Mnemos. viii. 408, Kovrog Aoyioc "Ep/j-rje, i. 29 ff., and Fritsche's most sensible discussion on Aiistoph. Thesm. v, 1158. Elmsley went so far as to reject altogether the second pers. in -TOV in historical tenses even in Homer, and therefore not only preferred at e 448, K 545, A 782, Zenodotus's Kajxirrjv, \a(iiTriv, ■^BeXirriv to Aristarchus's Kafitrov, &c., but at Q 456 altered the metrically estab- ■ lished 'UeoBov in the most arbitrary fashion, and in direct violation of the syntax, into the conjunctive "Krjifdoy. This conjecture therefore of Elmsley's has met with no approbation. With respect to the Attic writers the case is different. Here the sagacity of the English critic and his followers has established that in at least six passages in Plato, including one in the Eryxias — ^Euthyd. p. 273e evpcTrjv, lireSrifirjaarriv, ib. 294e jjoTjjc, Legg. vi. 735a hoiviovriiTaTriv, Symp. 189c emirriv, Eryx. p. 199d e-rrETsXetTarriy, in the scholium on Harmodius and Aristogiton in 81 Athen. xv. 695, Soph. 0. E. 1511 dx^rriv, which is established by the metre, Eurip. Ale. 661 Dind. riXXa^aTriv — in nine passages that is in all, to which may perhaps be added Aristoph. Nubb. 1506, -rijv for -tov in the second person is fully established. But over against these nine or ten passages stand at least thirteen in which the M.SS. have -rov for the second person in secondary' forms : Aesch. Ag. 1207 ijXOeTov, Soph. 0. C. 1379 efvTOV, 1696 ejSriTov, 1746 eX&xeTov, Eurip. El. 1300 fipKitrarov, Med. 1073 evlaiixovo'irov, Ale. 272 dpSrov, Aristoph. Vesp. 867 ^wi- firiTov, Av. 112 Thesmoph. 1155 ViXeeTov, Plut. 103 efiiXXtTov, Plato Euthyd. 273e ff. c'iriTov, eXiycTov, eipaTov (a little above comes evpirriv), Legg. i. 646b, 'e(j>aTov. In none of these cases is there the smallest ground for any alteration, and yet Dindorf (for the past tenses at any rate), Nauck, 'M6m. de TAcad. de St. P^tersb. T. V (1862) p. 56 f., Cobet, Mnemos. vui. 408, and even G. Hermann (on Aesch. Ag. 1207) have followed Elmsley in pronoimcing that this majority — all well- attested passages — is to be corrected to suit the minority. But the mere fact that the exchange of -rrjv for -tov in the passages from the poets is possible, and would not spoil the metre, is hardly enough to turn the scale. Unfortunately we are left in the lurch here by the most trust- worthy witnesses to living usage, i.e. the inscriptions, and there is reason to fear we shall remain so, as there is not much hope of finding the second person dual on them. But there is nothing to justify us in regarding the dectrine of the old Grammarians on a clearly important point as a pure invention. What but usage could have furnished Aristophanes and Aristarchus with grounds for so remarkable a rule 1 How did the clearly established Homeric 'UeaQov get into the above- quoted passage ? And what explanation are we to give of the complete accord between this rule, which they would have us believe invented by the Alexandrians on the spur of the moment, with the positively estab- lished Indian usage ^ — ' Copious instances from the Eigveda may be seen in Delbriiok's AltirtMschei Verbvm, pp. 41, 61. CH. n. THE MIDDLE VOICE. 55 Skt. 2nd Dvial sec. tarn, Gk. tov 3rd „ „ tarn, „ rrjv if we are not to suppose that these forms are of primitive antiquity ? This is not the only case in which the wider range of view of the modern Science of Language has confirmed the doctrines of the Alexandrians, 82 and refuted the judgments, formed with the greatest confidence from insufficient subject-matter and with no regard to the structure of language by even the most meritorious of modem critics, nor is it the only instance in which Comparative Grammar has shown itself not barren of results even in the region of textual criticism.^ I am thoroughly convinced myself, and I would hope my readers are too, that (cp. Kiihner, Ausf Gt. i. 542 Q in two different periods the Greeks were inconsistent in their usage of dual forms in verbs, that at an earlier period the termination tov had the upper hand, while in that of Attic Greek the distinction of the secondary from the primary forms which had become the established rule for the 3rd pers. dual had the effect of introducing a mistaken observance of the same distinction now and then in the second person as well. The dual was anyhow of propor- tionally rare occurrence, and this fact helps us to understand the existence of such aberrations of the linguistic instmct, as also of the similar con- fusions of gender in the case of dual forms in nouns. n. MIDDLE. The personal terminations which to a large extent do duty for middle and passive alike belong originally to the former, and originated in an expansion of the terminations of the active. These two facts are all but universally acknowledged. As to the individual terminations, how- ever, and their relation to the corresponding active terminations, such a complete agreement does not yet exist. In fact, there arise here on some points difficult problems for which satisfactory solutions have yet to be found. Our fixst task is to find in general the true principle of the relation between the active and middle terminations. The function of the middle terminations is essentially a reflexive one, reflexive that is in the broadest sense of the term, and it by no means denotes simply the direct passing of the action back on to the subject. It was a natural and pertinent suggestion that as the subject bears a 83 twofold relation to the action of the middle, it might have found a two- fold expression in its form. This idea formed the basis of Kuhn's and Bopp's analysis. The full terminations of the three persons of the singular are found to be mai, sai, tai. These were referred by the two scholars above named to ma+mi, tva+tvi, ta + ti, that is to I-i-I, thou +thou, he-l-he, the second of each pair being supposed to be equivalent either to an accusative or dative. This view of Kuhn (De Conjug. in MI, p. 24) and Bopp (Vgl. Gr. ii.2 314 ff.) I opposed in my ' Tempera und Modi ' (p. SOS.). But I have long since been convinced that my grounds of opposition to the principle in general were untenable. My flrst ground was this : if in the 2nd pers. plur. act. the primary form *tvartva attained, from the mean- « This question has been sensibly discussed by A. v. Bamterg, Ztsohr, f Oymiiasialmesen, 1874, p. 622 f. 56" THE PERSONAL TEEMINATIONS. ch.ii. ing thou and thou, properly thou thou, to that of ye, how were we to believe that this same thou thou should in the 2nd sing. mid. become thou thee ? Language could 'not, I thought, have associated the same pronominal stems in one case as copulative compounds — called in San- skrit JDvan^va — where an and had to be supplied in thought, and in another as compounds where one was dependent on the other — called in Indian grammar Tatpurusha. This dMculty, though justified at the time by the science as far as its light went, disappears at present in the face of the new light lately thrown on the subject by the intro- duction of clearer chronological notions, which have led me more and more to the conclusion that the forms of language arose stratum by stratum (cp. above, p. 7 ff.). It is quite -possible that the same elements which in an earlier period were associated copulatively, were united in quite a diflferent way at a later time after the sense of the origin of the former compounds had long been lost. We shall evfen find in the 3rd pers. imperative a further and a difierent mode of association, i.e. the emphatic or intensive. In my treatise ' Zur Ohronologie der indo- germanischen Sprachforschung ' I have shown how this very process, this variety of methods of association of the same elements, is of repeated occun-ence, and is specially adapted to give us an insight into the gradual growth of linguistic forms. Other objections were derived from defects in the explanations of 84 individual formations, especially those of the plural, on which much fresh light has, as I think, been cast by Misteli's essay in Kuhn's- Ztschr. XV. 285 S. and 321 ffi My own explanation of the middle terminations which I preferred to that of Kuhn and Bopp was that they had arisen from the active terminations by addition of sound or vowel intensification. I assumed mai to have arisen in this fashion from mi, sai from si, and so on. But it is not likely that at the time when the middle terminations arose the active terminations had degenerated from the old ma, tva &c. to mi, si (fee, especially as we have still preserved in the form -tha (see above, p. 32) and in the 3rd sing, tu of the imperative, forms with difierent vowels. Moreover, if mi after being once so weakened did develope by intensification back to a stronger mai, it was contrary to the normal course of a sound's progress. There are besides one or two secondary ' forms, particularly the 1st sing, fi-qv and the Skt. 2nd sing, thas, which cannot possibly be explained on this hypothesis. For these reasons I retract my former views on this head. Besides Bopp's theory, which has its difficulties no doubt, and the one just mentioned as formerly held by myself, there is a third which has much in its favour. In the Italian languages, in Lithuanian, and in Norse the middle is formed by the additien of the reflexive pronoun. What if this should have been the case in Greek too, if /xai should have arisen not from ma -I- mi but from ma -F svi, i.e. ma + sva ? The possibility of this was noticed as such by Bopp (Vgl. G-r. ii.^ 321), and I have often thought it over myself. On mature consideration, however, I have decided against the theory. Wilibald Boeder, in his ' Formenlehre der griechischen Sprache fur Gymnasien,' Berlin, 1867, p. 68, has gone so far as to introduce this doctrine into the schoolroom. There is an attractive- ness about it when looked at with reference to Greek alone. As far as Greek phonetic laws go there is nothing extraordinary in the loss of CH. II. FIRST PEESON SINGULAE, MIDDLE. ' 57 tlie sv between ma ahd i. But ■where are we to find tlie like in San- skrit ? Yet here, too, we have e, which must have come from me, mai, se, i.e. sai, te, i.e. tai in the 3rd sing. The reduplication theory finds at all events support in one or two forms, especially in -fir)v and the Skt. -thds, which retain relics of the repeated pronoun. No such support can 85 be found for the reflexive theory. And apart from the fact that it assumes such an expulsion of sounds as coidd hardly have happened so early, it leaves the termination -firiv altogether unexplained. We shall be driven, therefore, to come back to the method of explana- tion suggested by Bopp, which has been adopted by Schleicher (Comp.^ 671), and adhered to in its essential points by Kiihn in his discussion of the middle terminations (Ztschr. xv. 401 ff.), and shall have to try how far it will help us in dealing with the individual forms. As to the bearing which the meaning . has on this theory, it is important to remember the fact, already referred to, that in no language does the middle coincide in use with that of the active forms followed by a reflexive pronoun in the accusative. The use of \ovo/xat in the sense of \oviii iixavTov is, as everyone knows, one of the rarest. The same is the case in Sanskrit, where the nature of this form is so well expressed by the word dtmanepada-m, i.e. self-form. Now this fact is quite in accordance with the above-mentioned explanation. For the newly added pronoun has not the form of any case whatever, but that of the ■stem. As I have attempted to show in the essay mentioned above, the formation of the middle must be referred to a much earlier period than that of the formation of the cases (cp. Misteli, Ztschr. xv. 296). The notion of the accusative, of the dative &c. can hardly have been present to the consciousness of the In do- Germans, when they created the middle voice. Hence the relation of the newly added pronoun to the action was as undefined as that of most nouns in compounds of which they form a part, and in which the variation of meaning bears the stamp of an early period. First Peeson Singulae. We may take the doubled -ma as the primary form. The only doubt is whether, as Kuhn conjectures in his acute discussion of all the forms of this group (Ztschr. xv. 401), we ought to start from -ma- ma or from the shorter -ma-ma. We have already encountered more than one instance of lengthened pronominal stems in the personal terminations of the active, e.g. on p. 36 in the discussion of the 2nd sing, in -Oa and on p. 51 in the analysis of the 2nd dual in -rrjv. Hence there is nothing extraordinary in the assumption of a -md-ma, and we shall have to agree with Kuhn anyhow that the heavy Sanskrit conjunctives 86 in -di {[m^di, -sdi, -tdi, -ntdi) are best explained from primary forms in which the first of the two united pronominal stems occurs in a lengthened form. The same primary form -md-ma clearly provides the best ex- planation for the Greek secondary form -firjv too, as tvd-tva does for the Indian secondary form -thds. But I cannot fall in with Kuhn's other view that the at in the Greek terminations -fiai, -aai, -rat, -vrai corresponds to this heavier di and not, as was universally assumed before, to the e which came from ai. The most conclusive objection to this view lies in the Arcadian third persons in -rot to be discussed on p. 61 — forms which Kuhn says nothing about — for -oi can never be the repre- 58 THE PEESONAL TEEMINATIONS. ch. ii. sentative of di. A. .further objection lies in the fact that these middle terminations in -at are liable from Homer onwards to frequent elision, and this does not look as if they were heavy sounds. It has been proved that the Greek diphthong at does sometimes represent an origiaal di, but it is just as certain that — e.g. in aiSui from the rt. idh (cp. Skt. edhas firewood), in irapa/^Skt. pare — ^it sometimes takes the place of an ai (=Skt. e), and for this reason I still hold to the old view, which Kuhn himself held formerly, that it is not ia the fuller but in the shorter Sanskrit forms that we have a parallel to those of the Greek. The first step on the way from *ma-ma to the assumable -9»os-i=Gk. flat we must suppose to have been the weakening of the final a to i. This gives us the form *-ma-mi by a weakening which is precisely analogous to that which occun-ed in the 1st sing, active. Expulsion of the second m turned *-m.a-mi into -ma-i, at first sight a striking mutila- tion of the termination, inasmuch as the doubling which had previously taken place is thus efiaced. But I think I have shown in my treatise ' Tiber die Tragweite der Lautgesetze ' (Berichte der phil. hist. 01. der k. sachs. Ges. d. Wissensch. 1870, p. 9 f.) how the very function of these personal terminations must have strengthened and furthered their tendency to efface and to lighten themselves. In this instance there is nothing but the t to represent the second of the two pronouns, and in 87 the Skt. e even the remaining m has gone too, a fact which throws light on the similar sound change assumed above. , The termination -fiai is common to the primary tenses of all dialects but the Boeotian, which here, as in other instances, had tj for ai. Still we only know TVTTTOfir] and the like from the quotations of the grammarians (Choeroboskos Bekk, Anecd. 1215, cp. Herodian ed. Lentz, ii. 352, Aiireus, Aeol. 187). From the secondary *'md-m, came the AeoUc and Doric -\xa.v. As to the form used in Lesbian Aeolic we have the evidence of ypd/iav (Sappho fr. 33), aXXo/j-ap (fr. 55), ^aeXe^afiav (fr. 87), the Doric we only know from the Cretan kiscription C. I. 2255, 23, where there is aweQifiav, from numerous forms in Pindar (Peter de dial. Pind. p. 9), from the choruses in the tragedians (EUendt, Lex. Sophocl. ii.' xix.), and from lyric passages in Anstophanes. Thiersch thought he had found a most peculiar Homeric by-form in -fier. In his ' Gk. Grammar especially of the Homeric dialect,' § 168, 10, he says : 'Perhaps too we ought to write Kanalafiev instead of KaTea^afirjv N 257, where there now stands tyxot — Kareatafiev, b Trpii' e'xeo-kov.' This conjecture, which had sunk into merited oblivion, has been repeated by Alfr. Ludwig in bis essay, ' der Infinitiv im Veda,' p. 144, though Thiersch is not mentioned, and two other passages are added in which we are offered a singular verb in place of a plural which at first sight seems out of place. A more careful consideration, however, reveals the fact that, as has been shown more in detail by Job. Lissner in the Programme of the Eger Gymnasium for 1873, the interchange between singular and plural in the 1st person which was frequent in later writers, as the scholiasts on N 257 remarked, was by no means unheard of in Homer. Compare especially v 358 and r 440. At K 99, Kairvov S' oiov opSnev airo ^(OovoQ utaaovTa maybe easily explained on the assumption that while Odysseus ( v. 9 5 ) was the only captain that separated his ship from those of the others, he was not alone either in the ship or when he climbed the hill to survey the country, and thus CH. 11. SECOND PERSON SINGULAE, MIDDLE. 59 at V. 100 lie hias comrades with. ViiTn when he sends out after news. At fi 198 ahrap iiretSri rag ye vapifKaaav, ovS' tV 'iirtira paii)fiecrO' I 112, /3 168, the lighter forms of which in -/lEda would fit perfectly well into the verse. In the old Elegiac poets -/xeada is only found once, Theogn. 671 (jiepSfAeaBa (Eenner, Stud. i. 2, 23), in Pindar (Peter, de dial. Pind. 59) also but once : cLirrofieaQa, Pyth. x. 28. All the three tragedians use this termination pretty often. They found it as handy for iambic and trochaic verse as the epic poets did for dactylic, only not in the same words. Hence in Aeschylus we find Prom. 822 alTovjxeada, Sept. 144 (ch.) ireXa^ofieada, Ag. 850 ircipatToneada : in Sophocles e^OfiEad' O. R. 32, £ttr6fi£(r6a 0. R. 84, apxofJEo-O' Ant. 63, eTrtora- 94 fietrda 1092, iarwfieffda O. R. 147, kxpofxtad' El. 253, yvusaofiEaQa Aj. 677; seldom in other metres as in Pluloct. 709 (ch.) vefioficffd', in Euripides Ion 1311 XtXuTr^/ijffO', Phoen. 603 cnrairovfieaO', 608 i^eXav- id/jiea-da, 583 airuAoiieada, Alc. 803 iirinTajxeada, 1157 fiedr]pn6iTu,ea6a. Aristophanes has about as many as the tragedians : Plut. 101 k^oficaBa, 330 iiirn^oixcffd', 1160 hrjTOfieird', Equ. 565 ^ovXafXEOQa, 623 fi^Ofieffda, CH. II. SECOND PEESON PLUEAL, MIDDLE. 63 Av. 35 avevTOfiead', 159 veiioixeaQa, 164 mOwfiead', 1577 ypfuxeada. Many of these references may now be found in Garth, Stud.' i. 2, 256 (cp. Kuhner, i.^ 536). On Dorian inscriptions there is not a trace of a -fiearda to be found (Ahrens, 298) ; on the other hand, the Heracleic tables have three forms in -fieda (Meister, Stud. iv. 420); there is no -fitada in the fragments of Epicharmus, so that the statement of Gregorius Corinthus that -fieada is Doric can have had no support but Theocritus, ■where it occurs once or twice. Although then the' manifold necessities of the metre may have helped, as in other like eases, to preserve the termination -/xEaOa, which dates from the Homeric epos, they certainly did not create it, and it would be contrary to the whole direction of the modern Science of Language to regard the o- as a meaningless and un- intentional • insertion. On the other hand, there is nothing to prevent us from regarding -jukda as a thinner form of -ficada. An analogy is provided by the form oiri-Oei' for oin(T-dtv, Boeot. o-irirdcv. So too ^re for ■^are, ^/lai for *^(r-jj.at. The Aeolians seem to have known nothing of -fiEada. But they, that is the Lesbians, had a dififerent by-form. ApoUonius de Adv. 604, 23 says : £i ro a Etc ro e fiETairiaoi, to rriviKavra irpoecKTi to v Trap' AioXev(Ti TO Xeyofieda XeyofieOev xal wavTa to. Toiavra. Though we have not a single example of this form, and although on the contrary we have in Alcaeus (fr. 18, 4) a (j>oprifteda which the metre establishes beyond a doubt, still the reputation of a grammarian of such weight is enough to establish the fact (Ahr. 130). We oughi; no doubt to regard the v as a permanently attached nasal addition, to which we shall find numerous analogies. Second Peeson Plubal. 95 Following the line we took in treating the 1st plur. in explaining the process by which language arrived at these forms, we shall here start from a primary tva-tva-tva, whose immediate successor was tva-tva-tvi. The first stem in the triplet seems to have shrunk first, and that into a simple s, the third suffered the same weakening we have often observed before, and was then represented by a simple i. This gives us s-tva-i, which the aspiration we have so often observed in the case of the pronoun of the second person turned into s-dhva-i, and this we ought probably to regard as the original form which immediately preceded the separation of the languages. Schleicher has discovered a trace of the s on oriental ground (Comp.* 680) in the Zend imperatives in -zd4m (e.g. thrQi-zd'Am protect ye). 4J stands in the place of va ; the form, like the more usual -dhvem and the Skt. secondary -dhliam, is of course a secondary one, and stands on the same level as the Gk. -aQoi'. The usual Gk. -aQt of the plural bears to the primary -sdhvai and the Indian -dhve which has lost its s (hha/ra-dhve^^epe-adt) almost exactly the same relation as that of -fiEirda to the Skt. -make. Here, as often, the secondary form does the work of the primary as well as its own. If the Skt. jaga-dhva =&^e-iTde (Kuhn, Ztschr. xv. 403) is genuine, we have in the -dhva a complete parallel to the Gk. -o-0£. But this -dhva is doubtful, as it only occurs once (Rv. viii. 2, 37) in the imperative above mentioned (Delbriick, Verb. 48). The m which is heard at the end of -dhvam (Zd. -dhvem) is the same apparently that we observed on p. 51 f. in the dual forms. 64 THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. ch. ii. Third Person Plueal. This, too, is best explained on Misteli's theory. While Schleicher (Comp.^ 677) is obliged to derive the primary amta-i from cmt-cmti, according to Misteli, who starts from an-ia-ti, nothing has disappeared but the second t, and that loss was due to the dislike to excessive allite- ration. The syllable an soon afterwards lost now its vowel now its conso- 96 nant, leaving either -niai or -atai. Both forms of the termination appear pretty equally in Sanskrit and Greek, while Zend, which is elsewhere so like Sanskrit, keeps the nasal always. It follows necessarily from this that the rejection of the nasal did not take place till after the separation of the languages, and it must have happened independently in the two languages Sanskrit and Greek. • In the latter language there are numerous analogous cases of the loss of a final nasal, as in tTrra^^saptdn, ScKa^ddgan, a privative =ai', but it also disappeared from the middle of a word in t-ica-ro-v (cp. fdtam)=:centu-m (primaiy form ktmtOrm). In the place of the -vrai of ordinary Greek we find on an inscription of Aegos- thenai the strange termination -vdrt {vapyivviiivQri, Beermann, Stud. is. 77), with the same Q which we have already seen in the 3rd pi. act. The secondary an-ta, with the by-forms n-ta and a-ta, bears to the primary exactly the same relation that the -ta of the 3rd sing, does to -ta-i. More special attention must be directed to the interchange of -vrai and -VTO on the one hand, and -arai and -aro on the other. If, as is clearly suggested by the analysis of the forms, the a is an original component of the termination, we need not be surprised at finding this vowel even after vowels. We have seen something similar in the 3rd pi. of the active. In Sanskrit it is a distinguishing mark of the two main conjugations that the first, which corresponds to the Gk. conj. in w, has -nte (from ntai), -nta ; while the second, which is to be compared with the Gk. verbs in -/xi, has -ate (from atai), -ata. A precisely similar distinction is observable in Greek too, though we must notice, to begin with, that it is only Ionic Greek that shows many of these forms, and that Aeolic shows none at all. Even among the lonians a tendency is to be seen, from Homer's time onwards, occasionally to employ -vrai, -vto by the side of the older -arai, -aro, where the tense-stems lend themselves readily to the change. As yet we know of only two forms in -a rat from Doric. The one is Kiarai {=KEivTai), — so accented according to Ahrens, Dor. 28, at 11 22 of the Cretan inscription edited by Eich. Bergmann, Berlin, 1860, — a form of the same stage as the Homeric Ke-arai. The other is a compounded form, the Heracleic yeypa^/arai. (Meister, Stud. iv. 432), i.e. yeypafji-aarai. These two isolated instances show that those forms 97 are no exclusive property of the Ionic stem, but are forms of real antiquity, which had no doubt been more widely spread at an earlier time even on Greek ground. For Homeric Greek the rule is a simple one. arai, aro are necessary after consonants and i, possible after v and long hard vowels, impossible after short hard vowels whethei- radical or thematic. The following instances, among which those confirmed by the metre are printed in spaced type, will give a clear idea of this. - For our present purpose we need of course make no difference between the present or, it may be, aorist stems and that of the perfect, hence the instances are taken indifierently from both. CH. n. THIRD PERSON PLURAL, MIDDLE. 65 1) -a.Tai-a.To after consonants (cp. Princ. ii. 293). TZTtvx-a.Tai N 22, ayr)yip-ad' (pluperf.) A 211, ippaS-cira V 354 (rt. paS, aph), epripcS-arat ^ 284, aKr/xi^ar' (st. aKax^S, later d/cnXiS) P 637. Here belong e-arai T 134, iaro H 414, which are written c'l-arat, d-aro where the metre establishes a long syllable. The former is identical with the Skt. ds-ate, and so was originally *i^ff-nTai, and hence it is probable that in Homer the word which in the old alphabet was written HKATAl was wi-ongly written darai instead of fjarai when the first syllable was long. The old gramniarians and their modern followers could not get rid of the idea that ti is a mere Ionic lengthening of t . ^vT in r 153 is quite an isolated form; perhaps one of the criteria of the late origin of the Teichoskopia. 2) -arat -aro after t. K£KX/-arat n 68, S 608. — Zelai-a-ai a 23. — Kara/ceiarai ii 527, KtiuTo A 162. — In the optative the only form found is -[0 70 : yeyoiaru B 340, airoXot'aro I 554, Xafoiaro B 418, Trivdoiad' a 157, jSioiaTO A 467, fiynjauiaff B 492, eirKppaatraiaTo B 282. The only exception is fiaxioivTo 'Axaioi A 344, which gives an ugly hiatus, and Hoffmann is no doubt right in replacing it by ixax^oloT. A. real exceptiort in the case of Kela-Oai is tTrcKtt vro f 19, for at * 427 it is best to write hi xOovl 98 Ketar' for keIvto. The shortened Kearai, iciaro, which we shajl have to discuss directly, also tell in favour of Ktiarai, Ktiaro. 3) -arai -aro and -vrai, -vto after v. ilpv-arai A 239, lipv-aro X 303, eipV-aro S 30 — on the other hand -vrai, -VTO after the same letters : tlpwro M 454, Kix^vrai E 141, X 387, XeXvPTai B 135, prjyrvvTO Y 55, kIvvvto A 281. 4) -arai -aro after rj and w. (it(i\ri-a.Tai A 657, (iefiXriaTo tS 28, SeB^riaTu F 183, K£K\ria-n K 195, we-n-oTiiarat B 90, tt E^ojOiaro 206, KEj^oAoiaro ^ 282. On the other hand fiiiivrivTo P 364, ^vfj-PXrivTo S 27. 5) -VTai -VTO are found invariably after a: Svvavrai N 634, Suvai'To N 552, loraJTO, iTEirravrnt E 195, fiapvavrn often, as also after e: t id ep rat, TiBevTO, iOtvTo, and after the thematic o: ireidovrai, yivovro, oXovTo &c. This pretty simple rule submits even in Homer to the modification, that the long vowel or diphthong is occasionally shortened before the a of the termination: e-arai F 134, for fi{iT)-aTai, iaro for ij(tr)-aro H 414, Kearai A 826, Ktaro N 763, for Kelarat, Kuarv. It would be essentially as lawful to write -rjaro here with shortened »; as in jiifiXriai, ovS' aXioi' l3eXoQ 'iKiidf>aTai,iv. 31 SiETeTcuxaro, v. 6, vi. 4 iTETCfx^aro, Xenoph. Anab. iv. 8, 5 avrtrern-xaTai, Plato, Rep. vii. 533 TiTpcK^arai, and it has the testimony of the inscription of Methone which dates from the beginning ■ of the Peloponnesian war (Sauppe, Inscriptiones Macedonicae, iv. p. 7), where we find £7£7-aT^ri70, yeypa^arai (cp. arayEypa^arai, .0. I. 75,3). More- over the dramatic poets did not regard the opt. in -larn, the only form in use with Homer and Herodotus (op. too Simon. Amorg. i. 22, vii. 107, Charon of Lampsaciis in Ath. xii. 520 E^fTrtffrai'aro), as too outlandish to be used in their poems in passages where a tinge of antiquity was not out of place, and they found it very useful metrically, especially at the end of the verse. Fischer, ad Wellerum, ii. 418 (cp. Matthiae, § 204, 100 7a), gives the following instances : Aesch. Pers. 451 fKirwt^oiaro, 369 (pev^oiad' (both in a messenger's speech), Suppl. 754 exOaipolaTo, Choeph. 484 KTil^oiad', Sept. 552 oXnlaro, Soph. Aj. 842(?) oXolaro, O. E. 1274 6^nia&' — yotTo'iaTo (messenger's speech), O. C. St^aiaro 44, •KEfi^l/aiaff 602, 921 TTvdolaTO, 945 Se^oiur', El. 211 airovaiaro (in a choral passage), Eurip. Hel. 159 amSiopriiTalarn, Here. fur. 547 iKTiaa'taTO, Aristoph. Pax. 209 aladafinaro, Av. 1147, Lys. 42 ipya- craiarn, Nub. 1199 vfeXolciTO. Now that we have examined the extent to which these forms in '• The form ireirX^oToi, used by Simonides Amorg. 36, stands alone. Cp. Eenner, Stud. i. 2, 24. " Ace. to Abicht (cp. Kuhner, i. 548), though there are any amount of presents in -ovrat, there are only three in -earai, none of which has the authority of the best M.S., the Medicean. Among thousands of past tenses, there are only six forms in -eiiTo which are attested by all the M.SS. But as there is not the least probability " that a prose writer said iyivonTo ten times and changed it the eleventh to iyevearo, it cannot be doubted that these forms made their way often into the inferior M.SS., and occasionally even into the better ones, on the false analogy of the pluperfects and preterites, like iVteoto. CH. n. DUAL, MIDDLE. 67 -arai^ -aro occiir, it remains for us to notice a view of their origin which may appear to sorne not unwarrantable. In cases where -rai, -aro corhe after vowels, and such cases are the majority, it is not unnatural to con- jecture that we have here the result of a composition, and Schleicher (Comp.^ 678) declares this view to be a tenable one. There is nothing surpiising in the idea that there should here have been a composition with the 3rd pi. mid. of the rt. as, Gk. ic, which would be ia-arai, 'in- fiTo, since we meet with such compounds in the active,^ and not only in past tenses like i-io-aav, i-cpa-aar, but in 'i-cram:=J'i^-aai'Ti and e't^a' are too doubtful to prove anything, especially as at 1.. 11 the ordinary ad appears in the inf. cKpaiXricTiadni. For No. 10 the Cret. avaiXidai, Gortynian inscr. I. 4, apparently= aiaiXeitrdcii (Voretzsch ut supra 673). To this we can now add iroi'iarx- aai=Tron'iffaadai from the Olympian inscr. of Damokrater (1. 33). These dialectic by-forms entitle us 1 think to assume two things : ■ first, that the is not an essential and inherent element in these termina- 104 tions, but grew out of a t- ; in the second place, that the irfl belongs to a class of sound-groups which have been considerably changed by dissimila- tion and assimilation. The examination of the 2nd sing, in -o-ffa (p. 37) brought us to an unaspirated t, and in many other instances it looked probable that spirants had had a hand in the formation of the ad. The most, familiar phonetic laws serve thiis to account very simply for the forms of the imperative middle. As Schleicher says (Comp.^ 676), ' It is possible' that these forms sprang from middle terminations in which the initial coasonants of the two pronouns of the- 3rd. or 2nd pei'son were brought into juxtaposition by the disappearance of the intervening vowels, and that tt became itt and then trS.' I think that we can. explain the a-d in the 3rd sing., imperat. middle (No. 7)^ e.g. in ^nirdio, which we shall afterwards refer to an older *(j>aadwT^ by supposing it to stand for TT, that is farrdiij for (jia-r-rw-r,. in which th« connexion of the exponent of the 3rd pers., which is doubled for emphasis' sake, with the preceding T, which is the sign of the .same person,, gives he-he-himself, ajid that is the mark of the imperative middle. The same explanation serves for the S-rd plur. The fact that the v of ijtaadwi' is wanting in the Doric dialect shows it to be no essential •part of the termination, and (ba-irQiD, as will be shown hereafter, stands for *fa-(r6o)-T. We will postpone the discussion of the remarkable forms in -ciaQit) to a later seetion of this book (ii. 51 ff.). ' The 3rd pi. of the imperat. middle was evidently not always identical with the 3rd sing., while in the 3rd du. imperat. midd., e.g. ^noOwv (No. 9) the absence of dialectic by-/orms precludes the formation of a definite opinion about the final letter. It is enough for our purpose that we can with great proba- bility set down for the three 3rd persons of the imperative middle the series — TT (TT (t8 and explain the v by dissimilation, and the 9 as due to the aspiration so frequent after a a (Princ. ii. 110). In the Cretan form in Q6 we must assume that after dissimilation had done its work a retrogi'essive 70 THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. ch. ii. 105 assimilation took place. This dialect shows other instances of the ten- dency to assimilate a sibilant to a following explosive (Hey de dial. Cret. p. 33). Nearest to these imperative forms come the 3rd duals in -crdov (No. 5) and -crdriv (No. 6). We have seen that there was no original and thoroughgoing distinction between dual and plural forms, and so we must expect to find the same elements in the a-iTOe, iim-adov likewise to a tt. The three remaining forms ate more difficult. The 2nd sing, in -trda and the 1st plur. in fit-aBa, as we saw on p. 37, are again the most nearly connected of the three. The cases hitherto examined will incline us to suppose a similar process of development here. In the first place analogy, on all strict rules of procedure, leads us straight to the supposi- tioij that as -aQiD and -aOai arose directlyfrom the authenticated dialectic by-forms -orwand -uTai^so our -irQa arose from a *-nTa. This step brings this termination considerably nearer to the Lat. -sti and the Goth, -st mentioned on p. 36. In the next place we may conjecture that or arose here, as in the cases already analysed, from tt. TTiis tt again can hardly have arisen in any other way than by progressive assimilation, and conse- quently from the tv of the pronominal stem tva. It is true that it would be hard to find more than one instance of such assimilation in Greek ; Att. VeVr«|0-fc, Boeot. 7rfrrop-£f (Ahrens, Aeol. 176) from the primaiy form hatvar-as, but this one, which is beyond a doubt, is enough to corro- borate the conjecture that tt might have come from tJ-. In this instance, it is true, the rr remained intact in older Attic and in Boeotian at least, 106 while in the personal terminations it underwent fui'ther transforma- tions. But there are other cases in which the tendency to phonetic lightening went further in terminations than in stem-syllables. If we assume then that in the same period of the language which saw forms like that deduced on p. 69 and.*^arrw and *' (Hubschmann, Ztschr. xxiii. p. 34). CH. III. • ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT. 73 or the s of the Skt. ace. plur. in m is lost. It is not to be wondered at that a prefix of such little weight, which moreover, in Greek espe- cially, does not always help the metre in poetry, should early have found its existence precarious, and have been discarded altogether in the •majority of the related languages. It is surprising, on the contrary, that this element should have survived as much as it has in languages of three different families. Without the assumption that the augment was at one time present in all forms expi'essing past time, the organism of 109 tense-forms seems to me inexplicable. If, therefore, difiering from Schleicher (Oomp.^ 738), we regard this a as having formed from the first an essential part of- the preterite, we have to ask next what view is ,to be taken of its origin. On this point very difierent opinions have been expressed,^ the most important of which we will now proceed to examine. 1) Buttmann in his AusfiihrL Gram. I.^ .312 expressed the opinion that the augment was only a curtailed reduplication. Thiersch agrees with him, saying at p. 231 of his ' Griechische Gr. vorziiglich des homer. I>ialekts ' that ' the syllabic augment was originally identical with the reduplication;' so to a certain extent does Pott, who (Et. Forsch. II.' 73) calls the augment ' a variety of the reduplication,' and (Doppelung, p. 226) ' an embryonic reduplication.' There ai'e various points in the Greek u.se of the augment and the reduplication which at first sight seem to make for the identification of the two. The reduplication now and then actually assumes the same form as the augment : i-(riTri-i;a i-i,ijTr]-aa, and although again the former seems to belong properly to the perfect, it appears in aorists like Xt-XaB-o-v, Tri-TrlB-a-v, to be taking the place of the augment. But we encounter difficulties as soon as we look further. In Sanskrit the augment always appears in the form a, while the redu- plication always changes its vowel to suit the stem of the verb ; d-tuda-m but tu-ioda, d-bheda-m but hi-hheda. This objection, raised also by Bopp (Vergl. Gr. ii.^ 422), might perhaps be met by the not impossible supposition that, as has been sometimes argued, among others, by Nblting, in his essay ' iiber deh genetischen Zusammenhang des Aoristus II. mit HO dem Perfectumll.,' Wismar, 1843, the original vowel of the reduplication was in all cases an a. The Skt. forms ha-hhuv-a (rt. hhu be) and sa-suv-a (rt. m to bring forth), and the Old-Latin perfects pe-posc-i, pe-pug-i (later po-posc-i, pu-pv^g-i), are in favour of this supposition. A still weaker point in this theory is the conjecture that such a number of initial consonants should have disappeared with no sufficient cause ; and yet this is what we must suppose in order to get from *ba-bheda-t, which we must start from, to d-bheda- 1, and that too for the early period before the separation of the languages, when the articulation was generally strongly marked, for anyhow there must have been an a then that was completely distinct from the *ba, *ha, *ta &c. The specifically Greek habit of putting i instead of ske, awe, are, (e, where the verb-stem begins with a double consonant, is therefore no adequate 2 Compare, too, the Leipzig doctoral dissertation of Konrad Koch, De "•Aitgmento apiid Homerwm orrdsso, Brunsv. 1868, the introduction to which gives several of the views mentioned below. — To this we may add P. Molhem's careful work, De augmetiti ap^id Homeritm Herodoturnqve lim, Lundae, 1876, and the accurate examination of Hesiod?c usage in Ezach, Ber Dialekt des Sesiodos (8th supplem. to the Jalirbuclwr fur Class. Philologie), p. 431 f. 74 THE AUGMENT. ch. iii. analogy. Again, the identification of the reduplication with the aug- ment necessitates in all consistency the identification of all past tenses ■with the perfect in their terminations as well, and it is clearly no use to attempt that. The most important objection, however, is to be gained from the impress borne by the verbal forms themselves. The augment belongs exclusively to the iadicative, the reduplication is excluded from no mood, not even from the participle and infinitive. The augment serves, that is, to mark a past tense ; it is the exponent of a grade of. time, while the reduplication characterises a tense-stem all, through, attaching itself firmly to it, not confining itself exclusively to the perfect stem, but appearing occasionally in the present and aorist as well. From this it is clear that the reduplication was not originally a mark of past time, and that the appai-ent substitution of the reduplication for the augment in certain aorists is not what it seems, for, as will be shown below, the augment occurs sometimes in these very aorists as a sign of past time prefixed to the reduplication which characterises the tense-stem as a whole : i-i:e-K\£-To. Moreover the fact that the pluperfect shows the two united is a clear proof that we have here to deal with two quite distinct linguistic elements. For these reasons we may regard this view as exploded. It was a natural attempt to explain the more difiBcult forin by means of one which seemed a somewhat more comprehensible one, but it belongs to a more backward stage of the Science of Language than the present. Ill 2) Hoefer in his ' Beitrage zur Etymologie' (Berlin, 1839), p. 388, attempts to connect the augment with the Teutonic prefix ga (gi, ge), which seemed in its application to the expression of the perfect to come near to the function of the augment. But the assumption that the initial consonant of this prefix originally varied between a guttural explosive and the dental sibilant, and then disappeared altogether, will scarcely find acceptance with anyone. Besides, this attempt too rests on a confusion of the meanings of the perfect and the preterite. 3) A thii'd explanation is that given by Bopp (vgl. Gr. 11.^ 415), who takes it to be the a privative.. This is met at the outset by an objection on the ground of the form. The negative prefix is only a- before consonants, but is elsewhere at'-, while there is not a -trace to be found of a nasal in the augment. In regard to meaning, however, this hypothesis is less satisfactory still. It is true that past time is not present, but it is highly improbable that language should have marked it as not present. The negative force of the perfect in dixi I have said my sa,j,fuimus Troes and the like, to which Bopp appeals; is by no means enough to prove this. In the first place we have in this usage not a preterite, but that kind of perfect which we may term absolute. The statement of the full com- pletion of an action implies, it is true, that it is no longer continuing, but the preterite, which transports the action to a section of past time chosen at will, does not present a contradictory opposite of the present. So far is it from this that the so-called gnomic aorist actually puts before us something done in the past as a rule that applies to all time : KarQav'- (jfiuic 6 T atpyoQ avrip 6 rt TroAXa inpywg. Again, a negation prefixed to a verbal form, as nescio and the like show, negatives the whole assertion, not merely a comparatively accidental qualification like that of time, a qualification moreover which on this showing is itself expressed by no cu. m. ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT. 75 special external mark. If, then, the a in .d^tuda-m were negative, it would mean, as opposed to tudd-mi, 'I do not strike,' not ' I struck.' For all these reasons, this explanation, which Bopp himself was so little satisfied with that he proposed another, to be mentioned below, as an 112 alternative, may be set down as erroneous. 4) Benfey, in his Kurze Sanskritgrammatik, p. 85, and the Kieler Monatsschrift, 1854, p. 733, sees in the augment, 'as the original instru- mental case of the pronominal stem a,' the expression of the relation to another action. He quotes the use of the present in Sanskrit with the particles purd ' before,' and sttm, which he supposes to mean ' at the same time with,' and concludes that ' in these cases past time is, properly speaking, only in .so far denoted as the action to be thought of as occuiTing in it is represented as having happened along with, or before ; is represented that is as teinpus relativum, which is exactly what is expressed by the old Indo-Grermanic imperfect.' Benfey, too, brings the Teutonic ge into the question, and assigns to it a similar function. But there is a fundamental error here. The syllable ge does mean ' together,' but by no means the putting one action together with another : it denotes the collection together of all the elements of an action, and resembles the con in conficio. It thus expresses not an external but an internal connexion, and provides the verb with a means of expressing completion, and for this very reason its temporal force is a secondary and not an essential one, and has only gradually become attached to it. The notion of .relativity, moreover, would at most only fit in with the mean- ing of the imperfect, but not at all with that of the aorist, and would not be a probable accompaniment even of the imperfect, for in dealing with this tense too we certainly ought to start from its use in simple isolated sentences.. The relativity is clearly only a result of the durative force of the imperfect, so aptly represented in the Gk. name vapaTaKTtKoc. 5) There is but little difference between Benfey's view and that of Scherer, and it seems to me that both are equally unsatisfactory. The latter conjectures iZvtr Geschichte der deutschen Sprache, p. 230) the primary meaning of the augment to have been ^ near at hand.! It will not be easy to establish the connexion of this meaning with the pro- nominal stem a. But granting it might mean this, I cannot see how the notion of nearness could be transformed into that of a past time, which is ■ anyhow not next to the speaker. It is true indeed that Scherer believes 113 that this augment was as it were only an accessory indication of what was already implied in the form itself, and ends by translating this a or oby there, and thus arrives at a view wKich is not far removed from that to which we arfe coming next. 6) By the side of the explanation given under 3) Bopp mentions another which he thinks a possible one. Though he regard* the two explanations as nearly the same, they are really very different. On p. 420 he expresses the opinion that language, in prefixing an a to verbs, may perhaps ' not have been thinking of the negative a, and not have meant to deny the existence of an action in present time, but have used the a as a real pronoun in the sense of 4/iat, and so have intended thereby to transport the action " away there " — to the time lying in the distance and behind them.' Schleicher adopts this view, inasmuch as he regards the reference to past time (p. 749) as the function of the a, and so does Richard Garnet in the Proceedings of the Philological Society, Vol. I. 76 THE AUGMKNT. ch. in. (1844), p. 265, where various parallels not all equally apt are ad- duced from other languages, some of which are quite unconnected with the liido-Germanic stock. It deserves notice anyhow, that languages of a less formed character denote past time, and future too, by particles that point to the distance. If the pronominal stem a meant that one yonder as an actual pronoun, in an uninflected form it must have corresponded to our there, and, temporally, to oxir then. Scherer is unwilling to allow that the stem a points to somethiug at a distance, and mainly for this reason ; he recognises this same stem in the a of aham 'I.' It may be doubted whether this stem always and exclusively had the force of pointing to a distance. Most of these distinctions between 'this' and 'that,' 'here' and ' there, "^ were probably developed antithetically in each sepai'ate lan- guage. It cannot be denied, however, that a series of forms undoubtedly belonging to this stem are used to refer to something at a distance. Scherer himself mentions the fact that in Zend athra there is contrasted with ithra here. The Skt. d-tra when iised of place means here, but when used of time then,. at that time, so too a-tas thereafter, a-ti out beyond there (=£7-1), d-tha' then, therefore, at thereupon, then, while the 114 preposition a, which unquestionably belongs to the same stem, with its main meanings of to, up to, and as an adverb hither, further, takes an intermediate position. Perhaps the best representation of the meaning of the particle that is used as the augment is that it is equivalent to the euOa with which the Story of the Odyssey begins : eVa aXXot ^ei' TrdvTes ocroi tpvyov aliriiK oXedpov A reference is made to some point chosen at discretion ; present time needs no such reference, and it was not till later that the need of denoting future time arose, arid so this there became the there of past time. This view is only a shade different from Scherer's final explanation (p. 231). In proceeding to examine the various phenomena connected with the augment, wa- will follow the old division, based on the nature of the subject-matter. A) The Syllabic Augment. In the dialect of the Vedas Kuhn (Beitr. iii. 463) points out that a long a sometimes takes the place of the shoi't one. The cases, however, which are referred to by Delbriick (Verb. 79) as well, are few in nunjber, and it may be dotibted whether the length is inherent even in them, or whether it is due to a kind of ' position ' efficted'by the following con- sonant. In Greek there are three verbs which occasionally take r] instead of t for augment : fieWw, Ivvajjiui, ' (invkop-ai. The ancients, whose notices of the phenomenon have been best collected by Fischer ad Wel- lerum, ii. 299, call the substitution of >? for t in these verbs an Atticism (Moeris s. v. i'lfieWoi'). Properly speaking, we can only be sure of the instances from the poets in which the metre testifies to the ij, for the, M.SS. of the prose writers vacillate much between the two forms. In this way we get the following result : fxeWiii has i; according to Zeno-. dotus — though Aristarchus rejects his reading — at M 34, in Hesiod (Theog. 888 itW ot'. 3?; p' ijpeKXi deciy yXavKwTnh' 'Adiji'ifv Ti^i(rdoi) by the side of ijxiWov at other places (Ezach, p. 430), in Theognis (906 i'l/xeW L-tXeaac (ic 'Aiiao irtpdv), in Aristophanes (Eccl. 597 tovto yap CH. III. THE SYLLABIC AUGMENT. 77 f]fJ.e\\ov eyut Xi^etv, 'Ran. 1039 tvv Xo(j>i>y j^/xeW iirSiiaeiv), Svia/jai in Aeschylus (Prom. 206 ovk iilvvt}Ot]v), and the comic poet Philippides Mem. iv. p. 472 'iireiTa (pvaav Zvittv^tiq <,vk j/Suvfc). For ii(iov\tTh Only 115 two instances from poetry are adduced, Eurip. Hel. 752 6 Otoe ovk fil3ov\eT(>, and Alexis fr. 256 Mein. ov to vpdyix ^iiovXero, neither of ■which prove anything. Since then this phenomenon is unknown in Homer, where f/xtWe and kjSovXero are often established by the metre, and since it is not till the Attic period that its gi-adual establishment begins, we must be careful how we call it a primitive growth. Anyway the explanation is hard to fiad. If we take the analogy of edeXio, OtXw? it is only in the case of fieWuj that we get any help from the etymology ■ of the word, which seetns to have lost a )-£t'?i) (No. 15 below, Brugman Stud. iv. 166). The etymology of Sivaftai is not clear. Of the a, the usual form of the augment in Sanskrit and Old-Persian, a few traces have been preserved in Greek. Whether such a trace is to be found on an inscription is not certain, for the right-to-left superscrip- tion on a helmet found at Olympia (C. I. G. no. 31) 90IOSMAnOESE*Y . . . may either be read fj,' airo-Qai with Ahrens (Aeol. 229), or iia iro'ijo-e with Boeckh. The latter reading with the augment missing assumes that the. inscription is in poetry. But it is .quite possible if w-e suppose the rhythm to be dactylic, especially if with Boeckh we take the first word to be Kwoc and the two last letters to be the beginning of a proper name. It is true that fxa for fxi is unparalleled, but wap for Tztpi is also known to us only through the one old Rhetra of the Eleans C. I. no. 11, and iraTapa for naripa only through the lately discovered Locrian inscription, and other peculiarities of the same isolated nature ai-e being discovered every year. Hence this can only be said to be a possible and not a certain instance of a as an augment, and we have to go for further cases to the glosses of Hesychius ciStipci'' eSeipev, njipa-)(eV rjxv^^''! aajSeadt' Sie(j)dEip$ KprJTii;. The doubts expressed about these and the alternatives proposed ng for them seem to me of little weight, but it must be admitted thart this lexicon has no claim to infallibihty. ciir/Sfo-Se I take to be a preterite like Eo-xtflor, from the rt. 'ir(itc (^(rlSevi'Vfii, ao-ySforoe), meaning exstinxit. Forms with the syllabic augment are witnesses in many ways to the older initial of the verbal stems concerned. Cases of this kind fall into two main classes. 1) Double consonants following the augment. It is well known that p is almost invariably doubled after the aug- ment. This fact has long since been compared with the same pheno-. menon in compound nominal forms, and it is impossible not to see the parallel between e-ppee and w€pi-ppvToc, ipp-q^n and AppiiKrov. Buttmann • ' Cp. Buttmann, Ausf. Gr. i. 317. 78 THE AUGMENT. ch. hi. (i. 84) tlioiiglit the reason lay in the fact that an initial p was pronounced like a double consonant, and appealed in proof of this to the rough Iji'eathing written over it. Since, however, the same doubling which is the rule with p occurs sporadically in Homer in the case of other initial consonants as well, we are compelled here, as is now pretty generally admitted, to regard the doubling of .consonants in the great majority of cases as an assimilation (Ahrens, Formenl. § 85 ; Hoffmann, Quaest. horn. i. 135). The verbs beginning with p are exhaustively discussed by Leo Meyer (Ztschr. xv, 1 ff.), where, however, he is supporting the, as I think, erroneous theory that in the case of verbs which can be shown to have once had / before p, not only has Homer's language traces of this sound to show, but the sound itself. The assertion made by the same ■ scholar (p. 3) that ' it is extremely improbable that the Homeric / was ever assimilated to a following p,' appears to me altogether un- founded. In post-Homeric Greek the doubling of the p is undoubtedly to be explained in the way suggested above. It should be noticed that of the verbs which begin with p many can be shown to have lost a consonant, 117 i.e. either a / or a t. A / is established by clear traces in pe^w (rt. ftpy Principles, i. 221), pi-n-oj (ib. i. 437), rt. pt by the side of tp, fep (ib. i. 428), pltyvvfxi (ib. ii. 159), piyeui (ib. i. 438), ptfiiw (ib. i. 438), p/Vru (i. 437) ; a 11 (Princ. i. 396), partly as due to a mistaken imitation of such forms made in the conventional spirit of Epic language. On the precedent of tXXtVfrtro, eWtrra/Arji', eWifaicve, which are perhaps correctly formed (Hoffm. Qu. hom. i. 145), writers ventured upon cAXn/if (Princ. ii. 145), ifi/jride (ib. i. 387), while Apollonius Rhodius ii. 1032 was the first to allow himself the use of eWnre. Much that relates to this subject has been treated by me at greater length in Stud. iv. 479 ff. Lastly, the double consonant is to be explained in a few instances to be due to an assimilation which has affected the consonant succeeding the initial, as in crtiw (Princ. i. 465) and 'i^hitjiv (Stud. viii. 465, Princ. ii. 308 note). . 2) Syllabic augment before a vowel. When we find a syllabic augment before a vowel, apparently, that is, taking the place of the temporal augment, we may conclude that a con- sonant has fallen away, and that the consonant is one of those three-, spirants which Greek phonetic laws always condemned between vowels. Buttmann (i. 324) recognised this fact as far as the digamma was concerned, only he was obliged to leave a few cases doubtful, which we . are now able to understand more clearly. The forms in question here can again be divided into two classes, according as the syllabic augment CH. m. THE SYLLABIC AUGMENT. 79 is in each case present in its integrity or only felt in its results. To the forms with the syllabic augment intact we have a remarkable analogy in 118 Old-Persian, i.e. cb-irStob-tA (Spiegel, Altpers. 165), for * a-hi-sta-td and still older * a-si-sta-td, which would correspond to a Gk. * i-i-irra-To for the regular i-aTa-ro. We shall see below that where the initial was originally a vowel Old-Persian formed the augment in another way. a) Syllabic augment intact before a vowel. The following forms admit of a very simple explanation : — 1) i-&y-r]v N 162 i>> kcivXu iayr) So\ix<»' Wpw (P 607), Aristoph. Vesp. 1428 Kal TTWQ Kareayrj rijc KtipaXfjc fjcya atj>6?,pa; ia^e H 270 ticrw S' aavih' Eo^E /3oXa»)', A 175 T^t V ki, avf^iv 'ia^e \a/3a)j' etc. by the side of ^Je T 539 Trao-i car' av\Ei'aQ ^^e Koi eicrayiv (Sf 392)^ The /, which is con- firmed by the perf. tdya (Aeol. Hayt), is clearly established, especially by the Hesiodic taua^atc (0pp. 666, 693). Princ. ii. 158, 188. 2) i-val-o-v, where the u arose from / or a still earlier ap, tS 340 ette/ vv Toi cvuSiv (vvri, P 647 ETTti vv Toi ivaScv ovTioc, by the side of the peif. eaSa (kaSora I 173). In the imperfect the form we should expect, Eay^fii'E, occurs in Herod, ix. 5, 19, thoiagh we find ^rSave A 24, 378,' S 510 etc. (cp. iini]fhave v \Q and elsewhere in the Odyssey), and also liivlave S2 25, y 143 to be discussed below). Eromthe same verbal stem comes £0-£-ao'-9Ei' ■ iyeXairar, Sie')(ydri(Tav Hesych. i.e. ^(pritrdrjiTav. The uncompounded EauflEi' is conjectured by Mor. Schmidt with Pearson in the gloss cadcv ixtiipwaf, which both scholars, with the alphabetical arrangement on their side, write EacrOti" i\apriiTav. Por other traces of the / see Princ. i. 282. 3) i-aX-ri-v N 408 TTj vTib irac ioKrt, Y 168 lovp\ fiaXrj, iaXr] Se -^^ai'wp, 278 Aiveias h' laXri, corresponding to which we get S 447 .TpHec etti ' 'irp{/fifri(Ttv ctiKeov and perfect forms like hXfih'oi M 88.- Clear proof of the / is given by the Doric form ky-friKr]Qiiiivri=ii,u\r}f^ibai on the Heraclean tables (Meister, Stud. iv. 404). 4) E-ciX-o))' first found in Attic writers, e.g. Aristoph. Yesp. 355 ore Na^ot, idXti), while at x 230 we have up 2' ^\w povX^ TLpicijiov irtiXis, Herod, i. 78. The Lesbian evaKuKa given in the Anecd. Oxon. iii. 237 points to a / (Ahrens, Aeol. 37), and on this is founded the etymological combination given in Princ. ii. 170, which connects aXia-KOfiai with the above-mentioned rt. /aX, PeX, which shows most clearly in aXvarit, chain, Hg the notion of shutting up or fetteripg. 5) k-avaacre Alcaeus fr. 64 Be.' cat irXunroiq iavaaaz XaoTc, where others less correctly write Ifararrae, for a / in the middle of the word must have become v in Lesbian. On the / of the stem cf. Princ. ii. 182, Aiigermann, Stud. iii. 11 7.'' 6) E-c'i^e Alcman fr. 31 Be.' rw ^e yuva rafila e(TiTaTo as the reading of Rhianus and k(j>du>E Oeuiv cpiSi ^vverjKe fta-^eordai, A 48 yutra S' ibf £J)K£, M 221 afpap §' a(j)€rfK€. 120 12) k-ovprjire. kvcovp-qac is pronounced to be Attic in Cramer's Anecdota Oxon. i. 446, 17, and supported by a quotation from Eupolis Autolycus (Meineke, Comici, ii. p. 444) ; apa a;£('?»;£ X 280 EK Aioc jJei'Bjjc rov e/joi' ixopov, i 206 ovIe tiq avTov I {fELCri Sfjitowv we have a second instance of what is apparently i; for CH. III. THE SYLLABIC AUGMENT. 81 E before a vowel. There can be no doubt here as to the rt. /i?. We should therefore expect iftiSrie, eel&rjc. As in tok^oc the disappearing / 121 has produced a prolongation of the preceding vowel. The similar v'iKrai rj'ihTo will be dealt with when we come to the perfect. The following forms stand by themselves : — 16) rj-fipe belonging to t'ipu) K 499 ciiv h' ijeipev IfidiTL /voi t^yXaurtv ofiiXov. The perfect ecpfieiog a 296 and 'hpro' sKprinia (Hesych.) prove ■ that a consonajjit has been lost. But the etymology of the word tells us of the loss of two consonants (Princ. i. 441). We may take the root to be r/fp, which in Latin became ser (sero), and has preserved its sibilant in iTELpa, while after a vowel most probably a first assimilated itself to the /, and then the fuller sound of the / eifected the lengthening of t to >;. 17) euipojv, not found till the Attic period (Herod. Hpuy), by the side of Eiipa/ca (topoKa), iupafiai. 18) Eu)V0)^6ci A 3 viicrap Eiovo\6ct, " 255 KaXotc ev Kaiioimv cuivo^oei ?£ MeXuiOevc, but the form without an V occurs also, and it was written by Aristarchus with o {ohoxoet A 598), by others wVoxci" (La Eoche, Homer. Textkritik, p. 324). 19) aveuiyov 11 221 \ri\ov 2' otto irbi/x' ai'iu>ycr, ii 228 ^ icat (jywpiafiiiv kvi6i]fxaTa KaX' avitoyEv, ditw^E k 389 dvpac B' aytwSf avipciov (Herod. ai'oTft) to be compared with ii 455 rpels S' ataoiyEaKov fiEyaXrjv KKrnSa Ovpawi', with the Attic perf. aviwyE, avitaKrai, afEi^x^V't but the word is a-trisyllable at S 168 r^r S' ov Oeos iiWos ai jiyti' (like ^'i'0)(o£i), more correctly ayoiytr. The peculiarity of the last three verbs is that after the syllabic augment there seems to be the temporal as well. The digamma is again clearly the cause of the lengthening. When it fell out the following vowel was prolonged, as in jSairiXt'wc for fiaai\if-oQ. The nature of these vowels has been discussed by Ebel in the essay often refen-ed to above. Whether the spirant had from the first the power of lengthening the preceding or the following vowel indifferently is a difficult question,, to which Ebel's essay does not seem to me to have given a satisfactory answer. I am not sure that, as rokijog, ttoXjjoc, rjjdc, ^oq are of earlier occurrence than roctwe, TrdXtwe, ve&c, euc, it was not the general rule that the backward influence of the spirant was the first step, while a somewhat later period reversed the relation of the long and short vowel. TheAttic liipra^orcanhardlybeexplainedinany other way than by sup- 122 posing it to come from fiopTa^ov (cp. Buttmann, i. 326) ; EwXTritv (^ 96) and EiOKEit' (5( 174) owe their w, as is shown by t'oiKn, to the augment, that is, r)o became tw, while the reverse of this process in the Homeric iiivhavE which the metre proves to have four syllybles at il 25 and y 143, and which we must assume to have come by metathesis of quantity from iiavlavE (cp. ri£(p£), is not so easy to understand. In any case the form is peculiar, for the analogy of -tokeo. would lead us to expect a and not »/ in the second syllable. May not the r] owe its existence to a mistaken doctrine of ■KXioraafioq'^ The form iwpyEi, i, 289 TpwKTTic oc ^1/ TToXXci KciK afOpuinovc EbipyEi, is very singular indeed. I. Bekker here reads EiuipyEt (cp. I'lujtiii), while La Eoche in the face of the M.SS., reads aiOpuiroimv impyEt. The length of the first syllable might be explained to be the result of *l-Pt-fopyEi *EE-6pyEi, but there would then be no reason to be seen why the a which is short in Eopya should be long here, and we should have to write eUpyEi. Brugman G 82 THE AUGMENT. ch. iii. (Stud. iv. 167) defends the reading iu/pyci by supposing that from the primary *i-fe-f6pyeL there came first, by the influence of the disappearing y (cp. ii-dlri), *fi-E-f6pyEL, then *fi-6pyu. The latter form he conjectures to be the true reading at i, 289, ij-6pyeL having become i-iopyu by metathesis of quantity. In the case of forms found in Homer it is well to remember that in. the old writing there was no difierence between o and w, oi and w, and that in consequence the authority for the latter is always extremely small. In any case it is worth notice that the New-Ionic dialect has a decided dislike to these forms with an w. "Whatever may be the case as to the successive stages of these i pparently anomalous phenomena, of this we may be sure, that the augment points in all instances to the loss of a spirant. 20) Another form of a peculiar nature is the Homeric kafdrj, the origin of which is a much debated question.^ It occurs but twice : N 543 : JiikivSr] S' irepaxre nctpj^, ini S' acniis cd(j)dr) Koi KQpvs ' dfi6ri, if it did belong to iipavTEnOai, could only mean ' fastened itself.' T'his is how Tyrannio and Herodian take the word : oIovei avvri(l>Bt} ahrSi. They appear to have taken this nwri^ri in the sense ' bound itself, united itself to,' not a very apt meaning, it seems to me. What connexion was established « I have treated this form at greater length in the Commentatin de Forma Somerica edOri, and a reason for the absence of the V in aairroc. If our conclusions are correct, the apparent irregularity of the augment too in the case of eqi^Ojj is satisfactorily explained. 21) kdaaTO belonging to ilfii, O 415 avr A'lavTOc ieiaaro, 54:4: tui iiev itiaaaQr}!' op. x 89, we must, it is true, admit to be an anomaly, as there is no hint of a consonantal initial here. But then it stands alone as such. At Princ. ii. 207 this form is discussed, and attention is called to similar mistaken formations in Homer. b) Syllabic augment discernible in a contraction. The old grammarians seem to have regarded the ei, which a number of verbs show in the stem-syllable instead of the »j whiph was to be expected, as hardly an anomaly, b;at only as a not very unnatui-^1 variation. In the scholion above referred to on N 543 Tyrannic says aliacpuitwc to. aird Tov e ap\6fxeva piifiara e'iidOe nXlveirOai Kal did rrjc el ii^Qoyyiw Ktxr 125 apxnv Kal Sih TOV rj. Buttmann (ii. 323), who derives the temporal augment from the contraction of the e with the initial vowel of the stem, was consistent in regarding ft as the earliest form of the augment, but he does not tell us why in other cases jj took its place. No explana- tion whatever was given of the fact that the Greeks said eIx'"' but rjdeKoy. It was from Comparative Grammar that the first help came here. Pott. Et. F. ii.' 71 gave a few suggestions. The first, as far as I know, to give clear expression to the correct piinciple, was Savelsberg in his doctoral dissertation ' Quaestiones lexicales de radicibus Graecis ' Berol. 1841, where, at p. 7, after an examination of the several forms, he puts it as follows : ' t augmentum in istis exemplis omnibus, ubi cum f prima radicis vocali in n contrahitur, vei-e est syllabiciim, cum ejus- modi conti'actioni ea© tantum radices sint obnoxiae, quae aut rr literam aut digamma in initio amiserunt.' Savelsberg only omitted the third spirant _/. TMs was -the very view which I afterwards established in my Tempera G 2 84 THE AUGMENT. CH. ni. und Modi, p. 136 ff,.as did Airens fformenlehre, § 83, Ebel Ztachr. iv. 167 ff. Now, I suppose, no one doubts it. Klihner at p. 498 of the new edition of his Ausf. Gr. mentions it as self-evident. It can, in fact, be hardly accidental, that of the fifteen verbs with £( in the augment- syllable twelve show unmistakable traces of having originally had a consonant at the beginning of their stem. In strict Doiie the difference between the augment in n and that in v was unknown, because here se regularly contracted to r), and they, said j)x°''i '/^'•"I' as well as ijirdiof, i'lDeXf)!' (Ahrens, Dor. 202). The several forms are as follow : 1) e'iaira, e'iwy. Both forms are Homeric (ii 684, S 448), and are joined later by d&Hriv ; the perfect-forms f'iaica, e'iafiai also show the diphthong in the reduplication-syllable. The Homeric present-forms aiw A 55 by the side of eCi3 428, fiwu' B 132 by the side of ewa-i d 805 (uvSe e.wai),'' ihe conj. uufiev (j> 260, ithe form efiuaor (=ea(70v) said to be Syrapusan and Laconic, for which G-regorius Oorinth. 354 also 126 writes ivuaoy, as also iva^m (Ahrens, Dor. 4&), point to the loss of one or ;more spirants after jihe e, so that the diphthong would seem to-be the result of a compensatory lengthening. This. consideration has, it is true, not led as yet to a certain etymology. Ebel's (Ztschr. iv. 169;) derivation of iaw from ewc seems to me improbable as far as meaning goes, Kraushaar's attempt (Studien, ii. 430 ff.) to.connectit with thert. as ihrow, from wtich come s-ino and — as is pointed out by Bugge, Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1872, p. 95 — the Old-Latin de-sivare (desinere Paul. Ep. 72), must be admitted to be acutely reasoned out, but his proof assumes too many unauthenticated steps to be convincing. If, as we must suppose, the ft is the result of a compensatory lengthening, it is accidental that Attic Greek kept the diphthong only in the augmented forms, and there was formed, at a time when, as -in 'Homer, flaw and kab) existed side by side, the somewhat arbitrary rule of saying t'luv but kail), which appeared to bear to each other the same relation as ii-)(pv and ixw. Strictly speaking, therefore, we have here to deal with no augment- syllable at all (cp. Kuhner, Ausf. Gr. i.^ 499)'. 2) diov, ordinary Greek along with 'iSw, 'iSoi/xi, tSely etc., is one of the clearest cases, for no one will doubt in the face, of the proofs of a / in this root that it stands for i^h^o-v (Princ. i. 299). The form with a vocalised f (cp. eva?ioi ) eviSov occurs in the poem of Balbilla, 0. I. Gr. 4725, 1. 10 (Ahrens, Dor. 578)— BaX,5/XXa drj Kafiev ourt ttovois ypoTTTraTa aa^aivovrd T oo"* ^Tjibc Kaaa' esaKovire. These verses were written a.d. 1^0. But Bei'gk (Lyr:* p. 879) is in all probability right in reading also in fr. 2, 7 of Sappho — i>s yap (iliSov &poxia>s ' tU tuatTa SieiTrofJCCi; V 447 dfja S' 86 THE AUGMENT. CH. iii. eiiTET cUoiTic, E 591 Tpuwv E'lirorri) (paXayyec. The middle occurs in ordinary Greek ; and the origin of the ft is made as clear as can be by k-ir-n-o-fxriv, i.e. o-f-o-eTr-o-ju?))', which gives us a rt. (7fjr=Lat. sequ in S'qu-or. It is hardly necessary to refer to Pi-inc. ii. 57. 9) (Ipya^vfiri I', eipyaiyafjrii', eipya.0dr)v. The Homeric poems contain no certain instance of the «i, for though at y 435 the M.SS. have olair te Xpvii^' dpya^iTci, the extraordinary lengthening of the -or points, not to Bekker's Jiipya^ETo, which is impos^ble, but to Itpya^ero, and this is borne out by the reading adopted at w 210 : roi ol (pl\a ipya^orro. But Hesiod 0pp. 151 has elpya^ovTu. In Herodotus's dialect elpya^eTO and the like (Bredow, 301) are unknown, but the unaugmented form is extremely frequent. Among the Attic writers again the et is very common, though in later times rj sometimes takes its place. (Hager de Graecitate Hyperidea, Stud. iii. 105, "Wecklein Gurae epigraphicae, 36.) The £t is clearly due to the^ of the rt.Jepy (Prioc. i. 221). 10) elpTToi' fj. 395 as a 3rd pi., with this exception not earlier than 129 the tragedians ; the comic poets also use the aor. e'lpKvtra. The ei is due to the IT, -mth which the word originally began, and which the Lat. serpo shows intact (Princ. i. 329). 11) e'ipvira. As we shall eee later, the stems /£pv(t) draw, and /epw guard, are to be carefully distinguished from each other. To fepv{Q) draw belong eipva-ay Q 226, ('ipvire (3 389, tipvaafiriv k 165. The traces of a J- are pointed out by Hoffmann, Quaest. homer, ii 49 ; probably the Lat. verro (for vers-o) is related. [But cp. Oorssen Beitr. p. 403.] The appearance of an ft in unaugmented forms, e.g. in elpv/j-avai Hes. 0pp. 818, I'lpvnov Soph. Trach. 1034, is to be explained in precisely the same way as in the case of kMnaw (No. 4). In Attic prose ipvio is unknown. 12) tlaa, A 392 irxiKiyov Xoj^oi' I'lrrav iiyoirec, 472 ciire S' ap' nvrov fierraip SaLTVfj.('>vwi; cp. Hesiod. Theag. 174, and th'cn in Herodotus and the ti'agedians, who also recognise the middle eiiraro {lyKaHciatiTO, Eurip. Hippol. 31). The diphthong is to be explained as due to the original o- of the root irtS, eS, from which too came the form IfVo-aro, discussed on p. 80. The strange thing is that it appears in forms that have not the force of a past tense, in Homer only at -q 163 tlrrnr aranTiicrai; (by the side of eVac, 'inaai), then in Herodotus (iii. 126 vwtmar, i. 66 tttra/jeioi). At Thuc. iii. 58 Bekker and Classen follow good M.SS. iu reading iaaafti- viiiv. The £1 must have been due here to a confusion, aided apparently by the related 'i^u), lira, caffiira, KaBKrcifitvoc (Cobet, Variae lect. p. 88). 13) eirxTj)Keiv^ the Attic form of the pluperfect as contrasted with EiTT-i]Ktiv, which is the only form in Homer and Herodo'tus, is found first at Hes. Scut. 269 dirrriKei, at Eurip. Here. fur. 925, and constantly in prose. Its origin from E-ire-aTrjK-tiry explains the diphthong (Wecklein, Gurae epigraphicae, 36). 14) clrTTiwv, tiTriaira, efffnrtfl^j' by the side of the perf. tJoTiaf/fit not found before the time of Attic prose, but occurring there constantly (Lys. 19, 27, Xen. Oyr. i. 3, .10), is explained by the fact that ktrria belongs to the same root as the Lat. Vesta (Princ. i. 496). Traces of the / are to be seen in Doric, but not in Homer (Ahr. 55). 15) £lx"''j Eixoprji' need no reference to special passages, as they are universal from Homer (T 123 etc) onwards. The forms e-iT)(o-v, >, '^-^x"^; ^^X""' while in the rest of the cases of amplification contained in this paragraph this original contraction has been replaced by a simple lengthening of the main vowel.' This change of procedure would be inconceivable in the case of the large number of verbs beginning with a in Doric, and of those beginning with e and o in Ionic. For 'i-ayov, for instance, the only possible contraction in Doric would be fiyov, like Kprjc for Kpeac, •• while what we actually find is dyov, ap^ofiar, avayyciKav, aZ'iovv (cf. the Lesbian auvayaye, the Arcad. vnapye, the Cypr. nviiiyov, Ahrens, 129) ; and in Ionic i-Eaav could only produce elaav, e-op-ro olipro. The temporal augment therefore points undeniably by its form to an older linguistic period in which the augment had not yet turned to e but was still a. As to the period at which the rules which hold for Greek were settled there are two possibilities; either this happened on 131 Greek soil at a time when the augment was still o, while the stem- syllable had already got the vowel which was the prevailing one at a later time. On this hypothesis the augment in the case of a verb ber ginning with a would be explained by the following steps : a-ayov &yov lon. ^yox but not in that of verbs in e and o ; for though in Ionic a-op-ro might give wpro, in strict Doric it would give apro, as fioaovn gives the Dor. fioai'TL (Ahrens, 1 97), while *ix.-itTav would give *a.aav in Ionic, as a-cdXov gives atiXiii'. But we have at least one clear example to prove that o was actually augmented to w in strict Doric, i.e. the form &ixoaa (Ahr. 350) attested by several inscriptions. It thus appears that the aug- mented syllable in all the three forms of the original a (i.e. a, e, and o) shows the long vowel corresponding to the short vowel of the root, and this rule admits of only one explanation, but that is a complete one. It is that the augment grew one with the initial vowel of the stem at a 88 THE AUGMENT. ch. hi. time previous to the differentiation of a, e, and o. If the Greeks inherited from a pre-Greek time ' agami * dgam ' asanti * dsant ' arnutai * drta ■we can understand how, as the a gradually split up, the sense of the connexion between the present and the preterite forms must . have led them to choose for both tenses the same vowel, differing only in quantity, and to form the past tense thus : Dor, ay© ^yov i{pTO. The 77 shown by Ionic in the place of a is evidently of late origin, and reminds us of the way in which in the nouns the uniformity of the a- declension is marred by the way in which the lonians sometimes put an -q into the place of an a : S/kj; Si'kjjc ). The fact that we can definitely fix the order in time of these phenomena gives them a special value. It is not so easy to find an explanation of the augment in verbs be- 1 32 ginning with i or v. Here Greek is considerably at variance with the Indian languages in its method of formation. In Sanskrit the addition of the augment turns i ov I into ai, and u or u into du : iKKhdrti, he wishes imperf. diKliha-t. uhshdnti, he sprinkles „ auksha-t. This method of iformation is represented in Greek by a single example, which has hitherto not been considered relevant,' the imperfect of ilfxi i]La or ^a. In the singular, it is true, the ri might be explained in a different way ; rji might have come by the temporal augment from ei, so that fjiE would bear to elfft the same relation as the unusual Attic tJKai^oi' to ctKt'iiiii). But this explanation, which is given e.g. by Ahrens on the conj. in fii p. 25, and by Kuhner, Ausf Gr. i^. 662, does not hold for the dual and plural. For it is shown by "ifii.v,."LTov, 'iaffi, that the diphthong belongs to the singular only, and hence from the analogous rifjh', we get in the imperf sing, efri-j', 'ifri-c, but plur. ^nfiev, 'i' -would be just as anomalous as 'i, and hence Ahrens (ut supra) is compelled to recognise ' an unorganic degeneration of sound' [Ablaut). The trisyllabic fjio-av would not be touched at all by this explanation. That the rj really has the force of an augment is clearly shown by fjicav or f/aav by the side of icrav the former of which occurs K 197, N. 305, while the latter is very common ; e.g. A 494 iTrfjaav, r 445. The shorter form bears to the longer exactly the relation of enar to 7iffai'. *drTav and the like, which Ahrens's view would lead us to expect, is unheard of, unless appeal is made to Hesychius's ' Adalb. Kuhn, De conpu/atione in, -/ii, p. 48, notices the agreement bet ween tlie Greek and Sanskrit form, but obscures the insight thus gained into its nat ure by comparing ijSfiy and the like, where the ij is due to the P. Cp. Sonne, Ztsclir. xiii. 431 ; Pott, Wwzehvorterb. i. 405 ; Leo Meyer, ZtscJir. ix. 385. OH. III. THE TEMPOEAL AUGMENT. 89 gloss dtv eiropeviTii, which is suspicious because it does not come in, its proper place alphabetically. Herodotus too knows only r/m, ijie, rtirrai , while he never augments ei to )J (Bredow de dial. Herod'ot. 309). Under these circumstances we shall assume the same relation to exist in the singular, also between j/ie A 47, H 213, pt M 371, and 'it r 383, and venture accordingly to regard jjiu or i'liov as 1st sing, as the exact coun- tei-part to the Skt. djam, the imperf. of the rt. i, and r^ioi' as 3rd pi. as that of the Skt. djan (for *djcm.t). To liiay there is moreover an exact 133 parallel in the Old-Persian atiy-disa they overstepped, patiy-disa=.voTi- yaav (Spiegel, D. Altpers. KeUschriften, p. 188, cp. 168). But how is the long vowel to be accounted for in these forms ? It has been thought that it might be taken as a proof that the augment originally consisted in a long a. It would be strange, if this were so, that this should be almost the only instance of d. Schleicher (Comp.^ 738) is of opinion that there was in the Indian forms no contraction of a+i, a-\u, which must have given e, o, but only an approximation of the two letters, the result of which would have been di and du. This explanation would not suit the Greek forms anyhow, for in Greek the approximation of £ + 1 very often leads to ei, as it did in the above- mentioned dSov. I should be more wUling to believe that the vowels i and u produced a spirant before them, which made itself felt later in the ■ length of the a. rjia. would thus stand on the same footing as xo^^'H-oc, aiOp(OTr)jioc, and other forms of the kind which I have discussed at Stud. ii. 187. However this may be, the agreement between ijia and the Sanskrit forms in the matter of augmentation may be set down as established. In all other cases the rule is that the initial vowel is simply lengthened. In inquiring into the origin of this apparently remarkable rule we must notice, to begin with, what it is easy to overlook, that the whole amount of cases affected by the rule is by no means a large one. In Homer there are only four or five instances of an i made long by the augment : 'laiveTo h' vSiup k 359 (by the side of 'lalviav and the like), Hitxof (f£y" 'wx'"') tTWXE S 29), iTrtrjXtv X 49 (by the side of ETrifiXXwi^), 'zKave (f'c Xpvariv 'iKave A 431, napirnXinuic, S' 'XKare Oociq iiri vrjaQ 'A)((i((3v B 17, by the side of 'israrw, 'i/jdiei etc.), 'xketo ("fcero irctSot A 362, 'Iketo Iwfia O 44 by the side of 'idffdai etc.). The stems tax *^<^ '"^ '^^^^ ^^^ ^ ^> so that the augmented forms cannot be of a very ancient date. The ]^ter periods will not add very much to this list, as the number of verbs be- ginning with ( is small. We get e.g. 'iKirevoa, Eurip. Med. 338. Several of this small class of verbs, e.g. the derivatives of "iIloq iSwiiy, iSia^Eiv 134 etc. hardly occur in poetry. Sojpe derivatives of lepos, like upevw and again idalvo), tyuao-o-w (in Homer there is only 't/jairev), might possibly furnish instances, but I have not been able to find any. Of verbs in v there is not a single instance of an augmented form in Homer, and even in later Greek they need a great deal of looking for, as the number of such verbs is small. The following are certain : Aesch. Prom. 558 Kal Xt'xoc rrov 'vfitvciLovv, Anthol. vi. 265 NntraiSog 'vtpuvEv Qevi\\q a KXco'xnE, to which Nauck (Melanges Greco-Romains, iv. 5) adds three more from vipau'w, one from vyialiw (ovx "ytaivE Com. anon., Meineke, iv. 182), and 'vXuktei Kvwf (Aristoph. Vesp. 1402). 'viipi^Ee, Eur. Tro. 1020 and the like do not count, as here the v may be long in the tragedians in unaugmented forms, so that 'vfSpi^ov might stand so JHE AUGMENT. ch. iii. on tlie same footing as rjaawftrff. On the wliole I do not think.it is going too far to say that the rule which all grammars give is established by barely a dozen verbs altogether. This fact puts the difference between Greek and Sanskrit in a completely different light. ThQ Greek usage is evidently the result of a comparatively late development, due to the analogy of the verbs beginning with a hard vowel. Owing to the lack of primitive stems beginning with i and v the old tradition was apparently quite interrupted, and »;ia, which took an anomalous position instead of serving as a pattern for the rest, stands alone as witness to the old rule. Another anomaly of the augment which has not had much notice bestowed on it is the change of the position of the aspirate. Inasmuch as the temporal augment originated in the syllabic, in the contraction, that is, of the a with the initial vowel, we should expect to find this form of the augment always with the spiritus lenis. The asper shows that the linguistic sense had no very lively recollection of this contrac- tion. Hence even Homer has rjpii (P 463), ijirrsro (T 468), iipfintrcv (P 210), &pfiaivE, ijpfirjiTc, though in verbs in which the spiritus asper had arisen from /r, F, or j, the contraction could not have been of very long 135 standing. The sense of the connexion between the preterite and the other verbal forms was probably too strong to allow of such a difference as we can imagine might have existed between aTrrerai and *iJTrTeTo. Still more surprising than the aspirated temporal augment is the aspirated syllabic in forms like eaXwr, Uaauro, kwpuiv (cf. above pp. 79 and 81). The grammarians defend this strange usage by the peculiar supposition that the e is not tic KXiacmc, not inflexional, that is, or, in other words, not an augment, but ii: TrXtovuafxiw (Herodian, i. p. 542). They had cases like ieiva in their minds. We may learn two things from these forms : first, the fact that the spiritus asper was of a movable nature, and had no prominent position as a letter even in early times ; and secondly, the power of analogy which was here the means of ob- scuring so ordinary a linguistic instrument as the augment. There is moreover a noteworthy exception to this suiprising rule in the case of a temporal augment, i.e. the Homeric aXrrri, S.\ro, with its spiritus lenis. The forms are attested beyond any doubt at II 754, A 532, r 29, A 419 etc. Herodian expressly prescribes the lenis at A 532, and gives some marvellous explanations of it. Other witnesses to the fact are collected by La Roche, Homer. Textkritik, 185. Since, as Buttmann saw (ii. 109), the circumflex points to a contraction, it is best to set down the lenis as a relic of the old pronunciation, and take d\ro to have come from k-aX-ro, or, more properly speaking, *d-a\- rn. If this is the right conclusion we have here a completely isolated instance, which can only have arisen at a time when the a still remained intact, though the original ir of thert. d\ (Princ. ii. 167) had already passed into the spiritus asper, the order of the changes being different to that in the cases of the above-mentioned kiaaaro, ea(pdi^, tipTror, whose predecessors, *e-(TeaiTaTO, *e-ixa(j)6ri, *'i-(!ipirnv, seem to have known a time when the a of the augment had been weakened to f , but at which the a, which was afterwards volatilised, still remained intact. Some doubts might certainly arise about akro from the fact that aXpievoQ often appears with the lenis, which does not admit of the same explanation. But might this not have arisen from a mistaken imitation of oXto ? Even fieraX- CH. III. ABSENCE OF THE AUGMENT. 91 fxivoc E 336, iiraXnwoQ H 260, and elsewhere, might be accounted for by the instances which, though not plentiful, do occur, of an Ionic preference 136 for tenuis instead of asper, such as kwianov ^ 265, a\i-l)lwv 449. It is conceivable therefore that there once was a &\/j£)'oc corresponding to dA.7-0. The attempt to ej:plain the lenis in f(u/3fjoroi' in the same way- would find an obstacle in tmap-ayov Q, 68. The etymology, and the re- lated af3i>oraieiy, rather point here to the lenis as the original initial (Princ. ii. 350). C) Absence of the Augment. At the very beginning of our investigation of the augment we en- countered the question whether and how for it is an integral and original part of the preterite.^ The fact that the augment is very often left out in the Vedas (Benfey, VoUst. Gr. p. 362 ; Kurzo Gr. p. 85), that its omission is not unknown even in epic Sanskrit, and is the rule for all periods of the language after the particles ma (/x?;) and sma, taken in conjunction with the other fact that the augment is unstable in the Homeric poems, has led to the precipitate conclusion that the old original Indo-Germanic language stood on the same footing in this respect as the two oldest texts which have come down to us from India and Greece. The course of the development of our science teaches us caution, I think, most emphatically. How many centuries do we suppose passed from the time when the Indo-Germans, as we imagine, lived as one nation in the table-lands of Asia, to that when the Indians composed the oldest of their hymns which we possess, or to that still later period of the Homeric poems t We do not rush in other instances to the conclusion that because two languages agree in the absence of some element, it must ■ therefore have been absent in the primitive language. The Indians, even the oldest of them, said s-ma3 for as-mas, and the Romans said su-mus ; but a glance at ia-fier is enough to show us that the loss befel these two languages independently, as on the other hand erant teaches us that the loss of the t in the Skt. dsan and the Gk. 7iTai' is of no very ancient 137 date. Who could deny that the language of the Yedas has itself been subject to most material alterations? Aphaeresis is of pretty frequent occurrence in prepositions in Sanskrit — api, for example — and in aphae- resis we may find a satisfactory explanation of the loss of the augment. And the Homeric language too has its own special weaknesses which are sometimes corrected by the language of a later time, and the Dorians and Aeolians especially preserve many older forms than Homer. We may perhaps even venture to maintain that it is the peculiarity of old periods of language that in spite of all the treasures they preserve for us from a preceding period, they always show certain signs of degeneration which disappear again as the consciousness of the rule grows more defined. For instance, it is only in Homer that we find pa and ap by the side of apa, and in Homer, though, in this case, not in Homer only, we find vepOiv for tVepOer, though it is unmistakable that it came from ev. Again, without accepting the superficial doctrine of ' I am pleased to find that Delbriick, Altind. Verbum, p. 80, agrees un- reservedly with my view, that the augment was from the first a necessary part of the preterite, 92 THE AUGMENT. ch. m. earlier times, which made the metre responsible off-hand for all possible kinds of license, we must admit that where pairs of forms existed in the spoken language, the poets eagerly availed themselves of the fact. Every additional mode of expression gives additional facility in the fabrication of the verse. If then, as we ■assume, at the time of the formation of Homeric language, or perhaps of its predecessor, the lan- guage of those stiffer Epic songs which must have preceded Homer, (3ij was said now and then as well as efiri, fiaWe, as well as 'tfiaWe, how convenient this must have been found by the not over deft versifier of those early times ! And how could even the more elaborate Epic of a later time afford to abandon so productive a source of useful alternatives in the arrangement of the words 1 efiaWc could not begin a line, how con- venient to have (GaXXe at command as well, and the same in other like cases ! Against the assumption that the augment existed from primi- tive times tUl a little before the period of the Homeric poems, as a kiud of movable prefixed particle, sometimes present and sometimes absent, decided objections may be found in the history above given of the tem- 1 38 poral augment. We saw the temporal augment to be a syllabic aug- ment which iu an earlier period, before Greek was a separate language, had lost its original shape. But if it lost its original shape it cannot have had a separate existence of its own : the two things are incon- sistent. Moreover the preservation, in spite of phonetic difficulties, of the £ after the disappearance of initial spirants^ whether it remained unchanged or was contracted, goes to show that the spoken language was by no means in the habit of dismissing the augment off-hand. It seems to me best on all grounds to suppose that shortly before the rise of the Greek Epic the augment became occasionally exposed to the same tendency towards wearing away (Verwitterung), which the a of apo. and the e of 'ivipOe could not always withstand ; that there were, in short, pairs of forms then in use, one with the augment and one without. This assumption too will be found to suit the special condi- tions under which the augment fell away, in reference to which the following facts are to be noticed : 1 ) The syllabic augment is never wanting anywhere but in poetry, with three exceptions. These are xPV^t 'which from Herodotus onward is more used than ixP'i^t iterative?, with regard to which we have only Herodotus to deal with, and pluperfects. In the case of the last-men- tioned the loss is quite explicable, and was due no doubt to the difficulty experienced in the attempt to retain the augment always when coming before a reduplication, a difficulty which made itself felt in the same way in the case of the reduplicated aorists, which, however, all but i^ynyov and diriiv, were confined to poetry. The iteratives would anyhow have no great need of an augment, as they are preterites which have no cor- responding presents or modal forms. "We may notice specially however • the well-attested )')(7(C£=:kVKe in Alkman fr. 72 B^. For XPV'', which is post-Homeric, Ahrens conjectures an origin from x"^ -/ji-^-xpei) ^c. (On the verbs in -fxi cf. Nauck, Bulletin de I'Acad^mie de P^tersb. p. 28 ; Kiihner, Ausf. Gr. I^ 667.) However this maybe, these exceptions are, when compared with the thousands of forms that have an augment, so insignificant that they help rather to establish the general rule than to confute it. The fact that the living spoken language, as far as we can see, as good as never neglected the augment m its completest form, is CH. HI. ABSENCE OF THE AUGMENT. 93 a strong confutation of the view which represents the augment as an unessential element in the word. 2) The omission of the syllabic augment in Homer was purely a matter of choice. After all the laborious investigations of Grashof (Programm of Dusseldorf, 1852), M. Schmidt (PhiloL ix.), La Eoche (Homerische 139 Text-Kritik i.. Alterth. p. 423 ff.), and others, very little else can be said, than was said by Merkel, Praefatio ad ApoUon. Ehod. p. 107 : ' de augmento verborum mobstissima est ac fortassis inextricabilis quaestio.' Herodian has told us (on 9 161) that 'ictij j; -xprjme Trapa. t^ irmi^Ti] (similarly on B 808), Beyond this we shall hardly advance. No doubt conventional considerations of the structure of the verse and of euphony were in many instances used as a guide, but it is scarcely possible to re- duce these to the shape of definite rules, and the ingenuity of scholars who tried to unearth them would be better employed elsewhere. 3) Post-Homeric poetry adopts the power of dispensing with the syl- labic augment as an inheritance from its predecessor, and makes the greater use of it iu proportion as it is removed from the language of ordinary life. Hence it is that, as is shown by the careful investiga- tions made by Eenner (Stud. i. 2, 18 S.) the omission of the syllabic augment is extremely rare in iambic, and far more common in elegiac and lyric verse. Hence, as is shown (Stud. i. 2, 259) by Gerth, in the dialogue of tragedy the range of this license is very limited indeed, while the -majority of instances of it occur in the slightly Epic style of the messengers' speeches, or still more commonly in lyric passages. 4) The case of the temporal augment is altogether difierent. Owing, no doubt, to the phonetic difficulty with which its pronunciation was accompanied, it was at no time preserved with strict consistency. In Herodotus, as is shown by the careful investigations of Lhardy (Berol. 1844) and Bredow, the temporal augment is very frequently absent, especially before double consonants : appwliov, iplot; 'ip^ay, ti/'ijirt, avoK- XaaaETO, just as in Homer it disappears particularly often in similar cir- cumstances. So too before diphthongs; eticaff., eiijaro, eMov, utpee, ni/ltro, o'ikTeipe. It is evident that the same reasons are at work here as made the lonians say 'iaatav for rjaauii; Kpiaawv, fiiiwi' for Kpeiirawi', fiEt^ioi; awoSe^tg for awoSei^ic. Here too we have not as yet discovered clearly defined rules, especially as the M.SS. fail us sometimes, as was to be expected. The disinclination to heavy diphthongs occasioned even in Attic Greek forms like avatfov, e'lKal^uv (by the side of /ji,a^oi), tSpoi-,' and the disinclination to long' vowels before double consonants produced 140 t'^ero and £\Xi;i('itO)J(7(ii'. In all these cases it was not felt to be in any wa:y a Homeric or poetic usage to leave out the augment. The best expression therefore of the important difference between the omission of the syllabic augment and that of the temporal is this ; the former is a poetical and archaic license, the latter is a sacrifice to con- venience of articulation, and was more or less common to all periods. Both omissions fall under the head of weakening, and at no time did the ' Cp. Lobeck. ad Phryn. p. 140, and his note, directed against Elmsley's crav- ing for uniformity (^ad Med. 190), on Ajaie, v. 120. In a note on this verse Din- dorf remarks that the augment in evpov is unknown to the La. M.S. of Sophocles. Wecklein {Curae Epigra/phiciie, 33) finds inscriptional evidence to r)vpf8n from the year 01. 95, 3, but no similar evidence to forms without augment till a later date. Still, the number of oases is on the whole very small. 94 THE AUGMENT. ch. m. Greeks lose the sense that the augmented form was the complete and the correct one. D) The Position of the Augment. We shall not enter here into the individual peculiarities in respect to the position of the augment in compound verbs. The statistical state- ment or even the general review of these does not fall within the province of the genetic consideration of the 6rreek Verb. We may however call attention to the fact that nice distinctions were observed, and definite rules arose for its position. The guiding principle was clearly this, that in the preterite the augment was bound immediately to precede the real stem of the verb. Prepositions ai'e transitory elements, defining the direction of the verbal notion either in its original or in its metaphorical application, and were not regarded as belonging to the proper substance of the verb. For this reason they stand before the 141 augment, and outside the frame of the verbal form,^ and in like manner complete freedom of position is allowed them in other instances in the older language. Forms then like Trpogienre, Treptefir], and the corresponding Sanskrit forms like pra(j-a-vo^at, parj-a-gat, prove incon- testably that the verbal form had become far more closely united to the augment than to the preposition. There are exceptions and irregularities in both languages. But the mere fact that such definite laws arose, shows how far both languages were from regarding the augment with indiflFerence. If the augment really had for centuries, and up to Homer's time, been felt to' be an entirely ttaessential element in the verb, it would be inconceivable that such laws shotdd have arisen, and that men should not have taken the short and simple course of leaving the augment out altogether. Our Sanskrit grammars give us very sparing information as to the practice of that language (Benfey, Vollst. Gr. p. 361). We can see this much however, that it was a refinement peculiar to Greek to distinguish prepositions in this respect from other prefixes, such e.g. as iZ and Sic. The structure of the language shows in this something of a glimmering consciousness of grammatical categories which ■ was not developed till much later into a clear recognition of their nature. The irregularities in Greek are specially instructive in two ways. By far the greater part consist in this, that even such verbs as have been derived from nouns already compounded with prepositions which have become an integral part of the word, allow the augment, contrary to the fundamental principle to follow the preposition. The rule is satisfied in ilvavTiovfirjv (Thuc. iv. 89), but not in a.iT-t-hiifX7\irt, vw-wirrtvov, irpo-i- Ov/jc'iTo, and many other like cases, on which the reader may be referred specially to Kuhner, Ausf. Gr. i.^ 516 ff. These exceptions show that the linguistic sense of the Greeks came in the course of time to follow extenml instead of internal analogies, and took refuge in the simplest statement of the rule, i.e. to put the augment always after the preposi- ' It migM even be said that the preposition is not compounded with the verb-stem,, but with the particular verbal form. This view resembles that expressed by ApoUonius Dyskoloe (Herodian, Ed. Lentz, ii. 790) : iirX tUv iirh vpoBiaews &pxofi.efav ylvcrai aMtais KXiaeus, i.e. composition with the inflected, in this case, the. augmented form. TOVTiari Kori xp6vov ylvirtu i/ aivSeais, ko! its &v Tis eifiroi, irpwrov KKivcrat Ka\ o^Tto ffvpTlOeTatj oXov hirb tov ypAipw ytperat Kara- ypd(ptc, KoX airh tov ^yptKpov Kareypatpov, CH. III. POSITION OF THE AUGMENT. 95 tion. They carried this so far as to push the augment into the middle of the word when the word only apparently began with a preposition, saying diriKovovv for the older eSiaKoi-ovy, ^ijjriiyujji', and the like. The second main exception is to some extent an outcome of the principle itself. In cases where the preposition had so far lost its force as such that it ceased to be recognised as a preposition, where, that is, 142 the compound verb formed a practically indivisible whole, the augment took its usual position : ritfiUir, L^adevSuy, i^/xfUira. In the case of such subtle differences it is only natural that there should have been devia- tions from the rule, of which again there is one kind which most deserves our attention. A considerable number of verbs have a twofold augment, one at the beginning and one in the middle : rjVTefidXrjat (Aiist. fr. 101 Dind., while we read hvTE(i6\r)iit at A 809), KaT-i-li-gra, rivi)-j(kovv. As a rule the second of these augments is the older one, and the first was added when the preposition had almost ceased to be felt as such. Here again the almost anxious solicitude not to overlook the augment, even in forms of this kind, shows how little it was felt to be dispensable as a mark of past time. 96 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. CHAPTER IV. PRESENT STEMS WBICH HAVE NO THEMATIC VOWEL. Now tliat we have considered the two expfedients most widely used in the structure of the verb, the personal terminations which appear at the end of all verbal forms, and the augment which is attached to the beginning of a portion of them, and in so doing have become acquainted with the frame which is common to forms of the most various kinds, we next turn to the manifold systems which group themselves round the various tense-stems, beginning of course with the simplest. Now the simplest verbal forms are those of the so-called conjugation in -fii. Forms like ifia-niv, 'i-Qe-fxtv cannot be said to have anything beyond the barest necessities in the way of formal elements. In this respect they stand apart both from such forms as Ipa-o-fxer, f-Xliz-ii-fitv, and from such too as Trifi-n-Xa-fxiv and Sik-vv-fjev. For the purposes of a general review of the Greek verbal structure, however, it is better to keep the old twofold division which treats as a single class all verbs which know nothing 43 of the vowel — whether an o-sound or an e-sound — which we call thematic. The present-stems which have no thematic vowel fall into two main divisions. I. Monosyllabic. II. Dissyllabic. We shall begin with the fii'st division, as it is the simplest. I. MONOSYLLABIC PRESENT-STEMS. A) Vowel-stems. In two of the verb-stems of this class, ^a and i, we notice an alterna- tion between forms with a short stem-vowel, like . 421, from the ' glossae PMlosceni '; Is, imtis, Uis reveal themselves by their long vowel as contracted from *e-i-s etc. and are therefore thematic. S 2 100 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. ch. ir. the old grammarians, who saw no difference between the psilosis in a;r-7jX«ir)jc (Princ. i. 497), which is accounted for by its etymology, and that at the beginning of 'i-ara-^ai. (for n-t-ara-f^ai). A second derivation from *kTr-iaa-fiai the middle of 'i/yrj-fii I know, ' n-Xeoi'nir/j^ tov t,' may perhaps find acceptance again with the modern advocates of pleonasm, but not with us. The view of Philoxenus, who starts from the verbal adjective ioroc (rt. J^iS), in order to get first to *itTTa XP^"? ^'^^ XP'' '''' etc. This, however, by no means obviates all difficulties. It is a 150 diflScult question — cp. too W. Diadorf in Steph. Thes. viii. 1645 — and is still iu want of a thorough examination. B) Stems ending in a Consonant. 6) B,t. £c. We have here to deal of course only with those forms which contain absolutely nothing but the root with the terminations, and possibly the augment. The forms of the rt. ec have been discussed at length by Leo Meyer (Ztschr. ix. 373 ff., 423 ff.), and the 3rd pi. pres. ind. in particular by G. Stier (Ztschr. vii. 3). Among the forms of the pres. ind. we may here notice especially the followiag, as giviag rise to controversies in one way or another. 1st Sing. It was so easy, even without the help of the Skt. dsnii and the Lith. esmi, to arrive at the primary Greek form ^'ia-iji from a • consideration of the Greek word alone, that even the old grammarians got as far as this. Choeroboscus says (Lentz, Herod, ii. p. 833, 8) ilii arat Sc to fajxev airo rov iafu eIj oi. From, this primary form we arrive at the licsb. £/j/it (Saippho, 2, 15). What the strict Doric form was we do not know. It may \>e doubted whether the Ionic and moderate- Doric eiixl (Ahr. 318) came straight from the primary or from the Aeolic form; most likely from the latter. In that ca§e elfii bears the same relation to t/xjui that 'ivtifia does to the Aeol. tfifxfia, from which it must have sprung, because iu all cases of compensatory lengthening there must have been a consonant lost immediately after the lengthened vowel. tV-o-t, eT, £tE have been discussed on p. 33. 1st plur. Here the Attic ktr-fiiv surpasses all other forms in antiquity, owing its preservation clearly to the special and often shown liking of the Attics for ufi in the middle of a word. What surprises us is that the 1st sing, did not keep the ajj. too. Unfortunately, we do not know what the Aeolic form was, and there are some doubts even about the authenticity of the Doric irrjxiQ (Ahr. 320). The Dor. ei/je'c (Pind. dfiev) is of frequent occurrence, and perhaps in stricter Doric it was ^/ic'c. Homer knows nothing but ei/jeV, and it is the same with Herodotus. Herodian (ircpl fiov, \e^. ii. 930 Lentz) has a form ifiiy shortened from krrfiiv, or directly perhaps from an imaginable Aeolising *ififiev. The passage by which he supports it is elsewhere assigned to 151 Callimachus. For all this, good manuscript authority and an entirely satisfactory sense are not able to secure acceptance for ifiiv at Soph. El. 21. Cp. Stud. viii. 322. Phonetically the loss of the tr is no more inexplicable than in the Homeric Tru^aro-c for 7ruo--/jaro-c'(Princ. ii. 385), in ^/xat by the side of ^arai, and ^fxcv by the side of liore. 3rd plur. Here, as has been already pointed out on p. 48, there are two primary forms which share the various dialects between them : 102 PRESENT STEMS "WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. Ch. iv. *k(T-avrif whence comes only the Homeric taai, and *ka-vTi, the source of the Doric (Ahr. 321), but also Boeotian (Ahr. Aeol. 211) hri, from which again arose the New-Ionic and Attic dai. A Gk. form cor- responding exactly to the Skt. s-anti, Lat. s-unt, would give *avTi, *ain, or *a.at. Among the forms of the imperative we may notice 'hdi, attested by Herodian ii. 355 from Hecataeus. This is the primary form of the usual "itriii. We find 'iircro the middle to this in Sappho, i. 28. In Homer eixa occurs but twice, and in the same form of words (a 302, y 200). Ahrens (Formenl.^ 101) without any reason sets down the form as an impferat. fut. It is very strange that this middle form should be so isolated when t'lrrw, eoror etc. are so common. The participial stem e-yr oSers a strict parallel to the 3rd pi. t-vn. Both forms are Doric : Alcman fr. 64 Be.' -KapivTwv, tab. Heracl. i. 104 tiT-aaiTi, 117, 178 tVrtc. Of the preterite forms the following belong here : 1st sing, jj-r, where the a was expelled by the same necessity as "in the forms just discussed ; 2nd sing, fiada, where ,tlie o- of the root was forced to identify itself with that of the termination; 3rd sing. ^c:=the Vedic as, long since vouched for as Doric, and especially Sicilian (Ahr. 326), and now shown by the inscription of Tegea to be Arcadian as well (Gelbke, Stud. ii. 40). ^c is' of course iov ^a-r, as the entirely identical Vedic asis for ds-t. On the other hand, -fjv as "3rd sing. «annot be placed in this list because of its r. — In the dual arid plural there is a distinction between the forms which preserve and those which have suppressed the a : f\a-Tov fia-rrfv Tiu-te il'7-av and jj-roc iJ-t-jjv ^-/xei- Jj-rt ij-i'. The dual forms with a are accounted good Attic; t^ottiv is Homeric (E 10), and adopted from one M.S. by Meineke at Theocr. S, 3. In the '3rd pi. the ibrm with the a — in which the a is 6f course to be regarded as the same a, as that in 'i-aai — is the only one in common use along with the unaugmenteflt iaat: 152 The fact that the tr was no more expelled here than in the sigmatic aorist is no dotibt to be explained by supposing that aav had established itself within a wide area as the termination of the "3rd plur. There is but small authority for the form eWar, which " is found in the M.SS. H. and J. at f 224 instead of the ijaav of the remaining M.SS., and has been received into the text in two passages of Pindar (Nem. 9, 17 ; 01. 9, 53), where the M.SS. read iaav or iiaav. These points and the frag- ment assigned by Bergk to Alcaeus (fr. 91 Be.'), ' 'ApKctJee itriniv fta\avr](j)ayoi,' are discussed by Nauok, Melanges, iv. 81 (cp. Stud, viii, 326). Since we agree with Bopp in regarding this uav as a shortened tVai', and thus regard it as an auxiliary verb added to the verb-stem, Eir-crnv would on this showiag be a compound made "by the rt. ec with itself. Such processes are not impossible, and cannot be denied to have taken place in the fut. 'ia-aojxai. arid the Lat. es-sem, but here the fact is not an established one. Not a trace is to be found dt *^(T-fiei', which would be the form analogous to eir-fier, arid the Dor. ^-fiee and the usual ^-fiey are aU for which evidence exists. For the 2rid plur. however ^tr-re, which is set down as good Attic 'in the Lexicon Vindobonense (ed. Nauck, p. 98), and quoted from Plato (Oonviv. p. 176), has survived in two passages in Aristophanes (Pax, 821, Eccles. lOB^), and Ahrens accepts it in Theocr. i. 66, on the testimony of some M.SS. The "form in general use from CH. IV. MONOSYLIABIO STEMS. 103 Homer onwards (11 557) is ^rt. Leo Meyer (Ztschr. iv. 425) maintains that the forms where there is no o- before the t are contracted for r'li-ror Vi-Tc. It seems more natural to refer the loss of the it to the analogy of the forms in which the a had been driven out by phonetic influences, like ^-1' ?j-fiev and the middle form rjfirii', which occurred once or twice in the Attic period, and became later very frequent. The 3rd plur. ^v, vouched for by Hesiod Theog. 321, 825, Aristoph. Lysistr. 1260 j)v yap t&> Spec ovi: iKaairwg rag '^afifxng, and several passages of Epicharmus (Ahrens Dor. 326) bears to ^a-av exactly the same relation as 'e(ir)-vTi does to *kij-avri. 7) Et. ^c=Skt. ds (Princ. i. 472). It seems incomprehensible that Kiihner (Ausf. Gr. i. 671) shoiild hold by the erroneous opinion that ■fifiai has anything to do with thert. tS, while he at the same time compares the 8kt. as which is a long way from sad the Skt. equivalent of the rt. 13. It would be quite impossible to explain the 3rd plur. 'iarai, 'iaro from the rt. eS, as h does not fall out between vowels. The final c of the rt. undergoes exactly the same treatment as in the dual and plural of 153 »))'. The 1st sing, ^ir-juai is only attested as a Dorism by Anecd. Paris, iv. 22, 8 (Ahrens 574), elsewhere it is j/wai, vf^v like ^/xev. For the 1st plxir. and the participle there are no forms with o-, but only ^'-jutSa, ij-Hevoc ; ^(T--ai, -fja-ro are the usual forms in all dialects, also KadfjirTo (New-Ionic Karrjirro), while in the present the compound never has the a : KaQrjrai. There is also a preterite Kadrjro. These forms throw light again on those of ^r. The 3rd plur. has only once in Homer the ter- miaation beginning with v : ^vt' (F 153), elsewhere it has always arai. aro. The formation corresponding to 'i-aa-i would be *r}(T-aTai, *^(7-aro, and with the regular loss of the a ^-cirat, ^-aro. In the place of these our texts of Homer have siarai, e'laro. These forms, favoured by I. Bekker (Homer. Bl. i. 64) were regarded by the ancients as lengthened from the likewise Homeric e-aTat, e'-aro, Thus Herodian ii. 268, 497, ' TrXtoi-affjuw rov i.' We shall hardly be satisfied with this, and shall be more inclined to hold that the old HEATAI, HEATO ought, where the metre requires a long first syllable, to be written rjarai, ijaro ; where a short one, earai, earo. earai is related to ijarai as via is to vrja, fiaffiXld to flaa-iXija. Hence, like these noun-forms, it is New-Ionic (KarcuTai, KariaTv). 8) Rt. ri say (Princ. i. 496). The forms preserved are, 1st sing. ^-/i( (Aristoph. Ban. 37, Nub. 1145), 3rd sing. Dor. ^-r/Alcman fr. 139 B.3, Aeol. Ion. ri-ai (Sappho fr. 97, Hermippus Com. ii. 382, 6 Meineke), 1st sing. Pret. Ji-v in the Attic liv S' Lyii, 3rd sing. ^ in Homer and in the Attic phrase ^ S' or, ^ 2' rj. The stem ^ stands quite alone in having lost a guttural after its vowel.* The Skt. dh-a I spoke points to an original gh, which has been regularly shifted to g in the Lat. ad-ag-iu-m (Princ. i. 497). The final consonant j( which we could before only infer • to have existed, I have shown (Stud. iv. 208) to have been actually pre- served in rjx-avt-y ' tTTrcv (Hesych.). Since the Dorians and Aeolians had jj and not a in this stem, the Greek root must be given as e^- Such an expulsion of an explosive is of rare occurrence in Greek. We may however see an analogy in the loss of the same consonant in the form awXriv 154 ■* I see no foundation for Westphal's conjecture (^Formenl ii. 112) that pos- sibly ii arose from fa. 104 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. ch.iv. whicli we cannot but connect with irTrXayxvo-v. The comparison of the Skt. plihan with air\r]v gives a primary form awXay^av, and with loss of the second a (rirXaxv (AscoH, Ztschr. xvii. 269). C) Isolated and Doubtful Foems. Three vowel present-stems present the appearance of a non-thematic formation, but it is extremely probable that it is appearance only. That olfj.ai, afxr]v, and kXavjiir, Xovrai, Xovvrai, Xovjuevoc once had the thematic vowel is universally acknowledged, only Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. ii. 236) prefers to refer the contracted forms of Xovw to X6i>), though the con- traction from Xohojxev, Xove-ai etc. is phonetically legitimate. Good reasons are advanced by Leskien Stud. ii. 104 ff. in support of Butt- mann's view. Another form of the same kind is aev-rai, which only occurs at Soph. Trach. 645. Nauck follows Elmsley ia writing rxoiirai (cp. (Tovadw Soph. Aj. 1414). The stem uuv corresponds to Xov, and so the Imp. m. 2nd sing, aoii make haste (Ar. Vesp. 209) with Hesychius's Xov • Xovffai, (TovvTai Aesch. Pers. 25 with Xovvrai, and the uncontracted Doric aijovTo • wpfiwi'To (Hesych.) with the uncontracted Xuiovto (Callim.). A present from Homer onwards (<6 23 iriii-irXatri), in use along with 7rXj/9w as a present.form of the rt. ttXo (Princ. i. 344). The Skt. pi-par-mi, I fill, agrees exactly with the Greek, except that in the latter a nasal is put in to strengthen the reduplication syllable as in K&y-Ka-vo-v, lEt-lpt{F)o-v,, just as it is in a number of Sanskrit intensives. B-ich. Fiitzsche (Stud.iv. 310 jf.), who is supported by Joh. Schmidt (Vocal, ii. 228), conjectures that this nasal, is the remains of a stronger consonant. If the /i of a preposition precedes the word there is only a simple t : Ifx- 7ri-ir\r]-fxi. The long root-.vowel.in £yU7rt7rX>)9i 4 311 is just like that in 10) Trifi-irpij-ni, a present-formation unknown to Homer (who has iviirprjOov, L 589), but in all other respects a parallel to irifnrXriiJi, even in respect of the movable nature of the nasal ; ifiirnrpaai (Thuc. 3, 74), avfiTtiirpavai. 11) iri-ipprt-iJii, only found in Aristotle Hist. Anim. v. p. 541 b, 11 : ?l (read ^i) iQiri(ppavai tiQ rov fivi^r^jpa rrjg driXtlae. In common use in Attic are 'EK-pie is the same as (pepi. 7ri-(j)pri-fii may be compared with the Skt. bi-bhar-mi I carry, bring, in everything but the metathesis. 12) r/-Oj;-^i=Skt. dd-dha-mi (Zd. 3rd sing, da-dlidi-ti), treated in every respect^ even in that of cthe ei which takes the place of the ij, like 'irifii. Ti-en-fiEidi (* 83) and ri-dfi^fierog '(K 34) have been noticed under .no. 3. 108 PEESENT STEMS "WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. ch. iv. 13) Ti-Tpri-jxi I bore, not found before Galen and Appian (haTlrprjiTi, Sianrparai) for TiTpaw or Ttrpalvu). Cp. Lobeok on Buttmann, ii. 304. We must add here two verbs which are singular in every way, i.e. 14) 1-wra-fiai, a late by-formof ?rE'ro|ua(, first occurring in the spurious part of Euripides Iph. Aul. (1608), and then in Babrius, Plutarch, Moschus etc. [Aristotle Hist. An. v. 9], but apparently an old form, as there is no clear model from which it could have been taken, i clearly stands for tn here, as I in £-i//w for tte (Princ. ii. 375). 15) 6r-lvri-iJ.i which, though it is trisyllabic, and consequently must have been reduplicated from a stem which had already two syllables {ova), may for brevity's sake be discussed here. Here, as in oTr-iTr-ac and oTT-lTr-evu) (dizmrEvts)) the second vowel has become •.. Buttmann, Ausf. Gr. ii. 74, compares otitoXXw as well, only here the origin of the word is obscure. Similar phenomena are displayed by the reduplicated aorist in Sanskrit, e.g. ap-ip-a-m from the causative apajdmi [dp ob- tain), oi'ii-ricn in Homer only at ii 45, ovuarra Plato Phil. 58. For its origin see Princ. ii. 397, Gustav. Meyer, Nasale Prasensstamme, p. 42. The form ?LSpavat on the other hand is spurious, though Westphal has brought it up again, notwithstanding that at Thuc. iv. 46 the read- ing now universally adopted on good authority is airoSpai'at, and there is no other credible testimony to the word. b) Present-stems formed by the addition of the syllable vv.^ The sylLxble rv, which in a considerable number of verb i distin- 161 guishes the pre:ent-stem from the verb stem, corresponds to the nu of Sanskrit, where the verbs belonging here form the fifth class. In the Iranian languages too there are , individual- instances of this kind of present-formation (Schleicher Comp. § 293 iv. a). These expanded pre- sent-stems are to be regarded, as we saw- above (p. 10, cp. my Zur Chronol.^ p. 46 f., Benfey,, Ztschr. viiii 94), as noun-themes of a kind which has been preserved in Sanskrit outside the verb as well. We saw above that in all probability such a theme in nu had, when these forms took a definite shape, the meaning of a nomen agentis, such as has sur- vived, e.g. in the above-mentioned Skt. dhrsh-nii-s bold (which would correspond to a Gk. * dapa-vv) and in grdh-n4^se&gev, from the rt. gardh. In Greek there are no nouns of this meaning of such-a formation. In form however Opij-yv-e is similar, from the rt. dhra (Skt. dhar hold, support), only here the meaning ' holding, supporting,' has shifted to that of ' holder, supporter,' especially of the feet, a foot-stooL It is clear that the sufiSx nu is very closely related to the suffix na. Present-stems in nu and in na (9th class) are very often developed side by side from the same verb- stems. The syllable na appears in Sanskrit in one special class of verbs, the 7th, in the middle of the root : ju-nd^^-mi. from the rt. ju^. Not unfrequently too there appears, especially in the Sanskrit and Latin, a simple n : ju-n-y-mds Ist plur. to, the sing. ju-nd-^-mi,Jja,t.juny-i-mus, » Rich materials for the discussion of these,, as for that of all present-stems formed with nasal syllables, are contained in Gustav Meyer's work, Die mit Naaaleii geHldetcii Prdsensstdmme des Grieohisclien, Joua, 1873, which for brevity's sake I shall refer to as ' G. Meyer n. Pr.' CH. IV. STEMS "WITH A NASAL AFFIX. 109 in whicii case forms with and forms without a thematic vowel are often interchanged. There are several points in these processes which have not yet been clearly made out, and such of them as do not occur at all in Greek, as is the case with the peculiarity of the Skt. 7th class, we may here pass by. But thus much is unmistakable, that the liuguistic instinct mixed these nasal expansions of the present-stem very much with each other. It is therefore important when dealing with the fol- lowing Greek formations to uotice anythuig at all analogous either in Greek itself or ia the related languages, and specially in Sanskrit and 162 Latin. The formation of the expanded stem in w is often accompanied by an intensification of the root- vowel : i^vy l^evyvv, Sik Sfticvv, way wriyvv, pay priyyi, ki klvv, ti tIvv, but it cannot be said to be the fixed rule that such is the case. In Sanskrit (cp. Delbriick, Verb. 154) there appears a faint trace of such a procedure in the Vedic ddg-rvo-ti from the rt. dap (cp. ^a.Kvw). Other peculiarities in the formation of these verbs are noticed by Lobeck on Buttm. ii. 68. "While in Sanskrit not only roots ending in a vowel but also those in all kinds of consonants [gak, ap, tarp, dharsh, ag) belong to this class, in Greek it is only roots ending in gutturals, nasals, X p a, and vowels, that develope present-stems of this kind, and the X in oWvfii assimilates to itseK the following r, and conversely the v of the expanding syllable assimilates a preceding o- (ti-rv-fii). This limita- tion of an expedient which the language might have employed generally if it had wished, is a feature peculiar to Greek, and one which we shall often encounter. Elements used to expand stems, which in their origin had no closer connexion with any particular final letter of a stem than that of derivative suffixes, are found afterwards under the rule of purely phonetic analogies. By far the larger number of the verbs in -w-fii have numerous and sometimes much more generally current by-forms in wu).^ Even this phenomenon, which does not look at first sight Uke a very old one, has analogies in the East. Bopp, Tgl. Gr. § 519, and Skt. Gr. § 343, notices corresponding changes of form in Sanskrit and Zend : Skt. a-du- nv-a-sva {du torment) for a-du-nu-shva, as it might be *ltii:-vv-t-ao ^ciKi'viw for iuK-iv-iJo, Zd. here-nv6 (pi-imary form har-nv-a-s) for here- naus thou didst make. Leo Meyer, Goth. Sprache, p. 203, gives from the Eigveda 6, 2, 6 pwati (=*6pvvu) instead of the usual rnoti {^op- t'vai). Many more cases of the kind may be found collected by G. Meyer n. Pr. 39 and Delbriick, Verb. 158. "We may safely follow Leo Meyer and Adalbert Kuhn, the discoverer of this connexion (Ztschr. ii. 460), 163 at least in some instances, when they refer Teutonic strong verbs in nn to a similar source, so that Goth. rinnan^*6pvvEiv. The individual stems may be best arranged in the following three main groups : I. vv affixed without material change in monosyllabic stems, and that a) to consonantal stems ; jS) to vowel stems. II. vv with a !> before it. « Lists to show the comparative frequency of forms in -via and -vvm are given by La Roche, Ztichr.f. oiterr. Gymn. 1876, p. 584 ft. 110 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. qb. iv. I. FiEST Group. 1) ay-rv-fii (break) rt. /ay. The present-stem is pretty common in poetry from Homer onwards (M 148 ayrvrar, II 769 ayvvfitvawv), rare in prose. If we were right (Princ. ii. 158) in comparing the Skt. hharn^ with the rt. /ay, both verbs agree in taking the nasal. 2) ap-i'v-fiat (get) rt. d|ii, the same which is the basis of the noun- forms ap-oQ gain, /xiad-ap-io-c, ep-ido-e (Princ. i. 425). A 159 Tifxiiv apvvfitvoL (cp. a 5), apyvadriu 3rd du. X 160, roiciB' apfv/^ai Soph. Ant. 903, in prose only used in- the phrase futrdoy iipyvadai (Plato Prot. 349 a). It has no connexion whatever with a'ipu), deipui. 3) a-x-iv-fxai (grieve), one of the many present forms of the rt. a^, which makes also ax-o-fiai (o- 256, r 129), Ixx-^-o-fiai, a')(-£u-w, and in a causative sense oK-ax-K-'^ (cp- rlKa^ov). cixi'^ro Si (Tpate, (ppa^ag, ifpaxOv, cp. Princ. i. 376. 23) ipwy-vv-jjii, only fotmd in Dioscorides (^wycvrae), elsewhere (puiybj, 13. 24) a'i-i'v-fiai only in poetry, from Homer onwards ; diro-aivvTai N 262, p 322, alvvfitvoQ i 429, x 500, aTroaiwro fi 419, diraivvro O 595. Beyond the present-stem no forms are in use. The very general notion that this verb belongs to nlpiw is hardly tenable, for the root of alpeb) is Fap (by-form h\), and it is hardly possible to get from *Mp-pv-iiai to a'trvfiat. The hiatus in aVoa/i'vjuai does certainly entitle us to give the word an initial /, but 'e£,aiToc, alreb) (a frequentative to nivvfiai) also be- long, so that we cannot say more than that the stem was either nl or /at. 25) yo-ii/-^ai, in poetry, from Homer onwards, yarvrni N 493, yarviTcu ju 43. The present-stem is also used to form 1he future : yavva- acTai S 504. There is no doubt that the root is the same as "that of *yri-0-e-iv, ya-l-ui (cp. Princ. i. 211), perhaps also as that of ya-ioc and ya-i'iiw shine. 26) yi-vv-naL on an inscription from Aegosthena, edited by Boeckh, Monatsber. der Berl. Akad. Nov. 1857 (Princ. i. 215). Cp. below 27) tai-vv-j-ii, Homeric {faivvvTa S 3, }iaivv 2nd imperat. and 3rd imperf.) in the middle (So/i vrai O 99) it occurs also in other poets and in Herodotus, 1 aor. Ecaiira, klaityafxr]v, related to Sat'w, Saiofjui, date, Sat- CH. IV. NASALISED STEMS. 113 Tvfitjv (Princ. i. 285). The rt. is Sa, and the t is itself an expansion of the present-stem to which the w is subsequently added as a second. 28) Kai-vv-ixai only Epic (y 282 oe iKaivuTo'^vX' avdpinriov vfja Kufiep- r^aat, dneKaivvTo 6 127). The more generally dififused forms KEKaafiai, EKCKatTTO, Koa/xoe, lead us to the conclusion that the root had a consonant at the end. Still it is by no means clear what relation the diphthong bore to the a. 29) ni-vv-fiai. Hom. KlvvfuvoQ K 280, kivvvtu A 281, and then not 16^ tin late poets. The form in general use is Kiviui. The Skt. fi-nu-te is identical with Ki-yv-rai except that the root vowel in the Skt. word is ■ short. The present k-i'-w (by-form KX-a-d-o-v) is of a shorter formation. 30) TCL-vv-rai, just like ya-vv-Tat, only at P 393, but ra-vv-w is much commoner. The syllable w makes its way into the structure of other tenses as well : ravvuna (ravwca), TeTCLfviTTai, ravvaQev. ra-vt-rni corre- sponds exactly to the Skt. ta-nu-te, though as a rule this is divided thus, tan-^-te (8th class). But, as Bopp saw (Skt. Gr. § 343), the present- expansion does not consist in u but in nu. Whether, as he supposes, the root had a final n as well, so that ta-7m-te is for tan-nu-te, or whether the root of this word is the shorter ta, may be left an open question (Princ. i. 267).' In Zend too there is a 1st sing. pres. fanva or tanava (Justi Handb. 131), exactly identical with ravvu. The more general forms of the present are reivui and riralvw, each with a slightly distinct meaning. 31) ri-fv-nai. rivvvTai T 260, T 279, ri-vvfitvai Eurip. Or. 323, Tivvadai Hdt. v. 77. The length of the i is of just the same kind as in Ktvvfiai (29). Perhaps this word had originally the diphthong, which is actually found in Tei/iri, Tilaw, on old inscriptions which show no itacism of any kind, and in many other words as well ('iTrorettr-fi tabb. Heracl. i. 109, Meister Stud. iv. 387). Buttmann's view that we ought to write Tivvvfiai (Ausf. Gr. ii. 69) rests on mistaken premises. We may com- pare the related Skt. Jci-no-mi, and ci the corresponding present in Zend (cp. Princ. ii. 93). tiVw, with the simpler tIui (Arcad. rnrvreieTu), cp. Joh. Schmidt Vocal, i. 142), is closely connected with ri-w-fiai. 32) \pai-vv-/^i, only known to us from Hesych. : \pai-vv-vTce. ^wfxi- ^ovret, cp. if^al-fia' oKiyoy, i^aL-w-afia' oKlyov, 4/i-vv-d-W'V (jiXavfjov, ^lel-a-ni • \pu)iJiicrai. The root is the same as that of the verbs yj/aw, \j/aiui, and the adj. tpl-Xo-e. Cp. daipvfii no. 27. II. tv WITH AN V BEFORE IT, Jgg a) Where the first v is evidently assimilated from a-. 33) liSev-vv-irOai, found in Suidas with the meaning ^hli'. The rt. is l3Sie, cp. Princ. i. 284. 34) iv-vv-fMi. In Homer this present-form (/c 543, ^ 28, f 522) is sometimes replaced by e'i-w-ixi (Karaelvvaav '^ 135). The latter, which is also New-Ionic (Hdt. iirdwabai), came by compensatory lengthening from: 'ivvvfji as el^a from the Aeol. fefifia. There is the same incon- sistency between kwoaiyawQ and ilvoai- vvfxi, and -^^uivvvpi too, we felt compelled to see a connexion between the first V and o-. We shall have to deal in Chap. XXI. with the growth of a sigma at the • end of stems. This class is composed of the following six verbs : 46) Ktpavvvfii from Plato onwards. Homer's presents to aorist- forms like Kipaaae (e 93), xepaaaa-a (k 362), by the side of eiri-icprj-iTai {ri 164), are Kepa-i-to {icipaiE I 203), Kcpaw, Kepafxai, Kipvrjfii {dprrj i, 78), Kipvau) (iKipva 1) 182). On its derivation and its connexion with Ktpa- fio-Q cp. Princ. i. 181, Fick, Wtb. 204 (Skt. sam-hir-d-ti he mixes). ■47) Koph'vvfxi. Veitch (p. 333) cites Themistius as the oldest witness 172 to this form, while the fut. Kopiio, the aorists Kopiaai {Kopiacrai), nopEadfjvai and other forms are in use from Homer onwards. The present has a by-form KopeuKia (Nicander, BQppocr.). 48) Kpcfiavvvfjii, since Plato, while Kpenaat, Kpc/xaaag are as early as Homer; the middle Kp£/ia-/iai occurs from Homer onwards {iKpifita O 21), and Pindar, Eurip. and Aristoph. have Kprifi-i'ri-fxt. There is nothing in the origin of this verb to explain the formation (Princ. i. 190). 49), TTCTavvvfii since Aristophanes (Lys. 733) as present to the already long-established Triracra,' ■TreTairaac, iriraaQr}!', but generally it prefers to follow the analogy of the thematic conjugation (ireTawvii)). The by- ' Gust. Meyer n. Pr. 37 calls attention to Kar-e-Kevrdwino ( = KnTeKevTeiTo) and hri-vwp.d,i/j/vij.i ( = imwaiid^aj, remarkable coinages of a late age found by Lobeck (Khem. 208) in late prose writers. i2 116 PEESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. ch. it form TTiTiriiJi is as early as Homer, the middle trirafjai is first found in Pindar. The noun TrtVoo-^ict is note-worthy on account of its veg which looks just like a conjunctive to the indie. *(i(pvajj.e6a, and at the same place we find the enigmatic infinitive fieppeai' KXripuxrai, possibly a mistake for flippai i.e. fip-aai. The words strongly suggest the Skt. var (vr-no-mi) choose. 176 B) Stems which ake always Dissyllabic. What distinguishes this division from the preceding is the fact that in the case of the stems now to be discussed the special present-formation has nothing whatever to do with making the stems dissyllabic. It is true that we can here often arrive from the dissyllabic stems at a monosyllabic root, but we must seek some other origin for, the second syllable. What this origin is it is often hard and sometimes impossible to say. We will first enumerate the stems of this kind, arranging them according to their final letter, and try at the end if not thoroughly to explain how they come to be dissyllabic, at least to classify them accord- ing to the main features of the process by which they became so. a) Stems in a. 1) aya, one of the commonest stems of this kind from Homer on to the time of the Attic prose-writers (aya/jai ^ 175, ^ya/xijv Plato Rep. 367 e). The present has the by-forms ayaio/iai (liyato/it'i/ou KaKa Ipya V 16), ayai^w (Aesch. Suppl. 1062), dydajxai {p'i te Ssaie aydafftie' irap' avSpdaiv thydleaOai c 119). Buttmann Lexil. i. 236 has given a good account of the history of this stem. The fundamental notion, as in fieyaipar (from ficyae) is rate high, esteem, hence the further meaning of marvel, wonder at, but also of envy, grudge. Throughout the remain- ing formations the second a remains short except in ayrjToe. This fact and the double cr in aydaaaro P 71, lead Leskien, Stud. ii. 113, to assume a stem dyac. Anyhow Hyafiai must be related to fiyav and dyavog, dyav-p6-e. Cp. Princ. i. 211. 2) Sta with the by-form Son, both, as I have shown at Princ. ii. 195 f., to be referred to the primary form SiFa, which in turn is to be re- garded as an expansion of the rt. div appear, shine, ledfiriv iSodfial^ov, ilolaliov (Hesych.), Zea-ro 'C, 242, SiuToi conj. pres. on a TegPAtic inscrip- tion (above p. 61). Aor. lodaaaro N 158, *s; 23, e 474 etc. CH. IV. DISSYLLABIC STEMS. 119 3) ea for to-a is the basis of some of the forms of the preterite of the rt. EC, for instance of the 1st sing, ^a or k'a (=Skt. asa-m), iia E 808, td A 321, Hdt. ii. 19, whence the contracted old-Attic ij. For the 2nd sing. Hdt. has Jdc (i- 187). In this way alone is it possible to account 177 for the V of the 3rd sing. For an v after a vowel that had always been long we could at most only find an analogy in -xprjv (discussed above, p. 92). 'lf('') is to lia as 'iZtLit{y) to Hula. The plural iarE is foimd only in Hdt. (iv. 119, v. 92). To the same class of forms also must belong the imperative ?frw for *ea.Tti> cited from Hippocrates. The stem ka then became in time to, h, that is, the a adopted the analogy of the thematic vowel : ioiQ, 'iov, and in all Greek iwv (st. eo-i-r), juat as beside the forms like lajxra-jXEv discussed above, there arise such forms as i-la)xvov, which we shall come to later [eoafia^nv Hesych. Gust. Meyer n. Pr. 41). A special group among the preterite forms is made by those with a long second vowel, which occur exclusively in Homer and Hesiod (Rzach Dialekt des Hes. 456) : 2nd sing. eri-ffOa X 435, tt 420, 4* 175, 3rd sing, eti-i' or ijrji'. The genuineness of these forms has been questioned by Leo Meyer Ztschr. ix. 386, and by myself. Stud. i. 2, 293. For er/o-ya we might easily write Eco-fla and for erjv, in far the greater number of passages, tit: Hartel in his Homer. Stud. i. 46 has defended the received forms, and I have replied to him in my Stud. iv. 478. It must be granted that three passages (r 283, \p 316, w 343) will only admit of »;?/<', and that the lengtheniflg of the second syllable of hu in several instances would be very remarkable, and further that a support can be found for Er/v, ijrjy in the Lat. eras, era-mus, and possibly too in the Skt. dsi't which seems to have come from am *dsd-t. The length of the vowel would of course be of the same kind as in 'ikri-Qi, tV/flij-i'. Only the v icpEXKvaTiKot' after a long vowel which is not the result of con- traction is without a parallel. 4) ipa. we cTEo rvf spa/xat F 446, S 328, iipnuav Sappho, then in Pindar and Attic poets, with the by-form Epao/j-ni ([I 208 £r)c rd ■n-piv y' epaarrdE), that is, just like ayafiai. ripanuT II 182 like ^yauaro, fipaffirnTO Y 223 like dyaanaro. Attic writers have in prose only kpnti). The derivation of this stem is uncertain, though there is much to recom- mend Pick's view (Ztschi-. xix. 247, Wtb. i.^ 186) that ipa corresponds to the Skt. ra, ram (rdm-a-te, Ved. ram-nd-ti), which though meaning ' enjoy oneself ' in the middle, is often applied to the love of one sex for the other. If this explanation is the true one the t would have to be 178 regarded here as a prothetic vowel. 5) i\a. The only form preserved is the 2nd sing, imperat. 'IXri-di (y 380, TT 184) with the same anomalous length of vowel as in SiSojdi, tuTriTrXijOi. iXudi, with apparently short a, occurs in Simon. C. 49 (Be.^), and the a is certainly short at Theocr. xv. 143, and Apollonius Ehod. if. 1014, the latter having also the 2nd plur. 'IXarE iv. 984. By-forms are iXauvrai B 550, tX»;Kj;(T( (p 365, iXaffKEaOai Z 380. a and a tra after it occur in just the same way as in the case of nos. 1, 2, and 4 : IXacrrreai (conj.) A 147. — That the form e\\a-di, 2nd plur. tXXo-re cited from Calli- machus ^ is identical with the stem iXa, is doubted by Ahrens Aeol. 284, and that not without reason, as in spite of Brugman Stud. iy. 120 the meaning is not quite the same. e\\a-Oi (cp. Princ. i. 464) has been con- ' [Frag. 121 Blomf. Cp. Jacobs Anth. vol. ix. p. 408.] 120 PB"^isB]sr BXJiMS "WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. ch. iv. nected witt the Homeric ovXe and the Lat. salve, and the meaning suits this admirably. In its formation at any rate eWa-Oi, which apparently stands for *(ie\J-a-dt, belongs to our present class. 6) Kepa. The existence of this stem depends on an accent. The question is, ought we at A 260 to write Kipwvrai as is usually done with the approval of the Schol. L., or with I. Bekker to write KepSivrai 1 The latter suits nEpaatrOe y 332, Kepuivro o 500, icepoiovTO d 470. A third formation of the stem is to be seen in Kepaie I 203 (cp. ayalo/j.ai). nepa- fxoQ also points to a stem cepo, while KpnTrip, Kpa-riip start from Kpa (Priao. i. 181), and there are also traces of Kep. iKepaaee, KepaaaQ as in no. 5. 7) Kia as a by-form of kei only occurs in KtairBai • KEiaOai Hesych. Lobeck Rhemat. 178 distrusts this form. 8) (cia as a by-form of ki (Kivvfiai) is only attested by Hesych. iKlaro • iKu'e'iTo. The existence of this stem is to a certain extent established by /XET-F-Kia-d-O-V. 9) cpfyua. O 21 eKpcfio). In Pindar and the Attic writers Kpijiafiat, EKpEfxaTO. Cp. p. 115, no. 48 Kpcfiavi'vfii. ■ 10) TTEra. TTETafiai is a somewhat later by-form of TThofiai, first in Pindar, while the aorist evtuto is as early as Homer (N 592, viripTrraro X 275, nwoirrajXEvoQ B 71) ; there is also from Hesiod onwards. (0pp. 98) the active 'iirTiqv. Here then the present-stem Trera confronts an aorist- stem TTT-a. 179 11) Trpia. irpiaro a 430=o 483. With Attic writers the form, along with wptuifiai, Trpia/^Tji', Trptairo, ■wpLaaSai, Trptaficvo^, counts for an aorist to the pres. lovinfiat, but belongs to the aorists which have obtained their aoristic force only through their contrast to other forms (cp. below, p. 125). The stem 7rp-ta has clearly some relation to the rt. wEp in TTtp-vri-fiL and irpa in iri-wpa-aKiii. It corresponds to the Skt. vj-a-prija-te he is occupied. If wEp meant sell, l-Trp-ia-ftriv meant I got sold to me, i.e. I bought. The peculiarity of this stem, then, consists in the addition of the syllable m, which reminds us forcibly of the i-class ot thematic verbs (cp. below, Ch. XIY. iii. 1). b) Stems in c. 12) as. The vowel is shoi-t only before vr : de'-vr-tc E 526 (cp. 3rd plur. aeicTt Hes. Theog. 875), long everywhere else : ari-mv I 5, aij/jEvai ■*• 214, aijvai y 183, iir)-TO 3> 386, arifieroQ f 131, ctijrai Aesch. Choeph. 391. at came from ah, and corresponds to the Skt. va (vd-mi), Princ. i. 483. 13) SiE. SiE-vrai ^ 475, ourws evSiEaav Tay(Etng Kvvae 2 584, BtiovTai P 110, SiEfiat fxiv j^api irairdai, SiEpai S' airia ^dnOai Aesch. Pers. 701. A change to the thematic conjugation accounts for St'o-i-ro p 317, ho- fxevog Aesch. Eumen. 385. In the perf. di-Sia, dei-Sia a corresponds to the E in S('£- 284 Bekker^ is no doubt right in reading ki'xjjc for the traditional Kix^ic, i.e. ekixic — It may be doubted, therefore, whether we have to do with Aeolising forms of a contracted verb like (jyopfjvaL etc. or with a primitive stem kixv- The root occurs in the shorter forms UTTEKi^ai' Aristoph. Ach. 869, Kt£,aTn- ilpev, e\aj3sv, r/VEy/CEi'. A still more expanded present is K-tj^di/w. Op. aij/^t (12). c) Stems in o. 17) di'O. ovo-(Tai p 378, ovnvTni 427, ovoirn 239, N 287, aii'ovTo (Hdt.). The by-form ovv-e-irB{f) of the thematic conjugation has been replaced at ii 241 by I. Bekker by Aristarchus's 6v6(Taad(c). The same scholar suggests the impf. &i'oto for the aor. Hivaro F 25, not without reason, inasmuch as there is no other trace to be found of a rt. oi' in the sense of revile. The aorist is rather wvorra-ixriv (P 173, cp. iofio-ora), partic. ovoa-ffai^tvoc, fut. ovoiraiifiai, verbal adj. Homeric ovotrTvg, Pind. isi ovoToc, whence the frequentative ovoTai^eiv (Hes., Homeric hymns). Eick, Wtb. I.' 126, conjectui-es the root to be nod revUe. Unfortunately the only support for this root are isolated instances in Zend (nad-ent despiser). That the Skt. nid (nimd-a-ti) despise is weakened from nad, and that the Skt. nad bellow is the same verb are pure conjectures. Still this combination, which would give us the stem ovoZ with a pro- thetic aa the foundation of the Greek forms, is worth noticing. This I explains the (ra. d) Stems in v. 18) itw. duS>Q Se hi. rivvTO ipyov t 213, avvfiee (v. lect. avofjci) « 122 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC ' VOWEL. ch. iv. Theocr. vii. 10, awrai in Oppian and Nicander. Along with this A 56 oitK aviib), and K 251 vvl 'dvErai, 'ipynv 'dpoiro S 473, -^vot' vSov y 496. Attic writers, besides avvw, and avto which is certainly derived from it, have avvT-w of the r-class. It will not do to start from the last form and give, as has been suggested, the series avvr-w *avv(T-(o avv-iL, because T hardly ever passes into o- before any letter but i, and the o- thus arising out of a 7 never "disappears (cp. fritri). A fresh complication is introduced by the fact that aiiiio is not only attested to be good Attic (Herodian i. 541), but also derives support from the Lacon. Ka/rapeic^ i.e. KadaietQ- avvuQ Hesych (M.S. Ka(TapvEiQ, cp. Ahrens, Dor. 37). Pott accordingly concludes his discussion of these forms with a ' non liquet.' — Since we are entitled to start from the aspirated form, we might possibly find something to lay hold of in the Skt. sanoti, middle scmute possibly in the sense of adipisci, obtinere. Still Hesychius's gloss yaivtrai' dvvei which has been altered because of its peculiarity into yaivvTai or y' aivvrai, warns us not to be too sure about it. 19) kfw, pv, drag, in Homer only thematic, so too in Attic. Hesiod, however, has the infin. slpv-fxEvai 0pp. 818. e'ipvro Sc faayavov 6'v at X 90 Buttmann, ii. '181, is no doubt right in taking as a pluperf. mid. The Homeric avepvaav and the alternation of e, d, and p in the initial (pvuTai^w, pvTTip, pvfiog) leave no doubt that the word once began with a consonant, of which there are traces enough in Homer's verse (Stud. vi. 266), (TO- in the fut. and aor. 182 20) ipv, pv watch, guard, ^eep, eipvarai (difuarag) A 239, v^a epvtrdai to watch the ship i 194, e'ipvrrdai ukoitiv y 268, piya SSi/xa \p 151, oloe yap rrcpiv epvao wvXae X 507, oj AvKirfV e'lpvTO Tl 542, ti'i pa iruXac t'ipvVTO M 464, o'i /j.e Trdpoe TTtp eipvaro X 303, Soph. 0. R. 1351, tpvTp Kaviirbxrev (following K 44 ij nc kev epviraeTai ^e trawaEi), cpvTo with a passive meaning Hes. Theog. 304, fi 2' eovt elv 'AplfiOKnv inru x^6va. In the fut. and aor. we find aa and a short vowel (oi av ye fiovXag elpvcrao KpoviwvoQ 230). The shorter pv occurs with the same moaning in pvadai O 141, pvar 2, 515. With Ahrens and KUhner (i. 821) we must altogether reject the identification of this root with the preceding one, which Buttmann (Lexil. i. 63 ff.) tries to defend in a- very forced way. For a fuller discussion of this see Stud. YT. 265 S. ipvadai cor- responds exactly in its use with the Skt. var defend, protect (Pott W. L. ii. 575), from which e.g. comes var-u-tdr averter, protector, vdr-u-tha defence, screen, shield (cp. ipv/jia, Ipvixvoc), Zd. varatha bulwark, dva/retha defenceless. I regard kpv then as var expanded by the addition of u. var itself has survived without this addition in ipfia prop. It is true the initial / is not completely established (Knbs ' De Digammo,' p. 197V 21) i\v. iKvixEvov Epx^fjLEvov, irpoPali'ovTa Tieaych. This word has clearly the same stem as tJXiTroSEc. It occurs in a thematic form in Ei\v6p7}v SiKTTrjvov e^eXkuii/ TToSa Soph. Phil. 291 (cp. tlXvouEvog ib. 702). 22) Xa^v. Xa^vcrdai in Euripides and Aristophanes for the Homeric \.a^e(r9a(, occurring first in the hymn, in Merc. 316 M jiovaiv eXrifuro KvSifjov 'Epfirjv, X&lvffOE Eurip. Bacch. 503 (Arist. Lys. 209), irpoeXai^v- IxEvai Hec. 64. On the difficulties in the way of a connexion of these forms with ^ with those with /3 see Princ. ii. 323. 23) TTivu, preserved in 7ri»'i;-ro-£ and ffii/wyueVij" (Tuctri) icai ireirvvuivri CH. IV. DISSYLLABIC STEMS. 123 apparently from ttw by the spontaneous development of an i (Princ. ii. Wlien we come to consider the origin of these stems and to ask how they came to be dissyllabic, we shall have to distinguish between cases which are evidently of a different kind. The vowel which makes the second syllable may have been added either at the beginning, middle, or 183 end of the root. Thus we get three classes : 1) The vowel was added at the beginning, or in other words the 2nd syllable is due to prothesis possibly in the stem epa (4), probably in a/£(]2), andind,/o(a)(17). 2) The vowel was inserted undoubtedly in irivv (23), perhaps in hpv draw (19), inasmuch as it apparently stands for fepv(T and this for J^epir (Lat. verro for verso). The v is then of the same kind as that in mXuTrrw, ijXvdiiv, ToXvirr], Princ. ii. 403. 3) In by far the majority of these cases the 2nd syllable was added to the end of the stem. This mode of expansion is radically different from the two preceding kinds inasmuch as there the process is a purely phonetic, whUe here it is a formative one. For some of the forms of this class Westphal (Meth. Gr. i. 2, 167) conjectures a connexion with the nasal present-expansion, more particularly for spefia-fiai which he derives from *i-p£yuai'-/iat, so that the only essential difference between it and Kpi]pva'ij.ai lies in the position of the nasal. The only stems though for which this explanation -is at all probable are such as have by-forms with a nasal strengthening, and the only other that has this is Kcpa (6). Trera (10) has most likely no connexion with irETawvfii, as the rt. pat fly (Princ. i. 359) has nothing to do with veTavrvfii. It is just possible that some of the roots in v may be similarly con- nected with nasalised formsi — that ipv, pv guard, save (20) may have arisen from Fep-vv:=Skt. vr-nu (vrnomi), hpvv becoming /Eppu (cp. oXXu from oKvv), and then ftipv (dprnirai). Joh. Schmidt, Vocal, ii. 262, assumes vru, varu, e-fpv, all to have been phonetic varieties of the root var. IXv (21) too we might conjecture to have arisen from fiX-w, and perhaps appeal to LX-i-vv-o) loiter. A very bold man might conjecture for Xai^v (22) a form Xai-vv sprung from Xa/3-vu and correlative to Xafxfi-aro. There appears to be at least one clear instance of an analogous growth of Z from Zv, and that is ^o'dioc by the side of Iruc^oe, yv6(poQ (Princ. ii. 372), but there is no jSy here. In a few cases we thought we might assume an expanding ia=ja, i.e. in 7rp-ta (11), perhaps in Sie (13), Oie (14). There is some suppoi-t for this to be found in Hesychius's gloss (pv^avai • ^uytZr, SeiXtaaai. If so it would be a case of present-tense-expansion, only with the vowel in its 184 more primitive form. On the other hand, there are a number of stems left in which it is hard to establish anything more about the final vowel than that it con- stitutes an expansion of the root. To this number belong the two stems ia by the side of er (3) and h by the side of i (1 5), in both of which the correspondence of Sanskrit proves the expansion to have been primitive, and again ha (2) and the two stems xia (7 and 8). It is possible that • we here have to deal with what were originally noun-stems in u, the predecessors and types of the numerous a-stems whose a turned thematic, and thus in Greek became sometimes o and sometimes c. On this assump- 124 PRESENT STEMS WITH NO THEMATIC VOWEL. oh. iv,' tion this a would come as near to the thematic vowel as the la of the last paragraph to the w, jn which forms the base of the thematic i-class, or as the ra of Saji-va-i^cv to the vn of Kafi-vo-fiev and the ve of Ka/i-vE-Tc. We should thus have here, too, a kind of present-formation, but one with no semasiological distinction, for no one will try, I think, to find a difference of meaning between the Doric ^q he was and ^i', which we have assumed to be contracted from ^ec fH. T. AOEIST-STEMS WHICH HAVE NO THEMATIC VOWEL. 125 CHAPTEE V. A0BISI-8TEMS WHICH SAVE NO THEMATIC VOWEL. AoRisTs wHcK like t(f)vv, 'ijiric, k'y''*^ contain notMng beyond tte necessary elements .of a verbal form were still called syncopated aorists by Butt- mann. It is only necessary, however, to read the note on p. 2 of vol. ii.2 of the ' Ansfuhrl. Gr.' — a note with a special interest for the historian of grammatical thoiight — to see that Buttmann's scientific conscience had already broken with such a jiomenclatui'e. Buttmann himself saw that what distinguishes these forms from such as iXiizov, eSpaKoi' is the fact 185 that, as he says at p. 9, ' they reject the connecting vowel,' while eXtiroc has one. On p. 9, however, he expressly combats the siipposition that £(j>vv has come from 'i(j>vov, and holds that 'in strict theory ' it is possible to- assume that we have here a third kind of aorist. Buttmann took here, that is, the same road as our Sanskrit grammarians, who actually assign separate numbers to the two corresponding forms in this lan- guage d-bhu-t=^'i-r)v, 'iZvv, where a long vowel precedes the personal termination, ' the syncope is not pure, for in the place of the connecting vowel we have here the lengthening of the vowel of the stem.' It is an astonishing theory, according to which something which never existed gets replaced by something else. Hence Lobeck, in his note on Buttmann, p. 11 f., prefers a different view. He called these forms 'primitive im- perfects from the hypothetical presents firjfn etc.,' or, directly afterwards,*' ' defective aorists of the Aeolic conjugation.' There is no more ground for the former description than there would be for calling 'iXnrov an imperfect of a lost *Xin-w. The latter gives rise to no end of confusion by the use of the term ' aorists.' The difference between an imperfect and an aorist is essentially a negative one. As far as form goes, all we can say amounts to this, that aorist-forms are such forms of the preterite, conjunctive, optative, imperative, infinitive, and participle, to which there are no corresponding indicatives in the present, perfect, or future. e-ri-fii is in existence, the latter an aorist because *fifjfjt is not and never has been. The same is the case with fiH (iai-qv (itjdi ftrjiai as compared with ^w ^ai'ijv v-v for e-0u-v(T). Skt. imperat. ip-vrdhi = kKv-Bl. There is also a single instance from a consonantal root : Skt. dr-ta-=&p-To. When we reflect that this antiquated formation of the aorist is rare, the agreement in the case of seven forms becomes very significant. They are all from verbs in extremely common use, which clearly kept the same place in Greek and Indo-Persian from the very earliest times. Greek, however, outdoes all the sister languages in the extent to which such forms occur. We shall find that there are more than forty primitive aorists of this kind, while Benfey (Kurze Skt. Gr. p. 159) reckons that only eleven verbs in Sanskrit make use of this form, though he does add that ' in the Vedas there are such forms from other verbs besides,' and Bopp (Sktgr. § 374 b) gives some of them. In Sanskrit, too, the middle voice of these forms is rare, and moreover is confined to the Vedas, while the language of Homer has preserved a particularly large number of such middle aorists. The only fundamental difference between the two X87 languages lies in the quantity. In the vowel-stems the vowel is in Sanskrit, with few exceptions,' long, while iu Greek it is often short, so that though d-stha-ta and t-orjj-re coincide in the length of the stem- syllable, d-dd-ia and 'i-So-Tc do not. We shall reserve this point for the present, and proceed now to a review of all the Greek aorists of this formation, arranging them after the principles adopted in Chap. IV. in the case of the presents. I. MONOSYLLABIC AOEIST-STEMS. A) From the TJnalteeed Eoot. a) Eoots ending in a. 1) £-/3i)->'. Dor. 'i-Pa-v, common to all dialects and all periods, carried through all moods and verbal nouns: (iSi, fiairiv, /B^Oi (by-form 3a in ' To these belongs the above-mentioned qnidhi = leKvet, and also the likewise already noticed middle forms ddita, ddJdta, as too d-gthi-ta middle to d-std-t = l-o-Tj). There are isolated instances of a-da-m, dda-s, i-da-t from a-dS,, and dha-t from the rt. dha. Moreover forms of the 3rd pi. like d-du-s must have gone through a stage in which they had a short a. Cp. Delbruck, Verl. p. 87 £E, CH. V. MONOSYLLABIC STEMS. 127 compounds, Lacon. Kajiaai, i.e. Kar-fiadi), ^rtnevai, fifjvai, /3ac. The vr preserved tlie original quality of the vowel, even in Ionic, both in the participial stem (Suit and in the 3rd pi. *£-/3a-yr, though it also made the vowel short : jiavT-og e-fidv. The same effect was produced by the t in the optative : 0a-iri-i'. It is to be noticed that Homer varies the quantity : IfiriTriv Z 40, jSiirr).- M 330, S 281, 285— /3ar7)v A 32Z, E 778, I 182, 192, K 469, k'/3ijdri->'. X 58 e(j>Otie viZoQ £' V ^y'i> "'"" ''')' lieXdlvrf, TI 314 iffidri, A 451 ^Qfj, 3rd pi. ^Odv A 51, part. vwoipQdQ. The long vowel is as persistent as it is in nos. 1, 2, and 6, and so we have the Attic ecptitjijiv, e(j)&Ti6^vai Hdt. and Attic. In the middle, however, we have ^e^/jsvoc (N 387), uTroi^Sa/itVj) o 171 in contrast to -nXrifieroQ. b) Boots ending in an e. 8) 1st pi. tl-fitv etc. On the augment see above p. 85. Without the augment: KoB-e-fXEv i 72, av-e-trav irpo-E-aav S 681, df-i-rriv A 642, opt. df-t-iT], imperat. irpo-CQ, Trpu-i-To), Bvv-ec, part. vpeQ fx (ic to fjieipaKvWtov, (j>pEQ to (pipe Herodian, i. 463, 14 Lentz, part, iiruefpeie Eurip. (Phaeth.) fr. 781, 46 Dind. /u?; nv' "ilcpatarog ^(^dXov So/joie tTreiccppelQ /xiXadpa (rvfiipXi^ri wpi, inf. eii(l>p^>'ai ' tUa^ai, eveyiceiv Hesych. Nauck, ' das Yerbum piii) ' Bulletia da I'Acad. Imp. de St. P^tersb. Tome vi. p. 424 ff., tries to prove that the stem (jypE is nothing else than a compound of tt/so and k, and that con- sequently (ppic is the same as -n-posc etc. But ingenious as are his argu- ments it is none the less impossible to find a precedent for the expulsion of the before e. Moreover we have already on p. 107 seen that the present iri-ippa-vai is a well-attested form. I follow Herodian in regard- ing the stem (ppe as identical with (pep, and I believe that (fipee bears to (pepe precisely the same relation as that of Txh* to t'x^i "'"'Ee to {h'f)c7re. The verbs eKfepeiv, eUepeif are by no means far removed in their usage from the forms under consideration. The compounds of the Skt. hhar anu-bhar, ava-hhar mean bring in, introduce (e.g. into the body), just like igwKjtpavai and ehcjipeli'. The same root which in Skt. forms at one time bhdra-ii=(j)ipet, at another hhdr-ti, as it were * 167 i\uTo also Homeric along with xvvto, x"/^^''')- The tragedians apparently use only the par- ticiple : x''/"^''"£ Aesch. Choeph. 401, xbiJievov Eumen. 263, Eurip. Heracl. 76. f) Eoots ending in a consonant. In the oldest Sanskrit formations of this kind are by no means rare, e.g. 3rd sing, d-han (rt. han strike), d-kar (rt. kar make). In the active voice only two such aorists have been preserved in Greek 25) e'-yav only in Hesychius's gloss eyay eyivero. The analogy of cKTa would lead us to expect e'-ya for the third singular. Musurus adopted the equally remarkable *'iya.vz. Lobeck on Buttm. ii. 14 pro- poses tyat on the analogy of k'Sae. It is not inconceivable that e-yay should have been formed in exactly the same way as the Skt. 3rd sing. d-han from the rt. ham, i.e. that the primary *£-yav-r passed through *£ya»'»' to E-yai', just as *AlavT passed in the voc. through *Alavv to Alav. There is in the middle the form yEVro Hes. Theog. 199, 283 (Ezach Dial. Hes. 460), Sappho 16 Be.^, iiriyevro Theogn. 640. 26) e-Krav. 1st sing. KarUrav only at A 319, 3rd sing. 'Ura Z 205, M 46 etc., KaTEKTa. N 170 etc., always except at O 432, at the end of a line, 'iKTafitv fx 375, KareKrafiEv ip 121, 3rd pi. EKTav K 526, the conj. KTEWfiEv, inf. KTafXEvai, part. KT&Q, aud also isolated forms, especially par- ticiples, in the tragedians. Middle airEKTan O 437, P 472, KTaadai O 558, KTafievoio ylftovTog X 75, KTafXEvov, KTafXEvoKTt etc., the participle in Pindar and in Attic poets. This aorist is a very remarkable one indeed. The shortness of the vowel proves that the stem kto. has been shortened from KTav, for the only 1st sing, which could have come from Kra would be EKTav Ion. EKTriv, and this by analogy would have influenced other forms, particularly the perfect. The complete disappearance of the v from the end of the 3rd sing, (primary form *£-Kra>'-r), as contrasted with jQQ the (somewhat doubtful) 'i-yav discussed above, is remarkable. Although then all forms of the root originally ended in v, still kteii>ixev and Krd-g were formed from the shortened stem Kra. The remaining forms, which occur only in the middle, are as follow : 27) oK-ao n 754 in that verse of many anomalies S>q et^i KtPpiovri, HuTpoKXEEe, aXffo jitfiaiie, oKto V 29 etc. aXfj-EvoQ. We have already noticed the peculiarity of the breathing and the length of the vowel at p. 90. 28^ &p-fiEvo-Q poetic from Homer onwards. 29) 6.iT-fi£vo-c, from Homer onwards (aafxEvoL lie Oavaroio etc.) in poetry, and also in Herodotus and Thucydides, for *iTj^ad-jjEvo-Q rt. irfaS {&.vSciyb>, ijBoniai), in a middle sense and therefore coming •CH. Y. MONOSYLLABIC STEMS. 131 nearest to rjSo^ai. The o- is remarkable, as the analogy of 'iSfiev, olfirj would make us expect the radical I in Homer. In KtKaa^ivoQ too, how- ever, the sibilant appears in contrast to the Pindaric KEKaS/MEvog. 30) yev-TO he took hold of, only in Homer: yivTo Se Sovpe N 241, yivTO S' i/xairOXrfv 43 (N 25), yifTO Be x^'P' paitTTfjpa Kparepriv, eTepri(pi Se yivTo irvpaypriv S 476, from a rt. yEft, which appears most clearly in Hesychius's glosses aTro-yE/i-E' afeXxE and avyyEixoQ' avWajSi^. — Cp. yivTo he became under no. 25. 31) Sekto he received B 420 aW o ye Sekto ficv tpa, O 88 Sekto SivaQ, vTriSEKTO he undertook I 480, Se^o receive T 10, SixOai A 23, Find. 01. 2, 49 yEpae eSekto, while ediyfiriv i 513, fi 230 and the part. SiyfxEvoe belong i}0 tl«e meaning await which will have to be discussed in connexion with MSEyfiai, ti-xarai when we come to the perfect. 32) tXiXiKro belonging to eXeXI^eiv whirl round (cp. eXEXi^a/xEvoe) A 39, N 558 cp. Buttm. LexU. i. 138, Fick, Ztschr. xix. 252. 33) E^Kro only in the fragment of the Cyclic Thebais quoted by the ischoliast on Soph. Oed. Col. 1375 : eIkto Ml fiaaCXrii koX aXXoig adava- TOKTIV. 34) Tkto only Hes. Theog. 481 'Ivda fikv Ikto (Koechly 'Ikto), but the part. "iKfiEvoQ ovpoQ A 479 and elsewhere, literally ' that has come ' (cf. ' welcome'), an apt epithet for a favourable wind that has at last come in answer to the prayers of the sailors. Ahfens's connexion of "iKfitvoq witL 'iuiKa seems less natural. 35) KEVTo only Alcman fr. 141 with Doric v for X, belonging to 194 KiXofiai. 36) Xekto he counted S 451 Xekto I' apiQfiov, a middle to "the impf. Xt'yE in line 452, and there- is also tteixtttoq iXiyfiriv i 335 with a passive meaning. 37) Xekto he laid himself (rt. Xe^, Xe'xoc) S 453 ETTEira Se Xekto koi aVTOQ, KUTeXeKTO I 662, V 75, wapKaTiXEKTO I 565, 664, TrpO£EXEKTO fl 34, witTi the meaning of an imperfect in Hesiod Scut. 46 wavvvxwg I' ap eXekto. Also the imperat. Xe^o ii 650 (but at I 617, k 320 Xe^eo from the sigmatic aorist), KaTaXixSai o 394, KaTaXiyfiEvog X 62, x 196. 38) fjuicTo A 354, n 813, ejxikto a 433. 39) op-iTo A 204, E 109 (but optrEo T 250 etc.), lkXo£ OuXrtKj/ Evi Stipov eXeittto, and ci/xEi-n-TO Nonn. Dion. xliv. 241, and which are condemned at once by their diphthong as wrong forms, or rather as mistaken imitations of Homeric forms which were not understood, have not been admitted! into this list. Buttmann i. 318 regards them as pluperfects without reduplication. K 2 132 AOEIST-STEMS "WHICH HAVE NO THEMATIC VOWEL, ch. t. B) Metathesised Aoeists. 43) ivfi-fiXrj-Triv ip 15 rther place, except in Apollon. Ehod., in which it occurs, is a strophe of Sappho which from its subject is rightly held to be spvuious (Bergy 26), but in its formation, which the best of the old grammarians rightly compared with ETrt'-o-xE-c there is nothing remarkable whatever (Herodian ed. Lentz i. 467, 25, ii. 127, 29, 137, 10). The indicative kvi-mvE, which Herodian is careful to distinguish from the imperative, bears to tvi-crwe-e exactly the same relation that e-o-xe does to o-xe'-c. The by-form for the imperative ivi-(nre is naturally to be explained in the same way, as also are ■jropci-o-xE and the like which often occur in M.SS. but are generally rejected by editors (Yeitch, p. 257). That is the e which from the beginning belonged to the root has followed the analogy of the thematic vowel. That the old grammarians should have ' invented' a form like ivi-airi-e seems to me altogether unlikely. 47) (Tx^-e is related to the rt. aex in exactly the same way as tnci-c to the rt. o-ETT and is as isolated a form as (ttte'-c, for all the other aorist- forms like 'i-(T-j(nv, (rxpiri-v, a-)(fiv (ff)(i-fiev 9 254) etc. follow the analogy of the thematic conjugation. There is all the less reason then to chal- lenge the isolated wapa-ax^ Kara-rrx^, noticed under no. 46, out of sheer purism, when there is good evidence for them. In the accentuation of this form I follow Gottling AUg. Lehre vom gr. Accent, p. 45. 48) E-rXri-v (Dor. E-rXd-i') common in poetry from Homer onwards, 1st pi. rXfj-ficv, 3rd pi. E-rXa-v, opt. TXa-i-q-v, imp. rXii-TU), tXtj-ts all Homeric, rXrj-dt, rXij-vai, part. rXa-e in the tragedians. Homer however 196 has vroXv-7-Xa-c which, like rdXd-e, is rather regarded as an adjective. There is no present in use as a verbal form, but raXd-c like raX-avr-o-v, ToX-apo-E, TaXa-6-£ (Princ. i. 272), poults to raXd-w from which it was originally a regular participle of the Aeolic type. The epic IrdXairo-a (cp. ETTE'Xao-o-a) likewise points to raX, while Te-rXa-fiev, ri-rXij-Ka come from the metathesised rXa. 49) £-/3X(u • Efdv-n^ ^X""") '^"''"t (Hesych.) along with the participle ayx'/3X • 'e ^ 339, irap-i-wXio fx 69, part. £7rt;rX(is Z 291. As irXww has come from *7r\iF(i>, and the w can hardly be otherwise explained than from of, it may be said that a defaced consonant stem forms theHbasis of c-TrKw-y. Whether the case is the same with t-rpw mentioned on p. 128 after no. 13 (cp. Tpav-w) I cannot decide. n. DISSYLLABIC AOEIST-STEMS. Besides these 51 aorists, which must be mostly of a primitive formation, there, are a number of dissyllabic forms, akin to them in inflexion and use, which clearly only owe their position as aorists in the verbal system to the fact that the corresponding present stems have base-foims differing from theii's. Properly speaking these dissyllabic, aorists belong as little to the above-mentioned monosyllabic ones as do the contracted verbs of the AeoHc inflexion to the verbs in fii. Since however the said forms are of various kinds, are occasionally of obscure formation, and only resemble each other in this, that they are to be referred to dissyllabic stems of aoristic force, and that they have no ]^97 thematic vowel, it seemed best to give them their place here. They are as follow : 52) E-dXtij-v, in common use from Homer onward (-ind. ijXwv cp. p. 79) with the conj. aXww contr. aKOi, opt. &X^riv later aXolriv, inf. aXavai, part. aXovs, almost exactly the same as t-yvw-i/ with its moods. The inchoative aX-Laico-^ai does duty as present. Cp. Princ. ii. 170. k-aXw-v ia apparently a contracted preterite frqm the stem aXw, inflected Kke the Aeol. k-loKiixw-v from the stem loKifxw. Accordingly the vowel is long wherever it is possible. 53) ki,-rtixji\u) a late form, not occmxing before Themistius,. instead of the older iififtXiaire. It is quite enough to show us that the power of making forms of an old-fashioned stamp on the analogy of old forms lasted a long time. kiafifiXovfisv in Eurip. Andi'om. 356 is a present. 54) apird-fiEvoQ not earlier than the poets of the Anthology : iiopii^(o^ airovpijcrovaL suits the sense far better, and is adopted by Buttmann and I. Bekker. There is no hint of an *hiravpaii). Following Sonne, Brug- man, at Stud. iv. 166, conjectures that the i) has been lengthened from e by the influence of the J-, and that cnrrjvpa came from *airffpa, which would bear the same relation to airovpaq as does a-rredpa to airoSpcie. It is hardly probable liowever that the / should have had the power of 198 lengtheniog the vowel after it had become v. As regards the accent of the participle Westphal, Formenl. i. 2, 285, is perhaps right in sup- posing that it ought by rights to be on the final syllable. 56) t-fiiw-v. Homer has ftiwrw Q 429, (iiwvai R 174. The remaia- ing forms are in common use in Attic : conj. j8u5, opt. fiuorjv, 'part, fiiovc. Apparently ifSiwv, like taXuv, is the preterite of a stem which has nothing aoristic about it, so that there is no sort of inherent and original difference of stem between these aorist-forms and the present- forms fiwl, jSiiuv, j3iovr. The present is moreover generally supplied by 57) e-yfipu-v, from Homer's time {kyripa H 148, ynpaQ P 197) in very general use : inf. yripdvai, hardly yripavai, which is sometimes written, and is maintained by Oobet, Mnemos. xi. 124. Dat. part. yrtpdvTEaai Hes. 0pp. 188. In its formation this stem is just as much a contracted one and just as little of an aorist as aXw, jSiw. The present to it is yr]pa.rTKii). 58) 3rd sing, ovra E 376, Z 64, inf. ovrafisvai * 68 ovrafiEvai ixifxaMQ, and also ovTafxev, mid. part. ovrafieiOQ, i^ar 0VTafievr)v wTciXriv. — -vc-pvTa- roc (S 536) by the side of aovroe. There is a present ovtciu) (ovrae x^^i^f X 356) with ovTTiiTe, oiirriOri, and an owrai^w T 459 (cp. Hesych. Pwra^eiv fjaWeiv) with- ovracre O 528, oi/raorai A 661, oiiraafXEVOQ \ 536. Forms of the latter kind are not unknown to the tragedians. The stem is a very peculiar one. olira suggests Eicra, and this would point to a final i', ovra- lievoQ might be compared with KThfxevoQ, or on the other hand with the late apirajjievoQ. The forjnation of the presents evidently points to an *ovTajui. The only related Greek words are tbrsiXri (Hesych. yureiXai • ovXai). Conjectures ha,ve been made as to related words in other lan- guages by Fick Wtb. i.^ 769. 59) k-wpia-ji-qv has been already discussed on p. 120 no. 11. 60) iivri-firfv, represented in Homer by the forms anvvriro P 25 and elsewhere, cnroyaw Q, 556, imperat. oj/?)(ro r 68, ovrifievoe fi 33. — In later poets (Theogn. Eurip.) iivS^firjv (by the side of (ovaaQe Eurip. Here. f. 1368) wvrjfieda, in both poetry and prose ovaiiirfv, ovaaQai. The quantity of the vowel is thus a varying one. ova bears a regular relation to oviva (p. 108). 199 I have purposely omitted the Ppovrag avrl tov (ipovTi]vv (Justi 400), Old-Persian too has add=*edri. In Greek, even when the prevailing quantity of the vowel is long, it is shortened uncondi- tionally before vr in the stem of the participle: trra-vr, yvo-vr, and in the 3rd plur. of the preterite : 'i-aTa-v 'i-yvo-v, E-j (45). And 2) such as may be all short : apira (54), Ov (18), /en (14), (pdt (16), ia all 10, of which 6 are more likely to be on the side of the long vowel than on that of the short. "We thus see that the long vowel has a decided majority on its side. When we ask in the second place what kinds of presents generally correspond to these primitive aorist-stems, we find, it is true, a tolerable diversity among them, but here again one kind as a rule prevails, and that is the reduplicated. In the following seven cases the aorist has a reduplicated present ; 0a- (1) pr( es. i stem /3i-0a (p. 105) nXd (4) TTip-TrXa (rrd (6) i-CTTa e (8) l~e ee (9) Tl-6c p. (11) in-cjjpa So (13) 8t-So In the two following the present has become thematic : yav (25) pres. stem yt-yvo o"Xf (47) „ l-crxo To these we may add the present-stems which, in addition to the reduplication, show further marks of strengthening. It is most natural to suppose that these were added subsequently to the reduplication : Spa (2) pres. stem di-Bpa-a-Ko yva (12) ,, yi-yva-(TKO Sv (17) „ Si-Sv-a-KO dp (28) „ dp-ap-i-a-KO ^op (50) „ |3i-/3p(B-(rKo in all, that is, 14. CH. V. THE COEEESPONDING PEESENTS. 137 The kind that stands next numerically is that made by nasal add i- 202 tions : /iiy (38) pres. stem fuyvv op (39) „ dpvv Tray (42) „ Tn/yi/u cr0e(r) (10) „ a^evm which follow the second class of the verbs in /xi, while — 6t (16) „ (ftdivo as (29) „ AvSavo Ik (34) ,, iKavo or iKveo follow the thematic nasal class, in all 9. The rt. /3o (1) vacillates between the reduplicated present and the nasalised form, expanded by an t as well. In the 3rd class numerically come the presents of the t-class, which is always thematic. They are — K\a (3) pres. stem KKa^o KTi <14) KTl^O KTav (26) , ■ KTetvo d\ (27) AXKo AeXty (32) , eXeXi^o naX (40) , , TraXXo 0Xa (43) , ^aWo a-icKrj (45) , , (TKeXXo 8 in aU. Moreover the rt. yav, yev vacillates between the first and third classes. Perhaps too Sv (17), \v (20), k\v (19), (jiv (23) belong to this 3rd class by reason of their vacillatiug quantity — a question we shall have to consider later. But a small number of the stems form their present thematically with an addition to the vowel-sound — only the following 4 : ttw irveo (21), 6pe-rat. i-d>ep€-(Tdi)V (pepo-vrai ,, i~^epe-TO, and fpepe-frSat. Here again the paj'ticiple ipepofitvoL is confronted by the Lat. ferimini, for which, as for vehvmus, we are inclined with equal probability to assume an older form with a heavier vowel, on the ground of forms Uke alu-mnu-s vertu-mnu-s. Attention should be paid to the deviation from this rule that o comes before a nasal shown by the Homeric infini- tive active eXdifievai, dirifiEv, by which means the fine sense of the Greek tongue was able to distinguish in the easiest way between active infini- tives and middle participles. It is true that the forms we have here assumed as primary are not always evident at first. In the 2nd and 3rd sing, an i has become attached to the thematic £. What is the relation of — Xe'yeis to the Lat. legis and Skt. vdha-si and of Xe'yet to the Lat. legit and Skt. vdha-ti ? This is a question to which we must now give the answer we deferred to give when dealing with the personal terminations. As the forms of the various Greek dialects have an importance for the proper settlement of the question, we will first give them. as far as we can. For the 2nd sing, there is good testimony for only the Doric by-form in £f, i.e. in avpitrleQ Theocr. 1, 3, a/xiXyce 4, 3, and that of Apollonius TTepi avTujvvfi. 119 to iroiie. In the last word the widespread tendency of the Dorians to shorten final syllables in spite of contraction that has taken place and consonants that have been lost ((ap£'c=Att. hpeic, Beairorde from ?£(T7rdrdj'c) has actually left only eg out of the original EEo-t. Other branches of Doric, if we may judge from Aristoph. Lysistr. 206 180, 1013, had the Attic form.^It is established by Anecd. Oxon. i. 71, 22 that the Boeotians pronounced it \eyie (Ahrens, Aeol. 189). On the other hand we cannot be sure about the Lesbian r/g which the M.SS. sometimes give, in particular at Alcaeus fr. 52 Bt.^ : ttwi'ijc, which Ahrens (Aeol. 91) is most likely right in rejecting, though Bergk (Lyr.* p. 931) again defends the j)c on the ground of an obscure and very 140 UNBXPANDED THEMATIC PRESENTS. ch. vi. corrupt passage in ApoUonius Dysc. Bergk regards both jj and ti as lengthenings compensatory for the loss of the final i, in which case the series would be tm eq ?je, elq. How untenable this assumption is we shall try to show later on. For the 3rd sing, ei was Doric as well, and is shown by vei (Ale. 34, 1) to have been Lesbio-Aeolic, so that dSi/oi;?j^aSiic/;£t, an isolated form occurring at Sappho I, 20, cannot be trusted, and has been rightly exchanged for ahiKijci. Lastly the Boeotians pronounced it Xeyi. These dialectic forms prove conclusively that the primary Greek forms were — *\ey(a-i *XeycTi, XiyEcri lost its i and became XeyeQ as *TiQr)-si became riQriQ. The Doric Xeyte of which the final syllable has lost the mark of a primary tense, exactly corresponds to the Lat. legis and the Goth, vigis. The Dorians however preserve a trace of the lost i in the accent, provided the tradi- tion is to be trusted which gives us a^tXyec, orvplaSee. Xsyetg on the other hand, though it likewise has lost its final i, did not lose it, as Bopp saw, till epenthesis had taken place. Midway then between *\ey£ai and Xtyfis came *XEycim. In the epenthesis or anticipatory sound (Vork- lang) we have the same process by which ivl became elvi and elv (Princ. ii. 334 fi".). This explanation has it is true been attacked by Bergk, who maintains (Philol. xxix. p. 319) that iu the old alphabet the Greeks wrote A0KE2, and since then Bergk has actually called attention (in Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1878, p. 190) to a form KAAEAOKES in an inscrip- tion on a vase found at Locri, in Southei-n Italy, and already edited at Corp. Inscr. Graec. iii. no. 5770. But so isolated a spelHng, occurring in a private inscription, is no foundation for the explanation of a form, especially as during the period immediately preceding the introduction of the new alphabet into Attica — and this is in Bergk's view the date of the vase — the letters E and EI, representing, as they did, sounds which had then at all events become very much like each other, were often interchanged (Oauer, Stud. viii. 230). Moreover, the explanation that 207 the ei owes its existence merely to the ' endeavour to secure compensa- tion' — ' ut damnum resarcirent' Bergk says in the note on the Lyric poets quoted above — is one which utterly fails to content us, inasmuch as we now regard compensatory lengthening not so much as of an external mechanical nature, and can assign more of a definite limit to its action by laying it down that a vowel is never made long except by the influence of consonants directly following it which have been gradually fading away (Brugman de productione suppletoria Stud. iv.). An utterly different theory as to the relationship of these forms has been propounded by Corssen after Alb. Dietrich (Ztschr. f. Alterthw. 1847, p. 710 S.) in his work on the Pronunciation of Latin, i.^ p. 600 ff. He believes that in the Gk. forms in eie, ci we have parallels to the forms scrlbis, agit which, though very rare and therefore impugned by some, and otherwise explained by others, do occur in Latiu, and since it is impossible to explain these Latin forms by epenthesis — for Latin Imows nothing of epenthesis — he regards the long syllable in both languages as the result of ' intensification.' There are however good grounds to be given for not adopting this view. In the first place, there is no reason why the thematic vowel should be intensified at all. It is certain that CH. VI. UNEXPANDED THEMATIC PRESENTS. 141 of all the formal elements in the verb it is that which has least signifi- cance, and for this reason we have regarded its lengthening, when, as in d-mi a-mas, Gk. and Lati o, it has actually taken place, as by no means an intensification due to the effort made by language to emphasise par- ticular syllables, but as a mechanical lengthening, one, that is, which has been brought about by the influence of the succeeding consonants. Conscious that ei merely viewed phonetically would even in. Attic be a remarkable intensification of e, Oorssen has recoiu'se to Doric and Aeolic. But there is nothing to be gained by the production of what he calls the Doric and Aeolic r), for, as we have seen, the ?) in these persons has but a slender authority. In the 3rd sing, we actually find a Doric n abundantly established by inscriptions, and this strict-Doric u of the Heracleic tables (e.g. i(j)opcv£i tab. Heracl. i. 122, aTroTciatl ib. 109, (pvTEvael 114, eixfiaXel ll5, IStJ 130), as well as forms like f^pifxti, uLZii, fipei in Epicharmus would anyway be incomprehensible as an intensifica- 205 tion of an e.' Then the assertion (p. 602) that ' there are other instances in the-Attic dialect of the appearance of an ei where the Doric and Aeolic dialects have r/, as the regular intensification or lengthening of £ ' is decidedly incorrect. Intensification of an e produces r] in all Greek dialects except Boeotian, which shifts every »/ to ei — e.g. rt. yufX perf. fii-firiXe, rt. l^ eS-riS-o-Ka. The Homeric forms delric, 6elri for dirn; dir), which Corssen brings forward, prove nothing, for we shall see below what slender support these forms have. In 6ei'c, Tideis to which he also appeals, ci has arisen by compensatory lengthening, and hence Argolic ha;s -Eve, Heracleic -tjc And granting that there were cases in Homeric Ionic in which ei had taken the position of an older jj which arose by intensification, this et would be absolutely inconceivable in strict Doric, for it is one of the many characteristics of this dialect to hold fast by an T] even when it has arisen from compensatory lengthening or contraction, and all the more when it has arisen by intensification. We dealt on p. 40 f. with the 3rd persons sing, in -riai which are properly speaking not ' Doric ' but are exclusively peculiar to Ibycus, and which are at variance with all the testimony of inscriptions as to this personal ter- mination. The Boeotian Xcylg Xiyl do not suit Corssen's hypothesis . either. Where could an I, which the Boeotians substitute only for a truly diphthongal ei, be an intensification of an e ? It is ei that is the Boeotian representative of a primitive Greek ??. There still remains a conclusive argument against Corssen's view. If we are .not to suppose that the ei of Xeyetg, Xiyei arose from an echo of the i which once was in the final syllable, what explanation is to be given of the y in the con- junctives Xiyye Xeyrj ? I do not think anyone will say that t) has been 209 'intensified' to y. The i here is so firmly established, e.g. in -the Heracleic dialect, that besides ve'/ujj, ipri, Xafiy there are also instances ' The warm defence of his theory which Corssen has put into his Beitrdge 2OT' itaUschen SpracTiTtunde (p. 484 ff.) contains no fresh groimds for it. The sug- gestion that the ei which appears at this place among all Dorians with the single exception of the above-mentioned forms in -rjiri used by Ibycus — which moreover are suspicious by reason of their a — is due to ' Attic influence,' of which there is (e.g.) in Epicharmus not the faintest trace besides, will convince no one. The statement that itfiopsiti on the Heracl. tables is 'completely isolated' has no foundation. It is quite a mistake to call ^fleiKe an ' Aeolic,' i.e. a Lesbio- Aeolic form. It is Boeotian. The 3rd pi. "eio-i in Sappho he has confounded with the 3rd sing. etc. 142 UNEXPANDED THEMATIC PRESENTS. ch. vi. of conjunctivfes with wliat is apparently ?/ shortened to ei, li^e ypdxpEt, airodavei, which serve as confirmation for the indicatives.^ There is no other possible explanation of this t except that it is an anticipatory sound, an echo of the following (, and when we consider that Xtyjjc corresponds to Xiystg, Xeyj/ to \eyei precisely as Xiyrire does to XiysTe, XiyrffrQe to XeyeaQs, it cannot be doubted that the ti of Xeyeie, Xiyei arose in the same way as the ?) in Xtyijc, \iyrj. This brings us to an explanation of the 3rd sing, which differs from that which we have adopted. Schleicher, Comp. § 275, assumes, in his account of the change from *^ipi-Ti, (jtepri-n to (jiipet, ijtiprf an intermediate *epe-(Ti (j>€pr)-(7i. This hypothesis, again, can be easily refuted by a refer- ence to the dialects. It is only the Ionic dialect that shows the weakening of r before i to Epa-(n is conceivable, and ^iprj-m and the like do occur over and over again in Homeric Greek. But we miist take quite another way to account for the Doric forms. How are we to think that the same stems which produced ipT)(n cannot be allowed for the Doric (pepei, Epri. EpriipeLTi corresponds exactly to the baraiti of Zend, ;and the conj. *eprirL to an ct/vditi (he may go) in the same language. A Greek- parallel to the phonetic changes we have assumed is to be found in the form ttoi" (= Zd. pai-ti) as is pointed out by Allen Stud. iii. 271. In the Et. M. 678, 44 we read : ttoI Trapa. 'Apyeioie avA tov ttoti, (KpaipetTEi TOV T, elra avvola, and there is something very like it in the Delphic Iloirpdirtoc the name of a month meaning YlpoQTpoirtoe (suppli- •catorius). Three instances of the form ttoT are given in the collection of inscriptions edited by Foucart and Le Bas (vol. iii. no. 157). We thus •get the following proportion : iroi : ttotI :: <^t'p£i : *epETL. — Finally we must, on account of the similarity of their formation, call attention to the Aeolic forms of the 3rd sing, of the verbs in fii, discussed by Ahrens Aeol. 137. Tidri, "la-rri, BlSo), which are given by grammarians, have, like (j>ipei, \iyei, lost the consonants of the personal termination. Siace a filial e is not in the habit of disappearing, we must undoubtedly refer these ^ The inconsistencies in the use of the i adsoriptum, discussed by Ahrens Dor. 294, prove nothing more than that this sound began to vacillate early. There is a genuine old witness to the j in airoBdvn in the Laoonian inscription of Xuthias in the old alphabet 'ApxuMKoymii "Eij>np.eph B, i-f. Who will believe that the ( has made its way in here on the analogy of some indicative or other ? If the ei of the indicative really arose as Corssen thought, it would of necessity have been written E in the old alphabet, and in the conjunctive an EI would be more inexplicable still. , in the part. I/coij', eXku KpeKu) oXeku) ttXekoj and (only in Hesych.) tvku) [kToifiaZu)). — Total 7. Eoots in y. 211 ayu) afiiXyo) a/xepyw e'ipyw Xiyu) (aXtyw) vvyei (ra Kivrptf ■kXtittel Hesych.) opeyu) ariyu) (TTspyw riyyu> (piyyia (Aristoph.) dEyyofiaL ifXiyio ipiyu). — Total 14. Eoots in X- ay-)(ii) aplytTai apo^^erai explained by yXt'^erai by Hesych., &p)( /3p£Xfc» yXi-)(Ojiai Si')(Ofj.ai (Ion. StKo/iai) tXeyj^w Ev-)(piiaL ey(ti} *\ej(W or Xi-)(Ofiai, deduced from Hesychius's KaXtj^Ec* KarEKeia-o Ila^toi, for which perhaps Meineke is right in reading xa-Xixco i.e. KaraXix^o, /jaxo/iai 6pv\ia (opvy(oiEv Arat. 1086) piyx'^ (nrip-)(i>> oT()((tf (Lobeck Rhemat. 67) TpEXfo. I have omitted (a^w, because it might be thought a reduplicated form, also epxo/J.at and others because their x bas apparently arisen from the . yXdijXii ykvipio ■ypa(j)b) ypiijito (Hippocr.) Si (a?ro)S|Ot/^w (?) kpi(f>b) fi£fi(pOfiai (Tri(j>to (TTpl(j>o) Tpicfxi) \piip because the origin of the pp is ambiguous, as also aiplyyixt in the y roots because the nasal looks as if it were a present strengthening, though this is by no means so clear in forms like riyyut, (j)iyy0£yyofiai, eXtyxw, Trifiiru), fiefi(l>oiji.ai. Our list might possibly however" suffer a loss from this reason. It is very remarkable how the vowels are divided among these stems. Lobeck noticed this. Though he does not confine himself to the class of verbs now occupying us, he says, while further developing the remarks of some old grammarians (Ehemat. 50) : ' Nulla sunt verba quae alpha breve in penidtima pura habent, antecedente et suecedente consona sim- plici, perpauca crassioris structurae fiXajibi, ypafu, ddv(i), nam plerum- que assumitur consona auxiliaris S&kvw, &tto). — Creber vero secundae vocalis [c] usus Xty*^, nrkyu)' As we should put it the statement would run thus : ' Verbal-stems with an a hardly ever make a present-stem with no further addition than that of the thematic vowel, unless the stem contains heavy groups of consonants, and hence r is the more frequent.' As a fact 84 of the stems just given have e, while a occurs 213 only 13 times and the remaining vowels almost exclusively in out-of-the- way and isolated specimens. The linguistic sense of the Attics seems to have discerned this affinity between e and the present stem, and hence irpaTTov became the aorist and tTpmov the imperfect. The Dorians pre- ferred an a next to a p : rpdirw, rpcKpw, arpafw, rpay^^U), Locr. (bapia (Ahrens Dor. 117, Allen Stud. iii. 219). Greek shows herein a note- worthy agreement with Latin. In Latin too presents like emo, veho, tero, are extremely common, while presents like alo, molo, coquo are rare. "We can enumerate 16 presents in which the two South- European lan- guages show the same vowel; 13 with e: l3pefio)=fremo, M\p(i)=depso, if this is not a borrowed word, eSo}=edo, 'ivveire-=in-sec6, eTrofiat=sequor, \iyu):=lego, 6pEy(o:=rego, TripdoiJi.ai:=pedo, irtTOfxai^peto, pi-n-w cp. repens, aTiyui=tego, Tpefno-=tremo, iptD=fero ; two with a in both languages : ay(i):=ago, &yx(o=ango; one with o : Homeric p6\ofiat=volo. Seeing that the North-European languages, which we cannot examine here, show a widespread tendency^ to change a primitive « in a similar position to e (Goth, ai) or even to i (Goth. 6fflt>a=Ch.-Sl. berq, Goth. ita, Lat. edo), we may venture to conjecture that even in the period before the separation of the European languages there was in these cases no pure a but either an e or an a that tended to turn into an e. Cp. my essay 'Ueber die Spaltung des A-Lautes.' Ber. d. k. sachs. Ges. d. Wissensch. 1864. It is somewhat surprising, at first sight, to find that in present stems, which in general are prone to fuller forms, it is the weakest of the hard vowels that prevails, and that this prevalence is specially prominent in Graeco-ItaHc. The influence of the accent, which has only in Sanskrit a direct effect upon the formation of the pre- sent, will be found quite inadequate to explain this phenomenon, at all 214 events in Greek and Latin. It would be absurd to pre-suppose a *(j)eput =:*/er6 or a *cl)cpS)jj,i:=*/er6mi in order to get from the Sanskrit bhdrdmi ' I am indebted to the kindness of A. Leskien for the fact that in Church- Slavonic out of 73 verbs with an unintensified a-sound 57 have e, 6 a, 4- o, and % it as the vowel of the present-stem. — Armenian, in which Hubsch- mann's investigations (JZtscTvr. xxiii. 33) have shown the vowel system to agree widely in other points with the ludo-Germanic, has but rarely— e.g. terel bear — an e at this place. L 146 UNEXPANDED THEMATIC STEMS. ch. vi. to 0£|ow and/ero. I should be inclined rather to venture on the assump- tion that the thematic vowel, -which began early in most though not in all forms to weaken itself to e, exercised an assimilating influence on the vowel of the root. Then the weakening would have gradually extended itself from forms like *'pEp£ai *cp£Ti (jtEptre — as is also conjectured by Br^al, M6moires de la Soci6t6 de Linguistique ii. 169 — to such forms as 0£|Ow for *(l>apii), (pepovri for *apovTi. If such was the genesis of the e in the. root it would be easy to see why strong groups of consonants were able to preserve the old vowel e.g. in ayj^w, apxi^, arrofiai, Xafnrio. Even so, it is true, we do not get an adequate explanation for all in- stances and this is a thing we can hardly hope to do. But it is all the clearer as a fact in the history of language that at this place e was from very early times the favourite vowel. Besides the consonantal there are apparently a very considerable number of vocalic roots which foUow this rule in their present-formation. Omitting entirely the denominative verbs with the wide-spread derivative terminations aw £w ow ev(o, which the comparison of the related languages shows undoubtedly to have lost a j, we have so-called pure verbs like Spao) iioi Kill) \vw, which the old grammatical theory reckoned as pecu- liarly primitive verbs, so that e.g. Lobeck puts them at the head of his Bhematicon, under the belief that the fuller forms grew gradually from simple formations of this kind by the accretion of sounds and syllables. The wider views opened out to us by the compai'ative study of languages oblige us on the contrary to hold it far from probable that two vowels, the radical and the thematic, especially if they were both a at first, stood next to each other from the beginning. It would be hard to find forms in Sanskrit and Zend which could be compared with Spaw as a primitive formation. Such a juxtaposition of vowels is probalDly always due to the loss of spirants. The dropping of spirants between vowels is one of the most extensive and fundamental chai'acteristics of the Greek lan- 215 guage. And for a number of such verbs we can clearly establish such a loss, though this is not the only process that has been at work. It is often the case in the life of language that what looks primitive turns out on closer inspection to have been already defaced, and so it is here. A. portion of these presents can be shown to have lost a present- strength- ening which they had at an earlier time. Lastly we have to consider the cases in which the transition has taken place from the conjugation in -f^i to the thematic conjugation. "We will discuss the forms in ques- tion from these three points of view. We can be sure of the loss of a o- in the following present-forms : 1) /SSe'w compared with the Lat. vis-io, Lith. lez-du (Princ. i. 284) and the substantive fiUn-fia. 2) liiio compared with the Skt. jas (Princ. i. 471), O.H.G. Je«aw, and i^i(r-(TEv, ^i/T-fxa, ^Eff-roc. 3) veofiai compared with the Skt. nas (Princ. i. 391) and voff-ro-c, vi(T-(ro-fiai (for vca-jo-jxai). 4) rpib) compared with the Skt. trdsd-mi (Princ. i. 277) and Tpiirae. 5) Xaii) I wish, compared with the Skt. Idaha-mi, Lat. las-civu-s, Goth. Iu8-tu-s (Piinc. i. 450). 6) The foi-ms of the rt. kg, which, like kwy, conj. iia, opt. 'ioi have assumed the thematic inflexion. CH. Ti. TRACES OF LOST CONSONANTS. 147 In other cases the same loss is at least very probable, e.g. in xp/w, whicli shows a <7 in ■)(piafia, ■xpi^aTOf; and agrees completely -with the Skt. gharsh (Princ. i. 251), in kpvw draw with 'ipvaaa, for which, as I think I have shown at Stud. vi. 265 ff., we get a stem FepvQ, which only differs from the Lat. verro vers in having developed a v between the p and the r. Lestien (Stud. ii. 85 f.) conjectures the same final e for other verb-stems besides, on the ground of the sigma which appears in aorists and nominal forms, as for QXata, /iXaw, fivoi (Princ. i. 419), Uio, Ivu, ttvio, epato, mvaii). Even though this classification, the etymological iavestigation of which we cannot proceed with here, should be doubtful in many cases, of this much we may Jje sure, that a not inconsiderable portion of the pure verbs owe the juxtaposition of the vowels to the loss of a a, which naturally took place at an eaily period when such a juxtaposition was as yet not found disagreeable. The loss of a / is not so often demonstrable. It would be the case 216 with aio satiate if it really belongs to the Skt. rt. av (Princ. i. 483, cp. Pick Wtb.' i. 24). The Homeric Xaatv (Princ. i. 452) must have come from *\af-b>v, and (pa-e from *po/-£ (Princ. i. 369). In some other cases we can conjecture the loss of a j, but the j is of quite a different character. Under this head importance attaches to the statement of the Bt. M. 254, 14 to (j>vu) AioXikwc (pviu) ^aal icat to akviii oKvio), relying on which Ahrens (Aeol. 98) has received (pvUi iato the text ia Alcaeus fr. 68 (Bergk^ 97). Support is given to this formation, as Schleicher (Beitr. iii. 248) was the first to recognise, by the Umbr. /uia {—Jjiit. fuat) and/uiest with the meaning erit, and perhaps in the phenomena from Keltic and Teutonic languages which Schleicher there discusses. This as good as proves that fvia arose in the same way from =TidriiJ,i occurs, notwithstanding all that has been said about it, in the much disputed wpodiovo'Lv A 291, and perhaps in avidei C. I. no. 1195. iXaw is abundantly attested as Doric (Ahr. 341). Whether or not there are many more pure verbs that do not fall into any of these four categories I cannot say. It might be hard any way to prove that presents like kXvu), vet, Sio/xai are not just as genuine and unmutilated formations as Xiyui, &yei, only even here we occasionally find by-forms which at least make it credible that a consonant should have been lost. To kXvo) correspond the Lat. duo and dueo, to Siofiai the Skt. dljdmi. It is possible of course that in both cases a,j has been lost which we should have to regard as a formative element. Still less credible must it appear that such a harsh hiatus as that in v£'a)=Lat. neo should have existed from the beginning. As a fact O.H.G. in this instance gives the forms ndjan and nAwa/n as well as ndan. A historical consideration of verbal development makes it quite clear that this first class of thematic presents is like a stream, which, though slender at first, becomes gradually swollen by a large number of tributaries pouring CH. VI. TRACES OF LOST CONSONANTS. 149 into it from left and right, imtU at last it becomes itself by far the broadest stream of all. Especially after tbe immense number of deno- minative verbs in aia, £w, ou), vu) had lost their j, the predominance, the hegemony as it were, of this formation -was assm:ed. Still in this great river we are able at least partially to distinguish by their colour the various tributary streams that have become united in its bed. 150 STEMS WHICH LENGTHEN THE VOWEL IN THE PRESENT, ch. vii. CHAPTER VII. STEMS WHICH LENGTHEN THE VOWEL IN THE PRESENT. 219 In a considerable number of present-forms, besides the thematic vowel which attaches itself to the end of the root, we notice a strengthening of the vowel in the middle of the root as well. As, examples we may take TjjKoi as compared with a-yw, Tevx<>> as compared with yXv^w. It seemed to us above (p. 10) that this strengthening was due to the need forgiving a stronger emphasis to the root to suit the durative meaning it acquires in the present-stem. Vowel-intensification, or addition of sound, con- stantly meets us in noun-formation, e.g. ia rrjKe-dwi', tevxos, as well as in the present-forms above-mentioned — in weidoj as well as weldb) — though in Greek there is often a shade of difference between the two kinds, as may be seen from Xoiirdc by the side of XtiTrui, apwyo'c by the side of apiiyu). It would be hard, therefore, to find any other principle under- l3Tng this process than that of the tendency to emphasise, and if we were right in explaining the present-stems with thematic vowels to have come originally from noun-stems, this agreement between nouns and verbs becomes intelligible at once. In the one case the language chose the lighter, and in the other the heavier nominal form to denote the lasting action. The choice, however, between the two forms, between the first and second class that is, was determined by certain j)honetic analogies, in which Greek agi'ees to some extent with Sanskrit. In the first place, intensification never takes place except before a single conso- nant. This is distinctly the rule for the Sanskrit Guna. In Greek intensification would at most be conceivable in the case of the few verbs like &px<^! "yx"^' ■which would make them *'dpxi^, '^YX*^ (though there is nothing to make us think they were so intensified), for verbs with i or v before two consonants, like such Indian roots as kuntli, nind, niksh, are unknown in Greek, with the two isolated exceptions o-^i'yyw, where the nasal was evidently from the first an element in the stem-formation, and oTik^u), where the i, as Westphal, Method. Gr. ii. 94, conjectures, 220 arose by weakening from t. On the other hand, both languages have evidently a dislike to presents with the short vowels i=i, u^v, and this has been already noticed in the case of Greek at p. 145. Forms like yXlXOfJ-ai; XiTOfiai, vSio, y\v(j>w, avolpi^oi, which at '^ 187^ii 21, Can also be an opt. aorist, 6pvx<^ (only in Aratus), tvkw, vvyw (only in Hesych.) stand as isolated in Greek as are in Sanskrit verbs of the so-called 6th class like rihd-mi (cp. the rt. liJi lick), vic^d-mi (enter, Gk. Jk), vidhd- mi (honoui', serve), muJcd-mi (loosen, also munKd-mi), cZMAo-mi (milk, also doh-mi), tud-d-mi. For a large number of Sanskrit verbs ending in nasals, or in r shortened from ar, or in vowels, which are put into this class,-are of quite a different nature, and seem to some extent to be specifically Indian. Latin, too, has but little of the kind to show. There CH. Til. STEMS WHICH LENGTHEN THE VOWEL IN THE PRESENT. 151 is no instance of a present -with, a short i before a simple consonant 'with- oitt any expanding present-strengthening, and probably the only instance •of a short u is f&r-o, -whose 1st pars, sing., according to Neue, Formenl. ii.^ 609, does not occur. If Fick,^ i. 163, is right in comparing furit -with, the Skt. hhurdti (he quivers, palpitates, is restless), we should have here a direct agreement even in the present-formation. Oon-sul-o, in which the u may have been weakened from a, is a compound, and there- fore does not concern us here. Tul-o, which is given as an antiquated word, is only found in conjunctive forms, and therefore looks more like an aoristic form, of which more anon. Moreover, the u, as tollo and the Gk. 7-a\-de show, came from an older a. The nature of the vowels in the North-European languages is in harmony with the rule just given. According to Leskien, there are in Church-Slavonic only two instances of a non-intensified i which has to appear as ?, and the same number of a ■ non-intensified u which has to appear as li (^t-a-ti he counts, sup-a-tt he pours). Consequently we can lay it down as a general tendency of all languages of our stock to expand, either by intensification or in some other way, roots with a short i or u. This intensification, however, does not stop here. Even roots with an original a-sound, which in the great majority of cases leave their vowel unchanged, occasionally get streng- thened in a similar way. In the case of i and u the intensification is diphthongal, to effect which in Greek recoui'se is almost always had to e, while in that of «-sounds it is monophthongal. We do, however, find i 221 and V where we should expect ei and ev. To almost all these processes exactly corresponding analogies occur in Sanskrit. A radical i becoming a Gk. ei, Skt. e (i.e. cd), Xiw Xehrw, cp. Skt. sidh, sedha-mi (go). A radical u becoming Gk. £v, Skt. o (i.e. au),(j)vy (j>evyw, cp. Skt. ush oshdmi (burn, cp. Lat. uro), while the rt. hhu^ (bend), which corresponds to the Gk. (pvy, forms its present hhu^d-mi with no strengthening, like an imaginable Gk. *vy(o. To a radical i monophthongally intensified to ^, such as we have in the Gk. 'zKw, I know of no parallel in Sanskrit. But we find it as an intensification of U in guhami (veil) by the side of the Zd. gaozaiti and KtvOw. The lengthening of a to a, which is elsewhere unknown in the Indian present-formation, appears in kramd-mi (go, by the side of krdmd-mi) from the rt. kram, d-Mdmd-mi (sup up, by the side of the simple kdmd-mi) from the rt. Mam, kldmd-mi (tire), rt. Mam, with which we may compare the Dor. Xddut by the side of Xad, the ordinary Greek afiTTut by the side of Eirdirijv. Latin has preserved but very meagre traces of diphthongal intensifi- cation in the formation of the present, and even in the few instances that occur it is clear that the real diphthong, especially in the case of ei, very early retired in favotu- of the simple long vowel, and the Old-Lat. deico {=-Osc. rof. deik-um),feido, douco (ahdoucit C. I. L. no. 30) by the side of causi-diG-u-s,fid-e-s, gen. dUc-is are probably the solitary remains of the actually existing diphthongal formation. For, in caed-o, by the side of the related scimdo, scid-i, the ae is permanent all through the verb. On the other hand, presents which show a long vowel as contrasted with a short vowel elsewhere are somewhat more numerous : 152 STEMS "WHICH LENGTHEN THE VOWEL IN THE PRESENT, oh. vii. besides dlco, duco,/ldo, there is Idbi by lobar e, vddere hy vddum, sidere by sedere, nuhere by pronuha, trudere by trudi-s, a pole for thrusting with. That the long i and u correspond to diphthongal intensification elsewhere is proved by tHro by the side of the Skt. 6shd-mi in the same, and the Gk. avia in a related sense, and by trudo by the side of the Goth. us-thriuta, dlco by the side of the Goth, teiha, /Ido by the side of Treidio. The latter pair is probably the only one in wliich Greek and Latin have received the same additional sound in the present tense. Greek agrees 222 with Sanskrit in avio^oshd-mi, Trivdofiai=:bodhd-m,i, with Sanskrit and Gothic in yevw=^dshd-mi Groth. hiusa, with the Teutonic language only in (7T£/j(w=Goth. steiga, in (j)evyu>=Goth.. biuga, and also in XeiVw if Fick is right in comparing with it the Goth, leihva, I lend, give up. It is remarkable that in Teutonic languages the vowel i is intensified just as in Greek to ei, not ai, while u becomes iu, which anyhow comes very near to the Greek ow. The iu of the Goth, bii^oga bears evidently just the same relation to the ev of (pevytii that the i of the Goth, ita bears to the e of £Sa)=Lat. edo. From the latter agreement we draw the conclu- sion that before the separation of the Indo-Germanic languages the old short a-sound began to be pronounced more clearly, that is, more like e. So we have an equal right to conclude that in such present-formations of the same period of the language's history the old au became eu, or some sound not far off eu, and this is certainly another remarkable instance of unanimity between the European languages. May not possibly the long e-sound of the Ch.-81. b^ff(}, Lith. 6ejr-M=^£uyw, have originated in the same primitive eu ? However that may be, it is certain that the e-sound of these verbs has something to do with the Gk. ev. Now that we have in this way learnt to see the common foundation that underlies the phenomenon now under consideration, we will turn to the Greek forms in particular, and try to bring to light their number and their variety. It would be possible, in attempting a review of all the forms now under consideration, to set to work on a, so to speak, historical principle, making it of prime consideration in the classification whether there is a real and living addition of sound, made inside the verb, and forming an element in the verbal strvicture, as, for instance, in XtiVw 'iXiwov, £vyia 'ev on the other hand points to a rt. hS, to be compared with the Skt. vad speat, vand praise. In the Alexandrine vSto we have the weakest form in which the root occurs. Job. Schmidt (Indogerm. Yocalismus i. 126) here as elsewhere attributes the change of an original a, Gk. t, to sounds of the i-series to the influence of a nasal in the group of conson- ants which follows it, making aEt'Sw stand for *a-fivSb). fn that case there would be no iatensification at all here. Still there is no instance in which we can be sin-e that eiS arose out of ev?. Consequently I hold by the hypothesis of a stem aJ^iS by the side of afeS, like o-kiS and ITKid. 2) (I) atflw. The unstrengthened root can be made out from Waiveadai • Oep/jahscTdat (Hesych.) and a few other Greek forms given at Princ. i. 310, as well as from the Skt. indh bum, iddhds kindled. A similar iatensification occurs in Skt. edhas fire-wood, Lat. aedes, 0. Ir. aed fire. 3) a-Xft^-w. The radical i appears iu dXjjXt^a (Demosth.), dX^Xtju;uat (Thuc), conj. aor. pass. i^aXi^y, well attested at Plato Phaedr. 258 b, also in the Homeric XtV iXaia, XiVoc, XiTrapdc (Princ. i. 330). Adifierent intensification in aXoifri. 4) (t) afitlfiiii is very similar to adlii) in its formation. As has been pointed out at Priac. i. 402, we are brought to a root miv (Skt. miv 224 shove), while afxevia and mov-eo start from mav. A different inten- sification iu afxoifiri. 5) e'iSofxai with the meaning appear, resemble, used from Homer on- wards by poets and by Herodotus : to ?£ toi id}p t'tSerai tlvai A 228, fiavTsi dSofXtvoQ N 69, vvv Si) eiSerai ■^fjiap N 98, TrpocEiScTai (resembles) Aesch. Choeph. 178. (jiaafia elldatvov 'Apiei, which is the spelling prescribed by Herodian (ed. Lentz ii. 554), and established by good M.SS. at Thuc. iii. 23 and iv. 103. Our editions mostly have I, but I. Bekker at M 280 writes vei(j>efiev. The short vowel in vi'^a (ace), vieiF.ofiat by the side of the Homeric ■ir£avo) (Aristoph. Equ. 394), to which perhaps we may add KaOavaivo), said to be Attic. The rt. is the Indo-Germ. sus maie dry, Skt. gush (for sush), Zd. hush, cp. the Ch.-Sl. suchu dry (adj.), Ficki.3 230. 3) (f ) yEvii), with' no by-forms with the short vowel, which appears in the Skt. ^ush,^ushehj the side of ^osha-s, the Lat. gus-tu-s, the Goth. 227 kus-tu-s. The rare present-formation in the Skt. ^ush ^oshami and that of the Gk. yevdi for *yevaia and the Goth, kiusa coincide exactly. 4) (f) Sevkw, (bpoi'Ti^oi only in Hesychius, and clearly connected, as Lobeck Ehem. 59 says, with the Homeric ivSvKiwe. It would probably be too bold to assume connexion with the root Svk discovered by Eoscher (Stud. iv. 199).. 5) ipEvyofj.ai as early as £ 438. In spite of the difference of meaning the aor. ijpvye bellowed Y 403 can hardly be separated from this word. The Attic present is epvyyavo). With iptvyofiai the Old-Lat. e-rugit (Princ. i. 222) completely coincides, with m = ev. 6) (f) ipevdw. The stem spvd survives in ipvOpo-c ^ Skt. rudhird-s, Lat. ruber, and kpvQaivto. The subst. 'ipEvdoQ, like the Skt. derived adj. lohita-s, and unlike r&hor, shows an intensified vowel. 7) (f) Eiiw singe, which must be identical with aiiw no. 2. 8) KEvdbi poetical from Homer onwards with the by-form kevQclvw, aor. kvOe y 16, kckvOoxti 'C 303, pf. kekevHe. In Sanskrit we find the very singular guha-mi, for *'kudhra-mi, for which we should have expected *g6ha-mi. Here then, as in the verbs given on p. 158, monophthongal intensification has taken the place of diphthongal. On the initial see Princ. i. 322. 9) (f) vevb), to be compared with the Lat, nuo and vvtrrd^ui, vvaraKoe, perhaps with the Vedic nu (nava-te) turn oneself (Fick^ i. 652). 156 STEMS WHICH LENGTHEN THE VOWEL IN THE PRESENT, ch. tii, 10) (f ) i'e'o) for *avef(i) swim, i-vvso-v, i-vEv-aa. The root appears in. Skt. as snu flow, swim. Pritic. i. 396. 11) 7r£ir9ojuai by the side of wvvd-dvo-jxai, both in Homer, wBsardai, cuKvaroQ. Except in voice irevQofxai, the Skt. hSdha-mi and the Gothic cma-biuda exactly coincide. 12^ (t) TrXEwand 13) TTviil) for TrXff jw, *Trrcfjii) will be discussed in Chapter XI. along with dea) (run). 14) pew for *(7|0f/w by the side of eppvr)-v, ippvr)-ica, pvroc (Eurip. Hippol. 1 22) corresponding exactly to the Skt. srdvd-mi. Op. Princ. i. 439. 15) (Tev(o by the side of the aor. o-u-ro discussed on p. 130, pf. ianv-fjiai. This verb, which is apparently confined to poetry, reminds us by its 228 present of the Aeolic irvtvu). Anyhow the difference between it and ■kKeii) and irviia is remarkable, 16) (I) crirevSu). A variety in the intensification is to be seen in (tttouStj. To get at the primary vowel of the root we must go to the Lat. stud-eo, stad-iu-m (Princ. ii. 360). 17) Tiv'xio by the side of rervKelr; TETVKOt'ro, tetvkto, tvktoq and Tvyyai'ui. There is nothing quite analogous in the related languages (Princ. i. 271). 18) (peiiyii) by the side of e- (Princ. ii. 147). A variety of vowel is shown by dpwyog, dpwyi;, by the side of dprjyuii'.^ 2) (1) SiwKw may be put here on the ground of the possible connexion with StdKoi'os discussed at Princ. ii. 309. 3) ijSofiai (Dor. yaSeadcu Hesych.) by the side of Ai'Sdi'w from the rt. nJ^aS. ij^Ezai corresponds exactly to the Skt. svddate (Princ. i. 282). The forms 'ialov, altiv in spite of their meaning being not quite the same and approximating rather to that of avZavta, justify us in saying that the intensification is in full force here. The active ijluv rejoice is given by Pollux iii. 98 from Anacreon, and this is not the only place where it occurs. The same intensification is to be seen in ^Sue Dor. dliie. 4) (f ) Qi}yw Dor. dayw shows in the Doric forms reQwyixEvai, by the 229 side of redayfiEvoi, OwxOeic by the side of dd^at (Ahr. Dor. 182) all in the meaning fiEQvaai, jxeQvaQfjvai a certain fluctuation in the vowel. Its origia is obscure. ' I do not venture to give as a present in actual use 8^km iiev tSaKov given by Herodian i. 436. <3H. Til. MONOPHTHONGAL INTENSIFICATION. 157 5) Ktido) Dor. KaSb) by the side of tlie Homeric KeKciSujv, KCK&Sritrofjiat Cp. Kfj^OQ.^ ' 6) (t) \y\yis). We are incliaed to see a trace of a short root-vowel in \ayar0ai, Hom. XeXadiirdai preserves the short root- vowel. With Xrjflw agree the nouns XriBri, iiriXiiafiwv, with XaOeiv Xadpa. 8) (f) fjrjSofiai poetical from Homer onwards, even in Pindar with an 7j and not *fia.Sofj.ai as we might have expected. The »; is only coun- tenanced by the subst. to juijSoc (cp. MrjSeia) and fiijcmap. It is undeniably related to fiiSopai, though r; by the side of a radical s is as isolated in this relation as is that ia the perf. fiifiriXE by the side of jue'Xei. 9) irfiTru) by the side of o-ott^ij T 27, eiruTrrjv Hdt. and Attic writers, with the Attic (rairrtaofiai ; cp. aaTrpoQ by the side of trrjTredwv. 10) rriKio, Dor. tokm. The short vowel occurs in the Attic erdicriv and the later Toxriaoiiai, as also in t&k-epoq by the side of rriyavov, Tr\KeZi)v. 11) Tfiriyio. airoTfiriyovui XL 390, the short vowel in Stcrfiayov r) 276, Tfiayev (3rd pi. aor. pass.) 11 374. 12) rpwyw as early as Homer by the side of the Attic trpayov and Tpayoe. 13) (f) ^wyui by-form of the pres. ^(ii^w, ei given at no. 15 on p. 154. 4) TTviyu). The long i in the present-forms is as clearly established by passages in the Attic comedians as is the short t in aireirviyr]v. 5) (f ) Tiio (Homeric rfw and riw, Attic riw) falls into this class. The long I (cirtros N 414, in another sense artroc S 484) occurs in Homer not only in arsis : e.g. E 467 ov laov hioixev "V^KTopi Siu>, but also in thesis : S 84 dXXct S('(c?))' Twvni by the side of A 257 irepl fiiv ere tIw. That the length of this l is not due, as might be supposed, to the running together of the t with a following j as is the case with the v of \v<,> (see p. 148), is made probable by the following well-attested forms on Doric inscrip- tions : airoTuaei, avoretaaTw, Tei/ravuip (Ahrens, 184), and the Locrian airoreiiTri (Allen, Stud. iii. 231), to which may be added nimierous Attic 231 examples from classical times Kke TeKrafiat'oc, Teialac (Cauer, Stud. viii. 253). Cp. Sauppe de titulis Tegeaticis, Proemium to the Lektionskatalog of Gottingen 1876-77. The diphthong in these forms must have the same origin as that in Xdipw, i-KEKja, Ildcravipoe, and points therefore to a present reiw, which agrees exactly with the Skt. middle Mdj-e from the corresponding root Ki (Priuc. ii. 93). This form of the present occurs in the Arcadian imperative air-vTeiirui (Gelbke, Stud. ii. 27, Job. Schmidt, Vocal, i. 142), which is enough to remove aU doubt on the subject. Still, the testimony of the Homeric verse is enough to prove that among the lonians the diphthong gave place before vowels to the long ( at a very early time. If not it would be inconceivable that the shortening of the vowel, which was the rule in Attic Greek, should have begun in Homer's time. Cp. rivvnai p. 113. 6) r|of/3a). The short l is well established in hpifiriv, e.g. Aristoph. Eccles. 1068, also in rpX^riaofxai, e.g. Soph. 0. E. 428 KaKiov oqtiq kerpi- firiaerai ttote, Cp. (ppvyto below. b) V. 1) (t) eTvtjxii. The V in tvaTvui is established by passages from Nicander. The short vowel is represented by aTv(p\6c, oTv^ekoQ by the side of aTvy fioXiara. fxov. The nouns tv(j)o-c, tvij)zSwv, Tv(l>cSav6t, Tv(pwv have a long v, Tv(p\6Q alone, if it belongs here, is a witness to the v. The corresponding Skt. rt. dhilp has the vowel always long (Princ. i. 281). 3) (l>pvyw. Aristoph. Kan. 511 ifpvye k^vov aveKcpavvv yXvKVTarov, V in the passive aorist : Authol. Palat. vii. 293, 4 irXo'w 'TriSrjdele Ifpiyr) dixpcvs vwo. (jtpvyavov follows the quantity of the present. It certainly looks, from what Delbriick says at Stud. i. 2, 1 36, as if the long vowel here, as in TpijSo), preceded the short one. 4) )//uxw. The V in the present-forms is established by A 621 ISpii aTreipv-xpvTo x"''>"'<«'»', the i) in the passive aorist by Aristoph. Nub. 151, where Dindorf after Moeris, p. 214 Bekk. (\//ux'J»'«' 'Attikoi, \livyijvai CH. VII. MONOPHTHONG AL INTENSIFICATION. 159 "EXXiji/te) writes i//ux£(o-r/. The x I regard here, as in other verbs {rpvxi^, l3pvx('>, i^f'JX'^) "l^'^X'^t ^^ Princ. ii. 365 ff.), as a mutUated inchoative |"'XP°^ 4'^X°^- In all, then, the number of the verbs which follow this class, when we have subtracted 2 (e'iicii) — 'Ik, /3Xa/3. In my ' Tempora und Modi,' p. 83 fi"., I regarded the process as a purely phonetic strengthening. This view was specially based on a few cases, in which, as in TrroXts beside ttoXiq, TrnVo-w beside pinso and the Skt. pish, the rr was, at the stage at which the science had then arrived, pretty generally taken to be a purely phonetic strengthening of the simple labial explosive. The careful investigation of the parasitic natiu'e of the j, and the con- sonants wliich develop themselves before &j, has led us on beyond such views as this. And then, as Grassmann (Ztschr. xi. 40) aptly remarks, even though — as I cannot admit — a ' supporting' dental, as others have called it, could in a manner sprout forth out of a guttural or a labial, still after a radical /3 we should expect S not r, and after 0, d. Con- sequently forms like /SXaTrrw, |3a7rrw would, even on the above very doubtful theory, remain incomprehensible. Driven then from the purely phonetic explanation, we shall look equally vainly to that offered by Bopp at Vgl. Gr. § 498 for satisfaction. Bopp thinks it possible that we ought to regard the r of ruTrrw as a transformation of the v seen in Ka^vw. But the change of i^ to r is as unexampled as it is intrinsically improbable, and this hypothesis, with which Bopp himself was so little satisfied that he proposed another as an alternative, will find no intelligent advocacy nowadays, when we are apt to be more careful in deaUng with sounds. Another attempt, however, to represent this enigmatic r as the double of a consonant employed elsewhere in the expansion of the present stem, has found a good deal of acceptance ; I mean that which would make the T identical with the j which — as is now clear to all — is at the bottom CH. VIII. OEIGIN OF THE T. 161 of the most various obsciirations and transformations of Greek present- formations. Since I have reviewed this theory at some length xa my Princ. ii. 329 ff., and since, as far as I know, no new arguments on the subject have been advanced in the meanwhile, it will be enough here shortly to summarise the reasons which compel me to reject an explana- 234 tion which has the approval of such emiuent scholars as Ahrens (Formenl. 185), Grassmann (Ztschr. xi. 40 ff.), and Ebel (Ztschr. xiv. 34). As an argument for the derivation of rujrrw and the like from TVTrjw etc. Gi-assmann lays special stress on the fact that in this way a gap would be filled in the fai'-spreadiag multiplicity of present-formations of this kind. While dentals and gutturals along with this j produce , *fiup-TO). The pure root is to be seen in hfiap-eiv (Hesych.) and the Lat. mor-i. Hence we can clearly see the following to have been the course by which the Greek forms belonging here took shape. 1) In a pre-Greek period there were already verbal-stems without a •final t which were confronted by others with the t of pretty much the same meaning. The t then belongs to the class of what I have discussed at Pi-inc. i. 75 ff., under the name of root-determinatives, M 2 164 THE T-CLASS. ch. vin. 2) The existence of ttese pairs of forms was turned to account by- several Eiiropean languages, and the t was used _ as a means of distin- guishing the present stem from the rest of the verb. The same use was made of other elements of the same kind, though not to the same extent, e.g. dXt-K-o). 3) The Greek language confined the kind of present formation which was thus established, with the exception of the few instructive relics of its wider application, to labial roots, and in this way provided this class of roots with a regular means of forming present-stems as distinct from the stems of the verbs. The only question left is, what is the origin of this element which we now regard as a root-determinative used as a present-expansion '! The answer depends on the jvidgment we pass on these determinatives in general. Fick has in the ' Nachwort ' to his Comparative Dictionary su.bjected these difficult questions to a fresh inquiry. With respect to the determinative t becomes, at iv.' p. 69, to a conclusion similar to that 239 previously arrived at by Hugo Weber (Ztschr. fiir Gynmasialw. 1864, p. 127), with the latter regarding the < as a constructive (woribildendes) suffix, though he does not confine himself to the comparison of the suffix -ta of the passive participles. He seems rather to hold this t sometimes identical with the nt of the active, sometimes with the ta of the passive participles, and sometimes with the nominal suffix -ti (pa-fi). I cannot quite see my way to either view, and it seems to me that the whole ques tion is not yet ripe for discussion. Of so much only can we, I think, be sure, that tvttto (ruTrre) was from the first just as much of a noun-stem as SeiKi'v, or ayo {issemc7uiftUo7i,e Abhandlungen aus G. C.'s Grammat. OesilUchaft, p. 153 ff., where he gives also one or two analogies from Sanskrit. CH. viii. LABIAL STEMS. 165 Homeric future eri^di (for *ev-i\pi,)), and consequently a fresh present- formation for ivvewe, whicli establishes the ir. On the rt. trtir cp. Princ. ii. 67. Cp. above p. 132. 5) flwTrrw, a poetical by-form of the usual d(airevu>, Aesch. Prom. 937 ' Ounrre tov KfiarovfT aii. Fut. (Jiii/zw Hesych. Ouj'^Eig • Owirtifftis, A iir^iXoc. 6) IWinrrb) (also IWiottIw, cp. IXXaii'ii) iWwTrifw), a peculiar com- pound from i\\6-g crooked anti wi//. Hesych. IXXwirreiy ffrpcLl3il^ei.v. eyicaTiWi^ipai; Aesch. Eumen. 113. The present KariWwnrEiv occurs in- Philemon (Comici iv. 45), and lite forms in other Comic poets and in late authors (Nauck Melanges iv. 30). 7) iirrofiai. The present is only given by grammarians as belonging to the Homeric future and aorist forms 'i\peTai (B 193) 'i\pao (A 454). The TT is pretty -vreU established by Ivoe ti-ap-lid, fuller's press. Cp. Princ. ii. 59. 8) Ka/xTTTO). Homer has Kafi^peir, enafiipEi' but not the present, which however is common in all Greek from the Attic period onwards. The ir is established by KafnrvXo-e. 9) KairTti), only retained in Hesychius's gloss kyuaTrrei' cKTrvei (Lobeck Rhemat. 46 note). The final letter of the root fluctuates between a pri- mitive TT ((caTTUw) and i^ (KeKaipijMt). Priuc. ii. 120. 10) KXeVrw, in common use from Homer onwards. The ir ia the Attic aor. eKXnirrjv, kXottti etc. • 11) KOTTTO), thesame, kckojtwi; N 60, eicoirriv Aristoph., kofoc, KOTrrj. 12) fjapTTTto, fjopirrriiTi Q 405, fxapxpai, jutipi/zac etc. poetical from Homer onwards, fic/xapTrwQ Hes. ' Epy. 204. 13) TTETrro), a late by-form of Triirirw, Trt'rrw not occuiring earlier than Aristotle, ir, from an older k, in Trdwni'oy. 14) piiTTb) common from Herodotus onwards by the side of piirTeia which is Homeric (cp. irtKrw and iriKTew) and piwrarrKov O 23. After Homer p/i/^w and eppi-ij/a are very common. The ir is established by piirri, ptTTu; pnri^u). The passive aor. ippifrjv shows a (^ as well. 15) pvTcrw. pvTTTOfiai Aristoph. Ach. 17 and later. The ir appears in the related pinroe, pvwoii). 16) (TKaiTTu), first in Hymn, in Merc. 90, later in common use. The IT is established by anavavri, ffKaweTos Princ. i. 204. But there is also a '(f) in laKCKpriv (Eurip. etc.). 17) rrKewTOfiai, from Homer onwards (P 652), o-kutto'c, o-kott^, o-kOTria. 241 18) dKYiTTw, the same. aKriwriifiei'ug p 338, OKriiriiv, aKrjTrdvioi'. Prom the related stem o-kijut (rrKi/xxpat, o-ct/j^Hiji-ai) there appear to be present- forms only in Hesychius : aKifnrTfL, nKifnrTETai. 19) (TKyiVro) only in Hesych. : nKriwTuV rvaaeiv, Kaivorofittv. OKViTroQ niggardly, aKviirorriQ (by the side of axvi^oQ, o-iccti^onjc) are considered to be related. 20) tTKUTTTO) in common use from Aristophanes onwards. As witness to the n- of the stem we may refer to the word irKunraXeoQ given by Herodian,. and the more than probable connexion with o-a-w^^ (g^n. (ncwTTOf). 21) Tinrrui, A 561, in use in all dialects and at all times. Irvirrjv ii 421, TVTTOQ, Tv/nravov etc. 22) x"-^^^'^'^! "sed by Theognis and late poets as well as by Homer, has been already discussed at d. 161 f. in its relation to xaXewos. 166 THE T-CLASS. ch. fiii. B) Stems in ij>. 1) awTW vpoTiciTTTii) €ii 110, i^rjwTE X 397, aTT-eat k 379, Kadi'nr-Tiro O 127, ^TTTiTo Y 468. From Homer onwards the word is in general use, more often in the middle voice. The cj) is shown by aaiti, afi(i)a(l>a.to (Horn.), a(paffffu) (Hdt.). The related Latin ap-io as well as the forms iiTrirpta, ^Trr)Tlig put it beyond a doubt that the (j) came from an older tt. 2) /3an-rw,in use from Homer onwards (i 392), eficKprji' from Plato onwards. The is also seen in /3a^^, I3aelop. That the aspir- ate is primitive is made probable by the relationship of the Skt. gdh dip oneself (Princ. ii. 75). 3) yXoTTTw, only in Sohol. B on B 88, and BE on S 438, elsewhere y\a(pe. The (j> occurs also in the Homeric ui/z-EpE^-jjc, v\jj-fij and rafpog prove that the root ended in (p. 7) OpvwTb). The present from Aeschylus onwards : Sta6pv!rToiJ.iytov Prom. 891, r 363 Siarpvcpev, rpv(j>oe, Tpvrj etc. Though it is thus shown that the root ended in a <^, we must probably regard the as the suc- cessor of a p. Princ. i. 276. 8) KoXavTU). The present does not occur before Aristotle, though KEKoXafifieioQ and the like are older. The undeniable connexion with K6\a(j>oc quoted fi-om Epicharmus {icoXaipil^Eiv NT.) entitles us to set down (p as the final consonant of the root. 9) Kpv-KTto common from Homer onwards (j; 205). The (p of the stem is shown in the post-Homeric Kpvrj, Kpv(l)a, Kpv(paioi, Kpixpoc, Kpv(j>ioQ and in the form Kpv(f)nt which is established by La. at Soph. Aj. 1145. Later Greek shows numerous by-forms with a fi : KpiiPm, Kpvfii)i , tKpvjiriv, KpvjSfiiTOfiat. Cp. Lobeck on Aj. 1145, Princ. ii. 141. The case of KaXinrrw is similar. Probably ir was the primitive final letter of the root. 10) KVTTTio, from Aristophanes onwards. The f has the support of the Homeric Kvfoe (fl 16), kv(j>uc, and the Lat. cumbere, cubare. Still here too perhaps (Princ. ii. 142) the root originally ended in a p. 11) Xi-n-Tw long for, first occurring in Alexandrine poets as a present to the isolated XtXifipei'ot of Aesch. Sept. 380. The only traces of a

r], pa(j>evc, pncpie. Bugge's con- jecture, mentioned bove on p. 161, that pcnrTui exactly corresponds to CH. VIII. LABIAL STEMS. .167 the Lat. sarc-io, and thus stands for *(7|oa7r-jw, with ir = c, lacks corro- boration. C) Stems in /3, 243 1) liXaTTTw (cp. pUfiiTat p. 144)

>, xp^/^e'"''^'^ Princ. i. 250), so that the root probably had a v. 11) ■xpifiTTTiD. eyxplfjTTTovTo P 413. Then in the tragedians and late poets. eiri^lfiTTTei Bacchyl. 36 Be.' The rt. XP'/"""' • X'""' (XP""''") • • Xp£;u-7r : xp'/^. 11. GUTTURAL STEMS. 1) TreKTco, a rare present-form of the rt. ttck, has already been discussed on p. 162. From the same root are formed ttL-w (only in the gram- marians, e.g. Herodian i. 435, 21), 7ret\w {ff 316, Hesiod 0pp. 775), and lveKT£k) (Aristoph. ). Op. 7rdto-c, Tron-ctf, ttokiCio. 2) TiKTio (d 86, r 113), common to all Greek. Rt. tek, whence Itekov, TEKovfiai, TETOKa, TEKoc, TEKvov, ToKevs, TOKoc. The explanation given of riKrii) by Ahrens and others (Kiihner Ausf. Or. i. 629), i.e." that it is an originally reduplicated form and stands for an ear'lier *r( 7-(£)k<« has no analogy to support it. Moreover the number of thematic present-stems that are reduplicated is too small to make this conjecture probable. On the weakening of £ to i see Princ. ii. 378 ff. 3) (papKTEadai explained by Photius by (/jpnrreaOni, also ^apKTov (jyiiXaKrjv aKEva^E Hesych , so that it must be a by-form of (ppairao), yrvfii, and correspond to the Latin /arcio. 245 in. VOWEL STEMS. 1) avvrti) an Attic present-form, first in Aesch. Ag. 1123 IvravvTEi, for the Homeric and Herodotean avvu). Op. i]vvto p. 122, where the form with the rough breathing was also noticed. 2) upvTw, an Attic though not frequently attested by-form of apvio, Plat. Phaedr. 253 apvTOKnv, Pherecr. fr. 124 apinadai. apiintjovrai Hdt. vi. 119 as a present stands alone, and L. Dindorf conjectures cKpva-iroi'rai instead. It origin is obscure. It would be possible to start from the rt. ar obtain, win, which appears in ap-vv-rai. If in conclusion we review the whole extent of this present-formation, we shall find that the class contains 48 labial, only 3 guttural, and 2 vowel- stems, in all, that is, 53. In very many cases, especially in that of ipiwrw, EVLVTIi) (no. 4), TTEWTU), EpETTTW, (iKaTTTO), J tWTU), T^EKTll), ai'VTW, upilTIi) this, present-formation confronts an older one of another kind. In not a few cases the forms of this class could only be found in late Greek. The number of verbs of this class therefore, which were actually in general use, is not exceedingly large. THE NASAL CLASS. 169 CHAPTEE IX. TSE NASAL CLASS. Next to the present-stems which have been strengthened by a r it will be best to place the widely ramifying formations in which the element of expansion is a nasal, and for this reason, that the syllables which contain the nasal are apparently of precisely similar origin with the syllable in the present-stem containing a t. Here too we have to deal with a stem- formation not unlike the formation of nominal stems, or more correctly 2^" speaking, of exactly the same character, and in the first instance pro- ceeding likewise by means of a simple suffix. We have already met with expansion by means of a nasal syllable at p. 109 ff. in dealing with the present-stems of the non-thematic verbs, and it is clear that there is the closest relationship between the formation to be discussed here and those discussed above. To this point I have called attention on various occasions, and especially on p. 116. All nasalised present-stems which have a thematic vowel can be distinctly proved to have arisen from corresponding present-stems which had none, by the action of the tendency to uniformity spoken of on . p. 148, which permeated the European languages in particular, and which led on all sides to a gradual retrenchment of the older, non- thematic conjugation. This gradually eiFected change proceeded in one of two ways. Either the thematic vowel took the place of the final vowel of the stem in vn, w, or it was affixed to this stem as it was. For instance in the 1st plur. — -va-fiev might become either -vo-jxev or -va-O'fjisVj -vv-iiev might become either -vo-fjiev or -vv-o-fiev. The former of these two changes is somewhat surprising in the case of present-stems in w, because the phonetic change of t/ to o and still more to £ as would have to be the case e.g. in the 2nd plur. -rt-rE by the side of -vv-Tc, is not natural to Greek. We shall have to enquire therefore whether the facts of the case may not admit of a different explanation. In the case of the stems in a however both explanations are equally feasible. The oriental branches of the Indo-Germanic stock as a rule know nothing of formations of this class. There are however single instances of a tendency in this direction to be seen in connexion with the forms given above on p. 116. For instance the impf. a-grli-na-m which accord- ing to Delbruck first occurs in Epic Sanskrit, bears exactly the same relation to the old prevailing formation shown by a-grh-^na-m, that the Gk. i-Kafi-yo-v does to such a form as k-(Tdl-vr]-v. Spiegel in his grammar 170 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. 247 of the Old Bactrian language p. 243 notices similar processes in this quarter. The Zd. imperative perena (fill) e.g. bears to the Skt. pr-nl-dhi a relation quite similar to that of ri^-ve to iriK-va-Oi. In Sanskrit itself this verb has developed forms' like prnd-ti, prna-te, and mrna-ti he maims, for which in that case a' root mrn is given, as compared with mr-na-ti is quite analogous. The 3rd pi. prna-nti, which might belong to either of the two formations, corresponds to the Old-Latin {ex)-pleii,u-nt =explent, and is only distinguished from the Doric Trifi-irXavo-vTi, which the Homeric mfi-rrXavt-ai waiTants us in supposing, by the absence of the reduplication. Another link between the classes of verbs in use in Sanskrit and those in question here is the connexion that exists between the 5th or 9th class and the nasalising verbs of the 6th, as seen e.g. in tr-m-p-a-mi (Ev.) by the side of trp-no-mi (rtpTrw), ma-n-th-a-mi (shake) by the side oi math-na-mi, ^r-n-th-a-ti by the side of ^rath-nd-mi (plait). The last-named forms come nearest to Latin forms like ru-m-p-o, fi-n-d-o, pi-n-g-o. — Much light is thrown on the subject of the mutual interchange of the various nasal present-formations by the Old-Persian a-di-na-m I took away (Spiegel, Altpers. 203), by the side of the Zd. zi-nd-t (conj.) and the Skt. M-no-mi I throw, with which the Iranian words have no doubt rightly been connected. We thus see that there is by no means an absence of precedents for the present-formation which is now under discussion, and which extends more or less to all the European languages. "We will in the first instance adduce only such Greek presents of the kind as have connexions of a similar stem-formation in another language : 8aK-v' or iviTvaaav. If the 1st pi. *Zafi-vo-nev had survived it would have borne exactly the same rela- tion to Zafx-va-fiEv as that of the Lat. ster-ni-mus to the pre supposable *star-narmas (Skt. str-m-mas). Fick' i. 57 connects Kafivto with the Skt. ana^ Xeyofiei'oy gwm-nd-mi, and Delbriick (Verb. 216) justifies the comparison. — A second kind are clearly related to verbs ia -vv-fu, which, as we have seen on p. 109, have numerous by-forms in -vv-io. In this way we have side by side rl-w-rai (p. 113) and t'lvko. (jyOi-vi-da (cp. Skt. ksh'Mio-mi) „ dlva>. WTap-vv-yiai (p. 112) „ TTTapvoicrBe (Aristot. Probl. X. 18). 249 e-(r^€vw-ev „ i'^ivev (Sesych. c^. dno^ivpvTai' airoa-fievwrai). Skt. dhu-no-mi „ 6iva (Princ. i. 321). The clearest trace of the old w is that contaiaed by iXavi'ia, i.e. eXa-rv-u (cp. the Sanskrit forins in -nv-a for nu given on p. 109), where it is clear that the v of the av was anticipatory of the v in the next syllable, from which it afterwards quite disappeared (Piinc. ii.- 338). Our attention must further be directed, as it has often been already (cp. especially p. 121), to ayviii (iruo)) on account of the forms 'dt'erai and 'aioiro, which are as early as Homer. In this case we have the series, which we only suppose in the case of other stems, complete : Sw-jiai avv-a 'dva 'dvco. As to the etymology of the verb, we may leave it an open question whether or not the v was part of the root, iu which case we should have to deal not with a iv used as a present-expansion, but with v used to expand the stem, a possibility which gained a certain amount of proba- bility from the comparison of the Skt. rt. san (san-o-mi) of the 5th class. — ■ As an instance of the phonetic process assumed by us it holds good either way, and entitles us, even when the series is not as complete as that given for ayvfiat, to fill up the gaps in it on the analogy of that series, and in particular (cp. p. 113) in these two cases — Ti-vv-VTai TX-vi-fievai (Burip.) *Ti-m-a>^ *tl-v6i-vv-lii *6i-m-a> (pBi-va (fidX-va, ' I write these forins with the asterisk, although I am quite aware that in Plutarch and Diodorus forms like Tiviovres or TtvviovTes are of isolated occur- rence. But from what L. D. in StejpU. Thes. s. v. rtuviu sajs, I doubt if the 172 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. Importance here attaches to this fact in. the history of the forms ; that the I before the -w was sometimes short, ■while before -iw Homer has it always long, and it does not begin to be short till Pindav's time. We may conjecture that from the time at which the digamma was in use in- all Greek dialects there arose beside *tlvvu) a form *rnJ-io, from which by assimilation there next came *tii'i'u), and then, by compensatory lengthening, tti'w, until at last all trace of the sj)irant was swept away 250 with the shortening of the vowel. Precisely the same phonetic series may be actually seen in the Dor. ft'ifof (Corcyr. icscr.), Aeol. ^ivvoc, Ion. EnvoQ, Att. Eiioc. The assumed stem *fOu'v gets special support from the Homeric Hu'v-di,i, (fitii-iv-dn-v. No Aeolic present-forms for the stems Oi and ti have been. preserved, but dpiViw and ainor-ai are well attested (Ahrens Aeol. 53), and these have clearly come from *6piif(o, * *dpLvfci} oplvvco opiva.^ The last form but one would stand on the same level phonetically with the Gothic rinna, though the meaning of the latter is intransitive. On ■ the other hand, we must abide by the old view of irpii w, kXiuui (Aeol. KpLvru), kKivvw), i.e. that they have arisen from Kpujio, kXivJw, because it is only in this way that we can explain the futures i^pXviu), kXXi iw, which point as clearly to a verbal stem Kpiv, kXXv (beside npi vXi) as ifiavu) does to (par. If, then, we attribute the gradually disappearing length of the vowel before r in rivio, (l>tiuiij, to the after-effects of the old syllable M/', it seems a most natural thing to conjecture that ipBa-vio, whose quantity underwent a similar change, arose in the same way. Finally, it is possible that we have a still less obvious trace of the present-forma- tion here in question preserved in two presents which are just like each other, l3iiv\iijxai and the Homeric ov\6/jei'tic. Por jiovKofiai we shoiild be entitled by the Aeol. /3oX\(i=/3ouX^ (Ahrens, 59), the Cret. PwXofiai (Hey de dial. Cret. p. 25-), and the Homeric kjioXovTo u, 234, /SiiXtrai A 251 319, to assume an Aeolic l36X.Xnpai. This form however is actually to be found in Theocr. 28, 15 (f/3o\\o;iaj'). poXXofiai, it is extremely probable, arose by progressive assimilation from *iioX-vo-fiai, as did oXXv.fit from *oX-vv-iit. Now the vo of *j3(>X-fo-fiai would bear to the no of the Skt. vr-no-mi for *imr-nd-mi (I choose) exactly the relation of that of Ti-vo-nai to the no of the Skt. Mi-no-mi (cp. Brugman, Stud. iv. reading in these cases is correct. It is possible too anyway that it was coined afresh in late times, and that it was only a chance that it resembled the old form. * Of the anaptyxis of an i after a liquid we should have an excellent example in i\-l-vi-ai, if we could be more clear about the etymon of the verb, whose mean- ing ' rest, loiter,' does not come so very near to that of the root f cAturu, revolve. It is possible on the other hand that the i is of the same kind as tlie i in the Lat. orior (Gk. opiovro), i.e. a present-expansion. ' Gust. Meyer n. Pr. 45 regards the long vowel as an intensification of the same kind as that seen in Tela rfa (op. above, p. 113). But the contrast between ipBiviSfiv and (pBivnv in Homer and the existence of 'dvu by the side of hvia seem to speak for my view. The same scholar does not like the derivation of -va from -vvu, and will only recognise -na-mi as a forerunner of -va. But there is often not a trace to be seen of such a formation. CH- IX. CLASSIFICATION OP NASAL STEMS. 173 121). With /BowXo/iai, however, I have at Stud. v. 218 compared the Homeric participle ouXd/ufi-oj, which as clearly belongs to the rt. o.\ (oXXvfii) as it is digtiaguished by its active meaning from middle aorist- forms like &\eTo and oXea-dai. I conjecture, then, that by the side of *6\-vv-fii there existed a middle *6\-vvo-fiai, which early became *o\- vo-fiat, *o\-\o-fiai, and was finally made iato *ouXo/jai by compensatory lengthening, and, no longer thought of in connexion with oWvfxi, only survived in the restricted oiXo^f i-oc. In an aorist participle the ov would be inexplicable, whUe, on the other hand, the shortened oXofiei'os (Eurip.) is completely explained by the analogy of the Homeric jSoXovro. To these may be added eiXXw, which we shall have to discuss on p. 176. For the remaining present-stems of this division there are no criteria to show whether the syllable vo (ye) came from na or by way of an inter- mediate ruo (vue) from vv, or, in other words,, whether they stand in direct relation to the 9 th or to the 5th class of Sanskrit verbs. n. PRESENTS IN -a-va>, a-vo-fiai. The traces in Sanskrit of a similar formation to that of the very numerous Greek verbs in -avw have been already noticed on p. 116. The Vedic ish-ana-t there mentioned is in formation not at all distin- guished from Greek forms such as e.g. the Dor. riH-ave, nor the middle impf. ish-ana-nta from such forms as ii-j^d-avo-vTo, while the more frequent forms of the 2nd sing, imperat. act. in -utui, e.g. grh-dna catch hold of, ag-dna eat, are to be compared with Greek forms like u-art. Of a precisely similar character are the Armenian presents in -anem given by Hiibschmann Ztschr. xxui. 406, e g. Ihh-anem = Xifnr-a>'vy-j-ai'io, and precisely as the 4^ of the rare contains the only trace of a Greek present-formation in i from (pvy, so would the long i in inserinti/ntur have preserved the only relic of a Latin pi-esent formed after the i-class from the rt. ser. In the formation ofthe word then there is no compelling cause to foUow Ritschl .in altering Festus's insermuntur to interserinwntur. If solino had a short i — as to which we have no guide — sol-ino is to -solo (consulo) as aij-acw to avlu), and the short i in the verb to the a of the Greek as that in patina to the a in Traravri. — In Lithuanian there are numerous verbs in -in-ti in the inf. with a causative meaning, such as aiig-in-ti make to grow [dug-ti grow), mar-ln-ti kill (mir-ti die). Op. Schleicher Lith. Gr. 164 f. The connexion of these with the Greek forms here under discussion can hardly be denied. To account for the origin of such formations is harder than to collect 174 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. parallel forms from other languages. What is the relation of -ana to the shorter -nat Benfey (Kurze Sktgr. p. 94) says that the -tm is ' split up ' by the addition of an a. I doubt if this can be justified by analogies, especially in Sanski-it, and we should, have just as much right to main- taiu on the other hand that -ana was the fuller form from which the shorter -na arose. The only thing we can be sure of is that both -a'na and -na are to be regarded as originally constructive (wortiildende) suf- fixes. The same view is expressed by Gust. Meyer n. Pr. 57 ff. The Greek presents in -avw, of which Lpbeck on Buttman Ausf. Gr. ii. 64 fF. gives the most complete list, fall into two subdivisions. We must clearly distiuguish those in which the stem-syllable is itself nasalised as 253 in a-v-i-di'b) from those in which -a.i w is added to an unchanged stem, as in cifiapr-aib). To the first subdivision belong a lot of very old and much-used verbs, in the case of which our first business will be to explain the nasal in the root-syllable. The related languages show no complete analogy to this, though for a number of the verbs which belong here they have forms with a nasal element inserted only and not affixed as well, and present-formations which are similar in other respects. Thus we may compare Biyyava with the Li&t.^finffo Prine. i. 223. \aii0dvas „ „ Skt. a-lambha-nta Princ. ii. 145. Xt/i7rav *\a-fjL-^vai Xa-fi-fid-va, or as Joh. Schmidt prefers *Xaj3-C(» *Xa(3-ai'ti) Xo-;ii-/3-ai/ in which the nasal has become firmly attached to the verb-stem. The only point, that is, in which CH. IX. CLASSIFICATION OF NASAL STEMS. 175 they ai-e distinguished from the assumed primary forms is that they have lost the nasal which came before the thematic vowel : la-m-hh-{n)a-nte. It seems to me more probable then that the inserted nasal arose ia this way than that it is due to metathesis. On the other hand there ai-e no distinct indications that the as-sound which precedes the nasal termination never appeared until after the insertion of the nasal. I think therefore that it is very possible that in a pre-G-reek period form like *la-m-hh-na-m,i and *la-m-hh-ana-mi existed side by side. We are hardly warranted in assuming, at all events for Greek, such a form as *Xafi.fi-vu). Joh. Schmidt aptly compares the ordinary Greek Tv-jX-Tr-avo-v by the side of rvir-avo-v (hymn. horn. xiv. 3 KpoTaXiov Tv-nrat'iav T laxJ)), while the other proofs he advances for the antici- •patory epenthesis of the nasal — such as o-vrXa-y-x-vo-i — with which Sophus Bugge (Stud. iv. 430) aptly compares the doth, lunga (stem hvngan) — by the side of awkiiv and the Lith. hhiz-ni-s, and the parallels from other languages, are more in harmony with the view which he opposes.'' All the roots which have a short vowel are subject to this aiFec- tion with the single exception of a-arw for which we should expect *iy-Kavu>. This, verb is however so far peculiar that its d is long throughout. It is just possible that this points to an origin from iKav-fm. The long syllable would thus be due to the same cause as in Tifb), ipdivio, (pBdvb) according to the view expressed above on p. 172. That the nature of the first syllable is in some way connected with the quantity of the second is shown by the variation between the Homeric Ktxaru and the Attic and poetic Kiyx'^i'i'J as written by Dindorf on the ground of M.SS. indications at Aesch. Choeph. 620, and subsequently in some places in Sophocles (O.C. 1450) and Euripides (Hel. 597). If Fick^ i. 55 is right in his comparison of this verb with the 255 Lith. kcmk'^ inf. kdJc-ti obtein and the Skt. gah-no-mi to be able, closely connected with which is qah imperat, gag-dhi to which among other meanings the Pet. Diet, assigns that of ' make to share in,' this would be another instance in which the nasal expansion was not confined to Greek. ^ — The second subdivision of the verbs in -arw consists of those which content themselves with the simple addition of this syllable. In all of them the stem syllable is long either by nature or position : Kevd-avw, XijO-ai'w, av^-dvti), aX(j>-dvu). These verbs are not nearly so numerous or primitive as the last. Most of them have by-forms of equal or greater currency : iccuflw, XijBii) \ai6drw, av^w. It is not uncommon to find the presenl^expansion -arw added to present stems which have been expanded once already — e.g. to present stems of the lengthening class in Oriydvti), Ksvddvbi, Xi/OaVw, of the t-class in l^-dvo), ai^-dyii), v(-dvijt, of the inchoative class in oKvirK-dvw, '6i exactly correspond to the Lithuanian va. -d-inu, of which Schleicher gives a list in his Lit. Gr. p. 165, e.g. ly-din-ti to make it rain, p{-din-ti to get plaited. The causative meaning which attaches itself to these fornts as well as to those in -inti is no hindrance to our comparison. The nature of these verbs renders it probable that the second subdivision of verbs in -ai'b) is of comparatively later origin than the first, and this conclu- sion will be confirmed by the moi-e miuute investigation of the several forms given below. 256 m. PRESENTS IN -vao), -vaofiai, AND -avaw, -avaofiai. The verbs in -vri-fii. treated of on p. 116 if. have in many cases by- forms in -I'a-o) : e.g. tafi-va-to, jcip-va-w, Ti-ir-vd-d). Apparently the rela- tion of -vn-w to -i')}-jui is the same as that of -vv-w to -vv-fii. Schleicher Comp.^ p. 765 assumes that a j has fallen out between the a and the thematic vowel, just as in the ordinary verbs in -aw e.g. lafin-u>. In sup- port of this we can certainly mention ^aicval^ofiai (Aesch. Pers. 571), which is unmistakably a derivative from 2a/cvw made by means of -a^w=: ajami. And it looks as if the Sanskrit forms in -nd-ja-mi discussed by Benfey Or. u. Occ. i. 427, iii. 217, like pa?idjdmi=irepfaii) were also in its favour. But since we not only have no ground for assuming ih'the verbs in -vuu just mentioned the loss of a j, or in other words for assum- ing that thQ mark of the i-class was added to that of the nasal-class, since moreover we have in other instances repeatedly seen the simple thematic vowel added to the stem of verbs in -fit, e.g. in forms like' "t-(i-iixi, ibiv, taTq. (Hdt.), Tri/jTrXeio (Hes. Theog. 880), I do not know whether we ought not to prefer the simple to the more elaborate explanations. The case, however, is somewhat othei-wise with the verbs in -hvaw, -avaofiai. These verbs have no such prototype as is provided for verbs in -raw by those in -vi;/ui. What are we to say then to the Homeric S£it:av6iovTO, lirf^afOiiifTO (cp. ier^artr}))) ? For SuKayaia we have in Set- Kvufxi at least something like a related form, and can conjecture that there is between the former and the latter a relation similar to that between opiyvaofiai (p. Ill) and opiyvvfxi. A transition to the analogy of the a- conjugation is here unmistakable. It might perhaps be conjectured that these verbs are properly denominatives, and for KvpKavaus a noun KvpKavr) is actually given. But. the linguistic sense certainly regarded ■ them as little difierent from verbs in -aj'w, and besides they only occur in the present-stem. In Zend (Schleicher Oomp.' 761) the verbs in -nao-mi . (=;Skt. nomi) have by-forms in -navd-mi, e.g. 2nd sing, imperat. kere- nava (make). Might we venture to compare the enigmatical Greek 257 formations with these t opiyvaofiai would then stand for *6piyvaJ^o-fini with the old intensifying a retained. The sounds" in the two cases agree, but the comparison is doubtful all the same, especially as a is extremely rare in such a position. It is with greater confidence that I compare the Latin verbs in CH. IX. CLASSIFICATION OF NASAL STEMS. 177 -inare : car-ina-re (Enn.), whicli is explained by jurgare, ohtrectare and referred to a root which is perhaps connected with Kiipia, coquinare (Plaut.), a by-form of coquere. de-sti-na-re occupies a position by itself, iuasm\ich as the i has evidently been weakened from a radical a. It bears, then, a similar relation to coqu-ina-re that ■irafi-I iKava hvva diva) (y7r)-ia-x-V€o-iiai »» )j la-x^vco, l. In Kivibi the syllable re has passed into the whole verb-stem, but the re- lation to KiVu-/xot is unmistakable. The verb ayti't'w, which occurs in Homer by the side of ayivifiivai, ayb'EtiKiiv, stands by itself The i is evidently the same as that in dpfiw, and here too we get a form without this vowel. Similar to the relation of op-vv-fji to opivio is that of the Cretan ayveoi (Hesych.) to ayli'sa. V. PRESENTS IN -aivco, -aivofiai. These presents are due to a union of the marks of the nasal class and the j-class. We can hardly be surprised at such an accumulation of 258 expansives after having already encountered several instances of the union of the marks of the nasal and inchoative classes. The verbs in aivui, if we omit those which, like aypialvw, avalvu), KepSah'w, vyiaivb), come from Greek noun-stems in common use, fall into two divisions ac- cording as -i'-(w or -ai'-tii) is joined to the root. This variation is evi- dently due to the same reason as that between -vw and -avm. We may conjecture, therefore, that the first division is closely connected with the verbs in -via, the second with those in -avm. /3a/i'cu is the only instance of the first division, while the second is represented by hf-aivo), nXiT-aiyio. In KayKalvei ' OaXirti, JiypaiVfi (Hesych.) i.e. Kay-Ka{f)-i'i-Et, we find the same inserted nasal as in the likewise reduplicated irifiirXa-vw. A shorter by-form occurs in KayKopeir/Q {i-qpag rw ipofif Hesych.). tc- Tpcfi-aivio ia likewise reduplicated, and it is noticeable about the second part of the word that ai-j(o has been added. This formation too has its Indian prototypes. In the Yedas there occurs as a causative present of the rt. dam among others the dam-cm-jd-ti already mentioned on p. 117, a form which would exactly correspond to a quite possible Greek *?a/^aii'w, and which Delbriick, who gives a collection of such presents' from the Vedas at p. 207, regards as a denominative formation from da- mana-m taming. (Cp. G. Meyer n. Pr. 99.) Most of these presents N 178 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. actually have nominal stems of that kind by theii" side. Still there are some that have no such steins, e.g. rishan-jd-ti he is in fault, which stands by the side of the synonymous resha-ti just as, say, the Greek Kpoaivbi by the side of Kpovoi. The verbs in -ai'w and -nirtii have this peculiarity in common, that in many instances they have, besides the shortest and the longest stem, a third, which is used for the formation of the compound tenses and even of the perfect : jiad fiavBavo fiade {^jiadrjcroiiai) altrd alfj-Oavo altrSe (^alcOrjo'Ofiai} oKiT oKiraivo dXirc {aKLTrjiifvos) 259 and by-forms of the last kind are not unknown even in the formation of the present : e.g. the Homeric vfomiri by the side of iKpaivEtv. The verbs which belong to this widely ramifying class are the follow- ing. They are arranged in the subdivisions given above. L PRESENTS IN -va>, -vo-/iai,. 1) *aXivio only given by grammarians and explained by a>i.ei(pw. We follow Lobeck Rhem. 123 in connecting it with the Lat. li-no {le-vi, li-tu-s). Connected are Hesychius's glosses aXtivai • to eiraXel^ai rolxif, aXivaf ETToXeXxpai, oKu'Eiv (cod. aXivuv)' aXiiipeiv. aXivovaiv given by Bekk. Anecd. 383 as Sophoclean hardly belongs here, since it. is ex- plained by XtTTTvvovaLv, but rather to dXtw grind, and is probably to be regarded as a formation similar to dpivi>). It must be admitted therefore that this aKivw^Uno is not beyond suspicion as a present-form. The aoiist aXivai shows that the v extended here beyond the present-stem as in Kpivai, xXivai etc. 2) ayw has been discussed on pp. 121 f. and 171, where the Homeric forms will be found. Hlvolq Aesch. fr. 156 Dind. with d. avtiv Plato Orat. 415 a. 3) fispi'm/jeOa' KXripiairuif^tdn Hesych. was given on p. 118. It is possible that it belongs here as well. 4) fivi'u) a rare by-form of the usual fivvio) in Hdt. Sia(iuvtrai ii. 96. 5) SaKvw, the forms of the present-stem, which are afterwards in general use, are wanting in Homer. Op. SayKafu). In Skt. there exist side by side the rts. dof and dq.g. Cp. p. 170. ■ 6) 8a//viD(i) only in -Hesych. : Sa/xpei {cod. ^afxvei) Safialiei, cp. p. 171. 7) Hvu), Aeol. Sivvu), elsewhere Siviui, Hes. 0pp. 598 ArifiTiripoi icpov auTriv SivifjEv, cnroSivuivTi tab. Heracl. i. 102, Meister Stud. iv. 433. 8) Svvw from Homer onwards {Svvovres \ 579, Svve E 845, aKcBvye x 364, Svvov A 268), but seldom in Attic prose. 260 9) eKavyu) ordiuary Greek from Homer onwards (M 62), a shorter present-form e\wv (?) ii 696, elgeXdo) k 83 and elsewhere in poets, rare in prose, tab. Heracl. i. 127 eircXairdiD. Cp. p. 148. 10) e-^ive-V eajieyvvEV H.esj6h. Cp. f etVujucv (cod. ^EiVo/iEr) ■ afiiv- VVflEV. 11) 6iv(o. duve (impf.), E 87, by the side of o'XotjJo-i fperl duei 342 ; also in Pindar and later poets, dweu Hes. Scut. 210. c«. IX. PRESENTS IN -vm. 179 12) i(TTa.v(i), a by-form of larrifii, loiown to occur from Polybius onwards. 13) KCLfivio, from Homer onwards (// 280, T 1.70, i;afi%a E 797) in general use. Cp. p. 171. 14) *i;eoxvu) is only quoted from Hippocr., Kep^vei (cod. Kef>xyei)' rpaxvvii- Hesych. By-forms Kep\u}, (cepj^i-ow. 15) Kixa-j'w. In Homer with short t and long a : Kixavei T 165, Kixai'ETc "^ 407, later the quantities are reversed; Kiy-va-vei (above p. 175). Cp. «,W. (p. 121). 16) irift-TrXa-vs-rai only I 679 ;' discussed on p. 170. 17) irivu), Aeol. TTtao/w, ordinary Greek, by the side of the fut. Trlofiai, aor. eTTw-v, vWi. The related languages all know the rts. iro, iri, origi- nally pa, but know of no nasal present-formation from this rt. 18) *wTapyofiat. The Aristotelian irTapvoKrOe (Probl. x. 18) was mentioned above on p. 171,-jrrapvv/iat on p. 112. 19) ^aravei' (TTcivcrai, (rv/j,fiil3v<7Tat, Hesych. anyhow related to irrevoe, though the meaning makes it doubtful whether it is also related to the Cretan aravviii {atatuo). 20) rt'juj'w (Dor. Ion. ra/xrw), ordinary Greek, ra^ui'jj F 105, era/iyov A 155, TCLfirovTo 2 528, EKTa^vtw A 515, only at y 175 rifivEiv, Hdt. ii. 65 rafivovaa, Heracl. tables Siarafxptty (i. 12, ii. 65); Homeric by-form Tifici, N 707. 21) Tivb}. With ( in Homer : ^wdypia rivuv 2 407, rtvuv ovk edi\u)cn T 289, riviai' B 193. Later the short vowel gradually gains ground : Solon fr. 13, 31, — ■■ — 'ipya tivovo-iv, Pind. Pyth. 2, 24 rtveadai, Theogn. 204 rifot'Tat, but at 740 avrtTivciv, Soph. O. C. 635 Bdvei Si re iraaav kv' alav I 506, cp. * 262. But ov 261 (jiddi'ot OvrtaKiav Ttg av Euiip. Or. 941 Dind., ovk av (jidapois Aristoph. iSccl. 118. Common to all Greek by the side of £(j>dj]i', '(.(^iQaaa, (j>ddcrio. Bugge Ztschr. xx. 39 compares the Zd. JSanajaiti he sets going, and infers the existence of an Indo-Grerm. spd-na-jd-mi^*(jida-vdui. 23) (pBii'b). tpdivovatv vuKTtQ r£ Kol rifiara X 183. (fidlvcTu) e 161, 00f- j'oi'Toc T 307. — But Pind. Pyth. 1, 94 ov fdtvei, Isthm. 7, 46 KaTefOXvs, Soph. Aj. 1005, at the end of a trimeter, (j>divcis. Cp. p. 171 f. 24) (fiit'oi only in the list of verba barytona in -vu). (Herodian ed. Lentz i. 450.) Two of these forms, 12 and 16., have come from reduplicated present- stems. Besides these forms, which have all retained the characteristic nasal, there are three which apparently had it originally, but have lost it by a process of progressive assimilation, i.e. 25) EiXb), press hard (elXofieitoi' 215), Aeol. eXXio (aireXXEtV airclp- ytiv Hesych.), Dor. fijXti) {ynXeaQai' KarixtaQai Hesych.). Brugman Stud. iv. 122 conclusively infers from these forms a primary /tXXw, and shows by a reference to the by-form I'iXXia (for hXXjut) that it is probable that feXXb) came from hXvto. On 26) (iovXofiai and 27) ovXafxevos cp. p. 172 f. h2 1 80 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. IL PEESENTS IN -avw, -avo-jjuii. A) Those with Nasalised Eoot-syllables. 1) avlavw, poetical from Homer onwards {avldvei /3 114, ^Aavt O 674). Rt. cfal, by-form ifioixai. 2) ypvfiirdvia. A. rare word, translated by kiriKafinTetv, ypvwovoBai (Hesych., Bekk. Anecd. p. 228). By-forms yp\nraivu>, ypmavi^in, ypvvTw, clearly related to ypmor. curved, bent. 262 3) layicdvbi, a by-form of laKvii), only given by grammarians, who mention a form ^tjkw as well (cp. p. 156). 4) ipvyydviii, used by Attic poets instead of ipcvynfiat, of which there is older evidence, Eur. Cycl. 523, also in Hippocr. and later writers. 5) Oiyydvti), in Attic poets (Aesch. Sept. 44, Soph. 0. C. 328), and here and there in later prose (Aristot.). A similar present-formation is to be seen in the related Lat. fmgo (Princ. i. 223). 5 b) KvvOdi'ef KpvTTTci, Hcsych. (G. Meyer 92). 6) KXayyavb), Soph. fr. 782 D. oirov rtg opiie ohxi xXayyavct (cpi Aesch. Eumen. 131), elsewhere only twice, compounded with tTr-ai/a. -A by-form KXayyiu) in Theocritus, and, in a somewhat different meaning, K\a((i). Cp. KtcXayya (by the side of KeKXijya), KXayyr) and the Lat. clangor. 7) Xayx"*'"^- In extensive use from Homer onwards (< 160 eq Ic l/,d(T7i)i' io't'ii Xayxai'oi' olyec). The nasal passes also into the perfect \iXoy)^a. If Fick^ i. 748 is right in comparing the Ch.-Sl. po-l(}6-^ (Xay- Xai'w) and the Lith. per-lenh-i-s, a man's due, we have in these words additional testimony to the early presence of this nasal. 8) Xafi(iat'. Present-forms occur from Pindar onwards (01. 1,.83). Importance attaches to the Herodotean forms Xapxponai, i:aTaXafnrTeoc, kXaiupQrit', but not to the late xaTaXt'ifixpofiai, a.ftXiifiOri, and the like. Cp. Xa^vixai, Xa'Cnpim. Job. Schmidt, Yocal. i. 118, gives a most minute discussion of the traces of similar nasal formations in Sanskrit. Cp. above p. 174. 9) Xavdai'io. Common to all Greek from Homer onwards {iXavQavov N 721, XarQavofxrjv fi 227), by the side of X^flw (Dor. Xaflw), Xridnyio. 10) XijuTrarw. Once in Thuc. (viii. 17, KoraXijuirai'oueri), and then in later writers. Xelirio is immeasurably more frequent. Cp. the Lat. linquo, Skt. ri-nd-Jc-mi, and the Goth, af-lifna-n. Princ. ii. 60. 11) Xvyyayofiai, Sob (Hesych.). Cp. \vy£,. 12) fxavbdvu). Common to all Greek from Sophocles onwards. Cp. Hei6-iipj)- (ppovrir Hesych. Princ. i. 387. 13) nai'tidyw, late and rare: Schol. Burip. Hec. 1130, avA tIvoq Tavra ■wavOdveiQ ; Apollonius and Herodian gave the form (ed. Lentz 263 ii. 545). ■jravddvio : nivdog ; '. fiavddvo) : pcrOlipri. Reasons in favoiu- of the connexion with irivonai, ttovoq may be found at Princ. ii. 365. 14) TrvvQavofiai. Homeric, along with irevdo/^at (?ri) rOaro/xat /3 315, -Trvt'Oai'opr]!' v 256), new-lonic and Attic. The nasal is probably only to be found in the related Lith. bundti, I am awake, and biidiriu, I wake (trans.). Princ. i. 325. 15) Tvyxdvw. Common to all Greek from Homer onwards (Trapfrwy- XnvE A 74, ^ 231 Tvyxavi) with revxi^ in a different meaning. Cp. the Lith. tenku, I fall to the share of, Ch.-Sl. tuk-nq-ti, figere. CH. IX. PRESENTS IN -avm. 181 16) vyya.v(i}. From Aeschylus Onwards of pretty frequent occurrence as a by-form of (j>evy(o, especially in compounds. 17) \veiv, break out, of SOres (Hippocr.). 18) j^avSdvu). From Homer onwards ('*' 742 x"''^"''')- The nasal recurs in K£'xai'?a and the Lat. pre-hendo (Prino. i. 242), and perhaps in the Ch.-Sl. S^dati, to want (Joh. Schmidt Vocal, i. 73). B) Pkbsents in which the Root Syllable has not been Nasalised. With the single exception of iK-dvu) all the root- vowels are long either by nature or by position. For the rest the stems are of the most various character, and this variety will necessitate a further subdivision of these presents. a) avcij added to stems which show no present expansion before it/ 1) a\dvii). In Attic poets, Homer knows only iiKfov, aXfot, d\(poit', 2) av£,di'(i). In use with Herodotus, Attic writers and others by the side of av^iD (Homeric aii,(o), which holds its own all through (cp. Veitch, p. 101). Another but a late and rare by-form is av^tw (cp. av^rjaofim etc.). The latter reminds us by its formation of.the Lat. aug-eo just as aii^dioi does of the Lith. wiigin-ti and the Goth, bi-auk-nan increase. aii^w itself has a stem already expanded by \d>'eiv 6(pXitricdveii', ofeiXeiv TLesych. Op. Phot. Lex; By-forms ofXui (late), 6(l>ci\iii, ofXitrKui (Suid.), ocjiKiaKdvw, b) avtt) added to forms of the lengthening class. 9) r'lxdyut, to be inferred from Hesychius's fixavev cIitev from the rt. dx=Skt. ah Lat. ag (djo). Elsewhere there is only rini, pret. ^-y (p. 103, cp. Stud. ix. 463 ff.). 10) 0)]ydvu). flijyavif d^ui'Ei Hesych., and accepted on this authority by Herm. and Dind. at Aesch. Ag. 1535. Elsewhere dfiyw. 11) KEvOdvui. inevOavuv T 453, elsewhere kevQu) (Kviddvio, p. 180). = On the Homeric g\Sa« see Chap. XIII. § 3. " PpaTdvct • fiaiC^i airh t^s vi(rov Hesych. is connected by G. Meyer with the root vart (vertere), so that it would mean ' he takes a turn,' i.e. for the better. 182 THE NASAL CLASS. ch ix. 12) XrtddvtD. >.riOdt'Ei v 221, causatively, 'he makes to forget,' cp. \r)dii), XavBdyu), both in Homer. c) ai/o) united with reduplication, cp. la-rdveL, TTLfiTrkdvetat, p. 179. 13) Iffxavo). By-foi-m 'i(7x<^ for tn-crxui, Homeric: icry^avei- S 387, ln-^avir-qv P 747, Cp. i0-)(p.v6ii>vTo. d) avct) added to stems expanded by t. 14) ayuapraVw (cp. p. 163). Common to all Greek from Homer onwards (vjua'pravc K 372, X 511). 15) jiKaaTavb). From Aeschylus onwards (Sept. 594). 16) /i5Xur7Ta>'fci a by -form of /3Xu<;'w used by ecclesiastical writers. Cp. avafiXvardvut (Hesych.), with the apparently apocryphal by -form ava- fSXvuOdi'w. 16 b) ovrdvofiai in late prose in the sense of opHfiat. 265 e) av(o attached to forms of the i-class. 17) a'Cdvbi, only a^dverai hymn, in Ven. 270, elsewhere, including Homer, a^w, a^aii'iMi. 18) (faVw pretty frequent from Homer onwards (K 92 l^dvei, Kadi^rn'ov e 3, trans, 'ii^afev evpvv aytova ^ 258). Also 'i^u), i^tro. 18b) (pv'Cavu) (?) Hesych. (pv^dvai' ^vyelv, ZuXiaaai. f ) avw added to the inchoative (tk. 19) aXvaKavu), Only aXvuKave \ 330, cp. aXvoKio, aXvaKa^io, }) itfifiXiaKln 20) afifiXiaKuvii) (Pollux iii. 49) a by-form of ItufiXiaKii) 21) d(fXinKdvu), Attic by the side of o^eiXw. Cp. d(j>\dvui i 22) cvpiyioKdvin, ivpiyiuKdviiV ivpiyovv H-QSyfAl.. g) av6j after an expanding 6 (cp. p. 175). 23) ahdavofiai, in general use from Sophocles onwards, a'io-flojuai is a questionable by-form. Clearly the word is connected with a/w, which in iiratu) shows similar meanings. 24) Sapddvu). Compounded with prepositions in Attic prose : Kora^ap- ddvcii', eTrtKaraiapdavtiv (Plato). Sap-ti is certainly to be referred to a shorter Sap, Ipa (Princ. i. 288). 25) aivExddvofiai, an Attic word, may find a place here although the origin of the word and all its kin (ex^oc, E^^pof) is obscure. cnrevOdyiai /3 202. 25 b) dXio-0a'iw a thoroughly Attic present, later dXio-OaiVw. In Homer there is only oXiade. Contrary to all analogy are the apparently denominative forms : 26) fitXdvti, H 64 fieXdm It te ttovtoi; iiir' avTrjr. Kvhdyai, which Lobeck (Rhem. 235) compares with it, differs from it in not having a distinct noun-form with the same stem. Is it possible that fieXavw is a CH. IX. PRESENTS IN -vam AND -avow. 183 verb formed straight from the root in the sense of ' to grow turbid ' ? /foXoc, fxoXvvh) are certainly related (^Princ. i. 461). Cp. G. Meyer 86. 27) ^aaydviTai' ^t'^ti avaipCirai. This strange word Mor. Grain (Philol. X. 582) conjectures to have stood for *(T^ay-ai:-dvi-Tai, and the subst. ipdayavo-v for *a^ay-aK-avo-v. If he is right — and a defence might easily be fo\md for the aphaeresis of the initial a — we should have 266 a formation like d. But the conjectiire is a doubtful one. There are two isolated verbs in -ivu which may find a place in an appendix to the verbs in -avw. (Cp. pp. 172 and 177.) 1) dyiviii preserved in ayivifiivai v 213, ayivtOKOv p 294, elsewhere ayio, ayivib). (Princ. i. 208.) 2) opivb), poetical from Homer onwards, oplvei A 298, opivovrai A 525. Lesb. opivi lo. in. PEESENTS IN -vd'uf-ai- p. HO), just in the same way as the other from 3) ipvKavata, Only a 199 o'l ttov kAvov ipvKavouia' aitcovra and in Q. Smyrn. Cp. ipumvio. 4) ((T^ardw' lv)(ai an(TKOV O 723, layfavoiavTO M 38. Cp. ia)(a.i' lite the related 7ra/j.(j)aii u>. Only in the participle a'iyXr] Trufu^avowaa B 458, Tev\£a TrafiipavobivTa 2 144. 9) vipatdui. Only in Maneth. 6, 433 fdptd 0' v^aioini'rae. A by- form therefore of iycu'rw. 184 THE NASAL CLASS. ch. ix. IV. PKESENTS IN -via. 1) dyiEw. ayvi'tv aynv KpfjTte Tlesjch. The form is a connecting link between ciyw and ayti'tw. 2) jSview hafivvEuvTai Hdt. iv. 71, kjivvovv Ar. Paa; 645, cp. above p. 178 liafivvETai. Its origin is altogether obscure. jSvaM, ijivaa show that ve is only a present tense expansion. In Aristotle there is the shorter present-form fivui, and stUl later /3i;'oui'rai is an ill-attested reading in Aristoph. Av. 1090, which has been altered to ajXTrtaxpvvrai or ainriaxovTai (Dind.). Perhaps though the form is a true one after all, as it stands in complete analogy to xnr-Lax-vio-fiaiy which is in use from Herodotus onwards. The syllable has here been added to the reduplicated stem Icrx for ni-crex. Cp. iran^avati) TrifitrXavoi). We have met with the same reduplicated stem in tfrj^avw and tir\ava.w. 7) *«;Ii/fw only partly belongs hei-e, inasmuch as the present-expansion has taken a permanent hold in the verb {Kivrjaoi etc.). But KLviw is unmistakably founded on dvviiai, 7 b) *Kovriw. Aesch. Suppl. 9 Kowtis, 164 mvyS tor Kof-riio. A present to the aor. e-KOfitda- ynHoneOa, rt. Kcf (Prino. i. 186). 8) Kvrid), Homer I^Kvt'Eov ^ 223), Attic poets and late writers. Homer 268 nses Kvaaa, e/cvira, but it is usually the case in the simple verb and always in the compound vpoticvyeiy that the ve pervades all tense- stems. 9) otx>'f<«>. Poetical by-form of oi)(o/iai : y 322 oi\ysv(Ti, t 120 ei'c- oL^vtvai, also o'ixi'eo'KO)', once in Pindar (Pyth. 5, 86 oixi't'oiTtc) and occasionally in the tragedians. 10) viTviu). This form which since Elmsley ad Eurip. Heracl. 77, Med. 53 has been expelled from the texts of the tragedians, is well attested by Herodian ad II. II- 827, where the connexion absolutely requires the reading ■kltvSiv, which is defended by Lobeck, Lehrs, and Lentz, all the more that we know from other soui'ces that Herodian approved of this form (Herodian, ed. Lentz ii. 1, 290). Since however there appear to be in one or two passages forms with short vowels in a present sense, especially Soph. 0. C. 1754 wpogviTvificv (the M.SS. have the unmetricail TrpocTriTrro/ifr), Buttmann is certainly right in his assump- tion that both forms, inVi'w and Trcrctw (cp. above p. 177), existed side by side, and this does not exclude the possibility of an aorist tTriTvwv which is demanded at Soph. 0. G. 1733, with a part, witi'mv. Besides the tragedians Pindar appears to be the only writer who knows of these forms. Following the verbs in -vita comes a single verb in -iviut, just in tha same way as a few verbs in -tvw came after those in -rw and -ai'iii. 11) ciylviui (cp. p. 183 and dyitw p. 184) pretty often in Homer {ayivei l 105, aybtov i2 784) and Herodotus, elsewhere only here and CH. IX.. NASAL PEESENTS "WITH TBACES OF A j. 185 there. la the Homeric hymns there is also the fut. ayivriffw in which the present-expansion has gone further than the present. V. PRESENTS IN -VQ) WHICH POINT TO AN OLDER -via). Here again we must recognise two subdivisions : such verbs as add -I'-iut, i.e. a conjunction of the nasal present-expansion of the first main class, and the mark of the i-class, to a stem ending in a vowel, and such as take an a as well before the -v-ko. aXdaivio, i.e. dX-O-ai'-iw bears to fia-y-iu) exactly the same relation as that of dX^-av-in to (pda-pw. A) -r-tw ADDED TO YoWEL EOOTS. 269 The only verb we can put here with certainty is — fiaivw, in common use from Homer onwards [Paivct A 443, 'ifian'ov 145). The V of the primary /ia-iiui appears in Greek only as a portion of the present-expansion, wnile the n of the corresponding ven-io (for gven-io) goes all through the verb. Op. Priac. ii. 73. The other verbs of kindred origin (cp. below p. 215 f.) retain their v in some at least of their tenses : Kpiiw from Kpi-v-jui fut. KpXvw, aor*. iKplva, though the perf. is Ke-Kpl-Ka, Ki-Kpl-jxai, so that strictly speaking the 1' is not in them to be regarded as an element of present-expansion, but rather as a root-determinative, the j alone, in conjunction with the thematic vowel, being the present-expansion. For this reason we place these verbs in the _;-class. From the point of view of the historical development we must not be blind to the fact — seen in the relation of (ialio) to venio — that the processes of root-determination and present- expansion are often almost indistiaguishable, as we have already had occasion to remark with reference to the ^-class. B) -ai-iio ADDED TO CONSONANTAL EoOTS. 1) *aXali'ii), wander, Eurip. and later authors. It may be doubted whether the verb, like aXaofiai, is a denominative from ixX?;, or has come straight from the root, especially as there are no tenses but those of the present-stem. 2) aXdaivw, Hippocr. and late poets, while in Homer ciXdofjai (fut. iTraXOijirofiat) is in use. By-form aXOfia-Ku) with the variant dXWi'o-Rw in Hippocr. The corresponding Skt. rt. ardh also forms the present occa- sionally by nasal additions : rdh-no-mi, rnddhmi. 3) aXiTcdvbi, Only aKiTuiiirai Hes. 0pp. 330. Also fiXirov, aXi- riadai, dXiriifiEvoQ, all Homeric. 4) ipdaLvui B 342 aiirwg yap iirita(r' ipilaivoiitv by the side of ^ 792 'iroev, Kiravda. 10^ vri(j)aii'ti) a by-form of v^(^w in Eustathius. 11) d(T(l>pa'ivoixai, from Euripides and Aristophanes on^wards, fut. 6ii^pr)iToixai, aor. &tT-, Lat. sc), is the means of distinguishing the present-stem from the root. There are 6 presents of this formation ; WChd-mi uJcKhd-mi gdUKhd~mi jdUUha-mi rWiha-mi juKKha-mi In the first 4 instances a consonant has manifestly been suppressed before the present-expansion. Besides these 6 instances there is also : vdhMhd-mi I wish rt. van. The root forms, it is true, a present of its own as well : vano-mi, but vdnUJcha-mi is also set down in the Petersb. Dictionary as an expansion of van, and is actually found only, in the present-stem. murKhd-mij I grow firm, curdle, congeal, stands over against the participle mur-td-s curdled and the noun mur ti-s shape, and thus still shows traces of a movable Kh=sk. On the other hand, the same element in the rt. praKh 27 o [prlcKhd-mi) ask, seek, is not confined within these limits, though in view of the many similar processes in the case of other elements of the same kind, this cannot prevent Us from ascribing to it the same origin. Ascoli (Glottologia 228) thinks he can discern in other formations as well, e.g. in vrai^K tear, and in various roots in sh, e.g. bhdsh speak, which, he compares with -tTKii) (by the side of the Epirot yvwffk'w^Lat. gnd-sco), Si-Spa-aKw, iri-Trpa-rrKW, ^i-fivij-OKw, iri-Tri-aicii). 2) The second group is only distinguished from the first by the fact that the root as compared with other forms has suffered metathesis : 190 THE INCHOATIVE CLASS. ch. x. Qvr]-(TKiit (by the side of i-Qav-o-v)^ pXit-aKio (beside e-fioX-n-v), in tbe course of which the vowel always gets lengthened. Here, too, redupli- cation appears in one instance : ici-*.X(';-(T(.'w. On the boundary between this group and the preceding there is here and there some debatable ground. If we take our stand in the Indo-Grermanic period yvw and fii'a have already suffered metathesis as compared with the elsewhere discernible gan (our can) and man (Lat. me-min-i). But in Greek the metathesised is the characteristic and only form of these roots, while others only put the vowel after the second consonant to form the in- choative. So, too, cre-sco by the side of Ceru-s, Ceres. Joh. Schmidt (Ztschr. xxiii. 278) makes it appear probable that all primitive presents with a long vowel before the -(tkw have suffered metathesis. Op. below, group 3. 3) The third group contains verbs of a decidedly derivative character. Here the vowels of the derivative conjugation appear before the e.g. ai'a-l3ib>-(TK0-fiat, V e.g. fiadli-irKO). In many of the instances noun-stems unmistakably form the starting-point for these verbs. (r;/3a, /3(o, fitOv). This group corresponds to the numerous Latin denominative inchoatives like ira-scor, 276 invetera-sco, clare-sco, mature-sco, obdormi-sco. The vowels were pro- bably long from the beginning. The formations of this group bear to those of the first exactly the same relation as is borne by the AeoUc contracted verbs in fii to the primitive formations of the kind, so that »//3ai7Kw : Pnaiao : : Aeol. yi\aijj.L : (pdfii. That is, in the one the vowel is radical, in the other it is the result of contraction. The kind of contraction is made plainer to us by the iteratives. iijiaaKo) clearly stands on the same footing as far as formation goes, as EiatKe A 125, rpmiraiTiceTo (A. 568). By the side of these contracted forms, however, stand those which are as yet uncon- tracted, such as lauraattKe, yodaaKc, IxdvaaaKoi'. No one will doubt that the second a has here been developed out of the thematic e under the influence of the first, and that the inchoatives took the same course. Oonsequently we may from ///Sdo-Kw infer a previous */;/3a£-(rKu), and this wUl show us that the o-k-, which is the characteristic of the class, was affixed to the full stem of the derivative verbs containing the vowel of the derivative conjugation and the thematic vowel as well. In the case of the e-conjugation the parallel is not so striking : a\Sij-opri-fievai and the Aeol. ahai-ei. It is, as has been shown more at length in Stud. iii. 379 ff., to be set down to the after effects of the j which originally existed after this vowel. Of precisely the same kind is the a* in the Homeric i/TD'oi-orraf and' consequently that in avajiia-mcofiai where it has swal- lowed up the thematic vowel. "We may conjecture the same process in the case of iieOu-fTKU) on the ground of the Aeolic jxiSv-iw. This is the proper place at which to deal with a remarkable tradition of the old grammarians, to which Usener has called attention in Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1865, p. 245 ff. One or two of these inchoatives were in antiquity written with an t after the stem-vowel. Distinct testimony gives Oval-ffKui and fiifivai-irKio as Aeolic (Ahrens, Aeol. 96), testimony which is derived ultimately from Herodian (on A 799). But CH. X. CLASSIFICATION OF THE INCHOATIVES. 191 TJsener finds the i also in the corresponding Ionic and Attic forms e>'i)-v ' einK\i)6 „ -min-i-sco-r. xd'(rK), give to drink, is only found in Hippocr. and Lucian. 10) *7ri-7rpa-aKU) rare, Homer has irip-vti-p-i instead (cp. above, p. 117), wnrpatTKETai Lys. 18, 20, inirpa(Tic6[i£va Plat. Phaedo 69. 11) *Tri-avin;eiv (Hdt. iii. 86 ciix' rifiEprj liaipuiaKovar)) are now written in Herodotus with an w, and in Aristotle with an av, and are intransitive. 12) (j>da-Kb). In Homer E^aaKov, ^aaKE, in Attic writers (^aaKia as a 281 conj., facrKoifjii, ^olitkeiv, (pdaKuii', not so often in the indicative. II. -a-Kto, -a-KO-pui ADDED 10 OONSONANTAI RoOIS WHICH HAVE BECOME TOOAIIC BX MbXAIHESIB. 1) ^Xm-ctku). KarajiXwaKovra tt 466, TrpojSXioifKEfiEV r 25, TrpofiXuKricEiy 239, 385, elsewhere only in Alexandrine poets, while the aor. EfioXoy is used by poets of all times. 2) *lii-i3po)-iTK(o a very rare present, -cited by Veitch only from Hippocrates, Plutarch (Mor. 1059 P. irEpi/St/BpaxrKoira), and Babriua (108, 9 fiij3pi)(TK(iiv), while other tenses, and especially the perfect, are o 194 . THE INCHOATIVE CLASS. ch. x. far more common. — Hesych. has the noit-reduplicated by-form avafipwiTKuiv' KaTEa6lb)v. Cp. yviiSKia I 3. 3) JDor. 8vd-(fK(i> (Pind. 01. ii. 21), Ionic and Attic dv^trKui, in common vise from Homer onwards. The Aeolic OvaltrKai has been discussed already on p. 190 f. 4) Opii-tTKO), in poets from Homer onvards (dpwiTKovin E 772), and in Herodotus. The by-form dopwfiai was mentioned on p. 110. 5) *ici-Kk{i-aKb) tolerably common in both active and middle from Homer onwards (x 397, I 569, o 403, Pindar fragm. 64 Be. kikKyiitkokti). 6) |OJ;-(TKo-/iat only in Hesych. p-qaKOfxiviov' Xeyofiivuiv, and therefore' from the rt. fep, cp. pfjpa c'iprjKa etc. There would be some justification for putting yiyvoicrno), dpatncw, HijxvriaKU) and irnzpaaRo) in this list instead of in I. I have not done so, however, because the consonantal roots gam, dha/r, man, and pa/r either do not survive in Greek at all, or show no regular alternation with the corresponding vocalic stems. in. -O-KCB, -a-KO-lxai ADDED TO VoCALIC StEMS OP TWO OB MOKE StLIABLBS. 1) aa-a-Ksi • (iXairrii, fOelpei Hesych., a present to Homer's aor. fiao-f, mid. aaffaTO (cp. atiara Pind.=arj;). 2) ae-(JKO-vTO (also aUuKovro)' avsTravovro, kKoi^Uvro Hesych. {ai(rK(it fa cited by Herodian i. 436), a present to the.Homeric aor. Heaa. 282 3) a\.6fi-(TK0) intrans. heal, only in Hippocrates, with the variant aXdia-Kio (like Class IV.). Other present-forms are aXOo-juai and aXdalvuy (trans, cp. p. 185). iiXde^ie Hippocr. 4) oKv-aKO). akvffKuiy ^ 363, 382, elsewhere only in ApoU. Rhod. The forms aXi^to, ijXv^a in Homer and the tragedians suggest that aXviTKw has come from *a\vK-crKw. But KaKov /xopov e^aXvovreQ hymn, in Bacch. v. 51, and the common forms &\ev(o, aXiofiai point to a vocalic stem aXv, which-must have been developed from a\ (cp. aXr), aXaofj,at) in a similar way to that in which /spu watch, discussed on p. 122, was developed from fep, the Skt. var, and IXv from PeX.- The guttm-al stem therefore must have been made- either independently of the inchoative present-form or else out of it, by the repression of the sigma. 5) (iito-aKO-fxai, only Aristot. Meteorol. i. 14 erepoi towoi jiiwoKovTai^ dva^LuiuKETai Plato Symp. 203 e, besides which there is in late prose the active avapiixrKw. The corresponding aorist-forms are of more frequent ■ occurrence. 6) yayv-rTKo-ixai first cited from Themistius. Cp. yavv-fxai above p. 112. 7) yEveui-iTKb) Plato Symp. 181 d, Xenoph. to get a beard. By-form yevEia^o), yEVEiaii). 8) yi)pa.-(7KX>7f 'AvSpofitBri. djjjiXixrKio, attested by Suidas, is cited in Step^i. Thes. from Galen and other late prose writers. Perhaps dfifiXv-e or a by-form *diJ.(SXo (Princ. i. 406, ii. 396) is the word which furnished the stem for the verb. 5) dvaX-l-tTKia from Pindar onWards in poetry and prose by the side of avaXoo) (e.g. avaXovv 0. I. A. I. 55,- 3). 6) *dira(^-^ only X 217, k^aira^iaicbiv Hes. Th. 537 (v. 1. k'^aira- TiaKwv). The aorist-forms occur pretty often in poets. 7) ■*apap-i-(TK only J 23 avne S' afiijil TroBeacri lole apdpicriCE irt'SiXa, and in imitation of this passage Theocr. 25, 103. 8) dp-E-(TKpoveiv Ke\pr]jxevov ■KivvaKET EvKoyoiai vovdErr]fia(Tiv, and the aor. occurs at S 249 ?';S?j yap ue (cat aWo tci) kwivvaaev kfhETuij, Cp. Simon. C. fr. 12 Be.3 7) Ti-Tv-(TKO-fj.ai. r 80 loiaiv re TiTvcrKOfiEvoi \a.E(TOi t ej3a\Xov, tltv- a-KETo 6 41, N 23, also used in the sense of tevxeiv. The active is used by late poets in the latter sense. Other inchoative forms from an equivalent of this stem are awodixTKEiv (M.S. diroOvk-Eivy aTroTvyxdyciy, Evdv(TKEi' EVTvyxdi'Ei, with a remarkable shifting of the aspiration, which was lost before the o-k, to the initial, tetvitkcov ifKpavii^uv, tetvctketo' KaTEdKEvdl^ETo, all in Hesych. 8) xP-oKU) found from Solon onwards (fr. 13, 36 Be.^), apparently for Xa-v-(TKM, cp. xo'Vo), aor. E-)(av-o-i', pf. KExn""! while the Lat. hi-sco shows no nasal. dfKpiiTKOvTEt ■ EvSv6fj.E>'oi (cp. ETTa/XipicTicd)), wMch might at first sight be taken for an inchoative of the rt. Ac, so strongly resembles the form dfi7riir\(o (more commonly dfiirnrxvEOfxai) that we may certainly follow Steph. Thes. ia regarding it as merely a by-form of the latter. dp. It would not in itself be improbable that the softening of the simple A to y in forms like ijiiyriv should by the force of analogy have had something to do with the softening of the sk. Joh. Schmidt however (Vocal, i. 123) makes the very plausible conjectiu'e that the well-attested natural length of the vowel in fita-yto, juTf at, h'ikto is due to the after-effects of a nasal, so that we should have to assume a primary form /ityy-tr/cw, in which the first y would have arisen from the syllable w in fiiywfii. For the softened SiKTyu) too there occurs a' nasal formation in ivvu) (cp. above, p. 178). So it may be that its primary form was *Svi'-aKw, and that the nasal was in both cases the real source of the softening. 4) 7ra-(7xw common to all Greek (aXyta waax^i Y 297). Op. Princ. ii. 365 f., where objection is taken to the wide-spread assumption that the loss of a 6 is the cause of the aspiration. The comparison of the Lat. jia-ti-o-r and of 7rEv-o-/j.ai, tovo-q points conclusively to the assumption that the root-syllable was 7ra (apparently for ava, cp. inra-vi-s and Princ. ii. 356). 'i-ira-do-v, and Tre-Trov-Oa are expanded by a 6. The Sicilian perfect weTroirxa (Ahrens, Dor. 351) has been formed in striking analogy to the present. The different view of this verb taken by Joh. Schmidt (Voc. i. 93) fails to convince me. Synopymic differences such as have arisen not only between niviaQm, novoe on one side and waax^i-f, Tradeli' on- the other, but also between iradoe and the undoubtedly related TTsi'doQ (mourning) ought not to induce us to separate the .stems irev and Trad. In Trer-i-x-po-i (y 348), tte'i'-jj-s, irBv-ir) (4 157) we have a modifica- tion of meaning in the case of ttev precisely similar to that which has prevailed in traHtiv and vaax^^v- StiU less am I inclined to separate 288 the Lat. pa-ti-o-r, which in the wide ramifications of its meaning is completely equivalent to nadely, and n^'-fia (-n-fifiara Traaxeiv) from the form of the stem which ends in 6. ' -pa-ti-o-r comes from the rt. pa, as po-ti-or from po (cp. fa-te-o-r). Besides these I have at Princ. ii. 365 f. tried to make good the assertion that the following 8 verbs, whose stem ends in x even outside the present tense, owe this consonant to a softening from tk. yXtxofini in Herodotus, Aristophanes, and Demosthenes. Forms belonging to other stems than the present are of quite isolated occur- rence, e.g. ly\i^a.fj.rjf Plato Com. ii. 695 Mein. yXiaxpo-g (Princ. i. 458) perhaps contains the sibilant which we assume to have existed before Xj while yXi-a, yXoi-o-g seem to give the root. tvxofiai, common to all Greek from Homer onwards, accompanied by a plentiful noun-formation: evxVj £i'X'*'^^i tvx^TdaaOai and forms like Ev^o/xai (Soph.), eiiKTo (above, p. 131), r/v^aTo (Piad. Aesch.). The Skt. vdiiJcha-ti he wishes, desires (for vcm-ska-ti) thoroughly corresponds to the meaning wish, as does vanMhd wish to tvxri and the O.H.G. wttnac. Both words are derived in the Pet. Diet, from van wish for.* sv^va * Eoth {Ztsoli/i: xix. 220) however connects the stem eix with the Skt. vOgh-dt, the offering, presenting one, making vagh the rt. So too Fiok" i. 765. <3H. X. PEESENTS IN WHICH THE -aK IS TRANSFORMED. 199 may be plainly seen in evpv-g from *varvra (Skt. uru-s Princ. i, 431), and in eSvi-c bereft=Skt. vdnja, und (Bugge Stud. iv. 328). vi'ixi^ Homeric (vij^EjuEj-at e 375), also vri^ofiai e 364. ffjiriyfio Z 226 'iiTfirixov by the side of andw in Hdt. and Axistoph., ve6-(TfiriK-T0-£- N 342, iiaffuri^delQ Aristopb. aTet'-a-)(bi II 391 and elsewhere by the side of oteVe K 16. Here there are no forms with a ^. The iterative (xrevaxEaKE T 132 is no ■objection to the view that j( stands for an earlier ok, as is shown by fionKiaKOVTO. Tpv\ia. Tpv)(6fie>'oe a 288, cp. Tipi-aKio above, p. 195. Still as early ■as p 387 there is rpv^ui. 4'VX'^. ^J tl'® side of xpab), post-Homeric. 1^3 Soph. Tr. 678 by the side of e^rjKTat ib. 698. \pv-)(o) avi\liv)^ov N 84, \pv^aaa Y 440; 4"'X^> *f'"Xl'"'f> '4'^X''S *lso show the X) and it is only in vi., and aXdriaKU). (iii. 3) with aXdioKio (iv. 1) we must subtract two from this number, and this gives us a total of 74, not quite half the number, that is, of the verbs of the nasal class. It must be remarked moreover that very many of these presents do not occur till late, and that not a few, though given in our grammars as the regular forms, are of quite isolated occurrence. This is especially the case with deSiffKOfiai {i. 4), SiSv(Tic(it (i. 6), QpaaKiD (i. 7), KaT-e-KiKXad-Ke (i. 7b), Trnriaicixi (i. 9), •KtirpaaKu) (i. 10), /SXaiffifW (ii. 1), fSifipwaKio (ii. 2), priUKOfiai (ii. 8), aacKo) (pi. 1), aioKOVTO (iii. 2), a\Br\ (iii. 3), oXvdKiii (iii. 4), yavvuKo^ixxi (iii. 6), ijXaaKui (iii. 10), irwrao-^rat (iii. 13), trtKaaKui (ui. 14), TEpvaKia {iii. 15), TptowcKTKti) (iii. 16), TiEtrKOfievoL (iii. 18b), d/xjiXaKlaKw (iv. 3), oVa^tffKW (iv. 6), dpapLaKO) (iv. 7), EKyajxiaKO) (iv. 10), KopiaKia (iv. 13), pvitTKofiai (iv. 16), reXiffKO) (iv. 18), X'^o'^^ct/cw (iv. 19), xP'?'''^'^o/'*'"(i'^- 20), id(TKb) (v. 4), KXwffKti) (v. 5), ^wiryw (vi 1). After the subtraction of these 32 rare forms there remain about 40 verbs ia which this present- formation was actually in constant use. Finally, as regards the meaning of this present-expansion, if it had not been for the abundantly attested inchoative meaning in Latin verbs like adolescere, revwiscere, puhescere, senescere, clarescere etc., it would perhaps hardly have occurred to anyone to ascribe even partially the ex- pression of the same notion to the Greek verbs of like formation. As a fact out of the 74 present-forms of this class only 5, i.e. the Hero- dotean diao}aKeiv {Ulucescere), ■ dvafiiixTKOfiai (revivisco), yereidaKu), yripd (senesco), fifiaoKbi (pubesco) have an unmistakably inchoative 290 meaning. When once awake to this fact we shall perhaps go on to admit that the action also in ytyi/wo-Kw (gnosco), fiifivija-Ku) (reminiscor), 200 THE INCHOATIVE CLASS. . ch. x. liSdffKdi, TtTvoTKOfiat, and possibly in (iaaicioj kvcKko) and KiKXyiricbi is repre- sented as gradually aniving at completion. A number of these verbs have in the present stem, and that partly in contrast to the rest of the- verb, a decidedly causative meaning. This is specially the case with £7r(/3a(7Kfc), BeSHrKo/xai make frightened, TriTriaicw, /ieBvaKto, EtcyitfiiaKui, liaKia, ■KivvoKw. avafiioKTKOfiai is used sometimes in a simply inchoative, some- times in a causative sense. That the inchoative meaning veered straight round to the causative we are hardly entitled to assume. It was. rather that the operation expressed by some of these verbs was from the first a gradual operation. Gradual upspringing and gradual operation met in the same form, and this is by no means the only case where one and the same form is made the vehicle for an intransitive and a causative meaning. Later on usage, as it often did also in the case of intran- sitive inchoative forms, allowed the notion of gradualness to fall away, and so nothing but the causative meaning was left. For jianKuv e.g. we suppose the primary meaning to have been ' to get gradually into motion,' and to this was added the causative ' to set gradually in motion,' and hence for the compound with etti ' to bring gradually nearer to something.' The distinction between that which comes about and that which is brought about formed, to begin with, no more of a special expression here than, say, in ot/z-o-o), i-aTtj-aa, ijirt-aa, as con- trasted with 'i-aTr)-v, e-jSij-v, or in verbs like eXavytiv, iiyeiv. After this contrast between i-RifiaaKii) and ewtfiatva), eirifirjvat etc.- had been once developed, the special expression of gradualness which had really been the primary meaning of the form, fell quite into abeyance, and tVi/jao-krw in this way came to be a purely causative verb. Thus viewed these very causatives are also witnesses to a period in which the (tk was a present-expansion with a definite meaning. The vulgar dialect of Rome, as Lowe (Prodromus corp. glossar. 362) points out, shows the same change of meaning in e.g. ferasait ferum facit, pravescere depravare. In the case of the great majority of the verbs of this class it must be admitted, it is true, that all recollection of this early state of things had as entirely disappeared as in the case of the Latin verbs nanoisci, pacisci, 2"! ulcisci, proficisci, pascere. Among the Sanskrit forms which we re- cognised above as belonging here in form, at least two have an unmistakably inchoative meaning, i.e. uTiKhd-ti illucescit and murlcha-ii it curdles, grows firm, stiff. We may see in this a remarkable ti'ace of an inchoative meaning in the syllable sha (Jcha), a meaning originally existing, we .may assume, in the Indian languages as well. '^- ^- THE I-CLASS. 201 CHAPTER XI. TJSi; I- CLASS. There is probably no discovery made by Comparative Philology wbicb has contributed so much, toivards a clear understanding of the structure of the Greek verb as the discovery of the i-class. Buttmann, who so often showed a deeper insight than his contem- poraries, got no further than the perception, expressed under the head of ' double themes ' (Ausf. Gr. i.^ 367) with reference to presents like , f3a\\b), raasw, fpa^o), that ' in a large number of verbs the stem of the word ' appears ' in the present in a longer, fuller form, produced sometimes by a long vowel or diphthong, sometimes by the addition or the variation of consonants.' Least of all was this a satisfactory account of the presents in. -o-ow and -^w, as in fact the ' variation of the con- sonants ' was left quite incomprehensible. It was not for a moment suspected that it might be possible to explain the four verbs selected above as examples, and those like them, on a single principle, notwith- standing that it would have been possible to arrive at the truth merely from a close examination of Latin verbs in -io in connexion with the alterations manifest in the comparatives in -Loif, without any aid from Sanskrit. Bopp "Vgl. Gr. i.^ 211 acknowledges that it was the analysis of the Greek comparatives which first led him to discern the connexion between Greek verbs in -traa) and -XXw and the Sanskrit verbs of the 292 fourth class (1st sing, -jd-mi), and this is why, in my ' Tempora und Modi,' I devoted such a considerable space, — and the condition of the science at the time made this quite necessary — to the parallelism between tl^e formation of the comparative and that of the present. Since that time the analogies from Greek have by Bopp himself, by Schleicher and others, been placed in so clear a light that no doubt on the main points is any longer possible. Controversies exist only on a few side questions and single points, and on the origin of the whole class. In respect to these questions I will deal only with such ground as has not been already covered by me in my ' Principles of Greek Etymology.' Our main task here is to demonstrate the original unity of the whole mass .of the present-formations, apparently so diverse, which belong to this class. Such a result can be welcomed even by one who stUl feels some dovibts as to the origin of the whole phenomenon. It is a settled fact that the primitive Indo-Germanic language distin- guished a large number of present-stems from the verb-stem by affixing the syllable ja. As j and i are constantly interchanged before vowels, we may expect at starting, to find ia as well as ja in the various indi- vidual languages, and to find both forms of this one element represented by such substitutes as the phonetic laws of the single languages would lead us to expect, ja can be clearly seen in 4 families, in Sanskrit, where 202 THE I-CLASS. the class of verbs characterised by ja is given as the 4:th, in Zend, in Slavonic, and in Gothic : Skt. hup pres. knp^or-mi I become agitated. Zd. vm'ez „ vereiy-yd-mi I do. Oli.-Sl, zna „ znorjq I know. Goth, haf „ kaf-ja J heave. ia appears in the Latin verbs of the so-called third conjugation in -io : fug fug^o. In Lithuanian we have the same interchange between ja and ia which we shall presently see to have taken place in Greek. The ia occurs in 293 rt. ar pres. ar-iii I plough, the ja both in derivative verbs e.g. Iaid6-ju I bury, and in primary verbs with the phonetic change of _;' to ^, which is pronounced Hke the French J : rt. sed prea. sSd-£u I sit. We are accordingly entitled to expect to find the forms in -jd-mi represented in Greek sometimes by a vocalic -iw, or perhaps (but of that later) -tw, sometimes by the old -jw and all the transformations to which such a syllable would by Greek phonetic laws have been Uable. We derive the most material assistance here from the analogy of the com- parative, the suffix of which is to be referred to the primary form -jans. Gompare : St. ^8v TrXe compar. , fi8-ia>v and rt. ((Tf)iS pres, Sa-im, p.a\ fioKXov „ /3aX /SoXXo). dpev dp.eivaiv „ rev ruvu). X^P X^t-p^v » rep relpco. 7" • " {kaa-a-av „ rapax "Kevao-co. rapap-cra). Kparv paOv oXtyo KpenrcroiV (u7r)oXifiM>/' „ XlT- „ KOpvd ,< -rpi-y \lo-(T0^ai. Kopva-a-a. rpiCco. It is only for the change from Sj to f which we have to assume for ei^ofjiai, lid) that we have no analogy among the comparatives, though this lack is fully compensated for by parallels in other directions e.g. apyvp6-Tvi'C», compared with the feminine of the Lat. acu-pediu-s (Princ. i. 161), Lesb. (i;'d= ordinary Greek Sia. The Sanskrit 4th class of verbs is one of great extent. According to Bopp it contaius 130 verbs, to which have to be added a few roots in a, which are classed by the Indian grammarians as roots in e and o. Boehtlingk; in a note to his Sanskritchrestomathie p. 279 was the first to bring this last fact to light. Consequently e.g. the rt. dhd suckle, pres. dha-ja-mi, rt. fa sharpen, pres. g-jd-mi belong to this class. This makes the total a stUJ larger one. The Skt. med-jd-mi, from the rt. mid get fat, is the one soUtary instance in that language of intensification of the ' On the newly found Attic form oAetfwv (C. I. A. 1 B, 33 etc.) of. Cauer Stud. viii. 254. CH, XI, EXTENT AND ANTiaUITY ''OE THE CLASS. 203 root- vowel combined with the addition of the syllable ^a, as in the Latin 294 mejo for meig-io from the rt. mig, and in the Gk. vXrjaab) rt. irXay. In Zend there are, according to Justi, not so very many of these verbs to be found. From Old-Persian Spiegel (Altpers. Keilinschr. p. 166) knows of only a single instance. In Latin there are the following 15 verbs which belong directly here : cap-io, cup-io, fac-io, fod-io, fug-io, grad-io-r, jac-io, lac-io, mor-io-r, quat-io, par-io, pat-io-r, rap-io, sap-io, spec-io. But there are some more to be added ; for, as Struve (ul5. d. lat. Declination und Conjugation p. 199) has well shown, the boundary line between these verbs of the so-called 3rd conjugation and those of the 4th which, like far c-iojjulc-io, or-io-r, sal-io, are saddled with an i only in the present-stem, is not very clearly drawn. In the very earliest Latin there appear forms like parlre^parer.e, morvri-^mori, oupire, desipire and the like. It was only in the course of time that the fashion became established of regularly expelling the i of the stem in certain verbs before a short er, and keeping it everywhere in the form of a con- traction in others. The difference between the two sets of verbs is not enough to constitute a difference of conjugation; we ought rather to place all verbs whose i is movable (as contrasted with that of audio, audivi etc.) in this class. And even ia cases where the i goes right through all forms, e.g. in mug-io, we are no more excluded from the sup- position that it may in the beginning have been a present-expansion, than we are in the case of the nasal of jungo and other formations of that class. The class-characteristic is not so evident at first sight in djo, inejo, which no one who looks at md-jor=7nag-ior can doubt to have originated in ag-io, meig-io. Gothic has only 8 verbs in wliich the syllable ja characterises the present-stem as such : hid-jan heg,frath-jan understand, Imf^an heave, lilah-jan laugh, rath^an count, shath-jan injure, skap-jan shape, make, and vahs-jan wax, grow (Leo Meyer Goth. Sprache p. 350). Here as in so many other cases Greek surpasses most of the other languages in the abundance of the forms preserved, though all kinds of transformations have so modified the original formation that it is almost undistinguish- able. The cases in which the formative syllable ja can be shown to have been affixed to the same stem in more than one Indo-Germanic family of languages are the following 20 : 295 oKKojJMl Lat. sal-4o. aa-valpa Lith. spir-iu (inf. sph'-ti Princ. i. 358). taito divide • Skt. ilrjor-mi (cut). beipa Lith. dir-iu (flay). efo/iai Lith. sMriu. 6viai Lat. sub-fto. Idia Skt. svidr-jor-mi. Lat. cap-io Goth. haf-ja. ■ Skt. kup-)d-mi Lat. cup-io. IcXtBO'O'Q) Lat. qloc-io. Xevo-aa Lith. 'idulc-iu (Princ. i. 196). Skt. mdrirja-te Zd. mairirye-te (he thinks) (cp. the Gk. fiaiverai Princ. i. 387), ^vXXo) Oh.-Sl. mel-^'q (I giind). Sfffl Lith. Uci-iu (smell). TTTitra-to Old-Lat, , pins-io. 296 204 THE I-CLASS. OH, xi. pefo), cpSci) Zd. verez-yd-mi. pvCai Lat. rug-io. Skt. • {s)pdg-jd-mi Zd. gpag-yd Lat. spec-io, Zd. ukhsh-ya-nt (part.) Goth. vahs-ja. Lat. faro-io. Besides these there are a few more instances, some of which are doubtful, while others are of an exceptional character. The Gk. cripaXKw, for instance, and the Lat. /alio can only be compared on the assump- tion that Ij sometimes turns to II in Latin also, fiv^eiv groan can be compared with mug-i-re if the g of the latter is not a weakened k as might be inferred from /j.vKno-nai. Undoubtedly the Lat. mor-io-r is to be compared with the Skt. mri-jd-te he dies=Zd. Iyfra)-fmair-yei-t& and the Old-Pers. a-mar-iya-td he died (Joh. Schmidt Voc. 244). But the syllable ja has in the Sanskrit word the force of the mark of the passive voice, fiaivw, as we remarked on p. 185, is of the same forma- tion as the Lat. ven-io, but in Latin, as in Oscan and Umbrian (3rd sing. fut. ex. hen-ust) the nasal sticks fast to the verb-stem all through, while in the Greek verb it appears only in the present. From a Greek point of view then fiaivw is one of the verbs in which the nasal class and the i-class are united, but ven-io belongs exclusively to the i-class. In the cases oi rpeio) by the side of rptw, and rraico^pav-io conjectural com- parisons will be given below. Having thus set the antiquity of this class of verbs in the right light we have now to consider what was the origin of the syllable Ja. On this point there are practically only two views to choose from'. Either the syllable -ja is just as much a noun-suffix as, according to the view argued out on pp. 108 f. and 164, are the syllables -ma, -nu, and -ta, which constitute the marks of the nasal class and the i-class, or else we have to deal with quite another sort of formation, i.e. a compound ; in other words, that is, the syllable _/« is of verbal origin and identical with the verbal root ja, Skt. jd. Each of these two views has redoubtable names on its side. Schleicher avows the former (Comp.^ 753), and the latter was first stated by Bopp (Vgl. Gr. ii.^ 357), and adopted, among others,, by Benfey and Max Miiller. I have myself repeatedly (especially in my Erlauterungen^ 103, in my 'Zur Chronologie ' ^ 57, and in the Intro- duction to this book p. 12) declared for the second of these views.^ On the side of the former view may be urged the analogy of the above-mentioned suffixes. The suffix -ja moreover is of very frequent occurrence in verbal adjectives, it is used in Sanskrit in the formation of gerundival adjectives like ja^-ja-s (rt. ja^) venerandus=Gk. ciy-io-c, though no definitely established meaning was imiformly attached to it. Eor instance paK-ja-s from the rt. pale cook means ripening, and the cor- responding Zend form likewise. Emphasis might even be laid on the fact that in Sanskrit the suffixes an and ja are found united in the later fuller gerundive termination -an-ja, -an-lja, and that in the verb likewise '^ Since the above was written an attempt has heen made in Bezzenberger's Seitrdge i. 120. S. by Fick and Fiihrer, to show that the ' so-called ja-suffix ' was from the first an element inherent in the verb. I confess I see no reason for this view, and it seems to me that no proper regard has been paid, in making the lists there given, to the period at which the several words oocm:. I fail to see that, e.g. the altogether late firixia, hoarseness, can be of any use at all in ex- plaining piiaaa or vice versa. CH. XI. OiRIGIN OE THE ja. 205 both elements occur not seldom in conjunction, whence comes e.g. the Skt. hhur-ari-jd-mi I start, and the Gk. ixp-aivio i.e. v has been preserved pm-e, B) where -tw has coalesced with other vowels to form diphthongs. A) . ecr-O-ltii, which occurs from Homer onwards, with the (also Homeric) by-form 'iff-d(o and the unexpanded e^w, is the only present with a 301 movable i. Since, however, the ( is here preceded by another stem- expansion, i.e. 6, we have evidently here what we have encountered so often before, e.g. informs like oipXi-tnc-avio, aKT-Q-dvo-fiai, the conjunction of two elements of stem-expansion. The stem without the i is just as much a present-stem as that with the (, so that properly speakmg we cannot call this a present-foiming iw. Delbriick (Verb. 202) discovers an isolated parallel to la-&iu> ia the Vedic gm-dMjd-ti he obeys (rt. frw hear). All the other verbs in -no keep the t in the other tenses as well as in the present': aX/w f(X«ra, KvKibi iKvKiaa, 6t(o Horn. o'Caaro. In the case of denominative verbs like firfvibi, dripio/xai, kovLoj this is hardly to be wondered 208 THE I-CLASS. CH, XI. at. All these verbs are like the Latin verbs with a permanent i like audire, lenire, and not like such as cupere, fodere. It is possible that this per- manency of the I was not a primitive feature and that the extension of the domain of the t was, like that of the nasal affixes, only gradual. But where. we find forms with a permanent i occurring in the very earliest times we are hardly entitled to make such an assumption. , 'In the case of atsiv hear we must not overlook the post-Homeric I'lifra and the o- of the Herodotean verbal adjective iwaiaroQ, — all the less as in the evidently related ai-(T-d-a.vo-fiai we see the other stem-expansions following the same consonant. Hesychius's aere ■ amisTe does not make against this. Although then the facts here adduced by no means exclude the possibility of the connexion of atw with the rt. av conjectured at Princ. i. 482, it cannot be said, strictly speaking, that the t of this verb is instrumental in forming the present-stem. We have more right to maintain this in the case of JS-fw (Princ. i. 300). For here IS, originally aJ^iS, is unmistakably the root, which . appears unexpanded in IS-oq iS-p6-c, t5-|0-. 209 Greek verb than those of d-jd-mi, though the latter, axMK>rding to the Pet. Diet., in composition with various prepositions means also allot, divide, and thus comes so near to the Greek verb in meaning that it can hardly be doubted that it has the same root. We have here a very clear instance of the vacillation early manifested by language between a merely partial stem-expansion — one limited to the present-stem, that is — and one that goes all through the verb. 303 . 5) Kcpa-iui, by the side of Kepa-nai, KCpdo-fiai, cf. p. 120. 6) 6 via). 7) Aeol. , only preserved in the Homeric part, yaliiiv A 405. Still, yaS-po-c and the Lat gau-d-eo (Princ. i. 211) make it probable that it comes from yoF-no. There are no other tenses. 9) Sa-iii> kindle, poetical from Homer onwards in the active and middle. Its origin from Snf-iut is established by Se-Sav-fii-vo-e (Princ. i. 285). 5o/ corresponds to the iat«nsified Sanskrit root du {du-no-mi) bum, whence comes dav-a-s, a burning. The perfect is li-lri-e, and there is an aor. Sd-rj-Tat. 10) Ka-lci) with the Attic by-form xdw, common to all Greek from Homer onwards. The Attic Kav-ao), E-Kav-aa, Ke-Kav-jxai, xav-fia etc. establish Kaf as the stem of the verb. 11) Kka-iut in. Homer, Attic by-form K\aw. Homer has KXau-iro/ixai, KXav-ae, a-ickav-To-Q, the tragedians *:£-K\av-^£i'o-e, so that the stem of the verb must be kXo/, which has perhaps been developed from the rt. kKv wash (kXv^u) cp. plo-ra-re and the rt. plu), in the same way as 2a/ (no. 9) from du. 12) Xi-Xa-io-fiat an isolated epic present, which we should be able to derive straight from the rt. Xa (Xij-yua), if it were not that there is no definite evidence of the existence of such a root (Princ. i. 450). The rt. las, on the other hand, is well established, and ia Sanskrit it forms a present Idah-ja-mi (as well as Ids-a-mi) of the same meaning as the Greek word. It is only the reduplication, for which we shall find numerous analogies, especially where the meaning is intensified, that distinguishes Xt-Xalo-fiaL from Idsh-jd-mi. The Homeric Xe-Xtrj-fieyo-c ought perhaps to be referred to Xs-XiXri-fievo-Q. 13) fta-io-fiai. Leskien (Stud. ii. 88) has made it exceedingly probable that the rt. juac is at the bottom of this present, which occurs in poetry from Homer onwards (E 748 "Hp»j ^e fidanyi Bows ktrefiaicT ap' iTnrove). The forms fidiraeTai I 394 (Aristarchus), ewifiatrtrafiivr] t 468, iirifiaiTTOQ v 304 377, fjaorriip, fidaixa all make for this. This /jac we may regard as a sigmatic expansion of the rt. Tna which is to be found in ina-nu-s and ^a'-pij hand [ev-iXaprit;) with the fundamental notion touch, feel. The fundamental meaning is readily distinguishable in some of the Greek forms, while in others the derived meaning ' feel after something, long for,' is prominent (Princ. i. 388). As it is probable that the rt. ma measure (Gk. /j.e') is also to be referred to the same fundamental notion we should not be excluded from identifying the Skt. mas measure with the Gk. rt. fias, only this Skt. root is only to be found in lists of roots 210 THE I-CLASS. CH. xi. (Pet. Diet.), though the present form mds-jd-mi, which is completely identical with *fiaa-jo-fiai, is also given. 14) va-ib> used by poets from Homer onwards. The existence of a a is made probable by such forms as vdrraa S 174, dvevdaaaTo B 629, rdffOri S 119. On the related rt. vcs (viaaofiai, vdoroc), which derives support from the Skt. nas to join oneself to, cp. Princ. i. 391, Leipz. Stud, i. 141. The «, as in no. 4, appears beyond the present-stem in va-i-tTau) (cp. vairai, vaerijpee' oiKijTopf.Q Hesych.). 15) TpE-ito instead of the usual rpEw is quoted by Veitch from Timon PhHasius fr. ix. (Wachsmuth) ; fiv wKi'iaroi vnoTpiiovrrt ao(j>i) he rightly refers to Sff-jio, just as at Princ. i. 289 the stem ?f/ is given for Sew. There is ground for suspecting other presents with i-diphthongs of having lost consonants in a similar way. But the i appears to have established itself firmly through aU the tenses, as is the case in Kva-ia, Kvaia(a, EKfaiaa by the side of Kva-(o, Kvri-du), which Pick i.' 49 refers to a rt. knas, in jcaiu), iraiau) or iratritTb), eiraiaa, kvaiedr)v — which at Princ. i. 333 I have compared with the Lat. pav-io. The i of the latter verb is CH. XI. PRESENTS IN -Wft). 211 treated as if it were that of the i-conjugation (cp. also pavlmentum), but Paul. Ep. p. 70 quotes from Lucilius the perfect de-puv-i-t from de-pHv-io, so that the i of the verb appears to have been a movable one.^-7r7a('&) ■KTaiijto, ETTTaKTa is of too uncertain etymology to yield us any result for our present purpose. II. PRESENTS SHOWINa THE EFFECTS LEFT BY AN EARLIER -joy. 306 A) Verbs in -XXu.-X/w, 1) aX\o-fiai, ordinary Greek, by the side of the Homeric oXto, conj. a\£-Tai (cp. above, p. 130), the Att. ci\oOjLiai etc. Lat. sal-io (Princ. ii.l67). 2) jSaWui, ordinary Greek, with the Arcadian by-form ft'Ww, SeWoj (Princ. ii. 76), by the side of eliaXov (Arcad. 'i^eXov), kfiaXofiriv^ fiaXw, jSiXoc, fioXri. If we are not mistaken in the comparisons given at Princ. ii. 76, and the assumption that the primary meaning was flow, glide, the O. H. G. quiUu scaturio (pret. qual) is due to the same method of present-formation. — SiaSeXXsiv Siainrav Hesych, can be nothing but Sia/3aX\eiv. 3) /3Sa\\w. Plato Theaet. 174 d is the earliest passage in which the verb is found. Of forms of other tenses there occurs only cftSriXaTo. 4) I^SiXXiiiv Tpi^iav ij ^Biii)v Hesych. as also fiSvXXetv SeSiiyat, rpifieiv )j ftSeiv belonging to fiScX-vpo-c which is an expansion of the root of (iSiu) which was originally pScg (Princ. i. 284). 5) SaXXei ■ KaKovpyei Hesych., if genuine, belongs to BaXrj • KUKovpy^, daXri(ra' T 355, ■KO.X-TO (cp. above, p. 131), jrdXo-c. 12) aKoXXb) scrape up earth, dig, by the side of aKoX-evo), oKaX-i^w, from Herodotus onwards (ii. 14). 13) a-KeXXb) dry (trans.) KarcaxiXXovTo Aesch. Prom. 481, by the side of oKeXib), (TKeXe-Tt'i-g etc., perf. 'irrKXrj-Ka, which we may assume on the analogy of the actually occurring Lesbian oXocpyppoj. It must be admitted, how- ever, that such presents as have no attested Aeolic counterparts in pp, ought possibly to be put into the lengthening class — may perhaps have been formed, i.e. like rvfu, (ppvyio (p. 158). 1) Scipu), by the side of Jepw, in Hdt. (ii. 39, iv. 64) and Attic writers, Lesb. Bippai, Saipui which occurs in some M.SS. at Aristoph. Nub. 442, Av. 365 Dindorf is no doubt right in altering to Selpu). For the orthographical rules of the grammarians — e.g. Herodian ii. 490 — know of nothing but Sdpu), which analogy demands, and the Aeol. Sippbi (Ahr. Aeol. 53). Selpti) i.e. *iep-jb) has been above (p. 203) compared with the Lith. dir-iu. A Sanskrit dir-ja-mi of the same formation is" 310 also mentioned in the Pet. Diet, as given by grammarians. 2) e'ipio say, from hlpia /3 162 rule eipoi (\ 137, v 7), by the side of the fut. ipeii), ipd from Homer onwards; there is also the present ilpiio, Hes. Theog. 38 clpeiiaai saying. 3) tipofjai ask, seek t'ipeai y 80, e'lpero A 513, but like no. 2) with by-forms from a stem in c : epeotv H 128, conj. ipdofiiv A 62, ipeufxai p 509, epeovro A 332. The stem ep appears without any expansion in the middle aorist-forms in use from Homer onwards ipwfiai, ipoifiriv, 214 THE I-CLASS. ch. xi. epi(7dat (y 243), to which was later added the indicative ^p(5/jr)>'. On the diflBculty of connecting these forms with c'ipu) say cp. Princ. i. 429. 4) eipw set in a row, fasten. The present from Pindar onwards. The Homeric form ijupe discussed on p. 81 belongs either to the imperfect or to the aprist, while the unexpanded stem is certainly to be seen in the Homeric hpfihoc, ecpro. Si-ip-aai is quoted from Hippocrates. Cp. , Princ. i. 44 1. The Lat. sero is an unexpanded form from the corre- sponding Latin stem. 5) Kelpo) from Homer onwards (A 560, X 578) by the side of the fat. Kep-iio, Kspui aor. t-Kep-aa N 546, Princ. i. 181. The Lesbian kippu) is often given. 6) Kvpw. Kvpnv ■9 821, 'i-Kvpo-v Soph. O. C. 1159, Kvperni Q, 530. A by-form of the present-stem occurs in Kip-iio Aesch. Prom. 330, iKvpovv Soph. El. 1331, whence we find later on Kvprj/ro) etc. The pure stem Kvp occurs in i-Kvp-aa, Kvp-aia. 7) fxeipofiai. ficipio in the suspicious verse I 616, and airo/jeipeTai is not quite beyond suspicion at Hes. Theog. 801, 0pp. 578 (cp. Kochly) ; the only other passage adduced for it is Aratus 657 l^nupofiivrj). The forms from the unexpanded stem however are of frequent occurrence : the Homeric e/ifiope, e'l/xapTai, fiepog. At Princ. i. 412 I have connected with it the Lat. mer-eo. 8) ixvpnij.ni. Homer has fivpovrai T 213, fj-vpofiivoe t 119, also later poets, and Hes. Scut. 132 has the active impf. fivpov, 9) ivpofxai, a, by-form of ^vpiw, not before Plutarch. 10) ireipb), poetical from Homer onwards (i' 91, y 33). The shorter 311 stem occurs as early in irt-Trap-fiEi'gt. At Princ. i. 338 I have compared with it the Ch.-81. pra-ti&omA&ce, of which the 1st sing, por-jq. — though not supported by quotations in Miklosich's Lexicon — is formed in pre- cisely the same way as ireipo). 11) ■KTvpofiat, only found in Hippocrates, while the aor. iirTvpriv occurs in Plutarch. 12) rraipti) Eurip. Ion 115 and elsewhere, the shorter stem in ataripa (comic poets), Aor. tc-rjpa (Soph.). 13) aicaipta only in the present-stem. aKnipofTeg S 572, aKalptoaiv K 412. The pure stem is shown in o-Kop/fw and with a thinner vowel in OKLpraw. 14) awaiphi (cp. below aairaipw), only in Alexandrine poets, in Aristotle and in late prose. There are no forms found except those from the present-stem. 15) aireipo), in common use from Hesiod onwards (0pp. 463), by the side of the fut. mzepSi, pf. 'iawaprai, aor. kairaoinv, mropa etc. Lesb, (Tirippw. 16) aipo). Present forms first in Hdt. (ii. 60) and Aristophanes (irapairvptov Equ. 527), tiTvpr\v not till late prose, 17) TEipo) (Lesb. rippio) poetical from Homer onwards (A 315), but only in the present-stem. The pure stem must be sought in Tep-e-rpo-y, rip-rjv and the Lat. ter-o. The latter is related to reipio exactly as sero is to e'ipb) (no. 4). 18) fdeipb), Lesb. 6ippio, from Homer onwards with the fut. (pdipao), later tpOEpw, /-^Oap-T/r, 'i-vpb>, in general use. il 162 ?ai:pv(n tijuar' 'ivpov. We cannot put this verb here without reserve, for the short stem ^ip which we thus CH. XI. STEMS ENDING IN p. 215 are obliged to assume, is nowhere to be found. Even the derivative (bvp&b) has V (Aesch. Sept. 48). The present-stem seems therefore to have become completely petrified, unless indeed we ought to explain, the long vowel in quite another way. 20) x"'P'^)i'i general use, beside e-)(ap-riv — Homeric Kt^aprjaia, Ke\ap- rioTi, Kex^ipovTo. If at Princ. i. 244 we were right in comparing the Skt. hdr-jd-mi amo, desidero, there is a correspondence even in the formation of the presents, ' as also in the Umbr. kerie-st volet, and the Osc. heriiad capiat. There is, however, a difficulty in the difference of the meanings. 21) xpaipui, a rare verb, denoting vibrating motion, used only in the present-stem. Aesch. Prom. 394. Besides these monosyllabic stems there are also a few disyllabic: viz. 312 a) Reduplicated stems, corresponding exactly to those mentioned on p. 212 f., i.e. 22) yapyaipEii' swarm with, in Cratinus (Meineke ii. 221) : avSpdv apiarbii' irdira yapyaipu iroXtr. It is natural to conjecture a relationship to aydpti), dyopa, vai'yyvpi-Q (no. 27), to which yapyaipo) seems to be an intransitive intensive. 23) Kapi^aipeiv ring or quake : Kopicaipe Se yaia iroScaaiv Y 157. 24) fiapfiaipuv shimmer, poetical from Homer onwards (N 22). The unexpanded stem appears in /lap/iapcof, fiapfiapvyri. 25) fiopixvpeti' boil, bubble, the same. 26) iropipiptiv move in waves (used of the play of colours), the same. A short V appears in the related ■7Top, *ivvj(o etc.; and when on the other hand we assign aiio/xai to the i-class, and so refer it to *airji)fiai, the only reason we have for this is that no root *(ri is anywhere to be found. It is possible all the same that there was such a root, and that nh'o-fiai. came from *at-tfo-fiai. Only where, as iu dEtvu), Kaivui an i-diphthong, or where, as in KfiU'b) with its fut. Kplvi), forms with a short vowel and a v occur, have we clear and certain proof of the original existence of a, j in the present-stem. It should be said that out of the following list, besides alt'Ofxai above mentioned, deLvia, Kalito and aalria are the only verbs whose stems show a v under all circumstances. 1) yelvofjai, poetical, yeiro/jiiv^ Y 128, S 208, Hes. Theog. 82, the usual present being yiyvofiai, so the Skt. 0-je, one of the presents of the rt. ^an, though this has no n. 2) Spaivw, belonging to SpaiD do, only at K 96 ; we get the stem without the i in 6\iyoSpave(i>v, Princ. i. 294. 3) dsh'io poetical from Homer onwards (U 339) ; Attic dramatists have forms with t, which are now rightly regarded as aorists, and are hence accented deruv,' Oeruv. The rt. fltv^the Lat. /en in /en-do (Princ. i. 316). 314 4) Kaivw from Aeschylus onwards by the side of navui, 'iKavov, KCKovn; it can hardly be from a different root from that of the fuller and older form KTtivia and the Skt. kshan (Princ. i. 192). 5) cXfi'fci (Lesb. kXivvw) ordinary Greek, with the fut. kXXvw (Ari- stoph. Plut. 621), EKkivriv (Aristoph. Lys. 906), ckXIvu. The rest of the tenses come from the shortest stem kXi. kMiti from the present-stem. 6) Kpaivbj. In Homer the apparently denominative Kpaiahbj is the prevailing form. Kpaivovai t 567. Kpalvia from Pindar onwards in poets. Homeric fut. Kparcccrdai, aor. 'ixprjia etc. 7) Kpivb), ordinary Greek with the fut. KpXvib {liaKpivUi B 387), tKplva, f.icpLvdr}v, later cicpWriv from the shortest stem, like KtKpiKa, KCKpi- fiai. The Lesb. present-form Kpivvui has the testimony of an inscription C I. 2166, 23, iiriKiyivvtTX). 8) KTEivui (Lesb. KTti'vw), cp. no. 4, than which this is an older and commoner form, from Homer onwards with urevi), ektovoi'. The shorter stem contained in Kra-fievai etc. was discussed on p. 130. 9) fiaivojxai (rare active tK/ia/vw Eurip.), in use from Homer onwards, with fiavovfiat, ifiavriv, fiifiriya. The corresponding Indian and Persian formations, which, however, have a different meaning, are mentioned on p. 203. 10) ^alro) X 4:23, later in common use, ^avw, ll,avOi]v. Cp. , Uu, CH. XI. STEMS ENDING IN i*. 217 11) pairu, from Homer onwards {pahovro A 282). The forms l-ppaS-aToi V 354, eppctSaro M 431, paatraTE v 150 point to a root paZ which again is identical with apZ {apSw). paivo) therefore perhaps stands for pal-vjti) (Princ. i. 283), and here also we have a threefold formation : pa? pn(2)i' pa(f>)i'i. Fut. pa vw. 12) ffaivii), from Homer onwards (k 219). There appear to be no forms with a short vowel. 13) aiioixai (Lesb. aivrofxai), from Homer onwards (/u 139). No forms but those of the present and weak aorist stems. 14) teLvii). This present-stem is not clearly established in Homer, as rEi'i'j) n 365 may be an aorist, but from Aeschylus onwards it is in common use, by the side of rtvCi, huva and the forms from the rt. ra TiTaTdi, eraOriv, TnroQ. — Cp. riTaivu). 15) tpaivio bears to ^aiivm a relation similar to that of icpaivo) to Kpaiaivto. The present-stem is in universal use by the side of ipavw, ^avovfiai, i^atrir, ■ai^rivn. The shortest stem ipa may be seen most 315 clearly in Trefi(TOfiai (P 155). 16) -jfalviii a late present, first found in the poets of the Anthology, to the st. yav (x«' li"' n 350, Kexrfviog U 409, lyxaioui'rat Aristoph. Lys. 271), for which the present in use is ■)(a.nKw (cp. p. 197). There is also •Xfivevtiv i3odv Hesych. (Gust. Meyer n. P. 50). 17) ■)(p<:iivu), from Aeschylus onwards; forms without the i are rare : y^avH Pseudo-Eurip. Iph. Aul. 971, late i)^pavOriv. Reduplicated Forms. 18) avaivo/xai formed apparently from the negative av, in use from Homer onwards, the only form from another stem being airivaiTdai. 19) l^anliaho) K 375 6 h' ap' ECTTr] Tapfirjaiv re, fiajxfiahwt', later also of trembling and hence stammering of the tongue. Only in the present- stem. 20) irafK^aivii) epic (A 30, T 398) with the part. ■irafi-, ^ or r, d, and for presents in f w (Boeot. and Megar. SSio) roots ending in y or L The few exceptions to this, — to be marked with a *, — are mainly referable to older and sometimes actually occurring by-forms with a harder final letter to the root, which hard letter afterwards became softened. But few verbs point to a radical sigma, and many occur only in the present- stem or else show a fluctuation between different stems. 1) Verbs from guttural roots. 1) *a''t7b> an unauthenticated by -form of ayvvfiL only quoted in Steph. Thes. from the E. M. Karaaaia in Appian and Artemidorus. 2) fiiiniTw quoted from Hippocrates, comic poets, and Xenophon, /S/yfw, efiri^a. Cp. the noun-stem (irjx nom. fili^. 3) (ipvrrut, only given by lexicographers : Hesych. /3|0urT£t>'' iaQitiv. E. M. p. 216, 25 however gives ppirroi'Tee as Athenian for TrvpcTTorTee, waph Tov ^pvxETOv, so that the use of the word arose from the chattering of the teeth in a fever. PpvTroi is only another present for fipvKU). It seems though that we ought to assume two stems of the form jBiwk; one with the meaning ffvyepeiStLi' tovq ofoVrae /xera xj/i'xfiov (Hesych.), to which belong the aspirated fipvxv, fil'^X'^i the other with a force differing little from that of the apparently related fiiftpwaKEiv.^ 3 b) yXnvaaii), itayXaitaaovai Apollon. Rhod. 1280, cp. yXavKO-Q. 4) Ipaaaofiai. Homer has only SeSpayfiivoc, the tragedians only oi 17 peifect-forms. The present occurs first in Herodotus {IpanaontvoQ iii. 13); Aristoph. (Ean. 545) has klpaTrofi-qv, and Plato (Lys. 209) Spa^r'ifiEt'ot ; the active first occurs in Pollux. From Spa^, gen. SpaKoe, hand, I have inferred (Princ. ii. 98) that the root is Bpaic, whale Fick^ i. 107 starts from Spa^ and compares this with the Zd. drazh, the Ch.-Sl. druzati hold fast. 5) Hpatrau) the shorter form of rapaaaii) in Pindar, the tragedians etc. Aor. edpa^a. Perf. rirpij^a. ' 6) iv-laau, by-form oi eiiirTio, X 497, cp. above, p. 164. 7) npo-taaofiai Archil, fr. 130 B.* along with wpo-iK-rri-e beggar (p 352) and vpot^ gift, present, apparently belongs to the stem isk ask for mentioned on p. 189. 8) KkixTUb), a rare by-form of icXwftt), only preserved in Suidas s. v. ifiiiikdc, cp. the Lat. glocio. 9) XeviT(Tbi, poetical from Homer onwards (F 110), no other tenses. Not till poets of the Anthology, Manetho etc. do forms like Ktiiato, • So-5i(r a late by-form of Tzi]ywjii first found in Strabo and Dion. Halic, about which it is doubtful whether it is to be referred to the original stem iraK (Princ. i. 332), or owes its existence only to analogy. 16) *w\iiaau, as early as dTTb), the present-form in late Attic from Plato onwards, while Homer, Herodotus, the tragedians and Thucydid^s have only a^dWj 220 THE I-CLASS. ch. xi. The root is shown by aipd^ai and iu^c'yiji' to have been crfay. Cp. Princ. ii. 327. 26) *Taocrb>, post-Homeric with tA^w, eVa^a, irayriv (post-Attic), 319 TayoQ, so that the root appears to be ray, with which however no com- parisons can be made from the related languages, ray might easily stand for '*Ta^:. 27) Tvaau). We only know ritaa-ei ■ iKerevei Hesych., which it is natural to conjecture to be related to the rt. tv\ Tvyj(av£iv. 28) *(^paaai3> a present to the Homeric efpa^a, e(l>paxBrjv first found in Hippocrates. Forms with a y like e(l>payr]v, weippaya do not appear before Plutarch. In the Attic by-forms (ppayvvfii or (papyvv/M (p. 112) the y is due to the influence of the v, as in wXcyvvfju. Lobeck saw that (ppaaaiii sioAfarcio were identical (Ehem. 103). Op. Princ. i. 376. 29) (ppiaiTiii ordinary Greek. fpiairei'N 473, with e'^pi^n, TrcfpiKatri A 383, (ppi^, plKri, so that there is no doubt about '£, iiraaa/eirdadrtv in Attic writers. Fick* i. 135 compares the Zend yevb path-y&i-ti of which CH. XI. PRESENTS IN -aaa. 221 the present-form corresponds to voaata, though its meaning 'fill up ' is a long way from that of va.aa(.iv ' strew.' 38) vdaaonai • itrdiio Hesych., clearly a by-form of irareofiat, which pouits to a rt. trar. 38 b) TrXaaau), from Herodotus onwards (irXarrw in Plato etc.). Aor. irXacra-E, wXaaroe as early as Hesiod, irtVXaorai tTrXaadri Attic. 39) irrlaaui Pherecr. Meineke Com. ii. 345, by the side of irTinai, iiTTiadai in Herodotus and the Attic comedians. The word is unmis- takably related to the synonymous Skt. pish (pindsh-mi), Lat. pinso, Ch.-Sl. pUsq, (Princ. ii. 104). The root shows in Greek a r developed after the v. Consequently we may compare the Lat. pins-io (Ennius trag. V. 396 Ribbeck pinsibant) with vriaaui for its present-formation as ■vf ell as its root. 3) Verbs with stems of which the final letter is uncertain. 40) viro-SpriiTffo) in late poets (Apollon. Rhod. etc.) formed on the analogy of the Homeric vvolipriffTrip, only in the present-stem. 41) Kvi>aaii) poetical {S 809) only in the present-stem. 42) XvaffETai ■ fiah'Erat Hesych., a totally isolated and therefore suspected gloss. Cp. Xvaaa. 43) raaabi, a present-form not found till late prose (Athen. iv. p. 321 130), 'iva^E (f) 122, Karavd^avTEe Hdt. vii. 36, vaKroe Hesych., but at Aristoph. Eccles. 840 vitaafiivai is the reading of the M.S8. (Dind. vEvayfiEvai) and Theocr. ix. 9 vifaarai. It is hardly probable that it is connected with vaKog, vaK-q hide, iieece, and I know of no other word to connect it with. 44') pj] stamp S 571 and in late epic writers, quite distinct from priyfvfii, more likely to be identical with paaaw (no. 22) and apaaau) (no. 51), which have a guttural stem. 45) (hXvaaei " EpvyyavEt Hesych., a by-form of (pXvbi, (pXvZ(>>, (pXvvSavii), with which (pXixraiva is also connected. Nearer still is tfXvaef airo- ^aXei, ifiECTEi, 'CioEi and EK(fXvi.ai Apoll. E,h. i. 275 (Lob. Ehem. 101). 46) T^mTTEi ■ TTTVEL Hcsych. 4) Eeduplicating verbs. (These we will give without distinction of stem.) 47) lEi-Uvaa(a, that the stem ended in a guttural (Princ. ii. 117). 5) Verbs with vowels of a late development. Under this head fall not only those with a prothetic vowel, such as 222 THE I-CLASS. CH. xi. have met us in other divisions of the i- class, but also one stem which has become disyllabic by an internal development of the vowels. 50) aAaaiii from Homer onwaa'ds (P 662 avriov aimrovm, Z 510 (S/ioie aiWovraf) by the side of is-ai£« * 126, rji^ev * 247, 'cdlaaBai X 195. From Pindar onwards there occur also the contracted forms ^, likewise with a long v. Forms of the future and aorist are hardly to be met with before Aristotle {ava^Xiiaai, Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1446 t/BXiio-fj'). 2) Ppaiti). The only authorities for this by-form of the (ipaaato dis- 323 cussed under no. 32 are late prose writers. 3) jSusw, a late and rare by-form of fivvib) (cp. p. 184), fivin (Aristot.) in an intransitive sense 'crowd, cluster' (Aretaeus '^ irrviriq /Bvfa' Steph. Thes.). jic^vafihog as early as 8 134. 4) i'Conai and I'fw, ifo/uai, inseparably connected with each other, notwithstanding that the forms with an t, as Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. ii.^ 202), has shown, have the inceptive meaning seat oneself, and those with an t the durative meaning sit. Buttmann's conjecture that t-ft-ro is a reduplicated aorist like i-aizE-ro is untenable because the origin of t, from o-S which he maintains can nowhere be established. It would be more conceivable that I'^w, as Kiihner Ausf. Gr. i. 837 assumes, has arisen * *oH(rffoij.ai (Princ. i. 303) does not occur in the present-stem at all. ' PKdCeiv • fuopalvfu) (Hesych.) probably belongs here in virtue of 0\ad-apS-s, p\ai-iis and other words with a S, CH. XI. PRESENTS IN f. 223 from a reduplicated ai-atS-jui, though that cannot he proved either. It is probable though that the t, as in ic-pv-ui, is only a weakened e. — lu Homer the ind. pres. e^ofiai, a form which Buttmann suspected, only occurs at k 378 [rZeai), but it is attested in good Attic by Soph. O. R. 32 and Aristoph. fr. 408 Dind. (i:aOEO'fiat). The preterite Eftro etc., latei? usually in composition with Kara, is ordinary Greek. — "fiu, liojuai frofll Homer onwards. — The rt. e2 (from o-eS=Lat. sed in sed-eo, Skt. sad etc. Princ. i. 297) comes out cleai-ly in the Attic future Kad-cS-ov/xai (Aristoph., Plato), as too in iS-oc, eS-pa.^ 5) KXi^i,) from Homer onwards (KXv^eaKov * 61, IatXuo-Oij fif 392). Cp. k\vSu>v, Princ. i. 185, ii. 300. 6) Kvi^ii) from Sophocles onwards in the present-stem, found in the aorist iKviaa as early as Pindar, Kviao), cKviaBr/i'. Cp. Pick* i. 538. 7) KpL^ii), deducible from the Boeotian KpiSSi/xcv ycXai; cp. Ahrens Aeol. 175, Princ. ii. 258, Lat. rldere. It is probably not the same word as Kpcl^eiv shriek. 8)' KTi^u) the present-stem occurs first in Herodotus, tKriaa in Homer 324 (X 263). Cp. -KTi-ixcvo-Q p. 129 and Princ. ii. 300. 9) ofw from Aeschylus onwards. oSutSeiv i SIO. The pure S comes out in od-furi as well, as also in od-or and in the Lith. ^d-zu of the same present-formation. Princ. i. 302. 10) ifi-iralio-fiai, only in the present-stem in Homer (II 50, /3 201) and late poets, but the dental of title stem is established by Hesychius's gloss EfiirnaTtipaQ fivOtoV iriaTtoTctQ, fiapTvpag (Lobeck Khem. 8). 'ifi- ■naio-e acquainted with, seems to be related. 11) irp/^w a later by-form of irpi'w Plato (?) Theages 124, Pollux vii. 114, Herodian i. 443, 13, irptorde though occvirs as early as o- 196. 12) aKv^oixai A 23. The dental stem is estabKshed by kiriaKvaaaiTo Y) 306 and the synonymous aKv?fiaiyio (p, 592). 13) trx"^<^ Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 58, by the side of axau) (taxiov Aristoph. Nub. 409). axdaut and eo-x""" occur earlier and more often. 14) a)(il^ii). The present-stem is in general use from Pindar onwards, EiTxtcE, etTxiir(iri are as early as Homer (S 507, II 316). The rt. axii comes out clearly in nominal forms Kke paffa, [(jipaaOrju, Homeric iiripaSop (K 127). On the Boeotian ippdaffu) see Princ. ii. 226. 18) x"'^<^ «y-X"^' Soph. fr. 800 Dind., x"^"j«a< (E 440), fut. x""""- fiai, aor. x«<''''"'"o- The pure stem of the original root skad occurs in iceKaZbiv (A 334), xeicdSovTo (A 497), Princ. ii. 110. 19) xii^b) Aristoph. Equ. 70. The dental stem is established by Xcovfiai, ex^aa, KexoSa, cp. the Skt. had. Princ. i. 245. « KA(£fiB StturxiC" Hesyoh., a by-form of K\da, which the well-attested cxXatra, kKostSs, K\dSos would just suit. Still the testimony to the present-form is not clear enough to gain it a place along with the others. ' \d(a> iPplCw only known from the Schol. on Eurip. Hec. 64 and Hesych. \d^eiv • e^uPplCeiv, appears, in virtue of \a(rdyfx6i. 30) Xi^ui-eb late present to the Homeric aor. X/yJe fiiot (A 125) used by Nicander (tTriAtfoyras oia-oiiQ Herodian ii. 802). Cp. Lobeck Rhem. 79. 31) Xwi^w. Apparently the present-stem is all that occurs (Aristoph. Ach. 690), but the subst. Xvyl (stem Xvyy) and the present-form Xvyya.vop.ai mentioned on p. 180 put it beyond a doubt that there is a guttural at the bottom of the f. Pollux iv. 185 knows of Xvttuv as well. 32) j/i'^w, from Homer onwards (A 830, f 224) by the side of ri-^(o (r 376), vii^aro (II 230), avnvTot (Z 266) and the present viwria discussed on p. 167. It is shown at Princ. i. 365 that what is apparently the rt. vift has arisen by labialism from nig (Skt. ni^)fi 33) TrXa^ffc) smite, strike out of the way, mislead, from Homer on- wards (B 132, £ 389). The original meaning, by which TrXafw (possibly from *TrXayy-jJ) shows itself to be a by-form of ttXjjito-w, is most clearly to be seen in k-ujua wpoQirXd^ov M 285 (cp. X 583). In the aorists 'iizXayln, eTrXayxOw and in -n-XayKTog, as in the Latin plcmgo, the nasal is clearly seen, cp. also TrX^yvu^ui above, p. 112, and Princ. i. 345. 34) pE^io do (by-form ipSw), Boeot. ptSSuj, almost exclusively poetical (B 400), fut; pi^w (X 31), Aor. 'ippe^a, epeU (I 453), p^xOfv (I 250), apcKTog. At p. 204 we connected the rt. ftpy, with the by-form /p£y explained by Siegismund Stud. v. 123, with the Zd. varez, and the pres. ' A trace of a Wfu is to be seen in i/u-Trtif'oj'Toi • avairaiovTai, a|Uir bark, growl, which we compared above with the Lat. rug-io, is only known to us from the lexicographers (Pollux, Hesych.). 36) o-tf w hiss, from Homer" onwards (i 394). eVifa is first found in Paulus SUent., but o-tyjuoc, o-/4dTTb) (above, p. 219), a 320. 41) n^v'Cii) Plato Phaedr. 251, later at^vtai, rrfvyftoc. 42) Tpt^o), from Homer onwards (w 5) with rerpcywrac B 314, rerpi- 327 yei ^ 714. 43) Tpv'Cb), the same, i. 311, later irpv^a. 44) (pv'Cu), only mentioned by grammarians (Herodian ii. 265) as a present to the Homeric ire(j)vi;6T£Q. As the Lat. fug-io would be the exact counterpart of a Gk. ^v'^w, this form is probably not an invention but the real source of the above-mentioned isolated perfect, as of vTa, 45) ^(i^u, a rare by-form of ^liyw, (pwywfii roast, only found in Hippocr. and the comic poet Strattis (Meineke ii. 789, where it is written ■ Of these verbs from stems which show the guttural a large number are imitations of natural sounds — including 26, as many as 15, i.e. nos. 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 42, 43. Even such imitative verbs as are evidently based on an interjection or a noun-stem show, as we shall see later on, the same course of procedure. There is consequently the greatest probability that the following onomatopoetic words, for which we do not find any forms with y 4 or x, also come from a guttural stem.' 46) fipa^iD, used, according to a passage in PoUux v. 88 which is wanting in the best M.SS., of the growling of a bear, according to Hesych., in the meaning whine (ria-uxfj oSvpsadai). 47) yXafw. In Hesych. Mor. Schnlidt, on the ground of the alpha- betical arrangement reads yXayya^n. But the Scholia on Theocr. i. 1 (p. 33, 17 ed. Ahrens) quote from Pindar : cravrw fieXoQ yXafttc. 48) pa^b), according to Photius like pi^ti), bark, according to Hesych. pa^eti'' Tpi)yiiv, Kvpiwg etti riov KvvStv (perhaps 'scrunch'), fnfirjTiKMt ettI Tov fixov. The verses of Cratinus (Meineke ii. 33) are rather obscure (cp. the Skt. rd-ja-ti he barks). ° No instance has been adduced of the present ^efa in the meaning dye, but only of the aor. ^ejai, which is rendered by ;3a'i)(0i, and from which come fieyos, ^aycis and perhaps^ijyoj Herodian ed. Lentz. ii. 577- ^ Such conclusions as theje are deceitful at the best, for ifdfeirSoi weep (if^ifo. Herrf K\aiovtra) shows by ^ij/iSey iKKavaev and '^IvieaBai' lOialew that its stem endS in a dental.'^^This notice of this rare verb may suffice. Q 226 THE I-CLASS. ch. xi. 49) (TKv^ii) as an onomatopoetic verb is distinct from no. 12, and is used accordiag to Hesyct. of the snarling of a dog {(rKv^ovcriv jyiri/x^ VTro. But this meaning does not suit those Homeric passages in which iXEkitai means tui'n round, and iXtki- i.aa6ai writhe, twist about. These belong to kXliaw. There is a third iXiki^b) which as an onomatopoetic verb ranks with aXaXdfw and oko- \v^(i). In these last three verbs the i is derivative. ' 65) KnyKai^id Or KayaZb) laugh (in Hesych. also (caicxa^'w). The second of the three forms occurs at Soph. Aj. 198 Dind., Ar. Eccl. 849, aviKayxaaE at Plato Eep. 337, fut. Kaxo£w Theocr. 5, 142, by the side of Kayx""'/''''?, Koxac/Joc, cp. Kay)^aX6u>(n (Homer). 66) KUKKCL^eiv, cackle (Hesych.), cp. PoUux v. 90. ■67) KaxXai^eir, of the sound made by a liquid, dash, gurgle Pind. Aesch., according to Hesych. also used of laughter. 68) KixXi^ii) laugh (Aristoph.). 69) XaXatb), XaXa(e • /3oa Hesych. Anacr. fr. 90 Be.', XaXd^ajTEc • fiorifravTCC, cp. XaXa^, XaXayri. 70) ■n-atpXd^o) N 798, roar, heave (of water), more common in Aristo- phanes, later also used of stuttering, TracpXanfia. 71) irnririiii) cheep, also Trnrl^b), Aristoph. 72) TrOTTTrw^fc) Aristoph. Vesp. 626 TroTnrvirfioe. 73) T'lri^u), Zenodotus's reading — rejected by Aristarchus — at B 314 330 (rlrjfoi'ras) for" TETpiyitTae. Aristarchus knew the verb iiowever, and, according to the scholion of Aristonicus, held it to be suited only to the ordinary twittering, not to the frightened cry of sparrows. 74) Tovdpv'Cto mutter, only in late poets (Oppian) and lexicographers, the commoner form is rovdopviu) (Aristoph. ).2 On the numerous words in this Hst which denote the cries of animals copious information may be found in Wackernagel's Voces variae ani- mantium Basel 1867, though the author has not referred to the valuable collection of words in Pollux v. 86. Finally we may place here a word whose etymology is still obscure, i.e. ' 75) cKTira^ofim. The initial a seems to be'prothetic, like that of at(f(ro), npaacru), though it certainly might be the remnant of reduplica- tion, as in appal^ii). Duntzer Ztschr. xiii. 10 connects it with uirdw. In Homer there occurs only ■//inra^ovTo (K 542) by the side of d, the Latin in are, ere, all the weak verbs of the Teutonic languages, among which the Gothic which have 'kept the j are the most, instructive, and a large portion of Slavonic and Lithuanian verbs, among which the j is more or less widely spread. This view is advocated by Schleicher (Oomp.* 340), Leo Meyer (Vergl. Gr. ii. 3), and Scherer (Zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache p. 188), so tha,t we shall not be far wrong in saying that the above-mentioned derivation of the most extensive class of derived verbs from the single primary form, which has survived in Sanskrit, is the view generally adopted by Comparative Philology. This view has nevertheless not been without its opponents. Pott, in his Et. Forsch. ii.^ 977, brings forward at great length the difficulties which stand in the way of ' making the various weak verbs of the Indo-Germanic languages all spring from one stalk — the Sanskrit 10th class.' All he really does how- ever is to give expression to doubts and objections turning mainly on ISie various meanings associated with the various derivative formations in the several lan- guages, and rightly calls attention to the fact that many such formations were ' afterbirths,' which did not take shape until they had reached the soil of the several languages. That on the other hand the type and starting-point • for all the forms under discussion must be sought in these same Sanskrit 332 verbs, seems to me as clearly established after Pott's exhaustive investiga- tion as before. And this surely is all that was held by anyone. Por the assertion that the Greeks formed no verb in cpav (to catch a thief) Gk. , and the Latin in uo like acu^o, statu-o where such a union has apparently taken place, we shall find (cp. p. 246 f. below) good reason to assume the loss of a,/.' A more thorough-going attack has of late been made upon Bopp's view by 337 Savelsberg, who in the Ztschr. xxi. in his ' Umhrische Studien ' not only denies that there is any connexion between Italian derivative verbs and the Sanskrit verbs in -ajdmi, holding instead, on the ground of a few Old-Italian verbs of equivocal ■ Corssen has in his last work (p. 493 fE.) made another effort to vindicate his theory. He alleges, as far as I can see, no new arguments, and seems to ignore the most undeniable facts in the history of language. He ignores the loss of the 1 in the ordinary Greek niBiw which is clearly established by the Aeolic fie9u(», and the other traces I have pointed out of an i in Greek derivative verbs, as also the fact that the contraction of a LatSu aS to a, which he denies, occurs in Sdtwnus by the side of an older SaUv/rnus (on which head an untenable conjecture is advanced at i. in), in mdlis ^ Toa-velis, and in amWrv/nt for amiS/v-irurtt. (Cp. Corssen himself ' Aussprache,' i.'' 317.) DENOMINATIVE VEEBS. 233 meaning and oTjscure form, such e.g. as the Ose. ti-ibaraka-v-um, that these have lost a V, but even gives expression on p. 197 to the like denial for one and all of the Greek verbs of the same description. I do not imagine that this view is shared in by many and I therefore content myself here with noticing it in pas- • sing, the more so, that I believe that the whole of the following exposition will place in the clearest light the close connexion of the Graeco-Italic derivative verbs with the Sanskrit verbs of the 10th class and all kindred formations in the related languages! We will proceed then, in spite of these objections, to derive the Greek con- tracted verbs from the verbs in -ajd-mi. The next question that arises is, what are we to say about the origin of these verbs in -ajd-mi ? Two explanations of them have been advanced. According to one, which follows in the steps of the Indian grammarians, the element which is the characteristic of the verbs of the 10th class is properly- speaking i, and consequently, e.g. in the case of the Skt, veddrja-mi I make to know, the stem to be given is ved-i, and the aja is an after- growth from this, due to an addition of somid (Guna) and the affixed thematic vowel. This view has been developed most consistently by Grassmann Ztschr. xi. 81 if. It compels Grassmann altogether to separate verbs which, like namas-jd- mi I- honour, from ndmas reverence, clearly show an added -ja, from those in -aja-mi, as also to deny that any connexion exists between the first a m -ajd-mi and the final a of noun-stems. In Sanskrit this division into two classes is ap- parently favoured by the difference of the accent. The verbs of the tenth class, the so-called causatives, accent the a before the syllable -ja ; veddrjor-ti, while the others accent the -ja itself: devorjd-ti he serves the gods. But Delbriick (p. 209) shows that ' the partition between the two classes is not free from gaps.' The following verbs e.g. are unquestionably denominative: arthdrje strive, desire, from drtha-s aim, advantage, maidrd-je deliberate, from mantras . counsel, mrgdrje hunt, which in meaning is to be referred in just the same way 338 to mrgd-s gazelle, as Srjp-da is to drjp. Such comparisons as these give the greater probability to the second view, which is especially represented by Schleicher Oomp.' 341 and Leo Meyer ii. 19, according to which the first a is identical with the final o of a large number of noun-stems. We cannot, it is true, find a noun-stem in a for every verb in ajd-mi. But there is, on the one side, nothing to hinder us from assuming that there were large numbers of stems of this character at an early period, while on the other, it was precisely in the" formation of derivatives that the force of analogy procured for a form, when once made, a wide extension of its original domain. The syllable -ja however is in that case clearly the same which we have found discharging on so large a scale the function of a present expansion. It might be objected that there is an important difference here, that, whereas in the fourth class of Sanskrit verbs the syllable -ja is confined to the j)res6nt stem, in the tenth it extends, along with the preceding, a, thj-ough all tenses. Greek itself however can show us ' that this difierence has nothing to do with the special nature of the denominative verbs. Numerous denominative verbs such as e.g. 7ro«iXX<» from jroiwXo (for 7roiKiX-j), tpvKaaa-ai from (jivKax (for (pv\aK-ja>) have this addition only in the present-stem, and form the remaining tenses straight from the unexpanded stem. We have repeatedly seen that the general relation between present-stem and verb-stem is not rigidly determined by an impassable barrier, and we may therefore well assume that the habit of jegarding the syllables aj. The second comprises the verbs which come from consonantal stems, e.g. fieXatvoif i.e. jueXai'-^'o), reKpalpo fjiatt i.e. reKfiap-jo-jiatj K7]pv(r(rai i.e. KqpvK-Qa>, The third comprises those whose final vowel has been knocked off before the de- rivative termination, syncopated vowel-stems as they might be called, e.g., Kadalpco for KaBap-jco from Kadapo, dyyeWo3 for dyyeX-^'a from dyyeXo, fpappdfra-oi for from (pappaKo. The third class is obviously very nearly con- nected with the second, and as the phonetic processes are the same in both, it ia not always easy to determine whether the noun-stem which forms the base of the verb had a vowel once, or always ended in a consonant. For these reasons we shall join the second and third classes together and arrange the verbs in two main divisions, the _/!»•«* in which the sound before the derivative suffix -ja is a vowel, the second in which it is a consonant. Briefly the first main division may be called the vocalic and the second the consonantal. No doubt each of these classes has been developed beyond its original domain, and hence the grow- ing force of analogy is an element of importance which must be taken into ac- count throughput the whole of this investigation. I. VOCALIC DIVISION. 1. Verbs in -aa, -ana, -af<». It is an important fact, which meets us when dealing with the question of the connexion of the contracted verbs with the Sanskrit verbs in ajd-mi, that 34.() we can still point to some traces of they at this place in Greek. I have called attention at Stud. iii. 191 to the remains of derived verbs which kept the i. The L has survived after an a in iroKaia (Boeot. Trajiija)) which it can hardly be doubted is a denominative formed from the stem noKa (^ noKr) wrestling) , especially as we find an aorist eirdkrjaa in Hdt. viii. 21 (TraX^o-fie), though with a special modi- fication of meaning. Other present forms, already discussed by Lobeck on Buttm. Ausf. Gr. ii.^ 59, showing an ai in derivative verbs are ^lai'o) (Hesych. = |3i X"^"'"" ^y *^^ ^^"is of x"^'^'"' oTaKa'm by the side of oraXam and a-Tcikd^ai, tcraiaj (Aratus = lai^fo)), the last of which is confirmed by Hesychius's Boeotian Itrffi l vpos-boKdo) toKd^co (Sophron) cl\vv (Hom.) €iXu(|)dfet (Hom.) eilvrjcra, (vvri6rjvai (Hom.) evvdCes (the Damocrates inscription, Archaeol. Zeitung 1876, cp. fl-iVij-Xo-r). From the point of view of Greek, the natural thing is to derive the majority of these verbs from masculine stems in -ra — vaierd-a from the stem vauTa- etc. But the Latin verbs have no such corresponding nouns, and if we want to maintain them to be of a similar origin we must assume that noims of this kind survived in these derivatives and nowhere else. Both Greek and Latin would admit of the. derivation from verbal-adjectives in -TO, and most of the Latin verbs are found along with such adjectives. In any case the Graeco-Italic verb-stems in -ta provide us with a fresh argument for the identity which I believe to exist between the Greek and Latin a-conju- gation. Now several of the Greek verbs in rram have by-forms in -rafm, some of which are of great antiquity : e.g. iKKva-rd^la), which is related to iKKva, cXKvfo) as tractare to trahere, pva-rd^o) by the side of ipia, aKvurd^o) (Hdt.) by the side of the Homeric oKdXvKTripai, dyvprd^a) beg (Od.) by the side of ayeipa, parrdCa (II.) which bears to pl-rrra exactly the same relation as that of jactare to jacere, with the iterative pmraaKov 23, which points to a *pmTda>, ovordfiB by the side of Svopai, olvonord^fiv by the side of ttotti-tv-s (Hesych.) and the Lat. potare. Hesychius has also SpoKTd^eis ' Trepi^Xenets, which bears to hipKopai the same relation as that of spectare to *8pecere, fVKrd^ov ■ cixov which is clearly nothing but a by-form of fixfTaaadm, iKvirra^ov ' ckvutov like cvhitare by the side of cubare, 0e^T-dffi • (jjepei like gesture by the side of gerere, wvcrTafo) 343 (Hom.) and ma-rd^a (Plato) by the side of veiai like the Lat. nutare\>j the side of nuere, (jjavrd^a by the side of like ostenta7-e beside ostendere. In one or two cases the Greek -raw seems to have become weakened to -t«o, as in pnrTeco. Verbs in -tiC<-> too, like w(ipr)Ti^m, will be found to be related. These formations prove, as clearly as anything can be proved, that the ter- minations -aw and -afo) are identical. What else could have produced this two- fold formation if it was not such identity ? It is obvious that this identity further entitles us, when we find verbs in -afa, which are not frequentatives, of the same root as Latin verbs in -are, to treat them as identically the same verbs, and thus to identify e.g. rup^d^nv with the synonymous turhare, x"M°ff"') which among other meanings has that of to pass the winter, with hiemare which means this only, SiTrXdfeii/ with rfj^^tere, and even 8otdffii< (Lacon. ' tVtSiKaTor) with dicare, for both come from the same noim-stem dika way, manner, which VERBS IN -am, -aio), -a^m. 237 in Greek has settled down to the special meaning of the right way, law, right. How impossible it is to derive the f of the forms above mentioned from stems in -8 (-a8) or from the analogy of such stems, as some have tried to do, is made suificiently clear by the comparisons made above, but it is put beyond a doubt by the numerous verbs in -fm denoting sounds which are derived from interjec- tions (Lobeck Rhem. 216) like dXaXafa (dXaXa, oKaKri), aidfoo (alai), ^av^a Or ^avCa (/3aC), ypufco, evd^a {e?a), Iv^a, otfo), olfia^ai (oi/xoi), (jxi^at (Aesch. Ag. 1307 KA. (j)cv (jiev. XO- titovt e(f>iv^as ;), aSfo). There is not an atom of proba- bility that such verbs have been formed on the analogy of noun-stems in 8 or y. We may also learn from them that the guttm-al which appears outside the pre- sent tense need not belong to the root, but is often, like the f of the present, to be regarded as the representative of the old/. The phonetic side of this question I pass over here on purpose, as, besides the above-mentioned passage in the Principles, I have given it a special dis- cussion at Studien ii. p. 186 ff. The splitting up of a single original sound into several is, as we saw above on p. 230, a common phenomenon in language. It was in this way quite possible that, in early times a distinction should arise be- tween a j which inclined to a vowel, and hence was easily volatilized between two vowels, and a thicker _/ which was almost pronounced like )j, which afterwards, 344 like the initial of the Skt. ^M^^^-m, Lat. jugu-m, Gk. fuyd-K produced a d before itself, and from this cl) a f. It might be imagined that the choice between the two paths depended on the quantity of the preceding o-sound, in the same way as in Sanskrit we find two forms of verbs in djd-mi e.g. aghdjdmi threaten from aghdfS bad, and virdjqte behave oneself like a man from virSr-g man. But on the one hand this parallel would give us no help in the case of the verbs in -tfco by the'side of -€0) formed from o-stems, because we can hardly imagine these to have had a vowel which was always long, while on the other hand it is more probable that the twofold Indian formation in point finds its counterpart rather in the interchange between a as the representative of the long a and an e-sound which became later an i-sound, as the representative of the short a. It would be as hard to find a definite and consistent explanation of the twofold forms, as for the greater multiplicity of vewel sounds in latia linguistic periods as con- trasted with the greater simplicity of earlier times, or for the threefold forms in the Teutonic and particularly Gothic weak conjugation. As regards the relation of the verbs in -aa> and -af which come from stems in -a, like alTcdo/iat, dperda, aidda, Ppovrda^ Siyjfia, fj^dm, viKda, 6p)Ma>, as distin- guished from -aa>. The Gothic o-conjugation corresponds to both classes at once, inasmuch as 8 is the representative of a, and is presumably to be compared with the Slavo- Lettic a-conjugation (e.g. Oh.-Sl. dUa-jq. work) and the Irish verbs of the second series in Zeuss' 434 (e.g. carai-m I love). Though Latin, as I have pointed out in the Symbola philologorum Bonnensium i. p. 274, is not altogether destitute of traces of a like formation, among which the most unmistakable is aegrotus, which is foi-med in exactly the same way as laraTos, Si/Xcdto's, speaking generally we may say that the far more numerous Latin (j-conjugation includes the verbs which in Greek end in -om, so that e.g. aveiioa in the sense of infiate coincides entirely with animare, (vyom •wit'hjuffdre,Xii6a> with levSre, Xo^ooi with luxare, 6/iaXoM with simuldre, and to Ihe Lat. novdre corresponds, not only veam and "4" vcdCio which have been compared with it above, but vcoa as well. Herein we may discern a fresh bond of union between Latin and Greek derivative forma- tion. It is possible that it was in the lively sense of the connexion of the derived verbs with the final letters of noun-stems that brought about the desire for verbs in -Oft) beside those in -am, and that in a relatively late linguistic period. It accords with this view that the verbs in -om come to a very large extent from stems in -o, as e.g. ^Loto, yi'/ii'oa}, eeBvoa, KaKota, ^(oXot'/xai, fiovoa^ opBoa. There are also, it is true, some which, like Kopv^oa, fyfiioa, pt(6a, yecpvpoa, stand by the side of stems in -a, and a still smaller number from more out-of-the-way stems, such as piyoa, yovvovp,ai, oro/iom, rrvpoo), some of which may probably be explained by the fact that the noun had two difierent stems. It is worth noticing, however, that, as Leo Meyer Vergl. Gr. ii. p. 34 has shown, the exceptions to the rule are" very rare in Homer. Though there are more than forty verbs from o-stems there are only seven from others. There was once a,; here too, and the verbs in -oa show some traces, though only faint ones, of this letter.' The j has survived (Stud. iii. 193) as t in dpfiol-naTa ' apTvitara in Hesychius and in the Homeric Kv8oi'-p,6-s, which can hardly be explained otherwise than as coming from an obsolete *Kv8oia, and VERBS IN -oa, -oiw, -o^m. 239 perhaps also in eroi-fio-s. There are only two verbs in -ofo), dpno^m (from Homer onwards) and Seo-Trdfo). The former can hardly he anything but a de- nominative, either from the stem dp-fio (dp/id-r), which does not occur before Sophocles, though its adverhialised locative dp/iot just, just now (Aesch.), looks as if the stem were an old one, or else froni the stem dp/iov, -which survives only in the derivatives 'Ap/ioi/-iSi)-s (E 60), &pnov-ia, &pp,ov-iK6-s, and in the com- pound 0riT-dpp.a)v (0 250) — in the last word with the original spiritus lenis — and comes very near to the. stem of the Homeric ap/tia team. There is in any case no reason why we should not assume the same relation between the f of dpftdfto and the i of the above-mentioned dpiioifiara as between the f of the verbs in -afp6(Tvvos, yeiTocrvvos) seem to point to a stem *8ea-Tro-v, the second part of which reminds us of Udv, and the Lith. p6-na-s, Ch.-Sl. pa-nu. 3. VeEBS JS -eo), -EUB, -ffo) AND -ifo). 348 A portion of the verbs in -aja-mi seem very early to have weakened the first a into e. The following are the Greek verbs which can be compared with verbs of the like formation in the related languages : dpKea, Lat. arceo, apreopMi, Skt. rtiSrje, set in order, 240 APPENDIX TO THE I-CLASS. yrjBia, Lat. gaudeo. Bapa-ea, Skt. dharshcUja-mi (venture on), cp. aliove p. 229. Koeto, Lat. cav-eo, Goth, us-shav-jan, Oli.-Sl. (hmajq {servo), 0. H. G. scmo-6n, - Lith. hav6-ju (watch, protect). opx^oiuu, Skt. rghd-jormi (quake, rage), cp. ahove p. 229. ox^a, Skt. vdJid-jd-mi (drive, carry), Goth, vag-jan (move). po(j)eaif Lat. sorheo. rponia 1 ^^^ torqueo, O. S. Q. drih-jan (turn). (jyopeco, Skt. hhard-ja-mi (let out on hire), Oh.-:Sl. su-birorjq {coUigere), Zd. uz-bdra-ja-t (he carried put or forward). avcofiai, Skt. vasnajd-mi (bargain). (Sophron mvoo-eirai). To these we may add a few others which, though not preserved in Greek, throw light on the related Latin e-conjugation : , Lat. eens-eo, Skt. g^drjd-mi (give notice, announce). Lat. lub-et, Goth, luhai-ih (he hopes). Lat. sil-eo, Goth, ana-dl-an. Lat. tac-eo, Goth, thah-an (0. Sax. thag-jan, 0. H. G. dagen). Lat. terreo, Skt. trdsd-jd-ihi (terrify), Goth. tHas-jam (?) (terrify). And the following, which are instances of the variation of vowel in the derivative syllable : ^apea, Jjat. ■gravdre, gravdri, Goth, kaurjan (burden). SfiTTVem, Lat. dapindri. fjyeofiai, Lat. ind-dgd-re (properly to drive into the net). KoKea, Lat. ccdd-^e by the side of Cale-ndae, O. Sax. halon (call). 349- KoKrjTap, Lat. caldtor, 0. H. G. holen (fetch). Xoem, Lat. lavd-^e. a-Konea, Lat. (au)-spicdn, 0. H. G. spehon (spy). The converse of this relation holds between opyaa and urgeo, which meet in the Skt. w^djd-mi (part, urtjdjant powerful). The verbs in ea> are by no means so closely related to any particular class of noun-formations as those in -aa> and -o, icotpaveio, Ko there are seven in Homer (Stud. iii. p. 192) : aKeiopat (also in Pind. Pyth. ix. 104), paxeiopm, veiKelm (also in Hesiod and Theocritus), olvo^apfia, oKveia, ircvdiia, reXei'a. With regard to five of these Leskien has shown at Stud. ii. 96, that they are founded on sigmatic noun-stems, those i.e. of the words okos, vHkos, olvo^ap^s, irivBos, TeXoy. He conjectures not im- VERBS IN -sm, -siw, -ef« AND -i^a. 241 probably that the same is the case with oavda, for it is jiist as conceivable that there should be a to *okvos, formed like tOvos, trvos as well as a d qkvo-s, as that there should be, as there is, a to o-kotos as well as a 6 o-koto-s. Still this is mere conjecture, and as regards fiaxeio/iat there is absolute lack of grounds for saying that in this instance also the 1 1 owes its existence to a a- which once existed between the e and the i There is on the other hand good ground, in view of the Lesbian fiaxai-ra-s mentioned on p. 235, for thinking that juaxei- o/iai (p 471 fiaxfiojievos) existed along with lutxala and was formed from the stem jiaxa (^fidxi)- To this may be added vjivdova-ai in the proem to Hesiod's 0pp. 2, which is certainly to be referred to v/ivo-s, and olKetav (Theog. 330) by the side of ouco-s. It is possible that we ought not to attach much weight to the 350 forms used by late poets, of which Lobeck Rhemat. 92 gives a list, for these are probably all blind imitations of Homeric prototypes which owe their existence to the delusion, not even yet rooted out, that the Homeric dialect admits of the lengthening of any » whatever into et. It is to be noticed moreover, that Herodian (in the E. M. p. 620, 44, ed. Lentz ii. 267) regarded oKveia by the side of oKvia not as mere nXeovao-jios, but as irapayayi], atrirep napa to 6aKira) yiverai daKneia, piym piyeia, ovTtos OKUa oKveia. So too at ii. 462, where he adds the desideratives like 7r6Kep.r)crela>. Such a view was perhaps based on the fact that in some cases there were only so-called barytone verbs in use by the side of those in ew, as in this very instance of doKTreta and daXira, and that of 6spei- ofnevos (Nicand. Ther. 124, Al. 567) and Sipojim. A. bare mention may here suffice for the following forms : dneiKeia (Nonnus, Musaeus), Kanvelav (Nicand. Ther. 36), KeXeudsiovres (dSeuoi/res Hesych., the M.S. has KeXevSiovTfs) , vheiofnv (Oallim. in Jov. 76). It is only daXircta and Bepeia which could have anything to do with stems in a-. Considering all this I think it must be admitted that -eico was an old by-form of -em, related to it in much the same way as -aia> to -au.. The Boeotians said ia> for cm : avKiovTo, BokUi ( = Somi;) etc. (Ahrens Aeol. 179). Since i, in this dialect, when long, is the regular representative of the diphthong ei, and when short, can stand for e too, and since the forms given above are only known to us from inscriptions, it is impossible to say whether the step before the to was eia> or eio. There is, according to Herodian (i. 443, ii. 949), only one present in -cfm of more than two syllables : mi^io, which is found from Homer onwards (II 510, b 419), with the Doric by-form ina^a> (Alcman fragm. 44 Be.* inia^ev) and the doubtful Ionic jriefc'co which Herodian (ii. 140) attributed to Apioa, while reject- ing it himself. The Doric Trmfm was, as Herodian saw, avoKoyiiTepov, Fick, (i.' 146) is probably right in taking the rt. of the verb to be pis, Skt. pkh, which, though its primary meaning, retained in irTitro-ai, is ' pound,' comes very near to TTie'fo) in many of its compounds, e.g. in d-pkh press hard, ut-piah crush, ^'nijj- 35 j pish rub against anything. I cannot agree with Fick however in regarding the f of TTiefo) as related to the d of the secondary root pid for *pi8-d (to be hard pressed). The *iTLa-e-& or even *7n(r-a-8 which, he assumes, and supposes to have arisen from *pia-d by the introduction of an auxiliary vowel, has no analogy to support it. This explanation, too, wUl find obbtacles in the forms with I, y and x> and especially in the Dor. md^as (Theocr.), in eirU^a, TmvUy- p-ai, emex^V (Hippocr.), which exist on good authority beside inUa-a and 7re?ri'e- a-fjim. For with very rare exceptions, among which e.g. is xadi^rj in Theocr. (1, 51) from the rt. e'S, such guttural forms are found in conjunction with a present in f only when this f is the product of y +/ or a simple y, and not when 242 APPENDIX TO THE I-CI^ASS. it has come from 8 +_;. It results from this that the f of Trtafo), nu^a is a derivative f of the same kind as that in dXaTrdfa), nToKefii^o}. The primary form we may take to have "been *pisaja-mi. From the rt. pis a noun-stem *pis-a, Gk. jri-o-o, ni-o, must have been formed, and from this the derivative verh n-idfo), TrU^a, of which the latter must bear to the former much the same relation as that of the New-Ionic opta to 6 pica. The further weakening of e to i, which took place as a rule in the analogous verbs, was prevented in the case of ini^a by the preceding i. Op. Mangold Stud. vi. 155. — Further traces of an e in this position are the Homeric forms dicrjxiSaT' (P 637) and fXi/XcSar' (ij 86), on which I may refer to Princ. ii. 293. As a companion to the former we find at M 179 the specially noticeable dKax^laro, of which the ei, which has been transported into the perfect stem, can hardly be a mistake for ij. dKi;;ff8ar' derives addi- tional support from the substantive aKr/x^Soves' \v7ra1 (Hesych.). The 8 is here of just the same kind as in the Herodotean KexaplSarai, only before it the older e, which in d/cap^i'fm has sunk before the double consonant to i, has survived intact. In the case of the reduplicated stem e'X?;XeS we may assume the same relation to *fXi;Xa8 as that between mcfo) and the Doric trid^a. As a present to it we shoidd have expected *cXc'f<», and with the fuller vowel 'eXd^a, to the latter of which moreover point such forms as ffKaa-a, eXaa-ros, rjXda-drjv, Perhaps too there is to be seen in Homer's epithet for Notos, dpyea-rris (dpyca-Tao Ndroio 352 A 306) the trace of a verb 'dpye^eiv to make clear, from the adjective dpyd-r, in its meaning of Xeukos which is preserved in Hesychius. — The Tarentine aveyjia • a'lviyfia Hesych. points to *alv4(), x^'fdf beside x^^s a hard vowel has passed into the corjiesponding soft one. Further parallels to this weakening are to be seen in icr-fli by the side of e 261) o;(Xi(r(rEmv (M 448) (I. Bekker ox^r^a-emv) TrpOKoKeao-aTO (H 218) npOKoKi^cTO (r 19) To these may be added dpa/iijo-e and apa/3tfc in Hesiod, the Homeric a-fiapa- yrjo-ai and Hesiod's iaimpayi^e, and a large numher from late poets and prose- writers, such as Tfip^e'ft) and reix^^Ct aTpffUo) and arpffii^a, WTepea> and vtrrepi^co, ripefifa and fipfpi^a, dafievea and acrfiewfo), treXayea) and ereXa-y/fo). With re- spect to the differences which are to he seen in some of these cases in the meaning, e.g. in Sfmvflv (take a meal) and demviCetv (entertain a guest), both in Homer, and in others in the matter of dialect or style, we may refer to Lobeck. The only point I wish to emphasise here is that several aorists and futures with a short vowel are thus satisfactorily explained. dKtjSea-a (S 427), apK€(r it is quite simple to regard as belonging to *dKrib€(a> etc. *KaXe'f(o, *alv4(a were the forerunners of the actually existing xaXtfo) and alvi^a. In fact KoXetra-m bears to KoKi^a exactly the same relation that eaa-ai does to iCa>. The close relationship of the two formations entitles us to compare the verbs in -tfiB as well as those in -ea with Latin verbs of the e-conjugation. Thus paSi^m the by-form of paSda comes perhaps nearer to the Latin madet-e than the o-form does, and TrpoKoXtfto as near to the Latin Ccdendae as KoKico does. ipariieiv seems to have sprung from two sources : on the one hand, in the mean- ing speak, spread a report, it comes very near to (jjari-s, while in that of promise, appoint (e.g. Eurip. Iph. A. 135 oy t^ ttjs 6eas a-rjv naib' SXoxov i^aTicrdf rjyes) it strongly suggests fateri, prqfiteri. The interchange between e and a is so common that we are entitled also to assume the relation between 6/iaXi^(o (also o/ioXoo)) and simnlare Tropica) and 'parare yvmpi^ai and i-gnorare'' 354 to be none other than that with which we met above in the case of fiap4a> and gravdre. If we inquire into the sources from which the verbs in -ifa are derived within the Greek language, we shall find that many, such as ivapi^a, Xoyi^opm, o(Kif(a, oirXifto, vopl^o, 7r/jojua;(if(», come from o-stems, a very small number, such a,s KavaxlCo), Trfiprfri^a (cp. above p. 236), n\r]KTl^opai, from a-stems, several, such as retx'f"'? /'fp'f'") 6fpL^a, ovei&i^a, KTepet^o), from s-stems. By far the largest portion of verbs in if, -oa>, we perceive immediately that those in -oto are formed, in the majority of cases, from adjectival o-stems — out of 40 there are 21 such — and that these have clearly a causative or factitive meaning, as e.g. in d'iaTocOj aXaoo), oKloco, yvfxvocoj £crdw, kokckOj KVprca, /aovoq), oido), ojaotdm, opdocny a-a6a>, xtP^' ^^ °f which we can translate to make something. Along with- these go others which come from substantives, and have a similar meaning, — that of 'bring about something, provide with something' — e.%. vjrv6(i>, xo^ia, 6piyK6m, nrepSca (cp. .the Skt. pottrdjormi provide with feathers), eaj, ' A second analogy is to he found in the extraordinarily large number of masculine substantives in o of abstract meaning which existed in Greek from the first, such as ^lSKos, alvos, ydfios, K((, alvia, yafi4a>, KO(rfi.ia>, Knmicp, iio-)(6eai, OKvia, ofiahia, OfiiKeco, jTodea, woveofiai, {(rTevaxi^), (jidovea, come from Stems of this Irind. In this way it happened that a much less definite contrast arose between verbs in ela and those in aa> than between verbs in em and those in oco, which we assumed, as a rule, to be formed from adjective-stems. It was the coincidence of the most various circuanstanees which ob- literated the boundaries between the thre* conjugations. In the first place a conflict arose in many instances between the analogy of meaning and that of sound. ye(j>vp6ca probably owes its existence, in spite of yf^aopai and reXeuTdto, in spite of their somewhat causative meaning, to 'the phonetic analogy, i.e. to the prevailing sense of their connexion with a-stems. Of course there were other tendencies which helped to shift the verb from one class to another. Possibly it is sometimes only our defective knowledge of the Greek vocabulary which makes us think this. There are, for instance, many instances of a and o stems existing side by side ; and it is sometimes a mere chance that one has been preserved and not the other. How easUy, e.g. might the remarkable Kopv(j)ova-6m have come from a lost *Kopv(j>o-s existing by the side of rj ? On the other hand there were no doubt cases where phonetic weakenings took place. Many an original -aa, -afoj may in this way have degenerated to -ea>, -ifco, 35 7 more particularly in cases in which the consciousness at the connexion with an a stem had been lost, as we conjectured to have happened in the case of piwria by the side of the Homeric piirrcurKe, pnrrd^a. In the Greek dialects the mutual interchange between all three conjugations is as common as that within the same dialect at different times, and where two or even three forms of the same word were in vogue at one time, it was necessary that the tendency towards differentiation should give rise to small varieties of use which are not in all cases quite consistent with the prevailing analogies. In the chapter ' de confusione terminationum conjugationis circumflexae ' in Lobeck's Rhematikon p. 163 S. and in his note on Buttmann ii.^ 53, is a copious store of material, although all that is purely dialectic is there excluded. It will be enough for us to adduce a series of facts. The numerous Ionian by-forms in -eoj for the verbs in -aa seem clearly to be the result of a weakening. In this case we are inclined to find the special ground in the Ionic preference for c as compared with other vowels. Hence rjvTeov, nemlvfov, opoxKeov by the side of forms with the a in Homer, ipico for epdto, Si\jf€a> for Stij^dco in Archilochus, Ku/ceu/ievos for Kvxafievos in Solon, ixpiovTo, olSeovTo, opea in Hippocrates (Renner Stud. i. 2, 43), and much of the same sort, such as clpaTeov, ep,rixaveovTO, apjieovro, Kpoireovr-mv, To\p.4a in Herodotus (Bredow dial, Herod. 382). This explanation, however, does not bold for all cases, for while it may be said that wvoo-eiTot by the side of aviopju is an 246 APPENDIX TO THE I-CLASS. aatiquated Doric form, on the other hand opemv, a-vXemv, iirvriiieav, dpeweovres arff Doric as well as Ionic (Ahrens 310, Sitzungsber. der k. sachs. Gesellsch. d. W, 1864, p. 221), and though Plato uses aloKea, the Ionic Hippocrates has aloKarai. ^vpeta is the older and ^vpam the post-A.ttic form, and there are other instances in which the Atticists warn their readers against the aa of the koivx) as opposed to the era of good Attic, and thus it appears likely that it was not phonetic grounds but conflicting analogies which were the determining causes in many- instances. We may perhaps be right in regarding Doric forms in aa, where the other dialects use the form in oa>, as of an older date, e.g. Koi.va we read in an inscription from Megara (Eevue Arch6ol. July 1875, p. 20) iirea-Keimo-av and 0. I. G. 2448, viii. 26 KaToa-KevaOfi. Comparatively the least interchange takes place between e<» and oa, such as is to be seen in the Ionic forms avritvpieda, d^ieijievos, pia-BtivTai, eSiKaievvro (Bredow 391). We find KVKXem and kvkKooi, piyia and piyoa existing side by side without essential difference of meaning. There are even cases where all three forms exist, as a-Krjvao), trKrjvea, (TKrjvoa, all three good Attic, and with no definite variety of meaning. The unity of all these forms is, I think, con- firmed afresh by the extent to which they were used for each other. Second Excubsxts. On the iTvflexion of the Verba Contracta. I have treated the inflexion of the verba contracta in full at ' Studien ' iii. p. 379 S. I may therefore be allowed to give here a very brief recapitulation of the results of the investigations there detailed. As distinguished from the other dialects, the Aeolic dialect, it is generally stated, treated the contracted verbs like verbs in -/ii. A closer examination, however, reveals the fact, that the use of difierent terminations was quite an in- significant element in the difl'erence between the dialects — for in reality it is only in the first person singular : Aeol. (jyiXrjpi by the side of (j)iXea>, and in the infinitive active : tptX^p-ev or {fiiXiivai by the side of (piKetv, that there is a dif- ference in this respect — the main point being that they differ in the mode of treatment of the vowels and diphthongs which appear in the body of the verbal forms : 359 Aeol. rjiiXrujiev Att. ^iXoO/xei' „ iKov(rt „ part. 0/\6iff „ tpiXav „ tKr]fJ,£VOS „ (l>iXovp,€Vos ' These vowels are in many forms just as long in Aeolic as in Attic, so that ^tKri-liev and ride-p^v 'a[\eK, gen. ^iKe-vr-os, 3rd pi. 0iXf lo-t for *ikc-vTi, and the vowels preceding the modal characteristic of the optative : (j)iKe-ir)-v, yeXa-lrj-v. We have already seen (on p. 135) the neighbouring sounds exercising the same shortening influence in the primitive aorists, and we referred then to the forma- tions now under discussion. Now the long vowel sound which we thus find to be the rule must without doubt be explained to be the result of contraction. The Aeolic verbs (jtiKrifii, yeKatfjn, SoKifjiafu are just as much contracted verbs as those in the other dialects and in Latin, to the latter of which the Aeolic forms bear the closest resemblance, e.g. Soierj-nfv = Lat. doee-mus doKei-cTi = ,, doce-nt SoKrjiievos = „ doce-mini. In the conflict between the two vowels Aeolic like Latin lets the first vowel, which we may call the conjugational vowel, prevail throughout, while the main Ionic dialect was far less consistent in its procedure. In order to comprehend the rule of the Aeolic contraction we must start from -ajcMni as the primary form. This is only feasible, however, on the three following assumptions : 1) The second a may, at the time when the Greek dialects still formed a single whole, not yet have manifested that regular change of o and e sounds which is the characteristic of the thematic vowel. There is no way of getting from 0iXe'o/icj' to the Aeol. [\rjiicv, or from (piKeofievos to rf-fU, *yeK5.e-jievos, *<^iKr)€-ii,€vos, *hovXu>e-jicvos, from which by contraction came (j)CX.rifu, SovXafiL, yeXd/xevos (cp. aa-afievos), bovKa)fjL€Vos.^ 3) Our third assumption is that a transition, even among the Aeolians, was gradually made to the conjugation in -m, though perhaps only to a small extent. The only actual instances we have from Aeolic Greek are koX^q) (Herodian ii. 832), iTodrja, aSiKrjei. noBrjto bears the same relation to iroBrifu that SeiKvva does to SeiKW/iL. Strictly speaking what happened was that the e-sound in ■no6rj-j)-ju, plur. no8r]-i-ixfv, underwent the change to an o-sound which regularly happens in the verbs in a. The first person nodrjoi, later irodea finds its closest analogy in the Lat. mone-o, while mone-mus, mone-nt, as we saw, correspond to 'iroBrj-fifv, *n66ei-a-i. The Cyprian KaXrj^a (Princ. ii. 266) preserved by Herodian (i. 444, 362 ii. 332) is a remarkable form. It proves on the one hand that f represents j alone, and shows, on the other, that the lengthening assumed above belongs to a period previous to the origin of the forms with the f. Homeric Greek, as is weU known, has retained lengthened forms of this kind in great abundance: from the n-conjugation forms like a-vXrjrrjv, TrposavSr]- rnv, (rvvavTr]TT]v, cjiotTTjrrjv, dprjfjLcvatj yotjfievai, TreLvijfisvat, ov^pevos, which are only distinguished from the Aeolic formations by the Ionic ;; ; from the e-con- jugation forma like dn-eiXTfTi)!', oiMapTrjTijv, Rokqjievai, niv6rip,evai, (j)ikr]fi£vai, which may be compared vjith the Boeotian Kapreprniev (probably more correctly Kap- Tepeijifv Ahr. Dor. 523), oKirilpevos which corresponds to the Arcad. aSuajp.evos, the Lesb. (j^oprjuevos and the Boeot. Delph. and Locr. participles, like dSixfi- ixfvos, a^apeip.evos, KoXfi^evos ; from the o-conjugation the 3rd sing, o-da (H 363, * 238), which could not conceivably have come from *eadoe, but which falls ' The specifically Aeolic epenthesis of the i in yiXaifu, and other irregularities, such as those enumerated by Ahrens Aeol. 139 — 3rd sing. vai, AXovs, e^iav, ^ioi'iji', fiiavai, /3iouy which survived after Homer's time, and which, notwithstanding their aoristic meaning are, as we saw on p. 133 f., undoubtedly presents in origin, and provide us, in their long vowels, with the clearest evidence in support of our view. It is thus placed beyond a doubt that here, as in other cases, the Aeolians preserved formations of a kind pecuKar to the earliest period of the Greek language in general. There is a like plenty of forms from various dialects like the Aeolic TroBrja, d&iKr)eis, forms, that is, in which the thematic vowel has made its appearance, while the conjugational vowel is still long. Such are the Homeric ncwda, Siyjfaa, nevoivrma-i (0 82), the Hesiodic dpAetv (0pp. 892), the Attic ireivTJs, 8i\|f3, €8i^jrr|, xp^i""" etc., which can only be conceived as coming from ireivr]ei.s, 8ii/fjjft etc., the Delphic a-vkqavres, by the side of avKiav, a-vXeovres, and contracted forms like a-vKrjv, o-uX^ro), the Homeric VTrvaovres, iSpmovira, just like the forms from the Delphic dialect : diraWoTpiaova-a, djraXKorpiaoii], ort- (jiavaerai, ixaa-nyaxov, by the side of the contracted SouXo^?;, of which the last may be compared with well-attested Attic forms like the infin. piyav, conj. 3. s. 363 ptym, Opt. piymrjv, part. dat. piymvri (Aristoph. Ach. 1146) and Hippocrates's Ibparjv, iSpSxTi, ISpmvTes. The view, which in itself is objectionable, that forms like these are in Homer due to metrical license, is completely upset by these facts. "What place is to be found, in this history of the verba contracta, for the so- called lengthened, but more properly speaking, assimilated Homeric forms like opoco, opdas, fivaopevos etc., is a question which I wiU not again enter on here, as I have on several occasions expressed my views with regard to it, — most recently at Stud. iii. 400, — and as I can now refer the reader to Mangold's paper ' De Diectasi Homerica,' Stud. vi. 139 ff. 4. VbEBS in t<0 AND ifo). Just as the noun-stems in t are far less numerous than those which end in a or o, so too the verbs in -ia> and those verbs in -tfm in which the i may be regarded as native to the stem fall in number far below the three classes hitherto discussed. The only verbs in -ta from noun-stems in i are Srjpia (Homeric btjpt- iraa-dai from Srjpi-s), KKrjia (Horn. KKrfiiTai from kXi;/i-s = Lat. cldvi-s, Hdt. KXtjta, Att. kXt/o), later KKcioi), kovLw {kovi-s, later Kovi^a), pa(TTla) {pdome P 662 from the st. pao-rc ace. pAari-v)^ pTjvla (jirjvi-s, prjvXe, prjvicras)i prjTLopai (^prJTL-Sf prjTia-opai). We cannot be so sure that the Homeric Kr)Kia> (dve/oJKie, Soph. KrjKiov) comes from the post-Homeric /ojKi'-r (gen. KrjKlSos). The first two of these verbs have a long i throughout, and this must undoubtedly be held to be older than the short vowel, and is perhaps the product of the final t of the stem and the derivative _; {Kovi-ja, kovm). To these correspond, in Sanskrit, verbs like ^am-jd-ti he wants a wife (Jdni-s), aratl-jd-ti he threatens mischief {drdti-s mischief), in Latin, verbs like fimre, grandire, lenire, potlre, in-retire, vestire which are evidently founded on noun-stems in i. Where no such nouns can be found for Greek verbs in -ta, as is the case e.g. with d\ia, KuXi'ea (by-form KvXivdco, KvXivdeco), papieiv (oxXelaBai, irvpeTreiv Hesych.) we ought perhaps to ^ssiime that such stems have been lost. Fox liapUiv, which has been -wrongly 250 APPENDIX TO THE I-CLASS. suspected, such a stem might be deduced from fiapi-Xri glowing coal, coal-dust,' and it is related anyhow to the name of an inflammahle stone which in Aiistotle 364 according .to Bonitz's Index is fiapuv-s {fiapUa v. 1. fiapiBav), in Hesych. is p-api^ci-s. The verhs in -la which are, at least apparently, primitive, we have discussed on p. 207 f. Along with these verbs in -no come a number of forms in -i^a, which point to primitive stems of the same kind. They bear to the verbs in -ita the same relation as that of the above-mentioned fiapiCevs to papieis. Such are Kidapl^m, j/e/ie, iroki^a, v^pi^a, ;(a/)i'fo- fiai, x^Ti^o), all Homeric verbs, to which may be added e.g. from later Greek paxiiw (cp. also paxiTTj-s), (f)rip,i^a. None of the noun-stems belonging to these verbs show a 8 in their inflexion, as is the case with eXn-i'-r, epi-s, ira-i-s {wai-s), pari-s, (ppovTi-s, to which the verbs eKiriCm, epi^ai, jroifo), pOTifto, (ftpovri^a correspond. Hence I cannot believe that the S of the noun-inflexion, the sporadic character and origin of which I have discussed at Princ. ii. 278, has any special connexion with the f of the verbs, and hold rather that the latter is in all these cases the representative of a simple _;', before which an involuntary 8 was developed. It is not quite so easy to answer the question whether verbs like paari^co, o-uXn-if(a,0op/ii'f'") which show a guttural in the tenses beyond the present stem, have sprung from the noun-stems /iao-riy, aoKmyy, , Trai^ov/jim (Laconians in Xenoph.), eirai^a, cVai'x- Br/v, Traiyviov, and we saw likewise at p. 237 that in the inflexion of the verbs in -fca formed from interjections there are gutturals which have come from a simple y. To this class of the verbs in -ifu) we must also add, I think, those which, like ayavt^npat, aRovri^a, avSpi^a, KfXrjri^a), p,aKapl^a, araxppovl^ai, come from noun-stems ending in a .consonant. In this case it seems to me most natural to regard the i as a vowel produced involuntarily before the _;', so that e.g. ip.iroSi^a and the identical impedio would have to be referred to a denominative "pad- jd-mi, *pad-irja-mi. For several of these verbs, however, other explanations are possible. 365 5. Verbs in -uw and -ufw. The following verbs in 'va> are clearly denominatives : axKia, yrjpvo), BaKpia, iprjTvai, I6va>, pedva, oi^vco, to which we may add (fylTva) "TiSit futuo, though the corresponding noun-stem does not occur till a much later period than the verb, and also Tavco or Tav^a which is to be deduced from Hesychius's rava-as ■ peya- \vvas (cp. rails' fiiyas, irokvi). That in such verbs a j has fallen out between the V and the thematic vowel is the natural and perfectly unobjectionable con- clusion suggested by the exactly analogous formation of Vedic verbs like r^u-j&-ti he is upright, from x^iji^s upright, hratu-jiir-ti he puts forth strength, from hrdtv/S strength, taken in connexion with all these derivatives, and the same assumption may be made for the corresponding Latin verbs like acuo, metuo, statuo. An important parallel is observable between the Greek bcucpveiv and the synonymous Gothic tagr-jan, which, on the assumption that the Gk. word once was haKpvjtw, coincide exactly, while the loss of the ,/ after the u in Latin is VEEBS IN -evm AND -ova). ■ 251 exemplified by the Lat. sti-uere as compared with the Goth, straujaii (cp. the 8kt. stdrdja-mi). We have however a superfluity of unmistakable intermediate forms in Greek itself in the Aeolic presents in -via, which have been noticed above at p. 147. One of these presents is jieBvlo) (Herodian i. 466), evidently a denominative, whOe aKvia and omioi are as yet somewhat obscure. The other representative of the ; which we should expect in this place is f. We have no instance though of an undoubted denominative in -ufm. It is possible that ipirv^ai comes from a noun-stem *ep7rv, known to us anyway as the proper name of the Theban "Epirv-s, A direct branch of the stem is perhaps to be seen in the name of the creeping plant epn-uXXov, epTrvWos, ipnvXKiov. Forms like epTria-a, eipTrvcra, epTTviris, ipnvaTiKOs bear to epjro) exactly the same relation as that of fX/ttJcrm, eiXtcvcra, ei\KV(TTai, eiKxio-Briv, IXkiktis, fXicwtrrdfo) to ?\k. Not- withstanding the latter are commonly referred to a present iXma which does not occur till the latest Greek, though analogy speaks for cX/cufo). The remaining Terbs, in -ufm are almost entirely onomatopoetic verbs with a guttural in the stem, and are widely different from the formations here in question. Some of these we have, met with above on p. 237. 6. Verbs in -eva and -ova. 366 That these verbs also once had a ,/ before the thematic vowel, though not prftved by the existence of by-forms with a f — for the awkward combination -fufo) probably does not occur except in the above-mentioned onomatopoetic (jtei^a — is extremely probable on various other grounds. In the first place the ah-eady well developed and well established rule for the denominative verbs in general speaks for it. At p. 233 we saw that, though a noun-stem may as such do duty as a verb-stem, e,g. flei/cvu in beiKmp.i, the conversion of a noun-stem into a verb-stem by the addition of the thematic vowel was unheard of. And yet such a conversion must have taken place if it is to be assumed that jSao-tXeu-oj came from ^aa-iKev without the loss of a _;. The only imaginable explanation of such a form would be that *^aa-CKfv-p.i was formed from ^acriXev as was SsUvvfu from SeiKvv, and that subsequently the thematic vowel came in, as in SsiKvva, on the analogy of the verbs in m. But I know of no support for such a view. There are moreover some hints at all events that there was once a j here. If the diphthong ev had stood from the first directly before the thematic vowels, it would be surprising to find it so well preserved. If *l(p€v-as and *iepfv-ts became ieprjos and iep^es, why should not we get hprja, ieptjeis and the like P Presents with a «u in them which have come direct from the root show a corresponding loss of sound e.g. deo-p-ai by the side of Seio-fiai (cp. above p. 210), TrKeto, nvca, pita, beside Sfi'a), irkeiia, irveia of the J-class. ■ In denominative verbs in evm no such loss occurs. Again, we have repeatedly remarked, and shall discuss at length in Ohap. XXI., p. 369 (marginal), the fact that the a- which appears to have intruded in some tenses e.g. in (i\Kv-a--Tat, elKKv-tr-Srj-v, €-/iwj- (T-Brf-v, K€KvKi-a--p.ai, and in a corresponding way in noun-formations e.g. npl-tr-iia (pres. irpl^a beside ■n-pla) points to the existence at one period of a j which has in many instances become f. And this same or occurs also in some verbs in eva, 367 especially in KeKeXeva-pai, eKiKeva-Brfv, i\fva-6r)v, the latter of which is from the monosyllabic stem Xcu for \afa iXaai). With this too agree the primitive verbal forms n-eVXeuorai, enveva-Briv, for we found by the side of TrXta, jrvia the forms trXefja, irvefja so that we have here another case where this a confrouts a j in 252 APPENDIX TO THE I-CLASS. the present. For these reasons T make no doubt that Schleicher Oomp.' 365 and Leo Meyer ii. 43 are right in referring the presents in -eva> to -evja. As to the origin of the verbs in -eva, we must look for their starting point to the noun-stems in -ev. It must be admitted however that but a very few of these verbs have noun-stems of this kind corresponding to them. Leo Meyer gives 44 Homeric verbs which have no noun-stems in -ev and only 10 altogether which have, and even from these 10 we must deduct 2 or 3, for it is not till the latest Greek that rjyefiovev-s (for riyefiovfia), and vbpev-s (for iibpeia) occur, and ■nopev-s is only found in Hesych., and that with the meaning 7rop6p.cvs, so that it is but a poor foundation for Tropeia. apuTTda though, from the Homeric apia-Tcv-S) has been overlooked. There remain therefore but 8 JEomeric verbs in -eua which show the normal relation to the noun-stem, though there are some verbs of very common use among them ; they are dpwTeva, Paa-iXeva, ^vu>xevo>, rjirepo- neva, iepdo), vopeiim, nopTreva, pfaXjcfum. To these we may, it is true, add a few from post-Homeric Greek, such as AXieio), fipafieva>, ypappareiai, mTreia, a-KVTevaif Toptvm, (j)ov(va>. But for Homeric verbs like ayopeiopcu, aeSXeico, apx^ii^t ^ovXeva, Brjpeva, drjTevat, pavreiopai, (rvKcvo), To^eva, and for post-Homeric verbs like naiBevco, Tna-Teva, ;(opeu, and may bear to noKofioat the same relation as that of arpoyyvKKo) to o-rpoyyuXoo). It is not so easy to explain uKova and opova. If this view of these verbs is correct, they have the closest resemblance to the Ohurch-Slavonic verbs in -Vrj(} inf. -ova-ti e.g. kupujq inf. kwpovati buy, the only difference being that here an a-sound is added in the infinitive. n. CONSONANTAL DIVISION. We have here to deal with derived verbs which originally had a conso- nant before the -ja of the present, whether that consonant is to be regarded, as in 6avp.av-ja)', the primary form of 6avp.aiva>, as the final consonant of the stem, or, as in KaOap^u), the primary form of Kadaipa, as part of the suffix (^xad-apo-s) by means of which the noun-stem has been formed. 1. Derived Vebbs is -va>. These have, beyond a doubt, their starting-point in stems in v and vo. There are examples of both kinds in Sanskrit of the most transparent forma- tion, such as ukshan-jd-ti he acts like a bull (ukshdri), krpan-jd-tihe acts miser- ably (h-pand), the latter standing by the side of krpd-ja-ti and krpa-jd-te, just as x"MO''"'>> and 6vop.aiva have x^Mof"" ^nd ovojxa^a without v. The Greek verbs of this kind fall into three divisions, two of which are very rich and one poor. Verbs in awa> and vva> are numerous, those in eiva rare. On phonetic groimda we wLU put eiva next to mva>. a) Verbs in -aiv, KvSatva, Tradatva, 8v(rx^paiviii — yXuKutvo). It is conoeivaUe tliat further investigation miglit re- veal an independent origin for several of these nasals, hut even then we should have to assume that the analogy, when once formed, gave the pattern for fresh formations. There can he no douht that the sitnple verbs in -mva in which the V is movable had an influence upon these formations (cp. above p. 216 f.). There are moreover derivative verbs in the Teutonic languages, such as the Qoth. frduj-indn (dominari), A. S. glis-rirjan (coruscare), mod. Germ, ord-n-m, set in order, which have an n in the derivative syllable, while, as Jac. Grimm D. Gr. ii. 174 says, it is only ' a very few of them which presuppose a substan- tive in -iM.' b) Verbs in -sivco. There are only AXfo'i/w, epeeivm of unknown origin, and <^o«Va) which must come from the stem (f>aes, and is accordingly of just the same kind of formation as Bafi^aivoi. c) Verbs in -vvai. "We hardly get any help here from, nouai formations. It is to be noticed, however, that some few adjective-stems in v have Tjy-forms in -we, e.g. 6ap, ffapvvo), PpaBvvo), baa-vvm, tvpvva, rjSvva), o^vvw. In this ease primitive verbs of the nasal class, like hvva> beside hva>, irivai beside shorter forms without the v, have no doubt helped to establish the use of the v as a convenient means for the formation of derivative verbs, the tendency to which grew so strong in course of time, that the modern Greeks have come to develop numerous verbs in -ava from o-stems, which have driven out of use the less convenient verbs in -oto, e.g. nKrip&vm = irkqpoa} More numerous than these are the verbs in -wm derived from stems in o, such as Afipvvco, &8pvva>, doXvvio, KaKvva, XafiTrpvva, XeirTtiva, p.fyaKvva>, (rep,vvva, a-KKripvva). Here the v is remarkable, for to set dovm by-stems in v for one and all of the score or so of verbs of this kind, or to ascribe the formation to the influence of the not very numerous verbs formed from steins in v, is a question- able course to take. I have therefore on a previous occasion ventured to con- jecture that the v is here a weakened oi. In this way A^po-v-ja from the stem Afipo would receive the same explanation as Xva-a-a-v-jai from Xva-a-a. The verbs in *ocva would thus bear to those in atvw the same relation as is borne by those in 00) to those in aa, a^a. We have a iJ that has come from oi in the Ionic ^vvos, ^vvfjLov by the side of koivos, and a still more notorious instance in the Boeotian v for the Oi of the other dialects. I know of no definite analogy in ordinary Greek though for a u in the place of an oi. ' On this point, as on that of the denominative verbs in -vw in general, rich material may be found in Gust. Meyer Nas. Pr. 94 flf. VEEBS IN -p. In Sanskrit we find forms like the Vedic adhvar-^'d-nt sacrificing from the st. adhvard saci-iflce, while for other verbs of the kind in this language noun-stems with a derivative r can only be supposed to have existed, as is the case with rathcM--jd-tiha -nAas ra a carriage (rdtha), sapa-r-jd-ti he reverences (rt. sap). The Greek formations in pa are not very numerous. a) Verbs in -aipas. The only verb from a stem ending in p is rexfiaipa, more commonly in the middle TeKp^atpopxii (rcKpxipj TeKfirjpio^v). From stems in -po there are yepalpa {yepapo-i), ivaipa (ra evapa), KaBaipa aind fieyalpm, the last being, as Buttmann (Lexil. i. 259) saw, undoubtedly derived from */ieyapo (cp. p.€yapo-v a room), the older form for peyaXo. Ipf^atpto clearly belongs to ex6p6-s, whether we suppose an *ix6apo-s formed like yepapo-s, or set down the a to anaptyxis, as in the case of the e of the Lat. ag-e-r from *ag-to-s, Goth, akr-s. fXcatpai has no noun-stem with an p, and Ae<^aipo^at is an obscure word altogether. b) Verbs in 'Sipw. tp.eipai from "pepos, olnreipa? by the side of olxTpo-s like fp^fiaipM beside f)(6p6-s, iBeipa * 347 is obscure. c)'Verbsin -U|0(B. ^^^ There is no doubt about papTvpop,ai from the stem fjtap-Tvp with the by-form paprvpo, Kivvpopai (by-form Kivvpi^a>) from Kiwpo-s, pivipopai (by-form piwpi^a, Lat. minmrio) from pimpo-s, while the remaining verbs ddipa, SXocfiipopat, nhripx'pa (also written 7T\rjpp.ipa>, with the by-form irKrjp.p.vpia) are of obscure origin. 3 Dbkived Vbebs in -Xm, We may say just the same about these verbs as about those in -pa. A few verbs in -X, KarCWa, vavTiXXopai, ttouciXXo), crrpoyyvWa (by the side of orpoyyuXoo)), 2 The form ohrlpas on an old- Attic inscription (Cauef Stud. viii. 253) has led KirchhofE {Monats-Ber. 1872, p. 237) to take oi/tTipw to be the real present, and this does seem to suit oMripfiaiv and the Lesb. oiHTtppm ; but it would be the only instance of a form of the kind. Since there can be no doubt as to its derivation from olKrp6-s we should have to suppose that in this one case an i and not an e developed itself between t and p : *oiKT-i-po-s, *olKTip-ju>, and I know of no analogy for this. Ought we not rather to regard the I in the same way as in Tiiroj, rf/iirj, lor which we often get the diphthong, i.e. as an early corruption of €i ? 256 APPENDIX TO THE I-CLASS. (moiivKXa. Tte remainder we shall not be too bold in referring to similar forma- tions. For instance, we bave in Homer not only do-xaXKa but da-xoKdm, which brings U8 to *a-a-xa-\o, from the rt. a-tx, o^x^ (cp. crxo-\r)). For iv8dX\ofiai we may conjecture a *fivS-aKo, formed in the same waj' as a'W-a\o-s, toox-oKo-s. ocpeXKco (o(j)e\os) comes most likely from the same stem as the Latin opvl-entu-s. Of just the same nature are the Teutonic weak verbs (discussed by Jae. Grimm D. Gr. ii. 116) like the Goth. miMl-jan { = ficyalpiiv magnificare), and the mod. Germ, gdngeln to have in leading strings, streicheln to stroke, tdnddn to trifle, dally. The diminutive meaning which is here and there discernible in both languages, has its origin in the noun-stems upon which these formations are based. In a certain sense then we may compare Latin verbs like modulari, ustidare and the *petvlare which may be deduced ham petvlans (ct^. pettU-cu-s) , only that they correspond more to trrpoyyvkoa) than to (rrpoyyiXKia. 4. Derived Verbs in -a-(ra> {-ttb)). These verbs fall into two groups, which we may describe, to keep the old nomenclature, as those with the guttural characteristic and those with the dental. There are, however, a number which show neither characteristic. 374 From actually occurring guttural stems we find — fi-om stems in k or ko: avcuTtra (J-avaK and favaxT Stud. iii. 115), iyyKvtr(r (cp. BoaKO-s), Bafirja-a-a {dd>pr]§), KTjpvtra-a) ((c^pul), paXdiraa) (/iaXa/cdr), TTTaxraat (ttto)^), i/Xdcrarco (beside v\aKTea>, vXa^), (^apjida-trfo {(^dppaKov)^ (0oiw|), ^vkdtraa ((j)v\a^), p^apacro-o) (xapa^), — from stems in x or xo fir)(Ta-ai (^rj^), pfCKi(Taai (jj.ei\txos). From stems which show a dental ■ there are far fewer ; dyvaxro-a) {ilyvaTos, late), alfid therefore, and TraTacro-a, and TTTepvcra-co we assume, instead of the actually occurring dWayrj, rjWdyrjv, Trdrayos, and the gen. irripvy-os, older forms with a k, for dXXdcrato therefore dWaKo, an expansion of dXXo formed in the same way as the Skt. anja-hd-s from the sjmonymous anjd. The 0. Ir. aUigim muto corresponds exactly to dLK\d(Ta-a>. In this language, as I learn from "Windisch, there are numerous formations of this kind which all come from adjective-stems vdth an original -ka. This class is represented in the Teutonic languages by the verbs with a g, discussed by Jac. Grimm D. Gr. ii. 806, some only of which, like the A. S. ga-hdlg-jan = \o hallow (Germ, heiligen) come from actually existing adjectives, whOe others, like the 0. H. G. chriu- zigon go on a crusade, bimunigon admonere, either never had, or had lost corresponding adjectives of this kind, as is especially the case with modern German verbs like steinigen (stone), endigen (finish), peinigen (torment), be- schonigen (gloss over). These common German formations are calculated to throw much light on the formation of derivative verbs in general. Latin has verbs like claudicdre, albicdre, which exactly correspond to the Teutonic verbs in -igon and what in Greek would be verbs in -kooj. Some of the Greek verbs in cra-a show clear signs of a guttural stem in other tenses or in cognate noun-forms, without enabling us to deduce a definite primary noun, 9S in the case of fiSeXva-aopai {^SeXvxpo-s), a-jrapda-&u> {trnapd^ai,) and others. Several of the less comprehensible of these we might perhaps suppose CH. XI. VEEBS 1^ -o-o-o). 257 ta have come from adjectives with a k analogous to the Latin adjectives in -ax and -ox like vorax, vdox. Greek itself is not altogether without such formations, 375 as is shown e.g. by wa|,used by comic poets with a comical force as a substitute for veavlas (cp. veox-fio-s), and in the same way ve^pai young animal, from v€^po-s, \fia^ from Xeios smooth (Hesych.), i(ciXa^ from ■^CKos bald. In this way we might suppose an adj. *iypr)-^ for eyprja-a-m, and an adj. *d(j)d^ for aa-a-a> (-torro)) are especially numerous. They denote a ten- dency, generally of an unhealthy nature, if not an actual defect. Cp. Lobeck Bhem. 248. Among others we may mention dp^Xvacra-a, iktc/woo-o-m, Xt/iaxro-m, vfoxra-fi (Hesych. xaivifet he has the reformation-sickness), dveipoxro'O), Tue^Xaxrcro), vnva>cy(rto. The meaning is not equally prominent in all cases : e.g. vypacra-av at^oyyos AcEch. Ag. 1329 means simply a moist sponge, and ovnpixra-a dream. These verbs show but scanty traces of gutturals in the other tenses and in derived words, e.g. ovcipa^is (Plato), oveipaypos (Aristot.), aveipaie (Butt- mann i.^ 375). On this fact was based the conjecture I expressed in the Symbola philolog. Bonn. i. 281, that these verbs might possibly come from an earlier -mr-ja, and so correspond to Latin verbs of a similar use like halbu-tio, caecu-tio. Guttural inflexion forms no insuperable obstacle to this, as it might very easily have crept in later on the analogy of the numerous presents in o-a (tt) which come from guttural stems. Anyhow the . 178. We may here distinguish between four modes in which this duality manifests itself. 1) The e-stem appears in the present, while some or all of the other tenses come from a shorter stem, e.g. SoKea fdoia. We place this kind first because it bears the moat resemblance to the cases of present- expansion already discussed, 2) The shorter stem is peculiar to the present, while the expanded or e-stem appears in other tenses, e.g. 3) Both formations occur side by side in the present itself, e.g. aiSofiai alSeo/iai. 4) Where there is a present expanded in some other way, and also the pure short verb-stem in some other tense, and a stem with no other expansion than an added e-sound occurs in a third. e-yev-o-fiT^v ytryvo-jiat yevrj~) which afterwards, when pp hecame p and the vowel was lengthened in compensation, disappeared entirely ; the other in a change of ^' to e, in which form it svirvived for a longer time. It is true that forms like KipTjaai (as early as Hesiod) and ^vpau) should make us cautious, as they suggest the possibility that verbs in eo) may have existed at an early period by the side of the more primitive forma- tions. — opeovTO, at B 398 ayiTTavTee i' opiovTO and SP 212 rol I' opeovro, is evidently an imperfect from the rt. op, the aorist of which is wpro, and is consequently a by-form of op-vv-fiai of a different present-formation. It is very natural to compare it with or-i-untur, in which the i (cp. ortvrs) is just as movable. On the other hand there is the analogy of the stem oTopE (fOTopEffa) beside arop in uTop-vvfxi. — In the case o£ o-ixiy^-iw by the side of the aor. &/xt^a we might appeal to the Lat. ine-jo=:meig-jo in sup- port of the view that the -tiu comes from -ja-mi. Beside irar-io-iiai Hesychius has (cp. above p. 221.) preserved the form Trnaacrai, which points to Trar-jt-Tai (Princ. i. 335), while the corresponding Gothic /M- ja-n, inasmuch as it is a weak verb, points to irar-tjo-fiai. — yq-Q-iw beside yi-yriQ-a and ri-O-iw (sift) beside i\D-fx6-Q, both from shortsr roots ex- panded by a Q, might be compared with ia-Blw in support of the view that the e and the i are representatives of a^. But by the side of yrj-B-iia Stands the Lat. g'aMci-eo. — a'lpio) (Princ. ii. 180), with the Cretan by-form aiki(o must undoubtedly be referred to a rt fap with its by-forms faX and /eX. The diphthong presents some difficulties, but these are removed at 381 once by the supposition that the primary form was J-ap-jw, in which case we should have to assume the usual epenthesis to have taken pla,ce. We cannot be quite sure of this though, as there are no distinct parallels to the word in the related languages. In distinction to these there is another class of these forms which we shall with more or less certainty assume to have come from noun-stems, and consequently to contain the regular derivative ew. This is above all the case with ^paiafxiit), which undoubtedly presupposes a stem ■^^anT/io for ^(pa-m-fio (cp. ■^i\(jifii-fio-g. In the case of yafjeo) however, as of Siivwiw and KTv-Kew it can hardly be doubted that they came from yafio-c, SovTTO-s, KTviro-r, as also piyEwfrom p'tyoc. Sarlofiai (cp. Ch. XXI. p. 369 marg.) bears precisely the same relation to cnroSana-f.rai, Satrofxai, Idaa-aadai that iraTeofiai does to TramxtraL. The £ of koew with the aor. 'i-Ku-fisv (Princ. i. 186) is anyhow, as we saw at p. 240, of the same nature as that of the Lat. cav-eo, and that of Xoe'w beside Xovw as that of the a in the Lat. lava-re. We must take care to notice, on the other hand, that in some presents in ew by the side of w the vowels are by no means such as suit the supposition that the preceding stage was a noun, yefiiw can have nothing to do with yo/une, nor eXkew with oXkij. Nor can the like assumption be made with any probability for jueSewi' by the side of 262 THE E-CLASS AND THE EELATED FORMATIONS. Ch. xn. /he'Swi'. In general it can hardly be denied, that within certain limits a kind of analogy arose for by-forms in -tw by the side of forms in -w, without the makers and users of such forms being conscious of definite noun-stems to correspond. We wUl now proceed to review the individual verbs of the first division^ It is to be noted that the language showed an extraordinary vacillation between the shorter and the longer stem, and that the num- 382 ber of twofold forms is very great, and that they sometimes both occur in the same periods, and are even used by the same authors. 1) Presents in -ew with Forms phom a shoetee Stem in other Tenses. 1) cilpeu) common to all Greek from Homer onwards.. The stem alpe also occurs with the £ short in ^pc-dr]-v (since Aeschylus), aipe-Ori- ffOficiL, alpe-ro-c (Hdt. Plato), with the long r) in aipriaoi (II.), ap-aiprj-K^i (Hdt.), ^prt-fiai (Aesch.), while a shorter stem underlies the aorist-forms tiKo-v, kXri-aBai ^nd the late fut. tXou/um.i lb) nXirjjfifj'oc, clearly an Aeolising participle like ftXrifxevoe, only 2 807 and Hes. Scut. 91, by the side of the forms IjXtTvy, aXueffdat which are commoner in poets. 2) yauib) Homeric both in the active and the middle. In this case the e-stem with a short vowel is only represented by ya^iETtov (by the side of yafjajriov) unless we count the futures ya/jw, yafiovfiai; that with the long vowel in earlier times, besides the above-mentioned yafirjTeov, only by ytyafi-q-Ka (Hdt. Aristoph.), which is joined in later times by yafiwofiai and the like. — On the other hand we have the aor. e-ydfii (Pind.), eyrifie, eyfifiaro from Homer onwards from the stem ya/j. 3) yeywvEii) almost exclusively poetical from Homer onwards {ye- yiaveiv M 337) with the by-form ytymviaKw, mentioned on page 196, which is obviously derived from the perfect ykywva of present meaning, the only form from the shorter stem. The e-stem occurs also in ytywrij/rw (Eurip.), yeywvrjaai (Aesch.). 4) yjjOtd' poetical from Homer onwards. The e-stem occurs also in yrjdnao), yfidrj^re, by the side of yiyriOa (Pind. yiyadi) from the shorter stem in the same poets, and in isolated instances in prose. In quite late authors (Sext. Empir., Anth., Qu. Smyrn.) there is also yijeojuat. 5) SoKew in general use from Homer onwards, with Sokjjo-e (v 93). Post-Homeric but good Attic are the forms So^w, ecnlti, SiSoKrai, iSoxSlv from the shorter stem, alternating in poets and Herodotus with such forms as SoKijirw (Aesch. Pr. 386), tSo/cjjfrt (Pind.), ^.^uktikc (Aesch. Eumen. 309), SoKtidde (Eurip. Bacch. 1390). 383 6) {y)Sovweia. The present-stem occurs only at Eurip. Ale. 104 and in late poets. The aorist t{y)lovwr].aa is common in Homer, with lelovwb)c {lelovTTOTOQ OllLTzoZao ^ 679) from the shorter stem. At Anth. vii. 637 there is KaTilovire. 7) iiQib) sift. The present occurs in Plato, and there is the aor. ^tfa from the st. ^6, which is quoted in Steph. Thes. from Hippocrates, and the common substantive rfi-jio-s. StiU ijOrifxivog and iiQr)naTo occur from Plato onwards. 8) Brjkiu) a Homeric present for the ordinary Greek 9a\\w mentioned ' iir-avp4a has been mentioned on p. 195. CH. XII. VERBS "WITH E-PORMS OUTSIDE THE PRESENT ONLY. 263 on p. 211, with tlie perf. Tidr]\a (Pind. redoKE), OriXriasi (A 236), flaXijo-a (Pind.). 9) Kevriii) makes all its forms (^tcEvrfiau, EKevTrjua, KEKevT-qfiai etc.) regularly from the st. Kevrit The Shorter stem- is only represented by the a?ra5 Xcyofievov Kev-rrai "9 337 and by noun-forms like k6vt-o-q, Kev- Ttop (for KeVT-Tlt>p), Ktv-Tpo-v. 10) KTviriw. KTvvie.1 N 140 and also in Attic ■writers, aor. cruTre P 595, eKTvwev Soph. O. 0. 1456 by the side oi KTv-Kricre ib. 1606. 11) ofTix^'^ Hes. 0pp. 727, with &fii^ev Hipponax fr. 5& B.' and ofii)(jia. Cp. above p. 261. ' 12) dpcoiTo only in the two passages in Homer mentioned on p. 261, 13) Trar-io-fzai. The present is first found in Herodotus, and the aorist iiraaafx-qv occurs in Homer, Herodotus, and Attic poets : Trdo-airo A 464, Iwaaaa^iQ' i 87, Tvaaaadai Aristoph. Pax 1281 by the side of the plupf. 7r£7ra(Tjui;v il 642 and ciTaoToc S 788. Cp. above p. 261. 14) The imperat. tt/ei, common on cups by the side of e-Trto-c, tt'l-Qi, vi-vo) cp. Eoscher Stud. iv. 194. 15) plyeii). The present is only found in Hipponax and Pindar. In Homer (e.g. IT 119) and Sophocles occur piyriato, kppiyrjoa, plyriaev, while the shorter stem is represented by the perf. 'ipply' H 114, conj. kppiyriai. r 353 ; ipplyzL ;^ 216, may be either imperf. or pluperf. 16) oTvyiii). arvyeovai H 112, also in Hdt. and Attic poets, while from the stem arvy are formed the aorists earvyov k 113, P 694 and eSTV^a {rrrvlaifxi X 502), the perf. iarvyfial (Hesych.), the passive future dTvyija-cTai Soph. O. E. 672, and noun-forms like orwyoc, o-ruy-i'd-c. Still, after Homer, there occur also aTreariyritTa (Soph. O. C. 692)3 84 cnreaTvyriKarji (Hdt. M. 47), iTTvyr]Oev (Aesch. Sept. 692) and the like. 17) ^iXew. The regular forms of the e-conjugation are too common to need confirmation. From the shorter stem are formed only IcpiXaro E 61, (jiiXaro Y 304, Imperat. 1\ai E 117, (j>i\o))T(ti hymn, in Cerer. 117. Forms of the kind occur in imitators of the old Epos. The By2antine ■TrefiXfiai hardly comes into consideration. 18) ■)(pai.aixi(i). As we ought perhaps to regard xpaitr^iiv in Homer (e.g. A 589) as an aorist, we must go to Nicander (Ther. 914 ■)(pai(Tfi£l) for the present. Along with the regular e-forms xP""''f"7<''£A's'' (* 316), ■)Q)al(Tiur]iT£v(n 837) we find the aorist ^■^(jpaiafie S 66, ■^^paiafxi. H 144, yfiai(rfx-g O 32 from the shorter stem. 19) i)Quo, from Homer onwards (y 295) very frequent in both active and middle. From the shorter stem come cnrwa-ci (A 97), the Att. (So-w, ioaofiai, 'iiaat (II 410), (3(r£ (E 19), &aavTO (II 592), the Attic Edxra, itoaa- firjv, cii)(Tf.iat, ioxxdriv, i)aQi)aofxai, (iordc, iyarioc, while Attic poetg also have uidriaii) (e'^wOijo-o/je)' Soph. Aj, 1248), and in late prose we find &drj(Ta. 2) Presents without an e bt the side of other Foems with E OR rj. Out of the considerable number of the verbs which belong to this division, we will reserve such as show in the present an expansion of another kind, which does not appear in the e-forms as well, e.g. peio pvYiao^ai, fiavOai'd) /jLadriaofiai, for the fourth division. The forms with which we have here to deal are of the most various kinds. The simplest . 264 THE E-CLASS AND THE BELATED FOEMATIONS. ch. xii. case is tkat in which, the present-forms have a simple stem and the other tenses a stem expanded by the addition of an e e.g. fiiXei jjeXriaEi, vcfio) vevefi7]Ka, etll\b> edeXfiaw. Here and there comparison can be made with verbs in the related laaiguages. With /jifjipriKa we may compare the Lat. maiie-o. The forms ei-riSe-rm (Chap XVI. p. 384 marg.), iS-tiSo-Ka, riU-a-Qrt-v belonging to Uu may be compared with the Skt. add-ja-mi, the causative of the rt. ad, with the meaning ' give food to.' In other cases the present shows a less primitive character. Itis possible that EiISw^ Krjlb), o'ixofiat are petrified presents of the lengthening class ; anyhow their diphthongs extend into the tenses with an e-stem : ehSficrbi, Kij^j/o-w, olxfia-ofjiai. One of these presents can be connected with an 385 analogous formation in the related languages : from the intensified stem /fiSe is formed the fut. dlriaii), and the stem Jei^e also forms the basis of the moods of the perf. olia of present meaning [dUu, elldriv) and is there restricted to the meaning know. The Skt. veddjd-mi is not merely causative, hut also means know, the Goth, fair-veit-jan preserves the physical meaning see, and the Ch.-81. vSdi-ti which has been referred to on p. 260, agrees in form and meaning with the Greek tlUvai. dZnaw is therefore properly the future of an *tiU(o which corresponds to the above-mentioned veddja-mi. From a present of the <-class we get TvwTritTM, from what we conjectured to be a present of the w-class fJavXri- aofiat, and from a present of the inchoative class (iotrKriaw. The j-class in its various ramifications furnishes a larger contingent : iSKaio) kXciiijitw, fiiWit) fikWrtnti), d^dXio 6 {tipto), lirjcKa (liio lack) from Zrjaia (liu) bittd^, axdeao/xai from a^nfiai and axOriirofiai, E/iaxeadjuijj' from ku.a^a./j.riv (fxaaau)), wattiiriti (Tra/w) from TraiVw (jratXa)). Pott in his Ft. Forsch. ii.^ 957 has collected instances of this kind.. Of the variation in the quantity of this e-sound it will be time to ti'eat when we come to the tenses in question. All we need notice here is that the short £ is very rare. The only forms among those which are to be given imme- 386 diately which have the vowel short throughout are nxSf'o'o/.iai, axBeirHriyai. A vacillation between a short and long vowel is to be seen in aKi/xfjueVofi and aKaxvf^^^'oe, aXdofiai aXdriaofxai aXdeadfji'ai, jxivia fieveroc fiefieyriKa, fjaxofiai /xaxhrraTo, fiax^i'o-'^Q'i'- and a few others. Where the vowel is short it is tempting to suppose that it was an auxiliary vowel, and if so, to compare the Gk. t with the i which meets us sporadically to so large CH. xii. VEI115S WITH E-FOEMS OUTSIDE THE PRESENT ONLY. 265 an extent in the tense-formation in Sant-krit e.g. a-ved-i-sha-m, the aorist of the rt. vid, tar-i-shjd-mi the future of the rt. tar. But this i itself needs to be examined more closely and ought scarcely to be so decidedly pronounced to be a purely phonetic element as is usually done. In the case of the Greek e-sound, prevailingly long as it is, it seems to me now far more probable that the whole phenomenon is due to a confusion of the derivative with the primitive formation, and that the variation in quantity is connected with the variation between forms in tw and c^w, i^ii) discussed on p. 241 ff. We will now give without further subdivision the individual forms which fall under this head. 1) aXii,w. In Homer we find active and middle forms like aKi^yttv (r 9), a\£i.i>iiiaOn (A 348) by the side of the fut. hXilijatiQ (I 251), the aor. aXe^riffeie (y 346), and Hdt. has aXi^rjcrofiai. aXilofxai as a future (Soph. O. R. 171) and aXii,airdai (() 565) belong to the stem oXk with an unconsciously developed t (cp. oX-oXko-v). 2) aXdofiat. a\deTO E 417, cnraXdyjiraadai 405. Cp. aXOriiTKU), dXQi'o-KW p. 194. 3) av?w (Horn. i'd^(o only in the present) by the side of uv^at'u), fut. avErjirii), ahUjcrofiai, aor. rjv^ijati, pf. rjvtriKa, rjvtr)fxai, pass. aor. r/v^riOrii', verbal adj. av^riTo-c, all well attested in Herodotus and Attic writers. In late prose (Plutarch, Dio Oassius) there occur isolated and hence questionable traces of a present ai^tw, and aviovfitvuc is found in the iambic inscription from Megara C. I. 1066. The e-forms correspond to the Skt. causative vahshd-jd-mi (let grow). Cp. p. 181. 4) axQofiai. The present-forms are the only ones in use in Homer, but in Attic times we find {ovk a-xbian Aristoph. Nub. 1441) the fut. axOtaofini and the passive forms i]x^i(rdr)v (Thnc.) and iixOerOvaofiai 387 (Xen. Plato). a-)(dv''"s' yoyttwirfie (Hesych.) shows a variation in meaning as well. Veitch notices isolated traces of cix^tw in late authors. 5) fidiTKw in Homer (O 548) by the side of jionaitauQ p 559. Other forms with ij are rare and mostly late, /3»o-ci)reo)' Aristoph. Av. 1359. 6) jSovXofiat. Homer has only present-forms (among which are ftoXeffdc, ifioXoi'To) and the pf. Trpol3el3iivXa. These are gradually joined by one or another e-form. ftovXriaufxai (first in the hymn, in ApoU. Pyth. 86), lj3ovXfi6rir (from Sophocles onwards), fiefiovXriiiai, /BuuXijro'e, all in tise with Attic writers, later jiovXribriaoyiai. Cp. also fiovXrjaic, flovXrjfia. 7) ypcKJxd only belongs here in virtue of the perf. ytypa^i/Ka which the Atticists reject, but which Lobeck (ad Phryn. p. 764) defends. Kiihner (s. v.) points out that the best M.SS. of Xenophon Anab. vii. 8, 1 have ytypaij&ijKoroc. 8) Sfw. On p. 210 we met with the present form hiu for *^ffjw. We presupposed however the existence of dtiw (Homeric Scvo/jm, iSevero A 602) and *Sf/w as early by-forms of another present-formation. Homer has also the aor. iltvr)aev i 540 by the side of iSijo-ev (e/jeTo h' cSriatv apijg aAKTtipa yeviirdai S 100). In Attic prose Ztr)no), Beritrofjiai, eSirjoa, SeSi- rjfxai, ederiOriv are common. 9) SiSaaKoi, SiSaiTKijaai Hes. 0pp. 64, lilaaKriiraifxi hymn, in Cer. 144, cp. Pind. Pyth. 4, 217. 10) ilo), to this present-form, which is identical with the Lat. edo and is almost exclusively confined to poetry (from Homer onwards, Z 142), the Attic writers ijaade from an e-stem the perf. E?-»;go-K-ci, cB-rih-a-fnti 266 THE E-CLASS AND THE RELATED FOEMATIONS. ch. xii. (Aristopli. Plato), Homer eS-ij^E-rai (x 56), Hippocrates the aor. ^di-(r-6riv (as if from *e2E^(.) a by-form of *ehb>). Cp. p. 264. 11) idiXu). From Homer onwards (e.g. H 364) with tQtkrjaio (2 262), iOiXiicrtv (i; 396). In Attic writers there is also fidiXriKa (Xen.). We need not notice here the disappearance of the initial e. Cp. also OiXrijia, St'XjjfTic and edeXourrit. 12) *£'t?w, not used in the active, mid. e'wofim, fut. e'iirofiai {ti(T£aL 388 * 282) and clSiiet\riiT(o, (i^iEtXijo-a, 6(j>et\ri- flfic. Cp. o^EiKrifxa (Thuc. Plato). 6f£i\ivfiiyrie in the Ionic prose writer Eusebius in Stobaeus Floril. 28, 3. 28) TTEpSo/Jot (Kauck Melanges iv. 50), pf. TrcVopPa, aor. tTrapSoi', but the fut ajniTrapSljerofiai (Aristoph. Kan. 10) from the e-stem. 29) iTfTo/uui. To the forms in use with poets from Homer onwards of the present (by -form ireTafiai above p. 120) and of the aorist kirrdixriv, TTTEdOai (by-form TrrdrrHai) are added the fut. TreTfiaOfjat (irerficrei Aristoph. Pax 77, 1126). Whether the more common wTrifTonai came from 390 ■K^TrjiTOfxnL by syncope, or was formed from the stem ttto, cannot be decided. 30) Tfuxw finds a place here in virtue of the form Terevxno-dai (by the side of TETvyfxai) which only occurs at x 104. 31) TVTTTbi, in common use from Homer onwards {trv-^i. N 529, .ruv^at Hdt. iii. 29, rervfifih'u) N 782). Of the forms from the e-stem the first to occur is the fut. ruTrrijirw in Aristoph. (Nub. 1444) and Plato (Gorg. 527 a TVTTTriirEi), while erujrrijo-a is first found in Aristot. (Pol. ii. 12 ay TvwrriawiTi), and much later come TiTvTrrrjKa (Pollux ix. 129), rcrinrrri^ai (Luc). [Cp. Sandys, Excursus A on Demosthenes, Part II. pp. 207-211.] 32) x°-'-P'^- ^ ^^^ verb, common to all Greeks of all periods, the only form which belongs here is the fut. x°-'P^'"^j which occurs once in Homer (xni-pri(rctv T 363), then in Hdt., Aristoph. and Attic prose. The aor. £xaipri''a not before Plutarch. The e-stem x^pe formed straight from the root will be discussed further on. Cp. p. 215 no. 20. We may finish the list with 33) The stem Ea, which is almost entirely confined to poetry, has no present, and is used without expansion in perfect forms like SeSaws p 519 and in the aor. hiSaov (taught) — later tSaov, sometimes transitive, sometimes intransitive — rwhich might be placed along with SiSao-K-w. On the other hand the expanded stem Sae serves to form both the aor. fS«jj-i' and Sarj-aojuai (Barjireat y 187), h^arj-Ka {hSaijKOTig fi 61, Hdt. ii. 165), SeSarifiivoQ hymn, in Merc. 483, Theocr. It is a fact which the historian of the verbal forms should notice, that it is only in 14 of these 33 verbs that the e-formation occurs as early 268 THE E-CLASS AND THE EELATED POEMATIONS. ch. xii. as Homer, while in the remaining 19 it does not appear till late. It is clear from this that the formation took time to spread. 3) Both Foemations side by side in the Present. It is beside my purpose to exhaust the iiumerous cases in which the present occurs in two forms, both with and without an e. Lobeck (on Buttm. ii. 52 ff., and on Soph. Aj. v. 239) has collected an abundance of material on the subject. I shall content myself here with adducing 391 verbs whose tense-formation is made more intelligible by the discovery of by-forms — often rare or even isolated — ^from an e-stem. 1) a'iSojuat and alSiofiai, both in Homer (ai?^eo 4> 74, aiiofieviav E 531, aiBtro 6 86) — alhioixai Z 442, nlltio Q, 503). Later the e-formation is the prevailing one, so that after Homer the other is only to be found in lyric passages in the tragedians and in the Alexandrine poets {al?6ixevoQ Aesch. Eumen. 549). Fut. (.dhiirtTai X 124, ailiaaofxai £ 388, aor. jj'oEcrar' (j) 28, atStirtrai I 640. The forms with a simple a also occur in Attic writers. To these are added rjltrrfxai, iqliadqv, the latter as early as Homer (aif:eaBtv H 93). It is natural to assume a stem atSee (cp. alliiQ nom. ai^cic) for the forms with e. Op. a'll^inc, aUiTjfiwv. 2) yijjidi and yefisw. The latter form is given by Herodian ii. 230 : yEfiiwfTi Se Tranra^EC. 3) et\w and ciXiw, if our explanation on p. 179 was the right one, do not properly belong here, but to the twofold forms like Surw Ivviui given on p. 177. iiXofxivuv occurs at 215, but the prevalent forms are e'lXtov and the like, which are joined later by uXrujun, ei\t]Or]j' (Hdt.). 4) The Ionic eipofjai ask, of the i-class (cp. p. 213) A 553, Hdt., by the side oi kpiu) (Ipioifxt X 229, epiiofiai p 509), aor. i'lpsTo (^epwfiEda 6 133, ipiix&ni etc.) in general use from Homer onwards, fut. upri(Topai (tlpri- aoficff I 61), and also in Hdt. {kmipjjao^ei'OvQ I 67). Attic has Epij- (TOfiai, 5) opw say by the side of i\peti> (cp. p, 213). 6) iXKb) and eXkco), both in Homer-. kXKEptvai K 353, tXKt-ai P 136 — £Xk£o»' P 395. With eXkew go the fut. eXtcijadva X 336, rjXK-^/rE X 580, tXKr]diitraQ X 62. Cp. £\i,?j9juoc. 7) laxv n 234, KvXXrjvrjc fieliovra, hymn, in Merc. 2 (cp. KuXXavac fxilfiQ Alcaeus fr. 5 ace. to ApoUonius Dyscolus), with similar forms in the tragedians, fxiitit as 2nd sing, Soph. Ant. 1118. Mid. /xehiupcOa E 718, fiiZovTo SI 2, fut. ntlijiroixai i. 650. 15) fjij'vdu) in Homer, Hesiod and the tragedians. In its place Hip- pocrates has pivvdEU) with fiivvdri(7u), EpivvBriira, pE/xii'vOrjKa. 16) fiv^u) suck (Xenophon). Hippocrates has /iv^eui, later (Aelian) f.ivZa.ii>. EKfivl^riiTaQ as early as A 218. 17) i,vpii), Ivplis), ivpau. On the late ^vpo/iai cp. p. 214 no. 9. e^vpa 393 is found in Hippocrates, ^vpcw, i^vprjtra, E^vprjpai from Sophocles (Aj. 786), Herodotus and Plato. Ivpaopai belongs to post- Attic prose. 18) vEKTEiii by the side of ttektw, cp. p. 168. 19) piTTTEb) by the side of plirTb), pp. 165 and 245. Lobeck ad Aj. v. 239. Cp. ETVTrTridayui (p. 179) is said to have been Zenodotus's reading at I 506 (ciidavEEi). 24) 09(i'£'w by the side of 09(Vai is given as a variant in Hippocrates. In this and later prose-writers occur E(pOiyT)cra, E 369), wSfiaag A 398, Pind. Pyth. 4, 109, Aesch. Choeph. 618, both intransitive, and the transitive 7rt?ri9i)<7w X 223. Op, 394 EuriftriTcu only Soph. Aj. 874. ■KE(j>ili\niTaL O 215, Q. 158, in Nonnus wKtul-qfiivoe as well. ippvrjKa, Trapepfjurjice Soph. Phil. 653, then in Aristoph. and Attic prose, depvfiereirdai Isocr. 8, 140. Cp. £ppvy]i'. KtKaSriaofiai (iciKaSrjiroixed' 9 353) bears to Kr)Sri(Tae the same relation as that of IStjaSi to tiS^o-w. B) r-class. KeKa(prib)g (iceKar)OTa E 698). Tvirria-ci' v\rj£,ti Hesych., who also mentions a pres. rvn-el' TrXriaan, as also TviraCtiV KOTTTeit'. C) Nasal class. Attention has already been called on p. 178 to the fact that many verbs of this class have by-stems in e. In the case of mxavio there is a long list of by-forms from the stem kixEj most of which have been given on p. 121, and there are besides the fut. KiyfiiTOfiai from Homer onwards (jctyriaeaBaL <& 605), the aor. ^i^^- o-aro K 494, and adxnroi; P 75. aSi;(7fc) Hdt. v. 39, ffhilrj-uiWa Locr. inscr. Stud. ii. p. 445 1. 38, oSijce Hipponax fr. 100 Be.^ Cp. almna • \jjiit(Tfiu, Uyfia Hesych., Skt. causat. svaddjd-mi. XtXaPnKa Hdt. (iv. 79, iii. 42), Eupolis. Hadriaofiai, tiefxc'Srt>^a, /ia0i)ro-e in general use from Theognis onwards (ixadriatai V. 35) in both prose and poetry. The stem fiaOt con'esponds to the mede of the Lat. mederi and the corresponding Zd. maidhaya-, whence comes maidhayanha (teach). On the identity of the stems cp. Princ. i. 387 ff. Op. /laQr/irtc, ftndrirric, fjadrifin. Tvxn"^ ? 334, TeTvxnn^ >- 88, Thuc. i. 32. Cp. Tcrevxfjirdai above p. 267. av^flffu). Cp. above p. 265 under av^ui. ollnTo), ^Sriaa, fci^j/i-a (Hippocr. Plato) may just as well be assigned to olUo) (Hippocr. Hdt.) as to oUavai. olSata does not occur brfor'e Plu- tarch. CH. xn. E-FORMS WITH PRESENTS OTHERWISE ' EXPANDED. 271 kfiapriiiTOfiaL from Homer onwards {anapT-iiirecrdaL i 512), rijxapTriKa, ilfiapTrifiat, i\ixapTi]Qriv in Hdt. and Attic writers, iifia.pTi](ra is not Attic. Cp- hfiapTTffia etc. pKaariiaii), ifiXaaTrjaa, kfiXaarriKa (Eurip.) by the side of the pres. pXaoTai'w and (^Xaeriu). Cp. ji\a(rTr]fia, j3\u(rTriiTi£. i^riiTOfiai see above p. 266 under i^io. 395 6(f>\}]fT Attic, ufXritra rare. Cp. o(p\r)fia. alirdriaofiat, yadrifiai, oiVfli/rdc, Attic from Sophocles onward (Philoct. 75). Cp, aiadrjiTis etc. KaTaSeSapdrjKot Plato Conviv. 219. aire-xBrjiTo/iat Eurip. AJc. 71, Hdt. etc. ; axjjj^QijjuEi'Oc Thuc. i. 75. ipiSriaaa-dai has been mentioned on p. 185. oaifpriaojxai Aristoph. Pax 152. Cp. oinppriinc. D) Inchoative class. ^fiTiXaktiTai Aesch. Suppl. 916, a/.(7rXai:ijrdc, afXTKaKrifia (tragedians). e^aira^rjiTe hymn, in ApoU. Pyth. 198. apripefiivoe only Apollon. Ehod. iii. 833. iiravpTiiretrdai Z 353, cp. the isolated kiravpio). yi.yii>vriaiM). See above p. 262 under yfywi'tw. Evpfiffb), first at hymn, in Merc. 302, and thenceforwai'd in general use along with ivprjKa, tvprmai, evpidr]y, iiipedtiaofiai, ciipcTog, and in late Greek tvpijo-a. The variation in the quantity of the e appears in noun- formation as well : tvprjfia, cvpeaic XakTiiTOfiai (Aristoph. Pax 381), IXaKriaa, belonging to Xclitkii) (which was omitted by an oversight on p. 197) Aesch. Ag. 865, Aristoph. Ach. 1046, with the Homeric by-form Xqicew {eTreXriKEov d 379), with which we may put BiaXaKriffaffa Aristoph. Nub. 410. Cp. XiXuKa in Attic poets. E) /-class. PejioXnaro I 3 (beside lic/iXiiaTo S 28), fis^XriixevoQ I 9, k 247 (beside fttftXri/j-evos A 475 etc.), with j3£/3d\ijrat which first occurs at Apollon. Rhod. iii. 893. The more widely u.sed stem /3\ij I am inclined to regard as, like rXri, o-kAij, k/ii/, ryitij, Ovri, and others, the result of metathesis. Cp. Siegismund Stud. v. 199 and above p. 132. fie/iopr/Ke, fjEfiopTifiivoe (Nic. Alex. 213, 229), /icfidpriTat (ApolL Rh. i. 646), a late by-form to fieipo/Aai, fjxfiopc, fiCfiopftivoe. The stem /xopi bears to fiep the same relation as that of fioXc to (iaX, fieX (/StXoc). Kexapv^C {KexaprjOTa H 312), KsxapriKa (Hdt. iii. 27, Aristoph.), 396 (C£Xa|0»7/"EVoc (hymn. hom. vii. 10, Eurip. Iph. Aul. 200), Kexaprjyro (hymn, in Cer. 458), Kf)(apri(rifiev O 98. F) Eeduplicating verbs. The few verbs of the thematic conjugation, which after the fashion of the verbs in -/xi characterise their present-stem by reduplication wiU be given at the end of the book in Chap. XXIV. Two of these must be mentioned here, inasmuch as they have non-reduplicated by- stems in £ : 272 THE E-CLASS AND THE RELATED FORMATIONS. ch. xii. yei'TiiTOfini, ycyevijyLtai, . both from Aeschylus onwards (Eum. 66, Choeph. 379) with the remarkable by -form ycyiiccfiivoe Pind. 01. 6, 53; the form iytvriQriv counts as Doric and not good Attic (Phryn. p. 108), yivriQ<]tToiia Plato Parmen. 141, yev-qrog (Plato). Cp. ytrfffi-e, y^vhric, yeverfi, Lat. gene-trix, geni-tor, gene-tivu-s, Skt. ^ana-has, ^dna-na-s, ^ani-td (st. ^ani-tar), ^dni-tri. The oldest Sanskrit present-form is ^dna-mi (answering to a possible G-k. *yei'a-ni), and this has a 3rd sing, mid. a^anOrta^syepe-TO. Apparently the root is ga (cp. yiya-fiey), Skt. ^a, and na is a syllable peculiar to the present, so that the Dor. ycyerd- /jievog is formed as it were from a pres. *yevau), which bears to the *yei'd- fiL deduced above the same relation as that of wiTvaii) to Tirvri/ii. aeffa, aorist to i-ouw(7- 342, 'diaafXEV y 151, 'aiirai o 40), contracted uaajiEv w 367. G) Verbs in ju,i. Here belong forms like the following : Fut. 6\e(T(7ii) (M 250), &\t-aa (X 107), dXwXtra used from Herodotus onwards by the side of oWvixi, o\ii>\a. Op. oXeSpo-e. iaropiaa (y 158) by the side of nropvvfn (cp. above p. 112). Occasionally it is in noun-formation alone that any trace of the ex- panded stem is to be found. \a.x^-ai-s bears exactly the same relation to the rt. Xax that vifie-m-Q does to the rt. vcfi, but while the stem vi/ie has survived in some verbal forms, this is not the case with Xa^t. Of an e-stem belonging to dX^a/rw the only trace left is to be found in oX^tjo-- rri-Q, nXipeuipoiai. It Ues beyond our province to pursue this phase of the e-formation any further. 397 If we reckon up all the verbs whose irregulai-ity is due to the pre- sence of this movable e we find the number to be 115. Some of these have, it is true, been counted twice, because, as ia the case of xalpio, Xaipfi(ro) and K^xapv^a, they show two different e-stems, or because they form two different presents, and others are rare and late. On the whole though there are fully 100 verbs which belong to this class. 273 APPENDIX TO THE E-CLASS. Il is far less often that we find other movable vowels, hut to a limited extent there occur stems in a which alternate, just as the e-stems do, vrith shorter stems. These are precisely analogous to the far more numerous Latin verbs of the a-conjugation whose a, as in domd-re, dom-^i, domirtu-m, does not extend beyond the present. The following are probably the only Greek verbs of the Mnd. yoaa, common from Homer onwards, with the isolated aorist eyoov from the rt. yo(/) Z 500. IxrjKaonai, the present only occurs in grammarians : Bekk. Anecd. p. 33, 8. Byform /iiyxafto Nic. Alex. 214, which the scholiast interprets ixqimrai as irpoffa- Tov. Pf. fXCfirjKas K 362, nejianvtai A 435, plpf. jieycriKOV i 439, aor. jmKav II 469. fiVKaofiai, fivKa/ievai K 413, with dfUfnnefiVKC K 227, fiefiVKe Hes. 0pp. 508, aor. fLVKe Y 260. In Attic writers there are found only present-forms, which are joined in late poets by /hvk^cto) and livKrjiras. As a parallel to the numerous verbs with both ea and co in the present we may notice /ivfam (suck) by the side of /lu'f©, especially as ^i;ff m occui-s in Hip- pocrates, Veitch, it it true, gives no earlier authority than Aelian H. A- iii- 39 for the a-formation. It is impossible to say whether Homer's fd^rfaas (cp. above p. 269) comes from the e- or the a-stenj. ' We may further notice here a few verbs which take an a in the other tenses when their present is expanded in a different way. We may say that iircpatra : iripvrj-ixi. '. : iiTTopfa-a : crropwiii, while there is no more a Vepao) or Ve/Jafco as a present in this meaning than there is a *. It is probable that nepdav 398 * 454 is the fut. to the aor. nepaa-av (o 428), fTrepdira-cv * 40. The perf. pass, partic. 7re7repi]p,4vos * 58 bears to it the same relation as that of |3ej3i'?;(ee to i^uurap-riv and other examples mentioned on p. 236 of this alternate adoption of the analogy of verbs in aa> and of those in afco. •The traces of amovable o are rarer still, but not altogether wanting. On p. 267 we met with the Homeric perf. axa>-Ka to o'i^op,m, in which the a holds just the same position as that of the r/ in oixTl^ai, (Hdt.). — There are besides a few Doric forms, the perfects W-a-Ka or €-ve6a-Ka (Ahrens Dor. 340) from the stem a-J^fd (cp. idiCa), which occiirs in the ordinary e'lada without the added vowel. i'dcoKa is only distinguished from 'it by the loss of the reduplication.^ The stems aKa>, dvaXa, and d/i/3\ji,o&fi.ivos, the aor, pass, wnodrj or aiioa-Brj, and av&iioros, can hardly be of a different character. For &fi.o(T.a ; on-m-iiilCe-arope-aa ; aTap-w-iu'.'.ijripa-tra : Trip-vrj-ju. The short vowel is here due to the same analogy which'we discussed above with reference to the a. &p,oo-v and e-ypa^o-v, 'i-TE/xe and i-ve/xe, TCKOi and ttXekoi, yeve-adai and irive-aOai. The forms eypai^ov, ivtfiE, ttKekoi, TreveaOai are presents or im.perfects solely because they are accompanied by the presents indicative ypa^w, vefiui, ttXekw, irivofiai. The others are aorists, because this is not the case. It foUows from this fact, which is of the highest importance in rela- tion to the structure Of the verb, and which has found the fullest confirmation in Delbriick's Researches on the Verb in the Veda (p. 16), that the distinction between aorist and present or imperfect forms is by no • means invariably sharp and unmistakeable. We have the following cases : 1) The present' indicative, which by its occurrence makes the cor- responding past tense into an imperfect, is wanting in certain dialects and at certain periods of the Greek language, but actually occurs else- where. Thus in !^ 90 • erpae is certainly an aorist ; for in X 421 we havB the unmistakeable imperfect trpt^E. But in the Doric dialect the present is rpa^w (cp. Pind. Isthm. viii. 40 'IwXkoO rpdeiv TreSiov), and hence in Theocr. iii. 16 Spv/JuS re viv (Tpafpc /iorrip the very form, which in Homer passes for an aorist, is taken as an imperfect. In Herodotus the ind. pres. rpairw is common : (e.g. i. 63 rpairova-i); hence IrpcnrovTo (e.g. i. 80) can hardly be- anything but an imperfect, while the same form in Attic writers, occurring by the side of hpETTovTo, is undoubtedly to be considered as an aoiist. The same form can therefore at different periods and in different dialects have a different force. And it is not always easy to determine what this is. For instance, does the exclusively Homeric /BXa/Jtrctt justify us in regarding the form E/SXa/Bt in Quintus Smymaeus (v. 309) as an imperfect ? The context seems to be rather in favour of the aorist. Can we regard the Homeric fjXlavt, to which we shall return, as an aorist, on the ground that in Aeschylus we find a present aXZaivia ? . T 2 276 THEMATIC AOEISTS. ch. xni, 2) We tave, as a rule, a serviceable criterion in the different ac- centuation of the infinitive and the participle. But frequently the tradition is untrustworthy in this respect. Thus the accentuation hyipEoQai, 'iypeadai (e.g. v 124) is supported by good authorities. Herodian (i. 452, 26) assumes a present eypu ■ cp. ii. 254, 783. On the other hand kuov kicIv is the common accentuation, although in Aeschylus (Ohoeph. 680) -we find the unmistakeable present form deig (cp. p. 146). exO^oOat is generally regarded as a present, airr/xOcTo as an aorist to aircxOavofiai. For the accentuation aiffdeaOai, e.g. Thuc. v. 26, it may be urged that the present form aiaOovrai has strong support in Isocr. 3, 5, and is recognised by Herodian i. 441, 2. Yet no one ■would deny that nfrQeTo by the side of ytrdavcTo is an aorist. We must therefore admit that the old grammarians are not consistent, and often foUow for the accentuation of forms which were not living -to them, 3 purely external analogies, borrowed from the spelling. In fact it almost seems as if the usage of language was itself not free from confusion. A man would be much deceived if he fancied that' the meaning-was in every case sufficient to decide the question. For the difference between present and aorist-stem is often so slight that in many places both are possible. Under these circumstances we cannot be at all surprised that late writers not seldom constructed present forms after old forms which we have good reason to treat as aorists : e.g. Apollonius Rhodius iii. 895 dyepovrai after the Homeric aor. ayipovro, by the side of the impf. nyelpovTo, Dio Chrysostom o^Aw — ^recognised also by Herodian i. 448 — after the Attic aorist ui^Xdv, Apollonius Ehodius" KSKXerai (cp. Herodian u. s.) after the Homeric ckckXeto, and others of the kind, which we shall severally point out. It would be an anachronism to argue from such . stragglers to the present character of much older forms. 3) Greek aorists sometimes correspond letter for letter to Sanskrit imperfects, e.g. ' ' e-Spafie = Skt.' a-drama-t c-^vyt = „ a-hhu^a-t i-yevo-VTo = „ a-^ana-^tOt The Sanskrit forms are imperfects, because they are connected with the * presents drama-ti 'Jie runs,' hhu§a-ti ' he bends,' ^ana-te ' he becomes,' while there is no trace of a Greek *lpafiti), *vyto, *yivoiim. 4) Participles which have become siibstantives may come just as well from the stems of thematic aorists, or from stems like them, as from present stems : retuv, SpaKuv, Ei^pa^uwi', in which it is not easy to detect any other relation of time than in jjlzSwv, MeXirofievri, llapfiev(i)f, while 'khiXduiv can be taken as Benvenuto. Buttmann first clearly determined the essential characteristics of this aorist formation. From the discussions in the Ausf. Gr. i.^ 399 ff., which are still well worth reading, we can see how the thoughtlessness of Buttmann's predecessors had gone so far as actually to assume an aorist *iei\(it with their ■disyllabic . steins must certainly be regarded as denominatives ; and yet we cannot deny to them aorists of this form. Even the invented *£i\ov is not invented against all analogy, inasmuch as it might be supported by the actually occurring e-xpaiirfio-y, which certainly goes back to the adjective stem *xpai(riixo for *)(pacrino. But it is the most important task of the grammarian to determine the prevailing character of a forma- tion, and to distinguish rigorously what is isolated from what properly forms the rule. And so far Buttmann was quite right in his remark, which was protected from misconception by the addition of ' or.' He was also before his time in comparing (p. 404) the twofold character of the Greek aorist with the double formation of the German preterite, comparing e.g. rpEiriu erpa-Trov with gebe gab, and fiXiirM efiXe^a with lebe lebte, and in calling attention to the changing nature of the vocalism. No one will certainly reproach him with not having already recognised the German preterite as an original perfect, and the Ablaut as distinct from the Umlaut. Only, with all his acuteness, he was misled by Hebrew analogies, and went wrong in regarding (at p. 368) the 3 sing, of the aorist, without its augment, and with the elision of the thematic vowel, e.g. Xaji', /3aX', as ' the simplest form of the verb,' and adding the assertion that the Greek language 'started with the aorist :' he went stUl Further astray in assuming for forms without the augment an original preterite force. But it is only by degrees that even comparative philology, with the richer means at her command, has overcome many similar perverse views, and above all has learnt to distinguish between forms that are really primitive, and such as have merely the appearance of primitive forms, owing to phonetic losses. Thematic aorists, or more strictly speaking shorter preterites pro- vided with a thematic vowel, and distinguished from longer preterites, 5 called imperfects, by the absence of those additions, which we have called present expansions, occur not only in Greek, but also in Sanskrit, Zend, and Slavonic. But the traces of shorter moods, infinitives and participles are extremely scanty except in Greek. As a system of connected forms the thematic aorist is properly found in Greek alone, and it is doubtless a result of this fact that it is only in Greek that we can prove a clear distinction of meaning between the shorter forms, and the longer ones which correspond to them. For to mark or to preserve any distinction, language needs a somewhat large number of cases, in which it can be brought into exercise. The instinct of the Greek language in the historic time had a safe criterion between forms of the aorist and forms of the present stem in the accent of the infinitive and participle active and of the infinitive middle, by which rcKeiv, Kpayitv, yevitrOai were sharply separated from KpEKeiv, ayiav, iriveadai. But probably this distinction had itself been imprinted at an earlier period only under the influence of the intellectual tendency towards dififerentiation. We shall come back afterwards to this question. Under this head we have in Sanskrit that formation of the aorist, which Bopp gives as the 6th, Benfey as the 2nd, Max Miiller as the 1st form of the 2 aorist ; but also the 7th of the 2 aorist according to Bopp, the 3rd according to Benfey, the 2nd according to Max Miiller, that which includes reduplicated forms. But in Sanskrit grammar the redu- plicated forms are by no means sharply distinguished from those which 278 THEMATIC AOEISTS. ch. xm. are not reduplicated. Excluding for the present all reduplicating forma- tions, we will content ourselves with quoting here such forms as come from the same stems in Sanskiit and Greek. They are the following : d-dargcf-m = €-hpaKo-v Impf. d-drga-m = eSepKo-v a-hudha-nta = i-wiBo-vro „ a-bodha-nta - i-jrevdo-vTo a-riHa-t = e-Aote (according to Benfey Ausf. Qr. p. 394) a-vida-t = e-Zifie (with pres. vindd-mi) a-gama-t = e-KUfie (with pres. gdm-^a-mi, cp. p. 171) In Zend the only trace of this formation seems to be the 3 sing, hva-t (Schleicher Comp. 743, Justi Handbuch p. 400). hva-t is related to the 6 3 plur. hu-n, just as an aoristic *'iv£, quite conceivable by the side of the original present (jivlio on the analogy of the Homeric 3 sing, afi-irwc, is to the actually existing i-(l>vv or (jivv. The Church-Slavonic aorists of this formation have been discussed by Schleicher Comp. 745 Ksl. 358 ff. With the exception of nesU (from *naka-m), I bore, which agrees at any .rate in root with ilveyKOrVf I do not find any Slavonic aorist, which may be placed by the side of a Greek aorist of like formation. Traces of a Latin aorist of this kind I have attempted to establish in my paper ' de aoristi latini reliquiis' (reprinted in Stud. v. 431). Of the forms which appear to me to fall under this category, there are only two which agree in root with any Greek aorist, i.e. taga-ni (attiga-m) by the side of the present tanga-m, with the Homeric reduplicated rhayo-v and genitur geni with yEviaOai. A. third, the petrified participle pa/rentes corresponds in form to the Greek TropovTee. But the meaning has become modified in a special way in both languages, and we cannot place by the side of iropoi'TeQ any present formation comparable with parientes. As the number of Greek aorists of this formation, excludiug those which are reduplicated, is much above a hundred (as we shall see immediately), we must admit that the points of connexion with other languages are but scanty : still they are quite sufficient to prove the existence of this manner of formation in the original stock of the Indo-Germanic verb. We go on now to the special characteristics of the Greek thematic aorist. All the forms, which belong here, naturally divide themselves , into two classes ; i.e. ■ I. Aorists without reduplication, and II. Aorists with reduplication. The first class is by far the more numerous ; the second class is found largely only in the Homeric dialect, and in later times it is extremely limited. T. AOBISTS WITHOUT REDUPLICATION. The first thing which we have to consider here is the relations of the 7 vowels. In the present formations, which are only characterised by the thematic vowel, it appeared (p. 145) that by far the most common vowel is f, whUe a is especially rare. Here on the other hand a is the most usual of all stem- vowels. On p. 150 we saw that presents with a short t and u are rare. Aorists with these vowels are on the contrary tolerably numerous. The one observation evidently gives a welcome confirmation of the other, inasmuch as the distinction of the two formations was evidently intended by language. Differentiation by means of vowels is. CH. xm. THE STEM-VOWELS. 279 one of the favourite phenomena in the structure of the verb. In forma- tions so simple as these the differentiation can only affect the vowel of the stem. Of 116 aorists of this class 54 have an a in the stem-syllable, e.g. &Mi', ciixapTi'iv, apiadat, jSaXt'it', Sukuv, Spn/iclv, dave'iv, \a^elv, fiadCiv, XaSe'iv. It is only by- means of this difference Of vowel that the verb rpETTw gets a simple aorist : rpaircii: e appears only in 17 instances, e.g. yefiaOai, eXilv, ipecrdai, 6eXtir, ireaEii', reKi'iv. We notice, a dialectic variation between a and c in rafxe'tv by the side of the later refiuv, in fiaXtlv — Arcadian e^'eXej' with present l^iXXia or UXXi>) {k'^eXXovrce In- scription of Tegea 1. 51.[Cauer Delectus Inscr. Gr. p. 138], Michaelis . [and Curtius] in Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1861, p. 587) — and in the Locrian Apearai (Inscription of Naupactus 1. 32) supposing this to be for cXcffdai. By the side of the Attic rj/xapTov we have the Homeric rjfifipoToy with o. Evidently the oldest of the three hard vowels has an 'elective affinity' with this old aorist formation, just as the later e has with the present. We find only in 8 cases : Oepeiv, /ioXelv, 6Xi(rdai, irppelv etc., t on the other hand in 19, e.g. a\irEiv, tiKilv, Oiyslv, ih'n', Xiireiy, v in 13, e.g. Kpvfielt; Trvdeadai, rKX">'j fvyely. Mve aorists with diphthongal stems are quite isolated instances, i.e. aitrBeadat, kiravpeh', cvpeiv, Sovireiv, ■xpaiafitir. In 9 forms the vocalism is irregular. In three of them there can hardly be a doubt that sjmcope has taken place, i.e. the participle aypo- fwoi (e.g. Y 166) by the side .of ayipovro (e.g. S 245) and aytpiadai (/3 385), and iypero, with the imper. 'iyp^o, the infin. iypiadni and the part. kypofxevoQ {k 50) ; and also uifXov, which differs indeed in usage from &(jicXov, but which is certainly identical with it in origin. The same phonetic process may be noticed in the Skt. a-ksha-n, which occurs 8 by the side of a-gliasa^ as a 3 plur. from rt. ghas eat, devour, 'i-yzv-ro, which has been wrongly put here, found its proper place on p. 130 by the side of the active iyav. Metathesis meets us very plainly in i-Zpaico-v by the side of lepKOfiai (as 1 sing, k 197, ayilpaKev S 436), ipaKtlv Aesch. Ag. 602, cpaKoii' Eurip. Here. F. 951, with the Skt. a-darga-m and in the quite analogous e-wpado-v beside ■wipO-ia (3 pi. 'iirpadov S 454, Sia-n-padhiv H 32). 'iSpaKov has only become an aorist by means of this metathesis and the retention of the a as cotnpared with the e of the present stem, while in Sanskrit the fuller ddargor^m is regarded as an aorist in contrast with the weskkene^ ddrga-m. We find metathesis appearing as a phonetic affection of no importance for the tense-system in e-SapOo-v (post-Homeric) by the side of £-2^000-*, SpaOiuv {v 143, S 163). In the case of 4 forms it may be doubted at first sight whether they are to be explained by S3mcope or metathesis, i.e. 'i-axn-v, evi-a-n-o-v, i-mru-v and i-itTo-fiijv. We might be inclined from a fundamental form k-aexo-v (^Skt. a-saha-m) to derive on the one hand by the loss of the a 't-£\ov eIxoi', that is, the imperfect ; and on the other by the rejection of the £ e-ff^o-v, the aorist, sa that the distiuction of meaning here, as in the cases of metathesis, would only have been brought about by what may be called casual phonetic affections. But this is opposed by the imper. "X^-e, which shows by its formation, corresponding as this does to that of the conjugation in -/xi, that the e was regarded as a stem- vowel, and that hence axi was regarded as the root. In this sense we discussed the form on p. 132 and shortly before the completely analogous ifi-iire-Q, We 280 THEMATIC AOKISTS. ch. xiir. decide therefore for metatliesis', which is also confirmed by 'i-a'xe-do-i>, ayi}- ato, 'i-cry(ri-Ka, try(e-T6-g, a\e.-ai-c, axn-fia, and a-aizs.-TO-e, de-airi-irio-s. Hence etrxo'' and eVktttov are properly primitive aorists, in which we should naturally have expected as 1 sing. ind. ^e-axv-", *e-irrri-v. But the .final vowel was in most verbal forms afiected by the interchange between and 6, so that finally even in the imperative ivltrnc, vapaaxe and other forms of the kind found a place. The optative axoil^V is to be looked upon just as dolfxrjv, only that in the case of the latter the earlier form bdfiriv was also preserved. We meet with a similar change of 9 the radical iilto the thematic vowel in Sanskrit aorists, only that here, . with the firm nature of the a, the change appears not as qualitative, but purely as quantitative, e.g. in a-hhja-m ' I told ' from the root hhja. After these two certain instances it is very probable that we have to come to the same conclusion with regard to i-irwo-v {kw-eavov 3 pliu-. T 294), iTTi-fTTryg, eTri-airoi, iiri-inrelv, fiETa-aitiiv. We shall have occasion to return to the middle forms (ririaOai etc. when dealing with the redu- plicated aorists. It is more difficult to form a judgment as to the aorist £-7rro-;uj/>', Trri-aQai. Here we find a by the side of the thematic vowel ; i-TTTa-To, awo-Trrd-iJiei'og as well as air-i-TZTi^-v, the relation of which to irhajxai was discussed on p. 120. It is true that iin-TTTi-adai and the like occur even in Homer (e.g. A 126), but we have some reasons for regarding the forms with a as the older. Now as we find side by side in the present-stem irtra and tceto (irirofiai) and in the aorist tttu and TTTo, the balance inclines in favour of syncope. With these forms 1 compared (1. c.) tteXo (ircXo/xai) and ttXo (t-TrXe-ro). This is not however to be understood as implying that e-irXc-TO (also in the active. eV\e M 11) is an aorist. The aoristic force does not suit various forms, e.g. kTrnrXo- fievov 'droe t) 261 : 'iirXero is therefore just as much an imperfect as eireXeTo. The phonetic difference was not in this case used to distinguish an aorist. As to the origin of the stems appearing in these aorists, the majority correspond to the expectation that we should find in them nothing but an unexpanded root together with the thematic vowel : e.g. aSelf, aXitrdai, fiaXeiv, SaKcIv, daveiv, ISelv, iKcndai, SXiadat, afi-Trvve, Tropciv, ■wvdeirdai, tckeIv. But it is unmistakeably otherwise with a not insigni- « ficant number of by no means late and in part very common forms : e.g. PXauTtiv,' aifrdeirOai, afiwXaKelv, evpelv. These have evidently arisen from stems of various, and, in part, certainly nominal origin. We might call them secondary aorists, and may divide them into the following five groups : 1) Aorists with an accessory 6. These fall into two subdivisions, according as the is attached to the whole verbal stem, or only occurs sporadically : 10 a) Aorists with a attached throughout : alardEtrdai, Sapdc'iv, jxadtiv, wadeiv, oXiirOelv. b) Aorists with a sporadic 6 : rjXv-do-v and ^XOo-v, e-(Txc-Bo-v (by the side of 'e-(txo-v). We must return in a later section to a general consideration of the forms with d. It is sufficient to refer here to what we have put together in the Principles, vol. i. p. 81 f. If the d appearing in such forms comes, as is generally thought probable, from the rt. Be, Skt. dha ' to place, do,' we must recognise in such aorists compound forms, to be compared with the OH. xiii. SECONDAEY FOEMATIONS. 281 German weak perfects. The case of the thematic vowel is then here just as it was with e-axo-v : it must have come from the stem- vowel of the verb. 2) Aorists with an accessory r. There are scarcely more than the following five, which belong here : riXiro-r (gen. mid.), which, as has been shown in Principles, vol. ii. p. 179, is connected with the rt. aX {aXri, aXdirdai) and especially with riXl-dw-g, ijfxapTo-v, which has been already mentioned on p. 163 under the present formations with r. The Epic forms f'lfifipoTov, afipoTa'Ceiv show that the rough breathing is of later origia. Certainly fiixfiporo-v or ^fiapro-v is nothing but a verbal form directly derived from the adjective *cL-fiap-ro ' not sharing ' (cp. fiepoc, fiolpai fivpo-e), as has been already shown in Principles, vol. ii. p. 350. Further confirmation may now be supplied. Hesychius has the gloss a/inpe'iv with the explanations clkoXovQCiv, irelQeirBai, cifiapraieiv. The first two meanings evidently suit only a afxaptiv equivalent in- meaning to b-jxapreiv, the third justifies us in assuming a shorter dyuaptw formed from a-fiapo, and related to *a.-iJiapTe'iv as avpayslv. is to airpaKreir. In the same storehouse of facts we find the gloss EirifioproQ • airopifxoQ yr}, in the explanation of. which the word fippTTi is quoted and explained by fiipog. iirifioproQ is evidently the opposite of the a-nopro-Q which is at the bottom of afiPporeiv. Other traces of this negative adjective are pointed out by Lobeck El. i. 37. — It is just the same with i-PXaaro-v. Here the noun /SXaa-To-g actually occurs: its derivation from the rt. vardh Gr. faXd and by metathesis fXad, fiXad is discussed in Principles, vol. ii. p. 168. These formations evidently became aorists only by the existence of ctfiapTavbi, ^Xaaravd), which are 11 expanded by present-strengthening. — We have further e-fwpre-v, known to us only from Hesychius. Lobeck 1. c. regards it as a mistake for rjfwpTEv, so that it would be equivalent to ^naprEv. But I doubt whether the explanation of Hesychius dvidavev suits this view. It is true that the gloss latjixoprtv • airidavEv remains obscure. I conjecture that the syllable iir- is here as in t(7-^ei>p-£c:=i^wpEc a dialectic form of !£, but the ri is strange : probably it is a mistake for c. e-fioprc-v, if correctly recorded, is to fjtop-To-e, explained in Hesychius by 9>'ijrdc, just as efiXaffrev is to /flXaordf. — From a much later time we have the last of these forms ofiapToi; i.e. in Orph. Argon. 511 : Kai pa Travrniepirjcnv ev el\aitivriep-e.-' Perhaps the remarkable Oscan preterites (3 sing.) in -ted, which have long been compared with the Keltic forms, e.g. ^r4«/aMed=probavit, belong to this group : Schleicher Comp.3 823 treats them as perfects. As these languages have lost the augment, the distinctive criterion of the preterite, the question is hard to decide. 12 3) Aorists with accessory nasals. Here we may first mention rjXSave (a 70, w 368), with the present oKla'ivto, in face of which the form is regarded as an aorist. But as aXSai'rw occurs first in Aeschylus, while jjXSave is only Homeric, and as the sense in the. two passages hardly decidedly requires the aorist, the possibility that rik^avt is the imperfect to a subsequently obsolete *d\2avw is by no means excluded. On e-Trirvo-v and -irirveui I have stated my views on p. 184. The occurrence of the longer form irirviis) by the side of irLTVb) was sufficient to mark eKirvov as an aorist. But it is worth noticing that the use of this verb is limited to the poets. But perhaps there are still some other forms to be placed here. If in the case of yiyro-fiai we. start, not from the fundamental form jev which appears in yeviadai, yiyova, yivog, aleiyeviTr)-g, but from the root ya which occurs in yc-ya-wc, ye-yd-airi, then in the stem ye-to, just as in the Skt. present ^a-na-mi, the second syllable must be regarded as an expansion (p. 272). This is the explanation of the fact that, as we saw on p. 276, a-^ana-nta is regarded as an imperfect, i-yiro-vTo as an aorist. Of the same nature is 'i-xavo-v, luidoubtedly an aorist, by the side of yaoKti). But if Gustav Meyer (Die mit Nasalen gebUdeten Prasensstamine, p. 50) is right in starting with the root ya ^^^ ^''*'* presents, ya-vo is an extended form just as much as ya-SKo (cp. above p. 197, Principles, i. p. 241). It is much the same with KavCiv and KTavtiv. Here too we are brought to a root in a, with which however the nasal coming from the extending syllable -was soon became incor- porated. Cp. pp. 130, 216, Gustav Meyer op. cit. p. 33. We ought not perhaps to attach much importance to the gloss of Hesych. Kravtiv • KTtivt.iv, for this may well be an error for /cravttv. 4) Other aorists of secondary formation. There are still a number of isolated forms remaining. A suffix -ko is clearly shown in 'i-i!ra-Ko-v (Kara-KTaKlav Aesch. Eum. 532), by the side of the Homeric Kara-irTti-rrir. The expanded stem also imderlies the present TtTtiaato. "With these formations we may connect £-9i)/m, 13 'i-r]Ka, i-lwKa- with their a which reminds us of the sigmatic aorist : to these we shall return below. — The y in i-rfiayo-v may probably be regarded as a weakened -- (cp. Principles, i. 273). ^jxttXcxkov too does not look very primitive, but the etymology presents difficulties. The relation of the Homeric i-ypaiirixe etc. with the much later ypaiafiio> was discussed on p. 259. xpaia^io is an adjective stem from ypu-miio (later ypli-atiio-o) formed like ^ii^ifio-Q, hence the verbal form hypaiafit is just as closely related to the noun-stem ypaia^Lo as the Homeric eipfje-TO to the stem of Btpfio-i. In the case of 'iypaiane. the absence of a similarly formed indicative present gives occasion for its aoristic force. — A suffix -po is possibly to be found in the aorist ijvapo-v, though this does not occur before Pindar : the oiigin of the word is obscure. But the. derivation from tvapa ' arms ' is rightly rejected : Pindar's phrase (Nem. X. 15) tv oTrXoie ivapt goes especially against it. Perhaps the word CH. XIII. NON-EEDUPLICATED THEMATIC AOEISTS. 283 comes from the rt. san (Skt. pres. sa/nomi) ' to win,' ' to acquire,' whioli on p. 122 we thought we discovered in ayvw, and to which probably -£i'-rjj-c in avTo-ivTij-s, avdcvTri-s belongs. From the rt. saw comes the Skt. san-ara gain, booty, from which we easily arrive on the otie hand at m 'ivapa (spolia), on the other at kvaipu i.e. kvap-jio, 'to make booty of,' ' to acquire.' An ^suffix possibly occurs in iicjt-eXo-v and ukj)\o-v, but I do not know any satisfactory etymology. The aorists 'i-Suviro-v (first in the Anthology), i-ir-avp-flv, and tvp-elf show by their diphthongs that they can hardly be radical, but their etymology is unexplained. As 'i(7xpo-e. We have actually authority in 14- later time for the substantive oaifipa^dSfiri. 6(T-po has its counterpart in ol-facio : 6a(ppaiyofiai is a later expansion. So various are the forms which may be united under one common category. I now give a list of the thematic aorists, which are not reduplicated, arranged according to the initial letter of the stems : and hence I gene- rally quote the infinitive, in which the initial comes clearly into promi- nence. The only exception is in the case of isolated forms, not existing in the infinitive. 1) ayycXtiv. Certainly established in Anthol. vii. 614, 9 hafiu S' ayytXeTT]!', elsewhere usually with various readings : e.g. Herod, iv. 153 aTrriyyeXov (v. 1. XX), Lycurg. § 85. Mid. still less authenticated. 2) ayepiaiiai j3 385, also accented ayEpEtrdai (Lobeck E.hemat. 132), ayipot'To B 94, part, aypoficvog cp. p. 279. 3^ aSe'iy. Established from Homer, Pindar, Herodotus, and Sopho- cles. (Antig. 89). For 'iaSov, evaSnv p. 79. Mid. isolated and late. 4) aleOecrdai common from Aeschylus (Prom. V. 957) onwards. 5) rjXSave discussed on p. 282. 6) oKeaQai. fiXjjrat 4> 536, aXofiiva Aesch. Bum. 368 ch., dsaXoifinv Soph. Fi'. 695 Dind. kvriXov M.SS. Aesch. Pers. 516, altered by some editors into iviiXXov, because this aorist is not regarded as good Attic : ' forma barbara ' Cobet. N. L. 454. For oXto see, p. 90. 7) aXiTEiv. riXirev p. 262, dXirijv Aesch. Eum. 316. 'AOrtvairiv aXiTovTO E 108, aXiTiaOai 2 378. 8) -fiXi^ov 4> 79, aXi^oi 453 ; these Homeric forms are regarded as aoristic only because the present aX(pav(i) occurs (according to Veitch) three times in Eur. and Aristoph. 9) '&fiapT£iv from Homer onwards : &fiapT A 491 (with impf. fi/jtaprave K 3721 afxapriiv -9 857. Also fifxJipuTov (j) 425 etc. 10) afjmXakeiv poetic aorist with the bye-form rififiXaico-r, established from Archil. Fr. 73 B». Cp. p. 195. 284 THEMATIC AOEISTS. ch. xiii.' 11) apeiy, only apoi from quite late prose; but very commonly ApEcrdai in poets from Homer onwards : ttiv aper ek TevHoio A 625, 15 jiiaOov apriTOi M 435, kKcoq ea-dXov apoifMriv 2 121, KvSos apiadai 11 88, ■KoSoiv KXoTrav apiadai Soph. Aj. 248, never with any otiier meaning than that of acquiring, gaining, and hence belonging to the ptesent apvvfiai (p. 110). As a'ipb) is contracted from aetpu) (poet. : to this belong aepOev, ■fiepidovrai) the aorist forms with a short a cannot possibly have anything in common with aeipu or a'ipto. Cp. Principles, i. 425, 442. Buttmann, ii^. 100 was led astray by the parallelism of aeipu) a'lpw with (paeivo) (f>aivb). But while aeipw (p. 215) is the fdrm invariably used in Homer, it is the opposite with ^aivdi. (jiaehui occurs only in a very limited application, so that the shorter form has certainly not come from the longer, derived from (jiaoc 12) apiaQai ' take,' in the Locrian inscription from Naupactus [Cauer p. Ill, B. 18] 1. 32 Tav SUav irpoiiQov apeoTai iroTOvg SiKaaTrjpac, apitrrai Kal Sofiev, (cp. Stud. ii. 448), either from the rt. &p, which underlies the present alpiui, or with a change of breathing (cp. &ycv=r.ayeiv) for apiaQai, and hence akin to the preceding word. The former is the more probable because of the common formula iUriv XajSeiv. 13) iTravpelv, almost exclusively poetical : ju^ tiq ■xpoa x°-^'^V ^'"'"■^pjl N 649, eiravpEfiev S 302, middle ivavpiaOat A 410 (cTravpuiyTai), ewavpoiTO Herod, vii. 180. 14) fiaXclv, jiaMadvu common in all Greek from Homer (II 618, B 45 etc.) downwards. Axcad. e^eXev 'ifiaXev Hesych. 15) E-/3\a;8c-v only in Quint. Smyrn. v. 509, riri vv toi ifiXaliev TiTop ; cp. p. 275. 16) (iXaareiv in Pindar {0\. vii. 69), Herod, (vii. 156), and the dramatic poets (Soph. El. 238). 17) (ipa\Eiv poetical from Homer (E. 863) downwards. 18) ppvxEiv 'bite,' only in Anth. rx. 252 (E/3pux£)- 19) yEVEffflat common in all writers from Homer downwards. ' 20) yoov 3 pi. probably only in Z 500 a? fiev en Ztaov y6ov"^KTopa. 21) i-laE-v only ia ApoUon. Rhod. iv. 989 etc. with the meaning ' taught' (hence^SESaE-v). 22) Saijrat only in Y 316, * 375 biroT av Tpolr) fiaXep^ irvpl naaa SarjTai. E.t. dav, BaF, hence for *capr]rat. 23) SaKclv, common especially ia the poets from Homer (E 493) downwards. 16 24) BapBe'tv, common in poetry and prose in "composition with Kara,. KariSpadov xjj 18, KaSBpadiTriv o 494, KareSapdov Thuc. vi. 61. 25) SiKclv an isolated post-Homeric poetic aorist : Piad. 01. x. 72, eSike irtTpu), Aesch. Choeph. 99 SiKovaa. 26) i-SomE, KUT-i-SovTre only in Anth. vii. 637. 27) SpaicEiv in poetry from Homer onwards (eSpaKov k 197), e-SpaKo-firiv Auth. vii. 224. 28) SpafiE'tv common from Homer (S 30) downwards. 29) Ipairtov only in Pind. Pyth. iv. 130. 30) iypiaBai. Eypero S' k'i, vttvov B 41, kclv Eyprj fiEarifi^pivoQ Ar. Vesp. 774, 'iypEO K 159, Eypitrdai v 124, e^eypiadai, i'^EypofiEvoe Plat. Symp. p. 223 C. 31) eXe'iy, kXiadai common from Homer downwards. 32) i^Xvdo-v, iXBi-w. The trisyllabic form is limited to the indicative, CH. xm. NON-EEDUPLICATED THEMATIC AOEISTS. 285 and occurs only in Homer, Pindar, and, especially in melic passages, in the tragedians : K 28, Soph. Aj. 234 : the disyllabic from Homer down- wards (^X6o)' S 82) as the usual form in the indicative, and the exclusive form in the conjunctive, optative etc. : iXdoi E 301 occurs at all dates and in all dialects. Hence Dor. ^rdov (Epicharmus, Theocritus), Lacou. ^\oov, eXiTwv (Aristoph. Lys. 105). 33) evapelv, €^evapc7v Hes. Sc. 329, ivapor from Pindar (Nem. x, 15) downwards. Cp. p. 282. . 34) Epiadai from Homer onwards commonly used in all moods, the infin. and the participle. 35) kpiKiir, ?iptK£ 2' 'nntoii (TEia Kopve 7r epi SovpOQ ai-wc^ P 295, Soph. I^. 164 Bind. 36) epiireiv, rjpinc S' If oj^ewv E 47, ipiwuv 9 329, isolated in other poets and in Hippocrates. i/piTro/jiav Agathias Anth. P. ix. 152. 37) epyyeiv in Homer, perhaps also in Callimachus Fr. 246 (ed, O. Schneider ii. p. 485) with the meaning ' roar ' (fipvye Y 403), later (also in Aristot.) ' vomere ' Ar. Vesp. 913 hripvycv, cp. p. 155. 38) tvpeiv, evpaffdai from Homer downwards in ordinary Greek. 39) cLTT-eyfii-adai, from Homer onwards ; in O 83 I. Bekker writes cnrixOicQai, but cp. Eur. Med. 290 Elmsley, Dind. Kpeio'crov Se fiot vvv npos E-v only in Oppian Cyneget. iv. 350. 91) (TTrapi-adai a doubtful readiag in Polyaen. viii. 26. Otters ffiTElpeaOai. Cp. Yeitch, p. 529. 92) inreiv belonging to £;ra» in Homer (oJ iravree oKiOpiov-^fiap iiriinrnv T 294, txppa — iifiiTirri B 359, jiiraairiiv P 190), Aescbylus (Uiaire Pers. 652) aod Herodotus' (Trfpito-Tre vi. 44). — mri-adat (with the reduplicated k-airiadai) in Homer, Herodotus, and Attic writers (Tpwiri*' afxa awtirdai E 423 (v. 1. co-jreirdai), airtlo K 285, iviaTi-y Soph. El. 967, iwia-^rofjLivoi Thuc. V. 11). • . ' 93) ffTrilv 'say,' Evi-iriro-v, from Homer onwards (B 80, ivi-anoi S 107). The imperative e-aire-Te perhaps for 'h-aire-TE. Cp. above p. 280. 94:) .'e-(TTi(ie-f l7ra\u>/£>' Hesych. 95) oTix"'' n 258 ecTLxov, then in Alexandrine poets : for the traces of a present ort'xw cp. p. 155. 96) arvyCiv rare in Homer and later poets (kcira S' tarvyov auri/v K 113, ApoUon-Ehod. ii. 1196). 97) axfiv, ay(i.-a%a.i ia all Greek. For iri)fie0a only in the phrase Tapnufieda Koijxir\QivTeq Sh 636, h 295, ^ 255. 100) Toxfiuv here and there in poets from Homer onwards (rafi)v h' avopovtrev 'Ay^^M^^ve '^ 101). 101) TCKEtv in all Greek. 102) Si-i-Tfiayo-v only in r) 276 ToSe Xatr/ua Siirfiayov. 103) 'i-Topt only in A 236 ovS' erope ^oigr^pa. 104) TpayEiv established from Attic comedians (Aristoph. Ach. 809), Hippocrates and late prose. 105) TpaiTEiv, Tpairi-adai common from Homer (Y 439, II 594) onwards; the middle nqt unknown even to Attic prose. 106) rpa(peii', transitive trpa^e t' evSvKeuig (v. 1. ETpt(j>e) '^ 90, TpatpE Pind. Nem. iii. 53, intransitive 'grow up' E 555 and elsewhere: so in later poets. 107) Tvirslv, the only evidence in early times is Bur. Ion 767 (ETvirev), then first in AchiUes Tatius. 108) tvxeIi' in all Greek. 109) (j>ayE'lv the same. 110) (paviirOai a doubtful reading in Xen. Cyr. iii. 1, 34 {(^avolfir^v), imper. (pavEv m a Laconian saying in Stobaeus FlorU. 108, 83. 111) '(.-(pXalo-v. XadlEQ EfXaSov vTr" ,ii\yE(Tiv Aesch. Choeph. 28. 288 THEMATIC AOEISTS. ch. xiii, 112) (fipaSeV k'XeyEv Hesyoh., 'icjfpaBeV eSjjXwctev ib. 113) cjivyeli' in all Greek. 114) ■xaSeir established from Homer (A 24), the Anthology and Hippocrates. 115) x"''£'>' from Homer (rdre fioi x&voi evpeTa xOhi" & 150) onwards, established mainly from poets, but also from Herodotus and Hip- pocrates. 116) x^po-jTo only quoted from Quintus Smyi'n. vi. 315 Tpwee h' k-rn fiaKpa x^povro. 117) 'i-xpaL(r/xo-v, TtixpQ 2' oti/c 'ixpaiOfiE Ttrvyfiivov S 66, ■xpairrfiif O 32 etc., then in Apollon. Ehod. (ii. 218 ■xPa-ffdai (cp. (p6-vo-s). We should have expected ire- (pb)y (cp. E-jTE-^vo-v), just as the rt. (fia 'shine' gives us the non-thematic aorist tte'-^j/ ■ e^ovij . Hes. We have to mention besides a number of stems beginning with a vowel, in which we find the so-called Attic re- duplication, familiar from the perfect formation. This occurs in six aorists, five of which, i.e. ay-ayelv, aK-ax^'u', aX-aXKelv, aw-a^tiv, ap-apeiv have a, one, i.e. op-opeii' has o as the stem- vowel. Delbriick, p. Ill, points out some Vedic forms completely corresponding : am-ama-t from rt. am ' damage,' and with a weakened stem-vowel dn-ina-t from rt. an ' breathe,' drd-ida-t and arp-ipa-t with a loss of the r also, from the rts. ard ' press ' and ar-p, an expansion of ar ' to fasten iu.' This agreement 26 is all the more remarkable that this kind of reduplication is unknown to Sanskrit in the perfect. We shall return to it under the head of the perfect. — There is a case of Attic reduplication with e in the stem and reduplication syllables in rjv-EyKo-v (Principles i. p. 384) from a rt. cyK, which is regularly interchanged with nank (Lat. nanc-i-sco-r). In the Homeric kvuKEjxzv T 194 the nasal has disappeared with compensatory lengthening (Joh. Schmidt, Vocalismus i. 122). In the stem-syllable, which, as we saw above, rejects a long vowel, we have just the same phenomena as ia the non-reduplicated forms, i.e. the preference for the vowel a, which appears in at least 20 cases out of 41, and the metathesis and loss of vowels : with regard to the choice between the former and the latter of these the same doubt presents itself as in the non-reduplicated forms. k-ici-K\e-To (rt. keX), i-gire-ro, e-re- Tjxo-v, 'i^e-fvo-v are to be judged just in the same way as e-ff)(o-v, and the other words discussed on p. 279. The rejection of a p appears in fii-jxaTTo-uv Hes. Sc. 252 {fiawiuv 231, 304), a process which finds its analogy in the Sanskrit forms drd-ida-m, drp-ipa-m mentioned above. — Contraction after the loss of a / appears ia z-fenro-v, which Sonne first in his Bpilegomena to Benfey's Wurzellexikon (1847) p. 39, and "then iadependently Ebel Ztschr. ii. 46 (1853) compared with the Skt. OrVoTca-m for *a-va-vaKa-m. There is, however, one objection to this attractive comparison. The diphthong ti in dnCiv occurs even in dialects which contract ee into rt : thus in Alcaeus Pr. 55 QlKw n hnrnv, though here the readiag is not quite certain. We should have expected J^rjT^ijv, after the analogy of ^x^s=elx£s (Sappho 29).- And Priscian i. §54 does actually quote an Aeolio ^ttoj/.. But in Old Attic also the common e'nrtv is always written with a diphthong (Cauer Stud. viii. 257). Perhaps we must presuppose *fE-fi7ro-v formed after the analogy of V 2 292 THEMATIC AOEISTS. cu. xi Sanskrit forms like dn-ina-t. The i of ov-lv-q-fn and on-nr-cvui arises from a similar ■weakening. — evivliro-v with the by-form riv'nrairov, and ipvKaKo-v are quite irregular. iv-iv-lire.-v, for which kv-lvnm-v is a bad variant, may be simply explained from a mistake as to the preposition, 27 just as rivtivE, ■KpoQYivE'KE 3x6 forms occurring in the M.SS., which Bergk has adopted in Pind. Nem. x. 79, Pyth. iv. 97. Cp. Eich. Pritzsche Stud. vi. 332. ijviiraTtov and epvKaKov are so far parallel forms that both .have apparently suffered internal reduplication, and in spite of the difference in the vowels of the second syllable have a in the third. For ■rivlirawov Bbel Ztschr. ii. 48 following Pott has suggested the explana- tion from the rt. 'Ttt, interchanging with laTr, and in Principles ii. p. 59. I have expressed my concurrence. Here the preposition has received the temporal augment. We must regard iv-iw-jawe as the original form. The syllable ^OTT is reduplicated by 'ir. The latter. form also is preserved in the verb "mreadaL ' to damage.' To understand ipvK-aKo-v we must start from the rt. hp, with the meaning ' to watch, guard,' which I have discussed in its relation to the Homeric 'ipvaOai, sipvirdai in Stud. vi. 272 ff. Expanded by a u, and extended by a k (cp. d\c-Ku>, e-wra-Ko-p) we find t'pOKw with the exclusively negative meaning fso to say) ' to ward off' : this is related to the meaning of e'ipvadai, as s'lpyety ' to shut out ' is to ■ Eipytiv 'to shut in.' ep-ic-oQ contains the expansion without the v. We must therefore, if spvKaKo-v has really been formed by reduplication, assume that there were originally two expanded forms vark and varuh, and that the two are here united.- I regard *'owruh-va/rka-ni as the original form. Prom this came *va/ruh-vaka-m, through the same loss of the r as that which we saw in the case of rt. fiapv, and in the Yedic forms drd-ida-m, arp-ipa-m, and then with a rejection of the / *varuk- aka-m, in Greek letters ipwaKo-v. We may compare to some extent the perfect ^-ri^avfxai, though this only rests on the evidence of grammarians (cp. Principles i. 369). It is noteworthy that all reduplicated aorists, with the exception of ayayeiv, and also of eiVeTi' and kveyKeiv which have become unrecognis- able as such, owing to phonetic affections, are limited to the language of poetry, and "for the most part find their place among the archaisms of Homer. We will now give a Kst of all such forms. • 1) ay-aydv from Homer {^yayt Z 291, &yayEv A 112, iiyayeQ' "EKTwp X 471) onwards, common in the active and middle. 2) uK-axe'tv, aKaxicQai, quoted from Homer, Hesiod, and Alexan- drine poets : fiiya I' fiKax^ >-aov 'AxaLoJi> U 822, dv/i^ aKax^v Hes. 28 Theog. 868, fivnarfipeQ I' axaxovro ir 342. The reduplicated stem ex- tends through all tenses, aKax^W, aK&xrjjra. Cp. &xoQ. 3) aX-aXKETv from Homer onwards- in non- Attic poets : oirwc ri fioi aX'yoe &\a\K0ie v 319, TToXefj.dv vrep aXoKKoiv I 605, &Xa\KE Se Xt/pwv Pind. Nem. iv. 60. We find also aXaXK^ffw in ApoUon. Rhod. 4) aTr-aelv. The active occurs frequently in poets ; TrapjJTra^E S 360, eiawahKb>. , , , , , 5) ap-apeiv poetic, rovg Tt kKvtoq i^pape reKTiov ■'V 712, aW efte y & arovoEaa &papev (j>pii'ac Soph. El. 147, apapoluTO in ApoU. Rhod. 6) Bi-Eac 'taught' only in the Odyssey : 448, \p 160. . 7) hi-SaKt only in Anth. xii. 15. 8) c'nre~iv in all Greek : Homer, eeiirov cp. p. 79. CH. xm. REDUPLICATED AOEISTS. 293 9) heviwe oaly in Homer and Quintus Smyrn. 'iKcraoviSriv hivnrev O 546, *• 473. 10) riv'nraTre, exclusively Homeric V 427, v 17. 11) T£-diytv- fjtpaTo, probable reading in Hesychius for rideiyev. Lobeck El. i. 155. Cp. Otyelv, p. 285. 12) Tc-dop-ilv • Sia-irrjSrjirai Hesych., though out of tlj'e alphabetical order. Cp. Ooptlv. 13) KE-KaSeiv, KEKaSiadai, exclusively Homeric, dvfiov vai \pvy(iJQ KtKaZdv A 334, virb le TpSeg kekASovto A 497, O 574 : from the same stem KCKaSijiTai ■ fiXa^pai Hesych. For the root cp. Principles i. 300.' 14). k-KE-icXt-To poetic Z 66, KecXer' 11 421 etc. KinXev Pind. Isthm. vi. 53, KE/cXot'/jar Aesch. Suppl. 591 ch., Keick6iJ,e.voQ Soph. O. T. 159 ch., (cskXeo • KaXetfo)' Hesych. Later poets form besides a present KSKXofiai Apollon. Rhod. 1. 716 (lOEKXEroi). In Hesych. we actually find the active kekXei, or, as emended by Lobeck Ehem. 112, ke'kXei. This is the same phenomenon -vsrhich we met several times in the case of the non-redupli- cated aorist. 15) KE-KvQio-ai only in Z 303 ottot &v oe Sojuoi KEKvdiixn Kal avXri. 29 Cp. e-KvOo-v p. 285. 16) Xe-Xafie-adai only in S 388 tov y' ti irwe av Bvfaio Xoy^riaafieroe XcXafieadai, with XafUfrdai p. 285. 17) Xi-Xado-v, eKXcXaOoi' Kidapicrrvy (3 pi.) B 600, XeXdOr] S' oSvvawv 60, on the other hand XeXadotui in the sense of Xadoifii ApoU. Rhod. iii. 779. — XeXciOovto, ovSe ueBev 6eoi XEXadojTO A 127, jUj) ri£ fioi airei- \awv XEXadEO-dw H 200, XcXadovTO He /jiaXoSpoirfJEt, ov jiav EKXEXadovT' Sappho Fr. 93 B^. The middle always means 'to forget'; only in Hes. Theog. 471 'to conceal.' — There is a present EKXtXcSiav, if this is the right reading in Theocr. i. 63 as am epithet of Hades. 18) Xe-Xclko-vto only Hymn, in Merc. 145, cp. above p. 290, for E-XaKO-v p. 286. 19) Xi-Xaxo-v, '6(ppa irupdc fiE TpwEc Kal Tpuiwv aXoxoL XEXaxwfft davovra H 80 (cp. O 350, X 343).— XEXax«t=Xaxoi Anth. Pal. vii. 341. 20) /<£-jua7ro-(£-i' Hes. Scut. 252; the reading yijpac te fiifxapirov tJo. 245 is by no means certain. 21) &p-opE transitive ' aroused ' to. fiiv r' EZpoe te Ndroc te &pop' tTrai^ac JB 146 (cp. N 78, S 712), intransitive 'rose' &pripE Oe'ioc aoiSoc e 539. 22) TTE-^ayo-Zij-i' is quoted from Eupolis by the Scholiasts on S 241 among aorist forms. There seems to me to be no good ground for doubt- ing such a form, as is done by Buttmann A. Gr. 11* 273 and Ahrens Dor. 330. 23) ■7r£-TraXu)V. afiTrEirnXlbv Trpotci SoXlxoitkiov 'iyxoQ T 355. 24) TTE-TrapE'iv, a reading well supported and accepted by Boeckh, Bergk, and T. Mommsen in Pind. Pyth. ii. 57 kXEvOipq. iloiTo Y 464, vefi- SiirOai * 101. 31 39) E-wE-ipro-v poetical : ov ETTEfvo/icv fifiele K 478, wlipvEv fiaripa . Pind Pyth. xi. 37, Soph. 0. T. 1497. Other forms only Homeric : ijv Tiva iri^vr] Y 172, tte^vejxev Z 180, KaTaTrE(j>vi>v P 539, izE^vovTa 11 827 : Aristarchus and Herodian accentuated izE^viav : cp. Herodian on 11 827, Herodian ed. Lentz i. 470. In Oppian Hal. ii. 133, v. 390, irifvovin as 3 pi. pres. 40) E-TrE-fpaSo-v only in Homer and Hesiod : ETriippads U 51, 7rt(j>padETriv Hes. Theog. 475, Tre^paSot tSl 335, wEpaSEfiEv r) 49. Cp. (l>paSEv. 41) KE-xapn-vTo n 600, KExapoiaro A 256, Kf-x'^poifiiQa Philox. Fr. 2, 24 Be.^, cp. j^apojTo and KExapriaiD. At the close of this survey we may point out how large a number of these reduplicated aorists have by-forms without reduplication, not less than 19 out of 41, i.e. SeSuke (7) and Suke'ii', rediyE "(11) and diyeiv, TiOopE (12) and Oope'iv, KEnvduitri (15) and kvOe'iv, XEXafSiirdai (16) and CH. xni. EEDUPLICATED AORISTS. 295 Xo^fVeai, \i\adov (17) XiXaKov (18), UKaxov (19), and XaOe'iv, \aKeiv, Xaxeiv, /jEjuarrouj' (20) and naireut; &pope (21) and &pETO, TzeirvQiaOai (29) and irv&iedai, kaniaOaL (30) and aireaOai, TETapirero^ (32) and rap- TTwjucea, erEr/ioi' (33) and eVejuoi', TEropev (34) and tVops, C7ri(j>pade (40) and fpadcv, Kcxf^povTo (41) and x^po*'^° '• and to these we may add dKkvdt, k£kXut£ formed directly from the root, as mentioned, on p. 290, by the side of kXvOi and cXwre. We have often pointed out under the several heads the prominent peculiarities of usage. "We expect to find always in the stronger form a more forcible meamng. An intensive force may be detected most clearly in the Homeric use of EKEKKeTo by the side of keKeto, ia kekXvBi as compared with kXvOi, and in the two 'aorists of rebuke' ivivmE and ■ftvliraTTE. The isolated aorist TErayiov too has certainly derived its forcible meaning of ' seizing ' as compared with Lat. tangere by the help of reduplication. We might conjecture the same for afiirETi-aXwv. In the case of XeXukovto, as we have already intimated, the meaning 'howl' as compared with XukeIv 'to soimd ' depends upon the same. The force of aKaxE'tv, apapE'iv, SeSue'lv; KEKude'ii' is decidedly causative, and the same is especially clear in dpopEtv, in XiXax'"' and XiXadov. In the 32 case of XeXAxi^ci Aristarchus remarked on H 80 ' avrl tov Xaxti v ttoit?- (Tiom.' The isolated wETrapE'iv is to apparere as XEXaxE'iv is to XaxE~iv. There were often departures from this usage in particular instances. But if we compare the causative force of this device of language ia the Sanskrit aorists, aiid in presents like iiTTj]-fii=sisto its use can hardly be a matter of chance. — In etetjiov the usage has been otherwise differen- tiated, for the reduplicated form is limited to the meaning ' hit upon.' An anomaly of tolerably wide extent, which the reduplicated aorist shares with the thematic, is found in the occurrence of an a instead of the usually alternating vowels o and t. This appears partly only in. the post-classical language, but partly also in the language of earlier times, and even in that of Homer. I mean forms like tl-rca, rivEyna^Ev for eI-kov, ■^viyKOfiEv, and others which made their appearance in Alexandrine or even later times (e.g. tXa/Bav). The right view of e-Scoku, E-drjKa, ^ku is also connected with this question. But as this whole process rests upon a confusion of the analogies of the thematic and the sigmatic aorists, it cannot be more fully discussed, except in connexion with the sigmatic formation (Chap. XVII.). 296 MOODS OF THE PEESENT AND SI5IPLB AOEIST STEM. ch. xit. CHAPTER XIY. ■ TSE MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE A BIST STEM. After our survey of the formation of tlie present stem and the simple aorist stem, each in its twofold form, with or without the thematic vowel, it remains for us to discuss the signs of the moods and of the verbal nouns. In this chapter we have to do with the moods ; and I place first the Imperative, as being that mood which shows the least diifference from what is conjecturaUy the most primitive form of the indicative. 33 I. IMPEEATIVE. According to the usual logical schenie, the imperative is here placed on the same line with the conjunctive and optative. But in formation the imperative is completely difierent from the two other moods. In the latter the modaj element comes in between the stem and the ending, and hence in the same place in which we found the numerous expansions of the stem in the case of the formation of the present : indie. "-/ifK conj. 'L-o-iiev „ (jtepo-fifv opt. epo-i-jicv. We see at once that there is an analogy between the expansion of the verbal stem to the present stem, and the formation of conjunctive and optative forms. On the other hand the imperative is either not at all distinguished from the indicative, e.g. in fepe-Te, (pipt-aOc, or it is dis- tinguished only by the different form of the personal endings. The place .of the imperative formation is to be sought here, i.a solely in the last syllable of the verbal forms : ind. "i-a-Ttf-s imper. i-o-Ta-di ,, *fpe-iro to use here the most common and indubitable original forms by the side of those actually in use. The second persons of the plural and dual in the active and middle ; (jiepere, (jiipero r — (fipcaQe, (pipcadov are not at all to be distinguished from those of the indicative. In the case of the 2 plur. we might indeed conjecture, after the analogy of the distinction in Latin between fer-tis sioAfer-te, that the Greeks too were not unacquainted in earlier times with this distinction between the indicative and imperative. We' may refer for a conjectural *ipt-T€Q to p. 45. But there is little probability in this conjecture, for it is only from Latin that we can argue to such a distinction ; and/er-iw, legi-tis show high antiquity. The loss of a final s, in Latin limited to the imperative, extended in Greek also to the indicative. Sanskrit has in the 2 pi. of the indicative -tha, in the same Ch. XIV. SECOND SING, IMPERATIVE IN -6i. 297 form of the imperative and of the historical tenses -ta ; so that here a 34 distinction arises between hhara-tha 'fertis' and hhara-ta 'ferte'; but this distinction is not one which anyone ■would be inclined to maintain had been created for the special meaning of these two forms. The same is the case with the middle. Greek knows no distinction between (ptpe-trOe as an indicative and as an imperative, just as little as in this case Latin knows with its ferimini. In Sanskrit the imperative has the secondary ending -dhvam, so that here too the indicative hhara-dhve is distinguished from the imperative hhara-dhvam. The weaker form in Greek made its way into the. iadicative, as it did also in the active. The second persons of the dual e.g. (pipe-Tov, (pipe-crdoy also have to serve for indicative and imperative alike, while Sanski'it, just as ia the plm'al, assigns weaker endings to the latter mood, and so arrives at a separation between indicative and imperative. Now as the separation of imperative from indicative forms extends much farther in the 2 sing., it seems to me probable that the stamp given to the mood began here, and that starting with this it was by degi-ees attempted rather than carried out in the case of other imperative forms. Even in. the 2 sing, the Vedic dialect often uses the indicative in place of the imperative form, e.g. ma-si as well as ma-hi and the Hke, as Delbriick points out p. 34. Hence our investigation of the imperative forms limits itself essen- tially to three points, the formation of 2 sing, in the active, that of the same person in the middle, and the forms in -tui, -tw-v, -edoi, -adwv (which cannot' be separated one from the other), together vrith anything which may be connected with them. A) FOKMATION OF THE 2 SiNG. AcT. 1) Termination -di. This ending is entirely limited to the primitive conjugation, . and hence never appears after a thematic vowel. The same is true of the corresponding Sanskrit termination -dJii and its weaker by-form -hi. The agreement here is therefore complete, and we may put a number of" Greek imperatives in -Oi side by side with Sanskrit ones, without finding any other differences than those which proceed from the phonetic laws 35 and tendencies of the two languages : e.g. i'hi = 'i-6i pi-pr-hi = (iji,)Trl-iiKrj-6i qru-dhi = kKv-6l poi-M = Aeol. na-Qi ' drink.' If there were active forms corresponding to ra-iv-rai (p. 113), the im- perative would, necessarily be *Ta-ii)-Oi (cp. 6fii'v-6t), which would correspond exactly to the Yedic tanu-hi. e-dhi ' be,' coming with an unusual change of sound from as-(ZAi, corresponds to the Gr. ipet Aristoph. 36 Vesp. 162) and the Homeric ivi-awcg (A 186 and elsewhere) are generally explained as arising from the primitive forms *d6-di, *ax^-&' etc. by the loss of t and the change of the 9, which cannot stand as a final letter, into c But in no language are there primitive forms of the kind assumed, and it deserves to be carefully noticed that by the side of the present (^a-9t, which may be. to a certain extent compared, there is no trace of any form *(j>a-c. And the only certain instances of the change of a final r into c are npori Trpdc, *fi(.(ir]K6T /BejGjjkos. The origin of the local adverbs evIoq and ii,oQ, quoted by grammarians sometimes generally as Dorian, sometimes specifically as Syracusan, from ivloQi and *UoBt, is as Ahrens Dor. 366 justly notices, by no means clear. Hence I do not regard the ordinary explanation of these imperatives as absolutely certain. Since in the dialect of the Vedas the termination -si in the case of primitive verbs is not quite unknown to the imperative : e.g. ^e-shi ' conquer,' md-si ' measure,' jd-si ' go,' it would not be impossible that S6q should be shortened from *h')-(ri,lik.e SiSw-t from *Si3w-o-t = Skt. da-dd-si. This view might also be supported by a Latin analogy in the 2 sing. imper. es from the root ed, which as Netie Formenl. ii.^ 603 shows, is certainly established by one instance in an inscription and several in Plautus. Merguet in ' Die Entwicklung der lat. Formenbildung ' p. 244 suggests doubtfully that this form ' descends from a time when this imperative still ended with a dental, before which d then passed into s', that is, that es originated in *ed-di, *es-cZt=Skt. ad-dhi. But as there is no trace of any termination -di on Italian soil, and as there is little probability in the group sd, it is perhaps simpler to think of an indicative *essi es which was used at the same time as an imperative, and to assume the like in the case of es also. Still we cannot consider the older view of the Greek imperative forms in -c"as one to be at once rejected. CH. XIV. SECOND SINO. IMPEEAT. WITHOTJT ANY TEEMINATION. 299 3) Imperatives without any termination from verbs without a thematic vowel. Some of these imperatives have shorter by-forms without any personal ending, as evi-cnrt {S 642) by the side of Iri'-o-Trec, which was mentioned above p. 132, KaO-e • with the strange explanation iiriSoQ Hesych., y etc. as thematic formations. We may mention here two other imperatives without terminations, which present themselves, apparently very anomalously, by the side of the regular /3fj-di, (rrrj-di, — ^the weU-estabUshed forms */3a and *nTd, occurring however actually only in composition : Eo-/3d Eurip. Phoen. 193, EjuySa Eur. El. 113, iirijia Theogn. 847, Karo/3n Vesp. 979, 7rpd/3a Ach. 262 — aviTTa Theocr. xxiv. 36, Trapaara Menander (Comici iv. 105 no. II.). 38 , As in Attic writers a in place of r] would be unprecedented, we cannot suppose them to have originated from jSd-Oi, iTTd-di by a loss of -di, and must rather assume here too a transition to the thematic conjugation. The forms quoted are not, so far as their formation goes, primitive aorist imperatives, but thematic present imperatives from jSAb) (discussed on p. 148) from which ■jepofiavrec inter alia is quoted from Cratinus (Com. ii. p. 88). Certainly we have no authority for *oTaw, but it corresponds exactly to the Latin sto, so that the imper. sta is completely identical withGrk. oTfi. This explanation, suggested already by Lobeck on Batt- mann ii.^ 125, of course does not exclude the assumption that these forms were syntactically accounted as aorists, because the corresponding indicative presents were obsolete. This view is confirmed by the form 300 MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. ch. xiv. £/i/3ij which, appears in Ar. Lys. 1303, though not without the variant E;u/3a. e/xPri occurs in the Laconian final song; it can only be explained as a Doric form by supposing it is contracted from *£^/3aE. Whether ' the form irw by the side of irwfli, quoted in Et. Magn. p. 698,-52 from an Aeolic poet (x"'P« if"' "'w) originated in the same way, depends upon the judgment we form upon present forms with a like ending. We now turn therefore to those present imperatives of the conjuga- tion in -fii, which have altogether lost the syllable di. Such forms are certainly not less numerous than those which retain di, especially if we include the Aeolic and Doric dialects. After what we have just said with regard to the transition to the thematic conjugation, it is natui'al to suppose that all these shorter imperatives could be explained from the analogy of this conjugation. But we shall not find this sufficient. A form Kke e.g. liTTri in Homer, KprifMyrj in Euripides cannot possibly be explained, in accordance with the laws of Ionic contraction, as from *'/(7Ta£ *Kpri^iva£, any more than the Doric kyKkpa from *£yK(/fpae,.for here he is contracted to r). Hence we divide all the forms which .belong here into two classes ; i.e. into apocopated and thematic forms. a) Apocopated forms. The loss of the syllable Qi finds its analogies in various phenomena of 39 the 1 and 3 sing. ind.. and conj., which were mentioned on pp. 28 and 41. The Aeolians of Lesbos formed the 3 sing, by rejecting the per- sonal ending : yiXai, and the 2 sing, imper. in the same way : kIvtyi. The Aeolic forms of this kind are discussed by Ahrens Dial. Aeol. 140. The grammarians quote as Aeolic tara and iorij, iniriirXr], kevth}, juupw, 8('?w. Ahrens's wish to reject I'otjj, which is described as Aeolic in Et. Gud. 283, 40 and in Et. M. 348, 9, arises from a mistake. He is correct only so far, that IVr)) cannot be explained like IVrd from a mere rejection of the ending. By its rj 'itrrrj in the case of the Dorians and Aeolians — for it is called Dorian too by Herodian ii.- 209 — is shown to be contracted. According to the Dorian and Aeolian contraction it might come from "inTae. Hence the identical forms in the different dialects are, remarkably enough, to be explained differently : the Dor. and Aeol. tora, and the Ion. 'iar-q are apocopated, the Dor. and Aeol. "larr) and Ion. lerrd are contracted. — From Aeolising poets we may quote iafiva Sappho i. 3, Kiv-n Sappho Frag. 114 B^ viiaprr, Theocr. 28, 3, <^iXj/ 29, 20.— A Homeric form of this kind is presented by 'larr) * 313, which reappears inEur. Suppl. 1230 and Ar. Eccl. 743 {icadiarri). We mayaddicp^fivijEurip. (orrather, asNauckconjectiures, Eupolis) Frag. 918 (/cpij/jj'r) aeavrriv ek jiecrrie avrripiioe), ■Kifiirpi/) Eur. Ion. 974, and iyKiKpa Sophron Fr. 2 (Ahrens Dor. 464). The isolated Attic imperative e^ei (Ar. Nub. 633), omitted in our grammars, with which the Scholiast on this passage compares Siei and fierei, is perhaps to be taken in the same way. For it seems to me better to assume an *eldi formed after th.e analogy of SlSwOi as the original form rather than an stw, unknown at any rate on Attic soil, and with which we could only compare the conjunctive e'iw in Sophron (Frag. 2 Ahrens). If el as an imperative really originated from the thematic form, it would necessarily have been contracted from *£le, Hke Sal = Sale in Hesychius, and would completely correspond to the Lat. i (for ei ; cp. Imus). cH. XIV. EE&ULAE THEMATIC IMPERATIVES. 301 b) Thematic Porms, Considering the general tendency of the primitive forms to pass into thematic forms, imperatives like Scikwc (Hes. 0pp. 502, Plato), oWve Archiloch. 27 (kui a^eag oXKv Aa-Trep oXKvtie,) ofivve (Theocr. 27, 34) ^ present nothing surprising. It is otherwise with ^vv-te, which we find in Theognis 1240 at the end of a pentameter. If we are not to correct this into IvvUi, as Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. i.^ 623) suggested, we must recognise here, not indeed the • addition of a thematic vowel, but probably the transition of a radical e into such a vowel. "We have clear cases of contraction from forms with an added vowel in rt'flet, which is in general use from Homer (nflsi Kparog A 509) onwards, lei (* 338, Eurip. El. 592, occurring also iu compounds in Attic prose), SiSov, which is found from Herodotus iii. 140 onwards. We must add also those forms in which the simple vowel is only thus intelligible, as KaOiara (i. 202), TrifiirXa (vifnrXa av fiev enol ^enaxch.. Meineke Com. ui. 616), Dor. n-iftirX?;, Herodian i. 464, Saivv i. 70, ofivv (Soph. Trach. 1185, Eurip.), aropvi (Axistoph. Pax 844), aTpi>vvv (Com. anonym.. Meineke iv. 605). The most diflScult form of all is the Piadaric dL^o'i (Pind. 01. i. 85; vi. 104; vii. 89; Nem. v. 50). It can only be understood in connexion with the Aeolic filloiQ and the Homeric SiSolada, and points by its diphthong to a *didoio) as an older by-form of *Std6(i> (cp. p. 238), which has arisen from a transference- into the deriva- tive conjugation. We might assume as the primitive form a *da-da- ja-mi, though this hardly has a parallel. Bopp's notion that Si?ioi might have arisen by the loss of 6 ffom SiSo-di (Vgl. G-r. ii.^ 290) breaks down upon the improbability of such a loss, for which the Greek language .offers no analogy. Still less can we follow Bopp in explaining the origin of SeiKvv in this way, and in actually tracing back t/to vi. Nor can we say, as I supposed in Tempora und Modi p. 21 (cp. Kiihner Ausf. Gr. i.* p. 524) that ' in the lengthening of the vowel of 'lirrri, SiSov, dalvd we ■ must recognise a trace of the original ending Oi.' We do not now look upon ' compensatory lengthening ' in this superfi.cial way, and cannot allow that a lost syllable ever had the power of lengthening the pre- ceding syllable. This brief mention of differing views will suffice. — With regard to the occurrence of many forms here noticed as contracted, we 41 ■ may refer also to Cobet Mnemos. ix. p, 373 and von Bamberg in the • Zeitschr. f. Gymnasialwesen xxviii. p. 27.' 4)' Eegular forms of tlie thematic conjugation. The ordinary second person of the imperative of the thematic conju- gation has no personal ending. All languages, which have an imperative at aU, agree in this. Compare Skt. bhara Zd. bara Gr. (f>epe Lat. fer „ gaKha „ ^da-ice In spite of this Bopp (Vgl. Gr. ii.* 291) and Schleicher (Compend.^ 654) assumed that here too there was originally the ending -dhi (Gr. 6i), and that it was afterwards dropped, as in a part of the verbs in -jui. Delbriick pronounces against this view (Verbum p. 33) as follows : ' we never find a *hharadM, but only hhara. We cannot, I think, doubt 302 MOODS OF THE PBESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. ch. xit. tliat in these words the simple present stem was iised from the first with an imperative force.' And we can well imagine this, for just as an exclamation (Ausfuf) even without any special sign in the vocative of the noun may become a call {Anruf), so the bare stem used as an address (Zuruf) may in the verb become a command. Inasmuch as the stem of thematic verbs, as we saw, does not at all differ originally from a noun-stem, sometimes, so far as the sounds are concerned, an imperative and a vocative do completely coincide : e.g. aye— Skt. j not ayeq ; an imperative present in e is just as unheard-of from verbs in -fit as from verbs in -w. It seems hence much more probable to me that we have in both languages isolated relics of a formation of thematic verbs, which early became extinct. From a purely Greek standpoint we might be tempted to refer aytq to *ojiio vii. 50, will suffice as examples. Finally there remain two Homeric forms in which, according to the prevailing view, -eo is ' lengthened ' to -ew. It is needless to point out how utterly incredible it is that among a number of instances of the second person of the imperative formed in the same way, only two should suffer such an affection. Besides the more recent science of language shows 47 a lengthening of this kind to be extremely dubious. Nor is there any probability whatever that in these two isolated forms some very archaic character has been preserved, as Christ has conjectured (Griech. Lautlehre p. 195). He believes that the ii of e'peio (only in A 611) and airelo (only in K 285) may be explaiued by compensatory lengthening from the primitive form in a-sva Gr. t-afo. For the phonetic process we might quote the analogy of- dtoQa, which is for L-afwQa. Only in this case the course probably was that from i-af wQa came in the fiist place i-fPwQu,. and then t'iwdu, while the personal ending sva in Greek at once passed .into -ao, from which form we cannot arrive at an explanation of the ti. But ipeio, if we accent it kpe'io, can be very well explained upon the analogy of uiStio. For taken as an imper. present, it is easily connected with kpiti>nai p 509, Iphadai ; 298, kpiovro 445. The second instance iTfftio in K 285 tTTTfio fioi las ore irarpl olju' etrirfo TuSei' Sla resists all further explanation. But I leave ijb undecided whether we are to assume a corruption of the reading (say from eo-ire fi/u') or that the poet of the Doloneia here, following a false analogy, coined this form. Q) Third Person Singulae, Active and Middle. t is justly regarded as generally admitted that the ending -w, common from Homer onwards, has come from tw-t and correspondsrto X 306 MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. ch. xit. the Vedic ending ta-t. For the latter, -whicli has also the evidence of Panini, Delbriick (Verbum, p. 59) points out at least one certain instance, gaUKhortat let him go, which would correspond to a Greek *j3ar7Ke-TO). ^ From the Italian languages we have faci-tud G. I. L. no. 813 (=Osc. fac-titd Tab. Bant. 9) with esto-d in Pestus p. 230, 13 (=Osc. es-tud) and also the Oscan forms liM-iud='La.t liceto (cippus Abellanus 36), deivatud iurato (Tab. Bant, 5), ac-tud^&gLto (ib. 15). TJmbrian, like the later Latin agrees so far with the Greek, that it has also dropped the final consonant : suh-ah-tu (:=sub-igi-to), e-tu {=.i-to),f&r-tu {=fer4o). 48 Op. Aufrecht and KirchhoflF Umbr. Sprachd. i. 142. With regard to the origin of this termination, the simplest course is to assume an em- phatic repetition of the pronominal stem ta, which in the first instance was pronounced long : hence the primary form was td-ta. In the same way the middle ending -aQii) doubtless arose from -aQio-T, so that o-Oftj-r and Vw-r correspond, just as in the 2plur. (tQe and tc, as. in the dual adov and tov, aroiv and to) v. The sign of the middle voice is con- cealed in the v ^ 643 etc. b) New Ionic : Xeyovruv, exovtwv, naaxiyrbiv quoted by Kiihner i. 528 from Herodotus (i. 89 etc.). 49 c) Attic, much more commonly than those in -eruiaav : KvpovvTiav Aesch. Ohoeph. 714, yeXwvTtav Kcnrixatpovriov Soph. Aj. 961, vcixvovrtov O. 0. 455, pouivTwv Aristoph. Ach. 186, vapadevriov Nub. 456, airoBovTiou, oixvvvTtov Thuc. V. 18, fieTEx^vTuv Plato Protag. 322 d, louixaZovTwv Xen, Mem. i. 4, 1, iyypa<^6urojv, 6(j>ei\6vruiv, law in Demosth. 43, 71, CH. XIV. IMPEEATIVE. — THIED PERSON PLUEAL. 307 d) Doric by the side of -vrw : SiSdiTwi', Exovrwr, eirt6vrb)i', Oivrtov, established from inscriptions by AJirens Dor. 296. It will be seen that there is not the slightest reason for calling these forms Attic, as is often done. They are called so by the grammarians simply because the Atticists recommended them for practical purposes, as distinguished from the forms in -rwo-ar, -which were afterwards more ■ common (Gregorius Corinth. § xcvii.). .3) Forms in -vtov occur only on the Lesbian inscription C, I. 2166, where Boeckh reads ij>Ep6vTii)v, tfivXaaaovTiov, Karaypli'TWV (cp. i-rrifiEXiijQiijy). The copies of the stone do not always agree, but in some instances all give -vtov {(bvKatraovTov), which is defended by Ahrens Aeol. p. 130. In Conze's Tit. 8, 2 1. 6, 8 (Reise auf Lesbos) also -teIxovtov and -vtov are to be regarded as traces of this formation, as Wald rightly maintains (Addi- tamenta ad dialectum Lesbiorum et Thessalorum cognoscendam. Berol. 1871). 4) Forms in -vToio-av occur only in the isolated iovTuiaav (Anecd. Delph. ed. E, Curtius xiii, 15, xxix. 17, xxxix. 20). 5) Forms in -twv. Of these I know only two instances : e'trrwv and "iTiav. eVrwv in Homer only a 273 Qiol V kin fiapTvpni 'ianov, for in A 338 rw Z' avrii ■ fiapTvpoi eartov it may be 3 dual ; but it is completely established in Plato Legg. 759 olroi Se EiTTiov ii,r}yr)Tai Sia fiiuv, Rep. 502, Xenoph. Cyr. iv. 6, 10, in no. 32, 9 of the Delphic inscriptions published by Wescher and Foucart, and in the inscription from Chios in Cauer's Delect. Inscript. No. 133 1. 20; so that. the 'iaTuiv recorded once or twice in Arehimedes, though regarded with suspicion by Ahrens Dor. 321 f.,. is certainly not to be tampered with. — 'irwv occurs only in Aesch. Eum. 32 'iriov TrdX^ XaxovTCQ, uie vojj,i(eTai. In both forms the v alone has evidently the function of denoting the plural as distinguished from the singular. We 50 have an analogy in the Oscan form eituns, which occurs several times, if we take this, not, as was formerly the case, as 3 plur. indie, but with Sophus Bugge Ztschr. xxii. 390 as 3 plur. imperative. 6) Forms in -raxrav. From Thucydides > onwards these forms are used in Attic by the side of those in -vtw v, and by degrees they supplanted the latter : fiaOeTuaav Thuc. i. 34, (pepiriDffav Plato Legg. 759, irapaXafifiaveTwaav Xenoph. Cyr. vii. 2, 14, (in a law) fieviruxrav Demosth. 21, 94, 'iTuxrav Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1480, £OTfc)',£T. In this form the internal v denotes the 3 plur. precisely as in XEydrrw. The middle element is expressed in the a-0, the imperative in the last two letters. On p. 64 we traced the ending -irai, e g. ia XEyo-irai back to the three pronominal elements n-ta-ti ; the termination -yador points to four : n-t-ta-t^a). Hence the 3 plur. of the imperative possesses one such element more than the 3 plur. ind., just as the 3 sing, imper. XEyt-o-Swr possesses one more than the 3 sing, indie. \iye-Tai for *\£7£-ra-r(. ' If however it seems to any one more probable that such a curious form should not be based upon a very ancient tradition from the freshest formative force of the Indo-Germanic language, but that it originated much later in the endeavour te mark the plural in the imperative middle also in a manner analogous to Xiyovrai as compared with Xeyerat and kXtyoiTo as compared with eXiyero, I can make no objection to this view. In any case we miist go back to an -ovaQia, for without the v the analogy is a very weak one. On the other hand the final t in this view may have been foreign to this form. This unmistakeable Laconian form supplies us with a most welcome confirmation of a Heraclean form. On the first Heraclean table 1. 127 we read : t'i tlveq ica fi^ ■KE(^vTevKiovTi Karrav (rvvdfiKav, ayypa^dvTui /cat EirtXaadu) to. ETTL^afiia ra ytypafifieva. As the neuter plural is joined to a plural verb on these tables, iweXaadw can only be plural. Now it might be supposed that tTrtXao-Ow was contracted from kireXaiadw, and belonged to the second class of plural imperatives, which, like icpiviaOd) and others to be discussed immediately, do not diflfer from the singular imperatives, but Ahrens Dor. 195 rightly saw that this would contradict the Dorian laws of contraction. For as the imperative of bpaw in Epi- charmus- is Spri, and as the Heracleans contract EiriPari into emfiy (Meister Stud. iv. 394), we should certainly have expected *eKeXiiffdo). 53 On the other hand UcXda-doj is explained quite simply from *e7rsXa6-, just like ae from aos, fii'ria from (pivriao. Meister is right in following this acute explanation, which Ahrens discovered without the help of the Laconian form. — Finally we have to take account of two Attic forms of the same kind, first established by Kirchhoffs excellent Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno vetustiores. I owe the notice of them to Paul Cauer's kind communication. In no. 32 A 16 we have koX awayovTuiv KOA. (Tvt'KXtjovTWv Tcif Ovpac Tov OTTiadoSo/xov Kal 'dP 403 — ipxitrOov A 322, trtrov 8' VLTTTtadov Kal yaip£Tov S 60, fia'x^Etrdov H 279, (ppa^eadov Y 115 ; and quoted also from Attic writers : ■)(a'iptTov Soph. 0. C. 1437, Eiwarov Aristoph. Av. 107, Plato Euthyd. 294, aKovtrov Aristoph. Plut. 76. On the other hand Kontos"in Anywc 'Epfiiji i. 66 maintains that there is no other instance of an early date of the 3 dual imper. act. than KOfiei- Twv 9 109 (tovzo) fiev OepcnrovTE KOfiebtdv), where this is established as the reading of Aristarchus, and has good M.S authority. In the '0/xTJpou kirifitpiafxoi (Cramer Anecd. Oxon. i. 397) we read ' arifitiovvrui wg irpoa- TaKTiKov virap-^ov to k-OfitiTWi', ctW ovScTrore SvikS irpoarnKTiKif Tpirov irpoir- WTTov E^p^ffdro "OjirtpoQ.' For in A 338 : r^ h' ami) fiaprvpoi eotwi' need not be regarded as a dual. ' Besides this Kontos can only quote a 3 dual Siafeperwv from Maximus Tyrius 20, 1. Certainly this passage, as well as that, from the Epimerismi, shows that the Greeks of a later date in- corporated the forms in -rwc in their paradigms. There is a noteworthy passage of Suidas quoted by the same scholar : 'i-)(tTov avA nm cx^notmv, SviKuie '\iyeTOv TOVTO Tifialoe Kal 'AvntrOevrje, cy^erov Se Kal %XeiTap-)(ov avToie vonvvra Etc jutnr cat Trjv aiirfiv.' It seems to me by no means proved that here, as has been more than once conjectured, we should write IxeVu))' and Xeyerw i' ; we may rather appeal in stipport of this isolated -Tov in the 3 dual imper. to the uncertainty in the use of the dual (cp. pp. 52 and 307) which is adequately explained by the rarity of the usage ; indeed in the above-quoted verse of the Iliad some copyists actually wrote KOjU£('r)}i' by an error. Besides the doctrine of the grammarians is here too supported by the analogy of Sanskrit, which has for the 3 dual as distinguished from the second person the weU-established ter- mination -tam, e.g. i-tdm=:*i-Twv, pa-tam, slda-tam. Cp. Delbruck Verb. p. 61. But whilst with the Indians the termination of the im- perative coincided with that of the preterite and the optative, a distinc- tion of vowel was produced in Greek between -rjji' and -rwv. 55 The 3 dual middle cannot be recognised, as it is identical with one form of the third person plural : XveuQiiiv. For everywhere a plural form can replace the dual form. CH. XIV. CONJUNCTIVE. .311 n. CONJUNCTIVE. As we always start from the simplest and most transparent forma- tions, it will be our first (luty in the case of the conjunctive to examine those forms in which the principle of formation of this mood comes out quite clear a,nd unconfused. These are those in which the pure root is lengthened by a short «-sound (e or o), provided with the primary personal endjngs,^ and employed conjunctivally. "We have already repeatedly quoted X-o-jiev by the side of 'i-ij,iv as an instance of this method of formation. In Vedic Sanskrit — for such forms are quite unknown to the post -Vedic language — ^there are according to Delbriick p. 193 only a few instances of the kind : e.g. from han 'kill.' conj, han-a-ti (= Zi. jan-a-i-ti) with ind. han-ti ( = Zi. jaifir-tt) : from as 'be' conj. as-a-ti ( = Old Pers. ah^a-tiy, 7A. anh-a-t) be he ind. (M~ti he is (= 0. Pers. aq-tiy, Zd. a^-ti). Still the principle of formation is completely established by perfect and aorist forms which will occupy us further on, and also by the analogy of the Persian languages. Hence the most primitive conjunctive is distinguished from the cor- responding indicative in no other way than the thematic indicative from the primitive indicative. We may sta,te this thus : conj. han-drti: ind. han-ti \\ ind. hhar-a-ti: ind. hhar-ti, or, putting it otherwise, hhara-ti may be at the same time conjunctive and an indicative by-form of bhar-ti. On this fact is based the explana- 56 tion, which in ' Zur Chtonologie ' ^ (pp. 49 ff) I endeavoured to give of the origin of the conjunctive. It is highly probable that formations, which are completely alike in appearance, were also in substance and originally alike, or in other words, that the a (e, o) of the thematic in- . dicative, and the a of the primitive conjunctive at first served the same end. On p. 9 (cp. p. 138) we took the thematic vowel to be a stem- forming element, by which the nominal character of the stem was more sharply denoted. Hence if bhara-ti meant originally ' bearer he,' from this on the one hand the meaning ' he is a bearer ' with the force ' he is engaged in bearing ' and so the durative force of the indicative might be developed, and on the other hand the meaning 'he is destined to bear,' ' he is to bear,' i.e. the conjunctive application. The Greek language has preserved a not wholly insignificant number of such primitive forms, though only in its oldest phase, the Homeric dia- lect. All these forms were entirely misunderstood by the older gram- marians, and were wrongly taken as conjunctives 'with a shortened mood-vowel.' Though this assumed shortening in the conjunctive of all moods which is elsewhere always inclined to lengthening, must have appeared to every thoughtful scholar an extremely dubious process, even " Delbrvick has proved with certainty that even beyond the sphere of Greek the conjimctive had at first only the primary personal endings, and that hence we cannot talk of a ' conjtmctivus imperfeoti,' as the Sanskrit grammarians have hitherto called the shorter forms. Cp. ' The Old-Indian Verb,' p. 192. 312 MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. ch. xrv. comparative philology only arrived by degrees at the correct view, because it was only by degrees that the forms of the Vedic dialect which bore on the question came to light. In Bopp (Vergl. Gr. § 716) Greek forms of the . kind mentioned are not yet put in their right place. So dependent are we all upon the discovery of facts. A more correct view was given in my '■ Tempora und Modi,' and afterwards by Schleicher Compend. § 289. Since then Westphal especially has done good service for the Greek conjunctive, and also Joh. Paech in his doctoral disserta- tion ' de vetere conjunotivi Graeci formatione ' (Breslau 1861), which is evidently due to Westphal's suggestions.* Besides Herm. Stier in my ^' Studien ii. p. 12.5 fF. has thoroughly discussed various sides of the Homeric conjunctive formation. All Greek conjunctives may be best divided into three classes : D Those in which the mood-element remains as a short a-sound ; 2) Those in which the sign of mood consists in the lengthening of an already existing a-sound : 3) Apparent exceptions to the first two methods of formation. 1) Conjunctives with a short a-sound inserted. "With. regard to these forms comparative grammar finds itself in the most decided antagonism to the doctrine of the old grammarians, which has maintained itself with slight modifications up to our own time. The old grammarians, in their absolutely un-histoiic way of regarding the question, starting from the Attic dialect, were obliged to set down in the first place the first of the three recorded forms of the 1 plur. conj. aor. dUixev, Qiufiw, deiofiEv, and to regard the other two as affections of this primi- tive form. In this respect the fragment of Herodian (ii. 267 ed. Lentz) is instructive. We see from this, that no fewer than three phonetic affections and one hypothetical intermediate form (ddiafiiv') were necessary for this grammarian in order to get from his starting-point, the- Attic diifjtcv to the Homeric dtiajxiv; viz. fii'st SiaipEaiQ : Qwfiev deiofier, second irXtuyatTfiui; : diafxtv *dEio)fjLEi' (the latter form being merely an assumed one), third avaroXr) : Qc/wjuec deiofiey. The current modern grammar substitutes for the very dubious expression irXiovaafioe extension or lengtheniug, and can get no further (cp. Buttmann i.^ 516, La Boche homer. Untersuchungen p. 152 ffi). For comparative grammar, on the contrary, the third form is not only the earliest recorded, but also the most original, setting aside a slight modification, and the others are to 68 be explained from it. It needs no argument to show that the latter view, which starts from the oldest form recorded in Greek literature, and from the primitive form resulting from a comparison of this with the forms preserved ia Sanskrit and Persian, is the only historical, and consequently the only scientific view. The old view was only possible by reason of the often-mentioned error that the poets ' metri causa ' allowed themselves all conceivable Procrustean operations. ■• The view expressed by Paeoh and repeated by Westphal, that I gave the true explanation only for the one form to/iev as compared with t/iev, has no justiflca- tion. For on p. 246 of that work of mine ttopitt^etoj/, SAoiiev, flefo/iei/, Sa/ieUrf, and on p. 247 $iloii€v, o-Tcio^ei/ are also mentioned. But I gladly admit that these scholars have essentially promoted our insight into the structure of the conjunc- tive, especially by a more correct explanation of the sigmatic aorist forms with a short vowel. CH. XIV. CONJUNCTIVE. 313 The Homeric poems offer the following eleven conjunctives with a short vowel from present and primitive aorist stems. Postponing for the present the difficult question as to the way of writing the vowel which precedes the mood- vowel, we will quote the forms in alphabetical order : 1) aK-E-rai. conjunctive to a\-ro he leaped (cp. pp. 90, 130). The breathing is given differently in the two passages (A 192, 207) in which the form occurs. Herodian wrote aX-i-rcn, as he wrote uXto and SXfiiviie ; good M.S8. have aX^rai (cp. La Roche), which La Roche and Bekker rightly follow. 2) itn-fiij-o-fiev 'C 262, k 334, Kara-fifi-o-fitv K 97, with the variant fld-o-ixtv to-be discussed hereafter. ' 3) /3X)')-£-rat p 472, conjunctive to pXfjTo (cp. p. 132), with the variant fiXrianTai, which I mention only because the unfamiliar character of these old forms elsewhere too led the copyists into similar mistakes. •4) yviy-o-fii.v TT 304. b\ Sw-o-fiay H 299, 351, TT 184. 6) ipil-u-fizr A 62 ; cp. p. 213. The corresponding indicative must have been *epr]-fii. 7) Oei-o-fiEv A 143, * 244, 486, v 364 KaTa-OEi-o-fiev (j) 264, airo-dsi-o- jxai 2 409, KaTa-Ocl-0-fj.ai X 111, r 17. 8) "i-o-fiev with a short i (e.g. aXX' "lo^ev Z 526) 21 times, with a long I (e.g. B 440, I 625 at the beginning of a verse) 8 times 'according to Stier Stud. ii. 129. 9) KixEi-o-fiey #128. 10) arii-o-ixev (v. 1. arti-o-nei') O 297, irap-arri-e-Toy cr 183 (v. 1. 11) ^di-e-rai Y 173, (jtOi-o-fietrda S 87. To these must be added also 1) Two passive aorist forms : Sa/jifi-c-re (M.S8. Safiei-e-Ti) H 72, 59 Tpairel-o-jJiEv F 441, S 314, d 292, and perhaps vefiea-cTrjOei-n-ficv, which I. Bekker has adopted in Si 53 {vefisaarjdeiofiev rifxEie for the traditional vSfJ.e(T(rr]dZfitv o'l Yifiels). 2) Two perfect forms, the. common Al-o-fiev by the side of the indi- cative 'if-fxtv and veTroiO-o-fisv K 335 by iiriiridfie)', to which we shall return when treating of the perfect. 3) The numerous conjunctives of sigmatio aorists, like kpvaa-o-ixev, apeitp-e-Tat, which will require thorough discussion hereafter. The whole group consists of forms in which the mood-vowel is not lengthened either by position or otherwise. For the 1 stag, we could not imagine a form *Ew-o-fii or anything of that kind, because the vowel in this personal form is always long, but for the second and third we might certainly expect *S(i)-cic *So)-ei coming from *Soi-e-(Tt *?w-£-tl, and for the 3 plur. *Su)-nv--7] OTTJ-e-TOV (rrrj-o-fiev yva-o^fjiev (TTrj-a-ffi ' yva3~ai-(Ti Hence it at once becomes probable that 'i-(ir)-v, which is quite parallel to i-tTT-ri-v, formed its conjunctive in the same way, i.e. jUi-io, not (id-(o, though all M.SS have the latter -in Z 113, the only passage in which the form is found, iTrfp/S^jj and f/^/Sj/j;, as is commonly read in I 501, II 94, Kara-Prj-o-fjev in K 97 with the best of all M.SS. the Venetus -A, kiri-fiij- o-fiev ^ 262 with the codex H(arleianus), supported by the reading of the important codex M(arcianus) iirijiricrofitt', as La Roche gives it at this place, or Iwifiriofiev with superscribed ao, as he quotes it in Horn. Unters. p. 151 ; and of course also 8ri-ri U 861. The case is somewhat different with the t-stems. Still I do not see why . we should not accept — against the opinion of Stier — Aristarchus's av-riri B 34, almost the only form which has authority, ariEi, cKpdri etc.), fiiQriri e 471 in spite of the ei of the M.SS., dririQ Z 432, n 96, driri k 301, 51, for each of which there is some slight support, and in the same way Safj-riyc T 436, /ityfiriQ e 378, crawriri T 27, (pnvvy X 73. Copyists have everywhere, a tendency to ei, but the more recent editors rightly follow Aristarchus. There is no dispute either about fiX-fj-e-rai p 472. Hesiod gives only the one form dclri 0pp. 556, where ei is generally, written. There remain still the 1 sing, and 1 plur. : for these, the tradi- 316 MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. oh. xiv. 63 tion only knows ei, hence Saeiio K 425, e^ejw A 567, nadelw T 414, kix^Iio A 26, epElojxtv, Octoi-iti', Kixdofier, rpairEiofiev. The diphthong could only be explained as the weakening of an ?;, for the older form doubtless had this vowel. But as we have seen how often this £t creeps ia erroneously for an i; which has other evidence in its favour, it is not tod bold to assume that the diphthong in these eight forms only originated in the iacorrect notion of the copyist, that ejj, ew etc. were the normal forms, and that ei was to be regarded as the usual Ionic lengthening for t. We made a similar conjecture on p. 10-3 for Eiorat, more correctly ijarai. As soon as we write all forms with r), we have the strictest analogy between the stems in o, a, and e. It follows from what we have said that there are very few cases of a real lengthening left. Two of these have been already mentioned, 'i-o-fxev (p. 314) and (firi-rie. We are probably not wrong in seeing in the t; of the indicative (pv-f^t the source of the length in the conjunctive. The . third form of this kind is the entirely isolated fiET-eitj, q(j>pa Ziaoiai - ixereib) ■*■ 47 (cp. X 388 ibjintriv fierew): Here too it is natural to employ the same principle of explanation as in ^ij-j;. Gottfr. Hermann thought he had discovered a 3 sing, eij) or rjr/ to tliis 1 sing, e'iw (Opusc. ii. 32). Hence in- 1 245 he wrote ravT alvas SciSoiKa Kara cj)peva) jiri qi aireCKhs eKTckicraia-i deolj rjfxiv be brj aifrLfiov c'lrj, (cp. p 586). The M.SS. however have the optative e'iri, and this can be easily explained. I. Bekker wavered between the two readings. In 1843 he wrote at both places eirj, in 1858 t'iri, in 1861 (Hem. Blatter i. 228) .he preferred ^i?. The more recent editors are doubtless right in retaining the optative. — A conjunctive, in which lengthening after the fashion of the singular indicative is unmistakeable, is furnished by t'iui^'io) in Sophron. (fr. 2 Ahrens), quoted on p. 300 in comparison with the imper. d. An altogether abnormal mood-form ara-i-ri (di'a- arairj, M.SS. avairrair)) has been adopted in Find. Pyth. iv. 155 (cp. Ahrens Dor. 133). Here it bas been supposed that a was lengthened to ai, and the analogy of the similarly isolated Homeric TrcipafOaiycri, ex- plained in another way on p. 40, has been pressed into the service. But the assumption is completely incredible. Could ava-ard-rj (cp. Homer arijrj) be the correct form ? 64 2) Conjunctives in which a previously existing a-sound is lengthened. The rule that the short thematic vowel of the indicative is lengthened" in the conjunctive, is so well established from Homer onwards, thalt we need hardly give any instances. Conjunctive forms like rvyUfii, cLKovr/g, apriyri, (j>ivy(i)ficv, ■?rupat(T\vfriTe, eXKuxri, e niv tlhuxn; cp. Stud. i. 1, 246. 5) Kadhrdrai C. I. no. 2671 from Calymnia 1. 42 : Siruc /i^ Sta ipddiov tCiv irpayfiaTiou Kptvofievwv etc ttXeiu rapa^av 6 Sdfioe KaQiaTarai, iviavvlaTaToi inscr. from Tegea 1. 19, 67 irapiffraTai inscr. from Andania 1. 72 (Sauppe Trapiorarai) ; av te juq iraploTarai etti SoKifiairiay. 6) TrpoTidrivri inscr. from Andania ed. Sauppe Gott. 1860 1. 89 oa-a ko ol dvovTCi TToTi rq. Kpavg. TrpoTidrivn (SsiMpTpeTrpOTiOrjvTi). Cp. 1. 93 avaWSijrai. 7) KaraaKevaadtivri ib. 1. 93 oVwe KaraaKevaaQrivTi (Sauppe -O^iri) driaavpoi, 8) 'wpoypa.^r]VTL ib. 1. 162 o av TrpoypcKJtriVTi (Sauppe -fijvTi). The strangest of all the forms is ^vTai=&(Ti in the inscription from Andania 1. 85 o(roi ko ^vrai ck rde aneripag iroXeoe, for which Sauppe writes rjvrai. But the sense appears to require the former, and the form is equally strange in either case. It looks as if to evri, which is several CH. XIV. CONJUNCTIVE. 319 times quoted as Doric (Alirens p. 321) a middle *evTai was formed. To this tVrai ^vrai as a conjunctive is related precisely as irporldrivTi is to irpOTidEvri, In several of these forms it is not impossible to assume a contraction, especially for Svi'dfiai, iVacrt, in which d may be the Doric contraction from ao or aw, just as (l>a.vTi, kiriaTdvTi (Ahrens 312) are generally re- garded as contracted. It is true that at and a?j are regularly contracted to 1) with the Dorians (Heracl. ewifi^^eTrifiari), but as there are excep- tions, to which belong e.g. Pindaric infinitives like vikS.i; bpau, aiyav and the dative of the adjective apyaeiQ apydiri, the possibility of ex- plaining -iTTaToi from farariTai, liaxoi from *2£a-i)roi is not entirely ex- cluded. But it is more diflScult to assume that forms in -ijvrt have originated from contraction. There are absolutely no analogies for the contraction of jjoi or even cm to »/• At the utmost it would be possible, if we were to start from forms in -rf-o-vn (cp. jSri-o-fiev), as is demanded by consistency with oiu" discussions on p. 313, to get from *rtdr)-o-vTi to W0j/-i'riasfrom7r\£io»' to TrXelv, de'wv to Se~cv (p. 210). The length of the vowel would be of the same nature as in ^ijjjf . We must add further some conjunctives of present-stems in i/v, viz. OTE Kev — ^u)vvvt'rai re vcoi Kai kwevTvPovTai atOXa ta 89, troXXai hi tz irtvKai a'lycipoi re — pijywvTai vw' avTwv Hes. Scut. 377 after mq ore and a pre- ceding weauiai, j, "i-iaai. For the 2 plur. act. too there is no trace of a conceivable and pronounceable *i-£-rE, but only "i-r]-T£. It is easUy intelligible that by degrees other forms, possible in themselves, become assimilated to those with the long vowel, so that e.g. the "i-o-fiev discussed on p. 311 only continues to exist as an archaism in Homer, and was everywhere else supplanted by "mfiev. We can foUow tolerably exactly the stages of the process by which the later rule by degrees completely thrust itself into the place of the earlier. In many instances the two vowels still stand side by side. A sufficient number of examples of forms with long vowels like yj'fcijjc, ttiJuxti have been already given above. By the side of these we find also those with the short stem-vowel^ like a(j>-E-r) 11 590, Kriw/xev x 216, (pdiufio' it 383, (pdiwiTi u> 437, and numerous instances from the root eg like e A 119, eriiTi B 366. From Herodotus we may quote cnrd-mai vii. 226, Oeioai iv. 71, eTTijiiwuev vii. 50, while by the side of these contracted forms are in abundant use. The Dorians too are not disinclined to the open forms e.g. avTt-irpia-r\-Tai Delph. 52, 10 edd. Wescher and Foucart, iy-fri\rididvrt=(l>ai(7t tab. Heracl. i. 116, irapandy Epich. fr. 112, Siayviivn tab. Heracl. i. 153. The case of the conjunctive of/.£c/uru is quite peculiar. In four liues of Homer Kelrai stands as a conjunctive, viz. T 32 fjvinp yap Ktixai ye Te\c(T^6pov eiQ kviavTOv, Si 554 '6(ppa k£V "E/crwp KEirai h'l KXtiriTfiTiv aKTiSfiQ, /3 102, r 147 in the formula a'i kev arlp mrelpov keItui. The editors since Wolf have generally written Krjrai, but the better M.SS. have almost always keItui, with the exception of Pap. ii 554. Buttmann, Aus. Gr. i.^ 545, seems to me to have seen the truth in .rejecting the alteration and taking Ke'irai as a conjunctive coinciding in form with the iadicative. As a conjunctive Kil-rai has evidently arisen by contraction 70 from KEi-e-rai, like ^vfil^XrJTat from ^vfi(3Xfi-E-Tai, or as ttXeTv from ttXeIov, i^ttSiopoi from '(Ewliopoc, Xov-rai. from XovErai. It is noteworthy that-in this conjimctive- the diphthong before the lengthened thematic vowel was not wholly extinct even iu Attic times. In C. I.' Gr. no. 102 1. 10 we read Trap' ^ av keiwvtcci, and Veitch quotes KErjTai, SiaKericrOE from the best Attic prose writers, and irpoffKEwvrai from Hippocrates, while Kijrai, which has been so confidently introduced into the Homeric text, is nowhere established beyond a doubt, and as a form surpassing the Attic dialect in its disfigurement it appears altogether unsuitable to that early time.^ We come now to a question much discussed, and -answered in very different ways, that of the accentuation of a number of conjunctives of the conjugation in -/Jt. Ought we to write n'fljjrai or TtdijTai 1 From " La Roche Ztschr. f. ost. Gymn. Sept. 1874, p. 412, defends k^toi, which is found at T 32, n 554 in A and, he says, at t 147 in N, referring to Kiovrai X 610. - Hartel 'Homerisohe Studien ' iii. 10, argues for KeUrai with ei for the most part short. CH. XIV. • CONJUNCTIVE. 321 the grammatical point of view the question shapes itself thus : is ridrirai farmed according to a), i.e. upon the analogy of Ivvrjrai, or according to b) i.e. upon the analogy of 5v///3\^rai ? As witl; regard to accentuation we have no more trustworthy source than the old grammarians, we have to deal in the first place with their doctrine. Unfortunately they are by no means at one on the question. We have tolerably good informa- tion for the present-forms. We know from the scholion on Z 229 that 'Api'oTapxot- (cat ol aWoi, in opposition to Tyrannion, who actually wrote dvvrjat, took such forms as proparoxytona, and from Herodiani. 462 that as distinguished from hvvioij.ai, IvitrTiofiaL, BiSSfxai, liTTU)fiai were regarded as regularly coirect. Only those middle conjunctives, which had no active form, were accented as proparoxytona, the rest as properispomena. We cannot indeed discover any internal reason for this distinction, but per- haps the rule was nevertheless baaed upon the actual usage, and it gains a firm support from the fact that the same holds good for the optative. On the other hand the Anecdota Oxoniensia ii. 344, 28 and i. 469, 7 give us a canon for the aorists which Lentz similarly ascribes to his Herodian (i. 469, 7) : irdv viroraKTiKov tic /uat X^yov iirX Icvripov fiiaov 71 aopioTOv iv tt] a-vvOiaei irpoirapoi,vvtrai oluv QS>p,ai airoQwfxai koX diddiofxai, axSinai aw6ax<^ii<"- Hence e.g. in A 799 we must accentuate avoaxii'vrai. We can again discover no reasonable ground for the different treatment of the two tenses. Any one who regards the doctrine of the ancients as the unerring standard of our accentuation, must therefore adopt this contradictory fashion. But the editors have rarely done this ; they have generally preferred the contracted forms, so that e.g. Tvpoadfj is commonly written in Herod, vi. 109, on the strength of all the M.SS., irporjTat. in Demosth. 19, 118, wpofia'Qe in Thuc. i. 71, 4 by Bekker and Classen (Poppo TpAriade) etc. Even the latest thorough discussions of these questions by Bellermann in the Ztschr. f. Gymnasialwesen xxiv. p. 331, though containing welcome and veiy abundant information as to the evidence of the M.SS., and by v. Bamberg ib. xxviii 28 ff., have not led to any important results. There remains finally only the fact in the history of language that from an ancient date there has been a wavering between the fuller contracted and the (so to speak) slighter forms, for which it is no longer possible to determine definitely the extent and the canon. The same question returns in the optative. But in this mood we have, at least, a certain fixed point in the supplanting' of the earlier ei by the diphthong oi. For it is clear that by the change of vowel the passage into the o-conjiigation was completed, so that we have still less reason to wonder at irpopiro, iTridon'TO, than at irpirnvrai, kiriduivTai. For this reason irpoaxoivro, with which we may also compare wpoaxoi-ixi, is the only accentuation for which there is authority. Now between the optative and the conjunctive undoubtedly there is an analogy, and this is- the reason why lirio-xwirai, Trp6(r)(u) and the like are generally written, and we understand the view of the grammarian who in his rule gave the preference to this analogy. Finally we must touch upon one more peculiarity of the thematic formation. We have repeatedly expressed ourselves in opposition to the assumption that the long thematic vowel, in which lies the distinctive mark of the conjunctive, can be occasionally shortened again. Such an assumption had a kind of probability only so long as the short vowel in forms like 'i-o-/icv, e1S-o-fitv was not understood to be original, and that 72 Y 322 MOODS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. ch. xiv. in the sigmatic aorists, to wMch we shall return, could not be explained. After the disappearance of these apparent analogies, we shall hasdly make up our miuds to regard a short vowel in the place of a long one in the present-forms of thematic verbs as possible. In fact, in face of the enormous number of regular thematic conjunctives, there are only 9 forms which are suspected of having been abnormally shortened. Herm. Stier Stud. ii. 138 points out 8, to which we must add KeXevo/iev in ■*■ 659^802, a verse which Stier hag probably intentionally passed over. Of these 9 forms, in the first place one, viz. ip£wjj,cv A 62, has been quoted above (p. 313) as a regular formation on the analogy of verbs in -fii. The two conjunctives, which we find in immediate succession B 232 f. iva liicryeai ip i\6Tr]Ti ijv T avTos d7rov6t Koriaxeai may, as Stier saw, be made regular by writing an »/, fiiayriat, Kariaxriai, We find a shortened ij in jUpkriai A 380. How easily might the Copyists, misled by the false notion that the conjunctive admitted either quantity, make an error in transcribing the E ! One apparent present-conjunc- tive may be taken as an aorist, viz. 5 672 a>s &v inuTfivyeplos vavrtWerai eiVfKa irarpis] whether we write vavriXeTai with Paech, or with Stier assume an AeoUc form like diiv might easily give rise to the error. — Thus fom- forms are stUl left. Among them is S iS'i tS> Kai Kf Tis fSxfTai dvrjp yvcuTov iv\ pcyapouriv dp^t aXKrrjpa XmitrBai, where Gottfr. Hermann Opusc. iv. 41 regarded the conjunctive with K£ as intolerable, and by an easy emendation, confirmed by one M.S., wrote Kal re rtc- Op. La Roche ad loc. dxerai is here decidedly in- dicative. There is still less difficulty about * 659=802. &v8pe Sus) irepl TavSe KeXeiofiev, amtp Spi(TTa> wiig l^dX' dva(TXopifVt>) nerrXTfyefuv. Here the paraphrase published by Bekker takes the form as indicative {jrpoaraiTaoiitv) and there is nothing to prevent us from following it. In K 361 is S' oTt KapxapohovTe tva Kvvt, ei8drt Sr/pjit $ Kt/idb' ^i Xayaov iirdyrrov ffifuvit alii CH. XIV. CONJUNCTIVE. 323 the only difficulty about the indicative arises from the fact that 8 di re wpoOeTja-i ficfiriKwe follows. But Paech very properly remiads us of ^he reading recorded as that of Aristarchus. X&pov hv v\T]€VTa, o Se wpo64]jvri, Xa-)(bivri. Cretan expressions,. which might be quoted against this, like 8c Si Ka jli») (pvrevaei, on Si Ka firi -wpalovri I take with Kleemann (reliqu. dial. Oreticae Hal. 1872 p. 9) as future, like the Homeric : o'i Kt fit nut'iaovai. T 2 324 MOODS OF THE PEESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM, oh. xrv. 75 m. OPTATIVE. 'If we compare an optative form like Xiyo-i-fiEv with the correspond^ ing indicative form Xiyo-fxev, we are presented at once with the vowel i, as the sign of the optative, just as the short a- vowel previously appeared as the sign of the conjunctive. But a further examination shows that language did not content itself with this vowel alone. If we compare \iyo-i-fiEv with \i.yo-iE-v and do-iri-v, evidently a triple form of the mood- sign results : t ic ir\. In Sanskrit two of these three can be established with certainty. The verbs with a thematic vowel have, with the excep- tion of the 1 sing., i as the sign, e.g. hhare-ma i.e. hhara-i-ma = (^ipo-i-iiev, on the other hand in the other main conjugation ^a appears ; e.g. Ved. jSrjSr-m from the rt. ja go 3 sing, s-jd-t iov_as-jd-t = Gr. t-ii; for *e(T-a]. Schleicher thought he could recognize the intermediate ja in the 1 sing, of the thematic verbs, e.g. hhare-ja-m. But Delbriick regards this form as a purely phonetic and specifically Indian modification of *hhare-m, and hence assumes that from the i of the diphthong ai (Ind. e) before m, an a-sound was naturally developed. I must reserve my assent to this assumption, until there is some other confirmation of such a remarkable phonetic process. Another trace of this ja ' seems to be ofiered by the 3 plural. The Indian form hhare-jus is generally referred to *hharejant, which exactly corresponds to the Gk. ^e.po-iEv=Zdi. harajen. But it remains doubtful whether the a is a constituent of the personal termina- tion, as in ds-(m{t)=?i(Tav, or of the mood-element (cp. p. 49). Schleicher is inconsistent, on p. 699 dividing s-j-us for *sjant, but on p. 703 assuming *ia-ji-v as the earlier form of eXev. The remaining cognate languages give us, in their less known or less finely distinguished quan- tity, not more than two forms, or in part, only one, thus O. Lat. s-4e-m for *es-2e-?n = t-lrj-v by the side aifere-mus iox fm-oA-^nua = cfiepo-i-nev and similarly ste-t, ste-mus i.e. gta-i-t, sta-i-mus 76 unlike the G-k. ara-iri. Gothic has in the 1 sing. pres. e.g. h-aira-u, if this is rightly traced back to *baira-ju, and in the preterite e.g. her-ja-w, ber-ei-3 etc. a trace oija, while in the present elsewhere only i appears, e.g. baira-i-ma=(j>epo-i-fici: In Slavonic and, Lithuanian only i or even i is recognisable as a relic of the mood-syllable. With this mood-sign are united the secondary personal endings as a rule : and by the emplojrment of these an analogy is formed between the optative and the preterite, which is especially important for the usage of the Greek moods. But it is very remarkable that it is in Greek, which retains the piimary endings for the conjunctive more consistently than any other language, and which has worked out most delicately the distinction of meaning between the conjunctive and the optative, that we find a surprising exception, the 1 sing, of thematic verbs in o-i-fii, e.g. d)ipo-i-ui. We discussed this case on p. 28, and there regarded the primary ending as an instance of high antiquity, as a relic of that earlier period in which the division of primary and secondary terminations had not yet CH. XIV. OPTATIVE. 325 been fully established. On p. 31 we discussed the traces of the regular V in Tpifoiv, afiapToiv. The completely isolated Homeric 3 sing, with a primary ending irapa8airjtri K 346 we thought on p. 40 we must regard ■as an aberration of the linguistic sense on the part of a later imitative poet. As to the origin of the optative formation, comparative grammar has from the first been inclined to recognise a significant element in the syllable ja, which acts as forming the optative by the side of i and- jd. The various attempts at a further explanation turn essentially upon two points in dispute, viz. first upon the origin of this syllable, and secondly upon the relation of the shorter form i to the longer. As to the origin, the relation of the optative to the future is of much impor- tance for this. The future in -sjd-rm, e.g. dd-sjd-^mi _{S sing. dd-sj-a-ti)= Dor. lia-a'ua contains, as is generally admitted on the ground of the close connexion of meaning between the optative and the future, the same ja •as that here discussed, only in composition with the rt. as. In other words dd-8-jd-mi comes from the rt. da and *as-jd-mi, and this *as-jd-mi takes its stand with its full personal ending by the side of *as-jd-m the 77 primitive form of the optative of the rt. as be, which makes use of the secondary ending. This combination led me in my essay ' Zur Chrono- logie ^ ' p. 59 ff., following the previous investigations of others, to the hypothesis that the optative syllable is essentially identical with the present expansion ja. Hence as we believed we could explain the conjunctive from a particular kind of the present indicative, so we see in another expanded indicative formation the source of the optative. Hence, according to this view, the modal application of certain verbal forms arose throughout from the temporal, especially from the denotation of what we call'' kind of time.' Benfiey (Gottingen 1871) has subjected the origin of the optative to a thorough investigation. I can agree with him in several negative contentions. Thus with Benfey.I regard the hypothesis of Schleicher, that the ja of the optative is connected with the pronominal-stem ja, as unsatisfactory. For though Schleicher .certainly had not in view the relative, and evidently later application of the stem ja, but probably only thought of a nominal stem-formation after the fashion of the present stems in a, na, nu, yet it is impossible to assent to such & view, so long as the meaning remains completely unexplained. On another point too I agree with Benfey : we cannot be satisfied, as Schleicher is, with the . simple assumption of 'intensification' for the relation between j& and jd. For although sometimes else- where, e.g. for indicative forms like (or dd-ja-mi) may be explained very well from the meaning ' I desire eagerly or strive to give.' On the other hand for the second and third persons we could not get from ' thou strivest to give,' ' he strives to give ' either the optative meaning in the narrower sense ' mayest thou give,' ' may he give,' or the potential ' you will doubtless give,' ' he will doubtless give.' Hence if we do not wish to assume that the meaning of the mood first stamped itself upon the first person, and thence exteiided itself, to a certain extent abusively, to the others, we must give up the notion of looking for intensive forms in the elements of the optative. It would be easier to get from the unstrengthened root of going to the 79 main functions of the optative through the intermediate conception of a tendency towards something. In this way the force of wishing would be given originally for the first person exclusively : ' I am going to give ' in the sense of ' I am inclined to give ; ' for the second and third the force of the potential, which borders on the future : ' thou art going to give ' (cp. French tu vas dormer) i.e. 'thou wilt doubtless give,' 'he is going to give,' i.e. ' he will doubtless give.' We can also well understand how in a later period of the language, after the origin of the form, which had by this time become an actual modal form, had disappeared from consciousness, the distinction of the persons, which we have presupposed, also completely vanished, and the first person might be used with a potential force as much as the second and third with an optative force. However, even the Greeks of the historic time had the dualism of the modal function hovering before them, when they, partly under our very eyes, created a special exponent by means of the particle av for the one main appli- cation, viz. the potential usage, and thus acquired the evident advan- tage of being able to distinguish rigorously in independent sentences between the potential and the strictly optative functions. But there is another point to which due importance has not been given in earlier attempts to explain the optative. In giving in Ohronol.* 59 the comparison {a)8-ja-n(f) : as-a-nt(i) = svid-ja-nti : bharornti ca. xiT. OPTATIVE. 327 I did not altogether overlook the difference of quantity in the a found in many forms, but I did not lay proper stress upon it. The present formation -as-jd-mi (Lat. ero for *esio) which underlies the future ending sja-mi .(Gr. -aiio) agrees indeed in the 1 sing, with the optativfe {a)s-jdm (=Lat. siem for *es-ie-m), but this is to a certain extent, so far as the quantity is concerned, merely accidental. The 3 sing, is in the future ending *{a)s-ja-ti, but in the optative (a)s-jd-t. The same distinction appears in most of the remaining personal forms. I have already mentioned that Benfey justly brings this distinction into greater promi- nence ■ than his immediate predecessors. Benfey, following a casual suggestion of Bopp's (§ 715), conjectures that the long a in (a)s-ja-t is related to the short a in (a)s-ja-ti just as bhard-ti is to hhara-ti ; in 80 other words that it betrays a conjunctive formation. If this combina- tion is correct, there are properly in the optative two forms differing in principle, in the first place indicatives of the present formation in_/a for the whole thematic conjugation, e.g. *bhara-ja-mi (Skt. bhare-ja-m), and secondly conjunctives of the same formation for the conjugation without the thematic vowel, e-.g. *da-jd-mi (Skt. de-jdm, Gr. So-lri-v). As it is indisputable that the meanings of the moods only gradually got marked off and not in the least in opposition to each other, we cannot be much surprised if formations of such a different origin came to coincide in force. For according to what seemed to Us probable, under the head of the conjunctive, as to its origin, there was originally no greater difference between bhar-ti, he bears, and bhara-ti, (if) he bear, than between ' he bears ' and ' he is a bearer.' Hence it seems to me not unreasonable to suppose that at the time when the optative began to form itself, the usage of language still wavered in its decision as to whether it should develope the new form from an indicative, or from the conjunctive which was not by any means sharply opposed to this, but which was already a distinct form. Thus we can explain the fact that relics of both methods of formation are preserved to us. Optative forms of the so-called second main conjugation in Sanskrit in fact cannot be distinguished phonetically from conjunctives of the so-called fourth class. E.g. Of-jd-m might just as well be a conjunctive with a secondary ending from an indicative a^-ja-mi, as an optative of the rt. ag without present expansion (which it really is) : though in the forms from a-stems or the so-called first main conjugation phonetic modification prevents confusion with indicatives of the foiu^jh class. Even in the period of the united life, in those roots, which employed no thematic vowel,' the heavy form with the originally conjunctive a established itself {-jd-m, jd-s,jd-t etc.) ; but in thematic formations, the stem of which was already weighty enough of itself, the lighter {-ja-m, *ja-s (i-s), *ja-t (i-t) etc.). If this view is correct — ^though no one can fail to see how hard it is for us in allj^these questions to arrive at the ultimate facts — ^we get a glance into the gradual growth of the forms, and obtain this series ; present expansion (kind of time) — conjunctive — optative, 81 the former developed from an earUer, the latter from another and later method of expansion, partly by the help of the earlier conjunctive. It is true that our view rests upon the assumption that for certain forms the mood-syllable was originally not i but ja, and that the third form of the mood element, the simple i, is weakened from ja. But the latter presumption has so many analogies in its favour that it will hardly 328 MOODS OF THE PEESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. ch. xit. meet with any serious opposition, and if we can explain the syllable ja in optative forms, without having recourse to the assumption of a purely phonetic expansion of the a, which is certainly not free from objections, such an explanation will, I think, deserve the preference. "We shall come back to the question of the relation of ja {le) to i in the consideration of some particular forms. Here I only wish to bring forward one more point, which seems to me not wholly unimportant. Delbriick in his ' Altindisches Verbum,' p. 195, points out that optative forms can be ' in part very rarely ' quoted from the Veda. Evidently the conjunctive in this ancient record of Arian language is a miuih more common mood than the optative. Now if we were right in assuming that the latter only by degrees, so to say, separated itself from the indicative of the i- or Ja-class, it is probable that this separation only brought about as its latest effect the formation of optatiyes with the mood-sign _;'« (i) from those stems, which had this syllable already as a present-expansion or a so-called class-sign. And hence it is noteworthy that forms of this kind, e.g. pag-je-s i.e. *pag-ja-i-s from a still earlier *pah-ja-ja-s (videas), according to Delbriick, though they do occur, are very rare. Perhaps we may explain this fact by saying that in the time of 'the Vedas the last step in the path of separation had not yet been very long effected, and that therefore, in other words, the mood as such Still showed signs of its origin from the tense. For a mood can only be regarded as completely established for the linguistic sense, when it can be formed from every tense-stem. The Indians seem as a rule never to have attained with full clearness to the consciousness of the difference 82 in principle between tense-forms and mood-forms, for they possess in their terminology no expression for mood whatever. We now turn from these attempts to get an insight into the first establishment of the mood-forms, to the actually extant Greek optatives. The forms arrange themselves simply in three groups, the first contain- ing those of the so-called verbs in -fit, the second those of the thematic verbs, and the third the deviations and the variations between the first and the second. 1) Optatives of the Verbs without a Thematic Vowel. The mood-syllable has in the three persons of the singular the form -jT/^Skt. ^a, Zd. ya, Lat. ie, while the e in the 3 plur., with the excep- tion of the later formation in -aav to be mentioned afterwards, is always short. Evidently /BoTtc as 3 plur. is related to jSaiijv as 1 sing, precisely as etiOev to etjAjji', Dor. t^av to efav ; and as we explained the short vowel in the preterite of the indicative by the influence of a double consonant once present, and forming position, we naturally do the same here. Zend offers the similar ending j^-n ; Sanskrit has altered the a (here too shortened) into u and ni to s {-jit-s). The agreement of Greek with Latiu in the e-sound, as compared with the Indian a, deserves notice. The only form with a belonging here hitherto discovered in Greek is the 3 sing. 'taz=e"Lri with the 3 pi. trvriav (cp. aworivoiav) on the old Elean fparpa C. 1. G. 11 [Cauer Del. Inscr. p. 135] with the Boeotian irapiiav (Keil Sylloge p. 14, 3, 4). But we must not fail to take into account also the so-called Aeolic forms of the siginatic aorist, like riaeia, TiaeiAs, Tiatiav, to which we shall return in a subsequent chapter. CH. XIV. OPTATIVE OF NON-THEMATIC VERBS. 329 Vedic forms, whicli entirely agree with Homeric forms, are de-ja-m = ho-irj-v o 449 dhe-ja-m = 6c-ir}-v E 2r5 ^m-ja-s = yvo-i'ij-r r 53 dhe^VrS = 6e-2c-v A 363. The e of the root-syllable for an original d rests upon a specially Indian phonetic affection. Compare further (a)s-jd-t = e-"ri 0. Lat. {e)s-ie-t (a)s^'vrs = clev (Zd. qh-ji-n) O. Lat. (e)s-je-?ii. For the contraction of the radical « with the mood-element i, shown °^ in the Homeric avaSuij t 377, Itr} v 286 o- 348, the Vedic hhu-jd- m,a equivalent in formation to a Greek *v-ir]-ij.ev is instructive. The Homeric form ieir) T 209, at first sight a surprising one, of which we have the plural wepi-ietEv in C. I. G. 1688 1. 18, according to Boeckh's reading, has its cotinterpart in the Vedic 1 sing, jd-ja-m.- li-iri-v is regularly formed from the stem u, which is to Skt. jd as 6e to dhd. le=jd is expanded from i. Op. p. 121. On the other hand the unmistakeably synonymous form eiriv £, 496, ii 139 is quite imparalleled.^ Buttmann A. Gr. i.2 541 conjectured that the diphthong here rested upon a con- fusion between ei and Z. For *'fj;-i'=i-i»;-i' (cp. Skt. 1 plur. i-jd-ma) would be really the complete analogue of Svrjv. The mistake might have been occasioned by the ei of the indicative. But it is also conceivable that £'ir]v was only a variant for kiJiv, so that both would correspond to the above-mentioned Vedip jd-jd-m, the former with the loss, the latter with the vocalisation of the^'. Other Homeric forms of similar formation, in some cases retained also in later times, are fta-lri-v Q, 246, k.Ki-fia-'ie-v 512, oto-i'jj a 256, Tka-u-v P 490, (pa-Lri-q V 220, (pQa-lr) N-815, a0-£-jj; V 317, KLxe-'in B 188, aKo-itj-v or aXtftiv X 253 (cp. o 300, where La Roche regards^ kev davarov fvyoi rj Kcv aXwrf as possible [cp. Merry on ^ 183]). For the first two persons of the plural the Homeric language has only forms without the e, Kke jpa-'i-fiEv B 81, ho-l-fitv N 378, hiZo-'i-Tt X 357, airo-lo-l-Tt X 61, 6e-T-fiEV fi 347, etti-Oe-I-te il 264, E-i-TE

Qtiu.ev, voioifiev, (ialfiey. The addition vXrjv (j)v\a.TT£adai Set to KUKOiptovov, ivda av ruj^jj, iJic cm rov (iaire Kal (JTatre Kal tSiv biiolwv deserves no serious consideration. Compare ivfi^atrjuev Thuc. iv. 61 ^ji^aljjxv Eurip. Phoen. 690 ifi^airiiKv Xen. Anab. v. 6, 12 hoirjiuv Xen. Cyr. v. 3, 2 boiiuv Plat. Rep. x. 607 d bolrfre „ „ iv. 6, 47 Herod, vii. 135 da-2-o, dt-l-ro, yvo-l-ro. In the Homeric iaivvro €1 665 and the . corresponding 3 pi. laivvar' a 248 the t (cp. Iv-q p. 329) has left the only trace of its existence in the length of the preceding v. And here Greek again coincides with Sanskrit and Zend, where I is the only sign of the optative in the middle, so that the Greek tSeItq has the advantage over the corresponding Vedic dadhlta at'least in the retention of the radical vowel. After we have taken this rapid survey of the facts of the case, we are led on to the question bf the historical relation of the shorter forms to the 86 longer ones. With regard to Greek, it is very rarely that any doubt is expressed upon the point. The old grammarians talk, as we saw, of an anofioXri of the rj, for which Choeroboscus (Herodian ed. Lentz. ii. 824, 31) uses the expression ovyKoin^. The accent also points to the priority of the longer form, for it is only thus that we can understand the dif- ference between SiSolre, StSoTro and XajSoire, yivoiTo. We must not in- deed deny that hiZo'uv, which cannot in any case come from liloiriaav, is also properispomenon. But here, as elsewhere, there is no difficulty in the assumption that analogy was an essential source of the accent. Among modern grammarians the view that the shorter forms are con- tracted has been the prevalent one. Ahrens 'Ueber die Conjugation auf MI ' p. 15 was the first to set against it another, starting from the shorter forms, and regarding the »/ of the longer as ' strengthening.' But such an assumption is so entirely opposed to the conception which runs through the whole of the modern science of language, that it will hardly find any adherents. Benfey has disputed the contraction from another side. He lays great weight upon the fact that the sign of the optative in three languages, viz. in Sanskrit, Zend and Greek, consists for the middle in the simple I, while for the active, at least over a wide range, it consists in ja, and that there is not a single trace of the full syllable ja in the middle in any one of these languages. The last-mentioned fact loses somewhat of its importance from the circumstance that in Zend we find at least one isolated form, quoted by Benfey himself, dai-d-ya-ta answering to a Greek *li-lo-ie-To, from which it is plain that at any rate the sylk,ble j'a, accord- ing to our view the earliest form of the mood-suffix, was not wholly foreign to the Arian middle. Now the middle terminations are thuough- out heavier than those of the active ; and thus there was more induce- ment to contraction. Hence we can hardly be surprised to find that this process went on independently in the three families of speech. For we might venture to assume the shorter form even for the period of their common life. From the stahdpoint of the classical languages it would be a strange notion to derive loifitv, aralre, SiaKpivdEifiev and Lat. simus, 87 sltis, velimus from forms like loi-qfxcv, siemus etc., but to deny the Uke origin for" ZlIoXto, duuQs.- The optative forms like ayatro, iTriirrmirde, which are otherwise accented, will be discussed under 3). 332 MOODS OF THE PRESENT A5D SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. ch. xiv. 2) Optatives of the Veebs with a Thematic Vowel. The thematic vowel invariably combines with the modal i to form the diphthong oi, which answers to the Sanskrit and Latin e {=ai) epo-iev We discussed on p. 328 the character of the vowel in the 3 plur. It is noteworthy that in Homer the regular form of the 3 plur. mid. is that in -oiaro : ycrolaro, (nztp-)(olaTo, fiu^aro A 467, weSoiaro, TO^aiolaro, with the one exception of A 344, where the harsh hiatus OTnrmr oi jrapa c^ji/o-t (root paxfoivro 'Axoiv (incorrectly as we have seen) a 'foraia inaudita quam finxit I. B.,' attempts to get rid of the difficulty by striking out the preceding line as an ' imperita rhapsodi alicuius inter- polatio.' The other passages are all not convincing, so that Bergk is right in saying that this form has but weak support in literature. 3) Fluctuations and Variations. "We have here to do in part with the same phenomena, which we learnt to recognise above p. 320 ff. in the conjunctive. But in the optative some points present themselves in a greater diversity of shapes, inasmuch as in the active there is a greater variety of endings. The fluctuations in the case of the. optative are of two kinds. We find on 89 the one. hand in verbs in -fit by-forms following the thematic rule, on the other hand, what is more surprising, in thematic verbs by-forms with the peculiarities of the verbs without thematic vowels : thus we have eoifti as well as E'iriv, and on the other hand tcowItiv as well as iroiolfii. The manner in which the thematic method of formation gradually overgrew the other shows itself in two ways in the optative, just as it did in the conjunctive. Either the thematig o takes the place of the radical vowel, or it is suffixed to this vowel. Compare evi-doipro and dtlvTo with e-o-i and e'iri. The accentuation of the optatives of the first kind was discussed on p. 321, so that I need not return to it here. Among the optatives of this kind we find two of a peculiar character : iotriv and (T\oiriv. If we remember the Homeric form Ui-qv, mentioned on p. 329,, which approximates to the infinitive Uvai, it is very natural to bring ioirtv into a special relation with this, giving the equation loiijl' : UlrfV = BolfifBa ', Bei/ieda and thus to regard the o not as suffixed, but as originatiug from the e. I am not shaken in this view by the fact that Sie^wirj}' and the like cannot be quoted from any author earlier than Xenophon and Isocrates (v. 98 ; vi. 42). The form might have been long in use, and it might be by pure chance that it does not occur earlier in the extant texts. For on .what analogy could t-o-t-fit (if we are to derive it from a stem expanded by an o) become loiriv ? We shall see immediately that this fuller form only makes its way into the thematic conjugation in a strictly limited circle of forms, in the case of which it admits of complete explanation. We have further the entirely isolated Homeric in-io-xo/j/s S 241 ra K€v iTTiirxoiTjs \17rapovs irodas elXarrivd^tav, The Ven. A. has the reading iiriaxoit-e, the Palimps. Sjrr. eirurxoiac. Fi'om the scholium we see that Herodian read eirlaxoiec, an unexampled form, which he supposed he could explain either by the ' pleonasm '■ of the £ or from a shortening of the rj. kirlaxoiaQ is quite as unprecedented : it might perhaps be compared with fteiveiac and other so-called Aeolic forms of the sigmatic aorist, which we touched upon on p. 332. enaxoiric, 90 the reading of Alexander of Cotyaea, finds support in the Attic axoivv (Isocr. i. 45),' axoin (Plat. Apol. 34 a), trxoiriTav (Hyperides pro Euxen. col. xlii. 19). Now if we remember that the aorist-stem v, the only form in use. The forms tote and tot find a support in the Latin -ses, -set oi pos-sem, es-set (for ed-set). Besides these I can only compare Oiotro which appears occasionally in Herodotus {trpogQioiTo i. 53, virodeoiro vii. 237; on the other hand irpoQelTo iii. 148). For "loi (S? 21), according to what has been said above, is rather to be taken as moulded on loirjv for Uirjv, and is related to loiriv as viripaxoi (dis- cussed above) is to Eiriaxoiriv, though certainly the participle iwy sug- gests the parallel with tot, ii)v. These scanty traces of an added vowel make it extremely improbable that, as has often been assumed, in all the optatives of the verbs in fu with the sound oi the analogy of the con- tracted verbs was followed. The course of formation was not srpojfleTro wpoiOeotTO 7rpo£0oTro, but irpoidelTO (and Trposdeiro), irpogdotro (and TrposBoiTo). This view solves for us a riddle, otherwise hardly intelligible, in the fact (one which contravenes the whole course of the verbal structure), that the contracted verbs, as well as the contracted futures which are analogous to them, though undoubtedly thematic in their formation, yet deviate into the analogy of the non-thematic verbs. The older grammar regarded the so-called Attic forms like 'iroioir)v, rifi^riQ as hy no means • imorieoiTo Herod, iii. 41 has weak authority : Stein writes SirtrWeTo. ' The Cretan form iruvitovro C. I. 2554, 2, which Ahrens regards aa an err, points to a still wider extension of the thematic o. OH. XIV. VABIATIOKS OF THE ORDINARY OPTATIVE. 335 surprising by-forms of the shorter like TroioXfit, Tifj^fit, But a little re- flexion upon the course of the developement of the Greek verbal structure shows us at once that such forms are really quite as astonishing as an occasional *X£yivai by the side of Xiyctv or dyw/ii by the side of Hyia •would be. But it has been fully proved above p. 246 ff., that the con- tracted verbs, for which the AeoUans retained very extensively the analogy of the verbs in /ii, show even outside this dialect unmistakeable traces of such inflexion, and that various phonetic phenomena point with certainty to a general extension of the Aeolic inflexion in earlier times. It is therefore a priori probable that this phenomenon also may be ranged with the others. Before we discuss this any further, it will be necessary to point 92 out the actual facts as to the occurrence of these forms, for which col- lections have been made by Fischer ad VeUerum ii. 345, Matthiae i. § 198, 2, Kiihner i. p. 544, Wecklein Curae epigraphicae 31, La Eoche, Ztsch. f. 6. Gymn. Sept. 1874, p. 424 fi". In Homer there are only two instances: (piXoiri S 692, and (popoiri t_320, while optatives like fdovioifii \ 381, KoKiot, iiriipBovEOic, 6[iopoveot£, vciKelot, if/xi ir 85, i^ v 12, Spmotfit o 317, fifiiioifii H 157 are far more common. On the various forms of the verbs in aw in Homer Mangold Stud. vi. 208 ff. gives full informa- tion. The so-called Attic forms appear also here and there on Ionic inscriptions : thus C. I. 3044 airtSolri, avtadeolri (1. 51) by the side of iroiot (1. 43); and in Herodotus, but here too still as rare exceptions; thus -iroioirj vi. 35 (v. 1. irowt, iroiirf), ivop^rj i. 89 by the side of TTOiioi/xi V. 106, koKeoi i. 11. From Hippocrates too a few instances are quoted. They occur, as isolated forms, among the JDorians, e.g. C. I. 2556, 47 aSiKolri, Epicharm. fragm. 33 Ti'j 8e KO X^i) yeve(r6ai p,rj (jiOovoi/ievos ^iXor ; where, according to the principle established by Hugo Weber in his paper on the particle ku, we must write Kav. In the Argive treaty of alliance (Thuc. v 79) we find Soko/ij. On the other hand we have in Alcman p. 89 B.' yi/cji, in the Locrian iiiscij^ption of Chaleion or Oean- theia 1. 2 avXa, 1. 4 aSiKoavXu, 1. 6 iiETafoiKEoi, 1. 8 irpo^cveoi, and on the Delphic inscription C. I. 1688 i^wpKEoifii (cp. k^iopKioificv in the Cretan inscription published by Bergmann 1. 71). We see from this that the name 'Attic' for the fuller forms is only so far correct, that they be- come more common and almost the rule in Attic. For from the time of the tragedians the longer forms occur, and in prose they become in time much more common than the shorter ones. The following statement may make this plain : Aesoh. Suppl. 1064 airoiTTcpoiri Prom. 978 voa-oiix av „ Ag. 1049 amiBoiris Soph. 0. E. 1470 boKotfu Soph. Antig. 70 bp^s „ Phil, 895 Spa/u „ Trach. 902 dvrt^rj Eur. Hel. 1019 abii\T]e-ir]v, ■*SovXti)E-ir]v, *viKae-iri-v. These forms were variously modified. By contraction there came about the Aeolic forms i^ikdriv, for which there is good authority, as well as for oiKelriv (cp. Ahrens Aeol. 140), SovXolrjv, viKair)v, the last two not being established by quotations, but presumable on analogy. On the other hand here, as in so many other forms, the very common o made its way into the place of the e : *avolriv and the like need no further explanation. The case is different with the optatives of the perfect like veiroidolt]. We shall come back to these forms in dealing with the perfect. We may simply mention here that the vowel of the perfect-stem in dSelriv, Sehcirjv is treated exactly like a stem-vowel, so that here too no difficulty is presented by the method of explanation just set forth. There is thus only one group of forms left, which is surprising, the Lesbian Aeolic optatives in -oirjv or -oijv from thematic aorists (Ahrens Aeol. 132). For' these we have really two witnesses,' the scholium on S 241, mentioned above, in which there are quoted as analogies to the Homeric ^t/rxotijc from the work of Alexander of Cotyaea irtpl Travro- Sctwwv, ' ioirjv nal ay ay olriv iruph 2a7r(toi' and ' Tresrayoi jj v Trap' 'EvTToKili,' and Etym. Magn. p. 558, 28 "Eori Xaxoifii, Xaxotc, Xax"'' rovTO ylverai Kara TrXeovaafiov tov rj 'AttikG/c; Xa^oi j/' tlra irpog^etrei rov £ Xavotjjc' KOi Tpoirij tov s £'? ^) yivsrai to irpwroV Kal awo(io\y AhXiK^ TOV I Xaxo-qv (cp. Anecd. Oxon. ii. 204, Choeroboscus ii. 772). Hence' the fragment of Sappho preserved by ApoUon. de syntaxi 247 (£r. 9 B.') is undoubtedly read correctly thus : al6' €ya, ^pveroore'i/jai/' 'AoQ. The loss of I has its analogies, as Ahrens has shown in § 16, in a widely extended uncertainty of the i between vowels among the AeoHans, which points to a semi-vocaHc pronunciation, and of which we found a trace in the Elean 'ia^A-q on p. 328. For barytone verbs Ahrens Aeol. 133 quotes regular forms like Savoig, xn'po'cOa as at the same time Lssbian. 338 VERBAL NOUNS OF PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM, ch.xv. CHAPTEE XV. VERSAL NOUJSrS OF THE PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. Of the forms of the two stems hitherto discussed there remain now only the infinitives and the participles, i.e. the formations which on p. 2 we described as verbal nouns. Though the more uniform, extension of the participles through the various branches of the Indo-Germanic languages makes it hardly doubtful that the verbal adjectives or par- ticiples were fixed at an earlier date than the petrified case-forms of abstract substantives, which we call infinitives, we will still keep tothe traditional order, and begin with the latter. I. INFINITIVES. In the formation of the infinitives we meet with a variety, which is quite surprising, when compared with the uniformity in the form of the ) moods. Not merely do the different branches of the cognate languages show important differences in the form of the infinitive, as we shall have to explain further on, but even the Greek dialects, which elsewhere show hardly any but phonetic variations in the formation of the verbal forms, differ considerably in the formation of the active infinitive from the stems here mentioned and also from the perfect, while for the middle and, to notice this at the same time, for the sigmatio aorist, they offer us the usual spectacle of essential identity. We shall return further on to the significance of this remarkable difference, which hitherto has re- ceived but little attention ; but our task for the present is to represent the variety as accurately as possible. •The various infinitive forms of the Greek language can be best arranged in five groups : those in -/xevat and -[tev : e.g. tfta/xcvai, eXOc/icv, redvafxivai. those in -vai : e.g. yvH-vai, fa-pai, ycyove-vai. those in -ei', -riy, -eiv : e.g. Cret. ^iptv, Aeol. e'lirriv, Homer. (^vyieiv. those of the sigmatio aorist : leii,ai, afivvai, those in -aQai throughout the whole middle voice. It is only the first three groups which need a more thorough dis- cussion. What we are struck with at once is a very extraordinary variation, in the case of the primitive verbs, i.e. those which have no thematic vowel, between the first and the second group, in the case of the thematic formations between the first and the third group. In the language of Homer this variation reaches its height. We may see in this one of the many proofs of the unmistakeable fact that this language established itself in the mouth of epic singers under the crossing influences of different dialects. From the root eg there are five forms : efin^yai, ifievai, eftfiev, 'ifitv, and Jvoi, the last already the most CH. XV. INFINITIVES. 339 EpEixEV — imifiev H 373, iXBi/xEv A 247, ^ayifiev k 386. On the other ha£d the Dorians have iuade the form in -fj.Ev the regular one for non-thematic verbs (Ahr. Dor. 315). This form may be established as Cretan {?.iS6fiEv C. I 3048), Laconian (awoSoficv 1334), Heraclean (-^/xev tab. Heracl. i. 75 etc.), Delphian (e7/j£v Wescher-Foucart i. 2, 7), Locrian {c£,E'tfiev Stud. ii. 453, 1. 3, 8), Corcyraean (avaOifiEv C. I. 1841), and S3T:'acusan (wpolihofjEv Epich. fr. 71, Ahrens), and is abundantly represented in Piadar by the side of the rare Ionic form Zovvai (ridEfiEv Pyth. i. 40, orajtifv Pyth. iv. 2) ; cp. G. A. Peter de dial. Pindari p. 63. The few instances of the kind in the Attic drama are discussed by Gerth Stud. i. 2, 257. The 98 Aeolians are much less consistent. We have indeed Boeot. ElixEv=Elvai 0. I. 1562, 63, i:apTEprjfiEv Athen. x. p. 417 b, and Thessalian SofiEv •(Ahrens Dor. p. 529,' 1. 12), but the Lesbian Aeolians always said iiraivrjv (and auTj/ut), avrX-qv, vUav, o/xvvv (Conze) : we also find in Conze xii. C. 1. 12, ira.pr)r^=Trapi7rai (from irapirifxi : a\ Zei irap-qv avTOiQ TCLc Sitae), which modifies the rule of Ahrens Aeol. 315, that mono- syllabic stems always had the ending -jXEvai. There are further the Arcadian forms rfi'ai, aTrEtdrjvm, KaTv(j>povijvai (Michaelis in Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1861, p. 594), which are of importance in forming our judgment on the Homeric dialect. Evidently the same variety prevailed among the Aeolians as with Homer. For there is an agreement also in the fact z 2 340 VERBAL NOUNS OF PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM, ch.^xt. that at any rate with the Boeotians and Thessalians there are infinitives in -fiev from thematic verbs. Boeot. ^ayifitv (Ahrens Dor. 523)^ Kpiilifitv Strattis in a Bgeotian passage (Ahrens Aeol. 210), (j>ipiixty (Recueil d'inscriptions de B^otie par Decharme, no. xxv), Thessal. vTrapx^fif, iyypaoprjjji.Ev, and none from passive stems like *i^iafxfjfiei', *Sof)ijfiei', though forms of this kind are common among the Dorians. To the Aeolians, however, such forms seem to b& quite as unknown as to Homer. Length by position appears in ifi^cv, which occurs five times in Homer (S 364, ? 334, tt 419, r 289, x 210) with the variants efifiey and civai, and also ia'tSfXEv (A 719).— Three Homeric infinitives have a surprising long vowel before the endings -fievat or -/UEv, ridijixevai ^ 83, 247, 'i/jicvat Y 365, and l^evyvvfxev II 145, which violates the rule just given. Of these ndrifievai has been left- unassailed, for it is evidently formed upon the analogy of k-aXfi/xepai K 125, KixnjXEvai O 274. For t/jcrai, however, G. Hermann Opusc. i. 242 has proposed "ijxjxEvai, supported by an unintelligible passage in the 99 Et. M. p. 467, 20, for ^evyi'vfiev ^evyyvfxfiEy which has no support what- ever. I. Bekker (Horn. Bl. i. 69) approves of both, but has only ad- mitted the former into his text. The model from which this suggestion: is derived is apofifiEtat Hes. Op. 22, where the reading is by no means certain, so that we ought perhaps to write simply apw/^£>'ai, a form with an Aeolic colouring after the pattern of the Homeric opiifjEvai (cp> aXo)fiEyat). For the two Homeric verbs we must conjecturally assume a transition to the analogy of the thematic verbs ; {.e.^'fiEyai is contracted from *iEiiEvai (cp. li)v, "loini), l^EvyvvjXEV from ^l^EvyvvifXEv (cp. ^Evyvvov T 393). If anyone finds this assumption over-bold, he may remember that '(Evyvv^i and opyvfji are the only two verbs in -/xi which form an infinitive in Homer. The view that syllables naturally short can become long, by what is supposed to be the easier road of the doubhng of the consonant, rests vipon a false application of the irregularities occurring with the augment, discussed on p. 78. — I. Bekker (Horn. Bl. i. 147) shows that the forms in -rinEvai as well as those in -e/uec were favoured by the preference for a dactylic ending at the close of the fourth foot. The most curious of all infinitives are those in -fiEw, quoted from inscriptions among some of the Dorians, especially among the Rhodians and their Sicilian colonists; these all come from roots without the thematic vowel : Rhod. TrporSEfiEiv 0. I. 2525 b, 1. 99, eIjxeiv 2905 c. 7, Gelan hvadifiEiv 5475, 1. 25., Agrig. t'i/iEiv, avaBEfXEiv, cnrohi/jELv 5491, 1. 18, 23, 24. In Epicharmus, too, Ahrens Dor. 315 thinks he finds traces of an ending -fJ-Etv, and in the appendix he adds avotKohofiridfinEiv from an inscription from Telos near Rhodes published by Ross. This termination, is evidently confined within very narrow limits. It deserves notice that these same inscriptions give us in part the strange form TrapEcaxvrat, napEnrxnoQai (Ahr. 341), that is, another instance of ft in the place of a wide-spread t. 266, ■wepi^vvai w 236, and more common than all eliai. The present form li&ovvat occurs as a quite isolated case in ii 425, and must be placed among the numa-ous linguistic peculiarities of this book. AH these forms are not established as Lesbian Aeolic ; how slight the traces of them in Doric are is shown by Ahrens p. 316. Even in Pindar, according to Peter p. 63 IziKvvvai. 101 (fr. 171 Boeckh) is quite isolated. On the other hand we find in the Arcadian dialect ■^vni=tlvai (Teg. 10), aTreidijyat, Karw^por^rai (ib. 49) answering to the Homeric tlvai and (poprjvai (cp. above p. 339). 3) Third Group : Infintives in -ev {-ew, -r}v). In the formation of the infinitive from verbs with a thematic vowel the Greek dialects agree very much more than in that of verbs in -jxi. The old forms in fievai and -fitv grow antiquated much sooner after a thematic vowel. From the very earliest times we meet with infinitives in -ill- (Aeol. -r)v, Dor. -tv) everywhere on Greek soil. Even in Homer this ending is far more common in the present than the m-formation. Jf I may trust my collections, there are 151 infinitives in -iiv (including 342 VERBAL NOUNS OF PEESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. CH. xv. the contracted verbs) against 84 m-formations. In this statement all compounds are reckoned along with the simple verb as one. It is espe- cially noteworthy that the contracted verbs can only form their iofi- nitive in two ways, either in the Aeolic fashion : KaXfi/xevat, (poprjvai, or with the ending -ev, whether tincontracted, Trepaav, oxiuv or con- tracted viiKtiv, TTeipat'. We might indeed conceive of forms in -cefiev, -atjiev or -ufitv, -afiev, but nothing of the kind is heard of. Evidently- the formation of the iafinitives in -fxevat and -fiev established itself at a time in. which there were not yet any contracted verbs ia the later sense of the word. When these came up and formed their infini- tives in a manner corresponding to the other flexion, the forms of the third group, which by this time had been quite usual, were selected ; by the side of these it was only Aeolic forms like ^opfmevai which held their ground here and there in the usage of the minstrels. The present infinitives in -uv are Ionic in the wider sense, hence- they are also Attic ; but besides they are also current in the so-called milder Doric (Ahrens Dor. 170), and hence they have been recently quoted e.g. from the Locrian dialect (dveiv, ayew, (jiapEtv, Allen Stud. iii. 237). The Lesbian Aeolians used -iji' instead (Ahrens Aeol. 89). On inscriptions we find (7i/ju0£|O»;v (0. I. no. 2166, 29), apiciriv, ixVt ^'ftypa- ^r)v (no. 3524r, 17, 29, 37), (jtevyrjv (Sauppe de duabus inscr. Lesbiacis Gott. 1870, p. 24), in M.SS. Hyw (Sappho 1, 19), KpiK,jy (ib. 90), fpov- 102 TtirBriv (41, 2), on the strength of which ->;i' is universally written in the infinitive in Sappho and Alcaeus. The same termination is frequently denoted as Doric by grammarians; but, as Ahrens (p. 158) shows, this, can at most be the case for some branches of Doric, especially for La- conian. In Theocritus -rjv as an infinitive termination is not certain. Instead of this we find the shorter ending -ej' (Ahrens, p. 176) abun- dantly established from difierent sections of Doric. There is the evidence of inscriptions for the Cretan forms (pipev, rUTev, avayiviiaKev, irwsiiiiv (Helbig p. 33), the Heraclean ayypcKbtv, 'ixey, inrapx^v (Meister Stud. iv.. 421), the Theraean kyypavyoi aiirvv oXedpov, A 263 'iil3a\eii', kviairuv, iXQuv, iSeiv, Oaielv'), in the Scutum, which for the most part comes nearer to the Homeric language, 5 aorist infinitives in -cuv occur in 6 passages : 103 iXse'iv 337, \nrhiv 332, /^aTrteti' 231, 304, Triieir 252, TrpaeeEij' 240 ; twice before consonants {Xminv Kai, irpadieiv ixeixawTes), four times before vowels iu the main caesura of the third foot. The traces of the ter- mination -eeiv in elegiac and iambic poets are extremely faint, while the Alexandrine poets in their imitation of Homer by no means reject them. There is absolutely no instance of an infinitive in -isiv on an inscription. They have disappeared from the text of Herodotus in consequence of the investigations of Bredow (p. 324 fi".) and Stein, the M.SS. evidence for them, which jn Hippocrates also is weak, not recommending them. The Attic IStlt', Xajitlv, fiaOtlv etc. point by their accent to contraction. In the same way in the Laconian passage in Aristoph. Lys. 1004 inyrjy (=e[y£7j/) is read according to the traces of the Eavenna M.S. ; and the Dorian aorist infinitives in -sy, like the present infinitives of the con- tracted verbs are accented as oxytones : rect'r, k^cXiv, ififiaXiv, avvaya- yiv, while the Asiatic Aeolic law of accentuation requires us to write /ttTT?))', aTTodavrjv, vw6(7xv'' (Sauppe de inscr. Lesb. p. 24). Reserving for the present the, proof of this view, the fact may be here provisionally mentioned, that all these endings may be easily explained from a primi- tive form in -eer. One extraordinary formation still remains, viz. the few instances of an infinitive in -v instead of -yai from primitive aoriste. There are pro- bably not more than two which 'can be established, Trapriv^^Trapelrai, mentioned above p. 339, and dvi'=Siivai (Conze, Eeiseauf Lesbos). Since, as we saw, the Ai'cadians had forms like wn-tSrjvai, against which there are Lesbian forms in -iji', it is natural here to conjecture a loss of the syllable ai, which would also serve to explain the Aeolic passive infini- tives Kke /j.£dv(Tdriv=nedvp,pa Xeyeiv, ov jreiv (jjiXov while Planudes gives irli'. We should probably read irielv with synizesis. Finally SoiJv twice occurs before vowels, viz. Theogn. 104 tov iJ.cTadovv 104 idiXoi and Phoenix Coloph. v. 20 vnjxoQ Kopwpri x^'P" ?ovv kiraiTovaij, Perhaps it is best to indicate by an apostrophe in both cases the elision of the at. As the fourth group of the infinitives, the aorist infinitives in -am, show no variations whatever within the range of Greek, and the fifth group containing the middle infinitives in -adai very slight ones, there is no reason to occupy ourselves more in detail with pointing ovit these forms, and we may at once turn, to the question of the origin of the different forms, a question which in some points is one of difficulty. 344 VERBAL NOUNS OF PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. ch. xt. The nature of tlie infinitive, both formal and syntactical, has been ' thoroughly discussed of late, especially in the writings' of Wilhelin de infinitivi forma et usu, Eisenach 1872, and Jolly Geschichte des Infini- tivs im Indogermanischen, Munich 1873. By -way of elucidation of the Greek infinitives the following important facts are brovight out by this discussion : 1) In every infinitive form we have to expect, besides the verbal stem, which in many cases is still further characterised as a tense stem, a nominal suffix and a case suffix. 2) The same multiplicity of nominal suffixes, which has already met us in Greek, prevails in the infinitive in several of the cognate languages, above all in the Vedic dialect ; and this is sufficient to wai'n us beforehand to use the greatest caution in the attempt to prove the identity of forma- tions which only distantly resemble each other, without adequate reasons. 3) In Greek we can discover with certainty only such case suffixes as denote the locative or possibly the dative. The locative is adapted for the infinitive, inasmuch as it denotes the sphere within which an action takes place, the dative, inasmuch as it denotes the object with reference to which an action is done. Now if we consider in the first place the first group of active in- finitives, the polysyllabic forms in -ficvai, with which we were concerned on p. 339 find their complete correlate in the Vedic forms in -mane, gf 105 which Delbriick Ind. Verbum p. 226 however quotes only five instances. But of these five, two correspond in stem also to Greek forms : da-mam :=S6-fjEfm, vid^mane="Ll-fjie.vai. We have further the Zend infinitives in -maine (Wilhelm p. 14) hke ftao-maim praise from rt. gtu=Sikt. stu. There can be no doubt about the origin of these forms in Sanskrit -man is here one of the most common suffixes for the formation of abstract substantives, and -man-e the dative of this suffix. From the stem vid-man there is an instrumental, from the stem dd-ma/n a genitive as well as the dative used as an infinitive. The case is the same with the Zend -main&, the dative of the nominal suffix -man. Hence if in-fievai is identical with da-mane, which does not differ at all phonetically, it foUows that ?6-fiEiai also is a dative. And such is the opinion of Bopp Vergl. Gr. iii.2 324, Leo Meyer Vergl. Gr. ii. 281, Delbriick Ztschr. xviii. 82, WiDielmp. 14. I have hitherto in agreement with Schleicher (Compend.^ p. 401) especially in the ' Elucidations ' ^ p. 197 (E. T. p. 221, but cp. pp. 198-202 of the third German edition) held a diflferent view, infiuenced chiefly by three considerations. In the first place it seemed to me im- probable that the infinitive ending -/xeini contained a different case from -evai. But the latter e.g. in dS-evai seemed from its similarity to the Skt. ved-ane the locative from a stem vedana, to be established as a locative. This argument is not vaUd, because, as we have seen already, -evai is post-Homeric, and, as will be shown, is very, different from tMs -one. Secondly, while Latin has a suffix -men, corresponding to the Skt. neuter -man, Greek gives only neuters in -fj.a (from fiav). Hence we should rather have expected -fiav-at. On the other hand it seemed to be easy to connect -fievai as a locative of a feminine stem -fisva with the Greek participles ; and there was little to surprise one in the middle force of the latter, inasmuch as it was evidently only by degrees that the distinction of the genera verbi became established, while in abstract CH. XV. THE ORIGIN OF THE INFINITIVE TERMINATIONS. 345 substantives like •jrKria-fxovri, which, are unmistakeably akin, there is nothing of a middle character (cp. Jolly Infinitiv p. 85). There is no great weight in this consideration, because the heavier vowel a in these much-used forms, after their connexion with those in fia^v) had become obscured — cp. iroifirjv, Troi/jivoe — might easily have been 'thinned' into €. Thii'dly -ai nowhere occurs as a suffix of the dative. But as -ai is 106 the regular representative of a Skt. e, e.g. in the personal endings -rai ^te, -vTat=:nte, the assumption that the old -ai in this place retained its full strength, has at least some analogies in its favour. The impro- bability that the Skt. da-mane and lofXEvai agree purely by accident, and the impossibihty of explaining the Sanskrit form otherwise than has been proposed, i.e. as a dative, remain the principal facts. Hence I agree now ia regarding the datival origin of the Greek forms in -fierai as established. Then comes the question how the shorter -jxiv is related to this -fXEi'ai. The almost universal opinion, to which I have hitherto un- reservedly given my assent, is to the effect th^t -juei' simply arose from the fuller -fievcu by the loss of the -at. A confirmation of this view could apparently be derived from the accent. For the accentuation ovTCLfiev, dirifiEv, ayifiiv, wTiich violates the ordiuary rule for the accent of verbs, points decidedly to some loss at the end. But it is still difficult to assume that the long diphthongal ending has been dropped. The loss of the -at could at most be supported by the eUsion of the -at in verbal endings before vowels, and by the consideration that the consciousness of the meaning of this element must have become very faint even in the earliest times. A further support, which this view seemed to find in the dfesumption that the ending -ev was in the same way a shortened form of -fvai, quite fails us. For, as we shall see, -tv never occurs side by side with -trai, and is a completely distinct formation. And it is only in the case of the Lesbian Aeolic infinitives in -rjv by the side of -fjvai {jxEQvadriv) mentioned on p. 343 that there is any more pro- bability in the loss of the diphthong, although even here another view is possible. Under these circumstances it seems to me very doubtful whether we can refer -f.iev to -fjevai, and it appears more probable that, as others also have conjectured, -fisr has lost a simple -i. Thus id/xEv-cu would be dative, BdfiEv for ZAfiEv-i locative of the nominal stem Sofier. The loss of the t has its complete analogue in the preposition iv by the side of eV(, and a more distant one in the 2 sing, in -tig for *Eiai, *E(n and in the plural datives and locatives in -oiq, -aig by the side of the 107 earlier -oitn, -aiffi. In this way we might explain also the Rhodian forms in -fxEiv : Oe/jeu' would be to Oc'/jev fi'om *i)£ixEv-i as fir to iv from ivi, that is to say, we should have here an example of epenthesis. How- ever I should not Uke to attach too much weight to this latter conjec- ture. Naturally we cannot suppose that there was any more difference of meaning between -fXEiai and -/xEr, than in Sanskrit between the infini- tive forms originating in the dative and those from the. locative. The category of the infinitive, which Jolly very justly places along with the adverbs, rests rather upon the petrifaction of the case-suffix. We come next to the second group, the infinitives in-vai. For the correct ^:planation of these forms the statistical data given on p. 340 ff., which have not as yet received due attention, are of the very greatest importance. Previously, starting from the Attic elSiyai, I regarded the e as an essen- 346 VEEBAL NOUNS OF PEESENT AND SIMPLE AOEIST STEM. oh. xr.. tial element of these infinitives ; and hence I compared e.g. hilivai with the Skt. locative vedcme, which is used in later Sanskrit as an in- finitive. But it is an error in philology to compare an evidently late Greek form with a Sanskrit form which is likewise somewhat recent.. And in fact the traces of Vedic infinitives in -cme, as Delbriick p. 225 shows, are extremely scanty. The two which rest on certain evidence, dhurv-ane ad pugnandum and turv-dne ad vincendum, are regarded by Wilhelm p. 15 as datives from stems in -an. If we consider how in the Vedas the most different stem-formations are in isolated instances used in particular cases in a manner resembling the infinitive, we shall admit that this agreement may very easily be purely accidental. On the other hand two facts of the Greek usage can hardly rest upon chance, viz. firstly that the Homeric language, with the exception of livai, mentioned on p. 341, and probably incorrectly recorded, has only infinitives in -rat with a long penultimate ; and secondly that the penultimate, contrary to the general course of verbal accentuation, in all Greek dialects has always the accent : yvSvai, ovTavai, riBiyai. The two facts combined make it probable that this termination has suffered the loss of a 108 syllable before the y. The vowel before the y, which in Homer is always long, and which in all Greek without exception is accented, always belongs to the stem, and not merely in hSo-yai, fa-vat, redva-vai, ~fi€vai * yvcd-fivai yvavat (pd-ficvai * (jia-fivai (jidvai.. The syncope of the e would find support phonetically in forms like fiiZi-iivo-Cj fiipi-fiva, ripa-fxvo-Q and in Latin words like alu-mnu-s, colu-mna. But it would be difficult to adduce a single Greek analogue for the reduction of /iv to a mere v : /uc is an extremely favourite com- bination in Greek. The form iovvai leads us on another track. Benfey Orient u. Occident i. 606 (cp. Wilhelm p. 17) compared this with the Vedic ddvdiie, which is indeed according to Delbriick p. 225 quite isolated, but which occui'S frequently, and can only be explained as the dative of a nominal stem dd-vam,, derived from the rt. da. This com- parison remained till lately a mere conjecture, but it has recently found a striking confii'mation in the C3rprian Befevat, which occurs twice (cp. Deecke u. Siegismund Stud. vii. 248). Now are we to suppose that Sovfai was formed in a quite different maimer from hiSovvai, or that the isolated Homeric StSovvai is an absolutely distinct formation from SiSdvai, and both again from yvwvai, dtirai, (pauai 1 In this way we arrive at a certain degree of probability that all infinitives in -vai have originated in fevai. As Zovvai came from lofevai, so 6tivai would have come from defevaty yvH-vai from yvw-fevai. The post-Homeric forms Zildvai, (pdvai, ttSe- vai would be later formations, arising at a time in which the medial / was completely extinct. But at least in the accentuation of the penul- timate there still remained a reminiscence that it was once an ante- penultimate. Cp. i-Ko-fiEv for i-Kcf-fiev from the rt. Kof (Princ. i. 186)^ CH. XV. .THE ORIGIN OF THE INFINITIVE TERMINATIONS. 347 k\6vi-q for K\of-yi-c (ib. i. 184). I do not venture to give this explanation as a certain one. But it will be admitted that it agrees with the 10& recorded facts and with phonetic laws. It would not be absolutely impossible that ^d-rai, TtOi-yai and the like should be locatives formed by means of the suffix -va ; but then the accent would remain entirely unexplained. All the earlier discussions of the forms of the third group start from the arbitrary assumption that the v of the ending -ev was a mutilated -vai, hence that XeyEw originated in *X£y£ii'a(. Now under the head of the ;u-formation it seemed to us that there were serious objections to the admission of such a loss of the end of the word : and hence all proba- bility for such an assumption in the case of the third group is wanting. For in no single instance within the limits of the present and aorist formation is there even the slightest trace of a longer form by the side of the shorter known to us. Forms like *\eyuvai or *\eyt.vai or *i^i;- yeivai, *(j)vy£evat or anything of the kind that has been imagined, no- where exist. For the immense mass of verbs with a thematic vowel the infinitive in -iiv (Dor. -ev, Aeol. -r]v) is established beyond doubt from the earliest times. To derive very ancient forms common to all Greek, like \vsiv (Kiei', \u»))') from forms like yeycvivai, elStvai, in which we take the a to be an element of the tense-stem, and which make their appearance only at a comparatively late date, is moreover forbidden by the accentuation. Besides we could not thus explain either the doubled vowel in fvyceiv (or (pvyiiv), or the length of the final syllable in \vtiv, Xir/v. For the assertion that the vowel of the preceding syllable was lengthened in compensation for the dropped at, happily belongs to a point of view which has long been passed by philologists. Leo Meyer Yergl. Gr. ii. 281 traces back forms like \veii', vyeiv to Xvi-fiev, (pvyi-fizv. Certainly in this way the diphthong of the ordinary form and the doubled e of the Homeric would both be explained. But it is quite im- possible to adduce any analogy for the loss of a consonant so much liked and so common as fx from the middle of a word between two vowels. No one will appeal to the loss of m in the Skt. e=*me of the 1 sing, middle, for we have here to do with a fact which falls within the life of the Greek language; and stUl less to the explanation of the Greek 1 sing, mid. in -/lai from ma-mi, defended on p. 55, for here too, even in the 110 earliest times of the Greek language as we know it, no m remained be- fore the i. The loss was occasioned by the aversion to too much repe- tition of the same sound in formative syllables. Forms like Qifxa, bt'o/xa, evprjfxa are among the commonest in Greek; and as the infinitives in -fievai and -fiev are evidently akin to the substantives in -yua, we cannot see what can have induced the language to get rid of this /j only in the infinitives, while everywhere else it had no objection to it. For this very reason this theory was very early opposed by another, which re- garded the suffix -ev as completely independent of -fiev. As early as my essay ' De nominum Graecorum formatione,' p.- 56, I expressed myself in favour of this, though I there expressed several erroneous opinions on the subject in question. Schleicher agreed with me in principle, tracing (j)epeiv back to ^ primitive form *vyEvi the Homeric ^vyinv and Attic fvyeiv. ' The forms of the Greek dialects, like Aeol. (peprjv Dor. epev Ion. tpipeiv point with certainty to a primitive form *pa8€eiv idfXovera ipCKov nocriv evSou iovra. The lengthening of a final syllable short in itself would here come under the same head as the cases, quoted by Hartel Hom. Studien L^ 116, e.g. clSo/j-eyoc 'Aca/xairt E 462. The examples from Hesiod are all in the caesura of the third foot. It will be seen how easily the forms in -E£v can be introduced into the text of Homer and Hesiod. But we have not quite finished even yet with these forms. The stem-forming suffix and the case-endiag have yet to be determined. Scholars used to be disposed to put this infinitive ending side by side either with noun-formations in -ev, -or,' or with those in -eva, -ova. But -EC occurs in Greek only in a few obscure. substantives like avx-iv, -ov somewhat more commonly, e.g. in eIk-ov, but without anywhere sharing anything in common with infinitives. Feminine substantives like riS-ovri come nearer in meaning. But who can believe that a suffix with one initial vowel, having for its primitive form -anov and, was from the first added 113 immediately to verbal stems ending in a vowel. It is by no means usual in the primitive formation of words to occasion accumulations of vowels and contractions. It looks much more as if the concurrence of vowels in diEvyE-ev, ipvyE-tv, as in countless other cases, e.g. in yivEi, 'Iiceo, ev)(^Eai, ^aEa, vEiKEE, had originated in the loss of a consonant. The question then arises, what consonant ? According to Greek phonetic laws, as we have seen, we cannot suppose the loss of a p, which has often been con- jectured : but we must take our choice among the three spirants j, v, and s. I do not see anjfthing in favour of the first two ; for we should have to imagine a locative from the suffix -van, -vani, corresponding to the dative -■yowie (dd-vane), but there is no hint of anything of the land. On the other hand the third would find some support in the Vedic ending -sani. Delbriick p. 227 quotes 8 forms of the kind from different stems, e.g. pra-bhu-shdni from the rt. 5to=Gr. ^w. There is, it must 350 VERBAL NOUNS OF PRESENT AND SIMPLE AORIST STEM. ch. xv. be admitted, no such, infinitive from a stem in a thematic vowel, as we might expect as an immediate parallel for the Greek forms, no *hhara- sani as an analogue to ep£-(a-)ey. !€ this comparison is correct, we must assume a loss of the final locative i, i.e. the same process which we regarded as probable for the ending -fiev on the analogy of h as compared with the Homeric kvi. In this way we might even find some support for the diphthong ei by the side of the thematic e, in opposition to our pre- viously expressed view : (pvyi-uv might have come, by means of epenthesis, from bhuga-sani, like elv from hi and possibly the Rhodian -ixeiv from mani. However, there are weighty reasons against such a combination. For as the Doric ipvyiv, Qiyrjv cannot possibly be traced back to (pvyhiv, Biyiciv, we should have to regard the ending -ti/i, -nv with a transposed i as a peculiarity of the Ionian main dialect. But even within this dialect the u of the ending eiv is evidently not genuine. The contracted verbs show no trace of the t in forms like Tifxav, fiiadovv, and the accentuation of (pepeiv makes a contraction from *(li€peciv inconceivable. "We must therefore reject the hypotheses of an epenthesis of the i. 114 According to the earlier hypotheses as to the infinitive suffixes the most usual Greek infinitive formation seemed to find its most complete analogies in the Teutonic languages, the German ending -an being com- pared with the Greek -ev, though this created fresh difficulties. If our parallel between -ev and -sani is correct — and I do not see anything which could prohibit such a comparison — Greek here approximates to the oldest Indian. It is not without significance from this point of view, that this infinitive ending is in the Vedas one of those ' which,' as Jolly, p. 132, puts it, 'deserve the name of infinitive in every respect,' i.e occur also as imperative. This discloses also a kinship with, other Indian and Latin forms. It is natural to conjecture that the ending sa^nri is connected in its first element with the suffix -se, which is added rarely, e.g. in ^i-she from the rt. ^i, conquer, directly to roots, and more often to stems in a, and then (cp. Delbriick, p. 223) is taken as -ase, e.g. ^vd-se, live (pres. ^wd-mi). This formation has long been recognised as the analogue of the Latin infinitive, e.g. da-re for da-ae, vlve-re for vwe-se. Thus *\eye-crei', conjectured as the earliest Greek form, and lege-se the earliest Latin form come tolerably near to each other. The Latin, as has long been recognised, agrees more exactly with the ending of the Greek infinitive of the sigmatic aorist, which we set down as the fourth group of Greek infinitive forms. We shall enter upon this more fully under the head of the sigmatic aorist. Finally we have still to discuss the^if/j group, the middle infinitives in -(rdai, which are common to all Greek from the oldest times. The few devia,tions like the Locr. i\icrTai.^=e\e(Tdai, Cret. avaiXldai, and the doubtful hdaf Kadtaai Hesych. have been already mentioned on p. 69 f. The Yedic dialect frequently makes use of the termination -dhjdi, which is undoubtedly to be compared with -(rdat, though no middle force is perceptible in it. The latter is something peculiar to Greek ; and Jolly's investigations show that there are few languages in which the infinitive undergoes that more delicate development, which renders it capable of expressing hadeaic The Latins have formed for themselves 115 for the passive a form in -ier, subsequently i, which in spite of all the pains spent upon it has not yet been completely deciphered. The Greeks selected one out of the numerous adverbialised infinitive-like formations -CH, XV. . PARTICIPLES. 351 and by degrees confined its usage to an exclusively middle sense. The similarity of theSe forms, after they had been modified by phonetic changes, to Greek middle forms like tpipsaOov, ^iptade, ^tpio-flw, (fepeaQitiv undoubtedly favoured this limitation of usage. We have Indian parallels to Greek infinitives in (Delbriick p. 226) ; hharadhjdi = i^epeaQai sdhadkjdi — e^ftr^at It is worth noticing that such forms are also developed from expanded -and derived stems, e.g. piba-dhjai like yiyvs-irdai, prnd-dhjcd like Te/j.- ve-ffdai, mandaja-dhjdi Uke rifiaffdai. The same termination appears in Zend as -djdi or -dhjdi, agreeing in usage with the Indian form ; verez- jeidjdi, as Jolly Inf. p. 87 writes, or verezidjdi as Spiegel and Justi read, the infinitive of the rt. varez (verez) which corresponds to the Greek fcpy OE fpty do, agrees letter for letter with the Greek fpe^ecrdai. The same language suppUes the isolated form buMjdi, or as Justi writes it bu-zhdyai=(pvE(iQai. In the sibilant which is found here before the termination Jolly I.e.' recognises a correlate of the o-, which regularly appears in this place in Greek. He conjectures that the sibilant is a relic of the rt, as, to be, ' be.' It seems to me more natural to think of the suffix -as or s{a), which, we have already seen, was contained in the Indian and the Latin, and probably also in the Greek forms. On the analogy of simple formations like (fiipsaQai, such a suffix might also have been connected with more complicated tense-stems, e.g. in Xi^eaOai, Xi^aordai. However, on p. 71 we found a means of explaining the Greek -irOai, according to which the "■ might be of purely phonetic origin. Whether the entirely isolated Zend form necessitates a difierent analysis, 116 I will not now discuss, any more than the further question what relation it has with the 0:=Skt. dh, Zd. d or dh. It may be regarded as estab- lished that this consonant here essentially forms a stem, and therefore has the same force as in the substantives fj.it', eKwv and Indian present participles belonging to the so-called sixth class, like rdlidnt (rdh, ardh grow), dvish-dnt (dvish hate) ru^dnt {ru§ break), show that the occasion for this was not an internal one, connected with the essen- tial character of the aorist, but an external one, connected with the slight phonetic substance of the stem-syllable. It is worth noticing how far back this twofold accentuation goes in point of time. Another variation, which appears in the Asiatic members of our group of lan- guages, on the other hand, has left no traces in Greek, so far as participles proper are concerned, the variation of the nasal in the participial suffix. In Sanskrit only a small portion of the cases retain the n, the majority reject it : nom. plur. hhdrant-as^^ipovTtq, but ace. plur. hhdrat-as=ipi- povrat ; in. some, especially the reduplicating stems, the n is altogether wanting; dddat=SiSorT. Even in Greek such formations with a sup- pressed nasal are not altogether wanting, as is shown most plainly by a-Kfiri-T as compared with a-Kajxa-vr : in Latin forms like super-ste-t aa 118 compared with stant belong here (Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. ii. 99). But only in such participles which ha,ve so to say run wild, i.e. have become separated from their verbs, does the nasal disappear : both Greeks and CH. XT. PARTICIPLES. 353 Romans always excluded these variations from verbal flexion itself. The same is true of the other European languages. The complete dis- appearance of the n before t in Old Irish is based upon a far-reaching phonetic peculiarity. For the relations between the vowels as to their length or shortness, e.g. yvo-vT by the side of i-yviii-v, Aeol. ^iXe-jt by i\rifii it is sufficient to refer to pp. 135 and 247 and to Stud. iii. 379 S., vi. 431. B) The Middle Participle. The suffix -/i£vo has long been recognized as connected with Skt. -mdna, Zd. mana or mna, Lat. mino or mno. As the Indian form is alone in having a long vowel in the penultimate, we shall with Schleicher (Comp.^ 398) regard this long vowel as by no means original. Compare Skt. dadormana and SiSo-iifvo „ tishtha-mdna I 7 J f hi-ste^mano „ l-crTa-nevo ■ \ hi-ste-mno „ hare-mna „ (jjepo-fjievo, Lat. feri-mini Skt. rghdja-m.dna „ opxeo-fievo. The tendency to suppress the middle vowel is present in Greek and Latin as well as in Zend ; but in both languages it is excluded from the rule for verbal forms proper, and, like the omission of n from the active participle, is reserved for those adjectival and substantival forms which have no longer any connexion with the verb. In these wild offshoots there is also in several cases a more special agreement as to the vowel between Greek and Latin. Cp. alu-mnu-s, veriu-mmt-s, colu-mna on the one hand with the Greek forms in o-fiEvo-g, on the other with ali- niini : ara-fivo-Q stand, cask on the one hand with i-oTa-fisvo-Q, on the other with Lat. da-mnu-m. PiXe-fivo-v, ripe-ixvo-e by their clearer vowel as compared with (iaXo-nevo-e remind us of the i of the Latin forms in -i-mini. Whether this is the case in a yet higher degree with fiepi-jjva, fj.iSi-fiva-c need not be decided. "We see that everywhere there is no lack of phonetic variations, and that the rule has only become established i -t q in the case of the verb in consequence of the enormous number of analo- gies which obtrude themselves. A more exact examination^ of thH participial foims lying hid in adjectives, appellative substantives and proper names would promise large results for the more obscure side of verbal structure. Thus from the Homeric Iv-kti-hevo-q and the proper name Krifievoe we may deduce a rt. kti, which occurs elsewhere only in the by no means primitive ktI-^u> : ovko-ixevo-g with its active meaning points to a present *ovKo-fiat, formed like (3ov\o-fiat, both probably belong- ing to the nasal class (cp. Stud. v. 218). In forms of this kind the interchange between the active and the middle or even passive meanings is very free. Consider e.g. aKa/xae, aMnag as compared with AaoSafxag, Kri^utvoe, which probably means 'founder' and ev-KTijXEvoQ, Kprj-lefivo-v and (ieXefivo-v, fe-mina=.dri-iiivr) ' the suckling' ; in fact as a rule it is only in living verbal forms that such categories of meaning are found to be at all rigorously carried out. ' Cp. L. Gr. Franz ' De nominibvis appellativis et propriis Graecis quae a partioi- piis orta sunt,' a Leipzig doctoral dissertation of 1875. A A 354 PEEFEGT STEM AND FORMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT. cH.-xvr. CHAPTER XVI. THE PERFECT STEM AND THE FORMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT. We have hitherto been dealing with two groups of Greek verbal forms, which in their "wide ramification embrace an extraordinary number of varied structures. The twofold character of the groups was given clearly in a whole series of forms. But as was shown in Chapter XIII. there is no lack of intermediate members, forms which hover indifferently be- tween the two, which may serve as evidence that this twofold character, i.e. present and aorist stems, proceeded from one common source. The close connexion of the two grovips, one with the other, may be re- cognized from the fact that in respect of the formation of the moods and of verbal nouns, there are oidy very slight differences between them ; and this is the reason why we were able to deal with them in common. 120 A very different appearance is presented by a third group of forms to which we now proceed, the group of the perfect ; and the difference is especially marked in the form with which we are familiar from Greek. The personal endings are not indeed in themselves very different : and we recognize at once the twofold nature of the addition of the termina- tions, which is known to us from the present and aorist stems. It is evident that "il-fxEv is to oiia-fitv just as BeiKw-jxev to ^uKvvo-fitv. But instead of the thematic vowel with its regular variation between o and e, the vowel of the perfect active is a, which is weakened into e only in the third person. In the perfect middle, on the other hand, there is no such vowel. These differences between the inflexion of the first two stems and of the third stem do indeed in part disappear as soon as we turn from Greek to Sanskrit, where the vocalism presents a different and in some respects a more ancient appearance. But even here, as in the other two families of languages which have a perfect, the Italian and the Teutonic, similar means of distinction are not lacking. The certain sign of the perfect, and of all that comes from the perfect stem is reduplication. We have learnt to discover reduplication also in the first two tense-stems. But there it appeared more occasionally. Here it is essential. Greek especially has also provided for the dis- tinction by a delicate shade of vocalism. The perfect jit^aai cannot be confused with the present /3(/3do-e, nor rtreux^ with the aorist tetvxc We have already repeatedly, especially on p. 288, referred to these re- lations. But in spite of this, and although the germs of such distinc- tions go back in part to early periods in the life of language we have seen (1. c.) that all reduplicating formations were originally one and the same. It seems to me hardly to admit of a doubt that the perfect in- dicative was originally nothing but a particular kind of present forma- tion. As a reduplicated present with an intensive meaning this form separated itself from the present-stem, and became by degrees an in- OH. XTI. , THE PERFECT. L 355 dependent member in tlie system of verbal forms, with, a distinctive stamp of its own. The history of this process of separation lies clearly 121 enough before onr eyes. The numerous perfects with the force of a present, and the creation of a preterite from the perfect stem in the ■different branches of our stock give the clearest proofs of this. We shall return veiy soon to these important relations of meaning. "WMle we may in this way, as it seems, follow up the perfect to its first origin, so too extremely abundant materials lie before us here ■from the later periods of the history of language, especially from the history of Greek, for which we have the evidence of literature. The store of perfects in the language of Homer, — especially in the active — is but meagre, as compared with the wealth of Attic and later prose in such forms. The treatment of reduplication, where there is an initial vowel, differs considerably from, the method which afterwards be- came the rule. The important species of perfects in ku, which we afterwards find in hundreds of instances, is only just beginning in Homer : the aspirated perfect is altogether lacking, while in Homer, as in the older representatives of the Ionic dialect generally, we discover remarkable tendencies to aspiration of a different kind, which are after- wards lost. With the Dorians, the perfect, so far as concerns the ter- minations, follows much more than elsewhere the analogy of the present. Here and in part with the Aeolians the vocalism presents phenomena, which remind us in many ways of the Italian perfects. For the plu- perfect active it is only in the Attic period that the method of formation is established with complete regularity. In short we may say that the perfect is in every respect a developed verbal form, and not one which was complete to begin with and everywhere uniform. Although the antitypes of the Greek perfect may be recognized in some of the cognate languages, the stamp given to this form is in every family of speech an individual one. The perfect can hence give us the fullest indications of the course which the genius of the language takes in proportionately late periods. But everything is intelligible only against the background of the old forms ; and hence comparative philology has yielded especially valuable results in the case of the perfect. We begin our account with the element which is the most charac- teristic of the perfect stem, reduplication. In its wealth of reduplicated 122 perfects the Greek language is superior to all others. Reduplication appears only within a bmited range in Latin, Gothic and Erse. In Sanskrit it is far more common, but it occurs only in primitive, not at all in derived verbal stems. The latter have to resort to a periphrastic formation for the perfect. The Greeks alone have given a further extension to reduplication from such ancient examples, and applied it to all verbal stems without exception. Naturally the rule became all the more firmly established with the abimdance of instances, and the tense- stem of the perfect was universally more richly and regularly framed. A A 2 356 PEBFECT STEM AND FOEMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT. ch. xyi. I. REDUPLICATION IN THE PERFECT. A) With an Initial Consonant. Keduplication means repetition of tlie verbal stem. But from the earliest times language was in many cases content witli a mere indication of this repetition. In comparison with the repetitions in word-formation, which were carried out with more vigour, though here and there also peculiarly broken and mutilated, — ^for which I may refer especially to the most recent investigations by Fritzsche and Brugman in the Studien, vols. vi. and vii., — ^this means of emphasis had to be carried out for the purpose of verbal flexion in a light but recognizable manner in the perfect with a certain regularity. For it is desirable for in- flexion tha,t the moveable as well as the immoveable element should not be too completely obscured, and the earlier the period of language, the more clearly do the two come out. Regularity is shown in the case of the Greek perfect reduplication first in the vocalism, and that quite without exception. The reduplication-syllable — so we call that prefixed to the stem — ^has without exception, where it appears as such, the vowel e. This is not the case with the cognate languages. In Sanskrit the vowel of the reduplication-syllable is as a rule like the vowel of the root. Thus from rt. ^an is formed ^a-^dna^=yE-yoya, but from rt. ri%=Xnr ri-reKa, which would correspond to a Greek *\i-\onra ; and in the same way ^u-^osha from rt. ^usJi enjoy, resembling a Greek *yv-yev(7-ij,ai for 123 yeyevir/iai. The same rule holds for Zend, e.g. ^u-gru-ma, we heard, answering to a Greek *icvKXv-fiev (cp. aor. KeKXvTe). But even in San- skrit there are some few remarkable instances of a process more analo- gous to the Greek, especially ha-hhuva, which answers quite to the Homeric 3 pi. ire^vaai, and sa-suva from the rt. su, beget. Now, as we find also in the Latin perfect the fluctuation between peposci and poposci, tetudi and tufudi^Bht. tutoda, we may doubtless conjecture that during the time of the united life there was as yet no fixed rule. In SansMt the more physical method of repetition (so to speak) whereby the sound of the stem-syllable fell more clearly twice upon the ear, prevailed, in Greek the more intellectual, whereby reduplication became (so to say) a servant of the idea of the perfect, clothed in a uniform livery. The numerical superiority of the roots with an a may have given rise to this uniformity, as early as the time when this vowel had not yet split. For Latin it is well worth noticing that the earlier custom of saying niemordi, pepugi, and the like (Gellius vii. 9, Neue Lat. Formenlehre ^ ii. 464) coincides with the Greek. The later lan- guage retained, it would seem, too few instances of reduplicated perfects to hold to the old rule, so that complete identity of sound, to which the nature of reduplication must have invited, again prevailed. Cp. Ber. d. k. Sachs. Ges. d. Wissen. Juli 1870, p. 14. Similarity of vowel is the rule also in Gothic, fai-fah, shai-shaid, ai-cmh. The ai is taken to be short, and thus the representative of e by Scherer Gesch. d. d. Spr. p. 11, and recently by Bezzenberger 'Ueber die A-Reihe,' p. 37. In Old Erse too, e, though not always used as the vowel of the reduplication- syllable, is employed by preference. In my way of regarding these facts I agree almost entirely with what Delbriick Altiud. Verb. p. 127, following Lassen, has indicated as his own. CB, XVI. EEDTJPLIOATION WITH AN INITIAL CONSONANT. 357 The difficulty presented by the consonants was greater than that of the vowels. Here too we notice an attempt at simphfication. It shows itself first in the universal law, that where there is an initial consonant the first vowel of the root-syllable forms the end of all that comes into consideration in reduplication. On the analogy of nominal forms like Jear-kara-s, rhar-mara-s, fiip-fiepo-e, /3ap-j3apo-c, Lat. mar-mor, turtur, an 124 Indo-Germanic *dar-darka, an Indian *dar-dmrqa, a Greek *Sep-dopKa, a Latin mer-mordi would be by no means inconceivable, but nothing of the kind is actually found. The reduplication of the perfect was weak- ened by frequent usage even in the earliest times ; it was according to iWtzsche's happily invented expression & reduplicatio praefixa ; it was justly felt to be a merely formal subsidiary syllable of the word, and for that very reason could not be allowed too much extension. For the perfect dordarha is the earliest deducible form, preserved in the Skt. da-dcw^ct and the Gr. Si-SopKa. There is probably no exception to this fundamental rule. In the ease of a single initial consonant, this one consonant of course appears in the prefixed syllable; stUl there are some few exceptions. It is true that in Greek there is none of that tendency to dissimulation, owing to which among the Indians, the palatal consonants are used to replace the gutturals [lea-kara, ^a-gama). We could at most appeal to the gloss of Hesychius iiPvrai • (riaraKTai, which, considering the prefer- ence of the Ai'cadians for f as the representative of /3 [i^epedpov, f«\\w, kwii^apeta, Princ. ii. 96), we may perhaps ascribe to this tribe. Cp. Stud, vii. p. 390. On the other hand the aspirates are already treated like double letters, the first explosive element alone being repeated, and the aspiration being dropped in the syllable of reduplication. As Indians and Greeks agree in this point in spite of the different character of their aspirates, we may probably assume that this law had been established even in the time of the unity of language. Cp. the Indian perfect stem dadha, 1 sing, dadhau with the corresponding Greek rede, 1 sing. riOeiKa, ha-bhuva with Tre-ifiva-tTi quoted above. Where two full consonants appear at the beginning the process varies. The repetition of both consonants is not only unknown in Greek, but also in Sanskrit and Latin. It is only Gothic which feels no objection to such harsh forms as s&ai-skaid, sfcd-stald, stai-stagg. Perhaps we may therefore ascribe greater harshness in this respect to earlier periods of language. For Vedic Sanskrit the law of dissimilation which was framed to avoid an excess of similar sounds is given by Delbriick, 12D p. 102, as follows : ' If a root begins with more than one consonant the stronger is repeated, e.g. from sk, sp, sth, the k p t, oi sv, sm, the s.' On the other hand the Greek law for verbal formation is : ^ ' the first at most is repeated.' The tendency to avoid too much repetition of the same sound in syllables immediately following each other may be noticed, as I have shown in the Principles, ii. p. 373, imder other circumstances also. In those most familiar combinations of letters, which consist of an explosive followed by p, X, v, fi, the Indian and Greek laws lead to the same result. Compare : Skt. ta-tre 3 sing. mid. from rt. trd protect and re-rpTya „ da-drus 3 pi. act. from drd run and an-o-Sc-fi/jaKa „ porprd 3 smg. act. from prd fill and 7r£-7rXi;(r-fiai. ' The Indian practice has analogies in Greek and Latin outside the sphere of Verbal inflexion : Ka-aKoKi^a, Ko-iTKv\iii,Tm, qvA-igiuiUae. 358 PERFECT STEM AND FORMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT. ch. xvi. In these combinations GotMc also agrees with both languages.. Compare : Goth, gai-gr8t {greta weep) and yi-ypacpa „ fai^h Qieka lament) and n-c'-n-Xi/ya „ fai-frais {fraisa try) and ■iri-(f)pa(Tiiai. On the other hand there is no trace in Latin of any form like He- irudi, or *fe-frigi, or *pe-pligi. Erse, which is not very rich in re- duplicated perfects, almost entirely agrees with Greek in the phonetie treatment of groups of consonants, as Windisch tells me, e.g. ce-cMada-tar suffoderunt (rt. elad) ge-granna-tar persecuti smit (rt. grand). But this language also allows reduplication in the case of sc, e.g. S8- acamg (rt. scag), se-scaimd (rt. scand). But the Greeks did not always admit even this modest amount of re- duplication. As is well known, the first of the initial consonants is only allowed, as a rule, in the reduplication-syllable when the stem- syUable contains the groups of consonants mentioned above as the 126 lightest of all. Thus fii(i\r]ica, jiijipSa, yiypairTai, Sidpo/xa, KtcXij/iai, KE/cpaya, TerXafiev, rtrjui/Ka, TETpoa 2o>, "we really find in Anthol. Pal. vii. 115, where we are told to look for it, tte^vkuq. In the combi- nations containing a, $, i//, and conversely ctk, cry_, air, o-^, or, o-fl, as in the case of t, the reduplication of the perfect is limited exclusively to the- CH. XYi. ■ EEDUPLICATION WITH AN INITIAL CONSONANT. 359 simple vowel, of -whioh. we have evidence in abundance from Homer onwards : i^cvyfiiyai 2 276, kare^aviaTai E 739, f.(TvX\oQ and as eyvea to e'ivaTog. After the augment of the passive aorist we find the same fluctuation : Att. ipprfiriv, Ion. elpedi^v (Her. iv. 77). For this reason it seems to me not advisable to assume for the explanation of ttpijica a form *h-hpri-Ka, conceivable as this is in itself, especially as elpiivri has probably come from e-J^pri-vri with a 129 prothetic c. A. BaUly in the Memoires de la soci6t6 de linguistique, i. 345 ff. has thoroughly discussed ApriKa and similar forms which will be treated of immediately. Tor ippvr]Ka we may with certainty, for eppiofiai. with a certain probabiKty, for eppairTai with perhaps still liaore proba- bility assume .an initial sr. (Princ. i. 440, ii. 333). The root of ipplya (P 175, r 353) is still doubtful, but the loss of a consonant before p is made probable by the Lat. frlgeo (Princ. i. 438). It is only in the root pnS, which underlies the present palvii) and meets us in ippalarai v 354, that we can find no trace of anything of the kind : paS seems rather to have come by metathesis from apS. In this case it must be assumed that this isolated form has been carried along with the others ; analogies to this will be found in the case of other initial letters. Full redupli- cation before an initial p is extremely rare. In f 59 we read ra fioi pepvTTiafxiva Ktirai with the scholium : .fidvog etrrlv oiitoq wapaKeiixevoQ Trapa Tf woiijTrj airo Tov p teSiirXaa/ievov ' 'iari Se Kal Trap' 'AvaKpeovTi to ' pEpaniajxevf vi)Ti^' The root of pvTToio is obscure : for pairt^u), paTrt'c,* pafiSoc we may probably give fpair (Princ. i. 437). Here then every trace of the spirant had disappeared, just as in pepi other poets Cp. €(T(Torjiicvov ' Tedopv^tjiievov, apfnqfievov Hesych. There is absolutely no support for a lost consonant in the case of the 131 roots \a/3, Xaj(, \ey, as has been shown ia Princ. ii. 144, 111, i. 454. 'in/xope and eifiaprai have been compared with the Skt. rt. smar, think, and an indication of their connexion has been found in the rough breathing of dfiaprat, which would thus be from *ae-(rixap-Tai. But the difficulty in the way of this combination has been already pointed out in Princ. i. 413. This verb is connected rather with a rt. juep divide {fxepog, merere) the meaning of which is far removed from that of thinking. The dialectic forms t/i/Jparat • dixaprai Hesych., knfipafxsva ■ djiapfievt) Hesych. and E. M. p. 334, 40,^ &jipaTo- Etfiapro Hesych., are also to be taken into account. Besides, we cannot deny the appearance in other instances also of a rough breathing of later origin. For o-euw (Princ. i. 475) the loss of a spirant after the o- cannot be proved with certainty, in spite of 'iaatva. Tlie key to all these perfects is hence doubtless to be sought in metathesis, a notion which has been established by Brugman ^ i/iPpa/Uva, Hapci %ii(j)payl t) eijUapjuei/r). Kal Adxaves oS-ra Kiyovaiv. 362 PERFECT STEM AND FORMS CONSTRUCTED FROM IT. ch. xvi. Stud. iv. 102, 124, and Siegismund v. 211, following Pott Et. Forsch. ii."'' 389. BaiUy is of the same opinion for a part of the verbs. From *Xt-\rj(tia, *XE-X?j)^a, *Xc-Xey/iai, * ij.i-fix>pt, *a£-crv-fxai came *E\e-\rja etc. by the prefixing of an irrational initial i, then by the suppression of the second vowel *£\Xjj0a, ififiope, iaavfiai, and finally in the case of some verbs at a later date, when the first X gave up a part of its ' voiced sound ' to the preceding vowel, e'iXrjfa, e'iXrixa, ^t^oxa, e'lfiaprai. Hence ififiopE is to dfxapTai much as the Lesb. aor. 'ivefifxa is to the Attic tVtijua. Following this Adew, one might be incUned to hold even that eXXo/Je (explained otherwise on p. 78) was a metathesised *\i\a/3e (cp. XEXa/StVflat) and that i^jxaQe came from *fiefiaQc. In the following perfects e appears as the syllable of reduplication before vowels. It has long been recognised that this anomaly, like the syllabic augment before vowels, is to be explained from the dropping of a spirant, to which in the case of reduplication was added later on the loss of the same letter at the beginning. As in the case of most of the stems which belong here, the original initial letter was pointed out on p. 79 f., we may content ourselves here with a brief statement. We have to do with the following forms : 132 1) EctyE Hes. 0pp. 534 kvl vSira iaye; then in Attic poets and Plato: (carEayorEc C. I. A. ii. 61, 42, (carEayura Herod, vii. 224. The initial digamma may still be detected in Sappho 2, 9 ykwaaa iaye, where Bergk on the analogy of Lesbian instances to be mentioned immediately conjectures yXwatr' ivayt. 2) 'iaZal 173 roiirt ?ie ■naaiv kaSora jxv&ov 'ienrtv ; then in Alexan- drine writers. The stem expanded by e has retained its f among the Locrians /EfaS?)9o''" inscript. of Naupactus (Stud. ii. 445) 1. 38. 3) EuXwKa. Eva\ti)Ka was quoted on p. 79 as a certain proof of the digamma ; laXwKa is Attic from Aeschylus onwards, while Pind. Pyth. 3, 57 uses aXwfca, and rjKtoKa occasionally makes its appearance in Herodotus and Attic writers, generally with the variant laXwKo. 4) 'ieXfiai. ii 662 Kara aarv eeXfieOa, N 524 Aioc (iovXyaiv eeXfievoe. There is the plupf. -fiiXfieOa • ffwrinfieOa Hesych. and eoXei Pind. Pyth. iv. 233 (Boeckh), and with a stem expanded by e coXrjTo ApoU. Rhod. ui. 471, to which belongs EoXijraf rErapaKrat, and ivXrjro' iirefvpTO,' iriraKTO Hesych. 5) kepyjxivoi E 89 yefvpai icpyfiivai laxavouxnv . This verb was passed over in treating of the augment, because even in forms without the augment or the reduplication there are traces of a double e : ApoU. Rhod. iv. 309 lepytrai, SO that the e may possibly be of the same kind as in eeSva. But the / is well established. Op. Princ. i. 222. 6) hpfiEvoc. IT 296 fiXeKTpoKTiv kpfxivov; and also Etpro* iKpriiiva Hesych. Cp. r'lEtpe p. 81. 7) EEOTo (M 464) may find a place in our list here, though it is possibly not for h-ha-ro, but for t-}eff-ro, being thus a past tense from the unredupHcated Ha-fiai, eff-fxai (3 sing, evlcarai, oracle in Herod, i. 47). 8) eoiKa, common from Homer onwards : he has also uktov S 27, i'iKT-nv A 104 and the middle forms ijtKro v 31, ukto * 107. The / is probable, but not certainly established. Cp. Princ. i. 309. 9) EoXTra in Homer, Hesiod and Alexandrine poets: X 216 vvv Ifi vw'i y' EoXira, Y 186 j^oXettwe Se a' toXva to pe^uv, plupf. e'wXttei (j> 96. Here as in no. 5 the double vowel extends itself also to forms like E'E'XirErai .CH. XVI. EEDUPLICATION WITH AN INITIAL CONSONANT. 363 N 813, UXiroi-nrtv 6 196, in which the first e c^n only be a prothetic 133 vowel. For the origin of the verb see Princ. i. 328. 10) iopya. T 27 oVera 'iopydg. The plupf. iiopyu £ 289 was dis- cussed on p. 81. Cp. p. 86. Herodotus also has the form lopytc. i. 127.^ 11) eovpriKu (Hippocr. oipriKo) has been already discussed p. 80, and quoted from Aristophanes. 12) liivqjxai in Aristoph., Plato, Lysias, Demosthenes with the plupf. iiivriTO, Aristoph. Pax 1182 r^ Be (titI' ovk iuivrtr'. Cp. p. 80. An active e'wvrjKwc is quoted from Lysias in Bekker's Aaecd. p. 95, 25. 13) 'iiixTfjiai (Herod. Zafiai). Thuc. ii. 39 airtwo'^ai and similar forms elsewhere in Attic prose. Plutarch has also Ew/ca. Two perfects have distinctive peculiarities of the same kind as those mentioned on p. 81, viz. 14) cLv-eaya, quoted from Hippocrates and post- Attic writers, aviaxa from Demosthenes and Menander, a.vi

Soph. Antig. 1060). ' Also KiiSi^ov K(iflio-oi' Hesych. ' We may mention here also ^Kcraro, said to be for iiXiaaro in Ibyous fr. 54, and ii7\jriia]v in Simon. Amorg. 17 in a verse not yet fully explained. dep(Tei N 625, fdepiravTee Lycophron 1003. deipai on the inscription from Tegea (Gelbke Stud. ii. 38), 277 where the double p has passed into the single p without any compensatory lengthening. To the great regularity, with which the laws of compensatory lengthening are observed in the Attic-Ionic dialect from Homer onwards, as is shown by numerous instances like ijyetpa, ijeipa, eSeipa, eKctdripa, ^Xaro, 'iriXa, 'iartiXc, ', i-ipa-aay. The occasional preservation of the a- in second persons like Bvvaaat, iiwiaraao is not quite comparable, for the original ending here contained a / as well as a. So too in the 3 plur. of those primitive past tenses, as in that of the pluperfects discussed on p. 430 f, no reason presents itself for deducing an original double consonant. I think I can find the reason for this anomaly in the history of sounds in the endeavour after perspicuity. The tendency to more convenient intona- tion was not operative here, because its satisfaction would have led. to harsh and obscure forms like *'iZoav, *"iav, *ehovXwa, *laTria. But I think that I have now discovered another reason in the case of the sigmatic aoi'ists, viz. the action of the other sigmatic aorist forms and the sigmatic future. Aorists like tVpafa, eypaxj/a, ffKiriaa iroia con- sonantal stems were common enough to stamp the sound of ir for the instinct of the language as one distinctive of this tense-formation. Besides, the similarity between the sigmatic aorists and the futm'es must have become evident at an early date, so that the two tense-systems, one of them revolving about the stem ypa\jja, the other round ypaip, must have been felt to be parallel. But in the future the o-, arising from oj, was of a more fixed character, which secured its preservation even between vowels. I think we may assert that the parallelism between the futm-e and the aorist here exerted a preservative iiafluence. The change of the o- into an aspirate is even in the Laconian dialect, to which it was quite especially peculiar, a phenomenon of later origin in aorist forms. In the Et. Magn. 391, 20, forms like iroiijat are mentioned. We find now veiKaap i.e. vLK-i^uat and veiKaavTip=^riKi]rTavTiQ on iQscriptions (Hermes iii. 449 f.). The chorus of the Laconians in Aristoph. Lys. 1247 begins with opixaov i.e Spii-qiiov. Also from the Cyprian glosses of Hesychivis Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. ix. 367 establishes the same change. We may regard as certain: ivavbv tiStg Kinrptoi, cp. i^avffai' e^sXelv, l-jxiTpa-bv vTroCdinov Ila^ioi, lfj.TTa.Tabv '€fj.fi\c\pof, ii'KaTairarabv iyKaTaj3\i\puv, 'Ifiabv ' wcira^ov, (rial' irrvaUL Vlu(j>ioi. In 279 the newly decyphered Cyprian texts no trace of this process has as yet appeared. It is more difficult to investigate the aorists with a characteristic a, which have no it. These extend over the most various Greek dialects. Five of them form a distinct group, a w or / having preceded the tr in all. I quote first the forms coming into consideration. aXevaro V 360 etc., ijKevaTO N 184 etc., aXtverai conj. ^ 400, aXerjTat S 396, aXeaiTO T 147, uXcvui X 285, pi. aXiatrdc 3 774, aXcvatreai fx 159, 269, Hes. 0pp. 798, aXiaadai N 436 etc., aXivanevug E 444 etc. From the active we find also the regular forms aXevauv Aesch. Sept. 141> Suppl. 528, aXevaare Sept. 86. cH-xvu. AORIgTS WHICH SHOW NO tr. 45 & SareairBai only Hes. 0pp. 767 (?) EKj;a A 40, KUTCKrie Z 418, conj. Kitofiev H 377, opt. c^aiti' SI 38, imp., k-^ov (^ 176, inf. KUKKTiai \ 74, k-fiavree I 231, KTiavTO I 88, KHjafievoi I 234. There are also (ceoc Aesch. Ag. 849, Soph. El. 757, miaQ Aristoph. Pax 1132 (chor.), as well as tKavaa Herod, viii. 33, KariKavaav Ttuc. vii. 25^ Kavtrni PL eaareva E 208, treva Y 189, eVffEi/e Y 325, eTreaarsve tr 256, ixiai Hes. 0pp. 65, x^ao'^at Soph. 0. C. 477. — x^^''"£ Metrodorus Anth. xiv. 124, 8. Tolerably numerous traces, of these sigmatic forms from various M.SS. of Homer (e.g. a 291, j3 354) are pointed out by La Roche Homer. TJnters. 270. They evidently prove no'thing but the uncertainty of the copyists. These five forms have been frequently explained by the assumption that (T has dropt out between the two vowels. But it is by no means probable that the dialects, which e.g. in eKXavira, eirXtvaa and the numerous derived verbs in eu&i e.g. in kfiaaiXtvaa. left the a unchanged, rejected the same sound under precisely the same conditions from these 280 few. It might have occxu'red to us that the o- disappeared, not after V, but after the / which is closely connected with it, and that the process was : SO that the / like the liquids and the nasals assimilated to itself the following (T, and then in some cases continued to exist as w, in others dropt out altogether. But then we cannot understand how the /, which in similar forms is wont to appear only before vowels, got into its place before a. To make this explanation intelligible we should have to start, not from the roots x") ""> ^^^ from xf/, "(f '■■' — and as a matter of fact we cannot get further back than Kaf. But who could make up his mind to assume a root x^^ for the forms of xe«, while for Kixvrai we are guided to x" ' Kixvrai and the like would then have to be regarded as. shortened, withoiit our being able to see any reason for the shortening. Hence the purely phonetic explanation evidently has its special difficulties. I believe therefore that we cannot get beyond forms like *eKaf-a^ *£Xf/-a, *e^ '> and in this case there is still less probability of the loss of a « and of aj. The preference for the intensified vowel of the stem is characteristic of the sigmatic aorist as well as the future ; and in this respect Sanskrit (Delbriick Verbum 177 ff.) often agrees with Greek. Roots ending in a vowel regularly raise their vowel : i(irfaa, iarriaa, eiiraTo (E538), /cXijirrai, ottraro. (t 213), u7roKU(rac, those ending in a consonant generally follow the present: eppri^e r 348, tVXjj^a, (.arEDjst r 206, eSti^a, ijXefipni' 2 350, Uia-ao I 645 (from e'iSojuai), iipeiipa (Herodot. Pind.), Xcl-^ai from X£i'/3(i> (H 481), TTEtcrai, KaTi(TTti\pac Soph. O. C. 467 — lit-v^ai, 'irEv^iv S 338, ewiKavirrie o 263. The exceptions from vocalic stems are discussed below : there are hardly any to be found from consonantal stems. I may mention Xa^uadai • KXtjpuxraffdai Hesych., by the side of which we have the Herodotean future Xd^o/jai (vii. 144), just as there is beside XiXr)yfiai a by-form XeXayfiai, though a late one, and beside X^Jis Xa^iQ. The remark of Uhle ' Sprachw. Abhandl.' p. 63 holds good here : ' the intensification attaches to the root.' Even more than in the case of the perfect the iafluence of the present makes itself felt in the sigmatic tense-forms. C) Ibeegulakities. The sigmatic aorist shows a few phenomena which deviate from the prevalent laws of formation ; the first two of these are to a certain extent opposed to each other, but unite on the point that the two aorists, distinguished by the grammarians by means of different numbers, in spite of their great difference, sometimes coalesce. Buttmann i.^ 404 ff. says to the same effect, ' the terminations of the 2 aor. were in some unformed dialects interchanged with those of the 1 aor.' and note 10 ' in the same way the converse is sometimes found to be the case.' Buttmann explains the fact by saying that ' the aorist forms in ov and a 282 originally differ only as dialects.' ' The ancient language formed the aorist sometimes with, sometimes without a, and as regards the termina- tions, sometimes in ov etc., sometimes in a etc. The usage of the language settled vipon the terminations aa and ov except in verbs in X fx V p, but retained remains of the formations in a and not' Apart from the obscure phiuse ' dialects ' [Mundarten] — for no dialectical difference can be demonstrated — this view seems to me thoroughly well established. The qtiestion is one of a crossiag of the different analogies. It is remarkable here that the appearance of the vowels o and e, which as a rulfe are so much the more common, in place of the regular a belongs to the earlier period, but the extension of the heavier and rarer a, in place of the ordinary thematic vowel, to the later. But the riddle is solved simply by the fact that in the post- Attic period the SQ-called first aorists with their a were almost the only ones in ordinary use ; and that for this reason they drew the archaic forms of the so-called second aorists over to follow their analogy. aorist of Tripynin-i. But —to say nothing of other difficulties — the imperative of iTTptdfLiiv is, as every one knows, irplaa'o • if Joh. Schmidt were right it would have to be *7rptai. Hence 1 adhere to the view stated on p, 120. CB. XVII. SIGMATIC .AOEISTS WITH o AND e POR a. 461 We begin with the former- and more easily intelligible case ; a) Sigmatic aorists with the vowels e and o for a. In view of the extraordinary number of forms which make use of this iaterchange between the e and the o, the extension of this phenomenon, and its penetration into the sphere of the old a, which is much less common as the vowel of inflexion, cannot at all surprise us. In the case of the perfect we met with processes quite corresponding on p. 393 ff. If we were right ia what we said on p. 442 ff. about the origin of the sigmatic aorist, and in our conjecture as to a presumable ' primarium,' the shifting of the vowel becomes still more intelligible. A form like Xe^Eo is to a certain extent the natural imperative form from a *\eloiiai, which we might doubtless expect on the analogy of aXfSoyuai. Hence the old grammarians were in a certain sense right in taking fiiiaero, SviTtTO as imperfects from /3?;)iSoc. Cp. Meineke Oomici ii. p. 826. Buttmann supports his view of eirccrov mainly by this parallel, and in fact: eTreaov (i.e. e-TrET-(To-v) : netrovfiai ',', i-j^eaov (i.e. e-j^eS-cto- >■) : xE(rovnai. Here there is abundant evidence for forms with a like f-X^aa, xtVaiyui, xiaai, and no one attacks their normal character. b) Unsigtnatic aorists with a. To these belong only two forms of the classic period : elira and fiveyica, and from Homer onwards they are constantly interchanged with the regular formations dirov and ijvEyKov. The occurrence of the different formations is treated of thoroughly by La Roche Ztschr. f. d. bsterr. Gymn. 1872 p. 125 ff. Here the following remarks will suffice : elTTov (from k-fE-fEiro-v, cp. above p, 291) has prevalently the regular vowels of the thematic aorist. By the side of these a establishes itself first in the 2 sing. ind. and 2 plur. imper.: eIttoc A 106, 108, e'liraTE y 427, ^ 198. Herodotus, in whom middle forms like awdKaro are 285 common, and the forms ilira (iv. 44), Elirav, EiTrac, e'nrat, elsewhere very rare, are well established, is the writer most fond of the a in this stem [cp. Bredow Dial. Herod, p. 324 sq., 353 sq.]. In the Attic writers the forms elrrag, eliraTOv, eiirare, elrrarii) maybe regarded as the most common. Of course there is hardly any instance in which the M.SS. do not vary. The a has a much wider extension in i\veyi;ov. Homer has the forms airiviwag S 255, ivtiKafXEv w 43, ijvciKav ? 784, opt. crciKat 2 147, imper. ivek-are d 393, inf. IveiKat S 334, partic. iveUag P 39, mid. aveviiicaTO T 314, iivtUavTo I 127. The a is also shown to be Doric by inscriptions CH. xTii. AOEISTS IN a WITHOUT THE a. 463 fjvtyKa, kKeviyKai, cvtyKa/jLcvoQ (Ahrens p. 352). In Attic writers the a is prevalent in the indicative and impetative (t vtyKarw, I viyKaTt) of the active and in the whole middle. The greatest variation is shown in the optative, while in the infinitive and participle thematic forms are used. We find however in C. I. A. ii. .162, a, 4 ivtyKaaHv. Herodotus here furnishes nothing remarkable with the exception of the diphthong ei, common to him with Homer and occurring also in Pindar and Theocritus. Joh. Schmidt is doubtless right in explaining this ei from the infiuence of the disappearing nasal (Vocal, i. 122 f.). In these two widely extended aorists we evidently cannot suppose the existence of a a. Not only would it be quite impreoedented phonetically for forms like *dir-aa, *kveyK-(Ta to change into dira, iveyKa, but there would not be the slightest internal probability for such forms in themselves, cIttov and rjvtymf being reduplicated aorists, in which the notion could not occur to any one of conjecturing a smuggled a. It is therefore especially clear here that the a is acting as substitute, so to speak, for £ and o. There is no alternative but to suppose that, at the time when the vowels were, so to speak, still in flux, in some thematic aorists the a resisted the general tendency to follow the ordinary change of vowels, as has regularly happened in the active perfect, and that elTra and f/yEyca are relics of what we may conjecture to have been a large number of such archaic creations. The preservation of the a must have •fceen favoured by the very large number of sigmatic aorists, and especially of those of 'suppletory' formation like rjyyeiXa, evetfia, while conversely the phonetic changes of the stem which came about in e'nrov and rjvEyKuv had made these aorists very much unlike their nearest kin, such as 286 ijyayov, e\afiot: The confusion of the analogy of the two aorist forma- tions is a remarkable proof that the instinct of the Greeks regarded the aorist as a syntactic tmity. Under these considerations it will be best to view in the same way the aorists with a i/ or / in the root discussed on p. 459. Beside a present stem koFjo a second theme koFo might establish itself, and this then, losing the character it had in common with a present indicative, became an aorist theme, and as such, on the analogy of the sigmatic aorist, became koFu. The difference from forms like tlwa, ijt'eyKa is only this, that in the case of the latter we find by-forms with the ordinary vocaJism, in the case of the former we do not. All other words belonging here rest either on doubtful or on late authority; thus ayayag' avTi tov ayayi)V, and ayayoy' uptI tov fryaye, blriyr)aov, (pEpe Hesych. ciravpatrdai, tn-j/uparo Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. p. 1163" 20 ; similar forms in Hippocrates. iit-cSpoKa Oi-ph. Argonaut, v. 133. eJSa, TcpSira M tl^a /3i'ijv 'HpaicX^og deiow ib. v. 119, eiSa/xEV N. T. [and LXXj cf. Moulton's Winer p. 86]. aavav. 'ipavTO (Herod, i. 80, v. 1. oonjipavriiy beside &afpovTo (Aristoph. Ach. 179) is a special one, because the whole verb is quite unique (cp. above p. 286). Here the form with « has earher authority for it than the other. c) Aorists in -/ca. These aorists in spite of their small number foim an important link in the chain of the verbal forms. Evidently the vowel of these forma- tions is brought into quite a different light, now that we have met it elsewhere also ; and thus forms like e-owKa, i-QrjKa approach on the one hand nearer to the perfects with which we compared them on p. 410 £, and on the other to the unique aor. E-Trra-Ko-v from the rt. vrra preserved ini-Trr?;- TTjv. These aorists are based upon a verbal stem characterised by the suffix -ha, with the retention of the ancient a. Setting aside the quantity of the middle syllable we can state the foUowing equation of relations e-Sco-KO : e-irra-KO-v '. '. elira : earo-v '. '. beboiKa : Syracus. BeboiKco. We know of five aorists in -ko, of which the three 'iSuKa (quite late cSiaKafj,r)r), rJKa (in Homer also er]Ka : cp. above p. 80 ; (irpoejfiKa/j.riv first in Eur. El. G22),e6j]Ka {drjKaro K 31, other middle forms in Herod. Pind.) are common in all Greek, but chiefly in the singular and the 3 plur. of the indicative, though ivriKafiEv occurs as early as ju 401. The forms with (i. therefore are interchanged with the primitive elonev, Wire, eii-jv etc. precisely as in the perfect. There is further k'rraKav eorrjirar Hesych., which is certainly rightly regarded as a Boeotian or Laconian modification of 'i-aTa-Ka-v (Ahrens Dor. 103). A Boeotian analogy for rr=oT is supplied by c'rr£=Ecr£ until (Ahrens Aeol. 177), a Laconian \)j jiETTOv^karov. There is no reason for altering ETTUKav into eaTaaai', as Ahrens proposes to do, except the unique charactei- of the form. — 288 There is also i(ppriica, preserved in Eurip. El. 1033 i-rrtiQ^priKf, elc- (({jpriKsv (M.S. Eiet'^piKEJ')" EigE'KESr](Tev, Ei(ra0fJKev, k^i^prjKEv' diprJKEr Hesych., a form in which Nauck finds the chief support for the view that the verbal stem i/>p£ is based upon a coalescence of -rpo and I. For the incorrectness of this view cp. Stud. viii. p. 327 ff. — Savelsberg Ztschr. xvi. 420 thinks he has discovered another instance in the Cretan airi- aToKKtw. But on p. 385 we took this form as a perfect. And certainly CH. XVII. AOraSTS IN Ka. 465 the mere fact that in a similar passage in another Cretan inscription we find aviaTuXnr cannot suffice to prove that the other form is an aorist. It would be Letter to support this view by the participle cnrtaToKknrTii; C. I. G. 3047, 2. But this form would be by reason of its e such a marvellous hybrid between aorist and perfect that we hold, especially as a participle does not at all suit the context and as the copy is but poorly vouched for, that Boeckh was quite right in regarding it as a blunder for aiTfaruKKav. Savelsberg, following a conjecture of Bopp's, at the place refeired to, in Ztschr. xvi. 54 if. and 401 ff. and before that in the Symbola phi- lologorum Bonnensium ii. 503 ff., tried with much learning to give a demonstration that the k of these aorists has come from a. I do not think that he has made many converts to his view, for a transition from the dental spirant t into the guttural explosive, which is in its nature so absolutely unlike it, is as improbable in itself, in spite of the at- tempt to find intermediate forms, as it is unexampled ; and besides, one can hardly conceive why the sibilant should have been preserved in many hundreds of common aorist foi-ms, but in a few have been metamorphosed into li. But this zealous attempt has. not been wholly without fruit, inasmuch as a number of little-noticed sigmatic aorist forms from: the roots lo, £, Ge have been brought to light. It is trvie that much which Savelsberg brings in here is doubtful. For Homer especially I regard sigmatic aorists of these stems as not established. But in the Attic in- scription published by Rangab^ Antiqu. Hell. no. 869, 17 we have d?rn- lit) Oeaaf Orjiravpia-at. d) Isolated forms. eliru {KaOcatrav Find.), elrra/xrii' (icpeairaro £ 529), mentioned because of the augment on p. 85, is unique only because the rt, kS from which it proceeded, does not occur elsewhere in the active. Really Jo-a is not farther removed from I'fo/iai than tVrij/ro from "orayuai. ' Even Butt- mann recognized this i.^ 524, but he wrongly connected rifiai with these forms, for which see p. 1 03. ToirffuiQ Aeolic participle Find. Pyth. 3, 27, i-n-irocriTait ib. 10, 33, ktteToiT(T€ ib. 4, 25. As the meaning quite agrees with rwx£"', it is pro- bable that the root of the two verbs is identical, and also that of the kindred forms T6i,ov, riKfiap (Princ. i. 271). But the aorist form re- mains obscure. Finally in certain sigmatic aorists reduplication makes its appearance. There can hardly be more than two of them, and we m.iy certainly assume that this strengthening of the stem, as comes out clearly in the II H 466 THE SIGMA'ilC AOEIST. ch. xvii. second example, passed to these aorists from other forms of the verbs in question, and was not created for them : TtOiiaaro' i^rikhtraTo Hesych. Also inn-6)j-vi), rl-Tdri (Princ. i. 312) we find reduplication. TETpifra X 396, 4i 198, afterwards rhpava from the present re-rpaiyw (Herod. Aesch.). The reduplication attaches to the whole verb. CH xvm. THE FUTURE. . 467 CHAPTER XVIII. 290 TSE FUTURE. The perfect has been discovered to be a kind of a present, individualised only by degrees, though long before the Greek language acquired its distinctive form. With still greater positiveness we may maintain that the future also is nothing but a present form. In the latter tense this view is pretty generally recognized, and it finds the most unmistakeable support in facts not merely of the cognate languages, but also of Greek itself. It is well known that in Gothic and Old High German the in- dicative present is often used without any distinction with a future force. In the Slavonic languages ' the present of the verba perfectiva denotes the future. The present force is thrust into the background, and ap- pears in certain cases almost as an exception ' (Miklosich Yergl. Gr. der Slav. Sprachen iv. 772).' In the same way the Ch.-Sl. hfidc^ and the Anglo-Saxon heo, I shall be, take no distinctive sign to express the future. In tjreek the employment of certain present forms, characterised by. no distinctive mark, with the force of a future, is an uncontested fact, ilfii has acquired its future meaning only through usage and by de- grees. . Even the indicative retains in Homer occasionally e.g. B 87 (»;«r£ 'iOi'ia il(n), 11 160 (ayf\»j8ov "iaijiv), more rarely in Attic writers e.g. Thuc. iv. 61 (^eirianiv) the original present meaning. In the other moods and in the verbal nouns, as every one knows, this never quite disappeared. We see therefore that the case is precisely the same with these Greek present-futures as with the Slavonic presents of the per- fectiva ; the present meaning is only to a certain extent ' thrust into the background.' While ec'w occurs often enough in poets as a present, the similarly formed middle eSufiai has from Homer onwards (e.g. 2 271, I 369 OvTiv fyib iriifjiaTov IZn^iai) exclusively the force of a future, vln/jai is found in Pind. 01. vi. 86 (rdc epareivov vEojp iriofiai) as decidedly a present. Hesychius gives the active of it KaruTrUi' Karavivu.^ Else- 291 where ■Kiofiai is future from Homer onwards : N 493 wq e'i rf. fiera ktiXov fffrreTO /^rjXa iriojiev' Ik fiorixvrjc. A fourth precisely similar example of the kind fdyrifiai occurs first in the Hellenistic period. Eeferences to the LXX and N. T. are given by Veitch p. 246. With these we may place the two Homeric present-futures ?fiw and Keiw (by-form ciw) e.g. 1 685 iiTEi ovKETi Sijere TCKftiop 'IXiDv aiTriii'fjf, A 606 vl fiet' KaKKiiovTtg kfiar, r) 342 oprro kimv & ii'ive. Buttmann wished to explain these forms as contracted from the regular futures, criM from *laeii) (cp. Id-qfji, lihixm) Ktiio from *kUii> ( Au.sf. Gr. i.^ 397). But this attempt cannot be sanctioned, ' [So in Hebrew the same tense (that opposed to the past) is called by some " grammarians present, by others future : it may be used with either force.] * Mor. Schmidt regards the gloss as a mistaken repetition cf KOTa/uiei • icara- iriyei. I do not see any suiEcient reason for such an assumption. H B 2 ii'J: 468 THE FUTUllE. ch. xviii. if only for the reason that in the Homeric dialect ae does not produce r) hut a, and the assumed intermediate forms are wholly without analogy. Both are thematic present forms with an intensified stem-syllable. Cp.' Princ. i. 178, 285. — For the quite similar Homeric jitlofiai with the by- forms Peofjai and (Hiifiai even Buttmann attempted no explanation of the kind. The future. force is unmistakeable in passages like X 431 Ti w ^ebofiai alva iradova-a O 194 rm pa Ka\ oS n Aiof /3eo/xai Tai ib. 2 (p. 356, a, 16). On the other hand ptiiatrai Theogn. 448, pivnovrm Eurip. fr. 388 Dind. 9) evi,evi,ou/je)'oi' Aoh. 1129,' while Dindoif Eur. Bacch. 798 wi'ites fev^en-de for the iptvi,tiiidt of the M.SS. In prose writers too EK(i>Ev^f~ta8ai and the like, e.g. Plato Eep. iv. 432 d., have been retained in our texts. By the side of it Ei£,ofiat is in well-established use in Homer and Attic writers (S 307, Aesch. Suppl. 456). 10) ■)^Eaov)iai the only future form in use from x^"^*^; ^-g- -^^- ^esp. 941. These ten remarkable exceptions' to a rule firmly based iipon thousands of instances give us the impression of having maintained themselves in popular usage, from an ancient date, all the more so that the verbs to which they belong are very common. We certainly cannot suppose that there was any borrowing from the Dorians. These forms show us rather that in the non-Dorian dialects it was only by degrees ' An eleventh form of the kind, generally placed in the list with these, 7roi|o0vTai Xen. Conr. 9, 2, is justly noted by Qobet Novae Lectiones p. 634 as un- Attic, the words being spoken by a Syracusan. — A twelfth TEltieffflE Arat. Phaen. 124 is very extraordinary, and for that reason suspected by Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. i.^ 390) : if it is correctly recorded, we can only understand it as an imitative lengthening of *Te|e'€(7Se, rt^iiadi. CH.XTOI. • THE DORIC PUTURE. ^ 471 that the shorter formation took its place by the side of the fuUer. These exceptions support the view established by comparative grammar, according to which the Doric future preserved most completely the original elements of this tense. This view (Bopp Vergl. Gr. ii. § 648 ff., Schleicher Comp.^ 807, Joh. Schmidt ' La formation des futurs,' Revue de Linguistique 1870) is based upon the comparison of Sanskrit, Zend, Lithuanian and Slavonic. The Sanskrit future in -sja-mi e.g. da-sja-mi='Doy:. Sai-crio) agrees exactly 296 with the Doric form. The vocalisation of the j in other cases produced c, just as in the Homeric" /fEi/fd-c from the primitive form Kpev-jo-e, which comes very near to the Skt. ^unja-s for ^vdn-ja-s. For these phonetic processes it is sufficient to refer to Princ. ii. 239 f. The future of Zend comes still nearer to the Greek. The termination -mi is here wanting in the 1 sing, vakh-shyd ( = Skt. vakshjami) from the rt. vac speak, would quite correspond to a Doric *ftv-(jiv-iTiovT-a. In Zend there is even an example of the fut. middle participle, the gen. plur. zahyamnam, (ca), where hy appears as the representative of shy. If we imagine a form *yeya-o/u.iii formed on the analogy of (jivptTui as the future of the root yei; the genitive plural might be translated into the ' rough Greek ' [Princ. i. 19] by *yevff(ifiivu>v. Schleicher Comp.^ 806 speaks also of Zend futures ' with a dropped J,' which would answer in a still higher degree to the Attic futures. But these forms, e.g. daonAd=Si)(T A diflRculty, already noticed by Matthiae i. 405, is presented by ofioviuu A 233, I 132, * 373, « 229 beside oju"toi I 274. The latter form leads us to oonjeciure that ojioSnai goes back to o/ieo/iai, but it is well known that eo never gives on in Homer. It would however be very bold on that account to write *o/iev/lat. It is better to suppose that o/ioS/im comes from the stem i/io, i.e. from "onoofiat, (cp. H/ioira, ofiOTds) and that the isolated OiUeiToi is a later imitative form, 476 THE FUTURE. ch.xviii. In Herodotus according to Bredow de dial. Herod, p. 375 f. where a large collection of examples may be found, the uncontracted forms like cia(j>Oepiti), irtp^a rttic, afxvview, uTrufiaXiiir, vTro/ici'EOvat, vwoKpii itnQm, (fiaiinvrai are regarded as the more coiTect. Compare however Merzdorf de dial. Herod. Stud. viii. 149 ff. 3) There is evidence that these forms are also Lesbian Aeolic, e.g. kjxixii enicTL C. I. 2166, 24 and airoXiw Sappho fr. 50 Be.^, where Ahrens with G. Hermann writes Kua-aoXiu) ((nro\e(o=Att. ffreXH). 4) The regular contracted forms of Attic, in constant use from the earliest times, both from root-verbs like j3a\io, fievu, SspH, rtyuw, uttci- Kpu'ovfjai, and from derived verbs like liyaAuJ, Kddapw, iirj^jriiw, rcK-fiup- 304 ovf-iat, oiKTepw, need no examples. Such futures belonged to the stores of the Attic writers in daily use quite as much as the sigmatic. Hereby the so-called futura secunda distinguish themselves essentially from the other ' tempora secunda.' We proceed now from the demonstration of the facts to their explanation. The futures in -ew at first sight difier enough from those in -ffw to justify the attempt to separate them completely one from the other. This attempt has been made by Hugo Weber in the Philologus "Vol. xvi. (1860) p. 69i with the support of Voretzsch de insor. Cretensi p. 29. Weber's view, with which Benfey ' Entstehung des Optativs ' 1).62 agrees, proceeds upon the notion that the futures in the Dor. -iw, Ion. -tti), without having lost a sigma, were formed by the addition of the rt. jd go, to a stem expanded by an t. The termination -to), -em would thus be identical with the -jami from which came *as-jd-fni, but also with the -jd-mi from which the numerous presents of the I-class proceeded. But whilst e.g. (j>au'iii comes from fai'-iu>, the future , whence Dor. TEviii), in the remaining dialects Tty^ta, revui. From the form *Tcve-'iii> everything goes on regularly. For it is well established in the case of the presents of contracted verbs also, that they proceeded (cp. p. 241) from E-lw on the one hand to iw, on the other to e w. Cp. Ciet. KnajiiovTEc, ahdwi'. It is worth noticing the greater permanence of the I in these forms shown by the Heraclean dialect : aiavyeXioiTi, r'lvKoda- plnvTi as distinguished from k^pirt, Kotpoi'rt. This greater persistency is occasioned by the fact that the i of the former forms has taken up an i into itself B) Contracted Futures without a Sigma fecm other Stems. A considerable number of stems with a short vowel, which are fol- lowed by a few consonantal stems with short accessory vowels, form a contracted future without sigma, which in its most extended application bears in our grammars the name futurum Atticum, again not at all in the sense that this form was unknown to the other Greeks, but only 308 because the grammarians wished to recommend it as a good Attic form. We will first survey the facts of the case, and then proceed to explain them. The forms belonging here are of three kinds, according as the short vowel, after which the ixai LXX. 4) airo-SoKi/jig. only Herod, i. 199, unless we have there a present form for which there is no other evidence, for the context neither requires the future nor excludes it. 5) e^eruifiey Isocr. ix. 34, elsewhere always i^eraffto etc. 6) epyuifiai LXX. 7) KoX^ Aristoph. Equ. 456, KoXio/ievovs ib. Vesp. 244. Often with the (from anil>i-i-auj, which is preserved in e 167) takes a place of its own, inasmuch as the e here represents the root itself. 7rpoe-f(wi^(w is found in Aristoph. Equ. 891, awafx^ul Menander in Meineke's Comici iv. p. 171. The remaining forms are : 1) yafiiw I 388, yajufi Aesch. Prom. 764 etc. in poetry and prose. For this verb there is also the shorter stem ya/L/, so that yayut'w as a future is related to eyr)ixa as a(paXu> to tirfriXa.^ ' 2) sftX£(i). KciXiovff' '(£ r 383, KaXil), KaXnvunt in all Attic. But beside this there are eyicaXin-ei Demosth, xix. 133, iTro:aXiiTeTai Lycurg. 17, ii;t:aXea-eiT8ai Aesch. i. 174. 3) Kopiei 9 379, Kopieie N 831, but copeVw Herod, i. 212. 4) rfXt'i.) * 20, eK c£ cai dj/e reXil A 161, beside rfXfVo-w * 559. • At p 256 the M.SS. vary between reXhi and TEXeaei. tcXw is quoted from dramatic poets and Plato, reXia-w from Pindar (Nem. iv. 43), Xenophon and Plato. There come now the few instances of a contracted future from stems ending in a mute, which according to the view formerly in favour were regarded as futura secvihda, viz. : 5) KaOeioifiai, Attic future to i;ade!ieadut KndeSeX Aristoph. Ran. 200, also in prose. The same stem-expansion is shown in the post- Attic iSe-dXo i: 6) fj.ad(vfirn, a, very doubtful reading in Theocr. xi. 60 (cp. Ziegler ad loc.) ; Ahrens writes fiairivfiai. The e could only find a weak support in jxEfiiSriKa, fiaO^nofiai, as everywhere else the long e appears. 3X1 7) fiaxeot'Ttti (cp. p. 269) decidedly as a future B 366, cp. iiaxe'irnt Y 26. The contracted forms are common in the Attic writers from Aeschylus onwards until the Orators. We may compare the aorist /iaxEfa'^flai in use from Homer onwards, and ^la^ErEO)/ quoted from Plato. Beside these even Homer has fiaxi'iaerai S 265, fxa-jQiain \vpiw, by Herodian on II. A 454 (Lentz ii. 806) Krcpiovai. fj Toiavrr] 312 vaXiel, and treated by all grammarians as a rare future form from kXcIw, of which the Old Attic present is /cXijo) (cp. p. 249). Joh. Schmidt Vocal, ii. 254 f. has conjectured that this KaraKXiel belongs rather to KarafcXiVw with the force ' veil, cover up,' attested here and 313 there for iceKXinifOQ and EKt'/tXtro. But though with much acuteness and learning he establishes this meaning for the stems Mi, kal from different regions of speech, and also for Homer (E 356), yet there is no trace whatever in Attic Greek of any such use of KaTUKXivu), and in the passage of Eupolis, according to all appearances, the meaning required is that of ' shutting up.' Hence scarcely any course remains except with Meineke to put KaraKXiel side by side with SaviHi or laveiQ from lavci^io, against which Photius in his Lexicon p. 85, 21 warns us, and to conjecture that the comedian put the form into the mouth of a barbarian. The Doric forms kX^Jw (Theocr.), avuKXif^aQ have been formed on the analogy of the verbs in fw. Perhaps there was really a present KXy^ui by the side of KXyoj (cp. Veitch p. 332), and the presumed barbarian meant to say KaTaKXrjsi, which would have some analogy in its favour, but said by itacism KaraKXiel. Now that we have taken a survey of the stock of forms, we have to explain them. Two possibilities here present themselves. Either there never was a vLovfiai are unknown and without any analogy. Hence no other course remains in the case of the third group but to assume the loss of the a. And this makes it very probable that the same phonetic process took place also in the verbs of the first and second groups. While, therefore, in my opinion all three groups agree in changing the a into a breathing, the first two difier from the third in one essential point. /3t/3(S has come from /3t/3a(rw, KaXieL as a future from KoXiaei, that is, both from the usual future form, but Ko/ueiD cannot be explained from KOfilirw. It rather presupposes *Kofii-ireu>. KUhner Ausf Gr. i^. 570 is of a different opinion. He thinks that Koixi-iu) comes rather from *KOfii-e(Tio. But this assumed intermediate 314 form would find a weak support only in the rare future forms like fia)(£- ao/xai cited on p. 481 ; and it is still less admissible to presuppose for an intermediate form so deduced the loss of a S, as Kiihner does : *kojuiS- tau), *KOfii eau), for a loss Hke this is quite unknown. On the other hand «H. xvni. OTHER NON-SIOMATIC FUTURES. 483 everything is quite right, as soon as we start from a primitive form *KOfii-aeu) formed on the Doric analogy. We saw on p. 470 that in Attic writers this formation was not altogether rare, at any rate with middle terminations. Erom- KOfii-a-iiD there came Kofit-ito as from reXe-aiii tsXe-oi. This extremely simple explanation is confirmed, I thiak, by the ■existing Doric forms like opnUu) (C. I. i. 1688, 1. 13), xop'^'OA'^S" •(p. 469). The Attic x<^piovfiai comes therefore from the same primitive form as this x«P'4'o'/ue0a. As to the loss of the o-, it may surprise some that we have assumed "this here without further discussion, while in the case of the aorist a simUar procedure appeared improbable. But there another, and, I -think, an easier means of explanation presented itself. Besides the «.orist is to a much greater extent without duplicate forms with and without (T, which here, especially if we include the Doric dialect, are found in. abundance. We cannot deny that there is elsewhere too some fluctuation with regard to o- between vowels, e.g. in the formation of the 2 sing. mid. (-o-ai, -a-o). By assuming the same phenomenon in the future we can at once understand how even in Homer reXiw can act sometimes as a present, as the product of an earlier tc\({(t)-jw, sometimes as a ^future coming from TEXc{(r)-a(ii. The loss of the o- in contracted forms was evidently favoured by the analogy of the common futures of the "verbs with X fx v p. C) OTHER FUTURES WITHOUT or . We have learnt above (p. 467 ff.) to recognise a series of future forms -which were characterised as such by nothing, but which did not, how- ever, coincide with present forms, because the presents of these verbs were on their side distinguished by stem-expansions. Our investigation now brings us back to formations, which externally are extremely like those forms, but which are distinguished from them by the fact that the future is here often completely identical in form with a present in more or less frequent use. There are not many verbs which come under 315 this head, and it is a question whether all can be explained in the same way. In Homer there are three futures, resembling presents, in -uw, viz. : ai'vbi, which may indeed in A 56 ovk avvio (pdoveova be very well taken .as a genuine present, but in the compound i^avvto A 365 ^ 6i]v a t^avvM ys Koi varepov avrifioXriaae (=Y 452) points more decidedly to -the future, though this might have been denoted as in tt 373 by avvff- ■ffeadai from the same stem. ipvovai A 454 2 SeiV, ov p.ev (Tol ye narrip Koi noTvia p^rjTrjp oa-(T€ Kadaiprjo-ova-L 6av6vTi wep, aXX' olavoi a>iJ,t](TTal fpvoviri . . • Cp. O 351 aXXci Kvves kpvovai, X 67. The best ancient grammarians assumed here present forms with ^ future force : thus Aristonicus on X 67 : ri InrXfj on xpovos rjXXaKTat, aVTi Tov ipv(Tov(TLv Kal ev 'OSwo-o-ff'^t vevpflv ivravvciv {(p 97, 127) avA rov ivTavvaEiv and Herodian on A 454 ipvovn. wpoTrapo^vycraL • evriXXuKTai I I 2 484 THE FUTUEE. ch. xtiii. yap 6 iveirTu>s •)(p6voQ avTi fiiWovTOS. ovroig Kal 'Apiarap-j^OQ' 6 ie'AXe^luy TrepiiTva.. oiiK ev. ivravvEiv in the two passages already cited from (p and also (j) 174.. Why La Roche (p 97 and 127 (after 'iXwojxai) against Aristarchus and good M.SS. writes ivTavvauv, and in the third passage ravvovai. (a\\* aWoi Tuvvovin raya) I cannot understand. There is also vioixai 21 101 [='^ 150] vvp S' iiru oil viofxal yt )\f/iaj^oc vetTai, ^ 152 we ve'irat 'OSvaevQ. [Op. La Iloche on S 505.] The Attic dialect has a similar instance in the future use of x^<^ ^.nd xiofiai (cp. Elmsley Review of Hermann's Supplices on v. 772, Eurip^ Supplices Lips. 1822, p. 254). Certain instances are found in Eur. Suppl. 773 dXX' et/i'j ewapat X^'^p' o-TravTrjcas veKpols "AiBov de ixoXnas ckx^^ BaKpvppoovs Fragm. 388 Dind. Kapa re yap (rov o'vyx^(o KOfJiais Sfxov pavSi re TreSoo*' iyKetpaXou 316 Aristoph. Pax 169 KairKJlvTevtreK epTrvKKov ava> Koi p/vpov iiTi-x^'is Plato Com. (Meineke Com. ii. 637) eyw ^e Xlrpov (?) 7rapa\4(av epxopaij Kayta 6e napaKOprja'aiU Isaeus vi. 51 eirl to. nvfifiara Uvai j^eo/uevov koI ivaywvvra. Whether- the language of Homer possesses a future-present x^^"^ corresponding to this is doubtful, for xewojuev H 336, and of course also xevw 222, may be the conjunctive of the aorist. A very unique Cretan form of the same kind is found in the 3 plUr. a.vayvu)0VTi 0. I. no. 2554, 1. 39, el Se yui) E^op/ci[^]d ire oi Adriot KOtrfiOL ^ fj.}) 7rapayy£X[E]oi'rt eVi tclv avayvwrny rag (TvvdriKag, rj jxri avay- vwovTi, aitoTtiaavrtav . . . and again in 1. 45. Boeckh took the form to be a future with the a lost, Ahrens Dor. 339 to be an aorist conjunctive, but this does not fit in with the futures of the context. We must not indeed forget that we have no very satisfactory guarantee for the exact reproduction of the whole inscription. There remains finally the Old Attic aww : 0. I. A. i. 2 B. 1. 7 koX to. Koii'a ra 'SiKafifiwvitwv 200 Koi cnrolojaii). On this form, which is un- doubtedly used in a futirre sense, I can now refer to the well-considered discussion by Cauer Stud. viii. 416 fi'. Now what opinion are we to form upon these cases ? Eor the four Homeric forms the rejection of a o- is just as possible, as for those pre- viously quoted, but who can believe it possible that the same loss has. happened to avayvwovTi and ctww. Even if on the analogy of e^ovn,. Ko^oi'Ti we should adopt the accentuation dvayrwom, there would still be no analogy for the rejection of the c in the Doric form. Buttmann Ausf. Gr. ii.^ 296 does indeed maintain this for o-ww, but Lobeck on this passage justly describes this as ' very improbable.' It would be easier- The latter in ii.^ 91 attempts an explanation of this strange proceeding. Verbs, which denote- intellectual or physical perception, had (he says) not uncommonly by the- side of the active a middle inflexion also, without any essential alteration of the meaning, e.g. aKovcro A 331, ipdro A 56. From this he thinks we can explain the usage referred to, especially as it is a question almost exclusively of verbs ' which denote the expression of a physical or intellec- tual activity.' Kuhner goes on to say ' the notion of futurity is really only something subjective, existing only in imagination.' But unfortu- nately the attempted limitation of the meaning of the verbs which are in. question is much too elastic, and by the addition of ' almost ' it is made still more indefinite. It would indeed be very difficult to find any meaning shared in common by futures like dTracr^o-o/jai, aTroXavrrofiai, y^Xaffo/jiai, yripaao/xai, 'iSofiai, Ttvi,()fxai, ■^toovftai. The question is trans- ferred into an entirely different region, when Kiihner thinks he cart further find something subjective in the category of future action gene- rally, which has some internal connexion with the middle action which is ruled in a higher degree by the subject. But the latter notion is evidently based upon a confusion of very different things. The speaker cannot of course speak of the future with objective certeinty, but only in the form of subjective conjecture ; and that is why the potential approximates ta • Kruger Sprachlehre § 39, 12 gives a list of verbs which in the usage of the Attic writers more or less positively form their futures in the middle voice. [Farrar, Brief Greek Syntax § 90, points out how several of these middle futures correspond to reflexive verbs in French.] CH. xviii. MIDDLE FUTURES. 487 the future. But the middle is just as definite a form of expression as the active. Hence while it is quite right to compare aKovaofxaL with the Homeric use of Hkoveto, e.g. d/cowero Xaog avTijs, we cannot speak in 320 either case of subjectivity or ' mere imagination.' The future can be ' mere imagination ' at most for the speaker, that is for myself, if I say aKovaerai, while the middle form expresses a fuller participation of the third person referred to as the subject of the action. Hence I doubt whether we can find any sufficient reason for the ' elective affinity ' between the future and the middle : and I am afraid that we must content ourselves with the fact that the active and the middle are separated by very slight boundary Unes. In consequence of this sKght distinction, which often is so delicate that it can only be detected by instinctive feeling, at a very early period active and middle divided themselves upon different tenses in a number of very common verbs ; and the middle form especially settled on the future. A number of others afterwards followed the example of these. It is no more possible to determine them by their meaning, than e.g. to lay down any distinction of meaning in modem languages for the use to ' be ' and ' have ' as auxiliary verbs. Naturally there is here too no lack of deviations from the rule, upon which we cannot enter here. Perhaps the one fact, that ei/xi has only the middle future eaofjai, to which we have referred on p. 4.35 under the head of the future perfect, has had greater influence on the other verbs, than might have been supposed. 488 THE PASSIVE STEMS. CHAPTEE XIX. THE PASSIVE STEMS. As the two tense-stems discussed in Chaps. XVII. and XVIII. stand unmistakeably in a closer affinity one to the other, so the two groups of passive stems agaia form a common division in the great whole of the Greek verb. They share in the first place the negative characteristic, that they have nothing quite correspondiag in any one of the cognate 321 languages, and are therefore undoubtedly to be regarded as essentially a recent formation of the Greek language. They are further united by their identical force, that of the passive, which in all other instances attaches only to the middle endings, but here is in part united with active per- sonal endings. Finally we must notice the inflected e which runs through both after the fashion of the unthematic conjugation, and by which the passive aorists receive their peculiar stamp. Hence we have to do unmistakeably with a pair of stems, the parallelism of which could not escape even the Gi'eeks, and the development of which had a mutual influence on both sides. It is in the case of this pair of equivalent creations that there is most sense in the old terminology which denoted tenses by means of numbers. For it is not very uncommon here to find both in use at the same time, e.g. e/jlyriv and kfii-)(Qriv ; and it is not altogether preposterous here to denote the rarer form as the second, the more common as the first, as the former cannot by any means always lay claim to greater antiquity. Still it is better here too to replace numbers which signify nothing by definite names. Hence, reserving the ex- pressions ' strong ' and ' weak ' for the grammar of schools, I call the one passive stem that in --q, the other that in -Sij. But as shorter terms are sometimes indispensable, I occasionally describe the former as the lighter, the latter as the heavier. We shall in the first place discuss the peculiarities common to both passive-stems, and then examine the forms of each stem according to their occurrence and origin. The e at the end of both passive stems is treated throughout just as in the so-called Aeolic inflexion of the derived verbs in -rj-fxi (=-E-bi). Compare Hom. avfi-Triv with bfiaprrj-Triv, Sarifierai with KoKrifievai, S/jLTideie with Aeol. ipiXcie. In discussing the moods above pp. 314, 319, 329 etc. we were therefore able to examine at the same time forms like Safifiere, rpaireiofiev, fuyelric etc. It results from this that the e, originating from contraction (op. p. 247) is essentially long, and is shortened only under the conditions examined on p. 135. In this respect the iterative formation ^ave-oKz-v A 64, belonging to e-iXeiriv, ftXevros, and we must regard, not avc ■CH. XIX. PECULIAEITIES OP THE TWO STEMS. 489 i\e /ux0£, but (j>airi, (ptX-q, jxix^ri as the true stems. Compared with primitive forms like Qis, Hq, the long vowel in the passive stems holds its place more obstinately, as is shown by i\ev (or e(piXef ?) (j>iXiJnevat, (j>iXeie were not yet limited to the Aeolic dialect, i(pavrjv and kriOriv with their moods and verbal nouns must have been formed. We shall come back to this point la the course of the present chapter and try to determine its importance for the history of the developement of these forms. For the indicative of the two passive stems we have first to take into •consideration the quantity of the e, and the different formation of the 3 plur. It might appear at first sight that a trace of the long e before the termination -v{t) of the 3 plur. had been preserved in the entirely •unique fxiat'Orjv a'//uart firipoi (A 146). The scholiasts B L took ^lav&rjv to be a ' SuiKoi' ek cmyKowriQ,' a dual form shortened from fiiavOriTriv ; biit no one will be willing to accept this view. Buttmann Ausf. Gr. ii.^ 244 saw in it an aoristic dual form of the middle from a stem f/iav formed according to the rules of the primitive inflexion. As SIk-to comes from the rt. Sck, so we might imagine a form *fitav-To as a 3 sing. aor. mid., and fj.iav-dr]v (for *fiiav-a-driv, cp. &'x-9at) would be the correspond- ing second person dual. But there are several objections to this too, and it is hard to make up our minds to regard this form as differing in principle from fiiavdr)aav which occurs in exactly the same sense at n 795. Hence I consider it best with Ahrens (Conjug. auf fxi p. 36) to write ixiavdev,^ but not as though the ' bucolic caesura ' produced the 323 length of the syllable, for what was so regarded is better explained as •original length ; I suppose rather that jiiavQev retained the old length of position in the final syllable even in thesis. This principle of explana- tion is recognized by Hartel Hom. Stud, i.^ Ill, at any rate in cases of . arsis, with reference to 'i^av and certain other forms of the kind. For we cannot really believe that the original ij retained its natural length unimpaired in this isolated instance before vt and the later w, f. The regular forms of the 3 plur. in -ev are far more common in Homer than the longer ones in -rjcrav. Against 46 forms in -ev, e.g. ayev, Zajjiev, lierixayev, KoafiriOtv, Trrj^Oav, TavvaOev, there are only 15 in -ricrav, e.g. jxiyrjaav (beside fiiyev), rapirriaav, iy(apri(rav, iiix6r]aav , 6ii>pri')(^ B-qaav. On the other hand in the language of later poets the shorter formation is an archaism, used here and there. From Pindar Peter de dial. Pindari p. 59 cites 16 forms of the kind, e.g. jiXajitv Nem. vii. 18, iipOaptv Pj-th. iii. 36, ovofiaaOev 01. ix. 46, efiix^ev Isthm. ii. 29. For the dramatic poets I may refer to Gerth Stud. i. 2, 257. There are well-established instances in Eur. Hippol. 1247 f.Kpv^df.v, Arist. Pax 1283 eKopetrdev, Vesp. 662 Karivaadev : hence in Soph. Antig. 973 for [' idavBev is actually found in one M.S. Cp. La Roche ad loc. who reminds us of the fact that the early alphabet had only one sign for E and H.] 490 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. xix. the TvifKoiQev of the M.SS. I have conjectured Tv(pXii)d£r. We may quote also ei\r]dev (or efiXaOev) Theocr. vii. 60. For the shorter forms it is. of importance to notice that they occur also on Doric inscriptions, where we may give them the Doric accentuation : SuXiyev C. I. O. 3050 1. 7, 3052 1. 10, for which in 3048, 1. 8, certainly only from oversight, iuXiyriv has been written, which Boeckh with Buttmann alters into SieXiyei', KarsSiKatrdev Tab. Heracl. i. 122, 143, ^lEXe'xeti' treaty between the Cretan towns Hierap3rtna and Lyttus (Naber Mnemos. i. 105 1. 13). From Archimedes Ahrens Dor. 317 quotes KaTeyrwffOcr, o-ui'tjESoflej', erEflti'. It is therefore well established that the Dorians made use of such forms even in prose. — Forms Uke epiiTvOev, KocrfxriQev are quoted as Boeotian, and occasionally also as Aeolic, i.e. Lesbian Aeolic by grammarians (Ahrens Aeol. 211). That the longer forms were not unknown to the Asiatic AeoUans is proved by karadriaav Sappho fr. 53 Be.^ We have an instance of a Doric form of the same kind from inscriptions in luXiyrfaav C. I. 3047, 1. 7. Evidently the two formations were both in use before 324 the dialects parted off. In the Attic writers and in Herodotus it was. only the longer ones which became established. Except in the 3 plur. the traces of shortening are very uncertain. The ancient grammarians, as Boeckh conjectures in the notae criticae on Find. Pyth. iv. 115, regarded the Homeric forms Erpa^trjjv E 555, rpa^E'/jEv H 199, S 436, y 28 as shortened. But the intransitive use of the active aorist erpaipov is completely established (cp. above p. 287), so that we are even tempted to doubt with Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. ii.^ 307) whether the form erpafriv later in use is not to be denied to the language of Homer. For the active forms may always be restored by slight alterations, sometimes supported by traces in our authorities (e.g. ^ 84 supported by Aeschines c. Tim. § 149). — Besides these probably the only word that can be quoted is trrcpdiixev ffTeprjdfivai Hesych. But the authority for this is too doubtful to carry much weight. Of the moods the imperative of the lighter passive stem is represented in Homer only by avriT(o u 101, while of imperatives of the other form thei-e are 7 examples, as al?ieadr)TE /3 65, KaraKOL/jiridriria I 427, avriri T 375, Sauijiev B 299, ^^oXuOye I 33, lavDi] x 59, wcip-qfiwjxiv X 381, TreiprjdiJToi' K 444, optatives like rvwdris N 288, ireiprjdelrie A 386, SiaKpivdclre V 102, and infinitives like SatifXEvai Z 150 and Sa^u^rat N 98, apiOfiridri- fiEvai B 124, fivriadrjvai S 118 hardly need any fui'ther discussion, still less do the extremely numerous participial forms like aXelg H 403,. ■KXrjycvTE 455, /iix^Ei'c F 48, pt)(QivTOi I 250. The lighter passive future is represented in Homer only by Saijo-Eai* y 187, T 325, fiiyriaeffdai K 365. Instances of the heavier are entirely wanting. It is noteworthy that the Dorians do not exclude the active personal endings for these futures (Ahrens Dor. 289), e.g. o-vi'ttyOr/o-ouvrt C. I. 2448, i. 25, uiartodrjaw ' aKovffofiai Hesych. [Phot, and Suid. add AwpiEie], at'rjff(~tv Archimed. beside SEi-xdfi(r£rat and the like. This 325 peculiarity is connected with the similar phenomenon in the case of the futurum exactum discussed above on p. 436. Finally we may mention a pair of remarkable deviations in the Dorian and Aeolian dialects. To these belongs the Heraclean conjunctive ' This form was not included on p. 5 because the meaning is not at all passive, but in formation it decidedly belongs to this category. CH. XIX. PECULIARITIES OF THE TWO STEMS. 491 iy-fi}KriOiu)VTi^klei\ridCiri A 222, cp. above p. 488, also in Pindar, Herodotus, and Attic writers. Sia-Tpviy r 363, 492 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. xix. i-Tinri) ii 421, TVTTcirjt N 288, rvTreig A 191, also in Pindar and Attic poets. (jiavri A 477, tpcivrjfiev i 466, (pavrirriv H 7 etc., common in later times. e-x"pri r 23, exdpv""-'' T 111, x"P^'''''f£ K 541, also in Pindar, Herodotus, Euripides, Aristophanes, Plato Rep. 606. There are further the following 35 additional from the Attic period, many of which make their appearance as early as Herodotus : i'i-aXt(j>y Plat. Phaedr. 258. aWayijvai common Attic, s^airaWayy Thuc. iv. 28, cnraWayritTOfiai Herod, ii. 120, Thuc. This is the only Attic instance of a lighter passive formation from a stem decidedly derived. (ia(l>y Plato Rep. 429. fipa'xfiaa Aristot. Probl. 12, 3. ypaeie Soph. Aj. 1145, KpvcpfitroyTat (M.SS. icpt//3)j(ro>'rai) Eur. Suppl. 543 Elmsley. eic-Xairijvai Aristoph. fr. 211 Dind. ^vv-e-\iyrifi£v Aristoph. Eccl. 116, KciTaXeyrjvaL Lys. xxx. 8, also Thuc. Plat. Isocr. S:aXeyijvai. corresponding to dLaXeyeirdaL first in Aristot. Eth. M. i. 29. EK-fiayrivai Plat. Thaeaet. 191. e-fidvriT£ Eurip. Bacch. 1296 and corresponding forms elsewhere in poetry and prose. (ca7--opw)(7;iTOju£6a Aristoph. Av. 394. av/x-TrXaKy Demosth. ii. 21, (ri/jun-Xatejc Soph. fr. 548 etc. ciTTo-irviyelev Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 21, cnro-Trviynaofiai. Aristoph. Nub. 1504. pa^ijvai Demosth. Hv. 41. pifrjyai Plato, e^Epplfri Aeschines ii. 153. e-(Tirdpr)u Soph. 0. R. 1498. e-areprjv ffrepeie Bur. Ale. 622, Hec. 623, with ffTtpijffofim Soph. El. 1210, Thuc. iii. 2. i(TTparjvai from Aesch. onwards (Sept. 1021). e-rpdirrjv ditto (Aesch. Pers. 1027). CH. XIX. THE PASSIVE STEM IN rj. 493 kiri-rpifiijvai. Aristoph. Nub. 1407, cp. Demosth. xviii. 194 etc. eVi-ru^j} Aristopli. Lys. 221, eVrw^jjiro/iat in otker comic writers. 328 e-(j)ddpr]v from Pindar (Pyth. iii. 36) onwards in tragedians, Herodotus and Thucydides. (j>vy Plato Eep. 494. ypvxwai- Aristoph. Nub, 151, Plat. Phaedr. 242. Besides tbese there are 32 more passive stems of this kind, which occur either only as quite unique in older non- Attic writers, or like airoXfTrrjvai in Dio Cassius, only in the post- Attic literature, or are quoted only by Hesychius. Of these we may notice the following : yripevTOQ Xenophanes (fr. 8 Be.') according to Herodian ii. 829, and E. M. 230, 50 dvSpos yrjpfVTOs jroXKov d<}>avp6Tepos, •yyaiit'aL' KXaffOrjyai, i;i'a/ji(p6rjvai Hesych. Cp. Homer. ETrt-ycaju^Sij- vai. SpuKcvTCQ Pind. Nem. vii. 3, SpaKeltra Pind. Pyth. ii. 20. ipitrevTi Pind. 01. ii. 43. Kapy Herod, iv. 127. ava-irapElg ib. iv. 94 : Cp. eirapr)' EKCvrridri Hesych. And as instances of later imitative formations ayyeXrjvai Plut., now banished from Eur. Iph. Taur. 932. eirdrjv Kai avEirdriv iv ry avvridei^ Choeroboscus, Lentz Herodian ii. 800, avairangovTai N. T. i(p\iyr)v Dion. Hal., Luc. etc. The total number therefore amounts to 89. We can plainly see the gradual developement of this formation, which however by its very nature could never attain to the wide extension of the second. A glance at our lists of the thematic aorist forms (above p. 283 if.) shows con- siderable chronological differences. It may be further noticed that the future in the post-Homeric time is tolerably extensively formed from the stock of these stems once in existence. As Attic futures of the kind in addition to those already incidentally mentioned we find : ftXaftiisofiai Plat,, Isocr., ne.T£yypa^ri(reTaL Aristoph. Equ. 1370, KaraKXivriirofiai Aristoph. Plat., (rvWeyriao/jevoe Aeschin. iii. 100, irayf/aeTai Ar. Vesp. 437, EKTrXayijao/xat Herod., Thuc. the Orators, tKpayjjiroi'ratAesch. Prom. 367, elspvrieadai Isocr. vui. 140, icaTaffairriirETai Plat., a'!rou(payr)(Toivro 329 Xenoph. Hell. iii. 1, 27, cKrpifiriffeTai Soph. 0. T. 428, ^avriaofxai, Sia8apri(T0fiai. As to the vocalism, the stem-syllable of these passive stems shows a preference like that which we noticed on p. 278 above in the case of the thematic aorist, for the vowel a. 28 of the lighter passive stems have an a- belonging to the root, e.g. ayrj, ^aipri, ypafri, fiavri, x"/"?, 14 have a by the side of an £ in the root, e.g. aXr), Sapr], KXairri, irXaKri,^ Tapir-q, only 5 retain the e \ ayyEXri, OEpri, XEyq, Tipa-q, (fXEyij, o appears only in avalSpox^", EKOTtrjv, i is represented by 12 instances e.g. aXir], Epiirn), icXivri, i^iyvj "by 16 e.g. yXvfri, (vyrj, pvri, 4'vxi- The long vowel in the above-mentioned yripEie is quite abnormal : so are the diphthongs of the un-Attic forms : ^voiyrjv, Christ, pat. 996, avoiyriffofiai LXX, and of s iirKeicriv occurs very often in the M.SS. as a variant for iirJ^dKriv. In Polyb. iii. 73 iTvviTr'KiK-na-av has been accepted by Bekker and Hultsoh. Cp. KOTOTiXeKeio-i* ffuvSeSfin, irepnreir\eyiii,4vois Hesyoh. 494 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. xix. ^vve^ipEvdiiriv quoted from Hippocrates, thougli the authority for the last is but weak. The short vowel in the stem-syUable is as a rule as much liked in the lighter passive stem as in the thematic aorists. Roots ending in a vowel do not form stems of the kind, as is easily intelligible. Four roots in v are exceptions : Su (SicKSvrji'ai Hippocr.) iTTv (irru^vai Hippocr.) pv, pLK-ja-fj.i should become (jtpiirtrti), but hpaK-ja IpaK-r], why (j>av-j(i> should become (j>aii>ti) but avrjyai appear, Xapfjt'ai rejoice ; i^cKXaTrriiTay in Xenophon Hell. v. 4, 12 and elsewhere means not 'they were stolen' but 'they stole away,' ^vveXeyr)/xev in Arist. Eccl. 116 not ' we were assembled' but ' we assembled ourselves.' In short there can hardly be a doubt that here as elsewhere the passive force is only a special developement from the earlier, partly intransitive, ■ partly reflexive, force. In this way we obtain, for comparison a tolerably large mmiber of formations phonetically similar, and as we shall now with more con- fidence assert, comparable with these passive stems in meaning and not merely in external form. "We saw on p. 244 f. that the intransitive force attaches to the verbs in -ew, though not exclusively, yet to a large extent, and much more commonly than to the kindred verbs in aw, ow. We there compared the prevalent intransitive usage of the Latin verbs in ere,^ and the Church-Slavonic verbs in ijeti. Our Greek passive stems in e may be very well connected with these. At least in the case of some passive aorists Latin and Greek completely agree. We may compare torrere with Teparjvai. If the participle answering to the latter occurred, its stem would necessarily be *Tep(TsvT, which would exactly coincide with the Latin torrent : in the same way fulgere answers to tpXeyrivai, and there is more justice in the old comparison of carere with Kaprjrat than one might thiiak at first sight, the two meeting in the notion of to be shorn, bereft. The late licet is to linquit much as i\iwri to Xiixwavei or Xdiru (Princ. ii. 61). Frequens presupposes a verb *freqwre to be close, crowded, which agrees with ^paydc, for which there is but late authority (Princ. i. 376). The difierence between the proceeding of the Greeks and that of tjie Romans lies mainly in this, that the former brought together transitive and intransitive forms into the unity of one verbal system, as indeed happens frequently elsewhere, 335 and even in the case of the most primitive verbs. Compare HffTrifii — itfrriv, ijtvia — 'i<^vv. The Romans on the other hand treat pendere and pendere, jacere &nAjacere as distinct verbs, and carried each out through all the forms, though these were far less numerous. Hereby the e-stem inflected in the Aeolic fashion becomes one of the different valuable members in the body of the same verb, and thus acquires a very different appearance from that of the Latin e-stem. In Greek the intransitive usage may have been favoured also by the resemblance of the termina- tions -Tjv, -rifiev, -rjTc, -riffav, -rjrrjv to the past tense of the rt. £f, a resem- blance indeed which in the case of several personal forms could only make itself felt with time. For we have learnt to recognize traces of ^fffiev, ^ffre, ijerrriv, hence it woiild be Wrong to conjecture that such a resemblance was the proper source of the passive usage. If we survey once more the course which in our view the language struck out for itself in giving a stamp to these forms, we may lay down the successive steps somewhat as follows : 1) At a time when the European languages, and still more probably the two South-European languages, had not separated from each other, by the side of monosyllabic verbal stems, there came into use also in many cases disyllabic stems characterised by the addition of an e, inter- changing with the shorter ones. " Friedr. Haase in his ' Vorlesnngen iiber lat. Sprachwissensohaft ' i. 97 describes the characteristic of the verbs in ere as ' quiet rest in a state,' E K 498 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ob. xix. 2) These stems were inflected quite after the pattern of the derived stems proceeding from a-ja, and hence fell to the e-conjugation. 3) In this conjugation, as distinguished from others proceeding from the same primitive form, the intransitive meaning prevalently formed itself. 4) At a time when the process of creating these e-stems was at its height, the Aeolic method of inflexion, characterised by the long e, pre- vailed in Greece. 5) Thus were formed in imitation of the imperfects the indicative, in imitation of present imperatives, conjunctives, optatives, and verbal nouns the corresponding forms of the lighter passive stems. 6) Developing further the tendency pointed- out under 3) these stems found their employment only with an intransitive and passive force. 336 7) It was only later on that the corresponding futures were formed from the same stems on the analogy of the numerous futures in -rjtrofiai. II. THE PASSIVE STEM IN -Or). Here it is unnecessary to enumerate the individual forms. From Homer onwards the passive formation in 9 is very common. According to my collections there are in that writer 130 aorists of this sort from stems of the most various kinds, a remarkable excess over the 22 of the lighter formation. In later Greek it is not worth while to do more than count the forms proceeding from consonantal stems. There are 251 of these. From vowel stems, and from all denominative stems this passive stem is properly to be expected in every case, and it is a matter of no impor- tance whether it actually occurs or not. Hence I content myself with citing Homeric examples of verbal stems of different kinds. Homeric aorists of this kind are ak{]Qr\v t 120, yvixvwdri x 1> kvHrj E 296, iKhrjdev H 280— £0£\x0i7« k 326, fiixdri V 368, dpvUxBv * 396— ipE(Veij H 145, SudriiTav •* 387, ivixpi^KpOek H 272— apTvvdr) A 216, opifOr) E 29, (pdavBev A 200— ayepfli? A 152, &epeev & 1 4:—aile 57, according to which I, Bekker was certainly right in writing rapfdiiri in e 74, while jeH. XIX, TH^ PASSIVE STEM IN -Orj. 499 KaTiirTpaOri(Tav in Herodotus i. 130 (Stfein, v. 1. KaTeaTpa^riiTav), iaTpadri in Sopkron fr. 78 Ahrens, orpa^eeVrte in Theocr. vu. 132 make their appearance beside the Homeric aTpt^QivTe, though for this in E 575 nTpat^OevTe is given aa the variant of the cod. M. SapBdg was used for the usual Sapcic by the comic writer Nicocharis (Mein. Com. ii, 844), iairapOrii', (rirapdri(TOfiai have no authority according to Veitch p. 529, aTToaraXdEVTeg is read on the inscription of the Cnossians 0. I. 3053 1. 4, airoarnXOg in the Schol. T on 6) 21. — WhUe in the cases mentioned a liquid was usually present, the a is produced by a nasal in ^aat'Qr) P ■650 etc., ^aai/Qcv A 200, i^e(j>aavdev T 17, with which compare ^aai'- TUTog (v 93). The similar tKravOr) belongs only to late Greek (LXX). It_is only, as is shown by ayipBr} A 152, aepdev 6 74, Kepdivreg Pind. Pyth.. iv. 82, a phonetic tendency appearing quite sporadically which is here in question. We shall come by and bye to the a of erddrj etc. An intensified stem-vowel, mostly in imitation of the present, meets ns in this passive stem under exactly similar conditions as in the middle perfect and in the sigmatic aorist. We may take as examples : aXetfOrjvai Lys. Plat., awrjfiei^Qri Xen. An. ii. 5, 15, HeLyQr) (Herod. ■i^iy(dri), iei)(dritrofiai common Attic, eireixdrjvat Thuc. i. 80, ^evxSrjvai Pind. Trag., TivxOrjvai. Hippocr. beside Horn, irvx^ri (A 470), iirdadriv common Attic, and so iKdfdriv (as early as Hymn, iu Merc. 195^), ^KirXrixGriyai Eur. Tro. 183, aKrifdrjvai Plato, (TVfTrjxOrji'ai Eur. Suppl. 1029. The I' before 6 is not fixed in primitive verbs, a circumstance which again reminds us of the perfect (cp. above p. 419 f.). Instead of e we find in such cases a : Kar-i-Kra-Qtv E 558 (cp. 'kKrav, eicraro, KraaQai), ■i-radriy Homeric and Attic (rafl?? ^ 375 etc.). Perhaps f/3a9ij- kyevrijOri belongs here, supposing we are to assume that the gloss is Boeotian — in which case we must write efiadei — from the root (ia=:ya, yev recorded 338 in the Boeot. fiavd=yvvr). kfiadr) would then be connected with yc- yaaiTi, ycyawg, iKyeyaacrde. Still (iaiveiv might also be intended in the sense of cover, beget. In the case of kXIvw and cp/rw the want of a nasal in the passive stems kXiSjj, KpiOri, may doubtless batter be explained from the interchange of the stems k\i and k-Xir, Kpi and Kpiv. Hence the fluctuation- in Homer ; iKXiudrj r 360, KXipdrjTrjv K 350, but cKXtdri r 470, KXSrjvai a 366, ^laKpirdfi/xevai T 98, xpivdivTiQ N 129, but SifKpiOev B 815, while subsequently the forms without v are alone in use. The fluctuation between stems with and without v met us in another way in Sr)pivOfiTriu n 756 beside Sripiofiai (Pind.), ilpvrQi^aav r 78, H 56 beside tlpve B 191, afterwards almost exclusively IhpvQrivai : apriivBri has the two present forms aprvno and apTvm. Forms like iipiiOri IT 509, £fiapdvt)ri I 212, i^ripavdri * 348, jjnavdriffav IT 795, where the v is generally an in- tegral and indispensable part of the verbal stem, show how little there was any phonetic tendency to suppress the v before 6. Finally it is worth while noticing how the nasal makes its way in fi-om the present stem in the Herodotean iXdn^Qrfv (vi. 92, ix. 119), for which elsewhere we have kXri^Qrjv following the precedent of c'iXr)(j>a, iu late Greek iXrifif- eriv. Cp. p. 174. We have mentioned incidentally above that the two passive stems are in use side by side incomparably more commonly than the sigmatic ' iMipdev Callim. Hymn, in Cer. 94 is certainly properly corrected by 0. Schneider after Blomfleld into ^Ktttpee-'. K K 2 500 THE PASSIVE STEMS, ch. xn. aorist by the side of the primitive or thematic. Even in Homer we find the pairs : (3\a(3ef and tfiXa^drtaav (* 387). Zajxev and Ifjuqdivra (A 99). fiiyrivai and fiixOrifievai (A 438). Tapirrifjiev and Tapipdr) ((j> 57). In Attic the following are in use : e^aXupy and a\£t(i>dev (both in Plato). aTTj/XXay?/)' Aesch. Pr. 750 and aWaxdn Eiirip. I. A. 798 (ch.) (Sa^jjyat (Plato) and aTr'e(ia(pdri (Aristoph. fr. 366 Dind.) H^vyriuav Plato Eep. 508 and Zevx^aa Plat. Polit. 302. EKkivriv (cp. above p. 492) and eKXWriv (Plat. Xen.) Kpvete Soph. Aj. 1145 and Kpvfdivra Soph. El. 837. pi(pEVTa Eur. fr. 486 D and pupdivreQ Eur. Hec. 335. SiETpifiri Thuc. i. 125 and rpifdE'iffa Thuc. ii. 77. TOKp Eur. fr. 230 and ^wttixOeIq Eur. Suppl. 1029. 339 For the usage of the tragedians Porson on Eur. Phoen. 986 (=972 Dind.) thought he had discovered the rule, 'asperas et antiquas formas adamarunt Tragici, ideoque aoristos priores praetulere.' But apart from the fact that many of the lighter aorists are just as old as the heavier ones, the rule is not observed, as Veitch has shown under aWacrffto p. 45 by a number of examples. The unrestricted choice between two equiva- lent forms still seems to many a scholar something unworthy of a formed language, though our own mother-tongue gives a precisely similar instance in the parallel usage of wob and wehte, frug and fragte. [Cp. our own use of my and mine, loves and loveth, kill'd and hilled : and see D. B. Monro on Homeric Grammar § 57.] In this case fortunately the metre not uncommonly presents insuperable obstacles to the passion for alteration. If we now attempt to arrive at the origin of the passive stems with e, it is in the first place quite certain that these stems find their place in a larger group of forms which, though very differently used, are con- nected together by the addition of the same consonant. We must there* fore first take a survey of these forms. 6 elsewhere than in the passive stem. The present forms in -dui and the past tenses in -Qo-v have been actively discussed and diligently collected by modem grammarians, not as yet following in the lines of comparative philology. The discussion was set on foot by the question raised by Elmsley on Eur. Med. 186 and Soph. O. C. 1015, whether the past tenses ia -ado-v provided with this termination are, as the English critic maintained, aorists, or imperfects. Buttmann Ausf. Gr. ii.^ p. 61 ff., Lobeck in his note on this passage, but especially Immanuel Herrmann in the Erfurt programme of 1832 'de verbis Graecorum in aQEiv, eOeiv exeuntibus' and still more thoroughly Wentzel in the Oppeln programme of 1836 'qua vi posuit Homerus verba quae in doi cadunt 1 ' have discussed actively this question of meaning and accentuation — for the latter concerned the critics especially. G. Hermann has incidentally (on Soph. 0. C. 1015, and on Eur. Phoen.^ 1184) expressed himself as against Elmsley. Valuable investigations in 340 a different direction are furnished by Lobeck Rhem. 92 ff'. We can -cB. XIX. ANALOGOUS FOBMATIONS ELSEWHERE. 501 therefore draw upon the collections of these predecessors in exhibiting here the stock of forms. "We give past and present tenses side by side as our present question is only that of formation. A) Presents in -9w and Past Tenses in •do-y. 1) From monosyllabic vowel-stems. a) With a short stem-vowel, c-a^e-do-v, poetical from Homer onwards (eo-xtflt M 184, avctrx^Oo/xev 1 294, (T-)(EQiT teUQu Tab. Heracl. i. 111. (paedo)!' A 735, Soph. Eur. i^aeeov(7n fi 132. (p^fyiQu P 738, (pXeyidovTi * 358, ^XtyeBoiaro * 197, Aesch. Suppl.. 87, fXiyedw,' Soph. Trach. 99. XpEfiedw(n Oppian Cyneg. i. 163, iiri)(pefjied(i)v Apoll. Rhod. iii. 1260. There is also with a long e aXiidio quoted from Hippocrates and Theophi-astus. Babr. 131, 5- ijXrjdov. c) In ,'. fiapvdet n 519, Hes. 0pp. 215, Papvdovro Quint. Smyrn. xiii. 6. ijXv8o-v quoted above p. 284. It is best to refer it to a rt. iX with, the expanded by-form kXv, which occurs in Trpoe-jjXv-rij-f, Tpog-fiXv-ro-e and in kXfiXv-re (above p. 387, Princ. ii. 179 ; cp. rt. /a\ beside 6Xv-cn-c, rt. /ep beside /epw p. 122), especially as the aorist is thus brought intci ^ Elmsley and after him Dindorf and others write A^KoflEiv and regard AAKiflw- as an ' invention of the grammarians," and so in the rest of the verbs, though X do not in every case mention it, in all corresponding instances. CH. XIX. ANALOGOUS FOEMATIONS. 503 connexion with the present 'ipxofiai (p. 197). Fick's attempt to start from a root Xue=Skt. rudh (Ztschr. xix. 250, Worterb. i.^ 200) is not at all borne out by the meaning, and would lead to the separation of 'ipXofiai and ^\vQo-r. The syncope of a w in rikQov would also be hard to explain. Prom tX ?iX-Qa-v is formed independently, just as i]\v-Qo-v from eXu. For the perfect form cp. p. 398. But perhaps the Skt. rudh is itself only a variant of ardh, and comes like this from ar. fiipvdci n 392, nivvduvm P' 738, Hes. 0pp. 244, Aesch. Eum. 374, Soph. 0. C. 686. ipeivvdovai Z 327, (pdivvduv B 346, tpeivvOov P 364, airofdtvvdwai 343 ApoU. Rhod. i. 683. d) In consonants. A special group is formed by the presence of it before 6 : aicrdu) • Bvfiov aiaOcov U. 468, Ovfxoy aiaSe Y 403. The connexion with arifii, aim (tVei (jiiXov aiov r]Tup O 252), da^w etc. from the rt. va breathe (Princ. i. 483 f.) cannot be doubted, ato-flw is probably for ahr-dii) and is most closely connected with acrfiAv Triev/ia Hesych. l3i$aaeu)>', only in this form N 809, O 676, n 534. The a here probably comes from a S, so that fiifiaaHidv is to be explained from the expanded rt. paS, occiu'ring in fiad-o-Q • fial-i^w. &\iadov from Homer (T 470) onwards, dXiirSai'w from Sophocles onwards, perhaps from a stem yXir (y\ia-;^po-c) : Princ. i. 458. cpexdbiv E 83, kpexQajjiivriv * 317, Hymn. Apoll. Pyth. 180 is probably rightly grouped by Spitzner (Exc. 34 ad Iliadem) and others with the almost equivalent epeiKui, to which it is related on the ground of its second e much as epripiSa-' to epeiSw (above p. 418). Cp. 'Epsx^^^s and 'EpL\06ytoe. B) Formations further derived. Besides 6 we find other expanding elements in the following forms : ■yridiu) beside yriddfjcvoc mentioned above p. 501, is not uncommon in poets from Homer (S 140, eyridee H 127) onwards, as well as yrjdricfw, yrjdriiTe. yrjdcio is quite parallel to gaudeo, and is related to the shorter formatfon as fidew to crrido) (Lobeck Rhem. 93 f ). vTT-eiKadewi' only in Oppian Halieut. v. 500. opE^deov only 'SP' 30 ttoXXoc /jej' jSoee upyoi 6iiiy(d£0v a.ii(j>i ailijpip ', Spitzner and others are certainly right in takiag it in the sense of b)pi)(Bii\aav. The view of Wentzel, that the Homeric forms ai'crxEOhiv {e 320) and Ev (rxESeftv irepl repjua "9 466 are not aorist infinitives but present forma of the same formation as the three just quoted, is perhaps correct. An I forming the present meets us in eoOIw (cp. p. 207). The foUowidg again are expanded in a different "way : 344 Kivad-ii^w, which occurs only in Hesych.,^ while the substantive KivaQiafia thence derived is found in Aesch. Prom. 124. OpodvvOl. OpoBviE N 351, O 595, E 292, OpoijWUV $ 312, tbpodvi'ETO Aesch. Prom. 200, evidently belonging to oplvw, opvvfii. ' Of the different meanings of this verb iSu£feiy, 47ro97)(raup(feiv . /carA /nKphv ffuWeyovra, Ivioi fticupifeu' Kal KtveTv it is only the last which comes into considera- tion here. 504 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. six. It is worth while noticing how various the stems are from which these formations are produced. By the side of stems little differing from the root, such as those cited under 1), we find stems which we are justi- fied in regarding as present stems. This comes out most plainly in the case of (jtdivv-Ow and fiivv-Bw, from which we can restore the present stems in -w (p. 108 ff.). As fdi-vv-Oo) is to ri-w-fiai, so is ■^fiv-va-do-v (cp. Fritzsche Stud. vii. 386) to a hypothetical *a.fxv-yn-ixat, and i-d-a-do-v to the l-KL-a-To • ktcLvelro (cp. p. 120) actually preserved in Hesychius, KaT£K€lade to the da-crdai • KziaQai also quoted by him. Hence we shall be inoUned to compare also the a of 7r£Xa-6E(i', aXKci-Qeiv with that in aya-fjLai, epa-fiai (p. 118 ff.). 0) Meaning. This is to be discussed in two directions. In the one case it is a question of the interchange between active or transitive and passive or intransitive usage, — relations which have to be taken into considera- tion especially for the understanding and the correct analysis of the kindred passive aorists, — and in the other of the dispute, which has been carried on with more zeal than insight, whether the past tenses belong- ing here are past imperfects or aorists. With regard to the first point, we meet with an extraordinary variety. We can distinguish three cases : 1) Decidedly transitive forms. To these belong a'Ca6(j)v (dvfioy), dXri^Eiv grind, 'iaQw and icrBito, ipedto (o^Eiai yUfXtSwj'Ec oSvpojjiivriv ipidovaiv r517), ZiiaKadEiv (cu(r')^povQ 'epii)Tac orjixOToiv Siwcaflfii' Eur. fr. 364, 25, Ka-rrpov eSii)KaOeQ ttot' Aristoph. Vesp. 1203), ivewpridot' jiiya a\EyedEi P 738, irvp(7ot (bXEyidovffi 2 211, ^S' orivag jii- vvOy O 492, fiivvOEi Si TE epy' avdpwTraiy Tl S92, dtvvdov(ri AiXov Kfjp K A85, Tovgde S' 'ia (pOiyvdEiy B 346, dvEaxidofjiEv Att XE~ipae i 294, ovSe Svvaadr) ai^pa. fiaX' ava-^^EQiEiv fiEydXnv vko KVfiarog opprje E 320 J irXridEiv in the earlier time is only intransitive : 7rora/ij> irXfiBovTi toiKiic E 87, wXrjOovariq ayopag (Attic), but in later poets wXr)dEiy is tran- sitive also : ■TrXi/dEi S' uvte KvirEXXa jioiay yXdyog ^Se Kal olSy Quint. Smyrn. vi. 345. •cii. XIX. FOECE OF ANALOGOUS FOEMATIONS. 505 IVom these gi-oupings it becomes plain that we cannot talk of any definite meaning for this class of verbs. Still the intransitive force is the prevalent one. The other question, whether the forms in -Oov, -Oojxriv are of an aoristic or a present kind, has, as we saw, raised much dust. After aU that has been said in this book as to the nature of the aorist, it hardly needs any further explanation that here as everywhere the aoristic force does not inhere originally in any one form, but only gets attached to it by the isolation from an indicative present. The fact that there are numerous presents in -flw should of itself be enough to warn us against the mistake of looking for anjrthirfg particularly aoristic in the d. As "we saw on p. 275 that the question whether 'irpairov is aorist or imper- fect can only be decided upon the basis of another, whether at the same time and in the same dialect Tpdiro) occurs as an indie, pres., so here too. JBut this criterion is in the present instance an extremely unsafe one for us, for the lack of a recorded present form may very easily be the result -of pure accident. Wentzel, though he deserves the credit of refuting erroneous views with regard to the aoristic force, yet himself starts from false assumptions.. He says on p. 19 on 'iaxcOov : Ego statuo, priore 346 parte hujus verbi, quia est aoristus, initium actionis, et altera parte, quae «st facta terminatione sOu) continuationem actionis inceptae vel statum indicari, qui est effectus actionis inc/ioaiae. How are we to suppose "that the syllable ax^, the same as that which underlies the nominal forms axe-ai-g, ax^-Soy, crxo^Vt <^XVf"^> o^ even the phonetic group ex, as Wentzel assumes, had from the first an indwelling aoristic force 1 The only important support for the aoristic force of the form is the infinitive Bx^Oeuv, but "Wentzel justly remarks that this might come under the analogy of opexdiov. The accentuation of the participle oxf-Q<>iv as an oxytone in defiance of all authority was regarded by Buttmann (ii.^ 63) as over-bold. axcBwv has maintained its ground in the recent editions of Pindar Pyth. vi. 19, and no trace of aoristic force can be detected there. In the texts of the tragedians (tx^Swv is now adopted for the most part after Elmsley [cp. Jebb on Soph. El. 356] : thus Soph. El. 754 Karaax^OovTce. Similarly in the case of other forms, e.g. ehadeiv which in El. 1014 has certainly nothing aoristic about it, but is yet generally accentuated ekadeiy. It is only Bergk who preserves the traditional accent. The zeal of Elmsley and his followers against the accentuation of such words as presents is doubtless to be explained from the endeavour, laudable in itself, to destroy root and branch the not duly supported presents, which often used to pass current, while forms baptized with the name of aorists were held to be admissible in varied multiplicity. It is further certain that a decidedly aoristic force never established itself. Hence I conclude that, as Buttmann has already decided, we have no right to alter the accentuation, and that we have to • keep ourselves free from subtle sphttiag of hairs with regard to present ■or aorist force in these cases. — How little the appended d belongs ex- clusively to any one tense-stem comes out clearly from our whole state- ment of the case, and especially from its sporadic occurrence in the perfect, e.g. ycyriBa, irkvovOa, i\r]\vQa, as well as from the extension of the sound over difierent tense-stems, discussed in Princ. i. 81 f. 506 THE PASSIVE STEMS. Similar Formations in other Languages. Bopp Vergl. Gr. § 630 ff. placed the 6 of the various Greek verbal forms side by side with a series of phenomena in the cognate languages ; 347 and others, especially Schleicher, have made considerable additions to his list. As the material is nowhere completely collected so as to admit of a ready survey, the most important facts may be briefly adduced here. 1) In Sanskrit we find the compound verbal stem <^rad-dhd trust, believe, from which, as early as the Vedas, came forms like the participle p'ad-dddlidna-s and frad-dhita-s, and subseqiiently the present qrad- dadhdmi, unmistakeably a compound from the neuter substantive grat or qrath trust, and da-dhd-nii=Ti-Qr]-^i ; a view which is confirmed by the fact that this primitive noun is also separated from its verb, and compounded in the place of dha with the equivalent kar make. The identity of this qrad-da-dha-mi with the completely equivalent Lat. cre-do (for cred-do) is one of the earliest discovered and at the same time most noteworthy facts in comparative philology. — This same -dha occurs also in Skt. sva-dhd, properly ' own doing,' then custom, use, habit, from which comes the Greek stem fedo, preserved i"n the Aeol. i-vedw-Ka (for i-trhBdi-Ka), shorter /eQ {HQog, EiwOa), Princ. i. 311. 2) In the Zend the corresponding cZn is in far more extensive use. Bopp quotes yaoz-da purify beside the adverb yoz purely. Hiibschmann Zur Casuslehre p. 309 note gives a full dozen of such formations, e.g. qah-da fall asleep, beside qap (:=Skt. avap, Gr. vw, Lat. sDp) sleep. This d is not uncommon in nominal formations also. 3) From Latin, besides credere already mentioned, we may with certainty place here the prepositional compounds con-de-re, ah-de-re, sub-de-re, per-de-re. Only in the case of a few, as the two Indo-Germanic root da give and dha place have come to coincide, it is not possible to decide whether the one or the other root is present. Wbether the d, which ten-do has added to the rt. tan (teneo, Gr. Tiiuw, Skt. tan) arises from the same source, may be left undetermined. The root dha would have undergone in this language an application, still more closely corresponding to Greek formations in 0,_if we ventured to agree with Scherer, who in his Gesch. der deutschen Sprache p. 202 348 explains the imperfects in -bd-m to be from this root. The objections brought against this view by Corssen seem to me to have been answered by Pauli Ztschr. xx. p. 325 f. It is certainly surprising that the root dha in essentially the same application in the same language within a word should appear at one time with the dental, at another with the labial medial. In any case the b of ba-m cannot be separated from the b of the future in -bo and of the participle in -bundus, and as this sound might have arisen just as well from the rt. bhu as from the root dha, I do not find any absolutely decisive criterion within the Italian languages for the one or the other view. We might adduce in support of the derivation from the rt. dha the wider extension of the rt. dha as an appended auxiliary. If Scherer were right, we might compare l-fiovKit- Oti-v and vole-ba-ni, both with an expanding e, ido-dri and dd-ba-t, both without it, tffra-Orj-v and std-ba-m in spite of a slight difierence of forma- tion. As for the retention of the a in Latin, we might find a parallel to this in the Elean forma like Soff^ quoted above p. 491. I know of CM. XIX. SIMILAR FOEMATIONS IN OTHER LANGUAGES. 507 only one argument which is against such a connexion. To the Latin future in -bo answers an Old Irish future in 6, which alternates with / (Schleicher Comp.^ 824). But in the Keltic languages, as Dr. Osthoff reminds me, neither h nor / can represent an original dh. Hence we must either separate the Lat. care-ho from the 0. Erse caru-b (amabo), or carebo from carebam, and both of these courses are alike dangerous, or we must return at last to the old explanation of b from bh, and that will be best.' 4) The Teutonic languages present us with the compound past tense, Goth, nasi-da, plur. nasi-dedum, an explanation, which in spite of some difficulties has maintained its groimd victoriously against recent attacks. 5) In the Letto- Slavonic languages a series of comparable phenomena have been pointed out, especially a) A present-forming dha (cp. wXfidb)) in the Lith. ver-du I cook (cp. 349 Schleicher Comp.* 782) and in the Church-Slavonic i-d^ I go, ja-dq, I travel, ride (rt.^'a=(£). Cp. Jagid Das Leben der Wurzel de in den Slavischen Sprachen. b) Lithuanian present active participles in -da-ma-s, e.g. j6-da-ma-s from j6-ii ride. c) Lithuanian causatives in dyti e.g. bai-dyti scare by the side of bijoti fear, and -dinti e.g. ly-din-ti to make to rain, ves-din-ti, cause to lead, beside vesti lead. This union of the expansion by means of the rt. dha with a nasal syllable reminds us of ala-Q-avo-jxai, iap-0-at'u> (p. 182). To enter upon the traces of dha in the formation of nouns would lead us too far here. But it is extremely probable that the 6 in words like w\rj-d-ot, 7r\r)-0-v-c, irry-d-os, ev-ffTa-0-i}c, I'lp-i-d-fioe, pv-Q-fi6-c, fiia-d-6-g, fiiyt-d-oc is not at all different from that here under discussion. It can hardly be doubted that the rt. dha do is at the- bottom of this wide- spread element. Origin op the Syllable 6r) (Be) in the Passive Aoeist and its RELATION TO do (de). Bopp Vergl. Gr. ii.^ § 630 found no difBculty in setting down the syllable Orj in the passive aorist as quite identical with the dha of the active Sanskrit aorist a-dhd-m,, a-dha-s, a-dhd-t. ' i-rv^-Bri-v is distin- guished,' he says, 'from edijv only in this respect — and that is an advantage — that it allows to the more weighty personal endings of the dual and plural no shortening influence on the root-vowel, as the Sanskrit a-dhd,-m=e-dri-v also refuses to do in its simple condition, e.g. setting d-dhd-ma over against the Gr. t-He-fiev for e-dr]-fie>'.' He goes on to say ' After the syllable Or/ was no longer recognized as an auxiliary verb, the force of a passive character attached itself to it, just as our instinct of language fails to recognize an auxiliary in the -te of such-te, or just as in another te, that of heu-te we no longer feel the presence of Tag ' A new adherent of Scherer's view has recently appeared in the person of F. G. Fumi in his essay entitled ' Sulla formazione lalina del preterite e futuro- impeifetti ' (Milano 1876). This study written with delicate judgment, and the most complete knowledge of the facts, contains many excellent remarks, and many suggestive points of view. 508 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. xix. and in heu (0. H. G. hiv) we no longer recognize a demonstrative.' This explanation I disputed in my Tempera ii. Modi p. 325, mainly on the ground of the meaning, and proposed an alternative one, in which I 350 started for -ri-v and -tiri-v from a common primitive form^?;-!', e.g. for i-fiiyri-v and k-filxdri-v from i-jxiy-jr]-]', and identified this syllable jri with the Skt. rt. jd go. This explanation broke down upon the impos- sibility of tracing back the 6 after other stem-consonants than explosives to j ; and besides the forms in -Qo-v, -dw etc. so remained quite out of con- nexion with those in -drj-i'. For these reasons I proposed another explanation in Ztschr. i. 25 ff. The strange phenomenon presented by the passive force of an active form of a verb of doing I tried to get rid of by referring the syllable -0ij to the rt. dha, but at the same time explaining the length of this syllable by means of a union of the rt. dha with ja, thus explaining -dri-v from -de-ri-v, i.e. the formative syllable of this passive aorist as a passive aorist from the rt. de. The meaning did indeed get its due thus, but it was a bold assumption that this -Or) contained implicitly a second stem, which had been annihilated without leaving a trace. And there was no example whatever of a passive aorist after the fashion of the presupposed L-OE-jr^-v. "With the exception of a few passive formations from stems .in v, roots ending in a vowel always reject the addition of the termination -ri to form the passive stem. Further, the appeal to the verb fio, probably coming from dha-jd-mi is all the less satisfactory that Hesychiiis quotes a partially comparable Qirfiii in the active meaning of iroiGi. StOl my theory met with the approval of Schleicher Oomp.^ 812 f., while other scholars like Scherer Gesch. der deutschen Sprache p. 202 and Tick Ztschr. xx. 359 returned to Bopp's view. The notion of Bopp that the lighter passive stem e.g. kfiiyr)v is a mere 'mutilation' of the heavier e.g. Lfxi'^Qrjv is the only part of his theory which we may regard as defi.nitely antiquated. The phonetic difference between the terminations -9)j-/uf v, -Btj-te etc. and the simple 'i dc-fiev, 'i-de-re, on which I formerly laid some stress, after the conclusions to which we came above p. 135 as to the vocalism of the primitive aorists, has no significance for the present question. Hence if there was once, as I consider certain, an old primitive *'i.-dr]-iiEv, *'i-Bri-T£, it becomes still more improbable, that by the side of this there was a second *dr]-fj.£i', *dit-re, as I formerly assumed, contracted from *de-jri-ixev, *de-jn-re, which was preserved in the terminations of the 351 passive aorist. There remains of course the difficulty of the meaning. A verb of doing, which in cognate languages is used to form causatives, is applied in Greek to denote suffering. Scholars have attempted to make this difference of meaning intelligible from different sides by means of the usage of the primitive aorists. Pott even in the first edition of his Etym. Forsch. i. 187 compared the intransitive -dij-i'ai with the intransitive arfi-vai, both as opposed to rLdr]jxi and lorTrffii. The same notion has lately been worked out by Fick Ztschr. xx. 359 and by Inama in his well- written article ' degli Aoristi greci ' Eivista di FUo- logia 1873 p. 279. Both scholars lay stress on the reflexive meaning as an intermediate between the active and the passive. It cannot indeed be denied that the intransitive meaning attaches to several primitive aorists as distinguished from other forms from the same root. Of 26 such formations with an active termination this is the case with I, viz. in /3^i'ai, arfji'ai, aTroaKXrjrat, ^vfifiX-^Trii', (rfirjuai, Svvai, (pvvaif CH. XIX. ORIGIN OF THE SYLLABLE -61). 509 while e.g. in yvStvai, tt'iOi, i.'XvOt, trxk, rXi/rat we cannot detect the slightest trace of an intransitive application. Hence we cannot speak of any- extensive analogy of meaning. Under any circumstances it would still be hardly intelligible why, if the syllable Bri in earlier tiiaes really had a reflexive or intransitive force, this should have survived only in com- position, and not where it was used independently. Hence I hold the conjeeture that this was always the case to be completely vmtenable. In the sharpest contrast with the roots /3a, ara, Sv, (pu, which occur as intransitive in the most different verbal and nominal forms, it would be hard to establish this clearly for any form whatever belonging to the rt. Oe, Hence I hold it to be idle to ascribe to the syllable Or) itself the intransitive force which comes out so clearly in the passive aorists. Besides, this would create a separation between the forms in dri-v on the one side and those in -Oo-v, -d(o on the other along with the weak past tense in the Teutonic languages, which we are hardly entitled to assume. The correct view seems rather to be the following. We must give up treating the appended syllable as the immediate sign of the force which appears in the usage of these forms. Scholars were not previously 352 sufficiently aware of the interval which exists between the time at which a category of forms originated, and the time, often long subsequent, at which their employment became fixed. The agreement of so many languages proves that even before their separation the composition of more significant roots with the root dha ' do ' was carried out tolerably extensively. We cannot talk of a special force for formations of such a kind, for every verb in itself denotes an activity, and it is tolerably unimpoi-tant whebher the exponent of the conception of activity is expressed or omitted. The periphrastic use of the verb ' do ' in German dialects, e.g. ' er that kommen ' and in English e.g. ' did you come ? ' ' he did not come,' presents us with a parallel from a later period of language to what we assert for the earlier period. Such compositions with d/ia were then, I believe, used at a much later period, during which men were no longer conscious of their origin, in order to complete in various ways the system of verbal forms which was gradually becoming more widely ramified, and to fill up deficiencies, which had originated owing to phonetic losses. In this way the Teutonic weak verbs got their past tense, though in the rt. do, which in the French actuel expresses rather the present time, certainly nothing is contained which could point to the past. Thus the aorist stems in -rt and -Or], which in their form were active, came to be used as intransitive and passive. The former formation has been thoroughly discussed above. We were able in that case to discover many intermediate links and stages for the developement of meaning. A similar service is done for us here by the forms in which is connected with the ordinary thematic vowels. As to the phonetic relation between these forms in -9w and -Oo-v and those in -Or]-v, we can hardly feel any doubt. In discussing the verbs which foUow the older method of inflexion we have seen repeatedly that all the so-called verbs in -fii have a tendency to follow the stream of the verbs in -ew, which in time overspread everything, and that in two ways, the thematic vowel on the one hand being added to the final letter of the primitive stem, or the final primitive vowel on the other changing into the thematic vowel. In the first way from -ra-fii. (vrj-fit) came 353 510 THE PASSIVE STEMS. ch. xix. -ya-b), from vii-fii -vv-w, from *jia-fii *(ia-ti>, from *aTa-fii oraw (Lat. sto), from *dr]-fii the *diio occurring in tte Homeric irpo-deovcn, in the other from -I'a-fiev vo-fiev, from 'i-de-v-TO t-do-vro, from le-irj-v io-iri-t'. In the same way we have in the case of the formations in three stages : 1) those with the final letter of the root retained -Brj-y, -dri-fXEv, e.g. 2^ those with an added thematic vowel : opexdeov, yriOeoj ; 3) those with a thematic vowel taking the place of the final vowel of the root ; ttXtj-Bid, e-ctj^e-So-v. The second class of forms is quite small in number ; the third was limited to some tentative forms of the earlier time, which were after- wards almost entirely lost. There was no definite force attached, as we saw above, but the intransitive usage was prevalent. It was only the first class with its archaic inflexion, which became ,an important part of the verbal system, and which adopted throughout the intransitive and passive force. I do not consider it impossible that aorists of the lighter formation like exaprjv, kfiiyiiv, kdariv, crpcnrrjv preceded them in this course, and that the completely similar terminations of the two groups of forms contributed to bring them near to each other in meaning also, or, to put it more exactly, that the forms with -Or), originally less differentiated, by degrees under this influence practically dropped alto- gether the active force, and established themselves for the most part only in an intransitive or passive sense. As every one knows, there was no period of the Greek language which was entirely without passive aorists in 6 which were used in connexion with a middle present quite as active, and in fact sometimes as transitive, as in Homer aXiidrjv $ 120, alSeffdrjrc /3 65, vejj,€(TiTijdr]Te IT 544, ireLpiidrjvai E 220, later iftovXridriv, w'jj9))>', iSwiiOriv, SLoXexdijvai, Tropevdrjvai. We may recognize in these traces of an indefiniteness originally much more extensive. 611 CHAPTEE XX. 354 THE VERBAL ADJECTIVES. All participles may properly te called verbal adjectives in the wider sense, as we saw on p. 2, inasmuoh as their nature is essentially that of adjectives, while they share the various characteristics of the verb. But the name is restricted in practice to two Greek formations which are distinguished from participles by the fact that they share to a much less degree than these do the specifically verbal varieties of meaning. The participles, in spite of their adjectival character, are capable of denoting the ' kind of time,' and in part also (partic. futuri) the ' grade of time ' ; and are distinguished from each other by a definitely regulated division into active, middle and passive. Hence, in respect of their form, the difference between the unstrengthened verbal stem and the expanded present stems, and the whole multiplicity of the tense-forma- tion are expressed in the participles. In consequence of this every participle belongs to some one definite tense-stem. On the other hand from each verb there is only one pair of verbal adjectives, which for this very reason are derived from the verbal stem, and only here and there adapt themselves exceptionally in particular cases to the present stem. The only power shared by the verbal adjective with the verb is that of serving for predication in a higher degree than any ordinary adjective, and of being capable of the distinction between active and passive, though with a decided preference for the latter. Considering the close affinity of meaning between the most usual verbal adjective and the participle, we can easily understand how in those languages in which the variety of the tense-stems falls quite into the background, e.g. in Latin, the verbal adjective is reckoned among the participles. Of the two verbal adjectives, which were at the command of the Attic language in the case of every verbal stem, one, that in -to, which 355 is most extensively in use from Homer onwards, finds a pairallel in all the other Indo-Germanic languages. We can hardly doubt that an adjective with the suffix -ta, used essentially with a passive force, belonged to the stock of nominal forms closely connected with the verb, which we may assume as existing at the time preceding the separation of the languages. Referring for details to Bopp Vergl. Gr. ii. § 818, and Schleicher Comp.' p. 421 ff., I content myself here with setting forth the entire agreement of the Greek formation with that of the cognate languages in the case of a number of simple and evidently very ancient forms. /3a-rd-c=Skt. gortd-s yvrj-To-i (cp. ho-yvrtTo-g), Lat. gna-tu-s Goth, airtha-kun-th-8 ' earth- bom.' yi'w-rd-e=Skt. ^na-td-s Lat. gno-tu-s 512 THE VEEBAL ADJECTIVES. ch, xx, ?o-rD-c=Zd. d&td Lat. dd-tu-s 4^£uK-ro-s=Skt. juh-td-s TiSit. junc-tus icXv-To-e =Skt. gru-td-s Zd. gril-to Lat. (in)-clu-tu-s TTcir-To-e cp. Skt. pak'-a-ta-m (cooked) Lat. coc-tu-s Lith. kep-ta-s ra-rd-c=Skt. ta-td-S ^£p-rd-c^Skt. bkr-td-s. The verbal adjective in -rt'o-c is quite unknown to the language of Homer as denoting necessity, — ^the force which it afterwards usually has — as has been noticed by Kiihner Ausf Gr. i. 716 and Leo Meyer Vergl. Gr. ii. 383. But we may find a precursor of this formation iu the Homeric vj;-yarfo-c, used indeed only of articles of clothing (B 43, S 185), but still doubtless rightly referred to *»'£i7-ya-ro-e as the verbal adjective from the rt. yev (cp. ye-ya-fitv). But *ya-r£o-c is to the pre- svxmable *ya-rd-c (cp. r);Xv-y£ro-s) as So-rio-e is to Sb-rd-e. In Hesiod we find the form aTei6s-=infandus, and in usage not difiering much from the Homeric udefffuTOQ. The passages are Theog. 310, Scut. 144, 161. It is only in Herodotus and onwards {SiwKTioc, Soteoc) that we find the forms in -t-eo-c with their well-known force firmly established. From Aeschylus I have one solitary instance in my collections : Choeph. 298 kpyaariov : there 356 are far more ia Sophocles and Euripides. But Plato, Xenophon, and Aristophanes are the earliest writers who supply them in great abun- dance.' Evidently this second verbal adjective, as Kiihner i. 716 remarks, belongs quite especially to the colloquial Attic. These facts are of some importance in the enquiry into the origin of the suffix -rio-. This is commonly compared with the equivalent Skt. -ta/eja. So Bopp Yergl. Gr. iii. § 902, Schleicher Comp.^ p. 382. The phonetic possibi- lity of the agreement of a ddtavja-s with the Gk. SoTeo-g cannot be denied. The suffix -tavja might in Greek become first -riS^jo, then -tho, and finally -rio. The second stage, to which tpareio-Q quoted above bears ■v^tness, would be a parallel to aariio-c, which has certainly come from aoTcf-w-g, though it does not undergo a further reduction from ei to e. An analogy for the latter might perhaps be sought in the Homeric fiadiri — jiahe'ia for fiadEf-m, biKEa=:oive6-g (2 538) to Sa 592 (cp. TerevxaTai), on the one hand irieTo-s from Homer onwards (O 331, cp. kviTriBfiev), on the other ttei- 359 (TTeov, from Sophocles onwards, eiirciiTToe, the latter forms in meaning too coming nearer to the present stem, prjKTo-e (Horn.), rijcrd-e (Soph.), X?j7rrd-e (Plato), Eia/j-eiTTToe (Sappho), e^aXenrTiov (Lysias), 0evkt6-q (Soph.) beside aXauroc (Homer), awvaTog (Homer), irvarEov (Plato). There is a very strange form EifxapTo-g (Plut. Alexand. 30), which may serve to show us how strongly was felt the analogy of the verbal adjec- tives to the 3 sing. perf. mid. On the other hand oropwrea • KaraaTpm- ria preserved by Hesychius is due to the intrusion of the present stem. The distinction between the dialectic j^eXtoq, also preserved by him, and jSXrjToc is purely phonetic. In Sanskrit and in Latin two ways of attaching the suiEx to the stem are in use : viz. either immediately : Skt. juk-ta-s Lat. junc-tv^s, or by means of an ^ : Skt. hup-i-ta-s, Lat. gen-i-tu-s. In Greek this two-fold character is known only to a small extent. Sometimes e acts as an apparently inserted vowel here ; but upon closer consideration we can see that it is a stem-expansion, as in yajuf-r^ (Plato), evpetS-q (Xen.), EvpETEo-Q (Thuc), afiaxETo-g (Aesch.), huxeteo-v (Plato) beside fiaxriTog (fi 119), /jiEVETo-g (Thuc), that is in verbs ofthee-class alone, which in yajxtti), EvpEaig, fiaxEo-o/iai, jjiEfiirriKa show other traces of an appended e. There is an unique instance in kXETo-g I 409 formed from the aorist-stem with the thematic vowel; to which we may add vwEXdiTEov quoted from Strabo xui. 622. The same e appears in some adjective and substantive forms, which, though not felt any longer to be proper verbal adjectives, yet in their origin can hardly have been different, like apt-Seies-ro-c (Homer), a-ftaifxaicE-To-g (Homer), o-KEXt-rd-f, TTCLXE-To-g (9 187), Ba^E-To-v, EpTTE-To-v. The masouKnc adjectives in -to-q and the feminine in -ttj which have become substantives and denote actions, like 'ijiE-TO-g (cp. vomi-tu-s), vKpE-ro-g, it-rd-c, icaire-ro-e, apE-rfi, (cp. api-iTKio), jEVE-Ti] (cp. geni-tu-s), te\e-t{i and others serve to confirm this view. In such substantives we sometimes find in Sanskrit an a instead of the i, e.g. paKa-td-s fire [pale cook), mara-td-s death, which makes it very probable that there was once an a in this place, just as in the Gk. aKcifia-To-i, ada/ia-TO-c (cp. dotni-tu-s), Bava-To-g, and that the e as well as the Indian and Latin i are only phases of this ci, in which 360 perhaps we ought to see nothing but the thematic vowel. As this •CH. XX. THE MEANING OF THE VEEBAL ADJECTIVES. 515 Trowel elsewhere characterises the present or aorist stem, we may Tegard the stems appearing before the suffix -ta to a certain extent as present or aorist themes, a view which has forced itself upon us irre- sistibly already in the case of iKdeTiov. In the vocaHsm of the root- syllable also we found clear traces of the extension of the present stem "to this place. Knally we have stiU to say a word as to the meaning of these forms. A large number of the forms in -to, e.g. jSporos, ypwrde, OvriToe, keotoc, kKvtoq, wovriTog always continued to be purely participial ; and here, ■especially in the case of compounds, we may notice the freest inter- change between the more usual passive and the rarer active force. Thus avaiadriTOQ means insensible, airpaKroe sometimes ineffectual, avtXircoroc not merely unexpected, but also hopeless, n-a^^Saproe all-destructive. JBut even the simple /xe/jLTrrog in Soph. Trach. 446 means blaming. Cp. Kiihner Ausf. Gr. i.^ 715. A glance at the active participles of the Latin deponents like nactu-s, usu-s, locutu-s, potitu-s is sufficient to make this interchange much less surprising than it might seem to be at first sight. Even in the suffix -reo we find an interchange between the personal passive application, ^ iroXiQ wfeXriTia and the neuter active Trjv TToXiv o)e\riTeov. The modal force of possibility probably established itself quite as imperceptibly in the verbal adjectives in -to, e.g. in aioTog, awvnTos, as in the Latin participles invictu-s, aoceptu-s and in the adjec- tives ia-i/xo- mentioned above. Still even in Homer there are unmistakeable cases of it : e.g. B 361 ovtoi inropXriTOv iwoe 'ieirCTai ottl kev f'tTrfci, I 526 SbipriToi t' iweXoVTO TrapapptjTOi t' kwkcamv, A 573 oiS' ir avEKTa, I 409 avSpog Se i/'i'X') iraXiv kXde/xev ovte XeiiTTri ovd' kXeTr), Z 434 evda fiaXioTa afj-fiuTOQ kaTi ■koXiq. Indeed in the lack of a verbal adjective of necessity the Homeric language sometimes applies the verbal adjectives in -to in a manner which approximates closely to the later usage of those in -rto, e.g. r 260 {'=^t 597, i// 19) KaKoiXiov, ovk ovo/xarrTriv, 6 307 epya yeXaaTa. Afterwards the modal appUca;tion evidently constantly grew more common. But in time, in the case of a large number of the nume- 361 rous adjectives compounded with prepositions, the delicate distinc- tion pointed out by Lobeck Parahpomena p. 477 sqq. established itself, that the barytones e.g. ZiaXvTOQ:=solutus were used purely partici- pially, the oxytones e.g. liaXvTOQ^dissolubilis with a modal force. Evidently the accent in. the case of the latter raises the syllable, on which it is placed, to a more decided force (cp. Kiihner Ausf. Gr. i.' 415). L J. 2 516 lEEEGULAEITIES OF THE VOWEL STEMS, ETC. cH. xxi_ CHAPTER XXI. IBBEGnLARITIES OF THE TOWEL STEMS IN THE FORMATIOJT OF THE PERFECTS, FUTURES, PASSIVE AORISTS AND VERBAL ADJECTIVES. . Now that we have discussed all the essential groups of the Greek verbal system which can be shown to be in frequent use, we must enter upon an irregularity which extends tolerably deep into the structure of the verb. We have already repeatedly touched upon the abnormal phenomena, which may be detected, in the case of vowel stems, in the formation of tenses, consisting partly in the varying quantity of the stem- vowel, partly in the apparently very capricious insertion of a a. The sphere over which this irregularity extends, includes the perfect stem, especially the perfect middle, the future stem, the sigmatic aorist, the passive aorist with 9 and the verbal adjectives. This was the reason why we reserved this phenomenon for a general discussion at the end ; though this cannot claim to be exhaustive, for that would require very extensive material derived from nominal formation, which is foreign to our present purpose. My aim at present is chiefly to bring the processes belonging here into the correct points of view, of which some, I hope, may be clearly established. In sharp contrast to the stems ending in consonants, the union of 362 which with the appended tense-forming syllables hardly ever shows any variation, the final vowel of a stem in the groups mentioned is some- times long, (and this is the rule) e.g. /jflo-w, evuaa, SsduKpvaai, opSuQeic, aSrjplroc, sometimes short, e.g. ycKcKrofiai, aldiiraardai, Kcxvrat, SoOrjvai, (jiStTOQ, and sometimes after short, sometimes after long vowels in the perfect middle, in the passive aorist, and in the verbal adjectives there appears what seems an extremely strange, and hitherto insufficiently explained sigma, e.g. e(nraaTai, LirpinQri, yvioaroQ. Nominal formations like firjfia^ opdwiTLQ beside forijc, •)^yinc, (pdlrrii and (nrnfffioc, trpTirjua, avaycworije show the same variation in the stem. These different phenomena are unmistakeably connected with each other to a certain extent, but it is by no means possible to explain them on any single principle. We must for the present be satisfied with dividing them into two groups clearly distinct one from the other, and only touching each other here and there : viz. I. FOEMS WITH A SHORT VOWEL WITHOUT (T. Roots which follow the primitive conjugation generally leave their vowel short in tense-formation as in nominal formation, e.g. SidoTai, iriQri — Song, derrjc, dcfia, (jyarte. Here the short vowel is properly in no way sui-prising. For why should not the root, which shows itself to have a short vowel also e.g. in UofiEv, edere, 'i^aaav, do the same in the -CH. XXI. SHOET VOWELS IN THE STEM. 517 , cl3ritra, jGeySijca — jSfifja. 2) Rt. Se bind. SlSri p. 105. Hence come SiScKu Demosth., diSerro K 92, Sedeie Soph. Aj. 108, avvieTEov Aristoph. Eccl. 785, and also Uaie, hut awTToZriTOQ, dLaSrjfJ.a. 3) Et. So needs no references. SiSorai, iSodq, doroe, Soteoc are in use :in all Greek, as well as Sor^p, Sorrie, Soirie. On the other hand Suktui, idbiKa, Se'Sw/ca and SSirop Eaioy (0 335), Swtic, Sairivrj. 4) Et. Bv. For eSvv etc. cp. p. 129. Hence li'StJiz/itj'T/v Menand. •Com. iv. 199, &irodid^ Aristoph. Ran. 715, &Svtoq Hymn, in Merc. 247, Svtnc. The length of the v in the present is certainly due to a *Swiw ■after the I-class, formed on the analogy of ^i/tw' quoted as Aeolic. Op. p. ■147. Also SviTO), Ivaofxai, Untro, USvke (I 239), not before the Antho- logy (v. 73) EnMlvKaQ, 5) Rt. E. 'iTifii etc. lei/i/ai (Plat. Pol. 270 avEdy), kvEGricroiiai Thuc, 364 avETOQ Plat., also 'ieiQ, d^tVTjc, but on the other hand ^ica, a^nrwp <1 404). 6) Rt, 6e. Tidtifju, hedriv, TEdrjiroixai, Oetoq, also di/ja, OiaiQ, ay u)vo- BItyic, on the other hand O^o-w, tOjjica — 0i7kij. 7) Rt. (, Elfii, "ifxEv — wpoQiTOQ, iTEov, also "iTr]Q, iTafioQ — On the other iand E'laonai S 8, Eiaafj.riv E 538. — oTrog, olfiog, o'ifiri. 518 lEEEGULARITIES OF THE VOWEL STEMS, ETC. ch. xxi. 8) Et. Xv. Xvro * 114, cp. p. 129. XeXiyyuat Aesch. Pers. 592, Xvdev 6 360, XXidivTwv Eurip. Hel. 860, Xvtoq. In XiXvKa it is generally assumed that the v is short, but the only passage quoted for it by Veitch (Aristoph. "Vesp. 992 e^rjirarriTai KairoXcXvKiv ou)( tKbiv) decides nothing. ]3ut Oboeroboscus, ed. Gaisford ii. p. 548, 26 (cp. Buttmann Ausf. Gr. i.^ 388) bears witness to its short vowel. Also Xvaie, Xvrrip, Xxirpov, On the other hand Xva-ut, eXwo-u and in the present Xvu> from *Xvi(o, but alsa with a short v ; cp. p. 148. 9) Rt. TO. (7i/ju7rw6i and ttS Aeolic imperatives : cp. Ahrens AeoL 140. ecTTtVorat x 56, tKirodevT Aesch. Choeph. 66, Karawodfiaoixai Ar. Vesp. 1502, TTOToe, irorioQ, and also ttotoq, iroriipiov, but TTOfxa (Pind.) and. ■Kibfia (Euiip. Plat.), TEirwKa like Lat. potus, poculum. 10) Rt. oTa. 'iorrifxi etc. Biearafiivoe (Plat.), etrTadr) p 463 (alsa Attic), araroQ. Also ardtng, OTarrip, iiriffTa.Tr]c, (TTadfJi.6g, but arriaiOy karricra, ZiaaTrjfxa, (rrrifiwf. 11) Rt. av. avTO, avfiEvai p. 130. eirirvfiai N 79, eWSro IS 519, iaaidr) Soph. Aj. 294, ciritra-vroe (Aesch.), on the other hand eaaeve^ 'itrtreva. 12) Rt. aex, by metathesis «xh "X^^ P- 132, ia^Sov (p. 501), Eff^cdnv (post-Attic), tT)(ET6e, also a-^^ecne, a^irXioe, but Eo-j^r/ica, eff^rifiat (Attic), and exQEv i// 331, (peXroQ Aesch. Pers. 523, awixjiBiativ Soph. Aj. 1027 t also (j>diinc. But AdicroyTcu A 821. 14) Rt. (pv. 'evv p. 130. The only evidence for the short vowel is- (ftiJTov (e.g. S 123) which has become a substantive, with its numerous- derivatives ((pvTtvat etc.) and ^uirte. The long vowel prevails in viTa, 7r£0UKa. 15) Rt. ■xy. 'ixvTo p. 130. ffvyKexvKe Menander Com. iv. 294, kexvt(o) Y 421, xydtiri r 590, x*""^ ^ 4:64. Also x"'"-s- On the other- hand XEW, extva. 365 Besides these 15 instances, for which we have evidence of the primi- tive inflexion, the short vowel without o- appears in a number of stems,, to which forms in v correspond. To these belong ckXWtjv kKitos but kXTtvs kKio-is KXlfia^ KXifia iKpiBrjV KpiTOs but Kpicris KpiTrjs nXvBfiiTOjxai veonXvTa Oom. iv. 647 f 64 raros (kXiVod) KCKXtKa K^KXtpai icpi^ (^Kpivm) KCKpiKa KeKptp-ai nXv {vXivai) TreTrXvrai Com. iv. 482, 3 ra TeraKa (retVo)) n (tiou and Tivco) Terafiai. KptfJLa erddrjv but aTLTOS. N. 414 g 484 It is hard Jo decide whether here the shorter stems are treated on the analogy of those inflected primitively, among which the rt. di most resembles them, or whether a loss of the nasal leaving the vowel short has taken place. The form kareKTaOev E 558 beside aTreKTciv is in favour of the latter view. The conjecturally Boeotian ilSi'idri mentioned on p. 499 is exactly like it. CH. XXI. FORMS WITH o". 519 According to the view just proposed there is no place for a u in these verbs, and as a matter of fact forms like */3aardc, *etTrdadri, *^ooTde and the like are quite unknown, and even if solitary instances of the kind like ifidixOrj do occur at a very late date, this is to be regarded only as an aberration of the failing instinct of the language. But neverthe- less some few sigmatised nominal forms belonging to such stems occur in the best period. They are the following : Ota-fxat (in Homer only in i^ 296 beside difia, de/iig, Oia-ig), which we may suppose to come from the reduplicated root de-d(e), much as the Skt. participle datta for da-da-ta from the rt. da, hence the Doric te-Q-jio-c, e.g. Pind. 01. vi. 69. The earlier form for both the dialectically differing formations would thus be *dE-0-ix6-e. The d might become tr, as in the perfect forms XeXa- 366 ofiivoQ, ireTTvfffiai quoted on p. 420, which occur as early as Homer. On the same principle we might be disposed to refer the forms Sefffioe, Siffixara, which are common even in Homer, to Se-S-fid-c. But there is a lack of positive support for this, such as was supplied before in red/dOQ. Hence I conjecture that the rt. Be was expanded to Sc-d, as the root jSa was in fia-O-fio-s, and that then the was changed before fi into TV 79, aor. 'iaffov II 670, eirrras S, 396, 2 sing, plupf. mid. cffa-o r 57, i(7-6rie beside a/i^ie'irw t 167, an(j,i.iaaifii (7 361. Ar. Equ. 891 'irpo(Tafi(j>iio. 8) Rt. ij£c=Skt. jas seethe, boil, 0. H. G. jesam, (Princ. i. 471). Seiraev 2 349, lUi^aev Aesch. Sept. 709, Herod, i. 59. U^frai is quoted from Hippocr., t^iadrjv, i^earot from late prose, but l^iaig as early as Plato, ^eiovra OalUm. Dian. 60, if based, as is probable. On an earlier tradition points to *^£ff-_;w ; aiao i^eiov^av a^pj^owo-aj' Hesych. ^^\o-e is to be explained by compensatory lengthening for *^e' Eur. Med. '789, explirev k 364. The present xp'« is explained most simply from *XP^cr-io (eirixptot'TCi (j> 179, xplov '9 186). b) Eoots with an original dental explosive. 1) Rt. luT (beside 2a). For Sareo/xai cp. pp. 208 and 261. It now seems to me probable that Sariofiai and irariofiai (p. 263) are formed in exactly the same way. Hence ctTroSdo-o-o/^at P 231, Sao-o-ayutyos y 66, BiSaiTTai O 189, avadaiTTog (Plato), ?ao-/ioc (A 166), Sairaadai 2 511. 2) Rt. TUT. The evidence is given on p. 263; cp. iraaaofxat p. 221. 3) Rt. kl. Cp. p. 465. e a by-form of the stem alSog preserved in alSwc. Hence aiSiaao/xai £, 388, a'iSeffOev H 93, alSEtrdetQ P 95 Pind. Aesch. Eurip., a'lSeaaai I 640, ydeg/jiivoi; Demosth. xxiii. 77.. alSce is to aldoe as Lat. tempes in tempes-tas is to tempos in tempor-is^ Op. p. 268. 2) uKeofiai with the Homeric and Pindaric by-form aKEw/iai (II 29, Pind. Pyth. ix. 104) which points to ciKia-jo-fiai. The verb is therefore- derived from the noun-stem aKsg (nom. aKog I 250). aicea-TO-e (N 115) is to this stem as venus-tu-s to Venus. From a/cte came also aKeixaai n 523, cLKiaaaio Eur. Hec. 1067, as well as the later forms with a single- '*' 559, e'te\eaEiv6g allow us to deduce a stem kotec. The same may be said of ■koOeu) (TTodiaai (i 375, S 748, Herod, ix. 22, though also 7ro9?jjUEva» ju 110, later iroQijato and the like). In all the other verbs of this kind we can at most speak of a possibility. Whether stems in 6 have contributed towards the formation of such forms is very doubtful. We might on the analogy of (jtdii'vdu), iiivvdot presuppose a *ravu0a» in order to explain by the side of ravvia forms Uke ETavviT(rE n 662, ravvaaag ''V 25, TETavvaro K 156, TavvadEig U 485, as- we have previously explained iTr\{i(ydr]v from TrXtiOu). In the case of EfiEuaai we might remember ifiidui, mentioned on p. 502, in the case 371 of aXicrffat, aXeaai grind, aXfido). But we can nowhere get beyond con- jecture here, and the applicability of another method of explanation to b& mentioned immediately warns us to be cautious. For the great majority of the forms coming under this head we cannot solve the problem by any of the means hitherto attempted ; and we must look for its solution only in the phenomenon which I have pointed out already on pp. 234, 242, 251, viz. in the extensive inter- change between the verbs which by the rejection of the j originally present before the thematic vowel show a vowel stem, and those in which a S has developed before this j, which coalesces with it into ^. On p. 235 we enumerated 18 instances of verbs in aw and a^w existing concurrently, ten of which were Homeric. But there were also many other indications of the fact that the analogies on both sides intruded into each other. On p. 242 we quoted as many verbs in ew with by- forms in tCw. Traces of v^w beside vw were mentioned on p. 250. We- CH.XXI. FORMS WITH cr. 523 have fiu^tlier shown that a large part of the verbs in i^io go back to an earlier termination e^ui, so that the following sets are established ; aja e)a> v)ai aa> €0) va> a£ but yeXdcrto (as if from *yeXa^u)), •iXicvwbut kXicvadfjyai (as if from *k\icv^u)). Pott Etym. Forsch. ii.^ 970 ff. has already discussed a large number of the anomalous forms in question from the same point of view, and in the Elucidations p. 133 I have followed him. Particular verbs are especially adapted to throw Ught upon this process. Thus we have ayafiai, while forms Uke ayaaaaro P 71, ayda- (TtaBai. I 181, ayaarjaOe S 111, ayairOfjvai from Hesiod Onwards, oya- oToe common from Xenophon onwards, foUow ayd^ia, hyal^ofiai, which 3' 2 occurs in Pind. Nem. xi. 6 (aya^ofMEvot) and in Aeschylus (Suppl. 1062). The difference of meaning was discussed on p. 118. As in. the case of this stem we have authority also for ayaloficu with a vocalised j, and ayaaarde, we have in this case the different phases of the primitive form unusually clearly before our eyes. — Sa/zaw =Lat. domo has been pre- served in the older Hteratiu-e only with a futile force, and hence it was discussed on p. 479. Homer uses for the present d^afivrnji and Safivaai. iafiaarre E 106, lafiaaaaQ Pind, Pyth. viii. 80, lafiaetov I 496, eSafidirdriv 6 231, Safiaa-Oev Eur. Phoen. 563 belong to the rarer present lafial^w, which crops up first in Hesiod (Theog. 865), then in Pindar (Sa/xal^o- fievav Pyth. xi. 24) and Aeschylus (Bafia^ei Choeph. 323). — To the present aiviio belong properly only forms like u'wria-ova-i (v 380), aivri- aiixTL '9 552, while ^Vto-a (from Aeschylus onwards), aireOeiQ (from Herodotus onwards) suit rather alvti^ofiai (N 374) or the presumable earKer form *aivc^ofiai. — TrpoKoXeaaaTo (H 218) is hence only a more archaic aorist form to irpoKaXii^ero (F 19) than *TrpovKa\iffaTo would be, not an irregular one. And doubtless the short vowel, which always held its ground in EtoXfo-a is due to this. — The variable formed from ffctoe would naturally by no means exclude the later formation of a (Tuitiw from (7fcioc. o-aofw would be to aw'cZii) much as the Cyprian KaXri^ui (Herodian ii. 332) to kXtji^w. In this way we arrive at a system of equivalent forms, which is certainly somewhat complicated, viz. ; o-aoo) I ^g],jyg^ from a-dos, whence ia-mdnv (TIOIO J ' ; a- s,m ( gj^jjj^j.jy derived from a-aos, whence a-ia-axTTai ' "'">•'*' I derived from o-raos, whence Karea-oiiaaes. (r J , ' ' ' '^ . Some radical verbs too have apparently a moveable i, thus /3Xuf&» (aTro- j3\v^ii)v I 491) with ifiXiKTa (ApoUon. Rhod.) which belongs to it, and (iXvtt) (Jiva(i\vtiv Hippocr.), srrt'fw with tKriaaa, tKriaTai etc. beside wepiK- TwvEQ, KTtfierog, ny(it,ia) Xen. Hellen. v. 4, 58, whence airotr-xdao) (Orates Com. ii. 249), ax^'^^s Eur. Phoen. 960, and eVxwv Ar. ISTub. 409. On p. 251 we saw that the source, from which so often the if sprang, ■ the spirant j both after a simple v and after the diphthongs av, ev, ov had its place in the present. As a fiedvliii is actually on record, so we deduced previously a *\vlb). Now as soon as a 8 developed before the /, */x£6{i^w was produced, which is not itself on record, bvitwe may venture to assert that it survives in ficdvtrdfjvai (Herod, ii. 121). In this way we may perhaps explain fipavaOevra (Soph. Antig. 476), KeiciXevrrTo (Herod.), UtXtvaOrtv (Soph. Thuc), Xevadiivat (Soph.). For the rts. kuv 574 and kXciv we find a present formation in i actually existing in Kaiw, KXaib) i.e. Kafjio, KXafju), and so for the intensified stems irXev, wvev from irXv, TTvv in the Homeric ttXei'w, irvilw (cp. pp. 156, 210). These are followed by Kavaros (Eurip.), KXavaroe (Soph.). The use of the n is especially extensive after diphthongs in particular. The form ^wairdri which occurs as early as Homer {"9 465, e 319) points to an obso- lete *ZvvaZofiai, which in its formation would be related to Svya/jai much as SaKvni^oij.ai (Aesch. Pers. 571) to S&kvu). ■irE(f)aafihoQ perf. part, to (ji-qui (S 127) leads us to conjecture a present *cj>ai(i) as a by-form, to (j>aii) (p. 148)=Ijat./aj'i. The dental presupposed in the verbs mentioned, as a predecessor of the IT, actually occurs in a few instances, as in iXriXeSaT x) 86, discussed on p. 242, from which it is not too venturesome to deduce a stem iXal, which presupposes a present *£Xa, iraXaiarrrfc, dpota/xoe in spite of their long vowel show the o- even in Homer. For the variations of our authorities I content myself here with referring to the abundant material collected by Lobeck ad Ajacem v. 704, and supplemented by Wecklein Curae epigraphicae p. 61. Elmsley regarded tj/yj/wroe as the only correct Attic form, but even in Homer (j3 175, v 191, 397) we find nyrworoc, which is known also to Pindar. Rigour is here by no means in place. We cannot form a more definite judgment as to the authority for many forms in the Attic writers, until the inscriptions of the best Attic period have been carefully examined with this in view. We can see that it would be in vara to seek any special inducement for each particular form, from the fact that while the o- makes its way into forms to which it did not originally belong, on the other hand the same sound elsewhere lost its original place. We can hardly explain otherwise ipyar-ne (as early as Archilochus fr. 39 Be.^ j3ovq karlv })/j.lv ipya.TJ)Q iv oIkIti), with the derivatives kpyariq, kpyaTiKog, kpyarirrjc, which in its formation reminds us of ZtawoTiic, to^ott/c, oiV-erijc, ^uXeVt/c, and further davfiara 'ipya Hymn, in Merc. 80, 440, Hes. Scut. 165 (cp. Pind. 01. i. 28), KeKevniL- KiKivarai Hesych , yiyevfiai in spite of the rt. yvg. Evidently such forms point to an early obscuring of the instinct of the language. Hence we must be always very cautious here with regard to bold etymological combinations. The possibility of such presents itself oft«n enough. Thus we might conjecture that under the aor. tcXdo-flr; lies a root kXuc expanded from kuX (Lat. cellere) ; but it is just as con- ceivable that the present form *icXaj(o arising from metathesis was 376 expanded by a S and produced a */:Xa^ii), which though afterwards 526 IRREGULARITIES OF THE VOWEL STEMS, ETC. ch. xxi. obsolete, was tlie source of the sigmatic forms. For yvworoc we might suppose a stem yvus expanded from yvio, but also a present ^yvwjiii, which might be compared with 0. H. G. hndu. The same alternative recurs in the case of fivao/xai, ^ao/xat. Thus elsewhere too different paths present themselves, between which it is hard to decide. But speaking generally, the whole phenomenon here in question does not belong to quite the earliest period of the language, so that the spread of an analogy, not very sharply defined, on the strength of a number of old precedents can hardly be denied. I doubt whether it will ever be easy to arrive at the proof of the principal causes for the whole phenomenon, which we have here endeavoured to complete. 527 CHAPTER XXII. THE ITERATIVES. The essential verbal forms, which are carried out to a large extent in the case of all Greek stems, have now been discussed by us. There remain only some formations which are, so to speak, more tentative than complete, and which are limited to particular portions of the language. Among these the iteratives deserve the first place, if only for their abundant developement in the period of the language concerning us, and the manifold forms they take. They are tolerably numerous in the language of Homer. I have noted about 130 altogether, in round numbers. But it is very noteworthy that only a small number of these forms occur frequently, e.g. iaatrKCQ T 297, aaaKEe (aWa fi ^affKee T 297), 'EaffKe 565, V 173, ovTroT e£vyEirKEv P 461, XridECTKE CI 13 ; 4) from verbs of the T-class kXettteo-ke dv Herod, ii. 174, arrTpd-irTEaKE Moschus ii. 88 (Hermann, Meineke) ; M M 530 THE ITEEATIVES. CH. xxii. 5) from the nasal class ■n-ivetTKE n 226, (i\a(rrav£(TKe Soph. fr. 491 J 6) from the inchoative class ^oaKiamvTO ft 355, niiryitncETO a 325 ; 7) from the I-class KKaituKf. 9 364, KTeivc(ric£ ii 393, Troifiaivetrne i 188, a.vowXvi>a(ri;e ^ 95, E(rKov Quint. Smyrn. H503J ... b) with assimilation yoaacTKE 6 92, TEpaatTKE e 480, itT)(avaa(rKov O 723, TrESaa(TKov ^ 353, ai^(j>a(j)aairKE Moschus ii. 97, ixiiSiaaiTKE Quint. Smyrn. 9 117; c) with loss of one of the vowels iidECTKE X 596, KaXitTicETO O 338, iruikEaKETo E 788, ixvQiaicavTo 2 289, ■o'ixvEiTKE E790, KpuTEtTKE Piud. Ncm. iii. 52, fiivEtTKOfiriv Ar. Equ. 1242. — E'lacTKov E 802, fivacTKET V 290, TptaiTaffKETO A 568, E^aTTaraiTKOV Ar. Pax 1070, avXaoKE Hes. Scut. 480. The ancient grammarians expressly teach that the vowel before o-k is always short (Herodian ii. p. 792). This excludes e.g. in the passage cited above from Hesiod's Theogony (v, 157) the reading of the M.SS. avi-qiTKE. This thii'd method was followed also by some forms at first sight surprising, viz. pLu-TaoKov O 23, pmraaicE ^ 827, 374, X 592, StappiTrra- (TKEv T 575 Kpv7rra(7Ke O 272 {icpvKTE(TKE Hymu. Cer. 239), which Kuhner (i. 550) disposes of by sajdng that here atrmv took the place of Eaicov. But we can hardly be contented with that. If I am not mistaken we have a fresh instance here of the intermixture of verbs in am and of w ■CH, XKii. ITEEATiyES FEOM AOEIST STEMS. 531 noticed more than once, and to which reference was made on p. 235. This is seen most clearly in laaaKcro SI 607, which is formed like rpioira- (TKtTO. The only present known is laal^bi. But the iterative has cbme from *l(ia.b>. I. Bekker thought this form so strange, that on the strength •of the reading of the papyrus ' i'iaaaKero ' he adopted EladuKETO, but it is certainly better to say of Niobe ovvfK apa AijToI lirdaKCTO KaWaraprja ■smd further claaaKeTo in the sense of ' compared herself would be quite xinique. Now as laaaneTO is to laa^io, so is plirTatrKov to piirTcii^to, the 382 intensive of piirria. At S 257 the god of sleep_ says of the angry Zeus pnrTa^ojv Kara Siiifj,a dcoiC) ifi£ 2' 'iioy(a wdvTwv i^ijTti, and at O 23 the isame Zeus boasts pliTTaaKov rerayav airo (StjXov. For Kpu7rraavov for (pdvttrKe is altogether to be rejected. How little authority there is for such an aorist is shown by the collections of Veitch p. 588. The whole category of the iteratives, which so to speak unfolds itself before our eyes out of a not inconsiderably difierent formation with essentially the same formative elements, and afterwards disappears again, is an extremely significant phenomenon for the processes in the history of language, instructive with respect to the fact which we have so often assumed, and which we denoted by the name ' branching ofi".' If it was 384 incontestibly possible at a tolerably late datefor anofishootof the inchoative- class to attain to individual Ufe, and extensively propagated by a spread- ing analogy to become an independent species, this fact gives additional support to the hypotheses which we ventured to advance for an immea- surably earlier period in respect of other formations, more deeply rooted in the life of the language, e.g. as to the origin of the conjunctive and the optative. 533 CHAPTER XXIII. DMSIBERATIVES, INTENSIVBS AND FREQUENTATIVES. We have only a small gleaning of forms left. These are those which are proportionally rarely employed, but which still cannot be passed over as parte of the great whole, because they also belonged to the system of the Greek language. Compared with the main pile of the edifice they form, if we may say so, small side-buildings, like the pleasure-houses or pavilions of a palace, which have been created for special subordinate needs, and might well be dispensed with altogether, without anything essential being felt to be wanting, but which hold their modest place, -and bear witness to the inventive power of the architect. I. DESIDERATIVES. While the iteratives, as we saw, were treated^ by the ancient gram- marians without any regard to their meaning simply as past tenses with «ji Ionic expansion, the desideratives used in good Attic could not be passed over by them without violating their principle, even as a matter of usage. The technical name for these forms seems to have been efcTiKci, as Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. v. 325 saw, writing iv) and those in o-tew (aVo peWovriav). But as for the first type only the Homeric Ktio) and some few forms like daXweiw, reXeiw, ptyelo), OKvdia are quoted, the desiderative force of which is open to great doubt, ■and in some instances decidedly to be rejected, Lobeck (on Buttmann's Ausf. Gr. ii.* 389) has rightly banished altogether this first type, pointing •out at the same time that even some of the ancient grammarians e.g. in the Et. M. 750, 50 recognized only the second type. The desideratives ^proper occur, as these writers noticed, only in the present, so that the form &-il/eov (for &ilieiov) quoted from Sophron ' trearifieluTai ' [' is specially noted'] : on the other hand an imperfect may be formed from the verbs in -Etti). Of the desideratives in creiw I have succeeded in discovering the following 20 instances. uKovtreiiDv Soph. fr. 820 according to Bekker Anecd. p. 369, 13. 534 DESIDERA.TIVES, INTENSIVES, AND FEEQUENTATIVES. ch. xjcui- avayvbiaeiio Steph. Thes. ' Gl.' ' cnraWa^eiovreg Thuc. i. 95. iTvixjiaaeioi'Ta Thuc. viii. 56 (probably more correctly avfij^rjaEiovTo.)^ fipwffeiovrci CaUim. fr. 345. yajuijo-Eiw Alciphron i. 13, iii. 37. yeXaaeiovTa Plato Phaed. p. 64. ypa^Eiu, Steph. Thes. ' GL' Sei'Kvr)(Teiii) do. Bpaaemv Soph. Aj. B2Q, Spatrekrov Eur. Phoen. 1208, Epaaekic Ar^ Pax 62. Swireleiv Hesych. (M.S. So(Teteii'), rcapalioadovra Thuc. iv. 28. iXaauovTi Lucian Charon c. 9. ipyaiTEiiav Soph. Trach. 1232, ipyairdeiQ Soph, Phil. 1001. KXavatiovTiQ ApoUon. Lex. 125, 23. vavfia\rj(riiovTae Thuc. viii. 79. 386 6\PclovTee S 37. TToXefiriaEiovTtQ Thuc. i. 33. Tvpavv-qaeiovTci Diog. Laert. i. 2, 18. ^ivleiu) Eur. Here. F. 628. X£o-£Jw Ar. Nub. 296, x^^^^V ^°i^- ^^8- The ancients, as we saw, derived these forms all from the future, a derivation to which in this case the meaning lends a certain probability,, inasmuch as the wish is always directed to the future. And in Greek in particular the futiire does not reject the final usage, which is closely connected with the desiderative force. Still I do not see how we could get, in the face of the origin of the future examined on p. 466 ff., either from the earlier form -aiw, or from the abbreviated -aw, to -aeiij). The desiderative shares the sibilant, which is essential for its form, not only with the Indo-Germanic future, but also with the Indian desiderative, which ends in -sd-mi. But we saw on p. 444, that most probably it is. not this termination, but rather the reduplication, which we can see in- the stem of the verb e.g. in pi-pa-sa-ti which properly carries the desi- derative force. Hence if the Greek desiderative is at all akin to the Indian, it must have lost the reduplication, just as has been the case in a number of Sanskrit formations of the kind. But no one will readily maintain such a view in face of the entire absence of the slightest trace- of such an expansion of the stem. And after all that would stiU leave the £1 quite unexplained. Bopp has taken a different starting point for the analysis of the desiderative form, comparing a form like Zwaeiw with a *ddsjd-je (middle) which he deduces on the analogy of other forma- tions, and which, supported by the Skt. vrha-je I become great, which he traces back to *vr-hant-je, he derives from *ddsjaf-je, that is from the stem of the future participle. AccordLug to this Boxrdio would be for Sw(TovT-j(o. But all phonetic laws go against such an assumption, which Bopp was doubtless misled into making only by comparing the Latin desideratives in -turio, e.g. nupturio, esurio. But even in the case of' these the derivation from the participle in -turu-s is by no means certain. 387 For the difference of quantity {nuptHrio, but nuptura) [Eoby § 976], which ' presents no difficulty' to Bopp, is a grievous hindrance. Now-a- days Bopp's view wiU hardly be defended by any one. Savelsberg Ztschr.. xvi. 362 ff. brings the Latin forms arcessere (beside accersere^), capessere,, ' [Cp. Journal of Philology vi. 278 ff.] CH. xxm. DBSIDERATIVES. 5." 5 lacessere into connexion with the Greek desideratives, which certainly come near in meaning. But even if we chose to start with the stems in i . (e.g. capessl-vi) which occur elsewhere than in the present, we should stiU be far from getting an identity of stems. Hence no formation really corresponding to the desideratives has hitherto been discovered . outside of Greek. It therefore remains probable that we have to do with specifically Greek recent formations, and we can only ask after what patterns they may have been produced. Derived verbs in ciu) are to be found, as we saw on p. 240, almost exclusively in the language of Homer : veiKeiw, teAe/w etc. The desideratives in ^ertjw might therefore have been formed upon these at an early time, when such forms were in still more frequent use. Another circumstance is in favour of this. The diphthong et is sometimes exposed to the same weakening into e as in those presents. We have the isolated &\p£or preserved to us from Sophron. The Syracusan di^tw belonging to it, which we may assume, is related to otpeiw just as teXcw is to reXelo). The desideratives in -creiw are therefore, as far as their termination goes, verbs in -ew in their earlier form. It is more difficult to explain the preceding a. We can hardly look for an3rthing else in it but the remains of a stem-forming suffix. Now cr is indeed, apart from the widespread stem-forming suffix -as^Gr. £c, oc, which can hai'dly come into consideration here, a rare sound in nominal stem-formation. But there are a small number of stems with the suffix -o-o, among which adjectives like (j>pil6-c, ko^-\^6-q, TiOa-ao-e, TTvp-ixu-Q are found. Perhaps we may add also proper names like ^afia-cro-Q, "EXa-a-o-c, "Epa-tro-f, Iiii-tTo-c. Now possibly kXaiTiiw is to "EXaffos just as Koipavewto Koifiavoc or aSiKew to ciSiKOQ. The desiderative force might have been produced by their likeness to the futures, which sound somewhat similarly. A second formation of essentially the same function, consisting of the 388 verbs in -aw and -law, is seen at once to be of denominative origin. Per- haps the two forms, which have been very thoroughly discussed by Lobeck on Buttmann ii.^ 389, are better kept apart. The rarer verbs in -aw with- out a preceding i evidently come from abstract substantives, e.^. from feminine abstract substantives in a, rofia-w (Soph. Aj. 582 Trpoc rofxHvTi irrificLTi), fia-^av avA tov fiayriQ ^tlaQai Hesych., (povav {^orq, vooQ fjit] Soph. Phil. 1209), from masculines in o, OaiinTciv (Plato Phaed. p. 64), ro/>(u 538 ANOMALIES. CHAPTER XXIV. ANOMALIES. "Wb have but little information as to the arguments by which Crates of Mallus endeavoured to maintain the principle of anomaly, which he defended against Aristarchus. Still we cannot but suppose that the verb must have supplied him with especially abundant materials. In modem grammar the verb has always remained the special domain of anomaly. Buttmann in his Complete Grammar disposes of the regular verb in the first volume in 240 pages, the irregular in the second in 332 pages. When we read what he says at the commencement of the second volume as to the irregularities of the verb, we become aware how in spite of the extremely valuable investigations, of which I have everywhere thankfully avaUed myself, m the 'Purvey of the Anomaly of the Verb' (ii. 1-89), the number of irregularities remains quite overpowering. When he has reached the end of this survey he himself prefixes to the list of verbs, which seemed to him indispensable as a last refuge, the remark : ' Here, with the exception of the verbs which are derived from other words according to a definite analogy, like the great majority of those in a'Cia,. i^b) etc. [ati. p. 472 he adds those in aw, eoi, oto, aivo), wui, tvw], we must properly place all the rest.' But even those excepted are not wholly lacking among the irregular verbs, for e.g. in the case of many verbs in aw and ew fluctuations of quantity, facts as to the moveable a discussed 392 by us in Chap. XXI., and as to the occurrence of the particular tenses, even of those called by K. W. Kriiger § 40 ' regular,' have to be noted. Hence a considerable part even of the verbs which are supposed to undergo the usual or regular change, are discussed in every alphabetical list of verbs, especially in the most complete of all, Veitch's ' Greek Verbs, Irregular and Defective.' Hence it is really very hard to find an answer to the question what verbs are regular. Perhaps from this way of looking at the question it is hardly possible to give any other than this, ' those verbs only are regular, which do not appear in the list of the irregular verbs.' And I do not doubt that many will content themselves with this answer, and that there will even not be wanting some who may regard such subtle distinctions as not belonging at all to the sphere of ' scholarship.' As we now stand upon a difierent level, it is worth while at the close of our whole consideration of the structure of the Greek verb, to enter upon the conception of anomaly and upon the reasons for the extremely great variety of the Greek verb which re- mains in spite of all our endeavours to obtain guiding and simplifying points of view. If we take the notion ' anomalous ' simply in its physical sense as ' uneven,' certainly the Greek verbs are in the highest degree dviifiaXa as compared one with another. There are not many verbs which hava CH. xxiv. THE DOCTEINE OF 'ANOMALY.' 539 their presents formed identically, and at the same time form their remain- ing tenses in exactly the same way, and on the other hand, there are not many roots with just the same phonetic character, which have the same present form. Each verb is, so to speak, an individual, or rather a group of forms with a shape of its own, held together only by their common meaning. As Germany and Italy were formerly ' geographical expressions,' so every single Greek verb is, if we may say so, only a lexical expression. But certaiuly according to the scientific use of the word the avvy, or thematically, e.g. k'/BciXoi', or sigmatically, e.g. iwpala, depended on the question whether an archaic stem-form had continued to survive into the period, when all this was settled, or not. Hence the unity of each verbal system is one which has come about historically, and can be understood only as a historical event, not by means of deduction, or from phonetic analogies alone. The latter have undoubtedly contributed tO' the result, but they are not properly the chief thing. The tendency to produce uniformity according to theoretical symmetry has certainly proved itself powerful in the Greek verb, but still to a much less extent than in the verbal formation of other cognate languages. It is only the system of the forms common to all the groups, viz. the personal endings, the augment, the formation of the moods and of verbal nouns, though the last evidently only by degrees, which took a definite stamp in early times. "Within this framework the greatest variety prevails, and we must admire the Greeks for having been able to fathom this abundance of variously connected creations, and crossing analogies with an unerring instinct, and to employ them with due regard to their place inthesystem. The anomalies within the different groups have been considered in 394 the discussion of these in detail. A far-reaching deviation from the rule, which was noticeable in three groups, was the subject of our consideration in Chap. XXI. It remains for us now to survey the chief causes of the extraordinary variety of the structure of the Greek verb as a whole, and then to examine the very few instances, in which we must recognize real anomalies. 540 ANOMALIES. ch. xxiv. In addition, then, to what has been said already as to the general character of the Greek verbal system, I think we may note the seven following points, as those which contributed to a large extent to its chequered appearance. 1) The crossing of active and middle forms. Here belong not merely the so-called deponents, in the majority of which a reflexive force, though with different shades of meaning, will be found to be underlying, but also especially the preference of the future for the middle form, which has been referred to repeatedly, and conversely the use of the active personal endings to denote the passive, which elsewhere is wont to make use of the middle. Evidently the distinction of mean- ing in the Indo-Germanic verb between the active and the middle was originally a very delicate and elastic one. 2) The crossing of the primitive and the thematic forma- tions. The more convenient inflexion by means of definite vowels appended to the stem and moveable according to a fixed rule, makes its way wholesale into the remains of the primitive verbs, so that no one of them has remained wholly unaffected. This is of itself enough to make all verbs in fii properly speaking irregular. But conversely in forms like ejiriv, (j)vrat, tx^q, in perfect forms like reQcai-a/, in optatives like Trowlrjp and throughout in the two passive aorists the primitive inflexion makes its way into the organism of the thematic. 3) The variety of the present formation. This is really the germ and the central-point of the whole of the Indo-Germanic wealth in verbal forms. The present stem is formed in 395 many ways, every other tense as a rule only in one way. This is the fundamental law of the Greek verb. It is precisely at this point that we meet with a greatly excessive wealth of forms above the requirements of the meaning. A glance at the facts pointed out on p. 135 ff. is enough to show what diversified present forms came from similar stems. In the variety of the present stem a very ancient deb'cate distinction between the different kinds of continuous action has, as it were, become petrified. For in the extant language there are few traces of these dis- tinctions. Some isolated indications of the kind were pointed out on p. 187. It did not however escape our notice how here and there phonetic analogies limit the variety at least to a certain degree. Under the first class we saw on p. 145 f. that certain short thematic stems do not occur as present stems, under the third (p. 161) that the y-class is formed almost exclusively from stems endmg in a labial. Similar limitations based upon phonetic analogies were noticeable elsewhere, too, e.g. in the case of the verbs in -vv-fu (cp. p. 109). 4) The extension of the present-stem. Again a very productive source of irregularities not merely for Greek, but for aU the cognate languages. As the present stem with its various cw. xxiT. AlfOMAXIES OF FORMATION. 541 expansions came to bear a less sharply distinguished force, it was very natural that it should occasionally extend beyond its original province. Sometimes the present stem makes its way altogether into the province of the other groups, e.g. in Tawfrrra, TETawaTai, ravvadev (p. 113), and in. the Syracusan perfect iriwotrxa (p. 400), with slight phonetic modifi- cation, sometimes the diphthong of the present extends into other groups, e.g. almost regularly in future, sigmatic aorist and perfect forms like Xeiipio, eTev^a, XeXei/x/iat, sometimes the nasal oversteps the limits proper to it, e.g. in ce'cXayya. Cp. pp. 401, 460. Though it is as a rule an advantage of Greek to carry out so purely the original distinction of the present stem from the verbal stem, yet we cannot be astonished to find that the convenience of employing elsewhere too the stem which had become habitual in a long series of the most indispensable forms, was frequently too much for the beautiful old flexibility. 5) The intermixture of shorter stems with those expanded 396 by a vowel. Here belong the phenomena of the e-class, discussed on p. 258 ff. But we were brought back to this on subsequent occasions also, especially in dealing with the future p. 477 and the verbal adjective p. 514. It has its analogies outside of Greek, but it is diflELcult to give the ultimate reason of it. 6) The occurrence of equivalent duplicate forms. I mean those pairs of groups of forms alike in meaning, formerly distinguished by numbers : aor. 1 and aor. 2. etc. Here there is a similar variety to that in the case of the present stem, though by no means as great. Various parts of the stock of language, of different growth and belonging to different periods were employed for the same service in the verbal system. The decision of the language between the one form and the other defies all rules. Latin has corresponding phenomena in the numerous forms adopted by the perfect, the greatest and least explicable anomaly in the Latin verb, Sanskrit in the diversity of the aorist formation. 7) The intermixture of merely tentative, isolated formations. To this kind belong the forms in 6, examined above p. 500 ff. This consonant creates special anomalies in present, perfect and aorist forms. But the K in some aorist and in numerous perfect stems is also of the same kind, though the origin of the two formations is altogether different. Cp. p. 410 ff. All these irregularities might be comprehended under the name of anomalies of formation. They all occur in a somewhat large number of instances, so that even here within anomaly analogy again displays itself. On the other hand other deviations have more individual causes. The departure from the ordinary course is here due to phonetic processes. This is, if we may say so, a slighter case of sickness, the predisposition to which is present elsewhere too under similar circumstances. Within this class again we may distinguish seven groups : 397 •542 ANOMALIES. ch. xxiv. 1) Anomaly through a change of vowel. This hardly occurs in any other instance than in the inflexion of TTivtM), which instead of revolving about a single stem as its centre, wavers between the stems iro {weirwKa, eiroBrjv, ttotoq) and tti (^ttivio, irlBi, iiTwv, viofiai). The Aeolians with their vui'id, irwOi gave the stronger stem, originally pa, a wider area. In Princ. i. p. 349 I have proved that both the fuller and the weaker form are found also in other languages beside Greek. 2) Anomaly through a change of consonant. Here belongs Epxofjat — ijXvdov — eXiiXvBa. The roots ep and e\ unite here in accordance with the well-known close kinship of the softer liquid with the harder. But anomalies of formation make the case still more complicated. Cp. Princ. i. p. 81. 3) Anomaly through a change of vowel and consonant. Of this kind is alpeui, elXov. Op. p. 261, Princ. ii. 180. The Cretan a(pai\ri(Te(T8ai on the inscription edited by Bergmann (Berl. 1860) is very instructive. The greatest diflELculty is occasioned by the i in the present stem. Perhaps we must assume a present form apju), which became by epenthesis *alpj(3), and afterwards by the vocalisation of thej a'tpio). 4.) Anomaly through metathesis. This appears in the pairs of stems J^ep {e'ipai, ipS>) and fpt] {ipp^6r)v) ■ner (Dor. enerov) „ < V / n ^ / " LTTii) (TrenroiKa) <^fX («X) fl"") fX" n > and jiiayia. 6) Isolated application of reduplication to the formation of the present stems of thematic verbs. "We must dwell for a little on this anomaly, because we have as yet said nothing of it. Six presents belong here, viz. S98 yl-yvo-fiai, from Homer (B 468 yiyvsrai) onwards, in common use, with the by-form yirajjiai, which according to La Exjche Textkritik p. 220 is the more usual in the M.SS. of Homer, but which is regarded with probability as post-Homeric because of its inferior originality. In Herodotus editors write yivofiai (e.g. iii. 80 kyytverai), and so Tycho Mommsen in Pindar (e.g. Pyth. iii. 13), and after Aristotle, in whom Bekker approves of ylyvoixai, yhofiai is commonly used. For the origin •, or not. The expulsion of a vowel like e which is particularly common in the present stem, is, as no one can deny, very surprising. Now if we reflect that from all these stems there are also forms in which the first consonant is in immediate contact with the final consonant, and the vowel follows both, like -yi/j;-70£^Lat. gnd-tU-S, yvri-a-io-c, o-xt'-cri-c, a^ri-trui, a-j(ii-jxa, fivdo-fiai, fji-fivrj-iTKii), fivri-fii) (cp. Plinc. . i. 387), Trt-irT-jj-we, TrTu-jxa, ■ktH-iti'-s, it seems to me more probable that metathesis took place here; and that therefore yi-yve-rai difiers from a Skt. ^a-^am-ti only by this phenomenon, and by its middle form, and so far is the regular present to the aor. e-ycv-ro discussed on p. 130. For 'iuxw the form (rx^-Q men- tioned on p. 132 and discussed more fully on p. 279, carries great weight, for it can only be explained in this way. We must notice also the forms l-a~xa-i'0), l-(Txa-vau>, which presupppse an *i-a-xa. (op. pp. 182, 183). On e-ttXe-to we decided in favour of the same view. Just as in e-o-xo-v beside a-x^-s the thematic vowel suppressed the vowel of the root, so the same happened here and made it appear as though a thematic form were present here from the first. With this view the reduplication appears as a reKc of the old imthematic method of formation, and thus stUl better suits ri-drj-fxi, Sl-Bbj-fji, 'i-nTrifii. 544 ANOMALIESi. cir. xxiv. 7) Boots fundamentally different, united to form one verb. This highest degree of anomaly appears only in five verbs, -which we may therefore call in the strictest sense mixed verbs- : i.e. 3 -vrith t-wo stems, and 2 -with, three stems. a) Rt. tS -with its three-fold, or if we include ed-ixeyai (cp. p. 104), foi-ir-fold present eSo) (Homeric, e.g. eSci 636, 'idoi N 322, and here and there in other poets), ecrdu), and iadiw, discussed on p. 501, its perfect again -with various forms (cp. pp. 368, 415), and its future formed like a 400 present, supplemented by rt. (bay, -with the fundamental meaning of participation, enjoyment, recognizable in the Skt. hha^. (Princ. i. 370.) b) Rt. /tp and /ett united in the notion of saying, hp in the present hipti) and Eipiw (p. 213), in the perfect e'iprjKa (p. 360), in the future epita, kpGi, in the aorist kppr)Qrjv, with the Herodotean variant elpidriv and in the verbal adjective pijrdc, Fett only in eeiwov, eIttov discussed on p. 291. The present, which afterwards becomes obsolete, is replaced by (pri/xi, Xfyo), ayopcvii), SO that really the form of the verbs of saying is still more diversified. c) Rt. Fop, rt. fid and rt. Sir. fop has been preserved -without further expansion only in opovrai, opovro (cp. p. 144). fopa must be considered denominative. It is superfluous to give references for the particular forms, for all are in constant use from Homer onwards. The present formation from the rt. hi according to the lengthening class fdSofiai (cp. p. 153) is also extant. In the perfect all three stems are represented : liipaKo, lijpufiaL (Attic), folSa, oida in ordinary Greek only in the sens© of a present, oTrwrra (poetic). In the future too (tiSijo-a) beside oxpofiai) two roots compete. I have discussed the anomaly of this verb so fully in Princ. i. 124 that I need not return to it. d) Rt. Tpex and rt. Spa/i. Both occur since Homer (■*■ 520, 2 30). Still the division here too is not at all smooth, for beside the ordinary conjunction rpixui 'iSpa/j-ov SiSpoi^a (only in poetry) and ScSpdftriKa Spa/iovfiai a poetical aorist 'idpe^a also occurs {eiriOpe^avToe N 409, irepiOpi'^ai A.V. Thesm. 657) and ia Ar. Nub. 1005 cnrodpe^ofiai. In this as in the preceding group we can see very plainly how at first the different steins were inflected throughout independently, and how it was only later that, owing to the prevalent use of particular stems in par- ticular tenses, certain branches of each stem died off. The definite union of the stems, which had become defective, in order to supplement each other, is only the last stage in these processes. e) Rt. cp, stem iveyK, stem oi. Here the limitation of the first root to the present stem is common to Greeks and Romans, and is therefore doubtless to be regarded as very ancient. Just as certainly is kveyic beside 401 cvetK reserved to the aorist (cp. pp. 291, 463) and perfect (cp. p. 407) and ol to the future o'hio, oiaofiau The traces of an aorist from the latter stem are weak, and, with the exception of the Homeric oio-erE discussed on p. 461, late. Here therefore the individual stems, which are united into a whole, are the most defective. The comprehension of this last and highest degree of anomaly evidently leads us beyond what we can call the structure of the verb into the province of etymology and synonymic. 545 EXCUESUS. OJV SOME RECENT EXPLANATIONS OF THE VOCALISM IN THE THEMATIC AORIST. (Vol. 112. pp_ 35_44.) The investigations of the Indo-Germanic vocalism, started by Briigman since the completion of the first edition of this work, and pursued zealously by many of our younger scholars, have been noticed once or twice above, e.g. pp. 49, 97 note. These have also led to the attempt to refer what seems the very capricious vocalisation of the thematic aorist to more definite principles. As a certain agreement seems to have been reached on this point among a number of scholars, in spite of by no means inconsiderable differences of opinion on various wide-reaching questions, it seems to me proper to say a few words about it. In doing so, I have set aside altogether the question as to the vocalism of the primitive Indo-Germanic language, and have kept in view in the first place the statement of the case which Tick has given in his essay, ' Zum Aorist- und Perfectablaut ' (Bezzenberger's Beitrage iv. 167), as this is the most systematic, and the most decidedly adapted to. the Greek language : but I may add that I have read attentively the more im- portant of the other studies bearing on this question, especially those of de Saussure (M6moire sur le systtoie primitif des yoyelles, Leipzig 1879), Kluge (Beitrage zur Geschichte der germanischen Conjugation, Strassburg 1879) and Johannes Schmidt (Ztechr. vol. xxv.). The thematic aorist is fond, as a rule, of short stem-syllables. Hitherto this short stem-form, compared with that of the present with a long vowel or diphthong ((pvytiv i^iivytir), has been considered the more primitive, while the heavier form of the present has been held to be due to intensification. Fick and others invert this relation, starting from the heavier present form, and regarding the lighter form of the aorist as weakened from it. He thiis really revives the view of the ancient grammarians, who always regarded the 1 sing. pres. act. as the irpwrri Oiinc. This acute scholar attempts to defend his starting-point historically also by some general considerations. That the structure of the verb started with the present is my own view also, on which this book is based. But it does not at all follow from this that a particular, and in this case the heavier, present form must be older than the stem-form of the thematic aorist. As S«8wjut was preceded by an obsolete *Swfit, so ^tuyw may have been preceded by an older *vy6fiev, *^wyer£ beside (^£uyw, (j>evyeie) is without any support from facts. We cannot show that the vowel of the stem varied under the influence of the personal endings except where they were attached immediately, as in the verbs in fii (Skt. emi, imds, veda, vidmd, Gr. olSa 'iS/iev). We see therefore that this principle of explanation does not settle the question so very simply and beyond all doubt. I do not wish to deny that there is any connexion between the aorist forms with a short vowel, and the accentuation of the final syllable : — the forms in which the two are united are too numerous for that ; — but it seems to me by no means proved as yet that the accent was the prius and the short vowel the posterius. But if even the post hoc is not established, much less can we regard the propter hoc as proved. We have also, as Misteli (Ztschr. f. Volkerpsychologie xi. 234 f.) has recently pointed out, to take into careful consideration the manner in which we must conceive of the Indo- Gormanic accent, whether it was rather musical or in the nature of a stress. Cf. Vemer Ztschr. xxiii. ] 15. It is only after scholars have attempted to state connectedly the conclusions to which they believe EXCUilSUS. 547 they can arrive as to the accentuation of the primitive language, that we shall be able to decide more positively as to such ultimate questions. From the presupposed original accentuation, Fick, carrying out consistently his view, which always starts from the present stem, arrives at the following effects ' : — 1) d i V of the present stem are shortened into a t v. In the present stem Z and are so rare, that we really have only to consider the relation of d (Ionic rf) to a : Kc-K&S-eiv beside kiiS-eiv. 2) The £ of the root in the present is rejected in the aorist. The number of these instances, Kke KtXo/xai e-kc-icXe-to is extremely small. We cannot admit that £l?roi' belongs here. Fick traces it back to *i-J^e-J-iro-y. But the combination J-k is exceedingly improbable. Hence with the exception of tV'tcXEro there remain only the forms dis- cussed on p. 279, which I explained otherwise, and eve-yke'iv, if we derive this with Fick from ev-evek-eIv. The same loss of vowel however appears also in fii/xvw, yiyyo/xfu. Are we here too to lay down a *ixifivio, *yiyv6fini ? 3) Under the same category 'rejection of the t of the root' Fick brings the reduction of the diphthongs ei and ev to l and v, which neces- sarily results from his point of view : XetVciv Xiire'iv, kevOeiv icvQeiv. Considered pm'ely arithmetically this is correct; as in ke-kX-e-to so in Xltte'iv as against the present XeLtteiv we have to note the subtraction of an £ ; but for the ear, that is, for the living language, there is a very great difference between a vowel which drops out from between the surrounding consonants, that is to say, disappears altogether through the intermediate stage of an irrational vowel, and one which, originally united with a second vowel into the unity of the same syllable, then disappears before it. It would have been thought that this union, which was no loose one, must have preserved it. The young generation of philologists delights in warning us against constructions ' which can only cut a good figure on paper,' and points to the living languages as a principal source for the discovery of what is possible and real in language. Provided that we do not recklessly mix up the distinctive characters of particular languages and periods of language, I am entirely at one with them.^ ' Fick includes in his discussion the vocalism of the strong passive aorist. But as these forms are specifically Greek it is better to omit them in questions as to the primitive Indo-Germanic vocalisation, of which relics present themselves in the thematic aorist. ^ I may remark in passing that it seems to me an unfounded charge against the older generation that they slighted the importance of the living languages. To say nothing of others, I will mention only Schleicher, who pos- sessed the most extensive knowledge of living languages, and made abundant use of them, especially in relation to Zetacism, [cp. also his comprehensive treatise ' Die Sprachen Europas '], and Ascoli, who is probably surpassed by no living scholar in this respect. The doctrine of Bopp as to the ' degeneration ' of sounds in the course of the history of language is based essentially on the views which resulted from a comparison of Gothic and Old High German full-sounding vowels with the half -mute e of the Modern High German, and the reduction of Latin sounds in the Romance languages, especially in French. The explanation of the s in verbal forms from the rt. as would never have been suggested, had it not been for the knowledge that auxiliary verbs were so employed in modern languages. The case is the same with the reference of the personal endings to the stems of the personal pronouns. In my ' Principles ' I have everywhere taken pains to illustrate phonetic processes in Greek from living languages ; and this has not been neglected in the' present work either. x K 2 548 EXCUESUS. Some scholars, in attacking the old doctrine of 'the intensification of vowels,' have made merry over the 'jumping in' of an a into the heart of the words. But Misteli (Ztschr. f. Volkerps. xi. 234 ff.) is right, I think, in regarding the 'jumping out ' of an « or e as not at all more conceiveable. It would be desirable that some one should point out to us a good many indubitable instances of this process from that much recommended medicinal spring of the living languages. For the reverse of this phenomenon, the raising of i and u ix> ei and eu, we have at least one certain instance in our modern High German diph- thongs, to which I have already called attention in my essay ' Com- parative Philology in its relation to Classical Scholarship.' That in a syllable brought into emphatic prominence (cp. p. 37 note), the original short vowel was raised to a long one, that i was raised to ei, u to cu seems to me quite as conceiveable as the 'jumping out.' In any case this new theory, which might be called the ' descending theory,' leads to very extensive consequences, viz. to the proof that all instances ofi and u in the primitive language are weakenings. A word like the Skt. svadu-s, which does not fi.t into the system at all, or like Ui so, which looks like a very simple and sound word, must have already undergone the greatest alterations — shall we say from *ajataja1 — under the pressure of changing accentuation. And is there any living lan- guage whatever which knows of i and u only in diphthongal union 1 Such a view could in any case only acqtiire a hint of probability by means of the most comprehensive rhizogonic, phonogonic, and tonologic investigations, which far exceed in audacity and exuberance of hypo- theses views which are now in some quarters, but not by Fick, usually treated with irony as * glossogonic.' 4) ' If the rejection of the e of the present,' Ficks goes on to say, ' produces before and after liquids unpronounceable groups of sounds in the aorist stem, the liquids become sonant, and the vowels p X and v arise. These appear in Greek as ap=pa, Xa and a.' In the same way an unpronounceable group, which was to be expected, e.g. Krc is ' split by a,' that is to say, in the case of (crarEir, a is developed as an anaptyctic vowel ; in the same way rofinv instead of the *Tixciv to be expected. This view of the a so common in the aorist stem, in which many scholars now agree, perhaps contains a fruitful result. We shall come back to this again. On the other hand the following objections to the general view here stated force themselves upon us. We should thus be compelled to pre- suppose for every aoristic form a corresponding present as a ' mother- form ' (Fick says ' basis ') with a long vowel, diphthong or e-sound, hence e.g. for apeadai *i]peiTdat, for XaiirQai *XuTt(rQai, for Oiyuv *deiyeiy, for (iaXs'iv *(3sXeiv or *f}riXeiv, for dareiv *de>'Etv. The two classes of the thematic present formation, which I give as the first and the second, — of the first, however, only those with e iii the stem-syllable — would be, so to speak, the only normal ones ; there would only have been presents like Xeyu) or (ptvyw. This view suits very ill the actual stock of present forms in Sanskrit and Greek. Our survey proves that a much greater multiplicity prevailed. The variety of the present as contrasted with the uniformity of most other tenses is, I believe, a character indekhilis of the structiure of the Indo-Germanic verb. We only get to the present foi'ms of the I- and of the nasal class from stems with short vowels. EXCUESUa 549 We can understand XiVvye, (j>cvyc, he gets an almost infinite number of instances of syncope. Forms like ir/orte, -ireiridfiey, eSci^n must have lost not only the half of the diphthong proper to their stems, but also by syncope the final vowel of the ' basis ' : and who can tell whether tV-n' wiU be left to us ? How does a man propose to make such hypotheses appear probable, and how can any one expect them to receive assent, so long as it is not shown in the remotest degree how the facts of the lan- guage are to be explained with such views 1 But let us return to the aorist. Among the non-reduplicated forms, of which we enumerated 118, the proposed rule as to the vowel suits 29, viz. 6.Snr {rjSo/jiai), (ipv)(iiv, lar}rai (tf)io), SpaKeiv, Spairujv, ipiKtiv, epiirCiv, ipvyeiv, i?ch; iKecrdai (if we start from the Doric elxoi), Kvdeiv, Xadeiv, Xiireir, irapSelv,^ ■iridelv, afi-invE, vpaOelv, irrecrdai, TrvOeadai, the two-fold tTTreiv, (TTf^^'iv, B^iiv, TapTrwfiiBa, T/Jayelv, Tpaveiv, rparjich', tvj(uv, (jtvyt'tv, while 89 aorists cannot be explained without the aid of unheard-of present stems invented ad hoc of the kind noticed above. We recognised 41 redupK- cated aorists. Of these 12 fit the rule, e.g. KCKaSih', kekuQwo-i, XeXaOor, 29 do not. But further, the originator of this view has himself not failed to notice that a part of the aorists here coming into consideration stand quite outside of his rule, viz. those with an e in the stem. We have indeed noticed already (p. 279) that this vowel is the normal one for the present. Still there are 17 aorists with e left, like yivetrOai, tpiadai, TCKuv, refj-elv (beside rajufiv), iXelv. These Fick regards as present forms, which were only later on fitted into the system of the aorist, and subjected to the aoristie rule of accentuation. A view like this attracts me much more than the attempt, so much favoured by other investigators, to explain the abnormal vowel by means of so-called ' in- clinations.' To what present are we to suppose that yevf a-6at and iXf Ii' inclined 1 If the Greeks retained the instinctive feeling that e suited the present, and a the aorist, I do not understand how in particular instances without any recognizable reason by the mere play of chance the abnormal form could creep into the place of a, normal form once extant. But I can understand very well that forms existing at an early date, like *y£vecrdaL, *TeixEiv, *'e.Xuv assumed the force and accentuation of aorists in contrast to other forms. Evan the participles \iiv, iwv, £Ky (imper.), 306 ayelpu, 215, 236 a-ye/xey, 339 Sye.-, 342 d-yfpfVSai, 276, 283 S7CS, 302 HyeffKoy, 529 ^7eu(rTos, 520 S77), 491 ayjiyep-f 65, 367 ayfiyoXO', 415 f. ^. GREEK, 07^0x0, 367, 406, 415 f. iyriffi, S77J, 38, 317 o7ii'-(B, -€«, 177, 183 f . ayKapvCffSvTo:, 306 ii7Aar€T(r9ai, 475, 481 ayvfu, 177, 184 ayr6s, 224 S7w;^i, 110, 218 ayvdifftuTKe. 531 d7J'i^(r(r(ii, 256 &yv(0trTos, 525 ay^Tlpdni, 457 S70JT1, 46 (bis) ayopd, 215 ayop-dofZ£u, -d^ca, -evo/jiai, 235, 252 dyopotroSi'Tes, 469 ayopsvefjtey, 339 07pi{9ej/, 502 aypiaivai, 253 a7p(i/teyoi, 279 ayvp-fiSSf -rrjs, 215 ayvprd^w, 236 ^TXoCe, 223 a.yxiP\d>s, 132 S7XIB, 143, 145 d7Xft»p^fa»'T6y, 454 ayw, 143, 145, 183 f., 406 &7a>W5aTal, 418 ayavl^o/iat, 250 aSd/ias, 353 aSdfiaros, 514 oSSrjj', 372 oS«i', 283 dS^tpev, 77 a57)»«(Tes, 372 S577fio, 270 aSVw, 270 aSiKTi-n, -ei 140, 190, 248 aSiKoiyj^ 335 aSiKotijfjiey, 335 dSiKotruA.^, 335 iSpaxTov, 281 oSpifr, 372 aSpivUj 254 SSiAToj, 517 asSheia, 252 deiSe^uei'at, 339 deiSTjct, 38 deiSw, 153 cteiffeAios, 513 deiKw, 481 &€■>», 110, 215, 236, 284 oeio-co, 461 ctfVTEf, etc., 120 de'lo., 144, 181, 265, 445 aepffji, 456 aepTav, 236 a^cro, 194, 272, 520, 543 aea-KovTo, 194, 199 Sere, 208 d^-ayw, -aiv«, o^ec, 132, 224 Sfo^oi, 205 aCa>, 226 aTjOefftroVf 256 ctTyi/oi, 341 aQvpu, 255 aieifa!, 237 alSeTo, 305 alSfofiai, 258, 268, 522 cdS^ffdriTe, 510 orSeo-is, 268 alS'liiuiiii, 268 orao/toi, 143, 258, 268 oiSiiJj, 268, 522 a?ea>, 58, 153 ai/caAAo}, 255 cuAe'oi, 261 alfjidiTffat, 256 alfiaroKoLx^s, 154 atf/eo), 523 aXvfifii, 26 aivrnrovat, 242 atviy/ia, 242'' oiVifo/iai, 242, 523 alvlffffo/iat, 242* alvv/iai, 112 aiJoiTKe, 531 alo\eai, 246 oWaAw, 212, 255 536 554 aip^TciKTav, 307 ai>™, 112, 261, 262, 542 alpa, 110, 215, 284 ai(r6avolaTo, 66 aWeimiiUi, 175, 182, 207 f. olVfleo-eoi, 276 aiaeiaBdi, 283 alffSiiiroiiiu, 271 af(T0OjUat, ]82 aiVSm, 503 f. o-fo-o-to, 222, 227 diiTTiia), 244 at(rxvyUy 255 airea,, 112, 537 aXTTjfiL^ 26 airiiaay, J242 atTiaO|Ua(, 237 airlCai, 242, 537 otTOii/;ie(r0a, 62 alxti-o-C^, 237 afai, 182, 208 aKdfia9, 353 aKd/^arof, 514 aKaxe/wTO, 242 oKox-">', -eo-Soi, 291, 292 uK^xw^^i -367, -■ijij.evos, 426 nK(£x»)eiv, 600 aK^lcpw, 153 d\€|a(r0ai, 444 &\^4iiei'at, 339, 444 a\£feu, 304 aA.e>, 144, 156, 265, 445 i.\4o/t.ai, 194 a,\4 313 dAeuaro, etc., 458 a\evfjLai, 475 d\€ijw, 194 d\eM, 178 dA^AetTjUai, 36B aKriB-nv, 510 b\^»i», 502, 504 a.\-h\i^a, 367 f. aKB-alyoi, -■i}<7Ka), &\BoiJi.al, 185, 190, 194, 199, 264 kxeicKoi, 195 aAteiJo.', 252 a?uvai, 178 aKtvoviTiv, 178 A\f;'M, 170, 178 dAii^u, 244 a\i(rKOfj.ai, 79, 133, 191, 195 dA.((r;UeVos, 373 aAiToira, 117, 177, 185 d\iT€ji/, 283 aKiT'lili-ivos, -av, 373, 426 aKi^Q^pdiicii, 394 oAio), 207, 249 i-KicdBa, 502 d\Aa7?cai, 492 dWciffcroj, 256 ''dWaxo, 365 dAAiixfll, 500 oAAo/ioi, 203, 211 hw6fiav, 58 fiA;U6I/0S, 90 aKodca, 244 dAoI?;y, aXtfiriv, 329 dA.}M, 305 5A0-0, JAto, 90, 130 dAuiw, 261 d\uKTc£^w, 236 dAu-|a), -(Tffw, -a>, 195, 412 i,\viTic-di,m, -dvai, kXiaxte, 175, 182, 194, 196, 199, 237 i.\oiv, 332 f. aXdifievai, 339, dAw^'ai, 341 afidftv, 249 afiaifidKeTOS, 514 dMapsTi/, 163, 281 d/iopTdyw, 175, 182, 271 ai^dpTOLV, 31 djtia/?i5(r(raj, 257 djLwiX^TOs, 614 &IJ.$aT6s, 515, 517 afi.PhaKi(rieo!, 195, 199 a,ii$K-LL^a\evixai, 475 hfjL(pi^e^nKa, 380, 428 a/Kjuevvv/jLt, 113 d;a<^ieffj;a'i, 39 afj.(j)ifi€fivKev, 377 d|Ui)[>iff/3aT^iceiy, 394 a/iipla-Ka, 191, 197 d/x^iw, 4.80 dco^SiiAeo, 304 ava,piii(rKOfj.ai, 190, 199 f. ^ya^Xvardyai, 182 &,vcL$pox4y, 491 ayafipiicTKaiy, 194 dj/a77eAiovTi, 46 di/a7e7p(i(paToi, 66 ayayeypddpoyraiy 417 di/d7KT), 373 di/a7i/£6oj/Ti, 484 dya7yct'ffe£«, 534 d^/riSo-TToj, 208, 521 di/aSeSpa/^c, 373 di/a5pci/i€Ta{, 468 di/o-fle/icj', -eejuf'") 339 f. &ya9eeri, 500 dTeiejJTOi, 339, 341 aireiBol-7js, -v, 335 atreiKeltc, 241 direiATj/ievos, 372 dire'Ki|av, 121 d7rtKA77t(r677a"ay, 526 dTTefTTraSaZ'TO, 418 airetrtroia, 491 oireo-TaA/cai/ etc., 384, 385, 414, 464 f. dire'o-TeXAaj', 467 airex^difoflai^ 182 airexBecrSai, 285 awexHiriJIiai, 271 d7rei/i7)|Uf'vos, 372 d7r77Wa77]i/, 500 airriWdieaee, 436 aiT'liWaxa, 407 djTTjijpo, 134 avfixeero, 276 djricMiri, 319 OTr/KaTO, 418 aiToaivufjiai, 112 aTroaipeo, 305 dTTiiySAijTor, 616 dirojSpifa', 454 reirii7efie, 131, 144 a.Troypa(pe(rdri, 70 f . airoypa^eff 469 anodapevTU, 492 aTroSdffffOfiat, 208 diroSfStfaiei, 47, 49 dTToSeSpaKa, 357 diroSiSoiTi, 38 livoSivwuTi, 178 diro-S((/te>', -5iJ/ueiv, 339 f. dn-o5(JvTa?, 306 aTroi6vT(ev, 306 d7roSoir(ii/T(uy, 465 dTroS(((rfliai', 310 awoSpi(j>u, 144, 150, 166 dTroep7ofle, 504 kirdepiTf, 456 i.Trohnrd69a, 69 direfflfo-TOj, 220 anoOpe^ofjiai, 544 dTro0iJ(7Keii', 197 diroKaTatTTOfffJvTi, 469 dFOKe/cAoii'Tai, 419 diroK€Kii'Sui/eiio'€Tai, 436 anoKeKiipafieSj 384 airoKivitaaa Ke, 532 diroKXris, 127 A[nOK]TENEI, 452 aTro\€\afifj,4vot, 361 dn'oA€\e7/Ae'j/Of, 361 d7roA€A((77?Toi, 373 diroAeffKeTy, 531 dTroAo7i4d(T0a'(rai', 310 djToAot'aTO, 65 inroKoifieduj/, 67 dTTiJAajAo, 373 diroAtiAT;, 432 OTTOjUeipeTaf, 214 aTrofiiTTai, 219 hnovaiaroj 66 OHTol/j/Cl/Tai, 114, 171 d7ro7r6<^6i57J7, 428, 431 diroirAiJj'etrKe, 630 dTroiri'(7676i', 492 airdTTTniei, 298 avopol, 336 diruiriiecic, 501 dTTOcnclSi'air^ai, 117 diroiTKAiji'ai, 132 dTTOff-TaAa/Aei/, 491 diroiTToAflei'TES, 499 airoffTepoin), 335 d7ro(rT7;A£{i/Tciji/, 467 awoirtpay'fia'oivTO, 493 dTTOTe'^^airai/, 428 diroTciirei etc., 113, 141^ 158, 469 aTTorivcTov, 310 aiTOTti/otav, 328, 451 aw6TfjL7jTai, 371 airoupas, 133 SirpoKTOs, 615 diTTti/ueo-fla, 62 Sttto) (apio), 82, 166 &7ri/S((as, 466 dTTuSdjuei/ai, 40, 339 SrruirTos, 614 d7ruT€ieTW, 158 dirctfArfjUeffOa, 62 kpaipTiKJis, 367 f. hpdfi-nfff, -ife, 243 2ipdpa, 368 dpape?!/, 291 f. hpapisKo,, 191, 196, 199 d/jop-, hpTip-vla, 402 556 INDEX. apda-ffu,, 219, 221, 227 apy€ffT-fis, 242 apyfi4yos, 372 &pSa, 143, 217 ^ApeBovffa, 502 ap-fiVj -4(r0ai, 284 apeloiv, 522 ap4tr-eis, -ovrat, 481 dpf'o-Kw, 188, 191, 195, 514, 522 apeVrai, 69, 279, 284 apsTdw, 237 Op6T^, 514 apjiya, 156 'dpTjfievos, 372 cipTjpa, 367 apiipeKa, 367 f. apripeiJ.4yos, 271, 417 apripop.ei/Tj, 367 f. aptSei/ceTos, 514 apiSfiis, 507 dpitrrti'jj, 237 aptffTeiecTKe, 530 api(rrevw, 252 dpi-, dp(5-x6Tat, 143 dp/cerjy, 342 dpKew, 239 &pfjLevos, 130 apixuyti, 239, 242 = ap/i(!f», 239 apfj.olfj.ara, 239 hpfj.o(Tfji.hos, 372 apfiS-aa-a, -ttoi, 239, 242 " Spcy-juai, -Ta:, 110, 168 otpz/utro, 304 ap6fi.fj.(vai,, 340 apTTiifM, 167, 235, 453 f. apirdfievos, 133 f. apirufiai, 235, 479 app-dCa, -l^a, 226 1, 536 ^tpirai, 456 aprearai, 372 apTfofxai, 239 aprvvBi], 499 apT6-Qt, -yw, 254 apiacrovTai, 168 dpuToj, 163, 168 dpuft), 168 apxefjevai, 339 dpXeiia', 252 apx6fj.€ird' , 62 Spx", 143 "dffafxev, 520 SffiSecree, 77 &cr$effTos, 521 (fo'evfi'zi, 469 do-e/tafi'w, 253 dcnceai, 240 arrfiev-ia, -l(<», 243 Saftei/os, 130 cttrn-a^o^at, 227 aa-iraipu, 203, 214 f. ^(rTreTos, 280 So-o-m, 218, 222 dcTpaTTTetr/fe, 529 cttrTpaTTTw, 164 kffVV^TT)fXL, 26 &(rXaA.\w, dcxaA-aw, 256 drctWoj, 213 dTaffStiWw, 255 dTeAetTTOs, 522 aTtjU(i-w, -^aj, 235 cLTtTaWia, 108, 213 StJtos, 158, 518 ctTpe/i-€w, -£^w, 243 h.rp€fjnGtv, 481 &rp€ffTos, 521 Sttoiti, 298 itTTOjuai, 220 ^TTio, 222 aifyti^Ojuai, 237 ouSaw, 237 auS^(raffK6, 531 avepiiffav, 122 auflei'T^s, 283 ou\ija"6yi/Ti, 469 au4 o''w, -afew. ai?|a), 176, 181, 265, 445 ai^'flffai, '270 aL'|otijU6;'os, 265 aux^ui. 240 aCw (kindle), 152, 155 a8w, affai (make dry), 155, 226 di^ai\7j(re(T0«i, 69, 542 a, 224 /SoiTjc, 329 fialva, 177, 185, 204, 216, 517 ^aX-eetv, -eiy, -effdai^ 284, 349 ;3(i\ei/, 304 fii.\T]aSa, 34, 39 PdKria-i, 39 ^aWecKCTO, 530 PdWeu, 304 ;8ci\Xw, 202, 211 fidKoiaSa, 35 Pafi^aivw, 217, 377 iSciiTTM, 160, 162, 166 ;8ap€'a>, 240, 243 jSapileei, 502, 504 Papieea-ice, 530 Papipa, 254 /Sairer/iai, 469 jSainAeuoi, 252 i8i£(ns, 517 ^aaxaivai, 253 ySoo-Kw, 189, 192, 200 pdirofj,ev (oonj.), 446 pdffcrtDv, 202 iSards, 511 ;3aifTJvai, 500 (Sciw, 148, 299 pSdWw, 211 $S4\\aiv, 211 ^^iXiaaofxai, 256 $Sevvv(r9at, 113 /85^0-fia, 146, 520 /35€'w, 146 /3'Sii\\6iv, 211 ^^^daai, 48, 386 Peffaios, 410 /3€;Sti|iiei/, 424 Pepivai, 424 $el3aura, 426 $e$TiKa, 379, 413 fiefilme, 413 /8e')3\o-<()0, -^|uai, 358, 407 0eP\€(j>a, 400 ;86^\rjoi, 417 jSeMa-Toi, -TO, 65, 435 PsfiK'flKsLv, 432 $iMKOi, 413, 423 (86;8\7)xura, 416 pePo\iiaTO, 271 /Sc'/Spiflo, 378, 401 ^ePpoxa, 399 = ^i^pvxa, 377, 401, 407' INDEX. 557 $€$pixv, 376, 422 PePp^eois, 379, 423 PePpuKcis, 413 PePpares, 387 /3Ej3£, 144 j8A.^eTa(, 313, 315 P\lrra, 256 i8XiiC«, 182, 222, 524 PXvffrdvuj^ 182 /SXiJa), 222, 524 P\(ia-Ka, 190, 193, 199 Poa67i(ri-w, -ovri, 468 f. p6\\oiiai., 172 p6\oiiai, 144, 172 $oaKi, 252 PpaSivWj 254 /Spofw, 220, 222, 225 0pa', 217 ytiSfo-floi, 156 yaiverat, 122 •yafm, 112, 209, 501 ya/j.fT'fi, 514 7a^f'm, 261 f. (fut. 480) ya/iTjff'Ciw, 534 ^oyiiu, 112 ydifvfiai, 112, 194 yttviffKO/iai, 194, 199 7op7a£pw, 312 (bis); 376, 536 yapyapi^a, 242 " yavpiay, 536 (7) SouTTeo), 262 yeydavi, 387 767({9ei, 391, 394 767aKeiv, 394, 414, 424 767aiJ)s, 282, 426 yey^vafjiivos, 272 yeyivniMi, 272 7e76u^ai, 525 7e'7»j9o, 378, 401 yeyKufifnevos, 358 7e'7oi'a, 380, 399 7e7<(>'6i)', 394 yeypwiTTTi (Boeot.), 61 y^ypaiTToi, 61 7C7p(£>(iaToi, 64, 67 7e7poi/'<£Tai, 427 767p({i('6Toi, 436 yeypivp6a}, 245 7»|9e'tij, yheofuu, 112, 240, 261 f„ 501, 503 yiKeaBai, 179 yTjpdvr€(r(n, 134 yripdcTKu, 134, 190, 194, 199 7»)p6!y, 493, 496 yTipiu, 250 7t7y-o/iat, 7^*'-, 216, 258, 282, 542 f . 7i7i/<«(rKtt>, 187, 189, 192 ff., 199 ylvv/iai, 112 ytvdKTKo}, 193 7Arffft>, 225 7AciirTai, 166 7Aai()a>, 144, 166 yKixa/Juu, 143, 150, 198 y\vKahu, 254 7\()(fii>, 144, 150 yvd/xirrot, 167 yva, 144 7pD, 7ptiC'", 224, 237 ypupLirdva, 180 ypvir-aivoi, -aviQw, 180 7pu7r(Js, 180 7piSn-TCtf, 180 7u/i»/(J&i, 244 Mif , 494 ' Sa7K(i;'co, 178, 180 ^aSaivGiv, 217 SaSj5(r(re{r0at, 218 ^ iazlw, 316 Sa^i/ai, 494 Sa,i\trtai, 490 8iir)Tai, 284 So:, Sale, 300, 303 SaiSdWa, 212, 255 SaiSifftreffBai, 218^ Saffo), 454 Saivu, 301 SaiviSar', 66, 331 Saij/u/iii, 112, 208 SatvvTO, 331 Bai'w (^SaivuiLi), 112, 202 f., 208 Salai (kindle), 209 SaKetv, 284 6a/c€T(Jv, 514 5a/cycJ^o/tai, 524 SttK^uj, 170, 178, 524 SoKpia, 250 SiWei, 211 5o;nS (Fufc.), 479 Sa/iACc, 117, 479, 523 SoHtia, 176, 523 Sd/iev, 489, 500 Sd/jLii, 491 8a/i^eTE, 313 Saix.iiris, 315 SdfimirKe, 529 Saupda, 176, 183, 523 Sdynvci, 171, 178 Sii/irij/ii, 117, 479, 523 Sa^Safj'eif, 217 Sd-JTTw, 167 SopBciTrTft), 167 Sapei-ai, 175, 182. SapSfi;', 284 Sapflefs, 499 5a(rfi(rK6To, 531 ^ae, 407 SedapfjLevQS, 419 Se'Sao-Tai, 380 5eSau/i€i/os, 209 SeSatSs, 379, 381 SeSiiyfiai, 419 SeSefiri/o/tev, 388 SeSeiirv^Ket, 413 SeSeixa, 407 565e|o, 423 S€5e|o/AOi, 436 SeSero, 434 Se'Sijo, 396 SeSpo-fle, 423 5eSVo/iai, 436 SeBrixa, 407 Se'Sia, 120 SeSiEiT), 422 SeSUi/at, 424 SeSijfTjjfiai, 374 Sedi-ffKOfiai, -(rffOfiou, 193, 197, 199 1 SeStaxa, 401, 407 SeSfiijaTo, 65 SddoiKai 415 SeSoiKeyai, 424 SeSof/co), 394 SeSoKTai, 421 Be'Sop/ca, 357, 377, 399 SeSouiriiros, 401 ScSiixfli), 70 SeSpayiM^vos, 377 S4SpofM, 399 Se'Sukc, 413 ScSilKfiv, 394, 424 SeSi/o'Tlixifi, 373 BeSf^trw, 436 Scijo-iifiefffl', 62 SeiSe'xarai, 378, 405, 418 SeiSta, 121, 378 S€i5i/iev, 387 SeiSfyuei/, 424 8EiB((rK0|Uoi, 191, 197 BeiB/o-o-eo, 304 B€iB(ir(ro/ioi, 221, 411 SeiSoMn, 378, 397, 413 SeiSiVo-o/ioi, 376, 536 SeiBu,, 393 SeLKavdajxai, 110, 176 f., 183 SsIkvvs, 301 SfiKVUIil, 110 SeiKj'uyat, 341 Se£\eTO, 232 Seiixaij/Wj 253 Seij/, 210, 265 S€fTrv-4a, -ifm, 240, 243 SetTrcijtrctft), 534 Seiiri/ijireOyTt, 46 Seiiryteiv, 481 BEi'poi, 203, 213 8eta7;T6, 447 SeKev, 304 Bekto, 131 SeAXw, 211 Sefjito, 144 8€j/BfA\a,, 212, 377, 536 Se^afoTo, 66 Selolar, 66 SefoiyTai, 469 Seofiat, 251 depKOfiai, 143 S4ppu, 213 Sepo), 144, 213 SeVij, 517 Be(r/i(ii, 519 BEo-TTciftt., 239 (bis) Seairoiva, 239 BEffirJcrwos, 239 Setnr6Tr]s, 239 SeiSkw, 155 Seififyov, 370 Seiio/iai, 251 < Se™, 265 Se'i^to, 144, 445 BE'xaToi, 104, 370 Bexi-u/JOi, 110, 183 BE'xo/nai, 110, 143 Se'i//.!), 144, 445 Se'w, 517 SnBivna-Ba, 34 Hku, 156', 180 B»)A.^(r-ETai, -rjrai (coni,), 447 SnpiadirBay, 309 SripivBiiTriv, 499 877pf-o/in., 207, 499 S»?pi'M, 249, 254 SiiadaKiTo, 531 Siiw, 467 Bm;3e(8i?KEi, 428 Siaj8E/3A.f(rflE, 423 Siayi/6yTa>, 306 Sia7i/£j/ai, 341 INDEX. 559 StayvSavTtf 46 SiaScWeu/, 2H SiiSnixa, 517 SiiCetrflai, 220 8mi£o9f{Jo/tw, 469 SiaKiJpio-Tai, 371 5iaKpij/8-6iTe, -Ti/ievai, 329, 499 Sia/cuXtitrei (opt.), 452 Sia\e\aij.ii4vos, 419 5io\ex6Svai, 510 SiaAvcevvTi, 469 5ni\uTos, 8iaXuT(is, 515 StdfjietwTos, 514 5ia5re5rXT)x94p(Tet, 457 5ia(()(^(rKeiy, 193, 199 SiSoo-Ka, 196, 200, 265 StSeyTWi/, 105 S«7i, 105, 517 Si'So. 41, 301, 384 StSoT-fiey, -re, 329 SfSourflo, SiSoTo-ffo, 34, 37 StS6fi.ev, 339 SiSiJj'Twi/, 307 Si36(r0a, 309 Si'Soi/, 301 SiSovvai, 341 8t5paj/ai, 108 SiSpda-Ku, 189, 193 5i5i5(rKw, 199 Si'Sa-fli, 298 SlSaifu, 105, 376, 517 SiUffo), 474, 543 Si'SwTi, 38 (bis) Sie, 120 SieSiifl-ffao, 450 Siftfify/juu, 361 SieKSuflyoi, 494 SUxpiBev, 499 Sie\4yei', 490 5ieAe7r)(rov, 490 Si€\4xeey, 490 Sie^lfievai, 339 SUpaai, 214 SUpffjis, 456 SieTeTdxoTO, 66 SKTiiay-ev, -ov, 412, 489 SierpiPv, 500 Sie'if>eopas, 399 5(fw», B^C'', 106, 226 SiKdifriTOi, 61 Swdfa, 235 ff., 453 (bis) SiKai/, 479 SiKairffw, 455 5iKaa)(n, 479 SiKsTi/, 191, 284 SiveieffK', 530 Siv4ai, Sivu, Slvvu, 178, 216 5i(J7i'7jTOS, 511 Sioik4v, 342 SfoiTo, 334 Sio^ai, 148 SiTrXa^ei;, 236 SfirSijjuai, 106 5txa(/, 343 Suyoi, 341 Simfioi, 76, 117 8wc£;nai, 318, 524 SuydfisffOa^ 62 S6ya-VTai, -j/to, 65 Svvdff07], 524 SuvTiat, 318 8i;j/tti, Bwe'ib, 118, 177 f., 184, 198 SlJlTTW, 167 5iipo/Aat, 216 Siff^a, 192, 197 (bis), 199 8ii(reT0, 461 Svais, 517 SuirK€, 531 8u(rKo\a£vw, 253 Sv(T fvli, 519 Svffx^paiycf, 254 8^0,, 118, 148, 167, 517 85, 30 S:iofj.eyy 313 8(wp7jT(Js, 515 Swtre/eiy, 534 ?o( = erT)), 328 idyny, 4aie, ^070, 79, 362, 396 Ea8a, 79, 362, 396 id\nv, 79, 491 ec^wKa, 362 Uhuy, 79, 133, 273 idyaffffe, 79 4apSdK-n, 79 * fdaojxev (conj.), 446 ea-rai, -to, 65 f . U^e-n, 82, 498 €cU}, 34, 363 ^iSoSrj, 499, 518 fPaffov, 84 €/3e/3Ao(rT^KCi, 358 ?j37n/, 126 e/SriToy, 54 ^/Sfujv, 134 l)3\o)3e, 275, 284 (aor, pass.). 491 4fi\aa^TiKcur', 358 ejSAao-Toy, 281 4p\deri(ray, 500 ?j8Xa, 132, 387 ifiov\4\6i)v, 510 E^pw, 133 eyav, 130 560 INDEX, 4yyeyvrifjLai, 373 ^yyhiffffa), 256 iyypatjyefieVj 340 iyypdfpev, 342 iyypa/, 278 ?Je, -o(xoi, 143, 145, 207, 264 f., 467, 544 rSw/ca, 282, 411, 464 UlXeov, 79 ?ei|e, 79 eeiTTov, 79, 644 ielira-o, -to, 80, 83 ecXjuat, 362 leA/ifvoi, 79 Upyadiv, 602 iepy^evoif 362 icpftevos, €€pTO, 81, 362, 364 €-, e-60'o'aTO (eS), 80, 86 leVo-aro (/co-), 80, 520 f^cro, 362 ?/€nroi', 291 ^/iSe, 278 ^CeAf"-, 279, 284 ^{^euy/tepai, 359 4^ivyp.4voSj 419 ^Ceux". 407 %Civfv, 171, 178 ?fo;iiai, 202 t, 222 £fKaTt, 385, 414 el (fut.), 33 Efa-HR, -jiiai, 363 e^affa, elfeoy, 84 €la(rKOV, 190, 630 e?B-Ta(, -TO, 65 f?Sa, 463 eiS-ew, -eiiji', -ei'at, dis, 344, 391, 402, 422 ei^'fja-ic, 544 eltSojttoi, 153, 266 itSofifv etc. (oonj.), 313, 422 elSov, 84 eiSuTa, (SuTe^; 402 cVi (= JmO. 121, 247 eiv, 329 e?7)0-ea, 35 eyTiToy, 54 rffl.foy etc., 86 rffliKo, 364 rffta, effioi, 85, 364, 414 f . eiKdda, 602 e(Kei/a{ V. ioiKei/ai, 504 f. ^iKTOV, 387 eiKoTa, 4oiKv7a, 402 6i'/no, 154, 394 €]fKU, 153 etKt^s, 402 ei\airtvd^a, 237 eVXaita, e?Xl)(^a, eiXiJ^o, €?A7;jUMai, 361, 396 £1\C1B, 268 eiA^Aoufla, 369, 380, 398 fixixovdiLfv, 387 £if\7j|UM<" '*'■ £!^Aaa €l\iyfi4vos, 364 ('iKiffa-ov etc., 85 €iA(xaTo, 405, 418 elAKoy, 85 eTAAw, c'/AAm, 86, 179, 195, 211 eTAoc, eiA(i|Uijc, 86, 642 cfAoxa, 861, 407 eiAu/i€i/os etc., 364 ei\u(l}-6av, -d^et, 2.35 e^Aa, 179, 268 efMBi, 864, 421 e'lfiap-rai, -to, 361 (bis), 419 etfiaprSs, 514 clfiiieiy, 340 ffiuei' etc. ('/rj/iti), 85, 127 E?M6v, etrvy, 329 f . €»)icvoi, 339 €liu, 96, 99, 121, 148, 467, 617 eljil, 101, 146, 487 elvai V. ^f^nevai ilvi, 39 i'lwiu, 113 erfoo-i, 48, 402, 427 (bis), 438 eT|oa'/cE, 631 « €?ir-o, 01/, 462 eiiraiffaVf 452 elfiraTOv, 310 eiVeiy, 292 €iir-4jievai, -f/iiv, 339 eJfiTEo'Ke, 531 EilTETlJI/, 54 erm;, 317 E?ir7)CTeo, 34, 39 ^irriffi, 39 el-jroyy 85, 544 ErTTw/ii, 27, 39 Eip7of), 173, 214 elfpai ( = p-Ja>, say), 213 268, 360, 542 ^Ta-a, 86, 465, 521 elsiSpaxa, 463 eTo-Sa, 34 etsiSeeiv, 342, 349 ^o-Kw, 191, 197, 20O elffSii^a-Ba, 62 elsvKev(roifi.r)r, 486 ^Ispv-tiaecrSai, 493 eJo-T^SKeu', 86, 428 elo-Tta-ica, -/ioi, 365 «iVtio>i/ etc., 86 ^ls(t>pTJvai, 128 fTre, 329 flXfTi)v, 54 erxo". 86 £?«, 316 efoeo, 85, 305, 363, 400 EKO^UE, 278 ^K^avras, 148 EKyo/if-ffttM, -fai, 196, 199 f. ^KyeydatrSe, 416 ^Kyeyd/jLev, 424 ^Kyeydomai, 416, 417, 468 ekSojBj), 494 * exSapivTa, 492 fKSufifv, 329 iKiKXero, 291, 293 ^KiKpayov, 290 tKiKpWTIlplx'll''^^' 40^> ^''^ fKiSarajiiv, 456 ^KepSava, 457 ^Kepffev, 456 eioja etc., 459 Ma0ou, 504 (bis) eVwro, 120, 504 exKayov, 285 e(c\ojr5i'ai, 492 iKhdcrBri, 525 ^KA.EA.ct^aic, 293 eK\ii'Cavei, 475 emppis, 107 en^v, 143 cA.ajSw, 464 4\dii0nv, 499 ^AcEiracr/ce, 531 lAaffctovTi, 534 'EXao-oj, 535 ^Aouvw, 171, 178 eXoxETOi', 54 i\axia, 494 e'Aiiw, 148, 178, 524 e\So/i,ai, 143 ^Aeaipw, 265 ^AeyeToi', 54 ^Aeyxw, 143, 145 lAe'cii/, 343 eA-ew, -iaBat, 284 ?A«irTO, 131, 371 eAeAeiTTTO, 435 i\i\4tBns, 431 4\^KiC^tv, 226, 454 JAe'AiKTO, 131 cAcffKoc, 531 kKiarat, 69, 350 IAcVtw, 69 lAeT 4n€pt^av, 464 4/i4(ra, 481 e^ETor, 514 eV^/jeko, 367, 369 4iuy4aKoyTO, 529 ^A«iy»)>', 491 ^luxB^v, 489 fHHaBe, 78 Hniieyat, tfisvai, ^nii.sv, e^mVy 338 fF. 4ij.ii.£v4oiai, 47, 476 4iifi6pavTi, 361, 385 e/i/iop-t, -oy, 286, 361, 399i 4ii.yi\aBTiv, 525 f/ioAov, 133, 190, 198 ?/topTEy, 163,' 281 4ii.TtdQoii.ai, 223, 224 = l/iiraios, 223 4niryievii.a.i, 481 ^rafpo), 255, 283 Efapa, 282 4yttpe!y, 285 •tvmiy, 458 lyava'iJ.a, 620 ^I'SavEiCEVeu, 309 ^y5ESiii)»c(iTO, 373 ^^-BiSiia-Ka, 192, IPS ^;'SiKa{a/(EVoi, 454 562 INDEX. evStvevvrt, 46 ifivKewSj 155 ^vc^K St., 544 iveiKifxcv, 291 ■eye/AjUttTO, 457 •iveviirov, 292 f. ^i/eoi, 334 ■iveir/meay, 107, 601, 504 .^vtjKaiJ.ev, 464 ■^i/^Xou, 283 . ^viwoxa, 369, 399 ^fdeiiiTf, 330 ■fvBiffKei, 197 ■iyiKu(rav, 49 •ipivTu, iviaaw, 164, 218 •^yi-(nre(j), -a-irov, 279 f., 287, 298 f., 542 •fviffTroi, 334 eylfftraj V. iviirTU ^vveov, 78 •Iweire, 182, 144 f., 165, 542 ^'wu/ti, 113, 520 'ivomev, 342 ■ivopifri, 335 4vpaPas (?), 408 •iupir/uTKivu, 175, 182 ^yroi/iJeii/ (Fut.), 483 ^VTaaaiv, 352 ■ivTeiijiiJiuu, 378 •^wf, 48 ■^CTpeTTCu, 804 'ij^Tvij/fftj, 468 ■^viiPpi^ris, 455 •^la^eorreoi', 514 •4«A."/'r, 192, 500 *|av7€\i£0, 47& '^laySpairoSieDyraf, 481 ■^lairi^Tao'Koj', 527, 530 'e|a7raTuA\w, 537 ■*{a7r<£ij>7)(re, 271 ^ey\viiij,4y(i), 358 , *?«, 141 «{€i, 300 ijei/iei', 339 *|£io-eo, 34 •<|£1T1, 96 ^4eK\oir5j(ray, 497 ■^leAafleo-KE, 531 •e{eXoui'((^e(rflK, 62 ■i^4\$avTt, 46 '^feyapi^w, 454 ■i^fviiiievas, 859 ■^leirnTTafaTO, 66 •^feV\T), 131 ^iepiffaffKc, 582 ■^|eTp<»(, 178, 809 ^irejuu^az/, 466 iTreyl]yo0€, 429 cTrevTiii'oyTat, 447 iiriirX-riyoy, 290, 294 ^7r€7rAwy, 183 iweir6iJ.', 294 iire^pdiTa, 449 ^JreipuKov, 290, 429 ivriviipBanai, 374 ^TrJiperafec, 842 • ^iriiSa, 299 iTTificuey, 829 iiri-fialyw, -PitTKa, 200 i-jriPdojfieyf 319 ^mi8^, 309, 819' iTriP-flOfieVy 313 4Trtypdriv, 342 iTrtrjkev, 89 ^iriflof/iiefloi 334 iiri9p4^avTOS, 544 ^Tn/caTajSoXfoz/Tt, 475 ^iriK^KTipvx^yat, 407 ^7ri/i€XE0/tai, 266 eirijUeXT^ffiJl^Oi, 469 iirifioproSj 281 €Tioc, 129 ^TTioi'Taji/, 307 iTrnrpoefiey, 339 inppd^aira, 219 iTTippd/iPeKTiy 47 €Vl(riTlCli;UeC01, 481 4iii(TiToiy 334 4irifft«i, 359 «ppi7a, 360, 378, 401 4pplyri(ri, 38, 422 ippiyoVTi, 394 ^ppi^wTcu, 359 ^ppKjjev, 287 ippupivM, 407 217, INDEX. eppoi', 457 eppiriKo, 270, 360 ?ppia,'l45, 266 ^ppaiyo, 359, 400 Ippoi/^ai, 360 Ipireo, 462 fpo"!!), 144 ^puyyiiccD, 155, 180 ipvyeiv, 285 ipvBaivUf 155 ipinoKov, 292 (bis) ipiicai, 4pvK-dva, -ai/tia, 181, 183, 292, 411 ipiov(Ti (fut.), 483 4pi>, 181 eSSijffflo, 34, 39 euBpo-i, 39 cBSoi, 266 564 €ue'9a.Ka, 83, 273, 363, 414, 506 tvepyeT-fjKotff'at'j 394 eSiSov, 84 ^iiKTciCov, 236 ivKTiiJ.€Vos, 129, 353 cdxTO, 131 tivd(e(r6ai, 235 eSyTjtra, 235 tS^eai (oonj.), 447 eiSireiffTos, 514 eipaKOifiev, 414 eE/jay, 464 eu/iatrflai, 464 cSpeij/, 283, 285 evp^TTiv, 54 €bpe-r6Sf -Teos, 514 evprise (imperat.), 422 euptiiia, 271 eup^ffCD, 271 evpl(TK(D, 191, 196 evpo/ies, 43 €vp\}voy, 254 eSri (?), 48 firuxoT/iiey, 335 evxctpiffrwixeSy 43 euX^'''''"''^'"' 19® ci/Xerai, 322 e&x^'''^''/^*'* ^37 eBxe", 304 ^CX"/"". 1*3, 132 (bis), 198 cOctf, 155 ^pdyafjiey, 464 £(/>ai/ai/, 464 ?aTOV, 53 f. e^EOcrflei', 79, 498 i7i(r6a, 35 E(/>dapaTai, 67 e^Bapei/, 489 ^Kpedpriv, 493 ew, 130 €0i;to(/,-54 cXoH'O", 282 INI;EX. ^X((raTO, 455 eifievfffitu, 359 e^'tj^iffraiy 359 cij(((»>rai, 469 ctfid/iecrff, 62 lii-wfle", 156 eifai, 108, 144, 266, 359, 445 ?», ^po-i, 319 ^tifffa, 430 et^dour, Cfutra etc., 80 ^ciiKa, E&)(r/;Ca(, .363 4ipKiiy, 81 ^iSXireii/, 81 euixey, 320 idvTtfiat, 363 4wvoviri]Vj 80 ^i))VOX(iei, 81 ewvTij 46 edpa-Ka, 'fiat, 363, 544 iiipaicav, 385 idpyGtf 81, 363 lefiprafoy, 81 i^ptav, 81 itafffjiaij 363 /e'o7f, 79 /e/a59)-p, 179 /Jo-So-yTi, 427 flaa-m etc., v. Ifira^m /oMa, 379, 544 /olSr;/*!, 26, 383, 390, 392 Fpdrpa, 360 ^aeXcfii^toi', 58 Qaixi6iittii, 306 fore's, 303 C4$vraif 357 Cetvu/iey, 114, 178 CefoKTO, feioucrov, 520' feXAo), 211 ^evvvfii, 114 fcVo-ei/, 146, 520 fe/, 335 fdJwu/ii, 114, 521 fov, 283 "iiA.»Ko, 362 ^XukeVki, 424 ?/ioi, 103 %apTOv, 168, 281 ■IJUPAaKov, 195, 283 iJIx^Kuiae, 133, 273 ^uPpoTov, 91, 279, 281, 283 •?/*€>', 339 TIfii, 103, 181 -ij^Tri(rx'TfP6\naf, 95 ^viiyea, 430 -iivdy^tv, 432 ■iivd>x^i\iif, 374 •7\v(!}x^ovVj 95 vfloi, 486 'ij^epoirevu, 252 ■^TTOy, 291 ■iipd/my, 58 TjpdffffaOj 450 iip^lL-im, -l^a, 243 • ^pri-Ka, -/xoi, 368 ■pp^/ieaSa, 63 -r}p^peii', 433 ■hpiipeurSa, 35, 432 ■iipitpeuTTO, 419, 434 Tipiiacrai, 436 -^plffTa/ifv, 388 ^fwa, 414 ■ -iipKeaarov, 54 ■ijpvye, 155 "^pxo, 401 ^irSa, 35 f. Ti(r9B», 310 -^0-/, 38 ^o-Kf, 92 INDEX. ^ffKip-ai, 366 ?, 268 1 "laxoy, 80 (oxwa, 373, 377 ii£x<», 143, 268 ISeiv, iSearBai, 2^5 iSeffxe, 191, 531 %s, %316f. iSiiffffi, 270 «Si<», 2021, 208 ISnM, 372, 419 566 INDEX. iSfi€v, -oi, 340, 344, 387, 424 iSpivdricrai', 499 iSpiu, 111, 223, 254 ^SojjUi, 27 tei, 301 ie.'77, 329 levaL, 341 Updofiai, 237, 245 tepemo, 373 lepeOu, 252 •epiTEux^, 416 i;ei7(ro, 121 I'f&w, 173, 175, 182 ifeu, 304 iC'Voyuoi, 271 it-«, -o/iKi, 86, 111, 182, 202, 222, 242, 266, 271 Iriyopelv, 368, 394 V', 106, 517 ?7)ir9a, 34, 39 %(ri, 38 f. i^o-i, 39 I9ttlv€(r6at, 153 ?ei (bis), 297 ieim, 250 "rre-a;/e, -ero, 89 •UavTi, 154, 385, 394 iKttj'ai, 173, 175, 177 (bis), 181 iKeVte, 285 %Ke', 461- roi, 334 i'oJtjv, 333 Vev, 311, 312 >, 313 f ., 316, 317 iTTTrevw, 252 tmroTeTpdtpTjKa, 374 i^TOjuai, 108 rTTTco-eai, 292 'tiTTOfiai, 165 tffois, 383 iV-aJw, -i4f«, 234, 531 ?o-oAti etc., 38, 41, 67, 318,366, 383f., 427, 438, 444 l/a), 155 itciec, 299 Kcteedov/ivu, 223, 480 Ka0e7(re, 80 KoflcJ^y, 469 KaSfffd/ieyos, 465 KafleffTOKwai', 425 (caSeiTT^Jei, 436 Ke^flEU, Ki£9oi;, 304 f- KaBe^SWf 266 Kd8rifi.ai, 334 KaBiyyvffSai, 110 Ka9£fo), 266 Ko0-i^6(, -i^oy, 456* Kaflilj), 241 Ko9i|ov, 456 " KaBiffTa, 301 KoBlffTarai, 318 (toeiS, 482 KaBopQ, 335 Kai4/iey, 339 Koivvfiai, 113 Ka(ra, 216 (bis)' Karu, 209, 524 (CaKK^fEiy, 227 KOKoTex'")'''^", 168' KaK6(o, 244 KOKOyat, 254 KaKxdCai, 227 KoAeeo'/ce, 530 KaXiOKero, 530 Ka\4xes, 143 Ka\e'w,. 240, (f ut. 480> KoX^feo, 248, 524 Kd\71/il, 26 KoX^w, 248 /caAAtJz/w, 255 Ka\ip-TI, -toy, 167 KaXiiTTCo, 167 Ka/ie!y, 285 Ka/XEirai, 475 Kc£/iTO, 171, 179 Kdim-ra, 165, 167 Ka/iiri5AA.w, 255 Kavdx-TJffe, -i^e, 243'- kweTj-, 282, 285 /CaTTETOS, 514 ifajryeiwy, 241 /caruw, /caTTTw, 165 Kopf, 493 KapKaipeiy, 215 KapirevtT'fiTai, 469* KopTcpriixey, 339 Kapv^a, 469 Kcurdvets, 122 KO(rKa\(fai, 357 ' KaffTopyvffa, 112 KardPa, 299 Kara^-fjfieyai, 339 KaTa^^o/iey, 313 KaTayiETi', 481 KaraypeyTuy, 307 KOTa5eSapei7K6Ti, -oSeoi, 268 KEAEuBetoj/TES, 241 iceXeio/iev, 322 (bis) KEAEUTlyT', 535 ksAeiJu, 251 Ke\eiavirif 47 KeAi)T(fa), 250 keAAw, 211 ke'ao/uw, 131, 144, 266 keVo-oi, 263, 456 Kitniu, 263 keVtt;, 300 keVto, 131 icep-ia, -aiu, Kepa/uu, 115,. 120, 209, 235 Kepavvvfii, -115 Keppu, 214 Kepxuei, 179 KfpX", K€pxv6a, 179 KipavTvu, 318 keVket', 529 KeiBw, KevBdyu, . 151, 155„ 175 (bis), 181 Kfxava, 396 KEx^yoyTi, 385 KEXovSo, 181, 401 Kexap-liaa, 436 K^xapri'^s, 271, 378 KexdpovTo, 294 ttEXEf^an-ai, 421 Kex'hvfTf, 422 KeX1'"iTa, 378, 396 KExAaS-ElV, -OVTBS, 394, 401 kexAijSeVoi, 377, 401 KexKoiSe, 196, 397 Kf'xoSa, 399 KEXoAe^aro, 65 KExoAtScETai, 436 KEXiiAaiffO, 434 icexp^f^^vos, 379 KE'xuyrai, 65 KExajpfSaToj, 242, 418 ke'w, 467 K^aiey, 451 KijSaii'ei, 185 K^5-w, 'Opuif 157, 266 K))Kia, 249 «^^iX**P*^'r**'» 455 Kripiaau, 256 Kfofloc, 113 Kiairecu, 100, 120 KiOTOi, 64, 100 KiyKpUfil, 107 Kiyxdva, 175, 179 KiOapi^a, 250 kocAVkw, 190 f., 200, 377 KiKArjcTKa, 191 KiTOfliCfti, 503 Kiwai, 113, 177, 184 KiVujUoi, 113, 177, 184 KtVVVTO, 65 Kivipofiai, Kiyvpl^Wf 255 k/Joto, 121 KipvdiD, Klpviiiu, 115, 117^ 176, 183 KiXu(^ei'y, 122, 492, 500 Kpu^fleVra, 600 Kp'Ji(a, 224 KTa/ievoi, 130, 216 KTweiv, 282, 286 KTaveovTH, 475 ' KTciVctr/ce, 530 KTeivvvju, 114 KTe(;/a>, 114, 216 (bis) KTelvai/ii, 27 KTe«r, 475 KTEwai, 457 KThvai, 114, 216 ttTepeifa, 454 KTtpiovai, 481 KTspiffaiev, 451 KTcafiev, 319 KTlitrotj/TO, 485 KTiCotar', 66 ht/^«, 129, 223, 353, 524 KTlfievos, 129, 223, 524 tcrivvvfitf 114 KTviria, 261, 263 KvaivtOj 186 K-jS-(£j/iii>, -aiKtf, -i(!ai, 181 f., 254 Kue'm, 268 Kufle, 286 Ki/fcr/ta, 196,200, 268 KvKtuidie, 183 KUKdu, 183 KuKedy, 183 Ku;c\-ew, -(fw, 246 Kv\-fw, -fySw, -ii/8tu, 20T» 249 KVfjLaivojj 253 Kvveai, 184 KiJirTft), 166 Kvp-4a, Kip-a, -ojiai, 214, 260, 268 KvpKavdw, 176, 183 Kvpoiyray, 306 Kvpffas, 456 Kvpriw, 244 KiJpa, 214, 268 Kiim, 196, 268 «wKiiB, 376, 537 koiWaAoj, 255 Xa$-e7v, -iaBai, 286 Xd^eaKov, 629, 531 XafifTaa-av, 307 A^^oiv, 31 Xaflo;/, 303, 450 AayiJcro-cH, 157 \a7x'i<', 180 Aa^oWo, 65 \iifo/xoi, 122, 180, 226 AcJfuo-floi, 122 f., 180, 226 Ati^cu, 223 ' AaS-ert/, -cVfloi, 286 Aa9«, 151, 157, 180 Aa/teiy, 286 Ao/c^ffo/icu, 271 AoAt£f«, 227 Ao^u/Soj/w, 174 (bis), 180 Aa^TTCTav, 236 Xafiirpiva, 254 Aa/iiroi, 144, 236 Xdful/Ofiai, 475 XavBdva, 157, 180 Xd^auBai, 460 Xdwra, 167 Aao-Ko), 191, 271 Xaipiff(r-a>, -eTov, 52, 1G7 Aaxerv, 286 Xax6j)i>, 336 f. Aai^y, 469 Ac(», 147 A671S, Ae'71, 139 f, XeyS/ieBfii, 63 Ae7((yTwj', 306 Ae'yu, 145 Aeia^vw, 253 Aei'^M, 154 Aciiia), 238 Aeko), 151 f., 154, 180 Aci'o'TiJs, 515 XeiTOvpyei/t 342 Affx", 154 AfKTo (counted), 131 AfKTo (laid himself), 131 XtXa$€, 202f., 218 Ai)7f/i«'ai, 339 AijyiB, 157 ATjAifya), 175, 180, 182 A^flco-Kc, 529 A^flw, 157, 180 AlJKc'ai, 271 ArjTTTfis, 514 A/;8«, 154 A.£7je, 224 AJfu, 224, 226, 454 Mfliifm, 237 Aifl-iS;', -Sc, 536 AiAaiOjuai, 209 Xitivdua, 154, 173, 180 MfnUffaa, 257 AiV, 153 Mir-eeiv, -itv, -4ar6ai, 286, 343 AiVec, 491 AfTTM, 166 Afiro-eo, 304 AHTireVKCTO, 530 Kij3(io/iai, 245 \a0aareiiree, 469 A^)j, 335 KlioVTO, 104 HaS-da, -ICa, 243 /taecrv, 286 IMB4rwaav, 307 /laBev/iai, 480 lioB'fiiroiJiiu, 270 liaiiida, 104, 376 ;i*a(>/o/ioi, 203, 216 inalopju, 209 fiaKapl(iD, 250 /ta/ciic, 286 lia\d,(r(ra, 161, 256 ixavddvwj 180 fiavTeionat, 252 yaoTrfeic, 286, 291, 343 fiapieifi, 249 liop/iaipa, 215, 377 IJiapixapiaau, 257, 454 jMipyaiuu, 118 fidpyamo, 65 fidpvao, 304 /M'pviiiiecrB', 318 fldpTTTO), 165 fiaprvpeo), fiapr^pofiaif 255, 260, 269 lidcra-cD, 219 /too'Tiyofrii', 336 luurriCa, 250, 454 liatrrta, 249 ixariifffrov (oonj.), .44:7 fiaxalras, 191, 235, 241 Hayav, 635 /laxflofuu, 240 fiaxeolm', 65 ndxfOiPTO, 332 nax4o»Tiu, 480 569 pJoifaBov, 310 imx4aKa, 196,' /utxilTds, 514 /ii£xoMO«. 143, 264, 269, 406 liaxif-^ctoL, 62 /ieycdpa, 118, 255 ;ii67aAi!i'», 254 jueSectfi', ii4Zu3v, 261 fi4S-Wf -o/iai, fjieSduj 143, 167, 269 ;UE0E((rew, 423 jUE^cfu, 316 juefleAE(r/f6, 531 /iSflEyUEV, 339 fieBiiri, 315 lie6npii63Ae.Tai, -TO, -266, 378, 417 /tE>;3AuKa, 380, 413 IJ^H$\iivTai>, 387 liilievdKovcra, 394 /lEjUETl/tECOS, 374 ME/xr)K<«j, 377, 396 (aE>r7AE, 212, 360, 378, 397 /iE/i^Ap, 422 //E|Ur)yo, 378, 396 fKlilafi/iai, 421 liefilaffnai, 420 lif/ii^eTai, 436 fiefiKTBiia-oyTat, 427, 439 li4fiveo, Ii4iji,vii, 417 fiifweiilieBa, 423 570 fi4fivt)^if 378 ju€juyif/*7j»/, 423 ^efiVTjvro, 65 fienpri-irat, -ai, 417 fi.4fiyTI(Xo, 423 fiefiv^tfofjLaiy 436 fiefivfro, 423 fiefiyuo etc., 423 fteyuora, 360, 378, 399 fiEiiuipTjKe, 271 fj.ef/^pTjTatf 361 fxefiopixivovy 361 fieiJLopvxfJ-^vO; 420 lue^TTTiis, 515 lue^ufiJTe 408 jue'/nuKtt, 360, 398, 413 fj.efM(tOfjLat, 144, 145 fieveris, 514 fieverairav, 307 fxeyevtnt, 46 fievotvfiriffi, 249 KeVa, 212, 258, 264 (bis), 266, 543 fuepBeia-a, 498 fiepfiepa^ 365 /ifpftrjpffw, 242«,454 lierafoiK^oi, 335 jiteraxeipietTai, 481 ju6Te77^a<^^0'6Tat, 493 jU6T6lW, 316 jueTEKiafl-E, -oy, 120, OOi liiTex^VTuv, 306 yuerpia^co, 238 ju'^So/iai, 157 IxitK-aojMi, -i^w, 273 fitlKitvOy 255 AHjw'iD, 207, 249 fJi.Tyrlofj.ai, 249 fuiiz-eifv, -e-rftrav, 489, 499 /ii^T^ps, 315 jui^Tjj'ot, 500 luyi](reaBa.i, 5, 490 /xf^TO/ji, 111, 198 jui'^jt;, 457 JUtKTO, 131 fj.ifjieo, 305 /4ijUj/ar(rK&r, 190, 235 fi.ifiviiaicu, 189, 190, 193, 194, 199 t^ifiPTJcTKa, 190, 543 fufiva, 543 fuviSeiTKOV, 530 fiivvBu), fiivvdeco, 269, 503, 504 fiiyipofjiai, fiivvpi^ta, 255 ^Jo-yeai, 322 fiLffyiffK^ro, 630 /tfei, 158 vt(p4fiey, 339 vi-fi, -ofiai, 544 oi^vcirKe, 530 oixvia, 184 olxofiai, 184, 267, 417 »&, 207 oiceWa, 211 OKveiUf 240 oAeKctTKex', 530 oAc'kw, 115, 143, 164, 411 oXeVSoi, 286 o\i(r'co,238, 239, 253 ivofiat, 236 ovofialvw V. ovo{ia^paivofiai, 186, 283 6arpii(roiiat, 271 oSAe; 120 oi,\6iiems, 172, 179, 353 ofmaBe, 121 ovpriTidirys, 536 oKra, 134 oindimi, 339 oi/TOCTKe, 531 oBTaarai, 372 ourtiw, -fai, 134, 236 ovriiiTaaKs, 532 b^elKfrn, 61 oif)Ct\6inav, 306 6(^erAa) (o<|>eiAetti), 181, 182,. , 267 o^eAAciec, 457 o^e'AAu, 256 o(|>Aai'(W, u^Ao), o^KiffKiay. . o'Teo;', 306 5rc£i^c, 291, 293 iriixeToj, 514 areffcJatTKOi/, 530 -TTeSioAot, 457 ■n-effleu, 304 ■Trefflw, 154 ^reira, 168, 217 ireipijojitei/, 455 iTEipoireTo-flf, 469 ■7r(ipair6iiftr0a, 62 INDEX. Tcipacroujuai, 469 n-e(p(£-w, *^w, 236 iretpniBeifiey, 329 TreipriBTJvai, 510 ircipT/Tf^co, 236 irelpa, 214 ire/o-fai (oonj.), 447 ireiffreoVj 514 ■niKTU, TreKTe'ti), 162, 168, 261, 269 ire'/cw, 168 irE\a^($jU€(rda, 62 irfXa-fltti, -«, 117, 502, 504 mXda'ffeTOv, 462 ire\e|U(faj, 454 TreUa-Kso, 191, 527, 529 xeX/y^at, 455 ^ TreKo/mi, 120, 280 ircAa, 144 ir€\S, 479. Tre/iireo'Ke, 529 'Keil'K6vT03V, 306 ire/ma, 106, 144, 145 ^E^u^afad*, 66 v^fi^ufiev, 447 ire;/e€iaj, 240 7r6«xpa, 899, 405, 407 7re7r<5i'r7/xai, 380 ircTfovflo, 400 Tre-iT6vBei(iev, 428 Treirdi/flEftES, 432 TTSTrSyBeffau, 428 ITETTlJvfljJS, 391 Trenopsiv, 294 TTEiropSa, 400 TTEVoo-fle, 71, 384, 387 tteVoo-xix, 198, 400, 408, 541 irETroT^OTOi, 65, 378 TTETTpayo, 401 iTEirpoToi, 423 ireVpoxo, 407 Trenprin, 291 ve^riva, 397 ■jreifyfivafrt, 385 TTC^^ireai, 436 vf^^ffofiai, 217 ve^daKQ, 358 •ire^iSeVfloi, 294 ire^iS^ireToi, 270, 435 ■jTCifA.oiSevai, 397 -Tre^o/S^OTO, 65 ireflb((;8T)fioi, 380 iretpopPa, 400 'jretppadeeLy, 349 ve^pma, 378, 401 ireippiKOVTas, 394 ireippiKvmi, 378 n'E(^i/i;?iz, 402 Tre^iJy'ytiy, 394, 401 treil}vyfi4voSf 419 ircc^ufJTes, 378, 408 iriipvKa, 380, 385, 413 veipiKaffi, 383 TTiipiKCiV, 394 treipiKti, 391 we^vK^, 422 Tre^vxis, 358 ir€^u\a|o, 423 irc^iAoX", 407 ire^vTivKrjfieif, 390, 414, 424 irs^uwras, 426 vfiyyufii, 111, 219 srijS^, 336 W^KTO, 131 .irji/jotya, 253 Triiaaa, 219 ■jr^TTW, 111 TOiiCa, 241 TTiafyft), 253. itUeiv, 342 f . iriefa; (irieffM), 344 f, irfei, 263 irieiy, 286 iririaSa, 34 irie-eTv, -eVffoi, 286 TTi'eeo, 304 iriSiaBav, 309 Tn8i,aa, 270 .ir?9», 129, 263, 298 TTiflii/ieffS', 63 ■rmpaiva, 253 viKvuiuu, 117 iri\vafii, 183 irfjU-irXa, -ir\T;, 301 iriftirAiiyaj, 170, 177 iri;un'XEa>, 176 ■irlinr\i)fjii, 45, 107 vtfxitpn, 300 irlfiTrpriiil, 107 irTi/, 343 irli/eff/ce, 529 irH/(JvTw;', 306 TTlVV/ieVTI, 122 TrivivKoi, 192, 197, 200 viviffaa, 256 TTii/uTds, 122, 192, 197 jrii/w, 179, 216, 263, 518, 542 ir(ojUai, 467 mirtdKa, 189, 193, 199, 200 irnrir-, jmr-ifaj, 227 iri7rpiio-Ktt>, 117, 120, 189, 193, 199 vivTriai, 39 xilTTW, 543 TTiiTTeico, 252 iriTycij' (aor.), 286 irirvriiii, IriTya, TrtrP'du, -ea, 114, 116, 117, 176, 183, 184, 282, 543 TTi^aiffKw, 193 Tr'ufipniu, 107, 128 ■ir\dyx9ri, 112 7rX<£fa, 224, 454 irXccj/aijui, 26 irXeyvvjjii, 111 irAefw, 156, 210, 524 a-XeVo', 111, 143 xXeuffoiS/iefla, 470 v\efij, 156 Tr\T]yvvp.ii 112, 224 irA^flw, 107, 501, 504 5rAi7/i-, itKtiiiLfi-ipa, 255 TrXtjpiivw (mod. grO, 254 ir\iff, 203, 219, 224 ttA^to, 127, 132 v\f(r(ro)uai, 219 irXtSj'ccJ, 210 TOEiw, 310, 524 iri/6i;(r£7Tai, 470 irvkatj •Kviia, 155, 15S iryiycij, 158 irocVro), 306 iroBe'a, 522 irofl^w, 248 iro9, 219, 221 ^o^^j/ai, 492 ^axifu, 250 peyxa, 143 INDEX. ^c'SSw, 224 pc^eiTKoy, 530 ^efpen, 39 ^eX«, 78, 204, 224, 454 ^fiw, 210 ^e|ai (dye), 225" ^e'™, 78, 144, 145 ^epeuKo, 360 peplipeai, 360 pevfTeiTai, 470 ^e'a, 78, 156 jiiiywiu, 78, 112 ^■hyvvvTaij 319 fi'hyvvvTO, 65 •p-fjytfvo'Ke, 529 priKT6s, 514 p'flffKOfMi, 194, 199 ^^o-cra, 112, 219 ^^o-o-w (stamp), 221, 222 priT6s, 544 ^i7-€'b, -t(l>6ipT€s, 500 (Soif-airx'. -^o'x'. 531 /io<()eM, 78, 240 ^■if«, 204, 225 ^H 491, 537 jiviaKoixai, 196, 199 i>m6u, 165, 360 ^tSiTTW, 165 piaKev, 529 ^uiriuds, 420 ^vffTd^ecTKev, 530, 531 ^u(rTi£Cto, 122, 236, 537 ^vt6s, 156 ()d>€(Tai, 323 (frpecpUj 144 ffTp4^a(TKov, 532 , 255 ffrpihvvv, 301 aTpiivvvfu, 112, 114 arvyiit, 287 (TTuyeii), 263 (TTuT^ffeToi, 492 (TTllciJ/, 104 (TTyf^eXtfw, 454 iTTiJ^a, 158 (TTWfiiWca, 256 avyyi/ios, 131 (TvyyvoiTO, 128 iriJAacKe, 530 (TuXeiiw, 252 i£fai, 219, 225, 454 (r^oATJyoi, 492 a-lpdWai, 204 (T(pdtTU V. (ri/)t£{[to. (r/o>, 179, 279 Taj/urai, 113 Toyt!«, 113, 522 rapi^a-ffw, 202, 218, 222 rdp^eLfjLt, 26 rdpinifiev, 491, 498 tapTtiiniBa, 287 Tdp4>6ii, 498 ■ rdpxv, 222 Taaaa, 220, TttTiis. 217, 512, 518 TBc/jeTv, 287 Toipiiyai, 492 rdyyo), 143, 145 TgfloAuta, 402 TcBdpariKa, 380 TiBapffiiKacri, 413 TefleiKtr, 414 reBriKa, 379 Tc'Sijira, 378, 397 TcSVoTo, 466 rdBiyev, 293 TeflXaiTiuevos, 358 Tt9\ia, -ofiai, 255 rehieei, 502 Te\e06O"/c6, 530 TeXeflo), 504 TE\e(ti), 240 TiKeffKor, 529 TsUffKu, 196, 199 nX^vrdtrttivri, 46 Te\€UTaaj, 345 T€Ae'a7ai, 66, 405, 418 TeTpi(peu, 423 rerpttxntJ^fVoSf 421 Tcrpe/iafwu, 177, 186, 217 rerpriva, 217, 466 TETpj/xwo, 379, 397, 402 Terptya, 357 rerpvyvla, 377, 402 TcTpiySTcw, 426 rerpi^a, 407 reTpiiparai, 405, 418 TCTpO^a, TCTpO^a (TpcTTOj), 398, 400,^ 407 ^ . TiTpofa, TiTpcupa (rpitpa), 400 TeTTopes, 70 TCTiJyjiiijy, 434 rervKetv etc., 156, 294 T6Tuf0, 428 TeTVTTtii'Tes, 294 reriffK-av^ -ero, 197 TeTi^ftj/Aai,-408 rervxriKiis, 413 TSTixv^h 294 TeTixS", 423 reiJxw, .156, 180, 267 T?, T^Te, 303 Trj/o-iis, 514 T^a, 157 Tlf(TK6ll£V0l, 196 Tiflfi, 301 Tiflei/ier, 330 Tie4fisv, 339 TiOeiieffBa, 62 rMeo-KE, 529 TiSeo-o, 304 tWj), 41 Ttff^/teyo!, 340. T«)i,i., 107, 517 t(9)js, 383 TlBria-ea, 34 TfflrjTi, 38 Tjflou, 305 riicTcVj 342 TLKTOJ, 168 t£\\w, 212 Tifidiaaaa, 246 rivvficu, 113, 171 tW, 113, 170, 171 f., 179, 518 Tiaeri (oonj.), 446 TiTa^i'eToi',-310 Tirafpffl, 113, 217, 370 TlT^flB, 227 Tlrpriiu, rnpdio, 108, 217, 543 TITptdlTKftl, 113 TiTicrKo/uu, 191, 197, 200 t£«, 113, 158, 179, 518 TAoTej', 329 TAflfli, 298 Tfjuiysv, 491 Tli^iya, 15.7 ro-KO-t-js ( = S£iKO;e), 411 TOKUira, 535 ToAuoftj, 237 To/tdt!), 535 TOpBop-, TOpBp-i^u, 227 J To|a^OjitvU; 237 To|ei!i», 2i>2 TopE^w, 252 Topit), 269 rSffiTcUSf 465 rpayeiv, 287 Tpair-E?!', -4a), 144 TpE'xffl, 143, 544 Tp^to, 146, 204 TpfjSm, 158 Tp£fai, 202, 225 TpiipBitiTa, 500 TpoTr4u, 240 Tpiifo), 225 Tpiixfii, 192, 199 Tpiya, 157 Tpo)vy6w, Tpdjvyvfiiy 115 TpuTratrK^trBo), 195 TpuirdcriieTo, 530 TpairdSo-KMj^lOO, 199 Tuvxii"". 156, 174, 180, 220 tvkt6s, 514 TliKa, 143, 150" TV/ipoyipav, 408 TujrdCeiv, 270 TUTE1»,'287 TUITTlffel, 270 TiJirTw, 160 1, 165, 267 Tupavviicrilovra, 534 Tvpdvnda, 244 Tvp0dCa, 236 riarffet, 220 TvipKiiffau, 267 Tti$(!to, 408 T(5((>a),-158, 371 TUX"", 287, 465 rix-ncf, 270 ' rixri(Tt, 39 Tixo'iJii, 27, 39 TcoWfa, 227^ «;8p(fa, 250 «7i-alya), -dfai, 89, 177 (lypiaate, 257 vSeioixcv, 241 %Eiia;, 252 BSo. (Ae'-i-ai), 143, 153 fiETiJr, 614 SAiiei, 162 i\aKT4a, 89, 162^ 256 vXdaffeo, 266 i/ievaioi, 386 ifievalovv, 89 VflJ/GioVffCUf 2iX 0{oi/, 455 iirap^evvTi, 469 {nrapxeiiiv, 340 uir<£px^''> 342 &TTeiKaJ94uy, 503 uTreXOcTeovj 514 iTeij.viiiji.vKe, 359, 413 UTT^peiTTe, 166 wreppdyTj, 491 6TTep'Eo/iai, 177, 184 UTTI/rfo), 244 inryt^effKov, 530 wTrvf^ovTos, 190 uirj/eSff'o'w, 257 uiro'ypoi|/<(»TOi, 469 imoSpihairu, 221, 412 frirdflfu, 304 4iro\(fa)y, 202 wroTreTmicSTes, 426 vTTOTrifnrp^fft, 39 uir(MrT€*i7;(n, 39 i&iroTa7e£s, 492 iTtorleoiTO, 334 ' viroipaiiTKetj/f 193 iSiTTitiptn, 39 5(rTep-€«, -£C'»'» 243 v^c£76o, 305 iifaiVcB, 177, 183, 205 v^ai'(£w, 183 vipavev, 89 v^eXoiaTo, 66 v(j>iiori'a., 183, 217 (bis), 221, 236 ipaicri, 47 av, 148 ipayeiffSai, 475 5i/Ti, 319 i?>(io, 304 dpypviiL, 168, 220 ^dpKTefffloi, 161, 168 <^apiidffffu, 256 fpdpu, 145 ^aarydverat, 183 ^(iiTKw, 189, 193, 528 i(>o(rx', 529 ^pej', 342 tpepeTQiffay, 307 f^PJ), 317 ep6iJ,e(r8a, 62 ep6pTav, 307 ^eprd^ei, 236 ^^pre, 104 tpeprds, 512 ^^pw, 128, 144, 145 ifieiyeiTKei', 529 ^eiiyTji/, 342 ciJ7tt>, 151, 152, 156, 181 ^ellfa, 237, 251 ^EUKTlis, 514 tpev^eicOf 534 ^eu|o^oT", 66, 486 (peiiotTO, 486 4iEu|ov/i£0a, 470 ^^j)s, ^i^p, 315 ^i)/«i (dor. ^o^O' ^^> ^''j 544 (prifii^a, 250 ^i)(r9a, 34 (^jcri, 38 ^ea^ri, 329 (peairne, 330 ^fleiyo), (p9av4a, 144, 179, 269 ip64yyofiat, 143 (pBelpa, (peippa, 214 il>fl^pai, 467 l\tl\«>'5cSj/ai, 181, 221 ^A.iJo-ei, 221 Mio), 221, 223 <^o/Seo, 305 ipoiviffffUy 256 tpovdu, 535 tpoyevu, 252 pciSei/, 288 (ppd^eaSov, 310 ^pii^oi, 223 ^paftSfiEo-e", 62 /)ufa)/w, 123, 173, 175, 182 <(»iCi/(r(iB, 199, 221 (pvffidu, 237 ((>ii(rT.s (?), 519 (pvTfvffft, 141, 447 (pvreiu, 618 578 tpvT^t/, 518 (^iw, 147, 518 210, 518 1, (fut.)484 XVP^^} 244 X^M""'', -t^C^"', 236 X^oiSeV/ta, 196, 199 X, 252 Xif", 115 1:1. TDEX. Xpolvu, 217 *J Xpauriiiw, 39, 261, 263, 282 Xpio/iai, 196, 526 Xpei^^Ba, 502, 504 XpeyLteTfC*^, 168 XP^MC<->, 168 Xp^jaiTTO/iai, 168 XP^, 100 XpTlicico)"!'^, 196, 199 XP'S". 92 XpT]vvviuu (?), 116 Xp^trffo, 34 Xp^CTOi, 69 XpflffTot, 69 Xp7, 303 XpifiTTTOf, 168 XpiiTTiij, 147, 521 Xptoi, 147, 521 Xpi^C^, 115 Xpiivvufu, 115 XpiiffS" (,v)t 309 X^<|>Ei, 144 "HX", 199 i(/£f£(r9oi, 225 ' ^aiiSiov, 113 ijfiJdo;, 156 tpUTTCt, 221 i//ux^wi, 493 if/iiX". 158, 199 i)/(op«v, 535 uaraiATiiriS, 490 &PpaTO, 361 ^S^KOl/Tl, 46 a)5oTreiroi7iiJ.^V7j, 374 uSiiirao, 449 iiCtti, 237 (jj^ejji', 510 fifl€\oy, 279, 283, 286 a>xp't 244 i/Jx""", 267, 273 aif-eojf, 533, 535 aamanafEed (Oso.)) 4:41 abdo, 506 abnueo, 259 acoeptus, 515 aotud (Osc), 306 acuo, 250 adagium, 103 aegrotus, 238 ago, 145 ahesnes (Umbr.), 230 £. ITALIC. (Latin not distinguished.) aio, 181, 203, 230 alb-are, -ere, 244 albioare, 256 alumnus, 139, 353 angetuzet (Osc), 373 ang-it, -et (Osc), 373 ango, 110, 145 animare, 238 apio, 166 apisoor, 82, 191 apparere, 293 aptus, 82 arceo, 239 arcesso, 534 arrugia, 222 angeo, 181, 445 ausim, 438 auspicari, 240 balbutio, 257 bovare, 231 cacaie, 231 cadaver, 425 caecutio, 257 caedo, 151 calare, 240 calator, 240 Calendae, 240 cano, 236 canto, 236 capesso, 534 capio, 203 careo, 497 carino, 177 caveo, 240, 261 -cello, 525 censazet (Osc), 441 censeo, 240 oepit, 389 cerno, 170 cio, cieo, 259 clar-are, -ere, 244 claresco, 190 claudico, 256 cluo, chieo, 148, 259 cootus, 512 ooepi, 380, 390 columna, 353 comare, 231 comminiscor, 193 oomparasciister(Osc.), 188 condo, 506 * coqvuno, 177 coquo, 219 corrugus, 222 credo, 506 oresco, 190 cubito, 236 cubo, 166, 236 cumbo, 166 cupio, 203 capire, 203 damnum, 353 danunt (dane), 171 dapinari, 240 datus, 512 deded (Osc), 389 dedeit, 389 dedet, 389 deicans (Osc); 317 deico, 151 deikum (Osc), 151 deivatud (Osc), 306 deleo, 259 depso, 145 depuvit, 211 desipire, 203 desivare, 364 destinare, 177 dicare, 236 dicere, 152 -dicus, 110 disco, 196 dixe, -m, 449 doceo, 196 / domitus, 5" domo, 234, 273 douco (Old. Lat.), 151 duco, 162, 218» edo, 104, 145, 265 eisou (Umbr.), 189, 192 eiscurent (Umbr.), 188 eituns (Osc), 307 erugit, 155 es (Imperat. to rt.ed), 298 escit (Old Lat.), 528 estod (Old Lat.), 303, 306 estud (Osc), 306 esurio, 634 etu, -to (Umbr.), 306, 308^ explenrait, 170 exstinxe, -m, 449 fafia (Umbr.), 317 faclo, 120, 203, 411 faoitud (Old Lat.), 306 factud (Osc), 306 fallo, 204 farcio, 168, 204, 220 fari, 524 fateor, 243, 537 faxit, 438 fefacid(Osc), 4]2 feido, 151, 154 feliuf (Umbr.), 392 femina, 353 fendo, 216 f erasoit, 200 ferinimt, 173 fero, 104, 145 fertu (Umbr.), 306- ferv -o, -eo, 259 fido, 151, 164 filius; 392 flndo, 170 fingo, 174, 180 finio, 249 fio, 508 fleo, 259 • fodio, 203 frango, 112, fremo, 145 freqnens, 497 frioo, 234 frigeo, 360 fruniscor, 176 fugio, 202, 203, 225 fuia, fuiest (Umbr.), 1-17 fuit, fuet, 389 fulcio, 203 fulg-o, -eo, 259, 497 fumo, 231 furari, 231 furo, 151 futuo, 250 fuueit (Old Lat.), 389 gaudeo, 209, 240, 261, 503 genitur, 278 I 579 genitus (bis), 514 gero, 236 gesto, 236 gigno, 543 glocio, 203, 218 gnatus, 511, 543 gnosco, 179, 193 gnotus, 611 gradior, 203 grandire, 249 grava-re, -ri, 210, 243, grex, 215 gustus, 156, 520 habetutu (Umbr.), 308^ habitare, 236 heriest (Umbr.), 215 heriiad (Osc), 215 Memo, 236 Meto, 192 hisco, 192 (bis), 197 iguarus, 243 ' ignore, 243 impedio, 260 incline, 231 inclutus, 512 indago, 240 ingemisco, 188, 191 inretio, 249 insece, 132, 145 inserinuntur (Old Lai.), 173 interieisti, 389 inveterasoo IS-'O invictus, 515 irascor, 190 ire, iri, 206 itare, 236 jac-6re, -ere, 167, 2uH, 236, 336, 411, 497 jactare, 236, 637 jugare, 238 junctus, 514 jungo, 108, 110 labare, 152 labi, 162 laoesso, 535 lacio, 203 lambo, 167 lascivus, 146 lav-are, -6re, 240, 261, 269 lego, 145 lenio, 249 levo, 238 libo, 231 licet, 497 llkltud (Osc), 303, 306 lingo, 154 lino, 170, 171, 178 Hnquo, 164, 174, 180 MoKUKeiT (Osc), 412 locutus, 516 lubet, 166, 240 lupuce (Etrusc), 412 580 INDEX. luxare, 238 madeo, 243 maneo, 264 manus, 209 maturesco, 190 mederi, 270 meditari, 286 mejo, 203, 261 memento, 378 memini, 190, 375, 378, 390 memor, 365 memordi, 356 memoro, 230 mereo, 214, 361 metuo, 250 -miniscor, 192 misoeo, 189, 192, 197 modulor, 256 molo, 211 moltas (Osc), 232 morior, 203 moriri, 203 moveo, 153 mugio, 204, 226 multo, 232 mungo, 219 naotus, 515 nanoisoor, 176, 200, 291 necto, 163 neo, 148, 259, 501 novare, 231, 238 novl, 375 nubo, 152 mio, niaeo, 155, 236, 259 nupturio, 534 nuto, 236 obdormisoo, 190 obimmt (Old Lat.), 171 odi, 375, 378, 390 olfacio, 283 olo, oleo, 259 orior. 111, 172,^ 203, 261 ostendo, 236 ostento, 236 paciscor, 191, 200 pango. 111 papaver, 425 parentes, 278 pario, 203 parire, 203 paro, 243 pasco, 189, 200 patior, 192, 198, 203 pavio, 210 pecto, 162 pedo, 145 pend-6re, -ere, 497 pensare, 236 peposoi (Old Lat.), 73, 356 pepugi, 73, 356 perdo, 506 periines (Old-^at.), 302 persni- (Umbiv), 170, 188 peto, 145, 259 ' *petulo, 256 pingo, 170 pinsio, 203, 221 pinso, 160, 221 piscor, 231 plango, 112, 224 pleoto, 163 ploro, 209 posco, 192 potior, 198, 249 potitus, 515 poto, 236 praefica, 412 pravescere, 200 precor, 170 prehendo, 174, 181 profioiscor, 200 profiteor, 243 prospioes (Old Lat.), 302 prflfatted (Osc), 282 quaero, 259 quatio, 203 rapio, 167, 203 redinunt (Old Lat.), 171 rego, 145 reminiscor, 193 repens, 145 rideo, 223 ruoto, 78 rugio, 204, 225 rumpo, 170 runcare, 222 runco (subst.), 222 saUo, 203 (bis), 211, 236 salto, 236 salv-are, -ere, 244 salve, 173 sapio, 203 saroio, 161, 167 scat-o, -eo, 259 soindo, 116, 151, 170 scisoo, 189 sedeo, 152, 223 sedo, 231 sequor, 83, 115 sero (serui), 81, 214 serpo, 86 sido, 152 siem, 324, 328 sileo, 240 simulo, 238, 243 sinciput, 392 sino, 84, 171, 364 sisto, 107, 369 solin-o, -nut (Old Lat.), 173 sono, 231 sons, 352 sorbeo, 240 speoio, 161, 203, 204 stahituto (Umbr.), 308 » statuo, 250 sterno, 112, 171 stemu-o, -to, 112 stinguo, 225 stipo, 231 strangulo, 231 struo, 251 studeo, 156 siibahtu'(Umbr.), 306 siibdo,*506 subfio, 203 superstes, 352 taoeo, 240 tagam, tangam, 278, 294 tango, 294, 295 tece (Etrusc), 412 tego, 145 tendo, 506 teneo, 506 terg-o, -eo, 259 tero, 214 terreo, 240 tollo, 151, 235 torqueo, 240, 269 torreo, 497 traoto, 236 traho, 236 tremesco, 19J. tremo, 145 tribarakavum (Osc), 233 trUdo, 152 tulo (Old Lat.), 151 tuor, tneor; 259 turbo, 236 turce (Etrusc), 412, 413 ^ tusetutu (Umbr.), 308^ tutudi (Old Lat.), 395 ulcisoor, 200 ululo, 365 unco, 231 upupa, 365 urgeo, 240 uro, 152, 155, 520 ustvxlo, 256 ustns, 155 usus, 515 vado, 152 venio, 185, 204 venum (ire), 80, 206, 494 verro, 86, 123, 147, 520 vertumnus, 139, 353 vestio, 249, 520 visio (flSe'a), 146, 520 viso, 444 volo (wish), 145 voluntas, 352 volvo, 85 vomo, 367 INDEX. 581 C. SANSKRIT. akar, 130 akshan, 279 akhjam, 280 agam, 126 agasishns, 110 agirhnam, 169 aghasan, 279 aghajami, 236 akataksham, 429 atukurat, 258 agananta, 282 a^anishta, 438 a^ati, 317 ddargam, 278, 279 adam, 126 adr5am, 278, 279 admi, 104 ad-dhi, 298 ^dham, 126 adhukshat, 438 adhvarjAnt, 255 apaptam, 289 apipatat, 289 apipet, 376 apsanta, 439, 444 abudhanta, 278 abodlianta, 278 dbhut, 126 abhaishma, 438, 446 ajansam, 438 ajaslsham, 440 ar (go), 212 aratij^ti, 249 aiitat, 278 ar^ase, 438 arthaje, 233 ardh, 163, 185 alambhanta, 174 av, 147 avidat, 278 avedisham, 265 avofcam, 291 agamat, 278 agana, 116, 173 asati, 311 asaham, 279 ^s^ham, 126 asmi, 101 asvarshtam, 441 ah, 181 ahan, 130 afeamami, 151 ada, 365 adAjami, 264 adar, 212 adunvasva, 109 aninat, 291, 365 apipam, 108 amamat, 291, 365 Sjam, 89 ara, 365 ivta, 126 ardidat, 291, 365 arpipat, 291 as, 103 asate, 65 asitha, 35 astham, 281 aha, 103 ing, 154 ikkhami, 188, 189, 192 indh, 163 invami, 171 ijarmi, 212 isha^anta, 173 ishnami, 116 ihi, 297 ukshanjati, 253 utihami, 188, 200 uvata, 369 ush, 155, 520 urgdjami, 240 rghSjami, 229, 240 ilujiti, 250 rkthami, 188, 192 (bis) fii^e, 111 r^i^dhmi, 185 piomi, 109 rtaje, 239 rdhtot, 352 rdhii6mi, 185 egami, 154 edhi, 297 emi 96 O^aja-mi, 240 6shami, 151 (bis), 155 kamami, 151 ku (howl); 537 kupjami, 202, 203 krpa-, krpan-, krpa-jati, '253 kratuj^ti, 250 kramami, 161 klamami, 151 kshan,_ 216 kshandmi, 114 kshinOmi, 170 kharig, 226 gatjkhatat, 306 gatthami, 188, 192 gat^, 511 gah, 166 guii#, 226 , .■ gflhami, 151, 155 grnishe, 438 grhana-s, 173 grdhnljs, 108 grama-s, 215 gharsh, 147, 621 ka&aksha, 429 tdje, 158 tin6mi, 113, 170, 172, 179 £orajishiami, 234 thad, 116 thid, 116 ^aganti, 105, 543 ga^ana, 366 lanami, 272, 282 lanijati, 249 gagarajami, 215 gagarti, 368 g^je, 216 ^gati, 105 ^§riasami, 187 livase, 350 gishe, 350, 448 |u|Osha, 366 ^h, 156, 520 ieshi, 298 geshjami, 474 ioshami, 152, 155 ^natd, 511 gnejas, 329 tata, 512 tatana, 395 tatre, 367 tan, 506 tanishiami, 477 tanute, 113 tarishjami, 265 tashthaii, 289 tasthivan, 425 tishthami, 106, 107, 289 tutoda etc., 356, 389 tudami, 160 turv^ne, 346 tuldjaim 235 tjpnomi, 170 tjrmpami, 170 tras, 621 trdsjami, 146, 210 trasajami, 240 djjami, 170 datta, 519 dadd, 382 dadarga etc., 357 d^dami, 105 dadfpvan, 425 dadrus, 357 -dMhami, 107 dadhidhve, 416 dadhimil, 389 dadhlta, 331 582 INDEX. damajami, damanjarai 117, 177, 230 daj, 208 dardarlmi, 390 dardharti, 376 dag, d^Q, 109, 178 dam^ne, 3H damjami, 117 dav4ne, 346 dasjami, 260, 471 didrkshante. Hi di?,'llO dljami, 120, 148 dirjami, 213 dunomi, 209 duhami, 160 dejam, 329 dev^jami, 233 djami, 203, 209 dvish, 520 dvisMnt, 852 dhajami (suckle), 202 dharsh-djami, -ami, 229, 240, 259 dhunomi, 171 dhup, 158 dhum&jami, 231 dhurvane, 346 dhislmti-s, 108 dhejam, dhejas, 329 namasjami, 238 nas, 146, 210, 220, 521 nah, 163 nanadati, 876 nig, 167, 224 nid, 121 nind, 150 nesha, 450 neshati, 441 neshatha, 446 nonaviti, 390 pat, 219 patatA, 514 p4nate, 117 panajami, 176 pattr^ami, 244 papraktha, 400 . papra, 857 p^fjami, 161, 204 pagjes, 328, 332 pata-ja-mi, 235 pahi, 297 piparmi, 107 pipasati, 444 papishati, 439 piprhi, 297 pibadhjai, 351 pish, 160, 221, 241 pid, 241 prtihamj, 192 ■pra&kjm, 111 prndti, etc., ] 70 prnAdhjai, 351 p^urusheja, 235 prakske, 448 prakli, 188 pra-brava, 29 babhdva, 73, 356 babhuvfai, 425 blbharmi, 107 bubhugmahe, 416 bodhami, 152 bobbavlti, 890 bravlmi, 390 bhag, 544 bhang, 110 bhar, 128 bhdradhjai, 351 bharadhve, 68 bharasva, 304 bharami etc., 138, 817 bhare-ma, -jus, 824 bharti, 104 bhavatat, 304 bhami, 96 bbar^jami, 248 bhash, 188 bhugami, 151, 156 bhuranjati, 205 bhurati, 151 bhujama, 829 bhrta, 512 bhotsjami, 474 mantrSijami, 233 manthami, mathnami, 170 mandajadhjai, 351 man j ate, 203 maratfi,, 514 masjami, 210 malati, 232 malajati, 232 masi, 298 miksh, mimiksh, 197 mlv, 153 muk, 150, 219 murkhami, 188, 200 murta, 188 mrgajami, 233 mynami, 118, 170 medjami, 202 mrii^te, 204, 205 j^kkhami, 188 ■jag, 224 jagadhva, 62 jagja, 204 jas, 146 ja, 106, 121, 206 jajam, 324, 329 jasi, 298 juktd,^512, 514 jutthami, 188 jumagmi, 108, 110 rakshami, 445 ratharjiti, 255 Tamate, ramnati, 119 radlmdmi, 114 rajati, 225 rasate, 446 rikh, 154 rinakmi, 154, 174, 180 ririkshe, 416 rirefea, 356, 395 rishanjAti, 178 rihami, 150 rugdnt, 352 rudh, 503 rurOga, 895 regami, 227 rerihj^te, 586 reshati, 178 lambh-, 174 lash, 520 Mshjami, l^sami, 116, 209 lubh, 166 lelih, 878 lot, 219 lohitati, 232 vakshajami, 265 vakshjami, 477 vad, 168 vadh, 80 vand, 153 vap, 205 vam, 367 var (defend), 122 vas (clothe), 113, 520 vas (dwell), 520 vasn^jami, 240 vahatat, 304 vautthami, 188 f., 192 (bis), 198 vami, 120 vahAjami, 240 vig, 222 vida-si, -ti, 317 vidushi, 425 videt, 832 vidmane, 844 vidvan, 426 vidhami, 150 viyasati, 534 vigami, 150 virajami, 287 vr^iagmi, 110 vrnomi, 118, 123, 172 vrhaje, 534 vettha, 84, 36, 383, 395 veda, 153, 371, 379 vedmi, 153 vedane, 344 vedAjami, 233, 264 vevigjAte, 536 votatat, 304 votati, 817 votetam, 332 vjapriiate, 120 vra?k, 188 59,s43ami, 242 INDEX. 583 paknomi, 175 Qam, I71 Qinute, 113 5ush, 155 ^rl-na-mi, 170 Qjuthatij 170 gete, 100 Qjami, 202 Qrathnami, 170 Qraddha, 506 gruta, 512 prudhl, 126, 129, 297 Qvajami, 268 gvas, 521 sa&Mhjai, 351 saiasva, 801 sad, 223 sanoti, med. sanute, 122, 171, 283 saparj^ti, 255 samkir^ti, 115 sasdva, 73, 356 sdhadhjai, 851 sahasva, 804 sadajami, 231 su (excite, send), 364 sedhami, 151 skhad, 116 stdva, 29 stardiami, 251 str-nomi (-nami), 112, 116 sthap^jami, 231 snu, 156 (s)pa9iami, 204 smardjami, 230 srdvaml, 156 svandjami, 231 svadha, 506 svadate, 156 svidjami, 203, 208 had, 223 hanati, 311 hajantat, 308 Mrjaiui, 215 hasate, 438 hasmahi, 438, 440 hinOmi, 170 D. IRANIC. (Zend not distinguished.) aSiti, 96 aistata (Old Pers.), 79 atiydisa (Old Pers.), 89 ada (Old Pers.), 126 adinam (Old Pers.), 170 apabar61s, 332 amariyata (Old Pers.), 204 avaretha, 122 avaiti, 39 idi, 297 iririthare, 365 igaiti, 189, 192 ishag6it, 188, 192 ukhshyant, 204 uzbarajat, 240 kerenava, 176 kerenvo, 109 qabda, 506 qh-jfe-n, 329 gaidi, 297 gaozaiti, 151 gagaiti, 188 lagaStem, 52 zahyamnam, 471 zinat, 170 zdl, 297 tatashat, 291 tanva, tanava, 113 thr^zdum, 63 daidyata, 331 dan, 126 dadhami, 105, 107 daonha, 471 data, 512 drazh, 218 nadent, 121 patiyaisa (Old Pers.), 89 pathyditi, 220 perena, 170 pere^a, 192 (fra)mairyeit6, 204 fradadatha, 36 fsanajaiti, 179 barayen, 824, 332 barat, 317 bun, 'l 26, 278 buJdjai, biizhdyai, 351 bflshyantem, 471 bvat, 278 maidhayanha, 270 mainyetl, 204 yaonh, yah, 521 yaozda, 506 vaSda, 879 vanh, 114 vakhshya, 471 varatha, 122 vidushi, 425 vfenhat, 438 verezyami, 202, 204, 225 verez-jeidjai, -idyai, 351 vSiQta, 34, 36, 379, 383 gaStS, 100 gngruma, 356 5ta6maiu§, 344 gpagya, 204 grute, 512 higtaiti, 107 hush, 155 584 INDEX. E. TEUTONIC. (Gothic not distinguished.) aflifnan, 180 aiaik, 365 aialth, 365 aiauk, 356, 365 airthakunths, 511 anabiuda, 156 ananiuian, 231 anasilan, 240 aukan, 445 bahhu (0. H. G.), 157 baida, 154 baira, 138, 145 beo (A. S.), 467 biauknan, 181 bidjan, 203 bimunigSn (0. H. G.), 256 biuga, 152, 156 ohriuzig6n (O. H. G.), 256 dagen (0. H. G.), 240 drahjan (O.H.G.), 240, 268 dreskan, 189, 192 eiscSn (0. H. G.), 189,192 faifah, 356 faifabu -n, _th, 389 faifl6k, 358 faifrais, 358 faltha, 163 fairveitjan, 264 firstSn(O.H.G.), 100 fisk6n, 231 flewiu(0. H.G.), 210 flihtu (0. H. G.) 163 ffidjan, 261 forsoon (0. H. G.), 189, 192 fraihna, 170 frathjan, 203 fr4iijin8n, 254 fregna (0. N.), 170 frigne (A. S.), 170 gaMlgjan (A, S.), 256 gaigrSt, 358 ginfim (0. H. G.), 170 glisnjan (A. S.), 254 haf jan, 202, 203 halon (0. S.), 240, hlahjan, 203 hlin^n (0. S.), 231 hlinian (A. S.), 231 holSn (0. H. G.), 240 ita 145 jesan(O.H.G.), 146,520 kausjan, 240 kiusa, 152, 155 kndu (0. H. G.), 526 kustus, 155 laikan, 227 leihva, 152, 154 leskan, 189 lubalth, 246 lustus, 146 man, 378 m^rjan, 230 mikiljan, 256 inisom(O.H.G.), 189,192 n^an, n^jan, nawan(O.H. ' G.), 148 n^mnjan, 239 uasi-da, -dedum, 507 niw6n (0. H. G.), 281 6g, 378 qmllu,qiial (O.H.G.), 211 raska (0. N.), 189 rasko(O.H.G.), 189 rath jan, 203 rinnan, 109, 172 sais6st, 37 saisSum, 389 saudjan, 106 satjan, 321 scaw6n (0. H. G.), 240 slniMn (A. S.), 106 skaiskaid, 356, 357 skapjan, 203 skatbjan, 203 sokidedum, 441 spehon (O. H. G.), 240 staiga, 155 staistagg, 357 staistald, 357 Stan (0. H. G.), 100 steiga, 152, 155 straujan, 251 tagrjan, 250 teiha, 152 tiuha, 218' toumen (O.H.G.), 23] thagjan (O.S.), 240 thahan, 240 thavirsnan, 253 thlasjan, 240 thriskan, 189 thulaith, 235 visskavjan, 342 usthiiuta, 152 vagjan 240 vahsjan 204, 445 vaist, vait, 34, 153, 371, 379, 383 verstan (M. H. G.), 100 vigam, 138, 139 vitu-m, -th, 389 wimsoian (O.H. G.), 189, 192 (bis), 198 ziljan (0. H. G.), 212 F. LETTO-SLAVONIO. a. Lithuanian. aikstu, 163 ariA, 202 a^glnti, 173, 181 augti, 173, 445 anksztas, 445 baid^ti, 507 bggu, 152 ■bezdil, 146 bij6ti, 507 blu2-ni-s, 175 bi\dinu, 180 bligstu, 163 bd-k, 450 bundfl, 173, 180 bdsiu, bflsite, 471 diriv^, 203, 213 dristil, 163 dukit^, 404 edmi, 104 eimi, 97, 171 eitu (Low Lith.), 163 eami, 101 g^ati, 163 gfilbu (future, gelbfisiu), 259 jesk^ti, 189, 192 j6damas, 507 kankd, k^kti, 175 INDEX. 585 kp.v6iu, 240 k§ptas, 512 laid6ju, 202 laukiu, 203 lekn. ^Hebrews, SS. James, Vol. IV. -v Peter, John, Juue, 2Be. ( AND the Revelation. The Student's Edition. Abridged and Edited by Professor J. m. Fuller, M.A., Crown 8vo. Jt.Sd. each Volume. The Old Testament. 4 Vols. The New Testament. 2 vols. BIGG-WITHER (T. P.). Pioneering in South Brazil; Three Years of Forest and Prairie Life in the Province of Parana. Map and Illustra- tions. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 2is. BIRD (Isabella). 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