dORNELL UNIVERSITY LlBRAEiS DG 737.H9™" ""'**"">' Library .iFlorence: I^^l WW Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027043961 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE FLORENCE HER HISTORY AND ART TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC FRANCIS A. HYETT, B.A. TRINITY HALL, CAMBRIDGE METHUEN & CO. '' (>;^ ' ^j, "''j*!' I 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. V^ *"'', ' LONDON Vv 1903 -A % ' ' - . ■ , '.^ PREFACE ^tTRRR arft,at,.n,i:esfiii.t-thre&Jiistories of Florence writ- CORRIGENDA Page 261, line 9, for " Bruce" read " Kirkpatrick.'' ,, 270, lines 12-14, delete "From this union" to " Medici." „ 307, line 13, for "Cosimo" read "Francesco.'' I. 375. >. 26, „ "Franciscan" read "Augustinian.'' „ 446, ,, 25, „ "Dominican" read " Augustinian. " of learning' and research, and they summarise, with much literary skill, a knowledge which probably no other living individual possesses. Napier's Florentine History (1846-7) covers a longer period, and runs into six closely printed volumes. It is a mine of information, but it is written in a singularly unattractive style, and it has no index. TroUope's History of the Commonwealth of Florence (1865), on the other hand, will be found pleasant reading enough, especially by those to whom a lightness of treatment, which some- times verges on flippancy, is not an offence ; but it also is lengthy, as it occupies four large volumes. In the second place all of these works have for the general public a graver defect. As has been well said, ' ' When we look back— when posterity looks back — upon mediaeval Italy PREFACE THERE are at present three histories of Florence writ- ten in English, very dissimilar, but all of considerable merit. Why then, it will naturally be asked, write a fourth ? The answer is twofold. In the first place these three works are for the general reader, unless he wants to make of Florentine history a special study, too lengthy. The scholarly works of Professor Villari, comprising The Two First Centuries of Florentine History, The Life and Times of Savonarola, and The Life and Times of Machiavelli, were first given to the public in eight large volumes. Their number, it is true, by dint of smaller type and thinner paper, has since been reduced, but the text has not been abridged. The student, if he has time, cannot do better than digest them, for they are the product of years of learning and research, and they summarise, with much literary skill, a knowledge which probably no other living individual possesses. Napier's Florentine History (1846-7) covers a longer period, and runs into six closely printed volumes. It is a mine of information, but it is written in a singularly unattractive style, and it has no index. Trollope's History of the Commonwealth of Florence (1865), on the other hand, will be found pleasant reading enough, especially by those to whom a lightness of treatment, which some- times verges on flippancy, is not an offence ; but it also is lengthy, as it occupies four large volumes. In the second place all of these works have for the general public a graver defect. As has been well said, ' ' When we look back — when posterity looks back — upon mediaeval Italy vi PREFACE and upon Florence, it is of painting and sculpture that we think first : these are the arts in which Italy is for us pre- eminent, and by which, for us, her memory is chiefly ennobled."! Now Professor Villari and TroUope barely touch on Florentine Art, and Napier's meagre references to it are quite out of date. In guide books, of which many excellent ones have been written, no doubt these defects do not exist. They deal mainly with Art, and in some of them no little history is to be found, but it is of necessity presented in a fragmentary form, which constitutes a serious drawback. History when treated in this manner suifers severely, as it is impossible to appreciate the importance or significance of an event when detached from its causes and consequences. Chief among the guides are Horner's delightful Walks in Florence and Mr. Edmund Gardner's recently published Story of Florence. The latter dainty little volume is, as far as its scope will admit, altogether admirable, but it must be classed with guides rather than histories, for only one-third of it tells the " Story of Florence " chronologically, while the treatment of the subject in the remaining two-thirds is local. In Mrs. Oliphant's deservedly popular Makers of Florence the bio- graphical arrangement necessarily renders the history which it contains disjointed. My aim has been to write a history which shall aid the student who has not time to master the contents of many volumes, and the traveller who, while visiting Florence, desires to take an intelligent interest in what he sees. With this end in view I have endeavoured to tell the story of the political growth and vicissitudes of the city, until the period of its decline, more succinctly than it has been told by previous historians, yet devoting more space to Art and Literature than they have done. I have noticed the aesthetic 1 Professor Colvin's "Gospel of Labour," Macmillan's Magazine, XXXV. 458. PREFACE vii and intellectual achievements, which have made Florence famous, in as close connection with the events that were taking place at the time of their production as I could, without unduly interfering with the sequence of my narra- tive. Those who will trouble to bear in mind this juxta- position will find that it vivifies their interest in both History and Art. I am conscious that Art and Literature suffer from a parenthetical mode of treatment, but not so much, it seems to me, as History suffers when treated in the guide- book fashion. The information contained in the following pages has been collected from various sources, but no attempt has been made to make use of inedited manuscripts. I owe much to the three histories which I have named ; I have, however, generally gone for my facts to standard Italian works. My thanks are due to many friends and relations for valu- able advice and assistance. F. A. H. Painswick House April, 1903 CONTENTS CHAPTER I B.C. Origin of the city of Florence ?2oo. Roman Florence . . . ^ . A.D. Derivation of the name Florence . Circa 400. San Zenobio, Bishop of Florence . 405. Siege of Florence by Radagasius . 542. Legend of S. Reparata . . . . ,, Siege of Florence by Totila 572-774. Diminished prosperity during Lombardic occupation ?786. First circuit of walls . . . . 786. Charlemagne's visit to Florence 825. Florence selected as a seat for a college Increasing prosperity . . . . 1013. Basilica of San Miniato commenced 1039. Foundation of the Vallombrosan Order 1063. Religious enthusiasm in Florence 1068. Pietro Igneo 1076-1115. Rule of the Countess Matilda 1078. Second circuit of walls . City boundaries H07. Aggressive policy of Florence — Capture of strongholds 1 1 13. Repulse and death of Messer Ruberto Feudal barons compelled to reside in Florence 1 1 14. Presentation of porphyry columns by Pisa to Florence 1115-17. Fires and flood . . . . 1125. Capture of Fiesole . . . . PAGE I I 2 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 S 5 S 5 6 6 6 6 7 CHAPTER II 1138-1250 1138- 1154. 1 177. Earliest authentic date of a consular government Growth of Florentine independence The number of consuls . The names of the Sestieri Demolition of the castle of Monte Croce Great fire First feud between the Grandi and Popolatii 9 lo 10 lo 10 II CONTENTS 1182-84. 1185. 1 187. 1 197. 1205. 1207. 1212. 1207-35. 1222. 1228. 1218. 1237. 1215. 1245. 1240. 1249-50. Causes of civil strife in Florence The Consorterie and Societe della Torre The establishment of Arti or Trade Guilds . Capture of the castles of Montegrosoli and Pogna Frederick Barbarossa's visit to Florence Restitution of Florentine privileges by Henry VI. Establishment of the Tuscan League Dissolution of the Tuscan League Election of a podesth . . . • Abolition of consuls . . . . Effect of constitutional reforms Hostility of Florence to Siena and Pisa Wars with Siena . . ' . . War with Pisa ... . . War with Pistoja — The Florentine Carroccio . The Ponte Nuovo (now the Ponte alia Carraja) biiilt The Ponte Rubaconte (now the Ponte alle Grazie) built Murder of Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti Origin of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions in Florence Origin of the terms Guelph and Ghibelline Massacre of the Patarini . . . . Institution of the Misericordia Ghibelline ascendancy . . . . PAGE II II 12 13 13 14 14 14 14 IS IS IS 16 16 16 17 17 17 18 19 20 20 21 1251. 1252. 1252-4. 1254. 1258. 1260. I261. 1265. 1266. 1266. CHAPTER III 1251-1266 Return of the exiled Guelphs . . . . 24 // Prima Popolo . . . ... 25 The Ponte Trinita built . . . . . 25 Frugal habits 'of the Florentines . . .25 Guelph successes in Tuscany . . . 26 Death of Conrad IV. . . . 27 Overthrow of the Uberti and destruction of their palace . 27 Sept. 4. Battle of Montaperti . . . . 28 Congress of Ghibellines at Empoli . . . . 29 Count Guido Novello and the Ghibelline ascendancy . . 30 Extension of the temporal power of the Church . . 30 Charles of Anjou crowned King of the Two Sicilies . .31 Battle of Grandella, otherwise Benevento . . .31 Appointment of the Pratt Gaudenti as podesta . -31 The Trade Guilds {Arti Maggiori and Arti Minori) . . 31 Expulsion of Count Guido Novello and overthrovir» of the Ghibellines . . . ... 38 CONTENTS XI CHAPTER IV 1267-1300 A.D. 1267. Establishment of the Parte Guelfa „ Appointment of Charles of Anjou as lord of Florence „ Constitution of the new government . 1268. Raids on Ghibelline strongholds 1269. June 17. Battle of Colle 1270. Changes in Florentine and papal policy , ,, Changes in Florentine factions 1272. July 2. Attempt by Gregory X. to reconcile Guelphs and Ghi' bellines .... 1277. Expiration of Charles of Anjou's lordship of Florence 1279. Family feuds in Florence 1280. Jan. 18. Cardinal Latino's attempt to allay Florentine feuds and factions .... 1281. Accession of Pope Martin IV. „ March 30. The Sicilian Vespers 1280. Election of the first Signory Change of name by certain noble families 1283. Prolonged festivities at the festa of S. Giovanni 1284. The third circuit of walls commenced ,, The battle of Meloria 1289. The battle of Campaldino 1290. Lawlessness of the nobles and family feuds Official corruption .... Democratic legislation (1282-1291) — Abolition of serfdom (1289). .... Causes of the political power of the nobles 1293. The Ordinamenti di Giustizia Meeting of the grandi in S. Jacopo sopr' Arno 1295. Expulsion of Gian della Bella ,, Relaxation of the Ordinamenti di Giustizia 1300. Florentine ambassadors at the Jubilee of Boniface VIII. Art and Literature in the thirteenth century Cimabue ..... Arnolfo di Cambio Dante Alighieri — Guido Cavalcanti — Brunetto Latini CHAPTER V 1300-1318 1300. The Biancki and Neri . . . . „ Vieri de' Cerchi and Corso Donati ,, Cardinal Acquasparta sent by Boniface VIII. as mediator „ June. Attack on the guild consuls by the Neri „ Death of Guido Cavalcanti . . . . Incapacity of the Biancki leaders 1302. Jan. 27. Dante exiled . . . . xii CONTENTS A.D. •■*-™ 1302. Departure of Charles of Valois . . • • 72 1302-3. Dissensions among the Neri ■ • ■ 73 1304. Cardinal Niccolb da Prato sent by Benedict IX. as mediator . 73 „ Continued tumults in Florence . . • ■ 74 „ June 10. Great destruction of property by fire . . 74 The Neri leaders cited to appear before the Pope . . 74 Unsuccessful attempt by the exiles to take Florence . . 75 1305-6. Siege and capture of Pistoja . • • 75 1307. Refusal to pay taxes by the monks of the Badia . . 76 ,, Appointment of an Executor of Justice . . 77 ,, Corso Donati's ambition . . . • • 77 1308. Death of Corso Donati . . . . . 78 „ The coming of Henry VII. (Henry of Luxemburg) . . 78 1310. Entry of Henry VII. into Italy . . . . 78 Visit of Robert the Wise to Florence . . . 80 1311. Jan. d. Henry VII. crowned King of Italy at Milan . . 81 ,, April 26. Recall of the Florentine exiles . . . 81 ,, June I. Formation of Guelphic League against Henry VII. 81 ,, Oct. Assault on Henry VII. 's ambassadors at Lastra . 81 1312. Entry of Henry VII. into Rome . . . . 81 „ June 2g. Henry VII. crowned Emperor in Rome . . 82 „ Sept. 19 to Oct. 31. Siege of Florence by Henry VII. . 82 1313. Aug. 24. Death of Henry VII. . . . . 82 Character of Henry VII. . . .82 Dante's letters . . . -83 1310. Tyranny of the Neri nobles . . . 84 „ Feb. Murder of Betto Brunelleschi . . . . 84 Removal of Corso Donati's corpse from San Salvi to Florence 84 1312. Murder of Pazzino de' Pazzi . . . . 85 ,, Dino Compagni's account of the condition of Florence . 85 1313. King Robert of Naples appointed lord of Florence . . 85 Uguccione della Faggiuola . . . . . 86 1315. Aug. 29. Battle of Montecatini . . . . 87 , 1316. May I. Appointment of a Bargello . . . . 87 ,, Expulsion of Uguccione from Pisa and Lucca . . 88 1317-18. Count Guido da BattifoUe's vicarship . . 89 1300-18. Art and Literature . . 89 \l Giotto ..... 89 Dante . . . ... 91 Giovanni Villani and other Florentine historians . . 92 CHAPTER VI 1320-1840 1320. Position of Florence in the fourteenth century ,, The Visconti dynasty ,, Survival of Guelph and Ghibelline as party names ,, Guelph and Ghibelline customs ,, Meaning of Guelph freedom and Ghibelline tyranny 94. 95 96 96 97 CONTENTS xui 1320. Establishment of Italian despotisms ,, Commencement of hostilities between Florence and Milan Alliance between Matteo Visconti and Castruccio Castracane Castruccio Castracane 1323. Siege of Prato by Castruccio Castracane ,, March of 4,000 bandits on Florence ,, Conspiracy between the nobles and bandits 1325. Guelph League against Castruccio Castracane ,, Sept. 23. Battle of Altopascio ,, Nov. 10. Castruccio's triumphal entry into Lucca „ Charles, Duke of Calabria, appointed lord of Florence 1327. The Emperor Louis of Bavaria 1328. Sept. 3. Death of Castruccio Castracane ,, Death of Charles, Duke of Calabria ,, Establishment of the Consiglio del Popolo and Consiglio Comune ,, Revision of the Squittino 1329. Pistoja becomes a dependency of Florence ,, Lucca sold to Gherardino Spinola 1331. King John of Bohemia in Italy ,, Guelph and Ghibelline League against King John 1333. King John's departure from Italy ,, Sale of Lucca to the Rossi ,, Festivities in Florence ,, Destructive storm and flood 1335. Mastino della Scala's perfidy . ,, Appointment of a "Captain of the Guard and Conservator of Peace" .... 1336. War between Florence and Verona „ Alliance between Florence and Venice 1336. Salvestro de' Medici Truce between Venice and Verona Pedigree of the early Medici (Table I.) 1339. Jan. 24. Peace between Florence and Verona Acquisition of Arezzo by Florence 1339. Expulsion of Florentine merchants from France Losses of the Bardi and Peruzzi firms through loans to the King of England . 1340. Plague and famine in Florence Successive sumptuary laws Art and Literature (1318-1340) Giotto in Florence . The Campanile of S. Maria del Fiore Giotto's death (1337) Andrea Pisano's Baptistery gates Restoration of three bridges . Dawn of the Renaissance in Literature Death of Dante {Sept. 14, 1321) Early writings of Petrarch Petrarch's influence on the Renaissance PAGE 97 99 99 99 00 XIV CONTENTS CHAPTER VII A.D. 1340- )» 1341- 1342. 1343- 1344- 1345- 1347- J) 1348. 1340-1348 Corruption of the popolani grassi government Re-appointment of a Conservator of Peace Renewed attempts to acquire Lucca Appointment of "The Twenty" Contract for purchase of Lucca from Mastino delta Scala Capture of Lucca by Pisa Appointment of the Duke of Athens as Captain of the Guard and Conservator of Peace . Entry of the Duke of Athens into Florence The Duke of Athens's ill-treatment of his supporters Appointment of the Duke of Athens to be lord of Florence in perpetuity .... The Duke of Athens's tyranny Plots to assassinate the Duke of Athens Expulsion of the Duke of Athens Division of Florence into Quartieri instead of Sestieri Constitution of the new government General discontent .... The Constitution of September, 1343 . Bread riot headed by Andrea Strozzi . Attack on the palaces of the grandi . Complete defeat of the grandi Ascendancy of the popolo niinuto Nov. I. Another constitutional change Causes of repeated changes of government Re-enactment of the Ordinamenti di Giustizia . Persecution of the grandi Failure of the Bardi and Peruzzi Expulsion of the Florentine merchants from France Establishment of the Monte . Anti-ecclesiastical legislation . Growing ascendancy of the Parte Guelfa Famine ..... The great plague of 1348 (the "Black Death") Art and Literature (1340- 1 348) The Giottesque succession Taddeo Gaddi .... The frescoes in the Spanish Chapel Simone Martini .... Giottino . Andrea Pisano Petrarch .... Boccaccio . Giovanni Villani CONTENTS XV CHAPTER VIII 1349-1374 A.D. 1349. Recuperative power of Florence 1 35 1. War with the Visconti . . . . Political corruption . . . . 1355. Subsidy paid by Florence to' Charles IV. Origin of the Condottiere system of warfare . List of the most famous Condottieri Evils of the Condottiere system Fra Moriale and the Great Company 1358. Defeat of Count Lando's Company . 1359. Expulsion of Count Lando from Tuscany 1353. Burglaries by young aristocrats 1354. The Ricci and Albizzi feud The Parte Guelfa .... 1357. Anti-Ghibelline legislation ,, System of "Admonitions" ,, Tyranny of the Captains of the Parte Guelfa 1358. The number of Captains increased to six 1360. Plot divulged by Bartolommeo de' Medici 1366. Government in the hands of a triumvirate (Piero degli Al- bizzi, Lapo di Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi) . ,, Number of the Captains increased to nine 1 36 1. Acquisition of Volterra by Florence 1362. War between Florence and Pisa Sir John Hawkwood and the "White Company" employed by Pisa ..... 1363. Pandolfo Malatesta's attempt to become lord of Florence 1364. Defeat of Hawkwood by Galeotto Malatesta The building of the Tetto de' Pisani 1367. League against the Visconti Partition of Giovanni Visconti's dominions 1370. Recovery of independence by Lucca 1 37 1. Reconciliation of Uguccione de' Ricci with the Albizzi „ Increased power of the Parte Guelfa Meeting of the opponents of the Parte Guelfa in San Piero Scheraggio . .... Exclusion from office of Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci ..... 1373-4. Further attempts to abolish Admonitions 1374. Final subjection of the Ubaldini 1349-74- Art and Literature (1349-1374) 1349. Establishment of the Guild of S. Luke Taddeo Gaddi's works . . . . The Giottesque succession from Giotto to Masaccio . Giacomo da Casentino Giovanni da Milano Agnolo Gaddi ..... Orcagna . ' . . . . Frescoes in the Strozzi Chapel CONTENl^ Tabernacle in Or San Michele Loggia de' Lanzi Bencio di Cione 1359. Design for a fajade for the Cathedral Petrarch . . . • ■ Boccaccio . . . • • Date of the commencement of the Renaissance Matteo and Filippo Villani Florence University refounded in 1349 and in 1357 CHAPTER IX 1374:-1382 1374. War between Florence and the Church 1375. The "Eight Saints" 1376. Donato Barbadori at Avignon „ Massacre of the inhabitants of Cesena 1 377- Futile negotiations for peace 1378. Death of Gregory XI. „ Election of Urban VI. ,, Peace between Florence and the Church „ Commencement of the Great Schism 1374-8. Effects of the war on Florentine parties „ Returning power of the Parte Guelfa 1375- Admonition of Giorgio degli Scali . 1378. S. Catherine of Siena at Florence . ,, Admonition of Giovanni Dini ,, May I. Salvestro de' Medici elected gonfalonier „ June 18. Legislation against Admonitions ,, „ 21. The palaces of the Guelph leaders burned by the mob .... ,, June 23. Appointment of the Ottanti ,, Causes of the discontent of the Ciompi „ Projected rising of the people Salvestro de' Medici's connection with the conspiracy » July Vj. Confession wrung from "II Bugigatto" . ,, ,, 20. The rising of the Ciompi ,, ,,20. Sixty-four citizens knighted „ ,, 21. The demands of the insurgents ,, ,,22. Expulsion of the Signory by the mob „ ,, 22. Michele Lando declared Signor of Florence ,, „ 23. Formation of a new government . „ August. Rival Council of the Eight of S. Maria Novella .. II Civil strife between Lando's party and the Eight 1379. Vindictive policy of the new Signory 1380. Execution of Piero degli Albizzi . . . . „ The second triumvirate (G. Scali, T. Strozzi, and B. Alberti) 1382. Perjury of Jacopo Schiattesi disclosed Execution of Giorgio Scali . ... Anti-democratic changes in the government . Exile of Michele Lando . CONTENTS xvu CHAPTER X 1383-1406 A.D. PAGE 1383. Disturbed condition of Florence . ... 197 1384. Purchase of Arezzo by Florence . . . . 197 1386. Exile and death of Benedetto degli Albert! . . .198 1387. Renewal of Admonitions . . ... 198 „ Florentine policy of pacification . . . . 198 ,, Gian-Galeazzo Visconti . . . . . 199 1390. War between Florence and Milan . . . . 199 1391. Hawkwood's retreat ftom Paterno Fasolaro . . . 200 1394. Hawkwood's death and funeral . . . . 201 1392. Treaty between Florence and Milan . . . 202 „ War between Florence and Pisa . ... 203 1397. Renewal of hostilities between Florence and Milan . . 203 1398. Truce between Florence and Milan . ... 203 1402. Capture of Bologna by Gian-Galeazzo Visconti . . 204 „ Panic in Florence . . ... 204 ,, Death of Gian-Galeazzo Visconti . ... 204 1393. State of Florentine factions . ... 204 ,, Refusal of Vieri de' Medici to lead the popular party . 205 1396. Tyranny of the Albizzi faction . ... 206 1397- Unsuccessful plot against the government . . . 206 1400. Repression of another conspiracy . ... 206 „ Outbreak of the plague . . ... 206 1399. The White Penitents . . ... 207 1402. Partition of the Visconti principality . . . 207 „ League between France and Boniface IX. . . . 208 1403. Condition of Pisa . . ... 209 1404-6. Capture of Pisa by Florence . . . .211 1406. Treatment of the Pisans by Florence . . .211 Causes of Pisan decadence . . . .212 Art and Literature (1375-1406) . . . . 213 Ghiberti . . . ... 213 Competition for the Baptistery gates . . . 213 Pause in the progress of Painting and Sculpture . . 214 Agnolo Gaddi . . . ... 215 Antonio Veneziano . . . . . 215 Spinello Aretino . . . . . . 215 Franco Sacchetti and Giovanni Fiorentino . . . 216 Marchione di Coppo Stefani, Piero Minerbetti, and Gino Capponi . . . ... 216 Luigi Marsigli and CoUuccio Salutato . . . 217 CHAPTER XI 1406-1429 1406. Continuance of the Schism in the Church 1407. Efforts by Florence to end the Schism 1409. Declaration by Florentine theologians b 21S 218 219 CONTENTS 1409. 1410. J) 1414. 1411. 1412. 1415-6- 1417. 1419. 1420. 142 1. 1422-6. 1427. 1426. 1427. 1429. War between France and Naples The Council of Pisa Election of Pope Alexander V. Anti-Neapolitan League Capture of Rome by the forces of the League Election of Pope John XXIII. Death of Ladislas, King of Naples . The Council of Constance . Establishment of two new councils at Florence Conspiracies against the Albizzi faction Prosperity of Florence Outbreak of the plague in Florence . Death of Maso degli Albizzi Characteristics of the Guelph leaders Pedigree of the Albizzi family Election of Pope Martin V. Residence of Martin V. in Florence . Submission of John XXIII. to Martin V. Death of John XXIII. The bishopric of Florence made an archbishopric Purchase of Leghorn by Florence Giovanni de' Medici elected gonfalonier Filippo-Maria Visconti's policy Wars with Filippo-Maria Visconti Conclusion of war with Visconti Florentine taxation — The Gabelle and Prestanze Anti- taxation meeting of the grandi in the church of S. Stefano Refusal of Giovanni de' Medici to act with the Albizzi faction New system of taxation— The Catasto Death and character of Giovanni de' Medici PAGE 220 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 224 224 224 225 226 226 226 226 227 227 22S 229 229 230 231 233 234 23s 236 CHAPTER XII 1429-1434 1429. State of Florentine factions . ... ,, Attempt to capture Lucca . . ... 1430. Siege of Lucca raised by Sforza . ... „ War with Milan . . . ... 1430-3. Renewal of party warfare . . ... 1432. Death of Niccolo da Uzzano . ... 1433. Plot for the overthrow of Cosimo de' Medici . „ Sept. -J. Arrest of Cosimo . . . . . ,, Oct. 3. Exile of Cosimo and his friends ,, Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to overthrow the government 1434. Sept. 29. Recall of Cosimo de' Medici from exile Art and Literature (1406-1434) . ... Development of Renaissance Architecture Filippo Brunelleschi . . ... 238 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 244 24s 247 248 249 250 CONTENTS XIX Dome of S. Maria del Fiore Pesello .... Development of Renaissance Sculpture Ghiberti's Baptistery gate . Donatello and his works in Florence Luca della Robbia Development of Renaissance Painting Fra Angelico Lorenzo Monaco . Masolino da Pinicale Masaccio Gentile da Fabriano Wood-engraving . Burchiello CHAPTER XIII 1434-1457 1434. Banishment of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Palla Strozzi, and the anti-Mediceans . . . ... 262 „ Other repressive measures . . . . 262 „ Cosimo's responsibility for a vindictive policy . . . 263 1435. Francesco Sforza's visit to Florence . ... 264 1436. Consecration of the Duomo . ... 263 ,, Cosimo's foreign policy . . ... 265 ,, Milanese attack on Florence promoted by the Albizzi . 265 „ Another attempt to subjugate Lucca ... . . 266 1437. Cosimo's unsuccessful mission to Venice . . . 266 Attempt by Florence to trick Venice . . . 267 1440. League against the Visconti . ... 268 ,, Occupation of Fiesole by the Milanese forces . . . 268 ,, June 29. Battle of Anghiari . ... 269 1442. Death of Rinaldo degli Albizzi . ... 269 1440. Death of Cosimo's brother, Lorenzo de' Medici . . 269 1441. Escape of the army of the League from Piccinino . . 269 „ Marriage of Francesco Sforza to Bianca Visconti . . 270 1439. The Council of the Church at Florence . . . 270 „ Effect of the Council on Florentine culture . . . 272 1441. Murder of Baldaccio d' Anghiari . ... 272 1444. Appointment by the Councils of a new Balia . . . 274 1452. Another Balia appointed . . ... 275 1444-6. War in La Marca . . ... 275 1447. Death of Filippo-Maria Visconti . ... 276 ,, A Republic proclaimed in Milan . . . 276 1450. Capture of Milan by Francesco Sforza . . . 276 1451. A new foreign policy initiated by Cosimo . . . 277 „ Florence aids Sforza against Naples and Venice . . 278 1454. April. The Peace of Lodi . ... 279 1455. Florentine enthusiasm for a Crusade . ... 279 XX CONTENTS A.D. 1457- >) 1458-64. 1460. 1464. CHAPTER XIV 1457-1464 Death of Neri Capponi . . • • Dissensions among the Medici faction Influential position of Luca Pitti . Visits of Pius II. and Gian-Galeazzo Sforza to Florence August I. Death of Cosimo de' Medici Causes of Cosimo's supremacy Cosimo's character . . • • PAGE 280 280 281 283 283 284 289 1464. 1465. 1466. 1466. 1467. 1469. 1468. 1469. CHAPTER XV 1464-1469 Piero di Cosimo de' Medici . ... 292 Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Dietisalvi Neroni, and Niccol6 Soderini attempt to overthrow the Medicean supremacy . 293 Niccol6 Soderini elected gonfalonier . . . 294 Subsidy to Francesco Sforza . ... 294 The del Poggio and del Piano factions . . . 295 Attempt on Piero de' Medici's life . ... 296 Banishment of Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Dietisalvi Neroni, and Niccolo Soderini . . ... 297 War with Venice — Bartolommeo Colleoni . . . 298 Peace between Florence and Venice . . . 299 Lorenzo de' Medici's tournament . ... 299 Betrothal of Lorenzo de' Medici to Clarice Orsini . . 300 Lucrezia de' Medici's description of Clarice . . . 300 War in support of Roberto Malatesta . . . 301 Dec. 3. Death and character of Piero de' Medici . . 301 CHAPTER XVI 1434-1469 ND LITERATURE DURING THE SUPREMACY OF COSIMO AND PIERO de' MEDICI Progress of Renaissance Architecture • 303 Brunelleschi ■ 304 Michelozzo Michelozzi (as architect) ■ 30s Leon Battista Alberti (as architect) . 306 Filarete .... ■ 307 Ghiberti . 308 Donatello .... . 308 Michelozzo Michelozzi (as sculptor) . . 310 Desiderio da Settignano . 310 Luca della Robbia ■ 3" Bernardo Rossellino • 313 Antonio Rossellino • 314 Mino da Fiesole • 31S Progress of Renaissance Painting . • 315 Fra Angelico .... . 316 Fra Filippo Lippi . . 318 CONTENTS XXI Benozzo Gozzoli Paolo Uccello Andrea del Castagno Domenico Veneziano Baldovinetti The PoUaiuoli Pesellino . Pesello Maso Finiguerra Metal-plate engraving The Humanists Poggio Fiorentino . Francesco Filelfo Leonardo Aretino . Giovanni Cavalcanti Leon Battista Albeiti (as author) Marsilio Ficino Cennino Cennini 1469. I* 1470. 1471. 1472. I47S- 1476. 1478. CHAPTER XVn 1469-1478 Lorenzo's training for public life Midnight meeting in Sant Antonio Capture of Prato by the exiles Visit of Galeazzo-Maria Sforza to Florence Election of Pope Sixtus IV. (Francesco della Rovere) Lorenzo's reception by Sixtus IV. Constitutional changes Lorenzo's control of foreign affairs Insurrection and chastisement of Volterra Reorganisation of Pisa University Giuliano de' Medici's tournament Murder of Galeazzo-Maria Sforza The Pazzi conspiracy CHAPTER XVIII 1478-1492 1478. Conduct of Sixtus IV. after the Pazzi conspiracy ,, War between Florence and the Pope . 1479. Lorenzo de' Medici in Naples 1480. Lorenzo de' Medici's return to Florence ,, March 17. Treaty between Florence and Naples „ Forgiveness of Florence by the Pope . „ Lorenzo's precarious position ,, Constitutional changes „ Establishment of the Settanta ,, Plot to assassinate Lorenzo . „ Lorenzo's methods of maintaining his authority ,, Fiscal reforms „ Tamperings with the Dower Fund xxu CONTENTS 1 48 1 -4. 1484. 1482? 1484. 1485. 1487. 1488. 1489. 1488. 1489. 1490. 1492. Lorenzo's foreign policy War with the Pope and Venice to protect Ferrara Death of Sixtus IV. Arrival of Savonarola in Florence Attempted recovery of Sarzana The Barons' War Capture of Sarzana Betrothal of Maddelena de' Medici to Franceschetto Cibo Betrothal of Piero de' Medici to Alfonsina Orsini Lorenzo's capacity as a diplomatist . Assassinations of Girolamo Riario and Galeotto Manfredi Guicciardini's description of the state of Florence Disqualification of Neri Cambi Giovanni de' Medici nominated a cardinal in petto Growth of Savonarola's influence Suspension of the Settanta Calling in of the quattrini bianchi . Giovanni de' Medici proclaimed cardinal April 8. Death of Lorenzo de' Medici His character and methods of government Pedigree of the Medici (Table IL). CHAPTER XIX 1469-1492 ART AND LITERATURE DURING THE LAURENTIAN ERA Benedetto da Majano (as architect) Giuliano da Sangallo Braraante Antonio Rossellino Mino da Fiesole Luca della Robbia Andrea della Robbia Antonio PoUaiuolo (as sculptor) Andrea Verrocchio (as sculptor) Benedetto da Majano (as sculptor) Giuliano da Majano Andrea Sansovino Stages in the development Sandro Botticelli . Filippino Lippi . Domenico Ghirlandajo Andrea Verrocchio (as painter) Leonardo da Vinci Pietro Perugino . Lorenzo di Credi The Pollaiuoli (as painters) Cosimo Rosselli . Piero di Cosimo . Baldovinetti Copper-plate engraving Printing Lorenzo de' Medici Angelo Poliziano . of Renaissance Painting CONTENTS XXlll Marsilio Ficino . Luigi Puici Pico della Mirandola Cristoforo Landino Vespasiano da Bisticci Girolamo Benevieni 1492. 1492. 1494. I494-S- I49S- 1496. J) 1497. 1498. CHAPTER XX 1492-1494 Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici Medici Pedigree (Table III.) August 10. Election of Pope Alexander VI. (Roderigo Borgia) Lodovico II Moro . . . . Jan. 25. Death of Ferrante, King of Naples . Savonarola's increasing influence Invasion of Italy by Charles VIII. . Oct. 21. Death of Gian-Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan Cession of Sarzana to the French by Piero de' Medici Nov. 9. Flight of Piero de' Medici . „ 17-27- Charles VIII. in Florence Treaty between Florence and France Retreat of Charles VIII. .... CHAPTER XXI 1494-1498 Reconstruction of the Florentine Constitution . Legislative reforms . . . . Savonarola on foreign affairs Sources of Savonarola's influence His waning popularity . . . . The Arrabbtati, Compagnacci, Bianchi, Bigi, and Frateschi Savonarola's efforts to regenerate children The Pope's attempts to silence Savonarola Temporary revival of Savonarola's popularity . Suppression of the Tuscan congregation of Dominican Convents Jan. Francesco Valori elected gonfalonier His injudicious reforms . . . . Feb. 7. The "Burning of the Vanities" Savonarola's attitude towards Art and Culture Piero de' Medici's unsuccessful attempt to enter Florence Its effect on Savonarola's position June 18. Excommunication of Savonarola Execution of Bernardo del Nero and other Medicean con spirators ..... Continued decline of Savonarola's influence The Pope's displeasure with the Signory Pulpit warfare between the Dominicans and Franciscans Francesco da Puglia's challenge to Savonarola Ordeal by fire promoted by the Compagnacci and Signory April 7. The ordeal by fire Savonarola's loss of reputation XXIV CONTENTS 1498. April 8. Attack on the convent of 6. Marco by the mob „ ,, Arrest of Savonarola and Fra Silvestro „ Death of Charles VIII. . . ... „ Trial and condemnation of Savonarola „ May 23. Savonarola's execution . ... CHAPTER XXII 1498-1512 1498. Effect on Florence of Savonarola's death ,, Attempt by Florence to recover Pisa 1499. Execution of Paolo Vitelli ,, Expulsion of Lodovico II Moro from Milan 1502. Corruption of Florentine Courts of Justice ,, Nev? factions in Florence . ,, Election of Piero Soderini as gonfalonier for life ,, Cesare Boi^g'^'s ambition . 1503. Aug. 18. Death of Alexander VI. . ,, Dec. 28. Death of Piero de' Medici 1504. Renewed attempt to recover Pisa . 1509. June 8. Capitulation of Pisa A Florentine militia established by Machiavelli 1508. PoUcy of Julius II. ,, Dec. 10. The League of Cambrai . 1509-11. Wairs of Julius II. with Venice and France 1511. Vacillating policy of Florence „ Waning popularity of Piero Soderini ,, Schismatical Council at Pisa 1512. Blxpulsion of the French from Italy ,, The sack of Prato ,, Deposition and flight of Piero Soderini J CHAPTER XXIII 1^ 1512-1523 I 1512. Return of the Medici Medici Pedigree (Table IV.) 1512. Constitutional changes 1513. Plot to assassinate Giuliano de' Medici ,, Arrest of Niccol6 Machiavelli ^u^ March \i. /Giovanni de' Medici, plectedlPope (Leg ,, Liiuhano de Mecficrs~remoVal ffoJn I'lorence . IS'3-S- The Pope's political schemes. 1515-6. Leo X.'s visits to Florence^ 1516. March 17. Death of Giuliano de' Medici „ Lorgflza ^de^Medici created Duke "of Urbino ■^ 1519. April 2^. Death of the Duke orxrfBino ^^ . " >Caf.dinaL£iuliQ_ii^_ ^edici the virtual ruler of Florence „ CardinaLPasseriaLappointed hy_Cardinal de' Medici as his deputy ... 1521. Dec. I. Death of Leo X. PACE 4S7 458 458 459 461 CONTENTS XXV A..D. 1522. 1523- 1524. 1524-7. 1527- 1526. 1527. 1528. 1529. Jan. g. Elect io n of A drian VI. Medici Pedigree (Table V.) The Oricellarii conspiracy . ^ept. 14. Cardinal Giulio .-de'_.Medici elected Pope (Cle ment VII.')' "~r "T" ": ' CHAPTER XXIV 1523-1529 Florentine factions . . Arrival in Florence of Ippolito/ and /Alessandro de' Medici \ 4qo Florence under _Cardinal Passerini y .' 1 1 T" 490 The sack^ of Rome^ .- . . . . 491 Death of Giovanni delle Bande Nere^ . . -491 Filippo Strozzi a hostage for the Pope_ . . '491 Desperate condition of Florence , . . . . 492 April 26. Anti-Medicean rising suppressed . . . 493 Character of the revolutionary party . . . . 493 Filippo Strozzi and his wife Clarice .. ... 494 Departure of Ippolito and Aless andro de' Medici from Florence 496 Distrust of FiUppo Strozzi . , . . . - . 496 Revival of Savonarola's Constitution . . . . 497 Florentine factions . . ... 497 Varchi on the condition of Florence ^ ... 497 Social reforms introduced by Niccolo Capponi . . 498 Outbreak of plague . -. Proclamation of Jesus Christ as King of Florence Niccol6 Capponi's foreign policy Mischievous effects of Sa^vonarpla's trust in France Niccolo Capponi re-elected gonfalonier Establishment of a national guard . Niccolo Capponi suspected of Medicean tendencies His desire to resign the gonfaloniership April 16. Giachinotto Serragli's letter to Capponi ,, 16. Niccol6 Capponi charged vifith treason „ 16. Francesco Carducci elected gonfalonier „ 17. Trial of Niccol6 Capponi His honesty and patriotism Social reforms promoted by Carducci June 29. Treaty of Barcelona August 5. Le Traiti des Dames 1529. CHAPTER XXV 1529-1530 Preparations for the Siege . Party spirit and class jealousies Carducci's opponents and supporters . Michelangelo ordered to superintend the fortifications Further preparations for the Siege . Malatesta Baglioni appointed general of the Florentine forces JCi: xxvi CONTENTS 1529. August 31. Niccol6 Capponi and others sent on an embassy to the Emperor at Genoa . . ... 507 ,, Sept. The Prince of Orange's army leaves Rome to lay seige to Florence .... Secret arrangement between Malatesta and the Pope Sep. 21^ Mirhplan gpln's Ajght frnm Flnrsnce . Uestruction of villas around Florence . Condemnation of twenty-eight of the leading Palleschi Oct. 13. Arrest of twenty-five suspected citizens „ 16. Execution of Carlo Cocchi and Ficino Ficini Embassy to the Pope at Cesena . " Suppression by Carducci of terms offered by the Pope Oct. 24. Commencement of the Siege . Nov, I. Arrival of the Pope at Bologna Isolation of "Florence Carlo Capelli on the spirit of the citizens Nov. 10. Unsuccessful attempt to surprise Florence Dec. Stefano Colonna's successful sortie [incamiccicUa) 'S3°- J"*^- !• RafFaello Girolami succeeds Carducci as gonfalonier . His popularity ... . . Resolution of the Greater Council to treat with the Pope Jan. 14. Ambassadors sent to Bologna Mar. 12. Duel between Lodovico Martelli and Giovanni Bandini Prato, Pistoja, Lastra, San Miniato al Tedesco, and Volterra fall into the enemy's hands Francesco Ferrucci .... His defence of Empoli and recovery of Volterra Church plate and ladies' ornaments melted for coin Condition of civil life during the Siege Flight of many citizens from Florence . Lorenzo Soderini and others hung for treason Malatesta Baglioni's treachery suspected July 6. Resolution to expel 6,000 contcuiini from Florence rescinded „ 14. Scarcity of food and prices of provisions Proposal that the garrison and Ferrucci should simultaneously attack the imperialists Malatesta's determination to defeat the design July 31. Parade of the garrison for a sortie Enthusiasm of the Piagnoni . Ferrucci's plan to march on Rome August 3. The battle of Gavinana „ 3. Death of Ferrucci and the Prince of Orange ,, 2, 3. Malatesta's protests against a sortie Increasing desire for surrender Futile attempt to dismiss Malatesta August 9. Ambassadors sent to the camp of the besieging army 520 „ 12. Capitulation of Florence . ... 520 The Pope's failure to observe the terms of capitulation CONTENTS xxvu CHAPTER XXVI 1492-lSSO ART AND LITERATURE FROM THE DEATH OF LORENZO DE' MEDICI TO THE SIEGE OF FLORENCE Decline of Florentine Architecture Giuliano da San Gallo U Cronaca Baccio d'Agnolo (as architect) Jacopo Sansovino Raphael (as architect) Michelangelo (as architect) Injurious effect of Naturalism on Sculpture Andrea della Robbia Giovanni della Robbia Giuliano da San Gallo (as sculptor) Francesco da San Gallo Baccio d'Agnolo (as sculptor) Benedetto da Majano Andrea Sansovino Jacopo Sansovino Benedetto da Rovezzano Piero Torrigiano . Andrea Ferrucci . Baccio da Montelupo Baccio Bandinelli Michelangelo (as sculptor) 'Painting reaches its zenith Botticelli Filippino Lippi . Leonardo da Vinci Perugino Lorenzo di Credi . Piero di Cosimo . Fra Bartolommeo Albertinelli Andrea del Sarto ••^Michelangelo (as painter) Granacci Franciabigio Raffaellino del Garbo dim Ridolfo Ghirlandajo Pontormo ► Raphael (as painter) Wood-engraving . Machiavelli » Guicciardini Michelangelo (as poet) Conclusion Index . ABBREVIATIONS EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATED TITLES OF WORKS FRE- QUENTLY REFERRED TO IN THE FOOTNOTES Arch. Stor. Archivio Storico ossia racolta di ofere e documenti finora inediti divenuti rarissimi risquardanti la storia d' Italia. Firenze, 1842 et seq. Arch. Stor. d. A. Archivio Storico dell' Arte. 1888 et seq. Ammirato. Istorie Florentine di Scifione Ammirato. Torino, 1853. 7 vols. (Nuova Biblioteca Popolare.) Armstrong. Lorenzo de Medici and Florence in the Fifteenth Century. By E. Armstrong, m.a. New York and London. Baddeley. Robert the Wise and his Heirs. 1278-1352. By St. Clair Baddeley. London, 1897. Berenson. The Florentine Painters of the Renaissance, with an Index to their Works. Second Edition, revised. New York and London, 1900. BuRCKHARDT. The Civilisation of the Renaissance in Italy. By Jacob Burckhardt. Authorised Translation by S. G. C. Middlemore. London. The Cicerone. An Art Guide to Painting in Italy. Translated from the German of Dr. Jacob Burckhardt by Mrs. J. A. Clough. A new edition revised and corrected by J. A. Crowe. London, 1879. COLVIN. A Florentine Picture Chronicle. Being a series of ninety-nine drawings by Maso Finiguerra, reproduced from the originals in the British Museum, and a Critical and Descriptive Text by Sidney Col- vin, M.A. London, 1898. Crbighton. a History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome. By M. Creighton, d.d. London, 1897. 6 vols. Crowe and Cav. a New History^ of Painting in Italy from the Second to the Sixteenth Century. By J. A. Crowe and G. B. Cavalcaselle. London, 1864. 3 vols. Del Lungo. L'Assedio di Firenze di Isidore Del Lungo. Pages 65-112 of La Vita Italiana nel Cinquecento. Milano, 1897. Dennistoun. Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino. By James Dennistoun. London, 185 1. 3 vols. DiNO COMPAGNI. Cronica Fiorentina di Dino Compagni delle cose occorrenti ne' tempi suoi. 2nd Edizione Stereotypa. Milano, 1880. (Issued with Malispini's Storia Fiorentina.) Encv. Brit. The Encyclopeedia Britannica. Ninth Edition. London, 1875-1889. 25 vols. ABBREVIATIONS xxix Garnett. a History of Italian Literature. By Richard Garnett, c.B. London, 1898. GiNO Capponi. Storia della Repubblica di Firenze di Gino Cafponi. Seconda Edizione, Firenze, 1876. 3 vols. GuicciARDlNI. Opera Inedite di Francesco Guicciardini (vol. iii. ). Storia Fiorentina, Firenze, 1859. Horner. Walks in Florence and its Environs. By Susan and Joanna Horner. London, 1884. 2 vols. Kristeller. Early Florentine Woodcuts, With annotated list of Florentine illustrated books. By Paul Kristeller. London, 1897. 2 vols. Lafenestre. La Peinture en Europe. Florence from Georges Lafenestre et Eugene Richtenberger. Paris. Landucci. Diario Fiorentino dal 14^0 al 1J16 di Luca Landucci continuato da un anonimo fino al JJ43 . . . con annotazioni da lodico del Badia. In Firenze, 1883. Lindsay. Sketches of the History of Christian Art. By Lord Lindsay. Second Edition. London, 1885. 2 vols. LiPPMANN. The Art of Wood-Engraving in Italy in the Fifteenth Century. By Friedrich Lippmann. English Edition. London, 1888. LiTTA. Celebri Famiglie Italiane Illustrate del Conte Pompeo Litta. Milano, 18 19, etc. Machiavelli. Le Istorie Fiorentine di Niccolo Machiavelli. Milano, 1890. (Biblioteca Classica Economica.) MORELLI. Italian Painters : Critical Studies of their Works. By Giovanni Morelli (Ivan Lermolieff). The Borghese and Doria-Pamfili Galleries in Rome. Translated from the German by Constance Jocelyn Ffoulkes. . . . London, 1892. Napier. Florentine History from the earliest Authentic Records to the Accession of Ferdinand the Third, Grand Duke of Tuscany. By Henry Edward Napier. London, 1846-7. 6 vols. Nardi. Istorie della Citta di Firenze di Jacopo Nardi. Firenze, 1858. 2 vols. Nerli. Commentarj de' Fatti Civili occorsi dentro la Citta di Firenze DalV Anno 1 21$ al 'S37 scritii dal Senatore Filippo de' Nerli. 1728. Perkins. Tuscan Sculptors : Their Lives, Works, and Times. By Charles C. Perkins. London, 1864. 2 vols. Peruzzi. Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze in tutto il mondo conosciuto dal 1200 al 134$ compilata su documenti in gran parte inediti. Dal Comm. S. L. Peruzzi. Firenze, 1868. Reumont. Lorenzo de' Medici the Magnificent. By Alfred von Reumont. Translated from the German by Robert Harrison. London, 1876. 2 vols. Reumont's Tavole. Tavole Cronologiche e Sincrone della Storia Fioren- tina compilate da Alfredo Reumont d^ Aquisgrana. Firenze, 1841. RiCHA. Notizie Istortche delle Chiese Fiorentine Divise ne' suoi Quartieri Opera di Giuseppe Richa. Firenze, 1754-62. 10 vols. XXX ABBREVIATIONS ROSCOE. The Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, called the Magnificent. By William Roscoe. Liverpool, 1795. 2 vols. Segni. Storie Florentine di Messer Bernardo Segni. . . . DaW Anno iJ2y <^1'555- . . ■ s.l. 1723. SiSMONDl. Histoire des Ripubliques du Moyen Age. Par J. C. L. S. de Sismondi. Paris, 1 840-1. 10 vols. Symonds. Renaissance in Italy. ... By John Addington Symonds. Vol. i.. The Age of the Despots (1880); vol. ii., The Revival of Learning (1877); vol. iii.. The Fine Arts (1882); vols. iv. and v., Italian Literature (1881). Symonds' Michelangelo. The Life of Michelangelo Buonarroti, based on Studies in the Archives of the Buonarroti Family at Florence. By John Addington Symonds. London, 1893. 2 vols. TrOLLOPE. a History of the Commonwealth of Florence, from the Earliest Independence of the Commune to the Fall of the Republic in ISS'- By T. Adolphus TroUope. London, 1865. 4 vols. Varchi. Storia Fiorentina di Messer Benedetto Varchi. ... In Colonia, 1721. Vasari. Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects. Translated from the Italian of Giorgio Vasari ... by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. London : H. G. Bohn, 1850-85. 6 vols. Vol. vi. comprises a ' ' Commentary (on Vasari) containing Notes and Emendations from the Italian Edition of Milanesi and other sources, by J. P. Reichter." 1885. Villanl Croniche di Giovanni, Matteo e Filippo Villani secondo le migliori stampe e corredate di Note Filologiche e Storiche. Trieste, 1857. 2 vols. [N.B. — The chronicle down to 1348 is by Giovanni, that from 1348 to 1363 by his brother Matteo, and that from 1363 to 1364 by Matteo's son Filippo.] ViLLARl. The Two First Centuries of Florentine History. ... By Professor Pasquale Villari. Translated by Linda Villari. London, 1894-5. 2 vols. ViLLARl's Machiavelh. The Life and Times of Niccolo Machiavelli. By Professor Pasquale Villari. Translated by Madame Linda Villari. Popular Edition. London, 1S98. Villari's Savonarola. Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola. By Professor Pasquale Villari. Translated by Linda Villari. London, 1888. 2 vols. AUTHORITIES NOT INCLUDED IN THE FOREGOING LIST AdemoUo's Marietta de' Ricci. Annotated by Luigi Passerini. Firenze, i8S3- Anderson's Architecture of the Renaissance in Italy. 1896. Baldinucci's Notizie de' Professori del Disegno. 1681. Bibliographica. London, 1895-7. Burlamacchi's Luca della Robbia. Cart Wright's Beatrice d'Este. 1899. Clement's Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and Raphael. Crowe and Cavalcaselle's Life ef Raphael. 1882. Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici. Fergusson's History of Architecture. Gregorovius's History of Rome in the Middle Ages. 1900. Lanzi's History of Painting in Italy. 1828. Milman's History of Latin Christianity. Pagnini's Della Decima. 1765. Pater's Renaissance. 1893. Perren's Histoire de Florence. Paris, 1883, etc. Popov's History of the Council of Florence. Rashdall's Universities of Europe during the Middle Ages. Richter's Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci. Ricotti's Storia delle Compagne di Ventura in Italia. Rio's Poetry of Christian Art. Raskin's Modern Painters, Ariadne Fiorentina, Mornings in Florence, and other minor works. Rymer's Fadera. Segni's Vita di Niccolb Capponi. Symonds' Sketches and Studies in Italy and Translation of the Life of Benvenuto Cellini. ' Temple-Leader's Sir John Hawkwood. Urquhart's Life and Times of Francesco Sforza. La Vita Italiana — Gli Albori, della. 1890. nel Trecento. 189 1. nel Rinascimento. 1892. nel Cinquecento. 1893. Wilson's Life of Michelangelo. 1 881. Yriarte's Rimini. Etudes sur les Lettre et les Arte au XV' Siecle. 1882. o o CO o N O o en o X H p Q < Pi w H W o li. o < H < U o o o o o o d o I 0-2 o" VOg' ^ ni ID d>' 4,e«?,i ^ I V « -1= i-i )-< '^ M JS rn TO ttJ -T +j *3 I A _ " -V QJ _. ^2 ttj — ! r^ ■ « :yp4 00 I 10 7 " 7 - JSS^a . 2 ?■§ " "-3 5 »7.o,^.&'" S, H O H s u Pi < o H P o „ „ ^ a oi .2 o ^ o »J u •B .!S^ S .2 ^ o .S S r~ ?% O 13 o S !_, 00 - o o ►-i % c:20 (SO «5o6 " ■* «-<-S ^%o5J.OoO ^-^ 1-1 C I-" o •— • 50^1 og.S I "^ >-* OJ -fcJ <^ A c ° ■ S" o ^ Y Not'-' « 4) O o ■3 00 T3 -. , »-t CJ 13 C O . « ° -§ fo o a s u I CO « m " !■- l-H I-* O ■s go < 2 o Q < H H O o o * ro'o fn "S7 ^ o "1 Hon rtPP " 3* 'a " « (4 ^ ^ O .--£0 u A HISTORY OF FLORENCE CHAPTER I ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY THE origin of the City of Florence and the derivation of its name are alike involved in obscurity, which a host of con- jectures has done but little to dispel. The most probable of these seems to be that given by Villani and accepted by Machia- velli, namely, that the inhabitants of Fiesole, which was a flourish- ing city in the time of the Etruscans, came down to the banks of the Arno for the purposes of trade. A small settlement thus sprung up at a very early period, on a spot (where the Mugnone runs into the Arno) which the Fiesoleans had used as a market and a port. When this Uttle village, which went by the name of Campo Martis, developed into a town is uncertain, but it is beyond question that at a later period it was rebuilt by the Romans. Traces of walls of Roman workmanship have been dis- covered, and there is evidence of the existence of a town built on the usual plan of the Castrum — a quadrangle traversed by two wide and perfectly straight streets, crossing it in the centre at right angles and dividing it into quarters. Remains have also been found of an amphitheatre in the Via de' Greci, of a theatre in the Via de' Gondi, of a Temple of I sis on the site of San Firenze, and of baths in the street still known as the Via delle Terme.^ Various surmises have been made as to the date of this rebuilding. It has been assigned to the days of Julius Caesar,^ to those of Sulla,^ and to a yet earlier period.* Without fixing the date, ' Villari, i. 67. ^ Villani, lib. i. cap. 38. ^ Mommsen, ' There is a statement in Florus' Abridgment of Livy that "Florentia (or, according to an old MS., " Florentina ") was one of the four Municipia Splendidissima that were sold by Sulla after the Civil War, but it is probable that this passage relates to the town of Ferentino (Napier, i. 13). 2 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Professor Villari thinks that it could not have taken place before B.C. 200.1 By A.D. 15 Florence had undoubtedly grown into importance, for Tacitus tells us that in that year several Italian towns sent deputations to Rome to oppose a scheme for the prevention of the overflow of the Tiber by turning the waters of its tributary, the Chiana, into the Arno, that was then under the consideration of the Senate. Of these towns Florence was one, and her emissaries were the spokesmen for all.^ The derivation of " Florence " is even more obscure than her origin. According to the legend which attributes the building of Roman Florentia to Julius Ccesar, Catiline came to Fiesole after his conspiracy and routed the Romans at the village of Campo Martis in a battle in which the Consul Fiorinus was killed. Caesar, to avenge this defeat, destroyed Fiesole, and on the spot where Fiorinus fell built a new city which was called " Fiorenza " in his memory. The most popular and romantic suggestion is that which ascribes the origin of the name to flores liliorum on account of the profusion of lilies which grew in the surrounding country — a suggestion which has perhaps gained credence from the fact that the giglio is the heraldic emblem of the city.^ The most reasonable surmise seems to be that Florentia (as the city was called in Roman times) is derived from Fluentia — a name given to it from its situation at the confluence of the Arno and Mugnone. Other explanations of the origin of the name have been given, but they are too fantastic for notice. During the first ten centuries of the Christian era the references to Florence in contemporary writings are scanty, and much that has passed as history must be regarded as legend. A few isolated facts may, however, be considered authentic. At the very beginning of the fifth century the saintly Zenobio (who was afterwards canonised) was consecrated Bishop of Florence. It is said that he lived in the picturesque old tower which stands at the junction of the Via Por San Maria and Via Lambertesca and which is annually decorated with flowers on his festa (May 25th). He is credited with miraculous powers, and a marble column on the north side of the Piazza del Baptisterio marks the spot where a dead elm tree, with which his corpse 1 Villari, i. 65. 2 Possibly an impetus was given to her growth by the road made by C. Flaminius, which crossed the Arno where the Ponte Vecchio now stands. ' The adoption of this emblem is, however, attributed to the legendary appearance of S. Reparata. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 3 had been accidentally brought into contact, is said to have been resuscitated.^ In 405 Radagasius led a horde of Goths into Tuscany, and Florence would have fallen into his hands but for the timely arrival of the Roman general, Stilicho.^ Florence was again besieged in 542 by Totila, but on the approach of a relieving force he withdrew towards Siena. ^ During the Lombardic occupation of Tuscany (572-774) Florence seems to have relapsed into her original state of dependency, as she is alluded to in documents of the period as a suburb of Fiesole.* With these exceptions, her history up to this date is a blank. In 786 Charlemagne visited Florence, but the story of his having rebuilt the city and established an independent commune is apocryphal.^ It seems probable, however, that there was from some cause or other a turn in the tide of her fortunes about this time, and that she began to regain importance, as in 825 she was one of the eight cities named in the Consiitutiones Olonenses of the Emperor Lothair as eligible seats for colleges. From this time her prosperity slowly but steadily increased, while that of Fiesole diminished. This was no doubt largely due to their relative geographical positions. The situation of Fiesole makes it difficult of access, while Florence lies on the most direct road between Northern Europe and Rome. This proved increasingly ' This miracle is the subject of a picture by Ridolfo Ghirlandajo in the Uffizi. Another miracle attributed to him forms the subject of a bas-relief on an altar in the Duomo by Ghiberti. ^ The Florentines attributed their deliverance to the prayers of Zenobio. Radagasius was defeated on October 8th, a day thenceforth dedicated to S. Reparata, a virgin of Cappadocia, who suffered martyrdom during the Decian persecutions, and who was believed to have appeared in the battle with a blood-red banner in her hand bearing the device of a white lily, which from that time became the badge of the city. A new cathedral, dedicated to S. Reparata, is said to have been then built where the present cathedral stands, but the building of this church was really of later date (Villari, i. 68). S. Reparata was regarded as the patron saint of Florence from a.d. 680 to 1298. ^ Villari, i. 69. The destruction of Florence by Totila is mythical. < Ibid., 70. ' This story was believed by Villani (lib. iii. cap. 1-3). Other statements by him relating to this period must also be rejected, e.g. the fixing by Charle- magne of the limits of the contado (the territory outside Florence over which the Commune had jurisdiction) at a radius of three miles, and their extension by Otho, in 955, to a radius of six miles (Villari, i. 71, 72). The building of "the first circuit" of walls has been assigned to the time of Charlemagne (Napier, i. 26; Horner, i. 10), but the date of their erection seems very uncertain. 4 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE advantageous to her, commercially and in other ways, as time went on.i German emperors sojourned there on their way to coronation at Rome, and popes took refuge within her walls when forced by popular disturbances to fly from the Eternal City. A close relationship with Rome was thus engendered, to which the Guelphic tendencies that Florence afterwards dis- played are no doubt partially due. The erection of such a building as the basilica of San Miniato al Monte, which was commenced 1013, affords proof of the prosperity which Florence had then attained.^ The Florentines, like many another pleasure -loving people, were always subject to spasmodic bursts of religious enthusiasm, and one of these manifested itself in the eleventh century. Florence became one of the chief centres of the movement that was then going on in Italy in favour of monastic reform, and the Vallombrosan Order (a reformed branch of the Bene- dictines) was founded by S. Giovanni Gualberto (1039), Abbot of San Miniato, who died in 1073. ^ Before his death, besides the parent institution at Vallombrosa, the new order possessed eleven houses, one of the chief of which was the Convent of S. Salvi, the remains of which may still be seen just outside the walls of Florence.^ Gualberto headed a crusade against simony, which was then very prevalent, and his denunciations of Pietro of Pavia (1063), who had purchased the bishopric of Florence, led to serious disturbances. The people sided with the friars, and at the instigation of the bishop an armed attack was made on the Convent of S. Salvi. Pope Alexander II. sent the eloquent San Pier Damiano to Florence as a peace- maker, but he was unable to allay the storm. In spite of the opposition of the Pope the people insisted on settling the matter by an ordeal of fire. Pietro, a Vallombrosan monk, ' Villari, i. 73. 2 Horner, ii. 374; Reumont's Tavole. The west front is later. San Miniato is said to have been an Armenian prince who suffered martyrdom when the Emperor Decius was persecuting the Christians. According to legend, after being beheaded in Florence (a.d. 254) he walked with his head in his hands to his hermitage on the hill, where the church that bears his name now stands, and there gave up the ghost and was buried. An oratory was built on the spot to commemorate the miracle, and when this fell out of repair it was replaced by the present church. ' For the pretty story of his conversion see Jameson's Legends of the Monastic Orders, p. 118. The miracles attributed to S. Gualberto form the subjects of a series of beautiful bas-reliefs by Benedetto da Rovezzano, fragments of which may be seen in the Bargello. * They are about one mile from the Porta S. Croce. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 5 afterwards known as "Pietro Igneo," was chosen as the repre- sentative of the friars. The trial took place on February 13th, 1068, at Settimo, between Florence and Signa, in the presence of an immense concourse of people, and it is alleged that Fra Pietro passed unscathed through the flames. The Pope bowed to the miracle, the Bishop was compelled to resign, and Pietro Igneo received a cardinal's hat. From A.D. 1076 to 11 15 Florence was ruled by Matilda, Countess of Tuscany (daughter of Boniface III., Marquis of Tuscany^), the stanch supporter of the Popes in the great quarrel with the Emperors concerning Investitures. She was popularly known as " the great Countess," and she was often to be seen on battlefields with a sword at her side. She was so much beloved that after her death mothers frequently christened their daughters Contessa or Tessa?' Her residence was at Lucca, but she occasionally held court at Florence. Before her accession Florence must have increased in popula- tion, as we find that in 1078, when in consequence of Matilda's alliance with Gregory VII. the city was threatened with a siege by the Emperor, Henry IV., it was necessary to build new walls to protect the suburbs (borghi) that had grown up around the city. These walls are generally spoken of as "the second circuit."^ Shortly afterwards there were other signs of the grow- ing strength and prosperity of the city. " In the year 1107," says Villani, " our city of Florence being much increased in popula- tion, men and power, determined to extend their outlying territory and to enlarge their jurisdiction, and made war on any ' Cities like Pisa that had suffered from the rapacity of her father ranged themselves in consequence on the side of the empire. Hence, perhaps, the Ghibelline tendencies of the Pisans. 2 Gino Capponi, i. 11. ' The city comprised within the first circuit was bounded by the Arno on the south (or more accurately S.S.W.) and, approximately, by the modern streets Tornabuoni and Rondinelli on the west, Cerretani on the north, and Proconsolo (with its continuation to the Arno) on the east. The city, as enlarged in 1078, may be said to have been bounded by a line running N. E. by N. from the Ponte alia Carraia to the back of the Church of San Lorenzo and thence following (S.E. by S.) the Via de' Pucci and Via di San Egidio to the Via del Fosso, where it turned in a south-westerly direction and followed the Via del Fosso and Via de' Benci to the Ponte alle Grazie. The new Oltrarno quarter was bounded on the north by the river between the Ponte alle Grazie and the Ponte alia Carraia, and by a wall which, starting from the southern end of the last-named bridge, probably followed the line of the Via de' Serragli as far as the Via della Chiesa, when turning east it passed at the back of the Church of Santa Felicity and joined the river somewhere near the south end of the present Ponte alle Grazie (Napier, i. 75 ; Horner, i. 11). TroUope says that the wall followed the Via Maggio (and not the Via de' Serragli), but this is probably a mistake. 6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE castle or fortress that would not be obedient to them."i This decision, as here suggested, no doubt partly arose from a desire for aggrandisement, but it was almost a matter of necessity. The mountainous country around Florence bristled with castles of feudal barons, mostly of Germanic descent,^ who made fre- quent raids into Florentine territory and impeded the develop- ment of Florentine commerce. The first stronghold captured was that of Monte Orlando, belonging to the Counts Cardolinghi, and in the same year (1107) the castle of the Alberti, near Prato, was demolished. This policy was steadily pursued for many years, in spite of ineffectual attempts on the part of the Emperor to check it. In 11 13 a force under the Imperial Vicar, one Messer Ruberto, was sent to chastise the insubordinate city, but on hearing of his approach the Florentines sallied forth, and "the said Messer Ruberto was defeated and slain."* In this petty warfare the aim of Florence seems to have been the de- struction of fortresses, which were at once an oifence to her pride and a hindrance to her trade, rather than the extirpation of a foreign aristocracy. She left the owners of the demolished castles in possession of their estates, and (pursuing a policy of more than doubtful expediency) she constrained them to dwell, for at least a part of the year, within her walls. These new- comers, many of whom became leading citizens in their new home, were for the most part of Teutonic origin, with aristocratic traditions and imperial sympathies, and they had little in common with the Florentine burghers, in whose veins ran Latin blood, whose spirit was commercial, and whose principles were demo- cratic. Thus an element of discord was introduced into the civic life of Florence, and seeds were sown from which she reaped many a bitter harvest. In 1 1 14 Florence suspended her aggressive expeditions to do an act of kindness to a neighbour. She sent a force to protect Pisa against Lucca while the Pisan army was engaged in the Balearic Isles. In gratitude Pisa presented her with the two por- phyry columns, which had been taken from the Saracens, that now stand on each side of the eastern gate of the Baptistery. As will be seen hereafter, Florence repeatedly suffered from fire and flood. The earliest of these devastations of which we ' Villani, lib. iv. cap. 25. ° They are often referred to as Teutonici in contemporary documents (Villari, i. 106). 3 Villani, lib. iv. cap. 29. ORIGIN AND EAHLY HISTORY 7 read occurred in the years 11 15 and 11 17. "In the year of Christ 1 1 15, in the month of May, a great fire broke out in the Borgo Santo Apostolo, and it was so furious that a good part was burnt; to the great loss of the Florentines. . . . And again in the year 11 17 another fire broke out, and of a truth what was not burnt in the first fire was burnt in the second."^ In the latter year the bridge which occupied the position of the present Ponte Vecchio (the only bridge over the Arno in Florence at that time) was swept away by a flood. Notwithstanding these misfortunes Florence continued to in- crease in importance, and as she did so the prosperity of the parent city declined. Indeed, by the beginning of the twelfth century Fiesole had become little more than a nest of brigands, who infested Florentine territory. To get rid of this nuisance previous attempts had been made, but it was not till 11 25 that Fiesole was captured and finally merged in the contado fiorentino? All of the important buildings, except the cathedral and the citadel, were demolished and their materials removed to Florence, to which city most of the Fiesoleans migrated.^ After this date Fiesole dwindled in size, and in 1228 its population was probably no more than it is at present.* ^ Villani, lib. iv. cap. 30. Villani says that all the city records perished in this fire, but it is doubtful whether any such ever existed. " Villani gives an account of an earlier taking of Fiesole in the year loio, but his story is rejected by Villari (vol. i. p. 72). Villari also rejects the details of the capture in 1125 given by Zanzonone as too extravagant for belief (vol. i. p. 115). ' The beautiful pulpit now in the Church of S. Leonardo in Arcetri at Florence probably formed part of the spoils. Until 1782 it stood in the Church of San Piero Scheraggio (Homer, ii. 420). * Napier, i. 66. CHAPTER II I 138-1250 THE BIRTH OF THE COMMONWEALTH — THE BUONDELMONTE TRAGEDY — GUELPHS AND GHIBELLINES NO precise date can be fixed for the birth of the Common- wealth. It was certainly not later than 1138, for a roll of Florentine consuls who held office from that year to 12 19 is extant.i There are grounds for supposing that it had existed in embryo some seventy years earlier, as letters written by San Pier Damiano during the feud between the Vallombrosan friars and the bishop were addressed civibus florentinis, and there are other documents of about the same period in which derus et populus fiorentinus and municipale prasidium are mentioned.^ Moreover, from our knowledge of what was taking place in other parts of Italy it may be safely asserted that a popular government was in process of formation in Florence during the period of misrule to which the country was subjected under the incompetent successors of Charlemagne. Berengar vainly attempted to restrain his vassals, and after Otho I. was crowned in Rome in 961 "the two great potentates in the peninsula were an unarmed Pontiff and an absent Emperor. The subsequent history of the Italians shows how they succeeded in reducing both these powers to principles, maintaining the pontifical and imperial ideas, but repelling the practical authority of either potentate."^ This was mainly accom- plished by playing off one power against the other, and it was facilitated by Otho's concessions to the Church. By these the unarmed pontiff became in many places more than a match for the absent emperor. In some cities the count (who was the emperor's vicar) and the bishop had co-ordinate jurisdiction, and ' It was for a long iime believed that Florence was governed by consuls as early as 1102, from an allusion to them of a document which bears that date. It has since been discovered that the 1102 is erroneous, and should be 1 182 (ViUari, i. 84). 2 md., i. 85. 3 Symonds, i. 47. THE BIRTH OF THE COMMONWEALTH 9 the people, when bent on resisting the authority of the count, generally found a willing leader in the bishop. After a time the popular party grew strong enough to expel the count, who ensconced himself in some neighbouring stronghold, and, thanks to the permission that had been granted by Berengar to encompass the cities with walls as a protection against the invasions of the Huns, they were generally able to hold him at bay. Thus many an Italian municipality was fostered under the wing of the Church. In some cases the people, for the purpose of enforcing order (which either from neglect or weakness was not maintained by their nominal rulers), acquired powers of which they were not completely dispossessed even when the suzerainty of Italy passed into stronger hands. Special causes, of a local character, were no doubt at work in different places, but the greater part of the peninsula was more or less subject to the same conditions. From what has been said it seems clear that the rule of Matilda (1076-1115) conduced to the growth of Florentine municipal life. She was herself for a time the leader of a rebellion against the empire. If she did not direct, she at least sanctioned the wars which Florence, for commercial reasons, undertook against the nobles who held their fiefs from the emperor. It is true that during the earlier part of her reign she acted as presiding judge in the Courts of Justice, but she was always aided by assessors chosen from among the principal citizens,^ and during the last fifteen years of her life she does not seem to have pronounced any legal sentence. All this tends to show that Florence had gradually attained a measure of independence which was real before it was legal. ^ And although no absolute proof is forth- coming, it does not seem unreasonable to surmise that the men who had commanded garrisons and administered justice in the name of Matilda during her life should, after her death, have ruled the city in the name of the people. Thus it may well be that, without any revolutionary change, a consular form of govern- ment was evolved. And " thus Florence, the country of Dante, the country of Michelangelo — Florence, that has played such a grand part in the culture of the world — came unnoticed into being." ^ ^ Among them we find such well-known names as Uberti, Donati, Gherardi, and Ughi (Villari, i. 88). ^ " Le Origini del Comune di Firenze " (a paper by Professor Villari in GH Alboridella Vita Italiana), p. 29. 2 GH Alboridella Vita Italiana {WCiS-n, 1897), p. 32. lo A HISTORY OF FLORENCE In the earliest days of which we have any authentic record the government usually comprised twelve consuls, ^ two elected annually by each of the six wards {sestieri or sesti) into which the city was then divided. ^ They were chosen exclusively from the grandi, as the most prominent citizens (of whom the Uberti were the chief) were called, and they were usually drawn from about four families. Even in these early days of the commonwealth it was practically an aristocratic oligarchy. The consuls declared war, made treaties, administered justice, and carried on all the duties of a responsible executive. Their foreign policy was much the same as that in the Countess Matilda's days. In 1154 the strong castle of Monte Croce, situated between Florence and Arezzo, which belonged to the Counts Guidi, one of the most powerful families in Central Italy, was razed to the ground. Indeed, during all the latter half of the twelfth century Florence was engaged in subjugating feudal barons or making war on neighbouring towns. For one or other of these purposes she was successively in alliance with Prato, Pisa, Siena, and Lucca. She also resorted to another method of extending her influence. Seeing the advantage that Siena had derived from the dependent town of Poggibonsi, Florence founded the little town of CoUe, the first of the colonies from which, in later years, she derived valuable support. In 1 1 77 another serious fire occurred, which is said to have originated in the houses of the Uberti, and to have been the work of the populace, who were jealous of the power which that family had acquired. However this may be, it is certain that serious disturbances commenced at this time. This was the first of that long series of conflicts between the nobles and the people, the records of which fill so many pages of Florentine history. The people were at first successful, and their nominees were elected consuls, but the Uberti ultimately triumphed. The struggle, which lasted for more than two years, at times assumed ' It appears from the roll of consuls that their number varied from time to time ; but Professor Villari thinks that the names of only the most prominent were mentioned while the number remained unchanged. ^ Before the building of the second circuit of walls the city had been divided into quarters. The sestieri were called respectively Porta del Duomo, San Piero Maggiore, San Piero Scheraggio, SS. Apostoli, San Pancrazio, and Oltrarno. The church of San Piero Maggiore stood in the Via degli Albizzi, where a single arch still marks its site. That of San Piero Scheraggio stood on a part of the present site of the Uffizi, and it was demolished when that building was erected in 1743. The church of San Pancrazio stood in the Via della Spada, behind the Palazzo Rucellai. THE BIRTH OF THE COMMONWEALTH ii the proportions of civil war.^ The state of the city was such that it is difficult to understand how civic life could have existed. It had become a congeries of besieged strongholds, from which sallies were made by night and day against the people who had entrenched themselves behind barricades in the streets.^ "In pitched battles the combatants have to fear the terrible shock of the adversary, and nothing else. But in this street warfare it was far worse. It was as if a continual shower of rocks and stones was falling from the heavens. Men who lived through those times used to tell how at every hour of the night and day life was equally insecure ; how it was doubtful whether it were more necessary to guard your door or your windows and roof; how every man suspected an enemy to be hidden behind the curtains of his bed, or even in it."^ But the citizens became so accustomed to this life of warfare, that " they would fight on one day and eat and drink together on the next, recounting to each other their deeds of valour and prowess; and so at last, from very weariness and fatigue, they left off fighting of their own accord, and peace prevailed; but those accursed factions were engendered in Florence of which we shall afterwards make mention."* This conflict was, however, in truth rather the first grave symptom than the cause of the civil strife of which Florence was for centuries the scene. It is probable that there had been previous disorder on a lesser scale, for the social and structural conditions of the city contemplated and conduced to disturbances. The real cause lay in the differences of race and habits of the old feudal families (the grandi) and of the citizens, among whom they were constrained to dwell. The former hated and despised the traders who had destroyed their castles, and they would hold little or no intercourse with them. They were very numerous at this time, and they were divided into associa- tions, that were known as Consorterie or Societe delle Torre. A Consorteria was a collection of families who usually bore the same name, and were descended from a common ancestor. Sometimes, however, it comprised two or more smaller families, between whom no relationship existed, who were associated by compact.^ The grandi retained, as far as possible, their warlike ' Villani, lib. v. cap. 9. The historian who writes under the pseudonym of Brunetto Latini says four years, and gives a somewhat different version of the affair. ^ TroUope, i. 62. ' Ammirato, i. 143. * Villani, lib. v. cap. 9. " " Le Consorterie nella Storia Florentina," p. 116. [An article by Marco 12 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE customs. They lived in embattled palaces of solid masonry, that they had built with a view to offensive and defensive operations.^ These palaces were grouped in clusters around high and strong towers, with which they communicated. Each Consorteria possessed a tower, and lived in the houses that immediately surrounded it. In times of disturbance the members of the Consorterie retired into their towers, which were from 230 to 270 feet in height, and which were constructed to resist a lengthened attack. In front of some of the larger towers were loggie, or covered courts, which were used for festivities and family gatherings. Famiglie di torre e loggia became a pro- verbial expression for families of distinction.^ In the year 1200 ' there were no fewer than seventy-five of these towers in Florence, and thirteen had loggie adjoining them.^ The citizen portion of the community, which consisted almost entirely of traders and artisans, was also more or less organised by the middle of the twelfth century. Many of the Arti,^ as the Trade-guilds were called, which ultimately formed such an im- portant part of the Florentine polity, were already established. Such associations had existed throughout Italy from a very early date, but they developed more perfectly in Florence than elsewhere.^ The guild of dressers and dyers of foreign cloth (known as the Calimald) must have been rich and powerful in 1150, as in that year they completed the church of San Giovanni, of the fabric of which they had been constituted custodians by the State.'' This church, which was for many years the cathedral, Tabarrini, at pp. 98-127 of La Vita Italiana nel Trecento.'] For an account of the origin of the Consorteria, see pp. I lO-l 14 of the same article. 1 "Le Consorterie," etc., p. 108. It was remarked by M. Thiers, in 1858, that " Florence had invented the architecture of civil war." Ibid., 109. The remark must, however, have been suggested by buildings of a much later date; e.g-., the Strozzi, Medici, and Rucellai palaces. ^ "Le Consorterie," etc., p. 116. The Cbnsorterie -vieie usually to be found only among the grandi, but in 1293 it seems that there were also some among the lower classes. Ibid., 117. ^ Some idea of the appearance of Florence at this time may be formed by those who have seen San Gimignano. The towers were usually known by the name of the families that owned them, but to some the people gave nick- names ; e.g., that near the Badia (which was used by the Priors) was called the Castagna; that of the Magalotti and Mancini near San Firenze, the Pulce ; that of the Castellini da Castiglione, near the Mercato Vecchio, the Lancia; that near the Bigallo, the Guardamorto ; that at the foot of the Ponte Vecchio, del Leone ; and that between the Borgo, 83. Apostoli and the Porta Rossa, the Basciagatta. * These will be subsequently described. '^ Villari, i, 232. « Villani, lib. i. cap. 60. THE BIRTH OF THE COMMONWEALTH 13 is now known as the Baptistery. The Arti were, in point of organisation, miniature republics, and even at this date it is prob- able that their governing bodies had acquired some political power. Thus, even in the infancy of the Republic, the community was divided into two highly organised parties, which were fundament- ally different and essentially antagonistic. This is the explanation of the successive feuds which, under various names, almost cease- lessly distracted Florence. They were not occasioned, as is often supposed, by a strong attachment to church or empire, or to a predilection for this or that noble family. These were but acci- dents which evoked flame from an ever-smouldering fire. Not that all future opposing factions comprised the grandi on the one hand and the popolani on the other, but the continuous tumults which date from this period generated a spirit of rancour and lawlessness that was active and malignant long after racial differ- ences and class distinctions had disappeared. The Uberti party seem to have been satisfied with the result of their struggle with the people, for they lent effective assistance to the Commune in their policy of expansion, which was now carried on more briskly than ever.^ Between 1182 and 11 84 the castles of Montegrosoli and Pogna were taken, the powerful Alberti were humbled, a few years later the little town of Semifonte was cap tured, and by the end of the century almost every hostile fortress within a radius of twenty miles of Florence had been dismantled. But these successes were not obtained without opposition on the part of the empire, for Frederick Barbarossa was not a man to submit passively to encroachments on his authority. He had sent successively Archbishops Reinhold and Christian — both energetic and capable men — to check the growing independence of the Tuscan cities; but they accomplished little. It is true that they established in the country districts and in some cities German representatives of the emperor, who were called podesta, but these, having no power at their back, had little, if any, authority. Accordingly, in 1184, Frederick came himself to Italy to endeavour, by his personal influence, to stem the tide of sedition. He came without an army, but he was well received, and nobles and towns formally acknowledged his supremacy. He entered Florence on July 31st, 1185, and while there he received complaints of the surrounding district whose castles had been ' Villari, i. 144. 14 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE destroyed. It is said that he deprived the city of its jurisdiction over the whole contado up to the very walls, and that he treated almost all other Tuscan towns in the same way.i Whatever punitive measures he took, Florence offered no opposition to them, foreseeing that they would be but temporary. In this she showed her sagacity, for in 1 187 Frederick's successor, Henry VI., restored to her much of the authority over the surrounding dis- trict which had been taken from her. Although Florence had nominally bowed to the authority of Frederick I. and Henry VI., in 1187, she was indisposed to submit to any interference with her affairs by their successors. Accordingly, in 1197, an anti-imperial league of Tuscan cities^ was formed, at her instance, with the ostensible object of resisting future aggression, but no doubt with the real object of recovering rights or possessions of which the contracting parties had been previously deprived. Its formation met with the approval of Pope Celestine, but it did not find favour with his successor. Innocent III., because it ignored the claims of the Church to the duchy of Tuscany, and in 1205 it was dissolved.^ As far as Florence is concerned, it had, however, gained its end, for at its dissolution she was practically in possession of much the same contado as before Frederick's advent. Between the years izoo and 1207 frequent changes were made in the government of Florence, the most important of which was the election of a foreigner as chief magistrate under the title of podestk.^ There seem to have been officials bearing that title before this time, but their duties were comparatively insignificant, and they were probably nominees of the emperor. The office was first permanently established and incorporated in the constitution in 1207. The change was necessitated by the maladministration of justice by the consuls, who favoured the party that had returned them to office. Hence the obligation that the holder of the new office should be a foreigner, as it was thought that he would not be biased by local or personal considerations. He was debarred from bringing any of his kins- ^ Villani, lib. v. cap. 12. Professor Villari (vol. i. p. 147) discredits this story. ' The league was formed at Genesio. 2 The duchy of Tuscany had been bequeathed by the Countess Matilda to the Church. ^ This office was not peculiar to Florence; indeed, almost every Italian commonwealth had its podest&. Many noble Florentines became padesth. of foreign towns. See Litta's Celebri Famiglic Italiane, THE BIRTH OF THE COMMONWEALTH 15 men into the city or from holding familiar intercourse with the citizens. He held office for one year, and the same individual was rarely re-elected. The creation of this post must be re- garded as a triumph for the grandi, especially as the consuls were deprived of much of their authority, and after the year 1212 they were abolished. The chief administration of civil, criminal, and military affairs was placed in the hands of the podestci, and the office became one of great dignity.^ The first to hold it was Gualfredotto Grasselli, a Milanese, and the old episcopal palace, which had been the seat of the Countess Matilda's government, was allotted to him as an official residence.^ This constitutional reform proved at first beneficial to Florence, both at home and abroad. Street warfare was suppressed for eight years, and foreign campaigns were for a longer period conducted with energy and success. These last, indeed, in- creased in frequency, and assumed a different character. War was now waged for the extension rather than the protection of commerce. Troubles from marauding barons were at an end, for by the end of the twelfth century the Florentine contado extended almost to the walls of Pistoja, nearly half-way to Pisa and Lucca, and much more than half-way to Arezzo and Siena.^ With extension of territory came also a large increase of mercantile prosperity, and this brought Florence into conflict with her more powerful neighbours. Siena and Pisa were her most frequent antagonists, and the animosities that were now engendered very nearly occasioned the destruction of Florence, and ultimately ruined Pisa. The hostile feelings which Florence entertained towards Siena arose from commercial rivalry, as the two cities were keen competitors for the Roman trade, and both were engaged in financial transactions with the Papal Curia. Of Pisa Florence was jealous on account of the mercantile advantages which 'that city possessed through its proximity to the sea. ' But it could not have been a bed of roses if the following rhyme speaks truly : — << S' tu ai niuno a chi tu vogli male Mandallo a Firenze per uficiale." Quoted by Biaggi in "La Vita Privata dei Fiorentini," at p. 71 of La Vila Italiana net Rinascimento. "^ It stands behind the Baptistery, and is now the Archbishop's palace, but it has been altered and restored out of recognition, 3 TroUope, i. 85. 1 6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The account given by early historians of the almost chronic warfare that was going on at this period between neighbouring states is somewhat wearisome. Between 1207 and 1208, and again between 1228 and 1235, Florence was at war with Siena. In the first of these wars the Sienese were defeated at Montaldo, and some thirteen hundred were made prisoners. The second was throughout of a desultory and indecisive character. In 1222 a war broke out between Florence and Pisa, which termiiiated in a bloody battle near Castel del Bosco, in which the Pisans were completely routed,^ This was the beginning of hostilities, which only ended with the subjection of Pisa, in 1406. In 1228 the Florentines were engaged in a war with Pistoja, and it is during this war that we first hear of the carroccio? It was " a chariot drawn by oxen with scarlet trappings and surmounted by two lofty poles bearing the great banner of the Republic, swinging its red and white folds on high. Behind, on a smaller car, came the bell, called the martinella, to ring out military orders. For some time before a war was proclaimed the martinella was attached to the door of Sta. Maria, in the New Market (S. Maria sopra Porta), and rung there to warn both citizens and enemies to make ready for action. The carroccio was always surrounded by a guard of picked men ; its surrender was considered as the final defeat and humiliation of the army."^ The Florentine carroccio was, in time of peace, kept in the church of S. Maria sopra Porta.* During the period of which we have been speaking — while victories were being obtained over the Sienese, the Pisans, and the Pistojans — the streets of Florence were the scene of a fierce and prolonged struggle. Indeed, few things are more remarkable in the history of the Florentines than their successes achieved abroad while their home affairs were bordering on anarchy. The explanation lies in their energy and their patriotism. They grew in wealth and reputation when distracted by feuds that would ' This war arose from a fracas between some Florentines and Pisans at Rome. Its origin has, however, been ascribed to a quarrel between the Florentine and Pisan ambassadors (who had been sent to represent their respec- tive cities at the coronation of Frederick II. at Rome) about the possession of a lap-dog which had been promised to both of them by a Roman Cardinal ! ^ Villani, lib. vi. cap. 5. ^ Villari, i. 177. The carroccio had been devised by Heribert, Archbishop of Milan, c. 1037. Milman's Latin Christianity, iii. 436. '^ This church is now demolished. A part of its site is occupied by the desecrated church of San Biaggio. THE BUONDELMONTE TRAGEDY 17 have ruined a less hardy race. And Villani, after describing the " accursed parties " into which Florence was divided, adds : " Nevertheless they were all agreed as to the state and well-being of the commonwealth."! The faction-fight now going on, which ostensibly originated in a mere family quarrel, was the memorable struggle between the houses of Buondelmonti^ and Amidei. In 1 2 15 a brawl occurred at a large dinner party, in the course of which Oddo Arringhi dei Fifanti was stabbed by Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti. In order to preserve peace between the families a marriage was arranged between Buondelmonte and a niece of Oddo, who belonged to the Amidei family. Before the betrothal ceremony had taken place Aldruda,^ the widow of Forese de' Donati, who was bent on having young Buondelmonte as her son-in-law, called him to her house, and after upbraiding him for allowing himself to be forced into a distasteful marriage (the Amidei lady is said to have been plain), threw open the door of an inner room and showed him her daughter Beatrice, who was a girl of extreme beauty. He became " by the devil's assistance"* desperately enamoured, and on February toth, the day fixed for his betrothal with Oddo dei Fifanti's niece, and when her family were assembled awaiting his arrival, he publicly betrothed Aldruda's daughter. This was an affront that the pride of the Amidei could not brook, and they called together a large meeting of their friends and relations in the Church of S. Maria sopra Porta, to determine what chastisement should be inflicted on Buondelmonte. It was suggested that he should be beaten or disfigured by wounds in the face, but Mosca de' Lamberti said, "Let him die. What is done is done with" ("Cosa fatto capo ha"),^ and his advice was followed. The wedding took place on Easter Sunday, at the Church of S. Felicita * Lib, V. cap. 39. And strangely enough, while war abroad and strife at home were going on, improvements to the city were not neglected. In I2i8 the foundations of the Ponte alia Carraia (or Ponte Nuovo as it was then called, to distinguish it from the Ponte Vecchio) were laid, and in 1237 a third bridge over the Arno was built, where the Ponte alle Grazie now stands. It was called Ponte Rubaconte, after the fodestcl, who caused it to be built. Both of these bridges were designed by a German, Maestro Jacopo (or Lapo), the architect of the upper and lower churches at Assisi. ^ The Buondelmonti settled in Florence after the destruction of their castle in the twelfth century. Their name is said to be derived from Buoni (a con- traction of Buonomini) del Monte, " Good men of the mountain." ' Or Gualdrada. * Villani, lib. v. cap. 38. ° Mosca de' Lamberti is placed by Dante in the ninth circle of Hell {/n/ema, canto z8). The Lamberti palaces were near the Mercato Vecchio (Horner, i. 157). 1 8 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE in the Oltrarno, and the bridal party returned across the Ponte Vecchio towards the houses of the Donati.^ Just as the bride- groom, who was riding on a white palfrey, gaily clad, with a garland on his head, reached the statue of Mars, he was struck from his horse by Schiatta de' Lamberti and despatched by the daggers of Oddo Arringhi and others in front of the house of the lady whom he had jilted. The news of the murder occasioned among all classes much excitement, which was intensified when Buondel- monte's friends carried his corpse through the city, with the head resting on the lap of his affianced bride.^ The nobles fortified themselves in the towers, the people threw up barricades across the streets, and before long an internecine war had begun, from which the Guelph and Ghibelline factions in Florence are said to have sprung.^ From what has been already said it will be seen that the seeds of civil discord had been sown long ago ; but since the struggle respecting the election of consuls in 1177, the grandi had ceased to be a united body. A new aristocracy, who owed no traditional allegiance to the empire, was being gradually formed from out of the wealthy trading classes. Hence, when the quarrel between emperors and popes spread from Germany to Italy, dissensions among the powerful families in Florence arose. Before the occurrence of this domestic tragedy jealousies existed between some of them, notably between the Buondelmonti on the one hand, and the Uberti and Fifanti on the other.* The Buondel- monte catastrophe did but convert latent animosities into open hostilities. Some forty of the leading families sided with the Buondelmonti and, espousing the cause of the pope, called them- selves " Guelphs"; while some thirty sided with the Uberti and, ^ The houses of the Donati were between the Via del Coiso and the Church of S. Piero Maggiore (Horner, i. 156). 2 Villari, i. 173 ; TroUope, i. 103. TroUope's version (which I have followed) is taken from La Toscana Illustrata nella sua Storia (Livorno, I75S), said to have been written by a member of the Buondelmonti family. No other historian states that the marriage between Buondelmonte and Beatrice Donati had taken place. Litta says that it had not. ' This was certainly the opinion of the old chroniclers, and it seems to have been that of Dante : — " La casa, di che nacque il vostro fleto, Per lo giusto disegno che v' ha morti, Eposto fine al vostro viver lieto, Era onorata ed essa e suoi consorti. O Buondelmonte, (juanto mal fiiggisti Le nozze sue per gh altrui conforti !" — Paradiso, canto xvi. ■* Villari, i. 173. GUELPHS AND GHIBELLINES 19 declaring for the emperor, called themselves " Ghibellines." Villani and Malispini give lists of the most prominent houses that took part in the struggle, from which it is evident that the descendants of the feudal barons became for the most part Ghibelline, and that the Guelphic party included the nouveaux riches?- The populace attached themselves either to one side or the other, and almost the entire population became infected by the feud.^ " Nevertheless it was more from party spirit and sectarianism preconceived, than for caring for either pope or emperor, that the minds of the Florentines were inflamed."^ The names "Guelf" and "Ghibelline" are of German origin, and are said to be the Italianised form of "Welf" and "Waib- lingen," which were the war cries at the battle fought at Weinsberg in 1 140 between Henry the Proud, of the house of Bavaria, and Conrad III., the first of the Hohenstaufen emperors. Welf was a name borne by many princes of the house of Bavaria (indeed, the family are sometimes referred to as " the Welfs of Altdorf "), and Waiblingen was the name of a castle or village in the diocese of Augsburg, which was the home of the Hohenstaufen. The Welfs had always been stanch allies of the popes, and their name was ultimately used to designate the supporters of the Church. Waiblingen, on the other hand, came to signify those who were attached to the empire. And so, when Frederick Barbarossa was endeavouring to maintain his imperial rights against the Lombard League, between 1167 and 1177, we find these party names appearing in Italy transformed into Guelfi and Ghibellini. The struggle which broke out in 1215 was carried on more or less continuously till 1248. The streets of Florence were fre- quently reeking with blood, but no permanent advantage was gained by either side until the Ghibellines called in foreign aid. ^ yillani, lib. v. cap. 39 ; Malispini, cap. 100, Among the names of most frequent occurrence in Florentine history, the Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Bardi, Mozzi, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Pulci, Magalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Cavalcanti, Buondelmonti, Tornaquinci, Scali, Bisdomini, Adimari, Tosinghi, Donati, Cerchi, and della Bella were Guelphs ; and the Uberti, Fifanti, Lamberti, Infangati, Guidi, Soldanieri, Gangalandi, and Amidei were Ghibel- lines. Some families (e.g. the Malispini and Brunelleschi) were divided, and others changed sides from time to time during the course of the contest. The Frescobaldi, though Guelphs, were of Germanic origin. Some of the Guelph families are described as "not of great antiquity, but beginning to be power- ful," or "descended recently from merchants," or "beginning to rise in condition, albeit they were merchants." ^ Machiavelli, p. 71. ' Coppo Stefani, ii. 82. 20 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Moreover the strife was at one time complicated and intensified by religious rancour. Certain heretical doctrines, originated by the Albigenses in Provence, and a philosophical scepticism, fostered by Frederick II. at Palermo, had been spreading over the peninsula. The outcome of these opinions was the appear- ance of the Patarini,! who vehemently denounced as false many doctrines of the Church of Rome. This sect found their way to Florence, and by the year 12 12 had made a considerable number of converts, especially among the Ghibellines. In order to crush them a branch of the Inquisition was opened, and the Society of the Captains of the Holy Mary was founded by Fra Pietro of Verona (better known as S. Peter Martyr), for the ex- termination of heretics. He conducted his mission with savage energy, and bloody affrays between his followers and the perse- cuted sect took place in the streets of Florence. In 1245 "the Captains," robed in white, on more than one occasion attacked and completely routed the Patarini, who were compelled to fly from the city. Columns in the Piazza Santa Felicita and at the Croce al Trebbio mark places where many of them were massacred.^ Five years before these massacres took place the association of the Misericordia was established (1240). The origin of this interesting institution is curious. The cloth that had been either manufactured or dressed and dyed in Florence had obtained a great reputation, and large quantities of it were offered for sale at two fairs, one of which was held at the feast of S. Simon and the other at that of S. Martin. At these fairs, which were at- tended by the richest merchants in Italy, an enormous business was done, and it has been estimated that goods to the value of from 15,000,000 to 16,000,000 florins were sold at each. The delivery of the cloth sold required the services of a large number of porters, who were in the habit of congregating in the piazza adjoining the Baptistery. " Now in that piazza there was a cellar which is believed to have belonged to the Adimari, but inasmuch as it always stood open in consequence of its having been flooded 1 Their name is sometimes spelt Paterini, and they are said to have been so called from their sufferings. It is more probable that the name is derived from Pataria, a quarter of Milan, where the members of the sect were in the habit of assembUng. They were called by different names in different places. Not much is known for certain of their creed, but they were a branch of the Paulicians, who were a sect of the Manichasans. ^ Gino Capponi, i. 32. GUELPHS AND GHIBEIXINES 21 by the inundations of the Arno,i the porters used to take posses- sion of the place, as their refuge from rain and cold while waiting for a job ; and they used to have a fire there and play dice when work was slack." There were sometimes seventy or eighty of them there, and the oaths and profane language of which they made use at such times so shocked one Piero di Luca Borsi, who seems to have been a kind of " ganger," that he induced them to agree that anyone using a blasphemous expression should pay a fine of a crazia? Before long these fines amounted to a con- siderable sum, which Piero persuaded his companions " to expend in providing six litters, one for each ward of the city, and to appoint every week two of their number to each litter for the purpose of carrying poor sick persons or those who had met with accidents to hospitals, or of carrying away those who died suddenly or were killed in the streets. And that was the humble origin of the society which became so celebrated in Florentine history and which has lasted more than six hundred years." ^ Although the conflict between Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence had been hitherto indecisive, outside the city walls the Ghibelline cause was in the ascendant. The efforts of the Emperor Frederick II. to diminish the temporal power of the Church and to re-establish the authority of the Empire had, notwithstanding papal anathemas, been on the whole successful. Innocent IV. had been compelled to fly to France for safety, and the power of the Lombard League had been broken at the Battle of Corte Nuova. In his endeavours to reduce the Tuscan cities to submission, Frederick, in 1246, opened negotiations with the Ghibelline chiefs in Florence. This was the signal for a renewal of hostilities, and from 1247 to 1248 the struggle between the two parties raged with redoubled fury. Every class of the community took part in it, and every occupation but arms ceased. It was not, however, till the arrival of 1,600 Germans under Frederick of Antioch, a natural son of the Emperor, that the Ghibellines succeeded in mastering their opponents. The final melee took place early in 1249, when Rustico ^ This piazza was in the thirteenth century about two feet lower than it is now. Trollope, i. 120, note. ^ A crazia is now equal to about two-thirds of a penny. = Trollope, i. 119, 120. This account is derived from the Istoria dell' Oratorio e della Venerabile Arcionfratemitb. della Misericordia, scritta da Pacido Landini. New edition by Abate Pietro Pillori. Florence, 1843. 22 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE MarignoUi, the standard-bearer and one of the most valiant of the Guelphs, was slain. Thereupon the party leaders, seeing that further resistance was useless, determined on Candlemas Night (February 2nd) to leave the city. But before doing so, they marched fully armed to the cloister of San Lorenzo, where they buried MarignoUi by torchlight in the presence of a crowd of spectators. The ceremony was weirdly impressive, and had rather the appearance of a sacrament — of a solemn vow of vengeance sworn on the body of a dead comrade — than of a mere funeral rite.^ The victors, not content with the exile of their opponents, pillaged and demolished their houses and the churches which they were in the habit of frequenting. No less than thirty-six mansions were destroyed, including the magnificent home of the Tosinghi, called // Palazzo, as being alone worthy of the name. It stood near the Mercato Vecchio,^ and was 172 feet 6 inches high, with a tower 230 feet high.^ A lofty tower belonging to the Adimari family, which was called Guarda- morto* and stood in the Piazza S. Giovanni, was thrown down ; and Villani charges the Ghibellines with having attempted to involve the destruction of the Baptistery in its fall.^ He says that, through the intervention of S. John, the tower, manifestly swerving as it fell, came down in the piazza, and that the people marvelled at the miracle.^ The escape of this beautiful building was probably due to the precautions that were secretly taken by the great sculptor Niccola Pisano, to whom the execution of this infamous design had been entrusted.'' This was the first of that long series of savage reprisals, which for centuries darkened the history of Florence.^ Each party, as it triumphed in turn over its rivals, endeavoured to perpetuate its supremacy by driving them into exile, by destroying their houses, and confiscating their property. But nothing is more remarkable in the annals of these internecine contests than the speedy 1 Villari, i. 182. 2 The Mercato Vecchio stood where the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele now stands. 3 villani, lib. vi. cap. 33. * So called because it was customary to watch or guard the dead, who were to be buried in the Church of S. Giovanni, for a certain number of hours in a room in this tower. Vasari (1850), i. 65. ' S. Giovanni (the present Baptistery) was the chief church in Florence frequented by the Guelphs, and S. Pietro Scheraggio was the resort of the Ghibellines. 6 villani, lib. vi. cap. 33. ' Villari, i. 183 ; Vasari (1850), 65. The Baptistery was subsequently restored throughout by Arnolfo di Cambio. 8 Villari, i. 183. GUELPHS AND GHIBELLINES 23 resuscitation of the conquered faction. However cruel and extreme the punishment inflicted by the victors, it was never sufficient to eflfectually crush the vanquished. Nor was this any exception. The rule of the Ghibelline nobles was very oppres- sive, and the burghers, smarting under their insolence and groan- ing under increased taxation, soon put an end to it. Many of the Guelph fugitives had taken refuge in the castles of Monte- varchi and Capraia in the Val d' Arno, to both of which the Ghibellines laid siege. Capraia was forced by starvation to surrender, but Montevarchi held out; its garrison sallied forth and killed and captured nearly all the assailants. The news of this victory reached Florence on September 20th, 1250, and so inspirited the populace that they at once menaced the govern- ment. Large and tumultuous meetings were held, and on October 20th the nobles thought it prudent to retire and fortify themselves in their palaces. The people drove \ihepodesla from office and formed a provisional government almost without op- position; and when the news of the death of the Emperor Frederick II. (which occurred on December 13th) reached Florence, the Ghibellines yielded formal submission. CHAPTER III 1251-1266 IL PRIMO POPOLO — BATTLE OF MONTAPERTI — TRADE GUILDS ON January 8th, 1251, the exiled Guelphs re-entered Florence, and a new constitution was shortly afterwards established. The ofiice of podestci. was abolished, but only to be revived the succeeding year. A new officer was appointed, who was called capitano del fopolo?- As his title indicates, he was the chief of the popular party, and he was evidently intended as a counter- poise to the podestA. He was placed at the head of the recently organised militia,^ and the exercise of certain judicial functions was entrusted to him. Like the podesta, he was to be a foreigner, and he was required to bring with him his judges, knights, and war-horses. He resided at first in the Badia, and he held office for one year. The banner of the people ^ was committed to his charge, and it was his duty to summon assemblies of the people by causing the bell in the Lions Tower to be rung. The podestd, however, remained the chief official representative of the Republic in its foreign affairs. He was commander of the regular troops (which consisted mainly of cavalry recruited almost exclusively from the ranks of the grandi) ; and he retained his judicial authority, except in cases of assaults by the nobles on the people, which were decided in the court of the capitano del popolo. In order that the dignity of his office might not be impaired by the appointment of the capitano, it was resolved to give him an official residence, and for this purpose the splendid palace, which for many years was known as the Bargello, and is now used as a 1 He was also called "Defender of the Guilds" and "Captain of tke Guelphs." Uberto of Lucca was the first captain of the people. 2 This militia comprised twenty companies raised in the city and ninety-six raised in the contado (one from each parish). Each company was commanded hy a gonfaloniere (sianAaxA-hesxex). Villari, i. 189. 8 This banner was half red and half white. That of the Republic bore the gtglio. 24 IL PRIMO POPOLO 25 national museum, was built.' Podestci and capitano del popolo had each a General and a Special Council over which they presided, but differently constituted; for the grandi were ad- mitted to the councils of the former, while those of the latter were composed only of popolani? In addition to these reforms, twelve elders {Anziani) were elected by the people, two from each sestieri, who formed a kind of cabinet, and were advised by a Board of twenty-six Buonomini. The Anziani seem to have had some of the attributes of the consuls of former days, but how far they controlled the podestci or capitano del popolo is not clear. This constitution, which was the first really popular govern- ment that Florence possessed, has been called // Primo Popolo. It was certainly conceived in no illiberal spirit, and it indicates a desire to allow each of the two great parties, into which the com- munity was divided, a voice in the government. Machiavelli says of it that it laid the foundation of Florentine liberty.^ Never- theless, it did not promote tranquillity; indeed its form seems to have contemplated civil strife. The appointment of two military officers, of almost equal rank and with a co-ordinate civil juris- diction, who were by the nature of their positions leaders of opposite factions, was hardly calculated to make for peace. // primo popolo, at the outset of its career, carried on the government with some moderation and much success. As signs of the material prosperity of the city about this time, it may be noted that in 1252 the first gold coin was struck* and a fourth bridge over the Arno, the Ponte alia Trinitk, was built.* In the same year it was ordered that copies of State documents should be made and preserved. This was the commencement of the valuable capitoli which still exist." These were the times lauded by Dante ^ when " the citizens of Florence lived soberly, ' It was commenced about 1250. ^ Villari, i. 189. The podesth's General Council comprised 90 and his Special Council 300 members. The capitano' s General and Special Councils comprised respectively 80 and 220 members. Of one or other of the two latter the Anziani, the Guild Consuls, and the Gonfaloniers of Militia were ex-oJBcio members. 3 Machiavelli, p. 72. * It was a gold florin containing seventy-two grains of twenty-four carat gold, stamped with a figure of S. John on one side and the Florentine Uly on the other. It was coined at a mint that stood on that part of the Uffizi which the post-office now occupies. Previously the coinage took place at the old mint (Zecca Vecchia), which stood behind the Church of S. Croce. Napier, i. 602 ; Homer, i. 337. ° It was a wooden bridge, and built by Lamberto de' Frescobaldi. Horner, i. 490' ' Villari, i. 201. ' Paradiso, xv. 97, etc. 26 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE on poor food, without extravagance, and in many respects their customs were rude and unmannerly. Both men and women wore clothes of coarse materials, and many wore skins without lining and caps on their heads, and all wore leather boots. The Floren- tine ladies wore boots without ornaments, and the greatest were contented with one close-fitting gown of scarlet serge or camlet. . . . Such were the habits and customs of the Florentines, but they were true and loyal to each other and to the commonwealth, and while leading a rough and frugal life, they did greater and more virtuous things than are done in our times of luxury and wealth."! Beyond compelling the nobles to reduce their towers to fifty braccia (nearly loo feet) in height,^ the government did not at once take any measures to repress Ghibellinism.* But the formation of a league between the Ghibelline cities of Siena, Pisa, and Pistoja occasioned a change of policy.* It was then thought wise to act on the offensive, but when an attack on Pistoja was directed, the Ghibellines refused to take part in the war. Thereupon many of the leading families, including the Uberti and Lamberti, were banished,^ and all show of impartiality was abandoned by those in power. The exiles joined the League and hoisted the banner of the Republic, which was then a white lily on a red field, in consequence of which the State banner was changed to a red lily on a white field, and was so continued ever afterwards.^ During the next three years (1252-4) the government actively assailed GhibeUinism in many parts of Tuscany. The castle of Montaia and the town of Figline were captured in 1252, and in 1254 Poggibonsi was taken, and a Guelph government was forced on Pistoja, Volterra, and Arezzo. More important still was a convention which was extracted from Pisa whereby Florence obtained valuable mercantile privileges as well as the Castle of * Villani, lib. vi. cap. 69. i" The braccio of Florence was i foot II inches English measure. It was different in other places. s The displaced masonry was used for improving the city walls south of the Amo (Villari, i. 191). Before the middle of the thirteenth century there were no houses of importance in the Oltr' Amo, and when Buonacorso Velluti built himself a palace there, he was ridiculed for choosing a situation so remote from Florence. * Villari, i. 191. Napier (vol. i. p. 213) says they were reduced to 96 feet. " For how long does not appear. The Uberti were certainly back in Florence in 1258. * The flag of the people remained as before— half red and half white. BATTLE OF MONTAPERTI 27 Ripafratta. But before the end of the year the death of the Emperor Conrad IV. occasioned a temporary change in the prospects of . the Ghibellines. Manfred, another natural son of Frederick II., was vigorously maintaining the rights of his nephew Conradin to the crown of Naples against Pope Alexander IV., and his successes were causing the Guelphs all over Italy some anxiety. Florence thought it prudent to temporise, and (1255-6) she entered into alliances with Siena and Arezzo. In 1258 Manfred sent a secret envoy to Florence, and a plot was at once concocted in the houses of the Uberti for the overthrow of the government. But before the aid promised by Manfred had arrived the conspiracy was discovered, and the Uberti party were cited to appear before the podestd. They not only refused to obey the summons, but they attacked the civic guard. The city companies were then called out, and the Uberti were overpowered. Schiatuzzo Uberti was slain in fight, two other members of the family, Uberto and Mangia, were taken prisoners and executed in the garden adjoining Or San Michele, and the rest of the family, with other leading Ghibellines, fled to Siena. Their palace in the Piazza della Signoria, which stood where Ammanati's Fountain now stands, was utterly destroyed. The very ground it occupied was, in the eyes of the popolani, polluted, and a decree was made that no building should ever again be erected upon it.^ Hence the irregular shape of the Palazzo Vecchio,^ The Florentine refugees at Siena at once commenced scheming for the overthrow of their opponents (1258-60). They chose the famous Farinata degli Uberti as their leader,^ and he headed a deputation to Manfred. They found him, as usual, engaged in a struggle with the pope, and he was unable to spare them more than a hundred horse. Such scant assistance would have been contemptuously declined had not Farinata persuaded his colleagues to accept it, saying that he would lead the German knights into such straits that Manfred would send them more than they wanted.* These were no idle words, for he so con- trived a preliminary skirmish that the hundred troopers were ^ As to the hatred which the people felt for the Uberti see Ammirato, i. 193. He says that they attributed all their ills to that family, specifying the attempt to destroy San Giovanni and excessive taxation. The haughty bearing of the Uberti was also a great cause of offence. ^ Perkins questions this. Tuscan Sculptors, i. 56. ^ His statue stands outside the Ufiizi, facing the Lung" Arno. He died in 1264. * Villari, i. zo6. 28 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE routed and their banner captured and trailed in the mud, in consequence of which Manfred sent a body of 800 German cavalry, under Count Giordano of San Severino, to Siena. Farinata and his party, seeing that even when thus reinforced they were not strong enough to attack Florence with any chance of success, determined, if possible, to inveigle the Florentine army into Sienese territory. Emissaries, who pretended that they had been sent by the Sienese Guelphs, were accordingly despatched to Florence, and they informed the Amiani at a secret interview that Siena was weary of a Ghibelline rule, and that those who had sent them would for 10,000 florins open the gates of the city to the Florentine forces. The bona fides of the messengers never seems to have been suspected. When, however, the proposal for a march on Siena came before the Great Council, although favoured by the people, it met with vehement opposition from the nobles, who foresaw the danger of marching into an enemy's country, and were aware of the superiority of the German cavalry to their own. An angry debate ensued, during which Cece Gheradini was fined 300 lire and threatened with death for venturing to thwart the popular will. His advice and that of the other nobles was disdainfully rejected, and war was declared. The Florentine army left the city in August. It had drawn recruits from Lucca, Bologna, Perugia, Orvieto, and other Guelph cities, and it must have numbered at least 30,000 foot and 3,000 horse. It was not well organised, and it contained many Ghibel- lines who had been forcibly compelled to enlist. The invading army encamped around the hill of Montaperti, expecting that, as arranged with the envoys, the gate of S. Vito would be thrown open to them. Instead of this they saw, to their dismay, the Sienese army approaching. ^ The great battle of Montaperti commenced on the morning of September 4th, and lasted all day. The Florentines fought stubbornly, but they lost heart when the Ghibellines, whom they had pressed into the service, deserted. Then a general stampede took place, only the guard of the carroccio, commanded by Giovanni Tornaquinci, a veteran of seventy years old, refused to fly, and gallantly held their ground until every man of them was killed. The carroccio, the martinella, ^ Just before the army left the city Siena had been solemnly dedicated to the Virgin, with grotesque ceremonies and hysterical eloquence, by one Messer Buonaguida. Ever after it was known as Civitas Virginis. BATTLE OF MONTAPERTI 29 and the banner of Florence were carried in triumph to Siena.^ Villani estimates the Florentine losses at 2,500 killed and 1,500 prisoners, but they probably largely exceeded those numbers.^ The Sienese historians put them at 10,000 killed, 5,000 wounded, and 15,000 taken prisoners, and their own losses at 500. So ended the battle — " Che feu V Arbia colorata in rosso," ' and which " destroyed the old popular government of Florence, which had achieved so many victories and had existed for ten years with so much dignity."* The consternation among the Guelphs when the news of the battle reached Florence was very great. It was evident that resistance to the victorious army would be useless, and on September 13th a large number of Guelph families left their homes, many of whom took up their abode for a time at Lucca. ^ This exodus of the party occa- sioned even more misery than that of 1248, for as it was more numerous, and as Ghibellinism was in the ascendant in almost every town in Tuscany, the difficulty of finding new homes was much increased. The Ghibelline army reached Florence on September i6th, when they found the gates standing open and the streets empty. They pillaged the deserted houses of the Guelphs, but few other outrages were perpetrated.® Count Guido Novello was installed podesta for two years. He took up his abode in the Communal Palace, and he made a road from it to the city walls, which now bears the name Via Ghibellina. As Count Giordano of San Severino, Manfred's representative in Tuscany, was about to be recalled, it became necessary to take measures for maintaining the ascendancy of the Ghibelline party before his departure. With this object a congress of the leading Tuscan Ghibellines was held at Empoli. The Sienese and Pisan deputies urged that no means would be so effectual for the maintenance of Manfred's authority as the destruction of Florence. This view found favour in the assembly, and it would probably have prevailed but for the courageous opposi- tion of the patriotic Farinata degli Uberti. At the end of a ' The two poles now in the cathedral at Siena were for a long time said to be those belonging to this carroccio, but modern antiquaries think that they are part of an old one that belonged to Siena. ^ Villani, lib. vi. cap. 78; Villari, i. 211. ' Inferno, x. 86. * Villani, lib. vi. cap. 78. ° Villani gives the names of sixty-five families who left Florence. ' Excepting the shameful desecration of Aldobrandino Ottobuoni's tomb. 30 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE speech full of burning indignation, he declared that no such doom should be executed on his native city while he could wield a sword in her defence, and having said this he left the room in anger.i His speech had such an effect on the assembly that the project was at once abandoned. Before quitting Florence (1261) Count Giordano deposed the magistrates, deprived the citizens of many of their privileges,^ and firmly established the Ghibellines in power. The government was now ostensibly in the hands of the Ghibelline nobles, but the podesta. Count Guido Novello, who succeeded Count Gior- dano as Manfred's vicar, was little less than absolute ruler. He retained the two councils, but the Anziani and the office of capitano del popolo seem to have been abolished. He perse- cuted the Guelph party, demolishing their houses and imposing extortionate taxes on such of them as had not fled. Not content with these measures, he made war on Lucca and compelled the government of that city to refuse to allow any Guelph to take refuge within its walls. They were allowed oiily three days to remove, and after experiencing great hardships they at length found an asylum at Bologna. A change was now taking place in Italian politics. The designs of the popes to extend their temporal power brought them into collision with those who were striving for municipal independence, and the Church frequently found itself in antagonism to its old supporters, the Guelphs. The two party names were losing their original significations, and implied rather approval of a democratic or of an aristocratic government than adherence to the Church or the Empire. The disturbances in Italy were also aggravated in another way by the pohcy of the popes, who never scrupled to call in foreign aid to further their ambitious schemes. "And no sooner had they raised a prince to power than they repented and sought to compass his ruin, nor would they consent that any province which their own weakness prevented them from holding should be possessed by another."^ This pernicious policy was initiated by Urban IV., who, in order to break the power of Manfred, invited Charles of Anjou ' In spite of his patriotism, Dante has placed him in Hell on account of his unorthodoxy. Inferno, canto x. 32. 2 Machiavelli says that this was done with little discretion and greatly in- tensified the hatred of the lower orders towards the Ghibelline party. ' Machiavelli, p. 50. TRADE GUILDS 31 to take possession of the Neapolitan throne.^ Charles was not slow to accept the offer, but before he entered Italy Urban was dead. He arrived in Rome on May 24, 1265, with a thousand men-at-arms, and shortly afterwards he was crowned King of the two Sicilies. His coming inspired the Guelphs all over Italy with fresh hope. Four hundred Florentine refugees at Bologna formed themselves into a troop and took part in the battle of Grandella, near Benevento (1266), where Manfred was slain and his army defeated.^ This battle was a turning point in the fortunes of the Ghibellines. The Guelphs in Florence took heart and showed signs of hostility to the dominant faction. Count Guido would have granted them a share in the govern- ment but for the opposition of his less prudent followers. So, apprehensive of their growing power, he resorted to a temporising policy, and invited to Florence two knights of a Quixotic order — half religious and half military — that had been recently established at Bologna, the members of which were known as Frafi Gaudentifi These knights, one of whom was a Guelph and the other a Ghibelhne, were conjointly appointed to the office of podestA, and they nominated a council of thirty-six members, comprising prominent men of both parties and of different classes — Guelphs and Ghibellines, grandi and popolani — to assist them. This council passed some useful reforms, but it devoted most of its attention to reconstructing the trade guilds, making them highly efficient industrial organisations, and impart- ing to them a quasi-military character.* These Guilds {Arti) now became a most important factor in the Florentine polity ; indeed, for more than a century they were the very backbone of the commonwealth. They were divided 1 The popes ignored the claims of Conradin, the legitimate heir, because his grandfether, Frederick II., and his descendants had been excommunicated. Urban IV. had previously failed in preventing a marriage between Manfred's daughter Constance and Peter, the son of King James of Aragon. From this union sprung the claims of the house of Aragon to the two Sicilies. 2 To mark his gratitude, the pope (Urban's successor, Clement IV.) authorised them to bear on their banner his own arms (a red eagle on a white shield with a green dragon in its talons), which, with the addition of a small red Florentine giglio placed over the eagle's head, became the arms of the Parte Guelfa. * They are contemptuously alluded to by Villani, who says (punning on their name) that they thought more of enjoying themselves than of anything else (lib. vii. cap. 13). * Whether any of the lesser as well as the greater guilds were now re- organised seems doubtful (Villari, i. 233 ; Napier, i. 270 ; Machiavelli, p. 74). This was probably done later (Villani, lib. vii. cap. 13). 32 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE into Greater and Lesser Guilds — ^^^/ Maggiori and Artt Minori?- The Arti Ma^iori comprised : — (i) The Guild of Judges and Notaries. {VArte dei Giudici e dei Notai.) (2) The Guild of Dressers and Dyers of Foreign Cloth. {L'Arte di Calimala.) (3) The Guild of Cloth Manufacturers. {L'Arte della Lana.) (4) The Guild of Silk Manufacturers. {L'Arte di For San Maria.) (5) The Guild of Bankers and Money Changers. {L'Arte del Cambio.) (6) The Guild of Doctors and Druggists. {L'Arte dei Medici e Speziali.) (7) The Guild of Furriers. {L'Arte dei Vajai.) According to Villani,^ there were at this time only five Arti Minori, consisting of (i.) Mercers and Linendrapers {Baldrigari), (ii.) Butchers {Beccart), (iii.) Shoemakers {Calzolat), (iv.) Master Masons and Carpenters {Maestri di pietre e di legname), and (v.) Blacksmiths and Ironmongers {Fabri e Ferraiuoli). They sub- sequently numbered fourteen, comprising (i) Butchers {Beccai), (2) Shoemakers {Caholai), (3) Tanners {Galigai), (4) Masons {Muratort), (5) Oil - merchants {Oliandoli), (6) Linendrapers {Linaiuoli), (7) Locksmiths {Chiavaiuoli), (8) Armourers {Corazzai), (9) Saddlers {Coreggiat), (10) Carpenters {Legnaiuolt), (11) Innkeepers {Albergatori), (12) Blacksmiths {Fabbn), (13) Wine-merchants {Vinattieri), (14) Bakers {Fornai).^ The Lesser Guilds varied in number and constitution from time to time (e.g. the Butchers, Bakers, and Oil-merchants were associated together ^ Machiavelli is mistaken in saying (p. 74) that these guilds were now first estahlished. They were in existence before 1204 (Villari, i. 313 ; Napier, i. 270). Trollope (vol. i. p. 176) has adopted Machiavelli's error. "^ Lib. vii. cap. 13. ' This is the list given by Ammirato (vol. i. p. 291, note) and adopted by Peruzzi (p. 58). Professor Villari substitutes " Salters" for "Oil-merchants." In 1527 the Tanners and Linendrapers were replaced by Hosiers and Hucksters (Rigaitieri). Varchi, p. 67. There were other small crafts, some of which obtained a great reputation, e.g. wood and stone carvers and wax image makers, which do not seem to have formed themselves into associations (Villari, i. 341). TRADE GUILDS 33 in one guild), and some of them were occasionally promoted to rank with the Greater Guilds. They had as yet no political importance, but they carried within them the germs of party strife. At the head of the Greater Guilds in age, wealth, and in- fluence stood the Calimala, so called from the street in which its offices were situated.^ The manufacture of woollen stuffs had been carried on in Italy from an early date, but the Tuscan hill- sides being more suitable for vineyards and olive groves than pasture, the supply of home-grown wool was unequal to the de- mand. To supplement the deficiency the enterprising Florentine merchants bought large quantities of cloth from foreign countries, especially from France, Flanders, Holland, and England.^ But these purchased goods were coarse and ill-finished, and neither in make nor colour did they satisfy the refined Florentine taste. Accordingly workshops were established in which they were carded, shaved, milled, pressed, and dyed afresh, and as the wool of which they were made was' finer than any that Italy could produce, when thus finished they were superior to home- made materials. This was the nature of the work done by the members of the great Calimala Guild. And to such a pitch of perfection did they carry the art of " finishing " that cloth bear- ing the Calimala trade-mark commanded a high price all over Europe, and was often sold at a profit in the country where it had been made. They were also noted for their skill as dyers, and among their finest products was the crimson cloth of which the lucco (a hooded cloak worn by Florentine magistrates and legislators) was made.' The greater guilds had each their own statutes, but their con- stitution was very similar.* Every six months the heads of the ' The derivation (icaXis /4aX\6s, a white fleece) suggested in Horner (vol. i. p. 150) is too far-fetched for acceptance. The name of the street may have been derived from calls malus, a " bad" or " evil lane" (Villari, i. 233). It is remarkable how many of the great families, who took a leading part in public affairs, belonged to this guild. Among others of note were the Acciaiuoli, Albert!, Albizzi, Bardi, Capponi, Cerchi, Perurzi, Pucci, and Ricci. ^ These fofeign stuffs, no matter what country they came from, were called fanni Franceschi. After a time the Florentines established cloth factories in foreign countries, and sent the rough cloth there made to Florence to be dressed and dyed. ' In 1336 this guild possessed twenty factories, which turned out annually 10,000 pieces of dressed cloth, worth 300,000 gold florins (not far short of half a million pounds sterling present value) (Villani, lib. xi. cap. 94). * The statutes of the Arti di Lana regulated the behaviour of its members put of business hours. They were forbidden to congregate in the streets or make a noise at night (Peruzzi, p. 66). 34 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE manufactories and warehouses of each guild met and chose a body of electors, whose duty it was to nominate the chief officials, viz. the consuls, the notary, and the treasurer {camar- lingo). The consuls managed the affairs of the guild and, with the notary, sat as a tribunal to enforce obedience to the statutes and settle trade disputes. A member who brought any matter relating to his craft before one of the national courts of justice was liable to heavy penalties. There were also two councils (a special coundil and a general council, usually consisting of not less than twelve and eighteen members respectively), whose duties seem to have been legislative rather than administrative. Vice- consuls were appointed who resided in the larger Italian and other European towns to protect the interests of the guild. Out- going officials were required to give an account of their steward- ship to a committee appointed for the purpose, and the cash books of all members were subject to periodical examinations by inspectors. All merchandise and manufactured goods were also examined, and if found deficient in quality or quantity, a penalty was exacted. The Calimala Guild required a label to be placed on every piece of cloth put on the market, on which its exact measurement and any imperfections had to be specified. A member transgressing any of the regulations of his guild was fined, and if after warning he refused to pay the fine imposed, he was expelled from the association. As his goods did not then bear the stamp of the guild (which was a certificate that they had been examined and passed) they were practically unmarket- able, and so expulsion entailed virtual ruin. The prosperity of the Calimala began to decline when in the fifteenth century the exportation of cloth which had not been " fulled "^ or "barbed, rowed, and shorn "^ was prohibited by the English Parliament. The Guild of Lawyers {Giudici e Notai) cannot in strictness be called a trade guild, as it was a society of professional men. For this reason, perhaps, it was viewed with some jealousy by the other guilds, and was not always accorded the same political privileges. But from what has been said, it will be seen that the lawyers were closely connected with the mercantile life of the city through membership of the governing bodies of the other guilds. Their own guild attained great influence and reputation, and it was "considered the parent stem of the whole notarial profession throughout Christendom, inasmuch as the great 1 7 Ed. IV. cap 3. ■>■ 3 Hen. VII. cap ii. TRADE GUILDS 35 masters of that profession have been leaders and members of this guild. Bologna is the fountain of doctors of law, Florence of the doctors of the notariate." "^ Subsequently the consuls of all the guilds {capitudint) elected a proconsul? who was always a notary, and was, as it were, the president of a great mercantile federation. The Association of Clothiers {Arte della Land) was at this time only second in importance to the Calimala. The manu- facture of woollen stufifs^ in Italy is said to have been stimu- lated by a band of Lombards, who had been exiled to North Germany in 1014, and who there acquired a thorough know- ledge of the craft. They formed themselves into a lay order, known as the Umilitati, and on their return to their native country, in 10 19, they established a cloth factory which was worked by the confraternity until it became a religious order in 1 140. They continued, however, to superintend the works which they had founded, and in 1239, at the invitation of the Florentines, they opened a factory at the convent of San Donato a Torre (where the Villa DemidofF now stands), which was removed in 1251 to the church of S. Lucia sul Prato.^ In 1256 they founded the church and convent of the Ognissanti, from , which date the manufacture of Florentine cloth advanced with rapid strides, and in course of time the wealth of the Arte della Lana exceeded that of the Calimala.^ But its importance diminished when cloth-making improved in England and the Netherlands. Florentine cloth continued, however, to be largely exported to the East after it had been ousted from the markets of the West. The offices of the guild were situated behind the church of Or San Michele, and adjoined those of the Calimala. L'Arte di For San Maria, as the Guild of Silk was called from the situation of its headquarters, originally comprised retailers of woollen goods as well as silk dealers and manufacturers ; but as the latter industry expanded, its connection with the wool ' Goro Dati, cited by Villari, i. 313. ''■ Woollen stuffs were manufactured in Lucca as early as 846 a.d. Peruzri, p. 61. ^ Richa, iv. 206 ; Peruzzi, p. 64. * At the end of the thirteenth century about 2,380 sacks of English wool, worth some ;^2S,ooo to ^£■30,000, were annually sent to Florence, and in 1315 the Florentines purchased wool from no less than 200 English monasteries (Peruzzi, pp. 71-9 and 176). The Arte della Lana possessed about 300 shops, and made more than 100,000 pieces of cloth (Villani, lib. ix. cap. 94). 36 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE trade ceased.^ It did not take a prominent position as early as some of the other guilds,^ and it was not till the glory of the Calimala and the Arte della Lana were on the wane that it reached the zenith of its prosperity. In the latter half of the fifteenth century there were no less than eighty-three silk factories in Florence; and Florentine satins, velvets, and gold brocades had an unrivalled reputation all over Europe. The Guild of Bankers or Moneylenders {Arte del Cambio) is the one which history most closely identifies with Florentine enter- prise.^ The origin of our present system of banking, which has done so much for the increase of wealth and the advancement of civilisation, is unquestionably due to the long-headed merchants of Florence. Their extensive trade necessitated the establish- ment of agencies in all the chief centres of commerce, and as it was both of an export and an import character, the offices of Florentine merchants abroad became, as it were, local clearing- houses, and the trouble of payments in specie was largely avoided. Moreover, the perfect organisation of the guilds afforded the agents a comparatively easy means of communi- cating not only with Florence, but with each other. Hence a system of correspondence throughout the commercial world was established. Florentine merchants were thus placed in a position to make payments on receipt of written orders (lettere di cambio) from trustworthy and substantial correspondents ; and as they received a profit (agio) on the transaction, this gradually became a lucrative branch of their business, and ultimately developed into an independent trade. The success of the Florentine financiers was also largely due to the reputation for ability and integrity which they had earned, but doubtless they owed much to the purity of Florentine coinage, as well as to their close financial relations with Rome. The popes often appointed Florentines who were living abroad to collect tenths and other taxes claimed by the papal curia ; and this raised their status, as it caused them to be regarded not merely as merchants, but as the pope's bankers.* 1 Lucca was one of the first Italian towns in which silk was manufactured. There is some evidence that there was a silk factory there in 846 A.D. (Peruzzi p. 61), but it is usually supposed that the craft was not introduced to Italy from the East before 1148. ^ But it was certainly existing in 1204 (Peruzzi, p. 86). ' It was established before 1204 (Peruzzi, p. 136). ' Peruzzi, p. 169. In 1233 Tuscan bankers were forwarding remittances to Rome from many parts of the world (Villari, i. 330). In 1264 the TRADE GUILDS 37 The members of the Arte del Cambio carried on business in the Mercato Nuovo, where, in 1338, there were about eighty moneychangers' stalls. Accurate records of all transactions were required to be kept, and no one was admitted to the guild who had not served as a probationer. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the most prominent members of the guild had a world- wide reputation. The Bardi, Peruzzi, Aociaiuoli, Pitti, and Medici occupied much the same position that the Rothschilds do now. They frequently made large loans to foreign princes, and Philippe de Commines alleged that our Edward IV. owed his crown to the help of Florentine bankers.^ The Guild of Doctors and Druggists (Arte dei Medici e Speziali) was of less importance than some of the others, but the large amount of drugs and spices that they imported helped to encourage the trade with the Levant. Their oflSces were situated at the south-east corner of the Mercato Nuovo. Of the Guild of Furriers (Arte dei Vajai) we do not hear much. They imported no less than twenty-two varieties of furs, and ministered to the taste for costly apparel, which the legisla- ture vainly tried to repress. They carried on business in the Via Pelliceria, near the Via CaUmala. Such, in brief, was the nature and constitution of the famous Trade Guilds of Florence. It is obvious that they must have enormously promoted commercial prosperity. But they had also an educational effect which was of political value. The govern- ment of all of them was representative, and many members of each guild being required to take part in the administration of its affairs, a vast number of citizens were fitted for public life. This was no doubt a source of strength to the Republic, but it may perhaps have induced that craving for office which had such a disturbing influence on Florentine politics. The novel feature introduced into the guilds by the reorganisa- tion of 1266 was the assignment of a standard (gonfalon) to each of them, and the provision of arms for their members. Thus a kind of militia was formed which could be called out at a Simonetti, Bacarelli, Ardinghi, Spinelli, and other Florentine firms were collecting for the pope in London, and in the next century the Spini, Mozzi, Bardi, Peruzzi, Acciaiuoli, and Alberti of Florence were at different times his London agents (Calendar of Papal Registers, i. 395, 598-604, and ii. 567). ^ Edward III. would hardly have been in a position to have won Cressy without the enormous sums which Florentine bankers had advanced to him during the early years of his war with France. 38 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE moment's notice in the interests of the middle classes, and a formidable weapon was placed in the hands of the Guelph party.i The Arte di Calimala took a leading part in the reformation of the guilds, and the proceedings which led to the overthrow of the Ghibelline rule were held in its offices. These reforms were not allowed to pass without opposition, but it was of a feeble character. The Lamberti and their followers, shouting, "Where are those thieves, the Thirty-six, that we may cut them to pieces " drove the Thirty-six from the Council Chamber.2 The people, whom excessive taxation had made discontented with the Ghibelline rule, at once flew to arms and barricaded the streets. Count Guido Novello endeavoured to restore order, but his cavalry were received with a shower of missiles from the windows and housetops, and losing heart he sounded a retreat. On November nth he had some 1,500 troops under his com- mand, and hardly a blow had been struck, but in a panic he left the city under the protection of three members of the Thirty-six, and with all his forces withdrew to Prato. On the following day he realised his mistake and marched back to Florence, but he found the city gates closed against him. He made no further attempt to recover the city ; the Ghibellines who were with him dispersed, and betook themselves to fortresses in the contado, and their party never regained ascendancy in Florence.^ ^ It was probably in consequence of this change that we now find the guild consuls called capitudini. On each gonfalon were the arms of the guilds, viz. : — (l) The Notaries, one gold star on a blue field (? four blue stars on a gold field) ; (2) Calimala, a gold eagle perching on a white bale of wool on a red field ; (3) Cloth Manufacturers, a white lamb bearing a banner (Agnus Dei) on a red field ; (4) Por San Maria, a red doorway on a white field ; (5) Bankers, a red field sown with gold florins ; (6) Doctors and Druggists, the Madonna and Child on a red field ; (7) Furriers, an Agnus Dei in the corner of a blue field, vair. See Villani, lib. vii. cap. 13, Horner, ii., Appendix, and Gino Capponi, i. 58. ^ Villani, lib. vii. cap. 14. ^ Villari, i. 223. CHAPTER IV 1267- 1299 THE PARTE GUELFA — THE FIRST SIGNORY — BATTLE OF CAMPAL- DINO — ORDINAMENTI DELLA GIUSTOZIA — ART AND LITERA- TURE IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY THE chiefs of the faction that had effected the expulsion of Count Guido Novello, in 1267 formed a provisional govern- ment, and immediate steps were taken for allaying party strife. They dismissed the two Frati Gaudenti, they obtained a podestd, and capitano del popolo from Orvieto, they recalled all exiles — both Guelphs who had been expelled six years ago and the Ghibelline nobles who had left with Count Guido — and they arranged marriages between some of the leading families of the two parties.! But to the Guelphs who now returned, many of whom had been embittered by banishment or by the loss of relatives at Montaperti, this policy of conciliation was dis- pleasing, and they soon put an end to it. They secretly requested Charles of Anjou to aid them in repressing their opponents, and he sent Guy de Montfort^ and 800 French horsemen, who entered Florence on Easter Day, 1267. The Ghibellines had got wind of his coming, and they knew well what was in store for them. The part which they had been playing with the aid of Guido Novello and his 800 Germans was now to be played by the Guelphs and 800 Frenchmen, under Guy de Montfort. So feeling unequal to resist, they quietly left Florence on the eve of the day on which the French troops entered it.^ ^ ' Among others between the Adimari and Ubaldini, the Cavalcanti and Uberti, and the Donati and Uberti. ^ He was son of Simon de Montfort, and after his father's overthrow and death at the battle of Evesham he escaped to Italy. He subsequently became notorious through murdering his cousin, Henry of Cornwall, in a church at Viterbo, in order, as he said, to avenge the death of his father. According to Villari (vol. i. p. 224), it was Philip de Montfort who was sent with 800 horse, but both Villani and Ammirato say that it was Guy. ^ TroUope, i. 179. 39 40 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The Guelphs were now masters of the situation, and they might have retained the government entirely in their own hands had they had more confidence in themselves. But in a moment of unnecessary apprehension they followed the evil example that had been set them by their rivals, and invited Charles of Anjou (whom Clement IV. had appointed Vicar of Tuscany i) to accept the lordship of Florence, which, after a show of reluctance, he consented to do for a period of ten years. He did not reside much in Florence, but usually governed by a deputy, whom the people submissively chose as podesta, when Charles himself did not hold the office. He also nominated a council of twelve Buonomini to assist the podesth, and he occasionally chose the cafitano del fopolo. Beyond this he does not seem to have interfered much with the internal affairs of the city, for it was during his protectorate that a new constitution was evolved. This government resembled that of 1250, inasmuch as it com- prised the twelve Buonomini, the Special and General Councils of both the capitano del popolo and the podesta. As before, the councils of the capitano consisted entirely of popolani (who were now required to be Guelphs), while those of the podestd included some of the grandi, and the number of members in each council was unchanged. It differed from the primo popolo, however, in some respects. The " Thirty-six " were superseded by a council of One Hundred (taken exclusively from the popolani), the capi- tano del popolo now took precedence of the podesii (doubtless a device to restrict Charles' authority), and the consuls of the Arti Maggiori were given a larger share in the government.^ The government was now almost entirely in the hands of the Guelphs, but they were still unsatisfied. The desire for pacifica- tion, which had been displayed in the previous year, had given place to a rancorous party spirit, which aimed, not merely at the further repression, but at the complete extinction of the Ghibel- Hnes. With this end in view a society called the Parie Guelfa was established, which is one of the most singular institutions that ever formed part of any polity. The only modern associa- 1 The popes still claimed a suzerainty over Tuscany by virtue of the Countess Matilda's bequest. "^ This is the account given by Villani, lib. vii. cap. 16, but the descriptions of this government by other historians differ (see Villari, i. 226). After a ineasure had passed the Hundred it was submitted to the consuls of the Arti Maggiori for consideration, and then sent to the councils of the capitano del popolo. If approved by them it viras then passed on to the councils of the podesth, with whom were associated the consuls of the Arti Maggiori. THE PARTE GUELFA 41 tion to which it bears even a faint resemblance is that of the Tammany Ring at New York, but its methods were, of course, different. In the thirteenth century violence, banishment, and spoliation were more effectual instruments than bribery and corruption. Its constitution was as follows. It consisted of six chief officers, who were at first called " Consuls of the Knights," but subsequently "Captains" {Capitudini), three of whom were taken from the grandi and three from the popolani, a Special Council of Fourteen, and a General Council of Thirty -six members.^ The captains held office for two months, and they met in the church of S. Maria sopra Porta. The duties of the Parte Guelfa were nominally to watch over the interests of the Guelph cause, or, in other words, to persistently and systematic- ally persecute the Ghibellines by excluding them from all public offices, confiscating their property, and driving them into exile. They acted with so much ability and zeal, and contrived so completely to control the elections, " that at last the ruling spirit among the captains was the virtual ruler of Florence."^ This society exercised a more or less pernicious influence on Floren- tine affairs for about two centuries,^ and at times the tremendous powers that it had acquired for party purposes were used merely for the gratification of personal hatred. One of the first acts of the chiefs of the Parte was to obtain a list of all losses that Guelphs had sustained between the years 1260 and 1266, which according to this return amounted to the enormous sum of 13,216,084 Hre.^ Partly for the purpose of making restitution to the sufferers, during 1268 and 1269 no less than 3,000 Ghibellines were condemned as contumacious, and their possessions confiscated. The property so acquired was divided into three parts, one of which was paid away in compensation, one was given to the State, and one was retained by the Parte. As time went on, however, the whole of the proceeds of confiscations found its way into the purse of the Parte, which thus amassed great wealth. Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini was a true prophet when he said, " Now that the Guelphs have formed a fund in Florence, the Ghibellines will never return there." ^ ^ Villari, i. 230. By whom these officials were chosen is not clear. Napier's account of the constitution of the society is diflferent (vol. i. p. 278). It was established under the advice of Pope Clement IV. and Charles of Anjou. 2 Villari, i. 231. ' It was dissolved about 1471. * Villari, i. 229. s Villani, lib. vii. cap. 17. 42 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Nor were the efforts of the Guelphs to crush their opponents confined to Florence. With the aid of the French cavalry the exiled Ghibellines were hunted from place to place. They were dislodged from castles in the neighbourhood, and towns in which they had taken refuge were attacked and compelled to eject them.i And when the defeat of Conradin^ by Charles of Anjou at Tagliacozzo on August 23rd, 1268, had dispirited the Ghibellines all over Italy, Florence determined to fly at yet higher game and, if possible, to avenge the battle of Montaperti. Lucca, Pistoja, Volterra, Prato, San Gimignano and CoUe joined her in fornaing a Guelphic league, while Siena and Pisa alone remained of the opposite faction. War was accordingly declared, and on June 17th, 1269, the Sienese army was completely defeated near Colle, their general was slain, and Siena was forced to expel all Ghibellines who had found an asylum within her walls.3 In the following year a successful raid was made into Pisan territory, after which the ascendancy of the Guelphs in Tuscany was virtually complete. The position of Charles of Anjou was now (1272) formidable. He was firmly established on the throne of Naples, he had vanquished the Tuscan Ghibellines, and it looked much as if his manifest desire to become King of Italy would be realised. That was a consummation which neither of his allies had any intention of furthering, and a change in their attitude towards him consequently occurred. The Florentines required him to appoint an Italian podestoi. (as provided by their Constitution), and Pope Gregory X. offered to mediate between the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence, with a view to rescuing the latter from extinction and keeping alive an opposition to Charles' authority.* Gregory's offer was accepted by the Florentines with readiness, not merely because they desired to aid him in his new policy, but because there was a growing apprehensiveness that the Guelph grandi were becoming too powerful. A marked ^ These expeditions cost 72,000 lire. 2 Conradin, the grandson of Frederick II., was the last of the Suabian line. After the death of his uncle Manfred, though but a youth of sixteen, he led an army into Italy in support of his claims to the Two Sicilies and the empire. He was taken prisoner at Tagliacozzo, and most unwarrantably put to death by Charles of Anjou with the sanction of the pope. ' Villani, lib. vii. cap. 31. <■ With the same object in view he urged the Germans to elect Rudolf of Hapsburg King of the Romans in order to put an end to the Imperial Interregnum. THE PARTE GUELFA 43 change had taken place in the character and relative strength of Florentine factions. The power of the nobles, who were for the most part Ghibellines, was well-nigh broken, and the racial differences between the Teutonic barons and the Latin burghers had been diminished by intermarriages. The wealthy merchants, who were making their influence felt at the beginning of the cen- tury, had waxed yet stronger and were now the predominant party. An aristocracy had, in fact, been supplanted by a plutocracy. And the commercial prosperity by which this had been occasioned was rapidly improving the position of the retail traders and artificers. The struggle between the grandi^ and popolani was over for the present; the impending struggle was one between grandi and grandi ; and looming in the distance was one between th& popolo grasso ("well-to-do people," as the new aristocracy was called) and the popolo minuto (the "lower,'' or perhaps more strictly the " lower middle class ")? The two latter parties were approximately identical with the Arti Maggiori and Arti Minori, between whom conflicting interests, as will be shortly seen, en- gendered much jealousy and political antagonism. In June, 1273, Pope Gregory X., who was on his way to attend a council at Lyons, came to Florence and endeavoured by the aid of an impressive ceremonial to heal the breach between the two parties. He was attended by the Emperor Baldwin and a suite of cardinals and barons, and also by Charles of Anjou, with whom he was still outwardly on friendly terms. He took up his residence in the palace of the Mozzi, one of the families who had recently acquired great wealth by trade.^ On July 2nd large platforms were erected on the sandy bed of the Arno (which was running very low, as was often the case at this time of year) near the Ponte Rubaconte (now alle Grazie), and on these the Pope, with his cardinals and the King and the Emperor, sat in state, and peace between Guelphs and Ghibellines was solemnly proclaimed in the presence of a great concourse of ^ There is henceforth occasionally some confusion in the use of the word grandi. It is sometimes applied to the remnant of the old nobles, and some- times to the popolani grassi. These two classes, in spite of intermarriages, never completely amalgamated, and we find jealousies between them more than a century later. ^ The popolo minuto only included such of the shopkeepers, artisans, etc., as were enfranchised. Beneath them were the plebs (or ciompi, as they were afterwards called), who had no civic rights. ' They were at this time the papal bankers. Their palace stood at the end of the Via de' Bardi. 44 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE people. Representatives of the two parties were required to attend and to kiss each other on the mouth and to enter into recognizances for obedience to the Pope's mandate, and all who disobeyed were threatened with excommunication. But within four days the GhibeUines fled from Florence, in consequence, it is said, of a secret intimation from Charles that if they remained they would be cut to pieces. The Pope, who had intended passing the summer at Florence, immediately quitted it in high dudgeon and placed the city under an interdict.^ Hatred between Guelph and GhibelUne was in truth a disease too deep-seated to yield to any external remedies such as intervention or authority, even when acidified with spiritual anathemas, and so the Guelphs, in defiance of the Pope, continued, with King Charles' aid, to persecute the GhibeUines in the surrounding country. It was not long, however, before they lost Charles' assistance, for his lordship of Florence expired in 1277, and the coolness which had existed between him and the Church during the papacy of Gregory X. became an open rupture after the election of Nicholas III. ,2 who compelled him to resign his office of Vicar of Tuscany. Charles' removal must have been a source of satis- faction to many Florentines, but it did not promote tranquillity. "The Guelph. grandi (1278), resting on their laurels won in foreign wars, and fattening on the goods of the banished GhibeUines and on gains from other sources, began through pride and envy to quarrel among themselves, whence arose much disturbance in Florence, and many bloody and mortal feuds." ^ The chief contest (1279) was between the Adimari on one side and the Tosinghi Donati, and Pazzi on the other,* and almost the whole city took • When he returned from Lyons at the end of the year the Arno was swollen, and he could not cross it except by one of the Florentine bridges. As it was impossible for a pope to enter a city that was under the ban of the Church, the interdict was suspended while he traversed its streets. 2 Gregory X. died in December, 1275, and during the next seventeen months three popes, viz. Innocent V., Adrian V., and John XXI., were successively elected and died. In 1277 Cardinal Gian Gaetano, a member of the Orsini family, was elected and assumed the name of Nicholas III. He has been placed by Dante in hell on account of his nepotism (/n/., xix. 67-72), but he aimed at more than the aggrandisement of his family, and before his death the papal states were increased by Romagna and the exarchate of Ravenna. 3 ViUani, lib. vii.'cap. 56. •• The Adimari were one of the leading Guelph families and held a prominent position in the fifteenth century. Their houses occupied a consider- able portion of the north-east end of the present Via Calzaioli. The Pazzi, two hundred years later, were only second in wealth and influence to the Medici. One of their palaces was the splendid building now known as the THE PARTE GUELFA 45 part in the strife. It is not unlikely that these quarrels were fomented by Charles of Anjou in order that the city might feel the need of his rule.^ But if so, he was out in his calculations, as the Florentines, instead of turning to him in their troubles, sought the good offices of his arch enemy, the Pope. The Guelph captains rejiresented to Nicholas III. that their party was in danger of being broken up, and at the same time the Ghibelline exiles prayed him to enforce the pacification ordained by Gregory X. Nicholas at once despatched his legate, Cardinal Latino, who entered Florence with three hundred horsemen on October 8th, 1279,2 and was honourably received, a procession headed by the carrocdo (a most unusual compliment) being sent out to meet him. He was a Dominican, so took up his abode with the friars of his order at their convent in the Piazza S. Maria Novella, and ten days after his arrival he laid the foundation stone of the beautiful church from which that piazza takes its name. A parliament was assembled in front of the convent, and plenary powers were conferred on the cardinal to enable him to execute his mission. His endeavours to suppress family feuds were on the whole successful. Intermarriages were arranged among members of the Adimari, Pazzi, Donati, and Tosinghi families, but some of the Buondelmonti refused alliances with the Uberti, and were in consequence excommunicated and banished. The reconciliation between Guelphs and Ghibellines was a more difficult matter. The exiled Ghibellines were recalled, and restitution for their losses was ordered to be made. All statutes tending to per- petuate strife were repealed, and all associations formed by one party for the purpose of injuring the other were declared illegal. An elaborate agreement embodying these and other pacific pro- visions was drawn up, and substantial guarantees were given by both parties for its performance. On January i8th, 1280, another solemn farce was enacted on the same spot and with much the same ceremony as that of 1273, and with but little better results. "A noble speech" was delivered by the cardinal, who was a great orator, kisses of peace were exchanged, and the agreement was publicly ratified, but the greater part of it remained a dead letter. The Ghibellines were indeed allowed for a time to Palazzo Quaratesi (rebuilt after the Pazzi conspiracy). This is one of the few old Florentine families that is still flourishing. i Ammirato i., 280. ^ Villari, i. 260. Villani (lib. vii. cap. 56) gives 1278 as the date. 46 A HISTORY OF FLORlENCE continue in Florence, but they never received the promised indemnity, and the Parte Guelfa, despite its want of legal status, flourished like a green bay tree. One reform effected by the cardinal would have been beneficial had it been allowed a fair trial. He raised the number of Buonomini to fourteen, and insisted that eight of them should be Guelphs and six Ghibel- lines; but the Guelph captains were too strong, and their animosity to their opponents was too virulent to allow them to rest satisfied with any such arrangement, and before two years were out they had contrived to frustrate it. This they eifected by a modification of the Constitution — a radical measure which they would hardly have been able to pass but for a change that had taken place in the papal policy. The Italian Popes Gregory X. and Nicholas III. had laboured to assuage the feuds which distracted their country, but Nicholas died in 1280, and he was succeeded in the following year by a Frenchman, Martin IV., who soon became a mere instru- ment in the hands of Charles of Anjou. The influence of the Church was now wholly anti-Ghibelline, and the Florentine Guelphs knew that they might ignore Cardinal Latino's conven- tion with impunity. Moreover, they were favoured by other circumstances. Although they regarded Charles as a friend, and were willing to enlist his support when in need, they did not, when in prosperity, desire that he should actively interfere with Florentine affairs. Now it is more than probable that at this juncture Charles would have taken steps to regain his supremacy in Tuscany, had not his tyrannous rule in Sicily provoked an insurrection which kept him fully occupied during the remainder of his life.^ The Ghibellines had therefore nothing to hope from external aid, and the Guelphs had nothing to fear from the inter- vention of either friend or foe. Larger powers were conferred on ho'Ha. podesta and capitano del popolo now that their election was uncontrolled, and an armed force, 1,000 strong, was placed at their disposal for the purpose of maintaining their authority. The grandi were compelled to swear obedience to the laws and to give security for their good conduct towards the people. But the most important of the constitutional reforms now introduced was the substitution of six priors for the fourteen Buonomini. The main object of this 1 The Sicilian Vespers occurred on March 30th, 1282. Charles died in 1285. THE FIRST SIGNORY 47 change was no doubt the elimination of the Ghibelline element from the Government, but it should be added that the council of "the Fourteen," though equitably constituted, had, through the antagonism of its component parts, proved an unworkable machine.! As in 1266, the Calimala Guild now took the lead, and at its instance three new officials were appointed in June, 1282, called "Priors of the Arts" {Priori dell' Arti),^ one of whom was elected by themselves, one by the Guild of Wool, and one by the Bankers. In the following August three more (viz. the Silk Manufacturers, the Doctors, and the Furriers) were each empowered to elect a prior, and the number of priors was thus increased to six, who respectively represented the six sestieri into which the city was divided.^ Five of the Lesser Guilds were subsequently added to the electorate, but the number of priors remained for some time the same. At first the priors sat with the Buonomini, but before long the latter body was abolished. The priors held office for two months, at the end of which time, in conjunction with the consuls of the privileged guilds and certain other electors, they nominated their successors.* The elections were held in the church of S. Piero Scheraggio. The first official residence of the priors was a house that formed part of the Badia^ (which had been previously used for meetings by both the Anziani and the Buonomini), and there — to keep them as free as possible from outside influences — they were required, during their term of office, to spend day and night. They were collectively known as the Signory (Signoria), and, with the capitano del popolo, it was their duty "to control important and weighty affairs of State, to summon and conduct council meet- ings, and to make regulations."^ The supreme government of the State was thus thrown into the hands of the trading classes, as none but members of the privileged guilds were eligible for ' Villani, lib. vii. cap. 79. '^ So called, according to Villani (lib. i. cap. 79), from Christ's words to His disciples, " Vos estis priores." ' For the reasons of the exclusion of the Lawyers, see ante, p. 33. ^ Villani, lib. vii. cap. 79. The additional electors are merely mentioned as arroti. * This residence was first known as the Bocca di Ferro, afterwards as the Torre della Castagna, and still later as the Torre di Dante, because it over- looked the house where Dante was born. It was also the official residence of 'Cos podeita via'aS. iz6i, when he removed to the Bargello. The priors moved from the Badia to one of the houses of the Cerchi, in the Via Condotta, before they finally took up their abode in the Palazzo Vecchio. '° Villani, lib. vii. cap. 79. 48 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the office of prior. But the nobles were not as yet irretrievably disfranchised, as those of them who desired to take part in the administration of public affairs were allowed to enrol their names on the books of the guilds.^ The new government did its work well at first and gave general satisfaction. The festival of S. John, always an occasion of merri- ment, was in 1283 observed with more rejoicing and ceremonial than usual. Members of the Rossi family and their friends, amounting to about a thousand persons, dressed all in white, under a leader called the " Lord of Love," paraded the streets and gave a succession of performances, which lasted for two months, and to which all strangers of note were invited. About this time, Villani assures us ^ that the citizens of Florence were happier than they had ever been before; but, he adds, their happiness only lasted till 1284, when strife between the people and the nobles broke out, followed shortly afterwards by the Bianchi and Neri feud. And in a later portion of his history ^ he gives some curious and interesting statistics relating to the city in 1280. In the course of the year duty was paid at the city gates on 60,000 sheep and lambs, on 20,000 goats, on 4,000 oxen and calves, and on 550,000 barrels of wine.* And in the month of July 4,000 loads of melons were admitted through the Porta S. Frediano.^ The prosperity of Florence at this time (1284) showed itself in the necessity for a further enlargement of the city boundaries, and new walls enclosing all the populous suburbs were com- menced under the superintendence of Arnolfo di Cambio. These walls were known as the " third " or " last circuit " (ultima cerchia), and the area they included was four times as large as that contained within the second circuit.^ The greater part of them was destroyed when Florence was capital of Italy (1863-71), but a few portions, as well as some of the old gates (which ' No doubt it was foreseen that before long this indulgence would be with- drawn, as about this time some of the nobles changed their names. Branches of the Tornaquinci family assumed the names of Popoleschi, Tornaiuoni, Giachinotti, Cardinali, and Marabottini; some of the Cavalcanti became Malatesti and Ciampoli ; and some of the Importuni became Cambi (Ammirato, i. 293). ^ Villani, lib. vii. cap. 89. " Villani, lib. xi. cap. 94. * These measures (cogna) contained ten barrels of ordinary size. ' This gate was also called Porta Verzaia (verdure), probably from the number of market gardens immediately outside it. ' The population at this time was probably between 70,000 and 80,000 (TroUope, i. 39). BATTLE OF CAMPALDINO 49 enable us approximately to trace the position of the walls), still remain.! We must now glance at a war between two neighbouring states in which Florence became involved. For many years past there had been enmity between the two great seaports of Pisa and Genoa, and though both were Ghibelline, hostilities, originating in commercial rivalry, often broke out between them. During the years 1277-84 encounters between their ships became more frequent and more serious, until in the latter year was fought one of the most memorable naval engagements of the middle ages. The Genoese fleet, which numbered at least ninety-six ships, and the Pisan fleet of seventy-two ships, met off Meloria on August 6th, 1284, and the battle ended in the complete defeat of the Pisans. No less than 9,272 prisoners were taken to Genoa, where most of them died from hardships or disease. ^ Florence was not slow to take advantage of Pisa's adversity, and at once leagued with Genoa, Lucca, Siena, and Pistoja to compass her destruction. After hostilities had commenced it dawned on the astute traders of Florence that the subjugation of Pisa would redound more to the advantage of the Genoese than of themselves, as Genoa, with her splendid fleet, would be mistress of the Mediterranean. The Pisans, observing that Florence was conducting the cam- paign in a half-hearted manner, empowered Count Ugolino della Gherardesca to open negotiations for peace, and these (it is alleged by the aid of gold sent to some leading Florentine citi- zens in flasks of Vernaccia wine) he brought to a successful issue. ^ Pisa had no option but to accept the terms offered, and she was stripped of territory almost up to her walls. She was compelled to make large concessions not only to Florence, but to ^ On the north side of the river the wall started from the weir, and followed the fourth course of the Mugnone to the Porta San Gallo ; then turning south-east it passed through the Porta Pinti and the Porta alia Croce, and thence south-west to the river. On the south side of the river it ran nearly south from the river by the Porta S. Frediano to the Porta Romana ; thence east to the Porta S. Giorgio, and by the Porta S. Niccolo to the river. ^ At the end of sixteen years the prisoners, not more than i,ooo in number, were released. ' Villani, lib. vii. cap. 89. For having saved his city Count Ugolino was made lord of Pisa, but he did not long enjoy the honour, as in the same year he fell a victim to the intrigues of an ambitious rival, and with his sons and grandsons he was starved to death in a tower of the Gualandi femily (the "Torre della Sette Via"), which was thenceforth known as the "Torre della Fame." His sufferings have been immortalised by Dante. See Inferno, canto xxxiii. so A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Lucca, who was much enraged at peace having been concluded behind her back. The importance of Pisa was thus greatly reduced, but she had been saved froiii extinction, and the Ghibellines began to take heart (1287). They had, too, been inspirited by the Sicilian Vespers and by the death of Charles of Anjou, which occurred in 1285. Florence therefore deemed it expedient to renew hostilities against them, and in conjunction with other Guelph cities she declared war on Arezzo, which was now the only thriving Ghibelline city in Tuscany. The first invasion of Aretine territory was abortive, but the second had a very different issue. It ended with the great battle of Campaldino, which was fought on June i ith, 1289. The army of the Guelph League, numbering some 10,000 infantry and 1,600 cavalry, was commanded by Amerigo de Narbonne. The allied forces of Pisa and Arezzo, under Guido da Montefeltro and the warrior Archbishop Guglielmo degli Ubertini, though only about half as numerous, comprised the flower of the Ghibellines in Tuscany, the Marches, and Romagna. The Florentines at first wavered, when Corso Donati, podesta of Pistoja (of whom much will be heard anon), exclaim- ing, " If we lose, I will die with my fellow-citizens in battle ; if we win, he who likes may come to Pistoja and condemn me,'' charged at the head of a troop of horse, in disobedience of orders, and the tide of battle turned. The engagement ended in the complete rout of the Aretines, whose losses are estimated at 1,700 killed and 2,000 taken prisoners.^ Another Florentine commander who distinguished himself, Vieri de' Cerchi, was also destined to play a conspicuous, if ignoble, part on the stage of Florentine history. There was one individual, obscure enough at the time, who fought for the Guelphic cause on this occasion, and though his services are unrecorded, his mere presence gave the battle of Campaldino an importance for posterity that it would not otherwise possess. This was Dante Alighieri. Many of the most prominent Ghibelline captains were slain, chief among whom were the Archbishop Guglielmo degli Ubertini and Guglielmino de' Pazzi (one of the Pazzi of Valdarno), who was noted for his valour. Had the Florentines immediately pushed on to Arezzo they would probably have taken it, but they wasted eight days in pillaging Bibbiena and the surrounding district, and when they reached Arezzo they found it prepared ^Villani, lib. vii. cap. 131. BATTLE OF CAMPALDINO 51 for a siege. They contented themselves with insulting the Aretines for a few days by running races under the walls, and throwing asses crowned with mitres into the city (as a mark of disrespect for the memory of the Archbishop), and then returned home. After a time Arezzo regained her prosperity, but Cam- paldino, like Montaperti, was in truth a battle between Guelphs and Ghibellines, and it inflicted on the latter a blow from which they never recovered. The trade of Florence now rapidly increased. The three great GhibeUine cities being humbled — Siena at Colle, Pisa at Meloria, and Arezzo at Campaldino — she had access through Pisa to the sea, through Siena and Arezzo to Rome and Southern Italy ; and as the Guelphs were dominant in Bologna, her merchandise was allowed to pass through that city to the north unimpeded by hostile tariffs. But this was not enough, and either because she aimed at a more complete ascendancy in Tuscany, or because the vindictive spirit of the Guelphs was unsatisfied, hostilities were resumed in 1290 against both Arezzo and Siena. The campaign, which was far from successful, lasted three years, at the end of which time Florence, being threatened with domestic troubles, was glad to conclude a treaty of peace. Neither the victory of Campaldino nor the enhanced com- mercial prosperity had brought content to the city. Nay, it is probable that they intensified the storm that was gathering on the political horizon. The new aristocracy, puffed up with wealth and success, were becoming lawless and arrogant ; while the popolo minuto were becoming strong enough to resist the galling insolence with which they were treated, and to demand a larger share in the government. Moreover the grandi were quarrelling among themselves.^ Judged by her foreign policy, Florence appeared a united Guelph city, intent only on the extirpation of Ghibellinism, while, in fact, she was honeycombed with animosities ■' Villari, ii. 82. The feud between the Adimari and the Tosinghi, Donati and Pazzi, has been already alluded to. Villani also mentions that there was " much warfare " between the Rossi and Tornaquinci, the Bardi and Mozzi, the Gheradini and Manieri, the Cavalcanti and Buondelmonti, between some of the Buondelmonti and the Giandonati, the Visdomeni and Falconieri, the Bostichi and Foraboschi, the Foraboschi and Malispini, and between many other houses, and also that the Frescobaldi and Donati quarrelled among themselves. All of these families (except a branch of the Malispini, who were Ghibellines, and the Falconieri, who are not mentioned) are stated by Villani to have been Guelphs in 1215, which shows that the GhibeUine aristocracy had disappeared. The Rossi, Bardi, Mozzi, and Cavalcanti were only just coming to the front in 1215. 52 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE and class jealousies which had nothing to do with either Church or Empire. 1 And her government was, according to Dino Compagni, thoroughly corrupt. It was the function of the priors, he says, " to guard and protect the property of the commune ; to take care that the weak and the poor were not oppressed by the strong and the great, and had they done so they would have ' been of much use to the people. But very soon all this was changed, for the citizens in office were not mindful to observe the laws, but rather to pervert them. If any of their friends or relations incurred the penalties of the law, they contrived, with the aid of the magistrates and officials, to conceal their crimes so that they remained unpunished. Neither did they protect the property of the commune, but, on the contrary, they embezzled\ it, and drew much money from the treasury under pretence of i rewarding public services. The helpless were not protected, but they were wronged, not only by the grandi, but by the popolani grassi who held office or were connected with the grandi, and many, by payment of money, escaped punishments to which they were liable. Hence the worthy citizens were discontented and blamed the priors because the Guelph nobles were in office."^ Nevertheless the priors, since their institution in 1282, had carried some reforms in the interests of the people. All nobles between the ages of fifteen and seventy, belonging to families who had been scheduled in 1286, were required to pay down two thousand lire as a provision for any fines to which they might become liable for disorderly conduct. But the most important measure was that for the abolition of serfdom, which was effected in 1289. This was perhaps prompted by humanity, but it was also a blow aimed at the landowners of the contado, whom it seriously weakened.^ In the same year more power was placed in the hands of the lower orders by adding five of the ArtiMinori to the Arti Maggiori^ And in 1291 a rigorous law was passed compelling submission to the authorised tribunals, and imposing heavy penalties on all who should plead exemption from their jurisdiction by reason of any grant from pope, emperor, or king. ' La Vita Italiana nel Trecento, p. 121. ^ Dino Compagni (1883), p. 229. ^ The nobles, however, compelled the peasants on their estates, by violence and other devices, to submit to serfdom for some few years after it bad been legally abolished. * These were probably the five specified by Villani, which existed in 1266. See ante, p. 32. ORDINAMENTI BELLA GIUSTIZIA 53 It is expressly stated in the preamble to this Act that it was intended to curb " the wolfish rapacity " of the nobles.'- The civic rights of the grandi were still further restricted by making actual exercise of a trade an essential qualification for the office of prior instead of mere enrolment on the books of a guild.^ Notwithstanding the disabilities imposed on them, and other re- pressive legislation, the power of the nobles was by no means broken, and but for their numerous family feuds they might have recovered their political ascendancy.^ They still had a prepon- derating influence in the administration of the powerful Parte Guelfa. They were often employed as ambassadors, and in warfare their services were indispensable, when important military posts were always entrusted to them. They scorned applying to the civil tribunals to redress their grievances, and taking the law into their own hands, were wont to punish real or imaginary wrongs under the archways of their towers. Supposed offenders were often flogged or tortured without the perpetrators of the outrage being brought to justice.* With a view to putting an end to such lawless proceedings the famous Ordinamenti della Giustizia were passed.^ They have been called, not very happily, the Magna Charta of the Floren- tine Republic ; for although they effected a democratic triumph at the time, they did not permanently safeguard the liberties of the people.^ The Ordinamenti are always associated with the name of Gian della Bella, but he was not their author, nor was ' Villari, i. 301. ^ Villari, ii. 94. This further restriction was relaxed in 1295, after nobility had been made a disqualification for office. Among other measures passed between 1282 and 1293 were laws to prohibit priests from carrying arms, to make "trade corners" illegal, to limit the term of office of the podesth to six months, and to make outgoing priors ineligible for re-election for the space of three years. > Villari, ii. 82. * Villari, ii. 79. It seems that such outrages were not ended even by the Ordinamenti della Giustizia, for Dino Comp^ni appears to be speaking of what was going on some eight or ten years later when he says, "the Bostichi family continually did many evil deeds. They would tie men up in their palaces that were in the Mercato Nuovo, in the very centre of the city, and put them to torture in broad daylight. People frequently remarked on the number of tribunals, and when enumerating the places where torture was in- flicted they said, ' At the Bostichi houses in the market-place. ' " — Cronica Fiorentina (1883), p. 269. ° They are also called the Ordini della Giustiaia. For an exhaustive dis- quisition both on the comparative value of the manuscript editions of these enactments and on their political aspect, see Villari, ii. cap. 8, from which most of the information here given is derived. « By Bonaini. See Villari, ii. 72. 54 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE he in office at the time they were passed. ^ It was, however, through his influence and public spirit that they became law. He was a partner in the great house of Pazzi, and had distinguished himself at the battle of Campaldino. Though of noble birth, he had espoused the popular side by reason, it is said, of a quarrel with Berto de' Frescobaldi, who had publicly insulted him in the church of San Piero Scheraggio.^ However this may be, the genuineness of his democratic sympathies cannot be questioned, and he soon became the acknowledged leader of the people. It was said of him by those who knew him well that he was more devoted to the public good than any man in Florence,^ and that he had the courage to defend causes which others had abandoned.* He was, however, overbearing and imprudent, and though more honest than most of the politicians of his day, he was not always above using official power for private ends. The Ordinamenti became law on January i8th, 1293. It has been said of some of their provisions that they are "without parallel in the world's history " ; ^ that in many respects they are glaringly unjust, and breathe rather a spirit of revenge than a desire for order, cannot be denied. At the same time it should be remembered that all previous legislative attempts to curb the turbulence of the grandi had proved ineffectual, and that their ostentatious contempt for law required drastic treatment. More- over, some of the Ordinamenti were not intrinsically new, but rather enactments for the more thorough enforcement with heavier penalties of older laws, while others were not so inequitable as they appear on the surface. The object aimed at was the protec- tion of the people from assaults by the nobles, and this it was sought to attain by — (i) A further exclusion of the nobles from the government. (2) Severer punishments for offences by the nobles against the people. (3) The strengthening of the trade guilds. ' They were drawn up by Donate Ristori, Ubertina della Strozza, and Baldo Aguglioni under order of the priors in o£5ce, December 15th, 1292, to February 15th, 1293. Villari, ii. 87. 2 Ammirato, i. 330. Other nobles were also on the side of the people, e.g. some of the Magalotti, Mancini, Talenti, and Alberti. = Villani, lib. viii. cap. 8. « Dino Compagni (1883), p. 235. "> Storia dei Comuni Italiani. P. E. Giudici. Bk. vi. Cited in Villari, i. 74. Very similar laws had been passed in Bologna in 1282, and it is a matter of controversy whether some of the Florentine Ordinamenti were not copied from the Bolognese. ORDINAMENTI BELLA GIUSTIZIA 55 Up to this time a trader of noble birth, who was a member of a guild, was eligible for a priorship. It was now enacted that nobles, unless they renounced their nobility, should be disquali- fied, and renunciation could only be effected with the sanction of the Signory.^ This was but a step in advance of previous legislation, as the nobles had been excluded from the councils of the capitano del popolo in 1251, and from the One Hundred in xzdl.^ It was, however, an important step, as the Signory was in the nature of a cabinet. But nobles were, as before, admitted to the councils of the podestd. The Signory drew up a list of thirty- three families who were to be considered noble, which was soon enlarged to seventy-two.^ Members of the popolani who were obnoxious to the government were placed on this list in order to disfranchise them.* It was indeed provided that ennoblement should be the punishment for any of the /^<7/a«/ guilty "of treason against the commonwealth." For the purpose of enforcing penal- ties for breaches of the ordinances a new officer was appointed, called the " Gonfalonier of Justice." ' He held office, Uke the priors, for two months, and he was elected by the members of the outgoing Signory, and he was taken from the different sestieri of the city in turn. He had nominally the same powers as the priors, with whom he lived, and at first was merely primus inter pares; but he soon became the chief of the Signory, and, as time went on, the most important personage in the State.® A new standard {gonfalone) of the people (a red cross on a white field) was given into his charge by parliament, and 1,000 armed citizens were placed under his command.'' No relation of a prior could hold the office, and an outgoing gonfalonier was ineligible for re-election for one year. The penalties under the Ordinamenti were as follows. The ' Villani, lib. viii. cap. i. Gian della Bella was elected a prior immedi- ately after the passing of the Ordinamenti. Whether families who numbered among their members knights (cavalieri), or whether only individual knights were considered noble, seems doubtful. Trollope, i. 216. ' It seems, however, that, if specially summoned, nobles might attend meetings of these councils. Trollope, i. 220. ' Giovanni Cambi. Cited by Napier, i. 349. * The stringency of this law was mitigated in 1295, when it was enacted that nobles who had changed their names should be exempt from disqualification. " The first gonfalonier of justice was Baldo de' RuffolL ' Perrens (vol. ii. p. 385, note) seems to doubt that he was chief of the Signory. ' This number was afterwards increased to 2,000, and at a still later date to 4,000. Villani, lib. viii. cap. i. $6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE murder of one of the people by a noble was a capital offence, and where the deed was committed at the instance of a noble he and the assassin were both liable to death. His property was also confiscated ; and it was the duty of the gonfalonier of justice and the podestd to demolish his house before he had been sentenced.' On the perpetration of a crime it was the duty of the podesta to discover its author within five, or at most eight, days, under pain of loss of office.^ In such a case the duty devolved upon the capitano del popolo. If the criminal escaped justice, his relatives were required to pay a fine of 3,000 lire. Any noble who was accessory to a murder was liable to a fine of 2,000 lire. In cases of causing grievous bodily harm the aggressor was liable to the loss of a hand ; or, if he escaped, to a fine of 2,000 lire.^ For inflicting slight wounds the punish- ment was a fine of 1,000 lire. The testimony of a single eye- witness, or of two of known probity who had not seen the crime committed, was deemed sufficient proof.* If a fine were not paid within ten days the defaulter was to have his right hand cut off.^ The law of 1286 requiring scheduled nobles between the ages of fifteen and seventy to deposit 2,000 lire each as a guarantee for fines was re-enacted, and a new list was prepared. If any noble who had not paid a guarantee was fined, his relations (within specified degrees) were liable to his fine ; but they might reimburse themselves out of his property if it was confiscated. Both Villani and Dino Compagni, in almost the same words, say "that one associate belonging to the grandi should be bound for another."" The meaning of this phrase is not very clear. Professor Villari thinks that it relates only to fines levied on a Consorteria for offences for which that body was collectively liable.'' It is certain that the Consorterie began to languish after ' Some damage was done to the house, but it was rarely completely de- molished, although the ordinances decreed that it should be destroyed "utterly from the foundation." Villari, ii. 102; TroUope, i. 219. ^ This was only so in the case of serious offences. ' La Vita Italiana ntl Trecento, p. 122. * Ibid., p. 121. Villari makes no mention of the sufficiency of a single eye-witness, and says that in cases of wounding the testimony of the victim was also necessary. The number of witnesses was shortly afterwards raised to three. b TroUope, i. 217. ^ Villani, lib. viii. cap. i ; Dino Compagni (1883), p. 234. ' It is clear that Machiavelli was mistaken in saying that all associates of an offending noble were liable to the same punishment as the offender (1896 ed., p. 78). The nature of the Consorterie, which has already been described (see ante, p. 11), coupled with the fact that almost the whole of the patrimony ORDINAMENTI BELLA GIUSTIZIA 57 the passing of the Ordinamenti, and were ultimately, little by little, dissolved.! No one was permitted to beg for money from his friends for the purpose of paying a fine, and anyone who provided him with money for such an object was himself liable to a penalty. Any noble who "entered the Palace" {i.e. for the purpose of interviewing a prior or some official) was liable to a fine of 100 lire. There was no appeal from any sentence pro- nounced under these ordinances, which superseded the common law. Perhaps the most iniquitous of all the Ordinamenti was the one which provided that boxes, called iamburi (literally drums), should be placed outside the official residences of the gon- falonier and the capitano del popolo for the reception of secret accusations against the nobles ; and a person thus accused was said to be tamburato.^ The people were subject to heavy fines if they did not inform against nobles who had injured them.^ For assaults on each other they were merely liable to the common-law penalties ; but if they committed acts of violence while aiding the nobles in their broils, such penalties were doubled. The number of the guilds was now fixed at twenty-one, of which twelve were placed among the Arti Maggiori and nine among the Arti Minori. The members of these bodies were required to take a solemn oath that they would endeavour to preserve concord among the people. The promotion of all companies, conventions, and agreements, unsanctioned by law or alien to the constitution of the guilds, was made a capital offence. Any guild concerned in any such transaction was mulcted in 1,000 lire, and its consuls in 500 Ure. Such were the most important provisions of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia, from which a fair idea of their scope and spirit may be gained. They were an attempt to put down lawless violence by legalised violence, and, as was only to be expected, they failed.* The grandi were roused to a pitch of fury that was shared by a family in common, makes the provisions with regard to pay- ment of fines less inequitable than they appear. Villari, ii. 1-71 and 84. ' La Vita Italiana net Trecento, p. 125. ^ TroUope, i. 221 ; Napier, i. 349. The latter says that the tamburi were outside the houses of the fodesti and capitano. ^ In 1295 fines were imposed on those making false accusations. * Accounts differ as to the first serious offence that was punished under the Ordinamenti. Dino Compagni, who ought to have known, says (1883 ed., p. 235) that it occurred while he was gonfalonier (July and August, 1293), and 58 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE boded ill for the tranquillity of the city. They asked if their houses were to be destroyed because one of their horses chanced to swish its tail in the face of one of the popolani, or because they unintentionally jostled the people in a crowd ? '^ A meeting was held in the church of S. Jacopo sopr' Arno,^ at which Berto de' Frescobaldi/ complaining that " these dogs of people " had deprived them of honours and office and forbidden them to enter the palace, advocated that they should seize arms and rush into the piazza, slaying all the people whom they met, whether friends or foes, as the only means of freeing themselves from slavery. But Baldo della Tossa pointed out the risks of such a proceeding, and persuaded the nobles to attempt to gain their end by cunning. This was no difficult matter, for Gian della Bella was too honest a man to maintain for long his popularity with his party, many of whom were as lawless as the nobles. The butchers were notoriously disorderly, and, led by one Pecora, they had attempted to intimidate the Signory. Gian della Bella's enemies, knowing that he was a just man, called his attention to this, as well as to instances of corrupt administration on the part of the judges. " Let the city perish," he exclaimed, " rather than these things should continue." And he at once initiated laws to remedy the evils. Dino Compagni warned him of the plot that was on foot for his overthrow, but he was too impetuous to heed, and he fell into the trap. His unpopularity was still further increased by an attempt to break the power of the great Parte Guelfa. He was a thorough-going Guelph, but he foresaw that the Ordinamenti della Giustizia would not suffice to hold the nobles in check while that association flourished. Accordingly, he proposed that it should be deprived of its seal of office, and that its property should be handed over to the State.* More- that he caused the houses of the Consorteria of the Galligai family to be demolished, because one of the family had caused the death of a son of Ugolino Benivieni (a Florentine merchant) in France. Villani, whom it is usually safer to follow, says that this murder was committed by one of the Galli family, whose houses were destroyed by the first gonfalonier, Baldo de' Ruffoli. Professor Villari prefers Villani's version, but Gino Capponi accepts that of Dino Compagni. This alleged inaccuracy of Compagni is one of the facts adduced by those who question the authenticity of his chronicle. ' Dino Compagni (1883), p. 235. 2 This church was rebuilt in 1580. Its picturesque campanile is a prominent object from the Lung' Amo. ^ It was he who insulted Gian della Bella in S. Piero Scheraggio. " Villani, lib. viii. cap. i. Ammirato (i. 335) says that he actually accom- plished this. If so, the law effecting it must have been speedily repealed. ORDINAMENTI BELLA GIUSTIZIA S9 over, the lower orders were not unanimous in their attachment to him. The prosperity of many of the artificers and shopkeepers depended on the custom of the nobles, whom they did not wish to see still further repressed. Such was Gian della Bella's position, when an incident happened of which his opponents were not slow to avail themselves. A quarrel between Simone Galastroni and Corso Donati (of Campaldino fame), who was one of the most haughty and overbearing of the grandi, led to an affray in which some of the followers of Galastroni were killed or wounded (1295). Both parties laid complaints in the court of the podestci, who, through a fraudulent manipulation of the evidence by a notary, acquitted Donati, who was guilty, and convicted Galastroni, who was innocent. The people, who knew the rights of the case, but did not know of the deception, were furious with the podestd. at what they believed to be a corrupt sentence, and they attacked his palace. Gian della Bella attempted to restrain them, but to his astonishment he found that his influence was gone. The palace was broken into and ransacked, but the podestct and his wife contrived to escape. Corso Donati, who was in the palace at the time, saved his life by climbing over the roofs of the adjoining houses. Gian's enemies succeeded in procuring the election of a Signory of their own way of thinking, and he was most unjustly indicted for having occasioned the late riots. His friends at once took up arms, and civil strife would have ensued had he not left the city. His departure was taken in the interests of peace, and he believed that justice would have been done him, but in this he was mistaken. His enemies were more numerous than he imagined, and the remainder of his life was passed in exile.^ Villani says that the very men who had aided him to rise, through envy contrived his downfall, and he adds "that both past and present experience truly shows that whoever becomes leader of the proletariat in Florence will be overthrown, because the ungrateful people never give men their due reward." ^ The eifect of the expulsion of Gian della Bella was the loss of some of the power which had recently been acquired by the popular party, followed by increased discontent and continuous dis- turbances. ^ It is likely that he would have been recalled but for the interventioa of Pope Bonifece VIII. ^ Villani, lib. viii. cap. 8. 6o A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Before a year was out, the grandi had obtained by a great show of force some modification of the odious Ordinamenti. Dis- tinctions were made between the punishments to which principals and accessories were hable, and the number of witnesses re- quisite for the proof of homicide was raised from two to three.^ Their chief gain, however, consisted in the repeal of the provision which made the actual exercise of a trade a necessary quahfica- tion for a seat in the Signory. The measure effecting this change provoked so much discontent that the priors who had passed it were mobbed and stoned in the streets.^ The popular party then obtained a majority in the Signory, and they proclaimed some of the least obnoxious of the nobles popolani, in order to weaken the party. Del Lungo thinks that Dante was then made one of the people.^ Other laws were passed to restore to the Ordinances their former rigour, but except during one brief interval,* the people never again obtained so complete an ascendancy as Gian della Bella had procured for them. The position which Florence occupied, and the estimation in which her citizens were held throughout Europe, is curiously illustrated by an incident that occurred in the year 1300. At the jubilee that was instituted by Boniface VIII., no less than twelve Powers were represented by Florentine ambassadors.^ The Pope was so struck by it that he is said to have remarked, " The men of Florence form a fifth element." ' This last concession was soon withdrawn (Villani, lib. viii. cap. 12). ^ Villani, lib. viii. cap. 12. ' Villari, ii. 139. * At the time of the Ciompi rising. ° The ambassadors were Ugolino da Vicchio, for the King of England ; Musciatto Franzesi, for the King of France ; Ranieri Lanzeri, for the King of Bohemia ; Vermiglio Alfani, for the King of Germany ; Simone Rossi, for Russia ; Bernardo Ernari, for Verona ; Guiscardo de' Bastari, for the Khan of Tartary ; Manno degli Adimari, for the King of Naples ; Guido Tabanca, for the King of Sicily ; Lapo degli Uberti, for Pisa ; Cino di Diotisalvi, for Camerino ; and Bencivenni Folchi, for the Knights of St. John (Trollope, •• 233)- ART AND LITERATURE 6i ART AND LITERATURE DURING THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY ARCHITECTS SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Arnolfo di Cambio Arnolfo di Cambio Cimabue Dante Guido Cavalcanti Brunetto Latini Dino Compagni For the immense progress that was made in the fine arts during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the world is more indebted to Florence than to any other single city, but this is not so with regard to the period of which we are speaking (i 200-1300). It is not to Florence that we must turn for the birthplace of the renaissance either in sculpture, architecture, or painting. Niccola Pisano (1206-80), Giunta da Pisa {c. 1202-58), and Guido da Siena were, as their names indicate, natives of other states. Florence was, indeed, the last of the three rival republics to enter the field of art, and she was only commencing her grand architectural works when Pisa and Siena were completing theirs. It is true that the Church of San Giovanni (now known as the Baptistery) is said to date from the seventh century, but what the building then erected was like we have no record, and it was so entirely remodelled by Arnolfo that it must be regarded as a thirteenth-century edifice. The mosaics in its tribune were com- menced by Giacomo da Turrita, and must have been in process of construction while the Buondelmonti and Amidei feud was at its height. Cimabue, the first Florentine painter of note, was born in 1240 and died about 1303. His Christian name was Giovanni, and he came of the noble family of Cimabui, called also Gualtieri. A commentator of Dante (known as the Anonimo), who wrote about thirty years after Cimabue's death, says, "Cimabue of Florence, a painter of the time of our author, knew more of this noble art than any other man ; but he was so arrogant and proud withal, that if anyone discovered a fault in his work, or if he perceived one himself .... he would instantly destroy that work, however costly it might be." ^ Though his paintings are still in the " Greek manner," like those of Guido and Giunta, they show signs of the influence of Niccola Pisano. He painted ' Vasari, i. 43. 62 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE at Pisa and also probably at Assisi. His greatest work is the Madonna 1 in the Rucellai Chapel in the Church of S. Maria Novella. It was painted in 1266, in a garden near the Gate of San Pietro, and it was first shown to Charles of Anjou. When the public saw it, they were so enthusiastic in their admiration that they carried it at the head of a procession to the church for which it was painted with great rejoicings.^ " From the date of this altar-piece the pre-eminence of the Florentine school begins to develop itself, expands later in the person of Giotto, to re- unite in Ghirlandaio all the branches of its progress, and finally to culminate in the greatness of Michael Angelo, Raphael, and Leonardo da Vinci." ^ Another large picture of the Madonna and Child by Cimabue is in the Accademia at Florence, and a fresco of S. Francis in the Church of S. Croce is attributed to him.* His reputed portrait may be seen in the fresco of the Church Militant and Triumphant, by Simone Memmi, in the Spanish Chapel adjoining the Church of S. Maria Novella. Arnolfo di Cambio was born at CoUe in 1240.^ He was the most eminent pupil of the great sculptor, Niccola Pisano, and it is said that he also studied design under Cimabue.* In early life he devoted most of his time to sculpture, and that most beautiful form of monument, a recumbent effigy in a canopied recess, between two curtain -drawing angels, was his creation.' He worked at Naples for Charles of Anjou in 1277, and, possibly rather later, at Perugia. He then came to Florence, where he attained great eminence as an architect and where he remained during the rest of his life. "To comprehend what Arnolfo did for Florence we have but to look down on that fair city from one of the neighbouring eminences, and note all the most striking objects which greet the eye — the Duomo, the Palazzo ' Mr. E. G. Gardner {Story of Florence, p. 361) attributes this Madonna to Duccio on account of its Sienese character, but it is hardly likely that Cima- bue's Madonna could have been removed from the church for which it was painted and replaced by a Duccio without some record of its removal. ^ Vasari tells us that the "Borgo AUegri," where Cimabue's bottega was situated, was so called after these rejoicings. It is more probable that it was called after the family of AUegri. See Vasari, i. 42, note I. ^ Crowe and Cavacaselle, History of Painting in Italy, i. 205. * Lafenestre, p. 239. ^ q^ perhaps 1232 (Vasari, v. 5). ° Vasari is mistaken as to Arnolfo's parentage. He was the son of Cambio and not of the German architect Maestro Jacopo, or " Lapo " as he was called by the Florentines. It is owing to this mistake that Arnolfo is often called "Arnolfo di Lapo." ' See the tomb of Cardinal de Braye at Orvieto. ART AND LITERATURE 63 Vecchio, Sta. Croce . . . and the walls which surround her, are his works. "1 A decree commanding that the Church of S. Reparata^ (as the cathedral. was then called) should be rebuilt was issued in 1294, and it is an interesting document as showing the spirit in which such works were undertaken. Arnolfo, who is described as " the chief architect of the commune," is directed to prepare a plan for the renovation of the church, '' of such magnificence that neither the industry nor the genius of man shall be able to invent anything that shall surpass it," and he was given to understand that his design would be rejected if it were not of sufficient splendour to satisfy the unanimous resolve of a large number of citizens.^ Arnolfo's plan was approved, and the ceremony of blessing the first stone took place on September 8th, 1298. To meet the expense a poll tax of two soldi and an income tax of four per cent, was levied.* Simultaneously with the Duomo rose the spacious Church of Santa Croce, also designed by Arnolfo, which owes its celebrity rather to its frescoes and monuments than to its architectural excellence.^ In 1298 the Palazzo della Signoria, or, as it has been called in recent times, the Palazzo Vecchio, was commenced. Its erection was occasioned by the frequent disturbances at the bi-monthly elections, in consequence of which the priors did not feel safe in the official residence which they then occupied on the north side of the Piazza,* and they requested to be provided with one strong enough to resist an attack. Accordingly, some of the ' Perkins, i. 53. Perkins also mentions Or San Michele, but this is a mis- take. The church of that name built by Arnolfo was burnt down in 1304, and not rebuilt till 1380. ^ After it was rebuilt it was dedicated to S. Maria del Fiore, which name it has borne ever since. It was not consecrated till 1436. ^ Richa's NoHzie Istorkhe delle Chiese Florentine, vi. 14. A doubt has been cast on the date of this decree (Villari, ii. 120). Reumont in his Tavole (sub anno) gives a version of this decree dated April 1st, 1299. * Coppo Stefani, cited by Trollope, i. 231, note. * According to an inscription on a stone in the church, it was founded in 1295, 1^"' I'o'li Villani (lib. viii. cap. 9) and Ammirato (vol. i. p. 336) say that the first stone was laid in 1294. The Misses Horner (vol. i. p. 285) give 1297 as the datp, but do not give their authority. The church, though unfinished, was opened for worship in 1320. The facade was not commenced till 1857, and would never have been executed but for the generosity of an Englishman (Mr. Sloane), who contributed ^12,000 to its cost. In the houses which belonged to the Cerchi family. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 26, 64 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE houses of the Foraboschi were purchased by the State, on the site of which the present Palazzo Vecchio was built.' The tower of the Foraboschi, which was known as the " Torre della Vacca," and was about loo feet high, was so strong, and rested on such solid foundations, that Arnolfo did not scruple to place on it a superstructure of double its height. Thus was constructed the campanile of the Palazzo Vecchio, which is not only one of the most conspicuous objects in Florence, but one of the most impressive buildings of its kind in Italy. The third circuit of walls, which had been commenced in 1285, was carried on with increased activity under Arnolfo's superin- tendence, and a law was passed in 1299 rendering all wills invalid by which nothing was bequeathed towards the cost of the work. The building of the beautiful Church of S. Maria Novella, which, as has been stated, was founded in 1279, was in progress at this time, but it was not completed till 1 349. Turning from art to literature, we are at once brought face to face with the greatest name with which Florence, to her honour and her shame, is associated. Dante Alighieri was born in Florence towards the end of May, 1265. Beatrice died on June 9th, 1290, and probably about two years later the Vita Numa was written. " It is epoch-making in many ways — as the first great example of Italian prose, the first revelation of the genius of the greatest mediaeval poet, and the incarnation of that roman- tic conception of ideal love by which the Middle Age might fairly claim to have augmented the heritage bequeathed by antiquity." 2 Parts of the Convito were also written before the end of the thirteenth century. Second to Dante in fame, but preceding him in time, is his friend Guido Cavalcanti, whose untimely death in 1300 will be subsequently alluded to. He was not only a poet but a philo- sopher, and in the opinion of some his poetry is marred by the introduction of too much metaphysical thought. He was also a politician, and having married a daughter of the great Farinata degli Uberti, became the leader of the remnant of the Florentine Ghibellines. He is best known to English readers by Shelley's translation of his sonnet to Dante. Brunetto Latini (1210- 1294), famous for his great learning, but more famous as the tutor of Dante, wrote his Tesoro in the thirteenth century. In his ' Villani, lib. viii. cap. 26. It also occupied a part of the site of the old Church of S. Piero Scheraggio. 2 Garnett, p. 32. ART AND LITERATURE 65 Canzoni are to be found the first examples of blank verse, and " for an age which laid so much stress on artificial form in poetry these verses of Brunette mark the beginning of a new epoch." ^ DiNO CoMPAGNi's Cronica Fiorentina narrates events which took place between 1280 and 1312, but whether it was written in the form in which it has come down to us by an eye-witness is a matter of controversy.^ However this may be, it is " an interest- ing monument of Florentine literature." ^ Education at this time had become general. It is said that there was no one in Florence who could not read, and that even the donkey-boys sang verses from Dante. There is no doubt that the germs of an independent and essentially national culture appeared in Florence about the year 1300, which, to the regret of some modern writers, were afterwards so completely stifled by the humanists of the Renaissance.* It is interesting to bear in mind that the writing of the Vita Nuova and the founding of the Duomo, the Palazzo Vecchio, and S. Croce were almost synchronous with the passing of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia. ' Burckhardt's Renaissance in Italy (iSgo), 310. ^ Villari, ii. 109, note. Gamelt's Italian Literature, p. 103. Some German critics believe it to be a forgery, but Del Lungo (who has recently edited it) and Gino Capponi hold it to be genuine. Villari admits it as evidence, but with caution. ^ Symonds' Age of the Despots, pp. 239-250, where the question of the authenticity of the Cronica is discussed at some length. Symonds holds it to be a rifacimento of an older document. * Burckhardt's Renaissance in Italy, p. 203. CHAPTER V 1300-1318 THE BIANCHI AND NERI — HENRY OF LUXEMBURG IN ITALY — DANTE IN EXILE — ART AND LITERATURE THE Struggle between Guelphs and Ghibellines had no sooner subsided^ than Florence became the scene of another faction- fight, which was waged with equal bitterness and with (at least for the world of letters) more far-reaching consequences. This was the historic feud between the Bianchi and Neri. Nominally it had its origin in Pistoja, which had an evil reputation for turbulence, even among the turbulent communities of medieval Italy. For many years past there had been a family quarrel between two branches of the great Pistojan house of Cancellieri. A common ancestor had married two wives, one of whom was named Bianca, and the members of the branch which sprung from her were known as Bianchi. The descendants of the other wife, out of opposition, called themselves Neri. How the feud between them arose matters not; but in the year 1300 it was occasioning so much disorder and bloodshed that the govern- ment of Pistoja appealed to Florence to aid them in putting an end to it. Accordingly the Signory took in hand for a time the management of Pistojan affairs, and with a view to restoring order compelled the leaders of the two factions to reside in Florence. Unfortunately the two branches of the Cancellieri had severally intermarried with two leading Florentine families who were also at enmity (the Bianchi with the Cerchi and the Neri with the Frescobaldi), and on arriving in Florence they took up their abodes with their respective connections.^ It was not long before hostilities broke out between the Cerchi and Frescobaldi, in which almost the whole of Florence took part. The former 1 It was virtually over, but the names Guelph and Ghibelline lingered on for many a year. They were too useful in recalling and reviving hatred to be allowed by party politicians to disappear. 2 Villani, lib. viii. cap. 38. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 67 party called themselves Bianchi and the latter Neri. Hence to all appearance the remedy which had extinguished the feud in Pistoja had transplanted it to Florence. But in truth the Pistojan family quarrel had nothing to do with the Florentine feud beyond giving names to factions which already existed, and perhaps hastening an open rupture between them. There were animosities at work in Florence which must before long have occasioned civil strife without any extraneous aid. The composition of these factions was somewhat complex, resulting from the combined action of political, economic, and personal causes. The Bianchi comprised about one half of the grandi and all the popolo minuto ; the Neri, the other half of the grandi and the bulk of the popolano grasso} Th^ grandi had divided partly, as will be seen directly, from private antipathies, but partly on the question of the maintenance of the Ordina- menti delta Giustizia. Some were determined on procuring the repeal of these enactments at all risks, while others had resolved to offer no further opposition to them. The former called them- selves Neri, and the latter Bianchi. The popolo minuto, whose well-being depended on the Ordinamenti, were the natural enemies of the Neri nobles, and so, of course, joined the Bianchi -paxty. Trade jealousies were beginning to separate the popolano grasso from the popolo minuto, and as the latter were Bianchi, the former became Neri. Thus, while the coming struggle was to a great extent a continuance of the old conflict between the nobles and the people with a rearrangement of forces, it had within it the germs of a new conflict between c|^ital and labour. It was also further complicated and in- tensified by a strong personal element. The Neri were led by Corso Donati, the Bianchi by Vieri de' Cerchi; and between the families of these two men there was a bitter enmity of some standing. This largely affected the distribution of parties, for many espoused one side or the other more from attachment to its leader than from any political reason. ^ This split divided many families. Of the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Nerli, Manelli, and Gherardini, some were Bianchi and some Neri. All of the Cerchi, Abati, Mozzi, Scali, Malispini, Adimari, and Falconieri, and most of the Tosinghi, Bostichi, Giandonati, Pigli, Vecchietti, Arrigucci, and Cavalcanti were Bianchi. All of the Donati, Pazzi, Visdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfi^liazzi, Agli, Brunelleschi, Cavicciuli, and Acciaiuoli were Neri (Villani, lib. viii. cap. 39; Gino Capponi, i. 106, 107). It will be noted that all of the above were Guelph families except the Brunelleschi and Malispini, and even these were never entirely Ghibelline. 68 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The Cerchi were a family of traders who had recently acquired enormous wealth and large landed estates. They had, moreover, much influence with the Signory, to whom they had lent their houses in the Piazza della Signoria for an official residence.^ Vieri, the head of the family, had distinguished himself at the battle of Campaldino, but he was not remarkable for ability. Like most of the Cerchi, he was uncouth and uncultured.^ The Donati were an old feudal family who were proud of the blue blood in their veins, and though comparatively poor, they formed a numerous and powerful Consorteria? They had, how- ever, an evil reputation (they were called Mala/ami), but how they earned it does not appear.* Corso, the head of the house, was an altogether different stamp of man to Vieri de' Cerchi. He was handsome and accomplished. An opponent describes him as "much resembling Catiline the Roman, but more cruel."^ He was nicknamed " the Baron " on account of his arrogance, and he is said to have carried himself as if all Florence belonged to him. That there should have been unfriendly relations between two such families is not surprising. The Donati despised the lowly origin and vulgar manners of the Cerchi, and envied them their wealth; and the Cerchi resented the undisguised contempt with which they were treated by the Donati.^ Unfortu- nately they were neighbours, and so frequent were the affrays between them that the ward in which they lived was called the Sesto dello Scandolo, "the scandalous ward."^ Such was the origin of the struggle between the Florentine Bianchi and Neri. That a purely local feud should have evoked in after times an interest so universal is due to the influence which it had on the career of Dante. He joined the ranks of the Bianchi, not, however, from personal or political motives, but from a lofty and farsighted patriotism. * The first encounter of any moment between the two parties took place on May Day, when, according to custom, dancing was going on in the Piazza ' They also possessed houses in the boigo San Jacopo, at the comer of the present Via Guicciardini (Horner, i. 514). 2 Villani, who belonged to the opposite faction, describes them (lib. viii. cap. 39) as " savage." 3 i^ y^^ haliana nel Trecento, p. 123. * Villani, lib. viii. cap. 39. 6 jjino Compagni, p. 267. ' When Corso Donati wished to know if Vieri de' Cerchi had spoken in public he would ask, "Has the ass of Porta brayed to-day?" (Villari, ii. 141). 7 Ibid. 8 The poet Guido Cavalcanti also joined the Bianchi, but from hostility to Corso Donati. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 69 di Santa Trinita. Among the spectators were some thirty prominent members of each faction, who, after insulting and josthng each other, drew their swords, and a general mel^e ensued, in which Ricoverino de' Cerchi had his nose cut off, and many others were wounded. In the following month Boniface VIII. sent Cardinal Matteo Acquasparta to Florence, ostensibly to mediate between the two parties, but in reality to further a secret design which the Pope entertained of adding Tuscany to the papal states, and he hoped to further his object by crushing the Bianchi?- It is probable that the Bianchi leaders were aware of the Pope's intentions, as they displayed an un- willingness to be guided by his legate. Nor did the people view papal interference with favour, as they foresaw that the reunion of the nobles would imperil their own political power. Accord- ingly they armed themselves with crossbows and attacked the house in which Acquasparta was lodging. The Cardinal, in- dignant at the insult, placed Florence under an interdict and hastened back to Rome. Brawls and bloodshed continued until June 23rd, when an unprovoked attack was made on the consuls of the guilds, as they wended their way in procession to make a customary offer- ing in the Church of S. Giovanni, by a party of Neri shouting, " You have deprived us who fought and conquered at Campaldino of office and honour in our native city." ^ The Government (of whom Dante and Dino Compagni were members), with culpable weakness, instead of punishing the offenders only, banished cer- tain members of both parties.^ The Bianchi exiles were directed to go to Sarzana, and the Neri to Citta di Pieve. The Bianchi, although unjustly condemned, obeyed at once; the Neri, who alone were guilty, resisted, but were eventually compelled to yield. The climate of Sarzana was notoriously unhealthy, so before long the Government (perhaps glad of a pretext for annulling an unjust sentence) allowed the Bianchi to return. For one of them, alas ! the reprieve came too late. The poet Guido Cavalcanti expired soon after he reached home from a ^ Secret negotiations had already passed between Corso Donati and the Pope through Geri Spini, who was the Pope's banker. ^ Dino Compagni, p. 245. \ ^ The exiled Neri included members of the Donati, Pazzi, Manieri, and Spini families ; the exiled Bianchi were Guido Cavalcanti, and members of the Cerchi, della Tosa, Adimari, Gherardini, and Malispini families (Dino Compagni, p. 245). 70 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE malarious fever contracted while in exile. This, says Villani, "was a great misfortune, as he was a philosopher and a very accomplished man, though rather too sensitive and passionate." i Frequent collisions between the two parties continued to occur, and not only was the city in a state of constant tumult, but the feud spread to Lucca and reappeared in Pistoja. The Neri, conscious that the struggle was going against them, secretly represented to the Pope that the Bianchi were in fact Ghibellines, and urged him to send to their assist- ance Charles of Valois, whom he had tempted into Italy at the head of an armed force, with the promise of an imperial crown. On their action becoming known to the Signory, some of their leaders (among others Corso Donati) were heavily fined, and ambassadors — of whom in all probability Dante was one — were despatched to Rome to explain the true position of Florentine affairs to Boniface. ^ But the cause of the Bianchi was inconsistent with the Pope's designs on Tuscany, and he turned a deaf ear to their pleading. He was moreover under heavy pecuniary obligations to the great house of Spini, who were influential members of the Neri party, so he dismissed the ambassadors with profuse protestations that he desired only the tranquillity of Florence. It was obvious to the Bianchi that the Pope intended to aid their opponents, and they had ample time to prepare for the coming storm, but they proved unequal to the occasion. Indeed throughout the whole of this period they displayed a lamentable want of prudence and energy. Everything was in their favour, as the most powerful of their enemies were in exile, and the mass of the people were with them. But no steps were taken for the defence of the city, and when Charles of Valois, at the head of his forces, appeared in November of the following year (1301) at the Castle of Staggia, near Poggibonsi, he found Florence quite unprepared for a siege. Here he halted and sent emissaries nominally to proclaim that he was coming as a peace-maker, but really to ascertain what sort of a reception he might expect. The Signory professed to be unable to decide whether he was to be permitted to enter, and took the unprecedented step of ' Lib. viii. cap. 42. ^ It is a matter of controversy among Italian historians whether Dante was one of those who were sent, but Professor Villari shows good reason for believing that he was. Villari, ii. 153, note. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 71 referring the matter to the Trade Guilds, all of whom, except the Bakers, declared for his admission. ^ There is but little doubt that even then Charles' entrance would have been prevented had Vieri de' Cerchi been made of sterner stuff, and his refusal to undertake responsibility at this time has been thought by some Dante commentators to be "il gran rifiuto" in the celebrated passage of the Inferno (cant, iii., line 60) which has given rise to so much speculation.^ On November ist^ Charles entered Florence on his treacherous errand with 800 foreign and 1,400 Italian horse, but his entry was effected with as little show of force as possible. Hence Dante says that he came "without arms, save only the lance which Judas tilted with."* As he was supported by all the Neri he was completely master of the city. He occupied the houses of the Frescobaldi and Spini, and thus commanded both ends of the Ponte Trinita.^ On the following day, at an imposing ceremony held in the Church of S. Maria Novella, the government of the city was formally handed over to him for the purpose of recon- ciling the two parties, and he solemnly swore and promised on the honour of a king's son to preserve peace in the city. It was not long before he broke the oath which he had never intended to keep. With his connivance, Corso Donati, at the head of an armed band, effected an entrance into the city, broke open the prisons and released the prisoners, and drove the Priors from their ofiScial residence. By an act of treachery Charles inveigled the chiefs of the Bianchi party into his power and detained them in custody. At length the Signory realised the situation and ordered the tocsin to be rung, but the hour for action was past. Only two members of the Adimari family, with their attendants, obeyed the summons, the Priors resigned, and the city was at the mercy of Corso Donati and his rufifianly followers.^ For five days men were murdered, women out- raged, shops looted, and houses burned, while the prince who ^ Bino Compagni, p. 256. ^ Trollope, i. 264. The better opinion seems to be that this passage refers to the abdication of Pope Celestine V. ^ Villani, lib. viii. cap. 49. Dino Compagni (p. 258) says the entry was on November 4th. 4 Purgaiorio, xx. 71, 2. ° The Spini palace still stands in the Piazza S. Trinita. It is now known as the Palazzo Feroni. * Dino Compagni gives a. graphic account of the state of imbecility to which the government was reduced, and of the treachery with which it was surrounded. He was one of the Priors at the time. 72 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE had sworn to maintain order remained in his palace, affecting ignorance of all that was going on. At length the tumult spent itself, and the Neri proceeded to appoint Priors from their own party. It is in the accounts of these disturbances that the name of the Medici first appears in the annals of Florence. Mention is made of a member of a family bearing that name (belonging apparently to ^& popolani grassi) who attacked and left for dead one of the Bianchi. In order to complete the discomfiture of the Bianchi, letters purporting to prove that they were plotting against Charles were forged and laid before him. Whether he was duped or not is uncertain, but he banished all who were supposed to be impli- cated.i Before his departure no less than 600 prominent citizens were driven into exile, and their property was confiscated.^ On January 27th (1302) Dante was condemned to pay a fine of 5,000 lire on a fabricated charge of peculation while a Prior,^ but there is now no doubt that he was punished for refusing his ofiRcial sanction to the payment of subsidies to Charles of Valois. On a State paper recording the sums paid to Charles at this time, there is a marginal note in a contemporary hand that " the true and secret cause of Dante's exile was his opposition to these payments." If the fine was not paid he was to be exiled for two years. He was in Siena at the time of his trial, and was sentenced in contumacy for non-appearance. On March loth, in the same year, he was condemned to be burned alive if he entered Floren- tine territory.* After completing the establishment of the Neri in power (1302) — the real object of his coming — Charles left for Rome. He had extorted large sums of money from the wealthy Florentines, but his rapacity was not satisfied, and he applied for more to the Pope, who declined his request with the remark that "he had been at the fountain of gold."^ It was said of him that he came to Tuscany to make peace and left it at war, and that he went to Sicily to make war and concluded an ignominious peace.^ ' Among others, members of the Cerchi, Adimari, Tosinghi, and Gherardini families. 2 They found asylums in Pisa, Pistoja, Arezzo, and Bologna. Dante was Prior from June 15th to August 15th, 1300. 'Similar sentences were passed on him in September, 131 1, and October, 131 1, and were not formally reversed till 1494. ^ Dino Compagni, p. 272. » Villani, lib. viii. cap. 50. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 73 Notwithstanding that the Bianchi had been overpowered, riots and bloodshed continued. By order of Fulcieri da Calboli, who was in the pay of the Neri, Donati Alberti was tortured and members of the Gherardini, Cavalcanti and Galigai families were beheaded. Corso Donati was busy sowing the seeds of dissension among his own party, whose victory had not placed him in the position to which he aspired. Three members of the popolani grassi. Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino Pazzi and Geri Spini, had between them contrived to monopolise a controlling influence in public affairs, and Corso set himself to create an opposition powerful enough to overthrow them (1303). This he did by proclaiming that the popolani grassi (whom he designated as " dogs ") had enslaved the city, and by insinuating that they were helping themselves out of the public treasury.^ By such means he attracted followers from Bianchi and Nen, grandi and popolo minuto — a motley crew, but strong enough to menace the Govem- ment.2 Collisions between the two parties occurred and gave rise to scenes of indescribable disorder. The city was before long in a state of anarchy, and the Government was so helpless that it had to appeal to Lucca for armed assistance before order could be restored. In 1304 Pope Benedict IX. (who had succeeded Boniface VIII.) made an honest though fruitless attempt at pacification. His legate, Cardinal Niccolb da Prato, Bishop of Ostia,^ who reached Florence in March, worked energetically in the interests of peace, but his endeavours were frustrated by the machinations of the Neri, who by stigmatising the Bianchi as Ghibellines alienated from them many of the lower orders ; and by alleging that the Cardinal had Ghibelline sympathies, lessened his influence. The Cardinal finding that he could achieve nothing anathematised the Florentines and departed. " Since you choose to be at war and under a curse," s&id he to them on leaving, "and will neither hear nor obey the messenger of God's Vicar, nor be at rest nor peace among yourselves, remain with the curse of God and His Holy Church upon you."* After the Cardinal was gone, Florence was in an evil plight. ^ Dino Compagni, p. 282. ^ His followers included his old enemies the Cavalcanti and Lottieri della Tosa, Bishop of Florence. ^ The cardinal in Memmi's fresco of the Church Militant in the Spanish Chapel is said to be a portrait of Niccol6 da Prato. * Villani, lib. viii. cap. 69. 74 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Street brawls were incessant, armed encounters between some families took place day and night, and the lower orders hardly knew for whom or for what they were fighting.^ There had been a split among the Cerchi family (we now read of White Cerchi and Black Cerchi), and the Cavalcanti had become the recognised leaders of the Bianchi. Rosso della Tosa^ led one section of Neri, while the other under Corso Donati, feigning an attack of gout for a while, held sullenly aloof from the struggle. Most of the popolani grassi, notably the Alberti, Albizzi, Ricci and Strozzi (names soon to figure more prominently), threw in their lot with the Bianchi, but the Medici were stanch Neri? At first fortune favoured the Bianchi, and they appeared to be on the eve of a complete victory over their opponents, when on June loth, Ser Neri Abati, the prior of S. Piero Scheraggio, set fire to a house near Or San Michele. There was a strong north wind blowing, the fire spread and did enormous damage, until " all the marrow and yolk and the most precious places of the city were burned, and the palaces, towers and houses that were consumed numbered more than 1,700."* The Cavalcanti and Gherardini were the greatest sufferers, as almost the whole of their property perished in the flames. Indeed the losses sustained by many old noble families were so great that the final extinction of their supremacy has been said to date from this conflagration.'' This incident healed for a time the breach between the two factions of the Neri party, who still further improved their position by driving the Cavalcanti and Gherardini into exile. They were now so strong that they contemplated effecting what had all along been their ultimate aim, namely, the repeal of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia, and they would probably have suc- ceeded had not their attention been unexpectedly diverted. Cardinal Niccolo had not failed to report to the Pope the in- difference with which the Florentines had treated his authority, and Benedict was much incensed. He cited Corso Donati, Rosso della Tosa, and other Neri leaders to appear before him at Perugia under pain of excommunication. They obeyed the ^ A few months later the office oi podesth had to be put in commission, as, owing to the disorderly state of the city, no foreigner could be found to accept it (Villari, ii. 177). ^ His chief supporters were Pazzino de' Pazzi, Geri Spini and Betto Brunelleschi. ' Villani, lib. viii. cap. 71, TroUope (i. 298) says that the popolani grassi were mainly Neri, but this is inconsistent with Villani's account. * Villani, lib. viii. cap. 71. » Gino Capponi, i. 131. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 75 summons, and took with them an escort of 500 horsemen. The Bianchi and Ghibelline exiles, at the Instigation of Cardinal Niccolb, seized the opportunity to attempt to possess themselves of their native city and overthrow the Neri government. They collected an army some 11,000 strong and marched to Lastra, where they encamped on the night of 19th July. On the follow- ing day a force of 1,200 effected an entrance into Florence through the Porta San Gallo, expecting that they would be reinforced by the whole popolo minuto, but in this they were disappointed. The traditional hatred of the people for the Ghibellines was stronger than their attachment to the Bianchi ; consequently Florence showed a united front, and the assailants were expelled with ease. They fled to Lastra, and the main body of the army became infected with panic and dispersed. No doubt there were some grounds for the action of the people at this juncture. A close relationship had sprung up between the exiled Ghibellines and the exiled Bianchi which was affect- ing their colleagues within the city. Thus a reversion to the old factions was taking place — the Bianchi and Ghibellines were becoming assimilated on the one hand, and the Neri and Guelphs on the other. Nevertheless the older party watchwords had entirely lost their original signification. Not only was the struggle between Church and Empire a thing of the past, but the Church was now in league with the so-called Ghibellines against the so-called Guelphs. This last encounter was, in fact, one between the fuorusciti on the one hand, and a heterogeneous assemblage of grandi and popolani, Bianchi and Neri, on the other. Much of the civil strife that took place about this time involved no principle and not always even an intelligible motive. It seems to have sprung from that spirit of lawlessness which, as we have seen, was born of racial antipathies and fostered by struggles between feudalism and freedom. The Neri had now the government of Florence in their hands, and they proceeded to complete the subjection of their rivals by attacking the castles in the contado in which any of them had taken refuge^ (1305)- Having expelled such of them as had taken refuge in smaller asylums, the Signory determined to lay siege to Pistoja, where a large number of them had congregated. ' The first castle reduced was called "Stinche," and its occupants were the first prisoners lodged in a new prison, which was consequently called "Stinche." This prison stood on the site of the Accademia Filarmonica and the Pagliano Theatre (Horner, i. 337). ye A HISTORY OF FLORENCE This was a more serious undertaking, and the assistance of Lucca was called in. The army of the allies was placed under the command of Robert, Duke of Calabria, the eldest son of the King of Naples. The unfortunate city was blockaded for eleven months, at the end of which time (1306) it was forced by starvation to capitulate, and its walls were destroyed. The siege is remarkable for the inhumanity both of the attacking and of the defending forces. When food was running short the garrison turned out of the city all women, children, and men who were unable to bear arms. The enemy having cut off the noses and otherwise maimed and disfigured these miserable outcasts, drove them back to the city, under the walls of which they were allowed to die within sight of their friends and relations.^ Pope Clement V. had endeavoured to befriend the Pistojans by ordering the Florentines to discontinue the siege, but they disregarded his mandate ; thereupon he sent an army into Florentine territory (1307) to chastise them for their disobedience, but its operations were thwarted by a Florentine force under the gonfalonier, Ardingo de' Medici. ^ The city was once more laid under an interdict, but this time, instead of treating it with her customary indifference, she replied by levying a heavy tax on all ecclesiastical property. The monks of the Badia closed their doors against the tax-collector, and endeavoured to incite the people to aid them by ringing their bells. Popular sympathy was, however, all the other way, and a mob broke into and pillaged the convent, and, by order of the Government, the cam- panile was reduced to half its height.^ This was the third time within six years that Florence had been placed under an interdict. Though in theory a warm supporter of the Church, she never scrupled to set its decrees at defiance when it was to her interest to do so. And like other Italian cities, she was less ready to treat the papacy with respect since its removal to Avignon. As soon as the siege of Pistoja (1306) was ended, the people of Florence took steps for the maintenance of the Ordinamenti delta Giustizia, which seemed to be again in danger. For the last two or three years the nobles had been removing their names ' Villani, lib. viii. cap. 82. 2 Ardingo de' Medici was the first of his family admitted to the Signory. He was prior in 1291, 1313, and 1316, and gonfalonier in 1296 and 1307. The family must have held a good position at this time, as Ardingo married a Bardi, and his son Francesco an Adimari. (Litta.) 2 Villani, lib. viii. cap. 89. THE BIANCHI AND NERI 7; from the Trade Guilds, and " it seemed to the popolani that the rich and powerful had become presumptuous on the strength of their victories over the Bianchi and the Ghibellines.''^ Accord- ingly the reorganisation of the miUtia companies, which had been commenced by Cardinal Niccolb da Prato, was completed. New banners bearing the arms of Charles of Anjou (the recognised champion of the Guelph cause) were assigned to the nineteen gonfaloniers — on account no doubt of the recent Ghibelline scare — and the populace, in order to free themselves from the disintegrating influence of the Bianchi and Neri feud, determined to adopt the name of " The good Guelph people." ^ The most important measure now (1307) passed was the appointment of an " Executor of Justice," whose duty it was to enforce the Ordinamenti della Giustizia.^ He was to hold office for six months, and not only no Florentine, but no Tuscan could hold the office. All these measures for safeguarding the power of the people were, however, rendered for a while unnecessary by a recurrence of dissensions among the nobles.* A belief, probably well grounded, was spreading that Corso Donati aimed at the lordship of Florence. "It was alleged that his extraordinary mode of life, the great number of bullies and ruffians that he kept about him, his house ever open to all sorts of people, his immoderate munificence, his various friendships with many Italian despots and princes, and, in short, as is always the case when people begin to put a bad interpretation on things, that his mien, his style of speech, his noble bearing, his gait and every gesture, word and movement, savoured of sovereignty."^ And the belief was strengthened when he took for his third wife a daughter of Uguccione della Faggiuola, who was one of the most thorough- going Ghibellines in Italy. A formal indictment, charging him with conspiring with Uguccione and other Ghibellines for the betrayal of the people and overthrow of the Government, was lodged with the podestct, and within an hour he was condemned to death. A strong force was at once despatched to his house at S. Piero Maggiore to carry out the sentence.^ Although the time ^ Villani, lib. viii. cap. 87. ^ Napier, i. 403. ' Villani, lib. viii. cap. 87. * The split seems to have been on the old lines. The Rossi, Bardi, Frescobaldi, Tornaquinci, and Buondelmonti followed Corso Donati, while the Rosso della Tosa party and the great bulk of the popolani opposed him. Napier, i. 405-6. ' Ammirato, i. 402. ' His house was in the street now called the Via Condotta. 78 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE had been short, Corso had barricaded the streets in the vicinity, and held the authorities at bay for the greater part of the day, expecting aid from within and without the city. When he found that no assistance was coming, either from his partisans or his father-in-law, although suffering from gout, he mounted his horse, and cutting his way through his assailants fled towards the Casentino. He was pursued and captured by a troop of cavalry at Robezzano, and led back towards Florence. On the way, having failed to effect his release by bribery, and determined not to undergo the ignominy of a public execution, he flung himself from his horse outside the convent of San Salvi, and was des- patched by the lance of one of his captors. " Such was the end of Messer Corso, to whom his country and the Neri owed much good and ill fortune; and had his spirit been less restless, his memory would have been more honoured. Nevertheless, he deserves to be placed among Florence's most distinguished citizens."! Such is Machiavelli's estimate of him, but Dante pictures him on the road to hell as punishment for the mis- fortunes which he brought on Florence.^ Whatever may have been his virtues, it is certain that by his death a disturbing element was removed from Florentine politics. An event now happened which attracted the attention of the whole of Europe and promised to be of supreme importance to Italy. On November 27th, 1308, Henry of Luxemburg was elected King of the Romans, and within two years he had crossed the Alps to assume the iinperial crown. The election had been brought about by the intrigues of Pope Clement V., in order to prevent the Roman crown falling to the lot of Charles of Valois, notwithstanding, it is said, a secret compact that he had made, at the time of his elevation to the papacy, with Philippe le Bel of France to further Charles' candidature.^ Henry entered Italy by the Mont Cenis pass, at the head of only 5,000 men, and on October 24th, 1310, he was at Susa. His approach occasioned but little alarm, as all parties hoped to gain something by his coming. Both Ghibellines and Guelphs ^ Machiavelli, p. 88. Villani (lib. viii. cap. 96) speaks of him in even more laudatory terms. 2 Purgatorio, xxiv. 84. 3 Villani, lib. viii. cap. loi. By so doing Clement saved Europe from falling under the domination of the house of Valois. Relations of Philippe le Bel occupied the thrones of Naples and Hungary, his daughter was Queen of England, and the Pope was almost his vassal. If Charles had been elected Germany and Italy would have been brought under the Valois yoke. HENRY OF LUXEMBURG IN ITALY 79 regarded him as a friend, the former because he was emperor, and the latter because he came with the sanction of the Church, and so the dominant faction in almost every city looked to him for support, while the exiles looked for restoration. But there were others who, while they hailed Henry's advent with joy, were actuated by loftier motives. Chief among these was Dante, whose views on the matter are eloquently stated in the De Monarchia. Though conscious that Henry had come to assert his imperial rights, they perceived that he had also assumed the role of pacificator. To them " the announcement of his coming sounded like the announcement of the coming of Messiah, who should compose clashing factions as a final arbiter, and readjust a jarring world. "^ With Florence however it was far otherwise. She, almost alone among the cities of Italy, viewed Henry's approach with alarm. She had little to hope for from either Empire or Church, for to the one she had ever been a bitter foe, and with the other she was in disfavour. She was suspicious of an alliance between Powers through whose enmity she had won her independence. The revival of an over-lord could not but impede her ascendancy over Tuscany, which was ever the secret motive of much of her policy. The guileless honesty of Henry was unintelligible to the clique of Neri Guelphs who controlled her affairs. These hard- headed men of business viewed his idealism with distrust. In their eyes his triumph meant either the re-establishment of feudal- ism or the recall of the exiles, and in either case their power would be at an end. Consequently when the leading Italian States, in obedience to a requisition from the Emperor, sent representatives to greet him on his arrival at Lausanne as an acknowledgment of his suzerainty, Florence was conspicuous by her absence.^ She had not taken this dangerously independent step without hesitation. On the arrival of the requisition it was at first decided to comply with it; indeed the ambassadors who were to represent Florence were actually chosen and their dresses ordered.^ But when the matter was finally discussed by the Signory Betto Brunelleschi openly repudiated all allegiance to the Empire, saying that " the Emperor could not be allowed to use 1 Baddeley, p. 58. " It was said that but for this mark of ill-will Henry had intended to main- tain tlie Neri faction in power. Villani, lib. ix. cap. 7. The requisition reached Florence in July, and Henry held his reception at Lausanne in October, 13 10. s villani, lib. ix. cap. 7. 8o A HISTORY OF FLORENCE such an imperious tone to the Florentines, who had nothing what- ever to do with him,"i The Signory were somewhat shocked at Betto's bluntness of speech, but they did not dissent from his reasoning, and they poUtely refused the Emperor's behest. Florence was probably emboldened to take this course by her knowledge that Pope Clement was playing a double game. While encouraging Henry he was cultivating the friendship of Henry's chief opponent, King Robert of Naples.^ She had a shrewd suspicion (which proved to be well grounded) that Robert would aid her in opposing Henry's progress, and that their joint action would not be altogether displeasing to the Pope. An opportunity almost immediately offered of improving her already friendly relations with King Robert (commonly known as Robert the Wise), of which she was not slow to avail herself. He had just been crowned King of Naples by the Pope at Avignon, and on his way home he stayed in Florence from September 30th to October 24th. He was lodged in the houses of the wealthy Peruzzi in the Borgo de' Greci, where he was royally entertained. A new kitchen was constructed specially for the occasion, numerous tournaments were held in his honour, and large money presents were made to him.* Before his departure there is no doubt that a tolerably good under- standing had been arrived at as to "the warding off of the Emperor," which Villani tells us was one of the objects of his sojourn.* Florence now (131 1) set about her self-imposed task with her wonted energy, and various measures, both of an offensive and defensive character, were taken. The walls were heightened eight cubits, and moats were dug where the circuit was incomplete.^ Seeing what a dangerous use might be made ^ Ammirato, ii. 11. ^ The Pope appointed Robert his Vicar General of Romagna and Ferrara on August igth, 13 10. Baddeley, p. 60. ^ Villani, lib. ix. cap. 8 ; Trollope, i. 322. He endeavoured, though un- successfully, to reunite the Neri, who were still at strife among themselves. It was clearly to his interest that concord should prevail in Florence if she was to be an effectual bulwark against imperial designs. ^ How far the crafty monarch disclosed his policy may be doubted. It is certain that he aimed at making himself master of Italy, and he would have thrown over Florence had it suited his interest to do so. Before many months had passed, when alarmed at rumours that the murder of Conradin was to be avenged on Naples, he was contemplating a matrimonial alliance between his son and a daughter of the Emperor. Florence accidentally discovered this, and in June, 131 1, she wrote him a very sharp remonstrance. Baddeley, p. 89. 5 villani, lib. ix. cap. 10. DANTE IN EXILE 8i of her exiles, she permitted them to return on the payment of a small fine, excepting a certain number who were expressly ex- cluded (of whom Dante was one) and who were declared for ever incapable of pardon.^ And before this her agents had been busy counteracting Henry's work in North Italy, where, it was said, "he came down, descending from city to city and bringing peace to each as if he were an angel of God." ^ Turin, Asti, Vercelli, and Novara opened their gates to him. All of the cities of Lombardy except Genoa and Venice were present by their Syndics when he was crowned with the Iron Crown of Italy, in the Church of San Ambrogio at Milan, on January 6th, 131 1. Como and Piacenza were forced to receive back their Guelph, and Brescia and Mantua their Ghibelline, exiles.^ But before long the attitude of Lombardy towards him was changed by Florentine gold and Florentine intrigue By May Milan, Crema, Cremona, Lodi and Brescia were in revolt, and the reduction of the last-named city to obedience delayed for some months his southward progress.* On June ist, a league between all the Guelph cities of Tuscany was formed, which undid by night whatever the Emperor had accomplished by day.^ Nevertheless, Henry made another attempt to conciliate Florence. In October he sent Pandolfo Savelli (a member of the great Roman house). Bishop Botronto, and other dis- tinguished personages as his ambassadors for the purpose. On reaching Lastra they were officially informed that they would not be received in Florence, and as they did not at once depart, they were, with the connivance of the Signory, robbed by Florentine highwaymen and forced to fly for their lives. ^ Henry, by way of retribution, placed Florence under the ban of the Empire — a mere empty form which had lost all efificacy. By the end of the year (131 2) he had reasserted his authority in Lombardy, and avoid- ing Florence, he proceeded vici, Pisa and Viterbo to Rome. He crossed the Ponte MoUe on May 6th, without serious opposition, and finding the Capitol, the Castle of St. Angelo, and the Tras- ' The amnesty was proclaimed on April 26th, 131 1. Those excepted from it were called Escettati. Whenever a general pardon was afterwards pro- claimed for the Fuorusciti, the clause sahe le famiglie escettati was always introduced. The Escettati at this date numbered about 900. ^ Dino Compagni, p. 303. ' Milman's History of Latin Christianity, 3rd. ed. (1872), vii. 308-9. * Villani, lib. ix. cap. 17. " Baddeley, 92. ' Villani, lib. ix. cap. 26. See also Baddeley, pp. 94-6, for Bishop Botronto's account of this affair. 82 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE tevere occupied by the troops of King Robert and the Guelphic League, he made the Lateran Palace his headquarters. In the course of a few weeks he dislodged the enemy from the Capitol, but his access to S. Peter's was effectually barred, so the emperor's crown was placed on his head in the Church of S. John Lateran. The ceremony took place on June 29th, 13 12, and was performed by Cardinal da Prato and two other legates. Shortly afterwards he returned northwards, and on reaching Arezzo he found a con- siderable Florentine force at the Castle of Incisa ready to dispute his progress. Having routed these, he pushed on towards Florence, and if he had assaulted the city at once he would probably have captured it.i He took up his quarters at San Salvi (outside of which Corso Donati had met with his death) and invested the city ; but he did not prevent large reinforce- ments reaching the garrison, and the prize slipped from his grasp. For six weeks he contented himself with devastating the surrounding country. He then raised the siege, and marching southwards, pitched his camp first at San Casciano, and subse- quently at Montaperti. There is no doubt that his inaction arose from failing health, as he was suffering from a malarious fever that he had contracted at Rome. It was his intention, after leaving Florence, to invade the kingdom of Naples, but he was prevented by the progress of his malady. Having vainly sought a cure at the baths of Macereto, he went to the village of Buonconvento, where he died on August 24th, 1313.^ Henry's attempt to re-establish the supremacy of the Empire in Italy produced no permanent results, but it was, for more reasons than one, a remarkable episode. He came with a wholly inadequate force, without resources or reliable support, to achieve that which had bafHed the Othos, the Fredericks, and the Henrys,^ and at his death he was at the head of a large and well-equipped army, and possessed of sufficient money to main- tain it. This he had accomplished by energy, wisdom, and nobility of character. " He had this greatest of virtues," says Villani, lib. ix. cap. 47. ^ Buonconvento lies on the road between Siena and Monte Oliveto. The Florentines have been accused of having caused Henry's death by poison. It was said that they bribed a Dominican friar to give him a poisoned wafer when administering to him the sacrament, but there is no sort of evidence in support of the accusation. Henry was buried at Pisa, where a beautiful monument was erected to his memory in the Campo Santo. It is the work of Tino da Camaino. 3 Milman's Latin Christianity, vii. 308. DANTE IN EXILE 83 Villani ; " he was never depressed by adversity, or puffed up by prosperity."^ It is true that he was constrained by force of circumstances (mainly by Florentine opposition) to forego the role of strict impartiality that he had at first assumed, and to champion the cause of Ghibellinism, but, nevertheless, he had done much for the pacification of Italy, and the eauity and clemency of his rule had won for him the cordial allegiance of many of his new subjects. He was, however, too honest for his age, and for a time he did not realise either the duplicity of Robert the Wise or the tortuous policy of Clement V. When he awoke to their true character he met their opposition openly. The one he placed under the ban of the Empire, and to the other he replied, " If God is for us, neither the Pontiff nor the Church, provided we offend not heaven, can do us any hurt."^ Had he lived there can be but little doubt that he would have subjugated both Naples and Florence, and become virtual as well as titular ruler of the whole of Italy, possibly to the great advantage of the peninsula. " With Henry VII. ends the history of the Empire in Italy, and Dante's book {De Monarchic) is an epitaph instead of a prophecy."^ But an interest of a non-political character attaches to Henry's brief sojourn on Italian soil, through the hope that it awakened in Dante of a speedy return to his native city and of the regenera- tion of his native land. For Dante the death of the Emperor quenched every ray of light that had come for a moment into his life. It was under the influence of this hope that his celebrated letters to the princes of Italy, to the Emperor, and to the Florentines were written, and the excitement under which he was labouring must be an excuse for the extravagance of their lan- guage and the bitterness of their tone. When, as he thought, Henry was lingering too long in North Italy, he wrote to him : " Why tarriest thou ? If thine own glory move thee not, let thy son's, at least, stir thee. . . . Brescia, Bergamo, Pavia, and other cities will continue to revolt until thou hast extirpated the root of the evil. Art ignorant, mayhap, where the rank fox lurketh in hiding ? The beast drinketh from Arno, polluting the waters with its jaws. Knowest thou not that Florence is its name ? Florence is the viper that stings its mother's breast, the black sheep that corrupts the whole flock. . . . Delay no more, but haste to slay ' Lib. ix. cap. 49. " Baddeley, p. 119. ^ Bryce's Hcly Roman Empire (1866), p. 291. 84 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the new Goliath with the sling of thy wisdom and stone of thy might."! In the previous month he had written to his fellow-citizens, whom he addressed as " Most wicked Florentines," and to whom he insisted that the Emperor was coming on a divine mission. " Most foolish and insensate men," said he, " ye shall succumb perforce to the Imperial eagle. Know ye not that true liberty con- sisteth in voluntary obedience to Divine and human laws ? Yet while presuming to claim liberty, ye conspire against all laws ! " ^ After reading these letters it is difficult to censure the Signory for including Dante among the Escettati. The' Divina Commedia had not been written, and it would have required more than human prescience to recognise the greatness of the man of whom they were making an outcast, or to have had even a glimmering of the glory that his name would in after ages reflect upon the place of his birth. While Florence was to all appearance intent only on thwarting the Emperor's pretensions, her home affairs were in a disorderly condition. Although the turbulent Corso Donati was no more, dissensions among the nobles continued, occasioning intermittent acts of violence and bloodshed. The clique who had caused his downfall and death (Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de' Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Betto Brunelleschi), together with two others,^ had absorbed the government into their own hands. These six men were a self-constituted autocracy who disposed of every office, tampered with the administration of justice, and controlled both podesta and priors.* Two of them paid the penalty of their misdeeds with their lives. Betto Brunelleschi was assassinated in February, 1 310, while he was playing a game of chess, by two of the Donati, who held him mainly responsible for Corso's death. Dino Com- pagni calls him "an infamous citizen," and says that he was hated by the people because he stored up his corn till times of scarcity and then sold it at famine prices.^ After his death, the Donati and their friends marched by night, armed, to the con- vent of San Salvi, where, having disinterred the corpse of Corso 1 From letter of April 16th, 131 1, as cited by Villari, ii. p. 199. ^ Cited by Villari, ii. 198. ^ Tegghiaio Frescobaldi and Gherardo Ventraia. * Dino Compagni, pp. 312, 313. 5 Dino Compagni, pp. 316, 317. He had persecuted the Bianchi to curry favour with the Neri and the Ghibellines because, being a deserter from their ranks, he could never hope for their forgiveness. DANTE IN EXILE 85 Donati, they held by torchlight a solemn funeral service over it, and bore it in triumph to Florence. The ceremony (which must have somewhat resembled the removal of Rustico MarignoUi's corpse by the Guelphs in 1249) was held to celebrate what was regarded as an act of vengeance for Corso's death and his desertion by his friends. Pazzino de' Pazzi fell in consequence of a judicial murder that had been perpetrated at the bidding of himself and his five colleagues. They had constrained the podesta, apparently without cause, to order Masino Cavalcanti to be beheaded in 1309.^ The wrong was not forgotten by the relatives of the victim, and in January, 13 12, Paffiera Cavalcanti, hearing that Pazzino had gone out to try a falcon on the dry bed of the Arno near S. Croce with only one attendant, collected some friends^ and rode after him. Pazzino, suspecting their object, fled towards the river, but his flight was arrested by a thrust from Paffiera's lance, and he was despatched in the water. The Pazzi and Donati, who were now reconciled, armed their followers and attacked the Cavalcanti and set fire to three of their palaces. The Tornaquinci, the Delia Tosa,^ and many of the populace joined in the fray, and the city was soon in an uproar. After order had been restored the Pazzi, whose influence in the govern- ment was still paramount, procured the condemnation of forty- eight members of the Cavalcanti family, who were fined and exiled.* These feuds, together with oiScial corruption, would probably have brought about a recurrence of civil strife as serious as that which had existed before Corso Donati's death, but for the Emperor's presence in Italy. " Thus our city continues afflicted," exclaims Dino Compagni, when speaking, of this period, "thus our citizens persevere in wickedness. What is done one day ^ Dino Compagni, p. 312. ^ Paffiera was aided by some of the Brunelleschi, who believed that Pazzino was concerned in the murder of Betto. ^ Rosso della Tosa, who had by force of character long ruled the Neri party, died in 1309. "God," says Dino Compagni, "had been expecting him a long time, for he was above 75 years old." The same historian says (p. 313) that it was he who occasioned the Guelph party to divide into Bianchi and Neri, and that he was " an enemy of the people and a friend of tyrants." ^ The rapid resuscitation of the Cavalcanti is so extraordinary as to cast doubt on the account of their downfall. It is said that the whole family had been driven into exile and almost all their property destroyed by fire in 1304 ; and yet in 13 12, according to Dino Compagni, they could muster sixty men- at-arms bearing their name. No mention is made of the date of their recall. 86 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE is blamed the next. The wise are wont to say that ' a wise man does nothing to repent of,' but in this city nothing is done by anyone, however laudable it may be, that is not censured and blamed. Men kill each other regardless of law, for if a man has friends or money his crime will go unpunished. O wicked citizens, it is you who have corrupted the whole world with your bad habits and dishonest gains." ^ Two months before the Emperor's death in 131 3 Florence had placed herself under the protection of King Robert of Naples for a term of five years.^ It was stipulated, however, when the lordship of the city was granted to him, that his Vicar should be changed every six months and should not have the right to alter the constitution. This more than nominal surrender of independence on the part of the Republic was occasioned, not so much by fear of Henry VII. as by dissensions among her citizens. Possibly it was a wise step, and had it not been taken the Guelphs would have torn each other to pieces.^ Nor was it long before Florence had to seek aid from her lord. In 13 14 Uguccione della Faggiuola (whose daughter, it may be remem- bered, Corso Donati had married), while in command of a Pisan army, contrived by force and strategy to capture Lucca.* He had been one of the Emperor's most trusted lieutenants, and he was now regarded throughout Italy as the leader of the Ghibellines. He was a man of gigantic stature and of great strength and courage, and his many deeds of prowess on the battlefield had been magnified by an admiring soldiery into almost superhuman exploits.^ He was, moreover, a general and statesman of no mean order. The Florentines were filled with alarm when the news reached them that Lucca, as well as Pisa, was practically ^ Dino Compagni proceeds to prophesy that the Emperor will punish Florence for her misdeeds. This passage brings his history to an end. Muratori considers him a better historian than Villani (Napier, i. 426), but this is not the general opinion, and, as has been stated, some critics consider his history spurious. 2 Lucca, Pistoja, Prato, and Siena also made him their lord, and shortly afterwards Parma and Bologna did the same. Thus soon after the Emperor's death Robert was " master if not sovereign of two-thirds of Italy " (Baddeley, p. 123 ; Villani, lib. ix. cap. 56). s Villani, lib. ix. cap. 56. ^ Florence benefited indirectly, for a large number of silk-weavers fled from the violence of Uguccione's soldiers, and took up their abode in Florence. The industry directed by the For San Maria thenceforth became more prosperous. Some of the Lucchese fugitives came to England (Napier i. 435). ^ Ammirato, ii. 34, The leader of a cavalcade in Orcagna's fresco of the " Triumph of Death " in the Campo Santo at Pisa, is said to be a representation of Uguccione. DANTE IN EXILE 87 under the sway of a Ghibelline chief,^ and they at once took steps to resist him. In response to urgent messages King Robert sent 300 horse under his youngest brother the Count of Gravina, and in the following year a larger troop under another brother, the Prince of Taranto, to aid them. With contingents from Bologna, Siena, Perugia, Volterra, and other places they had collected an army of nearly 60,000 men. The allied forces left Florence on August 6th, 1315, and pro- ceeded to relieve the little town of Montecatini, which was being besieged by Uguccione. While the two armies faced each other for several days all Italy was awaiting the result with eager interest, as it was felt that a trial of strength between Guelphs and Ghi- bellines was impending. On August 29th the great battle of Montecatini was fought. Although the Guelph forces outnum- bered their opponents, their commander, the Prince of Taranto, was no match for Uguccione, and they were utterly routed. Their losses were very heavy, and among the killed were the Count of Gravina and members of 1 14 noble Florentine families.^ On the other side Francesco della Faggiuola, the son of Uguccione, was among the killed, and Castruccio Castracane (the future lord of Lucca) was wounded. This defeat, which was almost as great a disaster for the Guelphs as the battle of Montaperti, gave rise at Florence to much discontent with the Neapolitan protectorate. The Guelph or Neri factions, that the presence of the King's Vicar had hitherto suppressed, reappeared. The party under the leadership of Simone della Tosa sought to expel the royal vicar, but not feeling strong enough to do so, they resorted to a most mischievous expedient for curtailing his authority. This was the creation of a new Government office, the holder of which was called // bargello, and to which they appointed one Lando d'Agobbio (Lando of Gubbio), a cruel miscreant, who was a mere tool in their hands. He was installed in office on the ist of May, 131 6, and a banner was given to him as badge of authority. " He stood continually at the foot of the stair of the Priors' Palace with five attendants ' Ammirato, ii. 36. It was always thought by the Signory that Lucca held the balance of power between Florence and Siena on the one hand and Pisa and Arezzo on the other. ^ Machiavelli, in his life of Castruccio Castracane, gives the killed at 10,000, but in his history of Florence at 2,000. Probably the latter figure referred to Florentine losses alone. Machiavelli is not, however, always accurate in such matters. And see Napier, i. 141, note. 88 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE who carried headsmen's axes." ^ On a mere hint to the bargello citizens were dragged from their homes and, without even the form of a trial, led to immediate execution. By this man's agency the Tosinghi literally decimated their opponents. The Florentines — usually so ready to fly to arms — were now com- pletely cowed, and no one stirred to put an end to what was a veritable reign of terror. Before long, however, the Tosinghi lost their majority on the Signory. Lando was dismissed in October, and his office remained vacant. Not the least of the bargellds enormities in the eyes of the Florentine traders was the issuing of some six-danari pieces that were only worth four danari. These base coins were commonly known as bargellini. The only good with which this iniquitous regime can be credited is the completion of the city walls from the Porta Prato to the Porta San Gallo ^ the reconciliation of some of the quarrelsome grandi families, and the recall of some of the exiles.^ Even some of the escettati were given the option of returning to Florence if they would pay a fine and walk in humiliation to the Baptistery and do penance for their offences. Dante refused the ignominious offer, and the letter is still extant in which he declined to enter Florence except with honour.* Meanwhile events were taking place outside Florence which must be noticed, as their outcome threatened for a moment her independence. Pisa and Lucca were chafing under the despotic rule of Uguccione della Faggiuola, and it was evident that insur- rections in both towns were imminent. In the hope of nipping them in the bud Uguccione seized and beheaded one of the richest and most esteemed citizens in Pisa ; and his son Neri, who was acting as his lieutenant at Lucca, threw into prison Castruccio Castracane, but did not venture to order his execution. No sooner did Uguccione hear that Castruccio had been arrested than he hastened to Lucca to rid himself of a dangerous rival, and at once ordered him to be put to death. But before the sentence could be carried out the news arrived that Pisa had revolted, and he hastily returned thither to endeavour to re-estabhsh his au- thority. At the same time the Lucchese populace rose in arms, rescued Castruccio from prison, and having struck off his fetters, they then and there proclaimed him lord of their city for one ^ Villani, lib. ix. cap. 78. ^ lb., cap. 77. The circuit was not even then complete. 2 Napier, i. 444. » Ency. Brit., vi. 813. ART AND LITERATURE 89 year 1 Uguccione was unable to regain his supremacy at Pisa, and he and his son Neri fled to Verona, where they became fellow- refugees with Dante at the court of Can Grande della Scala.^ Florence rejoiced at his overthrow, little dreaming that she had far more to fear from the new lord of Lucca. The expulsion of Della Faggiuola in 1317 and the elevation of Castracane did not at once affect Florence, and she enjoyed a respite from foreign and domestic troubles. The King's Vicar, Count Guido da Battifolle (whose tact had contributed to the removal of the bargello), continued the work of pacification that had already been commenced. He was a member of the Guelph branch of the great Guidi family, he owned large estates in the neighbourhood of Florence, and he was known and respected before his appointment. He seems to have been trusted by all the warring sections of the community, and he consequently succeeded in reducing the number of family feuds. He also called in the obnoxious bargellini, and he issued new silver thiTiy-danari pieces, bearing the popular denomination of Guelfi. Under his auspices treaties were concluded with Pisa and Lucca,^ and before his departure, in 13 18, he took advantage of a friendly majority on the Signory to obtain a prolongation of King Robert's lordship for another three years. ART AND LITERATURE 1300-1318 ARCHITECTS SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Arnolfo di Cambio Amolfo di Cambio Giotto Dante Giotto Giotto G. Villani PAINTING AND ARCHITECTURE Among the Florentine artists who worked during the early years of the fourteenth century, one figure towers above all the rest. " Giotto is to be our theme at present — a man of vast genius, second only to Niccola Pisano among the regenerators of art, and in a large sense fairly to be accounted the father of * Villani, lib. ix. cap. 78. ^ Uguccione had given Dante a home at his castle of Faggiuola, in the mountains of Urbino, before 1306, and at Lucca about 1314. ' Villani, lib. xi. cap. 82. Giovanni Villani was a member of the Govern- ment at this time, and he was also a prior in the previous year, probably when the bargello was dismissed. 90 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Painting in Italy ... his scholars established themselves in every quarter of Italy during his lifetime ; his influence was felt in all the pre-existent schools, the greater number of which adopted his style at once, while the few, of sturdier independence, yielded him proselytes, and all more or less profited by being his contemporary." 1 Cimabue had but slackened the fetters of Byzantine mannerism in which Art was bound ; Giotto burst them and cast them off for ever. But little is known of Giotto's hfe. He was the son of a labourer named Bondone, and he was born at the village of Vespignano, about fourteen miles from Florence, in 1276.^ He studied for a few years under Cimabue, who, recognising his genius, had carried him off from his mountain home when a lad of ten years old, and given him gratuitous instruction.' His earliest works are said to have been painted for the Badia at Florence, but these have all perished. They must have been painted before 1295 or 1296, when, in obedience to Boni- face VIII., he went to Rome.* In 1300 he returned to Florence and commenced decorating the walls of the chapel in the palace of ihe^odesid, now known as the Bargello. A supreme interest attaches to the fresco of Paradise on the east wall, apart from its artistic merits, inasmuch as it contains a portrait of Dante. This fresco must have been painted when he was prior, and Giotto must have been at work upon it in the Bargello when the Bianchi and Neri feud was causing the streets of Florence to run with blood. It also contains portraits of Corso Donati, Brunetto Latini, and Cardinal Acquasparta.^ About 1306 Giotto probably went to Assisi, where he must have remained painting in the Upper and Lower Church of S. Francis three or four years. He then returned to Florence, and it was between that date and 1317 or 1318 that he covered the walls of the Peruzzi Chapel in the Church of S. Croce with "the finest series of ^ Lindsay, ii. 4. ^ Vasari, i. 94. Baldinucci gives 1266 as the date, but this is rejected by Lord Lindsay, Crowe and Cavalcaselle, and Ruskin. ^ The pretty story of how this occurred is too well known to bear re- petition. * Crowe and Cavalcaselle think that he painted in the Upper and Lower Churches at Assisi in 1296 and 1297, and in Rome in 1298 and 1299. Lord Lindsay holds that his work at Assisi was not done till after his frescoes in the Arena Chapel at Padua, which were commenced in 1 506. ' The frescoes in the Bargello were for two centuries coated with white- wash, which was only removed in 1840. The subject of parts is now with difficulty discernible. Dante's portrait has been injured by restoration. ART AND LITERATURE 91 frescoes that he ever produted."i His frescoes in the Medici and Bardi Chapels, and in the old Refectory of the same church, as well as the Resurrection of Lazarus and the "Noli me tangere " in the Chapel of the Bargello, must also be assigned to the same period.^ It was probably at this time that the two series of small com- positions (now in the Accademia), representing incidents in the lives of our Saviour and S. Francis, were painted on a wardrobe in the Sacristy of S. Croce, though they may have been executed before Giotto's residence at Assisi.^ Some of these works must have been in progress when Florence was nervously watching the movements of Henry VII., or actually surrounded by his troops, or when the Cavalcanti palaces were blazing and the city on the verge of civil war. Indeed it is not improbable that Giotto was peacefully at work in S. Croce at the very moment when Pazzino de' Pazzi was being assassinated within a stone's- throw of the church. Arnolfo di Cambio was superintending the erection of the Palazzo Vecchio, the Duomo, and other buildings until his death in 1 3 10. LITERATURE Dante's Inferno is supposed to have been completed about 1314, and the Purgatorio before 1318, so their production was approximately synchronous with that of the Peruzzi frescoes.* The fact that two such men as Giotto and Dante should have accomplished their very best work at this time goes far to substantiate Ruskin's dictum that it was " the culminating period in the history of the art of the middle ages." ^ Any critical account of Dante's great works would be out of place in these ' Crowe and Cavalcaselle, i. 297. They were covered with whitewash from 1714 to 1841. ^ Giotto also decorated, probably about the same time, the chapels of the Giugni and Tosinghi in S. Croce, but these frescoes still remain under white- wash (Crowe and Cavalcaselle, i. 303). For a vivid but discursive account of the frescoes in the Bardi Chapel, see Ruskin's Mornings in Florence, pp. 61-95. ^ The first series is minutely described by Lord Lindsay, who is inclined, from its style, to assign it to a later date than the S. Francis series. Messrs. Crowe and. Cavalcaselle (vol. i. p. 362), while allowing that the panels were designed by Giotto, think that they were executed by Taddeo Gaddi. If so they must have been painted later. * The Paradise was produced later. * Giotto and his Works in Padua, p. 30. 92 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE pages. Dantesque literature, which is ever increasing, would already fill a good-sized Ubrary. An attempt to analyse in a few lines or indicate the scope of the second greatest epic in the world — of a poem in which the whole spirit of bygone centuries summed itself up and put on immortality ' — would be worse than useless.^ The work of Giovanni Villani deserves special mention, for not only is it the source from which all writers of early Florentine history have mainly drawn, but its author is the first 2 of a brilliant group of historians who have added a direct and reflected lustre to the fame of their native city. In truth, Italian History owes nearly as much to Florence as does Italian Art, and in the development of both she played much the same part. Just as Pisa and Siena took the lead in the one, so Milan and Parma took the lead in the other, and just as Florence passed the former she passed the latter, and ever after held the foremost place.* She became "alone and above all other states in the world, the home of historical representation in the modern sense of the phrase."^ Few States can boast such an illustrious roll of mediaeval and renaissance chroniclers as the following : — G. Villani {6. cir. 1275, d. 1348) . History from early times to 1348 M. Villani {d. 1363) .. . . ,, 1348 to 1363 Bruni (Lionardo Aretino, i. 1369, rf. 1444). ,, early times to 1404 ^ Dino Compagni (rf. 1324) . . . ,, 1280101312 Poggio Bracciolini (i. 1380, d. r459) . . „ early times to 1455 Machiavelli [b. 1469, d. 1527) . . ,, „ „ 1492 Nardi (*. 1476, rf. 1556) . . . ,, 1429101552 Guicciardini (*. 1482, d. 1540) . . ,, 1434 to 1509 Nerli {b. 1485, d. 1536) . . . „ 1494 to 1537 Giannotti {b. 1492, d. 1572) Varchi (b. 1502, rf. 1565) . . . ,, 1527 to 1538 Segni {b. 1504, d. 1558) . . . „ 1527 to 1554 Pitti (*. 1519, d. 1589) . . . . „ 1494 to 1529 Ammirato (3. 1531, 1^. 1601) . . . ,, early times to 1574' ^ Symonds' Introduction to the Study of Dante (1890), p. 288. ^ I am aware that such an omission, coupled with the fact that I have described minor works (because less known), must give an appearance of want of perspective to this history. ^ Malispini's history was probably derived from Villani's, or possibly the earlier portions of the works of both authors were taken from a common source. * Symonds, i. 230. ^ Burckhardt's Renaissance in Italy (1890), p. 73. ° I have not placed Dino Compagni earlier, as the oldest codex of his chronicle was probably written in 1450. See ante, p. 65. ' I have not included Brunetto Latini in this list, as the Cronica formerly attributed to him is now held to be anonymous. Among writers of lesser note, but not unknown to fame, I may mention Filippo Villani, Marchionne ART AND LITERATURE 93 Giovanni Villani tells us that he was inspired to undertake his great work during a visit to Rome, on the occasion of the first Jubilee, when some 200,000 pilgrims crowded the streets.^ Reflecting that the glory of Rome was waning while that of his native city was waxing, he determined, he says, to relate "all the doings and the origins of the town of Florence, as far as I could collect and discover them, and to continue the acts of the Florentines and other notable things in the world in brief onwards so long as it shall be God's pleasure, hoping in whom by his grace I have done the work rather than by my own poor knowledge; and therefore in the year 1300, when I returned from Rome, I began to compile this book, to the reverence of God and Saint John and the praise of this our city of Florence."^ Considering the time at which Villani wrote, his work is far in advance of that of any of his predecessors. It is true that he does not, like Machiavelli and ' Guicciardini, anticipate the modern analytical method, and, when treating of the foundation of Florence and other matters anterior to his own times, he mixes fable with fact. But when he comes to contemporaneous events which extend over a period of more than half a century, and in many of which he took a prominent part,^ his narrative leaves little to be desired. He was a keen observer, and he tells of what he saw in language which is at the same time simple and vivid. Making allowance for the atmosphere of party spirit which surrounded him, he is singularly impartial. But it is as a recorder of statistical data that he is unrivalled. He has given us detailed information respecting the commercial, financial, ecclesiastical, and social affairs of Florence during the fourteenth century such as we possess of no other city in the world.* His work has been aptly described as "the corner- stone of the early mediaeval history of Florence."^ di Coppo Stefeni, Piero Minerbetti, Gino Capponi {6. 1350, d. 1421), Goro Dati, and Giovanni Cavalcanti ; the diarist Landucci ; and the biographer Vespasaino. ' Giotto and Dante were in Rome at the same time. ^ Symonds, i. 232. ' He was three times Prior, he was Master of the Mint, and he was often sent on important embassies and as commissioner on military expeditions. He superintended the erection of Andrea Pisano's Baptistery gates and of the campanile of the Badia. * See G. Villani, lib. x. cap. 165, and lib. xi. cap. 92, 93, and 94. Matteo Villani also gives some valuable statistics ; see lib. i. cap. 1-8, and lib. iii. cap. 106. ' By Count Ugo Balzani, Ency. Brit., xxiv. 228. CHAPTER VI 1320-1340 THE GUELPH AND GHIBELLINE SUCCESSION — WAR WITH MILAN • — CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANE — THE CONSIGLIO DEL POPOLO THE position which Florence occupied at the beginning of the fourteenth century was a remarkable one, resembling in some respects that which England holds at the present day, and (all things considered) perhaps more surprising. Possessing a territory not larger than the county of York,i this little community of self-governed traders had won for itself a commercial and financial prosperity that gave it an influence out of all proportion to its size — an influence that was felt all over the civilised world. Her leading merchants, who had branch establishments in many European cities and in the East, were men of enormous wealth. Some of her manufactures, especially cloth which she had dressed and dyed, had an unrivalled reputa- tion. Foreign potentates borrowed largely from her bankers. Her citizens, who were employed by the great mercantile houses to manage their foreign branches, displayed such intelligence in dealing with financial matters that they were often appointed masters of the mints in the countries where they were residing ; and their general aptitude for affairs led to their employment in the conduct of diplomatic negotiations. This not only brought her into touch with many of the great powers, but at times enabled her to direct their policy.^ In the sphere of Art and Letters she was already supreme, and she was on the road Jo a position of more commanding pre-eminence than any that the world had seen since the days of Athens. In political morality, it need hardly be said, she was not one whit in advance of her contemporaries, and so, while ' TroUope, i. 372. ^ The primary cause of her splendid position was her national character, but the perfect organisation of her trade guilds was the most important of the secondary causes. 94 GUELPH AND GHIBELLINE SUCCESSION 95 her influence rested on the soUd foundation of wealth and intelli- gence, it was not unfrequently increased by bribery and intrigue. There was probably less extravagance and ostentatious display among the Florentines at this period than among the Milanese, Genoese, or Venetians, or even perhaps the Pisans or Sienese.^ Nevertheless, as was inevitable, with increased material prosperity had come a more luxurious mode of life. The simplicity of dress, food, and manners described by Villani and extolled by Dante was passing away.-^ Fra Francesco Pippino, who wrote in 13 13, speaks of "the clothing being now remarkable for its exquisite materials, workmanship, and superfluous ornaments of silver, gold, and pearls," and he goes on to bewail the consump- tion of foreign wines and the general increase of ostentation.^ Such was the position of Florence when she successfully thwarted the design of the Emperor Henry VII. to subjugate Italy, and when she embarked on a no less successful but more lengthy opposition to a similar design on the part of the great house of Visconti. The foundation of the power of the Visconti dynasty had been laid by Otho, Archbishop of Milan, by whose address Matteo (his nephew) had been nominated Imperial Vicar of Milan both by the emperor and the people. Matteo Visconti was in many respects the model of a prudent Italian despot. In 131 1 he succeeded in overpowering his only formidable rivals — the Guelph family of Delia Torre — and from that date to 1322 (when he abdicated in favour of his son Galeazzo) he maintained his sovereignty by sagacity rather than cruelty, and extended his dominions more by craft than conquest.* Ever since the death of the Emperor Henry VII. Matteo's power had been increasing, and it had now become a real menace to Florence. Other States had also cause for alarm, and when in 13 18 he attempted to add Genoa to his possessions, a league was formed to thwart his designs. As he was regarded as the chief of the Ghibelline party, the States which combined against him (with Florence at their head) hoisted the Guelph banner. The war had all the appearance of a continuation of the struggle which had commenced a century before, for the fatal ' In 1252 the Pisans thought, or affected to think, that the Florentines were not more civilised than Araljs (Villani, lib. vi. cap. 53). Some light is thrown on the mode of life of fashionable Siena by the sonnets of Folgore da San Gimignano (Napier, i. 578-582). ^ Villani, lib. vi. cap. 69 ; // Paradiso, xv. 97, etc. ^ Cited in Napier, ii. 542. * Symonds, i. 120. 96 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE party names which had then been coined, though they had become destitute of all rational meaning, still divided Italy into two hostile camps.^ The raison d'etre of the Guelph and Ghibelline feud had, it is true, disappeared — the pope was in exile at Avignon, and there was no claimant for the imperial throne— and yet the hatreds which had been engendered sur- vived and were, if possible, more active and malignant than before. This was mainly occasioned by the merciless and mis- taken policy to which each party resorted in the hour of victory of endeavouring to secure its ascendancy by banishing the bulk of its opponents. Guelph and Ghibelline exiles flocked to cities where their own parties were for the time supreme, all burning for revenge, and endeavouring to incite the States in which they had found a home to make war on those that had expelled them. There was hardly a city that did not live in dread of an attack from without and whose rulers did not know full well what was in store for them if that attack was successful. " Every danger appeared trivial in the eyes of exasperated factions when com- pared with the ascendancy of their adversaries." ^ Something too had been done towards perpetuating these bar- barous party names and the animosities from which they sprung by a series of most trivial and absurd customs. Ghibellines wore the feathers in their caps upon one side, Guelphs upon the other. Ghibellines cut fruit at table crosswise, Guelphs straight down, Ghibellines drank out of smooth, Guelphs out of chased goblets. Ghibellines wore white and Guelphs red roses. Each party had its own mode of yawning, passing in the street, throwing dice, and its own gestures in speaking and swearing.* One custom of the kind may still be seen in the architecture of the period. Palaces of the Ghibellines were built with swallow-tailed battlements, while those on the palaces of the Guelphs had straight tops.* The impending war then, though nominally one between Guelphs and Ghibellines, was but a corollary to the struggle between the Church and the Empire. Beyond hatreds originating in per- secution and stereotyped by custom it is hard to discover any ' Milan, Verona, and almost every city in Lombardy and Romagna, as well as Lucca and one or two other towns in Tuscany, called themselves Ghibel- line ; Florence, Naples, the Papal States, Siena, Perugia, and Bologna called themselves Guelph. Venice held proudly and prudently aloof, preferring a position of "contemptuous isolation" (Burckhardt, p. 65). ^ Hallam's State of Europe during the Middle Ages (1819), i. 403. See also Ammirato, ii. 59. 3 Symonds, i. 67. ^ The swallow-tailed battlements are very noticeable in Verona. GUELPH AND GHIBELLINE SUCCESSION 97 intelligible line of cleavage between the two parties. The nearest approach to a dividing principle is their attachment to different forms of government. Ghibelline States were always autocracies ; Guelph States were generally, but not always, republics.^ Hence historians have frequently and not unnaturally identified Ghibel- linism with tyranny and Guelphism with freedom.^ But these words had a different signification in those days from what they have now, and unless this is borne in mind we shall bestow a meed of praise on the Guelphs and blame on the Ghibellines beyond what is their due. Freedom, and indeed free institutions, as we understand the words, had ceased to exist. They had been extinguished by the joint action of Guelphs and Ghibellines, as a glance backwards at the political changes which had taken place in Italy shows. We have seen how in the twelfth century numer- ous Commonwealths, deserving of the name, had been called into existence by the requirements of law and order, during the days of "an unarmed pontiff and absent emperor." In the thirteenth century, when popes and emperors — no longer absent and unarmed — were engaged in a deadly struggle for supremacy, these little communities managed to maintain their independence for a time, but the strife in which they were immersed had such a corrupting influence upon them that self-government was doomed. " So deep and dreadful was the discord, so utter the exhaustion that the distracted Communes were fain at last to find some peace in tyranny." This they did either by substituting a personal for a republican government, as in the petty States of Lombardy and Romagna,^ or by converting a republic into a tyrannous oligarchy without changing its outward form, as in ^ The kingdom of Naples and the Papal States (the government of which was more despotic than any nominal despotism) were Guelph. ^ M. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 24; Sismondi ; TroUope, ii. 18; Napier (vol. i. p. 460) while identifying Guelphism with liberty, adds the prudent and im- portant qualification, " as liberty was then understood." ' Before 1320 the Este were lords of Ferrara, the Visconti of Milan, the Delia Scala of Verona, the Coreggi of Parma, the Agolanti of Padua, the Polenta of Ravenna, the Manfredi of Faenza, the Ordelaffi of Forli, the Monte- feltro of Urbino, and the Malatesta of Rimini, Pesaro, and Fano. Shortly afterwards the Gonzaga ruled Mantua and the Pepoli Bologna. Symonds (vol. i. pp. 100-104) divides the Italian despots of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries into six classes. Some derived their sovereignty from the people, some from the Emperor, some from the Popes ; others were Condottieri (like Uguccione della Faggiuola and the Sforza) who seized their dominions by force, others were sons or nephews of Popes, and lastly there were powerful citizens (like the Medici) who gradually extended an ascendancy that sprung from wealth and personal influence into a despotism. 98 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Florence. A change of the former class was for the lower orders generally a change for the better, as it delivered them from the tyranny and anarchy of faction. The yoke of the tyrant indeed as a rule weighed more heavily on the nobles than on the people,^ and when, as was sometimes the case, he not only restored social order, but also impartially administered justice and aggrandised his principality at the expense of its neighbours, he was the hero of the multitude.^ A change belonging to the latter class did not always bring with it any corresponding advantages. It often imperilled the stability of the government, weakened the executive, perpetuated faction, and encouraged corruption. It sufiSced however to satisfy the Guelph conception of freedom. But what Hobbes told the reformers of his day might be said with still greater truth of the fourteenth-century Guelphs, " What they really demanded was not liberty but dominion."^ There can be no doubt that the Milanese under Matteo Visconti enjoyed as much liberty of individual action as the Florentines in the times of the Tosinghi cabal or the bargello, and much more security for life and property. Nor did it take much to satisfy Guelph aspirations for freedom. They were content with a mere nominal right to participate in the government while a few powerful families manipulated the elections and kept the real power in their own hands. The freedom with which Guelphism may truly be identified was a sentiment, a phantasm. All Guelphs were democrats by profes- sion, but the leaders of the party were (like our own eighteenth- century Whigs) exclusive aristocrats in their habits, and when in office they were as tyrannical as the Ghibelline despots. Nor must it be supposed that there was any desire on the part of Guelph republics to aid each other in the maintenance of their nominal independence, for " the Florentine oligarchs, while they spent their last florin in opposing the Visconti, never missed an opportunity of enslaving the sister-burghs of Tuscany."* It is impossible in the light of these facts to maintain that there was any great principle at stake in the coming war. Its real cause ' There were of course exceptions, notably such monsters as Ezzelino da Romano and Bernabo Visconti. ^ Symonds, i. 74-76. ' Nineteenth Century Review, January, igo2, p. 13. * Symonds, i. 75. Florence succeeded in enslaving Pisa, Pistoja, and Vol- terra, but failed in her repeated attempts to acquire Lucca. On one occasion, however (in 1370), Florence did aid Lucca to recover her independence. WAR WITH MILAN 99 was nothing loftier than rivalry between Florence and Milan, each of whom desired for herself the hegemony of Tuscany. As has been mentioned, it was the attempt of Matteo Visconti to seize Genoa which occasioned the combination against him. King Robert of Naples, who regarded Genoa as a kind of link between his Italian and French possessions, sent a large force for its relief, and with aid from Florence and Bologna he compelled Matteo to raise the siege. In the following year Florence sent 1,000 horsemen into Lombardy and succeeded in freeing Cre- mona from the Ghibelline rule of Cane della Scala, lord of Verona. But these successes were not enough to satisfy the Guelphs, so the Pope,i the King of Naples, and the Signory of Florence joined in a request to Philip of Valois, brother of the King of France, to come to Italy as Imperial Vicar, for the pur- pose of humbling the Visconti. On hearing of what was in store for him, Matteo, deeming it prudent to act on the offensive, determined, in order to prevent the Florentines from meddling with Lombardic affairs, "to light such a fire in their house as should keep them fully occupied at home."^ With this object in view he entered into a close alliance with Castruccio Castracane, whom the people of Lucca had recently elected as their lord. This remarkable man, who for a short time played such a brilliant part on the stage of Italian history, was a member of the younger branch of the great Interminelli family, and he was now thirty- eight years of age.^ He had been exiled when a youth, and it is said that he gained much military experience in England when serving under Edward I. Not only as a soldier but as a states- man he was undoubtedly the foremost man in Italy, and it is not improbable that, had he lived, he would have subjugated the whole peninsula. Machiavelli, who wrote his biography (a work which is however somewhat of a political romance), even goes the length of saying that he was not inferior to Philip of Macedon or Scipio, and that he would have surpassed them both if he had had a wider sphere of action.* Castruccio was well aware that Matteo was using him as a tool, but it suited him for the present to play a second part. No sooner had an alliance been concluded [between the lords of ' John XXI., or, as he is also called, John XXII. " Ammirato ii. 60. ' It is said that his portrait may be seen in Benozzo Gozzoli's fresco in the Riccardi Palace and in Orcagna's fresco of the "Triumph of Death" on the south wall of the Campo Santo at Pisa. • TroUope, i. 381. loo A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Milan and Lucca than Castruccio, with his characteristic dash, marched into the lower Valdarno, and had made himself master of some half-dozen strongholds, and devastated the country as far as Empoli, almost before Florence was aware that war had begun. On the arrival of the news the city was panic-stricken, but, to her relief, Castruccio marched northwards to aid the Ghibelline forces that were once more laying siege to Genoa; Florence thereupon, acting with unwonted disinterestedness, feigned an attack on Lucca, and caused him promptly to retrace his steps. The Florentine and Lucchese forces came to close quarters, but no battle was fought and, as winter was at hand, hostilities were suspended. In June of the following year (1321) Castruccio laid waste Florentine territory with impunity, which occasioned much dis- content with those who were responsible for the conduct of the war. The Florentines, who were ever glad of an excuse for constitutional changes, with a view of strengthening the Govern- ment, increased the Signory by the addition of twelve Buonomini, two taken from each sesto, who were to be re-elected every six months.^ In the following year (1322) the podestci and capitano del popolo were nominated without foreign interference, for the party that had appointed the bargello were sufficiently powerful to prevent the prolongation of King Robert's protectorate after its expiration in the previous year. In 1323 Castruccio recommenced offensive tactics and laid siege to Prato, which is not more than twelve miles distant from Florence. The alarm in the latter city was naturally great, as through the treachery of Jacopo Fontabuona (a condottiere who had been in her pay) she was nearly destitute of troops. But the Signory did not lose nerve, and prompt measures were taken for raising an army. A lighted candle was placed on the Prato gate, and it was decreed that every citizen liable to serve who was not under arms before it had burned out, should be liable to lose a limb. A general reprieve was also granted to all exiled bandits who should at once join the Florentine army at Prato, and no less than 4,000 " ferocious fellows, fit to be employed in any desperate enterprise," ^ availed themselves of the offer. The result was that an army of 1,500^ horse and 20,000 foot was 1 Napier, i. 463. It should be remembered that the priors only held office for two months. , a Ammirato, ii. 79. ' Villani, lib. ix. cap, 214. Napier gives 2,500 horse. WAR WITH MILAN loi brought into the field. Castruccio, whose forces did not number more than some 650 horse and 4,000 foot, not venturing to give battle, retreated under cover of night towards Lucca. Next morning there was an angry dispute among the Florentine com- manders as to whether they should content themselves with having saved Prato or pursue the enemy. The captains who belonged to the grandi, remembering Montaperti — if not from less worthy motives — were for returning to Florence; while the popolani captains advocated pursuit and accused the nobles of cowardice and treachery. They were unable to agree, and messengers were sent referring the matter to the Signory, who were equally undecided, and only directed an advance after every window in the Palazzo Pubblico had been broken by a mob of boys ! The nobles, however, either from a sense of the gravity of the situation, or from secret Ghibelline leanings, con- trived, by telling the bandits that the Signory had no intention of granting them the promised pardon, to procure the revocation of the order. The 4,000 rufSans instantly left the army and marched towards Florence for the purpose of compelling the Government to keep faith with them, whereupon the Signory, seeing the danger to which Florence was exposed, commanded an immediate return of the army. When thus strengthened the Signory openly avowed their intention of breaking their promise, and refused to grant to the bandits the pardon which they had earned.^ Accordingly these ill-used ruffians determined to attempt to obtain what was their due by force, and it was arranged, with the connivance of the grandi, that some 1,500 or 1,600 of them should break into the city through the Porta San Gallo on the night of August loth. The plot was discovered and frustrated, and it was found that a very large number of the nobles were implicated, but no one ventured to publicly accuse them. A new method of secret indictment was thereupon devised, by means of which three members of influential families — Amerigo Donati, Tegghia Frescobaldi, and Letteringo Gherardini — were fined 2,000 lire each and banished for six months.^ Many more condemnations could have been obtained, but the conspiracy was so widespread that it was thought prudent to hush the matter up. ' Whether this breach of faith was preconceived (in which case the nobles are less culpable), or whether it was the result of the subsequent conduct of the bandits is not clear. 2 villani lib. ix. cap. 219. 102 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE A general sense of insecurity, springing from several sources, now pervaded the city. Castruccio Castracane was daily becom- ing more powerful. The nobles were discontented and were in correspondence with the still more discontented exiles. And the bi-monthly election of priors kept the whole community in a state of almost chronic excitement. In order to remove this last cause of unrest, and at the same time render the govern- ment more stable, an important constitutional change was intro- duced. It was now provided that twenty-one times as many persons as were required for office at the same time should be elected together, and that their election should be held once in every forty-two months. The names of the elected candidates were put into a bag (borsa), from which the names of those to serve as priors were drawn every two months.^ This electoral device (known as Squittino'^) was very popular, as it brought a large number of citizens into public life, but under its influence the status of the Signory deteriorated, and it was not infrequently corruptly used by party chiefs.^ Meanwhile Castruccio was unwearied in his endeavours to extend his tenitory. He plotted, though unsuccessfully, for the acquisition of both Florence and Pisa by treachery, and in May, 1325, he purchased Pistojafrom Fihppo Tedici for 10,000 florins and the hand of his daughter Dialta. It was obvious that if Florence was to maintain her independence his ambitious career must be checked. Accordingly, with the aid of her Guelph allies, she collected a force of some 2,500 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, which she placed under the command of a Spaniard, Ramondo da Cardona, who proved to be neither competent nor trustworthy. On June 25th, this army, which was one of the finest ever put into the field by Florence, marched out of the city, headed by the carroccio and martinella, towards Pistoja. There they found the lord of Lucca in command of a strong garrison, but he was too wary to be tempted out of the city, and he dryly re- marked, in answer to the enemy's taunts, that "it was not the ^ Villani, lib. ix. cap. 229. It was a mode of election that prevailed in other places (Napier, i. 473). ^ It was first called Imborsazione, It seems that the names of those who had served were returned to the bag, but no one was re-eligible who had been in office during the preceding twenty-four months. ^ Within two years of the adoption of the Squittino the Bordoni family were suspected of having tampered with the drawings from the borsa, which was in consequence twice opened and refilled (Villani, lib. ix. cap. 271). CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANE 103 right time." The Florentines contented themselves for a few days with running pallio races under the walls of Pistoja, and with other amusements intended to insult the besieged garrison, and then, acting under orders from the Signory, they broke up their camp and marched towards Lucca. Having captured the town of Altopascio they took up a singularly ill-chosen position a few miles further on. Castruccio was not slow to take advan- tage of their mistake. He at once led his forces out of Pistoja and pursued them, but he contrived to postpone a battle until re- inforcements, under Azzo Visconti, which he was expecting, were at hand. His allies appeared in sight on September 23rd, wheil he induced the Florentines to commence the attack at the very time and point that were most advantageous to him, and before long he had won the day. The carroccio was captured, Ramondo was taken prisoner, and his forces were completely routed. It is said that the cavalry displayed little courage but that the infantry (most of whom were Florentines) fought bravely.^ There can be but small doubt that Ramondo courted defeat, in the hope that Florence might be constrained by misfortune to make him her lord.^ He had, too, been debiUtating his army in order to feather his own nest by assigning to rich Florentines perilous and irksome duties, from which he relieved them on receipt of a bribe.^ This was the third great battle in which Florence and her Guelph allies had been completely defeated.* In a few days' time Castruccio's army was outside the walls of Florence, having burned crops and houses, and ruthlessly de- vasted the country on their march. In the eyes of lovers of early Italian Art the damage that was then done will be regarded as incalculable. A very large number of houses around Florence at this time, Ammirato tells us, contained paintings of remark- able excellence, "the result partly of the natural taste of the citizens (who having by industry made large fortunes in trade were wont to spend money on building magnificent dwellings), and partly of the number and genius of the artists who were then living, so that Castruccio had a rich field on which to vent his ' As the cavalry were drawn from the nobles, it is probable that their sympathies were with their Ghibelline opponents. 2 Machiavelli, p. 93. ^ Symonds, i. 143, note ; Napier, i. 482. ^ The other two were Montaperti and Montecatini. The only important Guelph victory was over the Aretines at Campaldino. When Altopascio is spoken of as a battle between Guelphs and Ghibellines, those terms are of course used in the modified sense previously explained. 104 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE fury."i The enemy remained outside Florence for some days, and repaid in kind the insults that they had received at Pistoja. Races were run from the city walls to their camp at Peretola (a village about two miles from Florence) for prizes to be pro- vided out of the prospective loot of the city.^ But so cowed were the Florentines that no sortie was made, either to check this insolence or to protect the surrounding country, indeed "they behaved themselves like a people lost and undone, and abandoning all sense of honour they were intent only on the safety of the city." ^ Castruccio made no serious attempt to take Florence and on November loth he entered Lucca in triumph. The procession was headed by prisoners of lesser note with bare heads and hands crossed and tied upon their breasts.* Then came the Florentine carroccio with the banner of the Republic trailing in the dirt, followed by knights, captains, and other prisoners of higher rank. Castruccio, on a magnificent charger, rode at the head of his victorious army, and he was received at the city gate by an assemblage of clergy, nobility, and high-born dames. The remaining weeks of the year 1325 were some of the most disastrous and humiliating through which Florence had ever passed.^ Castruccio returned into her territory, taking castles and sacking villages at his pleasure. He occupied Signa,^ pillaged Prato, laid siege to Montemurlo, and wasted the greater part of the Florentine contado. The Signory " seeing that every- thing was going against Florence and in favour of her enemies,"' and not feeling equal to combat these misfortunes single-handed, conferred on Charles, Duke of Calabria, the son of Robert the Wise, King of Naples, the lordship of Florence for ten years. In consideration of an annual stipend of 100,000 golden florins, he ^ Ammirato, ii. 112. ^ There were horse races, foot races, and races for prostitutes (Villani, lib. ix. cap. 317). 3 villani, lib. ix. cap. 320. ■* Nothing mortified the prisoners so much as being compelled to bear torches as offerings to S. Martin, the patron saint of Lucca, on whose festival the triumphal entry was made. ° Trollope, i. 415. Some of Florence's richest citizens sustained losses in a foreign land in 1326. The great firm of Bardi, who had an agency in England, had their London house pillaged and burned by a mob (Villani, lib. X. cap. 8). The cause of this outrage is said to have been the unpopularity of the Florentine bankers in London through the repayment to them by Edward II. of large sums advanced by them to his father (Peruzzi, p. 177). ° While at Signa he coined silver pieces called Castruccini. ' Ammirato, ii. 120. CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANE 105 undertook to reside in Florence for thirty months during his term of office, and to provide 400 transalpine horsemen. In time of war he was bound to maintain 1,000 horsemen, and he was to receive a double stipend. It was also stipulated that he should not in any way change the form of the constitution. On May 17th, 1326, the Duke's Vicar, Walter de Brienne, Duke of Athens, arrived in Florence with 400 cavaliers, and the Duke of Calabria himself reached the city with a still larger force in the following July. Between these dates Castruccio had again brought his army to the very gates of Florence, but had failed to provoke the citizens to attack him. While there it is said he entertained a wild scheme of flooding the city by means of a dam across the Arno, but he was dissuaded by his engineers from attempting to carry it out. Notwithstanding the terms of his appointment, the rule of the Duke of Calabria was something more than nominal. He demanded and, after some hesitation on the part of the people, obtained the power of appointing all public officers, from the priors downwards; of recalling exiles, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary ; and of making peace or war. Shortly after his arrival, Siena, San Miniato al Tedesco, San Gimignano, Colle, and Prato also, made him their lord, thus largely extending the power of the house of Anjou in central Italy. His influence, however, was not to remain long unchecked. A counteracting force now appeared on the scene in the person of the excom- municated Emperor Louis (contemptuously referred to by Guelph historians as "the Bavarian"), who came to enforce his claim to Caesar's crown in the teeth of papal opposition.^ He entered Italy in February, 1327, with only 600 horsemen, but an army was at once provided for him by the Ghibelline chiefs of Lombardy.2 He was, too, warmly welcomed by that large and zealous section of the Franciscans (known as the Fraticelli or Spirituals) who had been declared schismatics by the rapacious and worldly Pope John XXII.^ Some of the keenest intellects ' Louis had been elected Emperor after the death of Henry VII. in 1314, but his claim was disputed by Frederick of Austria, and war between them ensued, which lasted till 1324. Frederick was supported by the Church, and the Pope excommunicated his rival, maintaining that no one had the right to assume the title of King of the Romans without papal sanction (Creighton, . i. 38). 2 The lords of Milan, Mantua, Verona, and Ferrara. ^ The policy of John XXII. had occasioned a serious schism in the Church. For many years past the Franciscan Order had been divided into two parties, one of whom held that the possession of property was sinful, and that the higher io6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE in Europe were contending for the righteousness of his cause.i But he found his most useful ally in Castruccio Castracane, and he was guided by no other counsellor during his sojourn in Italy. He was crowned King of the Romans in Milan on May 31st, 1327, and then marched southward, and in October he captured Pisa. He returned to Lucca, and on the feast of S. Martin he created Castruccio duke of that city, and conferred on him the lordships of Pistoja and Volterra and the bishopric of Luini.^ The Duke of Calabria left Florence on December 28th, 1327, for Naples, to aid in defending his father's dominions. His fifteen months' rule had cost the Florentines 900,000 golden florins, and he had done little or nothing towards reducing Castruccio's power. In spite of his urbanity and impartial administration of justice, his departure was not regretted, for his lack of military ability, coupled with the costliness of his government, had made him, on the whole, unpopular. Louis went to Rome, where he was crowned emperor on January i6th, 1328, and in the August following he returned northwards, intending to combine his forces with those of Castruccio for an attack on Florence, which Florence was ill prepared to resist. The combination was, however, hindered by the arrival at Corneto of a fleet under Peter of Aragon, King of Sicily. The delay was short, but it was sufficient to save Florence, for on September 3rd Castruccio Castracane died from over-exertion in the summer heat. His brilliant career certainly seems to justify much of the praise that has been lavished upon him. It was said of him that he never committed a rash act, and that all his plans were so carefully thought out that " victory attended him like a shadow."^ From a soldier of fortune he had raised himself to be Duke of Lucca, Lord of Pisa, Pistoja, Volterra, and of much of the Genoese Riviera, and at his death he was courted or dreaded by every Italian potentate. life was only to be found in penury and squalor, while the other had modified the rules laid down by their saintly founder so as to harmonise with the growing wealth, learning, and importance of their Order. Celestine V. had striven to hold together the contending parties, but Pope John pronounced the Fraticelli heretics (Creighton, i. 39). The Pope's action was mercilessly criticised by Michele da Cesena and William of Occam, "the invincible doctor." This schism much strengthened the Ghibelline cause in Italy. ' Notably Marsiglio of Padua in his Defensor Pacts, a work which " stands on the very threshold of modern history as a clear forecast of ideas which were to regulate the future progress of Europe" (Creighton, i. 46). His cause was also advocated by John of Jandun. 2 Not long afterwards Castruccio contrived by intrigue to acquire the lord- ship of Pisa. 2 Ammirato. THE CONSIGLIO DEL POPOLO 107 Two months after the death of Castruccio, Charles, Duke of Calabria died, " so that in a short space of time the Florentines were freed from the rule of the one and from the fear of the other."! They at once set themselves to the task of remodelling their constitution, which had got out of working order during Charles' sway. The changes finally adopted, which were very elaborate, had for their object the establishment of a really democratic government, from which all Ghibellines were to be excluded. The "General Council" and the Councils known as "The Hundred," " The Credenza" and " The Ninety " were abolished, and were replaced by two new ones. The first of these, called the ConsigUo del pofolo, comprised 300 citizens drawn exclusively from the ranks of the people, and was presided over by the capitano del popolo ; the second, called ConsigUo Comune, numbered 250 members,^ half of whom were nobles, was pre- sided over by the podesta. No resolution of the Signory became law until it had been ratified by both Councils. The principle of the Squittino was retained, but its form was modified. A list of all Guelph citizens over thirty years of age, who did not belong to the nobility, and were considered fit for the office of prior, was drawn up by the gonfalonier, and the outgoing priors with two assessors from each sesto. Three similar lists were also prepared; one by the gonfaloniers of companies with two assessors for each company; one by the captains of the Parte Guelfa and their council; and one by the five officers of commerce assisted by two consuls from each of the seven Artt Maggiori. These four lists were submitted to a board of ninety- eight members,^ who voted by ballot on each name in turn, and all names were rejected that did not receive at least sixty-eight votes. The names of all those who had been duly approved by the ninety-eight were put into the election bags, from which the names of those who were to serve as priors were drawn every two months. The buonomini and gonfaloniers of companies were drawn for every four months from lists of names that had been similarly prepared.* ' Maqhiavelli, p. 95. ^ Reumont gives 350. See Tavole Cronologiche, sub anno 1328. ' This board consisted of the gonfalonier and priors, the hUonomini, the gonfaloniers of companies, two consuls elected by the twelve greater guilds, and six assessors from each sesto (Napier, i. 527-528). * The consuls of the greater guilds were elected in much the same way. io8 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The election bags were replenished every two years, the names of those who had not been drawn for ofiSce being allowed to remain. The preparation of these lists and the drawings gave rise, as will be seen, to grave abuses which occasioned disorder and bloodshed. For the present (1329), however, popular dis- content was allayed, and the Government turned its attention to foreign affairs. The movements of Louis of Bavaria were occasioning the Signory no little uneasiness. He was within measurable distance of obtaining possession of Florence by treachery, but the conspiracy was divulged by some of his agents. Giovanni del Saga, to whom the city was to have been delivered, was promptly arrested and "planted," i.e. buried alive, head downwards. Castruccio Castracane's abiUties as a ruler had not descended to his children, and the Signory endeavoured to profit by the disturbances that arose in some of his dominions after his death. The Pistojans applied to Florence for aid to enable them to restore order, and Jacopo Strozzi, with a bodyguard, was des- patched for the purpose, to whose rule they voluntarily sub- mitted. Although Pistoja remained nominally a free city, she was never afterwards independent of Florentine control. The affairs of Lucca were in still greater confusion. Castruc- cio's three sons had been expelled from the city by Louis of Bavaria, who sold it for 22,000 florins to Francesco Castracane, a kinsman of Castruccio's, from whom it was seized by a band of German troopers that had been in Louis's service, but had mutinied for want of pay, and were now known as the Compagnia del Ceruglio. Florence might have purchased the city at this time for the insignificant price of 80,000 florins, and she had cause to bitterly regret that she did not do so. Giovanni Villani, who, as a member of the Signory, warmly advocated the purchase, can only explain the action of his colleagues by suggesting that "whom God hates he deprives of reason. "^ The German com- pany being unable to conclude a bargain with Florence, and being anxious to return home, thereupon sold Lucca to Gherardino Spinola, a Genoese exile, for 30,000 florins. The Florentines, in dudgeon, refused even to treat with Spinola, and resolved to take by force what they had neglected to acquire by con- tract. Their army laid siege to Lucca on October 5th, and remained outside the walls till the following February, 1330, • Villani, lib, x. cap. 143. KING JOHN OF BAVARIA 109 when it was forced to retire on the arrival of troops which had been sent by King John of Bohemia, to whom Spinola had offered the lordship of the city. The position which King John held in Italy at this time was very remarkable. He was the son of the Emperor Henry of Luxemburg, and he possessed many of his father's virtues. He was handsome, chivalrous, and eloquent, and he soon became both popular and respected. When he crossed the Alps at the end of 1330 he seems to have done so without any view to personal aggrandisement. He expressly disclaimed his father's imperial pretensions, and his previous conduct in France and Germany warrants the belief that his disclaimer was honest. He accepted the lordship of Brescia, whose citizens wanted a ruler unentangled with their party quarrels, and his rule was so con- spicuously benign that Cremona, Bergamo, Pavia, Vercelli, and Novara almost immediately afterwards voluntarily submitted to him. Before long Parma, Modena, and Reggio followed their example, and now Spinola was ready to cede Lucca to him.^ King John's sudden rise to power occasioned both jealousy and alarm throughout Italy, and brought about a combination of strangely discordant elements. A league was formed between the Ghibelline Despotisms of Milan, Verona, Mantua, and Ferrara, and the Guelph States of Naples and Florence, with the double object of expelUng King John from Italy and of distributing his dominions among the contracting parties.^ His fortunes soon after (1333) began to wane, and some of the cities that had welcomed him as their lord revolted. Without making an effort to regain his supremacy, he sold his remaining dominions and quitted Italy with a diminished reputation.^ The only one of these transactions which affects the history of Florence is the disposition of Lucca, the de facto government of which King John sold to the Rossi, a powerful Parmesan family, while retaining for himself the suzerainty. After King John's departure conferences were held between the parties to the League as to the partition of his quondam principalities, but at the end of two years nothing had been ' Sismondi's Italian Republics (London, 1832), p. 141. Villani, lib. *. cap. 169 and 1 74. ''■ It was arranged that Azzo Visconti, lord of Milan, should have Cremona, and Mastino della Scala; lord of Verona, Parma. Reggio and Modena were respectively allotted to the lords of Mantua and Ferrara, and Lucca to Florence. a jjg ^^s killed at the battle of Cressy in 1346. no A HISTORY OF FLORENCE effected. Florence was, however, satisfied with the assurance of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, that as soon as he had dispossessed the Rossi, he would hand Lucca over to her, but, says Villani, "he broke his promise like a felon and a traitor."! It seems probable that he had conceived the idea of making himself lord of Tuscany — indeed he may have aimed at nothing less than the crown of Italy. ^ He put off the fulfil- ment of his engagement on various pretexts, until, in 1335, Florence, suspecting his designs and tired of waiting, formally demanded that Lucca should be handed over to her, and offered to pay him whatever sum the acquisition of the city had cost him. Mastino thereupon named 300,000 florins, supposing that as Florence had refused, only six years before, to purchase the city for 80,000, she would at once reject his offer.^ To his sur- prise she accepted his terms without demur, so abandoning further dissimulation, he told the Florentine ambassadors plainly that he did not want gold, and that Florence should not have Lucca unless she would undertake to remain neutral while he was attacking her ally Bologna. The ambassadors indignantly refused the proposal, and before they had reached home hostilities between Florence and Verona had commenced. Florence was at this time in a strong and prosperous condition. She had recovered from the disastrous effects of the battles of Montecatini and Altopascio, and she was the sovereign or friend of almost every state in Tuscany.* In 1333, the Florentines, as was their wont when undisturbed by foreign or domestic troubles, amused themselves with all kinds of festivities, and for a whole month about 800 artisans in gay attire paraded the streets with music and dancing. All such joyous demonstrations were, however, rudely ended by a terrific storm which commenced on November I St in that year, and lasted for ninety-six hours, occasioning the Arno to overflow its banks. Almost the whole city was under water to a depth of four feet, the city walls gave way, and very many houses fell. Three out of the four bridges were destroyed,' and the statue of Mars, at the foot of which Buondelmonte was murdered, was hurled into the river and disappeared for ever. Only 300 lives were lost, but the damage to property was ^ Villani, lib. xi. cap. 40. ^ Napier, i. 566. ' Villani, lib. xi. cap. 44. " In 1330 she had acquired the important stronghold of Montecatini, and in 133s the towns of Bicino, Cenina, Galatrone, Rondine, and La Torricella voluntarily tendered to her their allegiance. ' The Ponte alle Grazie was the only one that escaped. THE CONSERVATOR OF PEACE in enormous.! The minds of the Florentines were much exercised as to whether or not they should regard this calamity as a judgment of God on them for their wickedness, but they were much consoled by a letter from the King of Naples, in which he reminded them that "whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth."^ The new constitution had not worked as well as was expected. Many citizens of character and position found themselves, through a corrupt use of the squittino, excluded from office, and towards the end of 1335 disturbances were expected. The dominant faction, whose practices had occasioned the discontent, in order to strengthen their position, procured the creation of a new office, the holder of which was called " The Captain of the Guard and the Conservator of Feace." ^ He had a bodyguard of 50 horse and 100 foot soldiers assigned to him, and he was paid a salary of 10,000 golden florins a year. He was nominally a chief constable, but he was, in fact, a dictator. He was placed above all law, for he could deprive any citizen of life or property without trial, and he could not be called upon to account to any authority for malfeasance. That such a constitutional change should have been tolerated, even experi- mentally, by a democracy, is striking, and illustrates what has been said with regard to the Guelphic conception of liberty. The Florentines were typical Guelphs, and as long as they thought they had a voice in the government, they would submit to much tyrannous legislation ; and the wire-pulling party leaders would sacrifice almost any principle for the sake of maintaining their faction in power.* The yoke of Jacopo Gabrielli of Gubbio, who was the first Conservator of Peace, proved too heavy to be borne, and at the end of the year 1336, when his term of office expired, the people refused to appoint a successor. Indeed he had made himself so obnoxious that a law was passed that no native of Gubbio should hold office in Florence for ten years.^ ^ It was estimated that the injury to public property alone amounted to 250,000 florins. ^ Villani, lib. xi. cap. 2 and 3. The sins which were thought to have pro- voked the Deity were the tyranny, arrogance, and gluttony of the men and the vanity of the women. ^ They had first procured the appointment of some "Captains of the Guard" or "Bargellini," but these proved too independent, and were super- seded by a single official. * It should, however, be added that many of the tyrannous expedients were initiated by one party to hit the chiefs of the other, and were felt more by the nobles than the people. ' Villani, lib. ix. cap. 39. The podesth of the same year, who was a violent and unprincipled man, was also a native of Gubbio. 112 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Villani gives some interesting details respecting the population and wealth of Florence at this time.i He estimates that there were 90,000 natives and 1,500 foreigners residing in the city, besides inmates of religious houses. Of the 90,000, 25,000 were men capable of bearing arms {i.e. males between fifteen and seventy years of age), of whom 1,500 were grandi. In the contado there were 80,000 men capable of bearing arms. There were from 5,500 to 6,000 children annually baptised at San Giovanni, and the excess of males over females was usually from 300 to 500.2 From 8,000 to 10,000 children were learning to read, and there were six schools at which from 1,000 to 1,200 were learning arithmetic. Grammar and rhetoric were taught in four schools to some 550 or 600 children. The normal revenue of the State was 300,000 golden florins, while its ordinary expendi- ture was only 40,000. The churches and religious houses in the city and suburbs numbered one hundred and ten. There were a large number of palaces and fine houses in the city, and more than twice as many within a radius of six miles, and each year new buildings of increased magnificence were being erected.^ The thriving and industrious little city of Lucca* had for many years past been a Naboth's vineyard to the Florentines, and the loss of it through Mastino's perfidy when it was almost within their grasp, caused the desire for its possession to become nothing less than a passion, which for some time to come obscured their judgment. Although the finances of Florence were at a lower ebb than usual, she determined to make war on the lords of Verona regardless of expense.^ But such foes were too powerful to be attacked single-handed with any hope of success, for Mastino and Alberto della Scala were reputed to possess larger resources than any European potentate except the King of France.* ^ Villani, lib. xi. cap. 91-94. '^ No register was kept till 1450, but the priest of San Giovanni was in the habit, for his own information, of putting into a box a black bean for each boy and a white bean for each girl whom he baptised. ; ^ It is not quite clear whether Villani is here speaking of the palaces in 1280 or 1336. But if the statement was true in the former, it was certainly still more so in the latter year. Villani (lib. xi. cap. 92) gives a minute account of the amounts raised by duties at the city gates and (Cap. 93) of the salaries of some of the ofiicials. * The city was proverbially known as "Lucca I'lndustriosa.'' ' Villani, lib. xi. cap. gj. ' They were lords not only of Verona, but Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, Brescia, Feltro, Belluno, Modena, Parma, and Lucca were subject to them. WAR WITH VERONA 113 Fortunately for Florence the Venetians were at this time annoyed with the La Scala brothers for having estabUshed salt works at Mestre and so deprived them of a lucrative monopoly.^ They were, too, alarmed at the growing power of Verona. Under these circumstances Florence had no difficulty in persuading Venice to join lier in making war on Verona, and a treaty was concluded between them. One of the Florentine emissaries who negotiated this alliance was a Salvestro de' Medici who was a prominent member of the popolani grassi. According to Litta, it was the Salvestro the son of Alamanno and Margherita de' Neri who was sent on this mission to Venice. But as he died in 1388 he must have been a young man for such an important post in 1336. It is evident that Litta must be wrong in stating that this same Salvestro was prior in 13 18, seeing that no one under forty was eligible for that office. If this were so, he was taking an active part in public life after he was 100 and he died at no. It seems more probable the ambassador sent to Venice in 1336 was Salvestro the son of Averardo, and the great grandfather of Cosimo (Pater Patriae). By the, terms of the treaty, the expense of the campaign against the house of La Scala within the Trevisan March, was to be borne by the two Republics in equal proportions, and Florence was to be at liberty to act independently against Lucca and Parma. It was also stipulated that neither Repubhc should make truce or peace with their common foe without the consent of the other. This was the first occasion on which Venice had allied herself with Florence, and the Florentines esteemed it a great honour.^ Fortune favoured the allies, and before the end of 1338 Treviso and the salt lagoons had been wrested from the La Scalas, Alberto was prisoner, and Vicenza was in peril. Mastino, seeing that the struggle was going against him, entered into secret negotiations with Venice, and Venice having obtained what she wanted, made a truce with him behind the back of her ally. Florence, justly indignant at so flagrant a breach of the treaty, sent ambassadors to Venice to demand that the cession of Lucca should be made a condition of peace. They spent many days in Venice, " endeavouring to get the advantage of the ' The Venetians had important salt works at Chioggia, ^ The Venetians had hitherto held aloof from Italian politics and had never condescended " to ally themselves with any Republic or Despot by reason of their great superiority and state " (Villani, lib. xi. cap. 50). 1-1 M ° •0! H erf O Q »-< o Q W IS li- ■riR eu •g w 3 Uc m 13 c^ ^ a. C a o O 6 i o,— p, '^ o en o . II- o o c < f=r ?! S l:i" o . ^ 4> fim S". " S J3t3 - S »-* M o . , O— Ph u o ■3 8 1* 13 w^ 00 6.2 s- 3§? P4" ■= o n? fM ^ _. ?^ O ^ g " s go « •a rc 3 S s g 3-0 - s c « S o (1h " O cii^ s M II — c3 4> g < -fi o m ■5 -a- u OS" <£o o ■< o s "SK t*1 ^ ^ V) OJ " oJ eg „ Q 18 M ^ .SB S OQ---S " 2 ° S:S l-S.2^^ .2:5 »- S-S Pi**-" ii ^S-s o.g M£ 8° - {- rt o rrv^ N p; .0 E/3 % "fli ^ TJ Tl g « « S h _« 1 t: «A( ^-^ - T3 a •a Mr Q t3 (U ™ w -^ K ^ 8 c -.2 " ii •S-S £•! .•■3 ^ ^ (DC 2^5 t ffiKOOO-gO«l rH ga ■* "« ** tV- * WAR WITH VERONA 115 Venetians, but the perfidious wretches, descended from that Trojan traitor Antenor, adhered to their own intent and could not be moved." 1 Peace was proclaimed oh January 24th, 1339, and, though Florence had failed to obtain the object of her desire, she was confirmed by treaty in the possession of no inconsiderable slice of Lucchese territory which she had seized.^ During the progress of the war Florence purchased from the Tarlati for 39,000 florins their signorial rights over Arezzo and the Valdambra for a period of ten years. The Aretines (who had received a nominal loan of 18,000 florins from Florence) regarded the transaction with approval, but it nearly involved Florence in a war with Perugia.* This gain however was small compared with the losses which Florence sustained. The Veronese war had cost her more than 25,000 florins a month, and she had suffered from causes beyond her own control.* Philip VI. of France had, without warning, indiscriminately charged all Italian merchants and bankers re- siding in his dominions with usury and extortion, and ordered their arrest. A large number of these were Florentines whose release was only procured by payment of exorbitant ransoms, the exaction of which was no doubt the real cause of their apprehension. And a still heavier loss arose from a banking transaction between Edward III. of England, and the Bardi and Peruzzi. For more than ten years past King Edward had been borrowing from these two firms large sums of money to enable him to carry on war with France, and his debt to them now amounted to 1,365,000 golden florins. This sum, or at any rate the greater part of it, was for some reason which is by no means clear, never repaid. Peruzzi alleges^ that the king basely repudi- ated the debt by a royal edict of May 6th, 1339, but this edict bears the very opposite construction. It is, no doubt, a general revocation of aU orders for payment of moneys out of the national exchequer, but payments due to "our beloved merchants of the Companies of Bardi and Peruzzi " are expressly excepted ^ Villani, lib. xi. cap. go. ^ She thus acquired Fucecchio, Castelfranco, Santa Croce, Santa Maria a Monte, Montetopoli in Valdarno ; Montecatini, Montesommano, Montevetto- lino, Massa, Tozzile, and Uzzano in Valdinievole ; Avellano, Burano, Sorana, and Castelvecchio in Valdiluna. And the important towns of Buggiano and Pescia and the fortress of Altopascio were afterwards ceded to her (Villani, lib. xi. cap. go). s Villani, lib. xi. cap. Sg-6i. " Villani, lib. xi. cap. 88. * Peruzzi, p. 471. ii6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE from its operation.^ Probably the transaction was an honest one and the Florentine bankers had miscalculated the value of the securities on which their moneys had been advanced.^ Although the large landed possessions of the Bardi and Peruzzi saved them for a few years from bankruptcy, a great number of small firms and private individuals who had deposited money with them were ruined, and Florentine credit was shaken all over the civilised world.^ The troubles which Florence had to bear at this time were not only financial. In 1340 plague and famine made their appearance, and though the population was reduced by one-sixth the food supply was insufficient. In order to appease an angry Deity the sentences on the exiles were revoked and the confiscated property of such of them as were dead that was in the hands of the Government was ordered to be paid to their widows and orphans. The latter part of this edict was only partially carried out, to which the continuance of the plague in the winter was attributed.* After these disasters, and perhaps owing to the state of mind that they had produced, a new and more rigorous code of sumptuary laws was passed, with a view to repressing excessive expenditure at weddings, funerals, and other family gatherings, and to regulate portions given to daughters on marriage.^ ' Rymer's Faedera, p. 1081. ^ Symonds, i. 235. ^ Just before this catastrophe the Bardi had purchased the fortified towns of Vernia and Margona, as well as other places outside Florentine territory. The Republic, realising the independent power which such possessions afforded to her citizens, thereupon passed a law prohibiting similar purchases in the future. In 1340 the Florentine Government acquired these towns by a forced sale (Napier, ii. 38). The Bardi and Peruzzi failed, as will be mentioned, in 134.5 (Villani, lib. xi. cap. 88). * Villani, lib. xi. cap. 114. ^ Ammirato, iii. 10, note 2. Laws for similar objects had been passed in 1306 and 1333, and others were subsequently passed in 1345 (Ammirato, iii. 92), in 1355, 1384, 1388, 1396, 1439, 1456, and 1562 (Bill's Private Life of the Renaissance Florentines, p. 40). ART AND LITERATURE 13 18-1340 117 ART AND LITERATURE 1318-1340 ARCHITECTS SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Giotto Giotto Giotto Dante Taddeo Gaddi Andrea Pisano Taddeo Gaddi Petrarch Simone Martini Giotto's wanderings after he left Florence about the year 1318 cannot be traced with certainty. He returned there in 1327, after visiting and working in many towns.^ A year or two after- wards we find him at Naples, where he stayed for two or three years, and in 1332 he took up his final abode in Florence. When in Florence in 1327 he painted a portrait of Charles, Duke of Calabria, kneeUng before the Virgin, in the Palazzo Vecchio (no longer visible);^ and the beautiful Coronation of the Virgin painted for the Baroncelli chapel in the church of Santa Croce, in which are embodied all the innovations which Giotto introduced into his other works, was also probably painted at this time.* To the same period must be attributed his design for the beautiful gates of the Baptistery that were modelled by Andrea Pisano in 1330.* After Giotto's return to Florence in 1332 he was appointed chief architect of the cathedral and of the walls and fortifications of the city. Consequently the remainder of his life was devoted chiefly to architecture, but he found time to paint a Madonna and Child for the church of Ognissanti, which is now in the Accademiafi In 1332 he was directed by the Signory to prepare plans for a campanile adjoining the cathedral, and when his design had ' He probably visited (among other towns) Padua, Verona, Ferrara, Ravenna, Faenza, Urbino, Arezzo, Lucca, and Rome, but most of the works that he executed in these places have perished (Vasari, i. io6, 107). It has been generally supposed that he was in Avignon in 1323 or 1324, but this seems a mistake (Crowe and Cav., i. 272). 2 Vasari, i. 499. ' Rio's Poetry of Christian Art (1854), p. S4- This work is now in the Medici chapel in the same church. Giotto executed other works in S. Croce, which have perished (Crowe and Cav., i. 309). * As they are generally known as Andrea Pisano's gates they will be described among his works. It is probable, however, that they were designed by Giotto (Lindsay, i. 374). * La Fenestre, 193. It was painted in 1334. Vasari (vol. i. p. 115) mentions other works that Giotto painted at this time, but these have disappeared. ii8 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE been approved a decree was passed that the campanile should be built "so as to exceed in magnificence, height and excellence of workmanship everything of the kind that had been achieved by the Greeks and Romans when at the zenith of their great- ness." 1 The foundation-stone was laid with much ceremony on July 1 8th in the same year, and the work made rapid progress. A Veronese, who chanced to be in Florence at the time, and in an ill-advised moment hazarded the remark that the Republic was taxing its strength too far, was straightway thrown into prison.2 On his liberation at the end of two months he was walked through the public treasury, in order to teach him that Florence could build a whole city of marble, were she so minded, and not merely one poor tower.^ Critics will differ as to how far Giotto succeeded in fulfilling the extravagant behest of his employers, but it is generally allowed that "the Shepherd's Tower " (as Ruskin picturesquely designates it) is not only one of the loveliest and most satisfactory specimens of Italian Gothic, but is one of the very finest achievements of Mediaeval Archi- tecture.* It has also an interest beyond its beauty of form and glow of colour. Around its base are twenty-seven bas-reliefs of admirable workmanship, most of which we're designed by Giotto, and some of which were probably executed by his own hand.^ The whole series in its peculiar character and spirit is unparalleled in Italy,® and marks the same advance (both in choice and treatment of subject) in sculpture as is to be found in Giotto's paintings. Hitherto Art had been the bond-slave of the Church. The artist of the Byzantine period never ventured to portray any but religious scenes, and his choice of subject was still further restricted by tradition. These panels manifest the ^ Richa, vi. 62. '^ This may have been done by the Conservator of Peace, and, if so, was doubtless less displeasing to the Florentines than most of his arbitrary acts. ^ Lindsay, ii. 58. * The admiration of some will be diminished by the knowledge that the tower is not built of marble, but only veneered with it. Giotto designed it with a spire 50 braccia (96 feet) high, but this was never erected (Vasari, i. 114). ° Crowe and Cavalcaselle (vol. i. p. 339) question whether Giotto ever sculptured any of them, and so does Prof. Colvin (MacmiUaris Magazine, vol. xlv. p. 451), but there seems no reason for doubting Ghiberti's statement that he did. Vasari, Lord Lindsay, and Ruskin follow Ghiberti. " " Read but these inlaid jewels of Giotto's once with patient following ; and your hour's study will give you strength for a life " (Ruskin's Shefhir^^ Tower, p. 161). ART AND LITERATURE 1318-1340 119 birth of a new spirit that was, in course of time, to paganise Art and to rationalise Religion.^ They represent, allegorically, tte progress of the human race from the Creation to Giotto's day. The growth of civihsation is traced through nomad life in the compartments on the western face; through domestic life (by the introduction of the Arts and Sciences) in those on the southern face ; during a period of enterprise {e.g. discovery of foreign lands, colonisation, trade) in those on the eastern face ; while the intellectual and moral progress under a Christian dispensation forms the subject of those on the northern face.* " Of these representations of human art under heavenly guidance, the series of bas-reliefs which stud the base of this tower of Giotto's must be held certainly the chief in Europe." ^ While the campanile was in course of erection Giotto was no doubt also engaged in superintending the construction of the cathedral, which was still incomplete. It has been stated by several writers * that Amolfo's unfinished fagade was pulled down in 1334 and replaced by one from a design of Giotto's, but Messrs. Crowe and Cavalcaselle have adduced evidence that the new fagade was from a plan that emanated from a board of architects twenty years after Giotto's death.'' Giotto died on January 8th, 1337,* and he was buried in the cathedral at the corner nearest his campanile.^ " Giotto was not indeed one of the most accomplished painters, but he was one of the greatest men who ever lived. He was the first master of his time, in architecture as well as in painting ; he was the friend of Dante, and the undisputed interpreter of religious truth, by means of painting, over the whole of Italy. The works of such a man may not be the best to set before children in order ' The same spirit had been seen in the works of Niccola and Giovanni Pisano, but its rapid spread was owing to Giotto's influence. ^ For a detailed description of each panel see Lindsay, ii. 59-63, and Ruskin's Shepherd's Tower. See also "Giotto's Gospel of Labour," by Prof. Colvin in Macmillatis Magazine for April, 1877, pp. 448-460. = The Shepherd's Tower, p. 160. ' Vasari, p. 146; Richa, vi. 51 ; Perkins, i. 56; Lindsay, i. 371, 2. ' Crowe and Cav., iii. 185, note. This does not exclude the hypothesis that Giotto made a design which was elaborated by the board of architects and hence known as Giotto's. The new fagade, by whomsoever designed, was engraved by C. Nelli. A print of Arnolfo's facade may be seen in Richa, vol. vi., facing p. 51. ' Villani, lib. xi. cap. 12. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, apparently oblivious that Villani uses old style, give 1336 as the date of Giotto's death. ' His bust by Benedetto da Majano was placed there by Lorenzo de' Medici in 1490. I20 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to teach them drawing, but they assuredly should be studied with the greatest care by all who are interested in the history of the human mind."^ Giotto's chief collaborator in the execution of the bas-reliefs on the campanile was Andrea Pisano (the most famous of Giovanni Pisano's pupils), who took up his abode in Florence early in the fourteenth century.^ After the death of Giovanni Pisa produced no eminent sculptor, but the traditions of the Pisan school were carried on, modified by local characteristics, at Florence, Siena, and Naples. The Florentine school, under the influence of Andrea Pisano — or rather under the influence of Giotto transmitted through Andrea Pisano — soon attained pre- eminence. Andrea's works, as compared with those of Giovanni and Niccola Pisano, exhibit a marked progress both in beauty of design and excellence of execution. But there is a diiference between them other than mere improvement. Andrea abandoned the architectural manner of Niccola and his pupils, and initiated the allegorical style.^ This change is distinctly traceable to his friendship for Giotto, whose genius impressed itself upon him in a remarkable degree, and it has been truly said that, fortunately for sculpture, he became thoroughly Giottesque in thought and style.* After leaving Venice he had the reputation of being the most skilful bronze-caster in Italy, and, on the recommendation of Giotto, he was commissioned by the Calimala Guild to make two bronze doors for the Baptistery at Florence. He completed the model for these (from Giotto's design) in 1330, but the casting and finishing cost him nine years of labour.^ When exposed to view in 1339, the admiration they aroused was great. The Signory, accompanied by foreign ambassadors, visited the Baptis- tery in state to inspect them, and conferred on Andrea the honour of citizenship — a dignity that was rarely awarded to any foreigner ' Ruskin's Giotto and his Works in Padua, p. 24. '^ This must have been between 1308, when he was carving capitals for the columns of the ducal palace at Venice, and 1330, when he modelled the Baptistery door at Florence. 2 Perkins, i. 63 ; Lindsay, i. 372. Assuming that [Giotto was a sculptor, his panels in the campanile were not executed till after Andrea's door for the Baptistery had been modelled. * Lindsay, i. 372. This is manifest in his sculpture on the campanile. = Villani, lib. x. cap. 177. The Misses Horner (vol. i. p. 24) say that the casting and gilding was done by Venetians. ART AND LITERATURE 13 18-1340 121 who was not of distinguished rank. The doors contain twenty large panels representing in bas-reUef events in the life of S. John the Baptist, and eight smaller ones of allegorical figures of virtues. All are expressive, especially the virtues, which are full of poetic feeling.^ These gates originally stood in the place of honour, facing the cathedral, but they were removed (to make room for Ghiberti's more famous gates) to the southern side, facing the Bigallo. In spite of Michelangelo's encomium, there are not a few who prefer Andrea's to Ghiberti's work, and to whom it appears more in accordance with the true principles of Art.2 It is a disputed point whether the design for these gates was by Andrea himself or by Giotto. Vasari and an earher writer expressly assert that it was by Giotto. It seems to have been soon after Andrea took up his abode in Florence that he sculptured the statue of Pope Boniface VIII. (probably from Giotto's design, and until recently believed to have filled a niche in Giotto's fagade), that is now in the Rucellai gardens.^ Andrea. Pisano lived for many years after Giotto, and his subsequent work will be alluded to later. The frescoes in the Baroncelli chapel at S. Croce, representing incidents in the life of the Virgin Mary, painted by Giotto's god- son and pupil, Taddeo Gaddi (c. i 300-1 366) were probably commenced about the year 1327.* Taddeo was not only a painter but an architect, and after Giotto's death he superin- tended the completion of the campanile. The church of Or San Michele, the foundation of which was laid in 1329, was built in accordance with his design. In 1330 the strikingly graceful campanile of the Badia, with its somewhat unusual pyramidal apex, was built as it now stands, but the name of the architect who designed it does not seem to be known.s The bridges which had been destroyed by the flood of 1333 were all rebuilt. The Ponte alle Carraja was com- menced in 1334 and finished in 1337 f and plans for the Ponte Vecchio and Ponte Trinitk were prepared in 1336 by Taddeo Gaddi. '^ The cost of the former was 72,000, and of the latter ' The moulded reliefs on the joints and lintels were added by Ghiberti in the next century. 2 MacmillarCs Magazine (art. by Prof. Colvin), xxxv. p. 452. ' Lindsay, i. 372 ; Perkins, i. 66. , * Crowe and Cav., i. 308, 315. Taddeo was the son of Gaddo Gaddi the mosaicist. " Richa, i. 195. ' Reumont's Tavole, sub arm. 1334. ' Crowe and Cav., i. 367. 122 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE 26,000 golden florins. 1 The Ponte Vecchio remains as it was then built.2 An altar-piece (of the Annunciation, S. Ansano, and a female saint^), painted for the church of S. Ansano at Siena, in the year 1333, by the great Sienese master, Simone Martini (or Simone Memmi as he is also called), and his relation Lippo Memmi, is now in the Uffizi. The frescoes in the Capella degli Spagnuoli, in S. Maria Novella, which are generally attributed to Simone, were painted rather later, and will be noticed in the next chapter. LITERATURE Brilliant as this period (1318-1340) of Florentine history is from its artistic achievements, it is perhaps even more remarkable from its literary importance. The writings which it produced were not numerous, but they were of rare merit, and to one is usually' accorded the second place of honour amid the poems of the world. But it is not so much from the nature of these that the importance of this epoch arises, as from the fact that in it the sun of Mediaeval Literature set, and the day of Littera Humaniores dawned. On September 14th, 132 1, shortly after the completion of // Paradise, Dante died. On April 6th, 1327, the vision of Laura in the church of S. Claire at Avignon awoke in Petrarch the power of song.* In 1339 his Latin poem Africa was given to the world, and before that date much of his correspondence and many of his prose compositions had been written. It may be said therefore, with approximate accuracy, that the years 1321-1327 form the literary boundary between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Posterity has, without doubt, awarded to Petrarch a lower niche in the temple of fame than to Dante, but his influence on literature was considerably greater. Dante founded no school, while the scholars of Petrarch form almost as distinct a group as the Giotteschi. Petrarch indeed did for literature ' Vasari, i. 197. ^ It was pronounced unsafe about 1870, when its demolition was discussed by the municipality. It is reported that it would have been taken down ere this if iiinds for the erection of a new structure had been forthcoming. Providentially this has not yet been the case. ' Said by Mrs. Jameson to be Santa Reparata, by Crowe and Cavalcaselle to be Santa Giulietta, and by Lord Lindsay to be Santa Massima. * Symonds, iv. 92. Whether Petrarch first saw Laura in a church has been questioned (Garnett's Italian Literature, p. 55). ART AND LITERATURE 13 18-1340 123 much what Niccola Pisano did for sculpture. Although his fame now rests on his love sonnets, it was the embodiment of a new spirit, which portrayed itself more in his other works, that he mainly influenced his age. He was the apostle of culture, and to him the vocation of literature was a priesthood.^ In his supreme mastery over rhetorical prose, in his cult of Cicero, in his passion for collecting manuscripts, and for the resuscitation of Greek studies, "Petrarch initiated the four most important momenta of the classical Renaissance." He was also one of the first to appreciate the educational importance of public libraries, and the historical value of coins, inscriptions, and ancient monuments. "By the instinct of genius he foresaw the future for at least three centuries, and comprehended the highest uses whereof scholarship is capable."^ Petrarch's connection with Florence, though hardly as close as that of Dante, was very similar. His father, Petracco (as he called himself), who held a subordinate post in the Florentine Government, espoused the cause of the Bianchi, and he and Dante were, on January 27th, 1302, exiled by the same decree. Petracco took up his residence at Arezzo, where his son Francesco was born. He refused to return to Florence under the humiliating conditions which would alone have made it possible, and remained a lifelong exile. Petrarch, unhke Dante,^ does not seem to have had any strong attachment to his father's native city, and he never took up his abode there.* Late in hfe he refused the rectorship of Florence University, the acceptance of which would have restored to him his rights of citizenship.* ^ Symonds, ii. 70, 77. ^ Symonds, ii. 74. ' For a vivid description of the effect which Florence had on the life and work of Dante, see Symonds, iv. 85-87. ^ He resided chiefly at Avignon, Vaucluse, Parma, and Milan. " Ency. Brit., xviii. 708 (art. by J. A. Symonds), CHAPTER VII 1340-1348 THE DUKE OF ATHENS'S LORDSHIP OF FLORENCE — REPEATED CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES — OVERTHROW OF THE NOBLES — THE GREAT PLAGUE — ART AND LITERATURE THE virtual government of Florence was still in the hands of a few influential families belonging to the popolani grassi (known at the time as Le Famiglie^), who maintained their ascendancy by malpractices of the grossest character. In 1339 it was noticed that none but members of this clique or their adherents were ever elected to important ofifices, and suspicion was aroused. A Public Inquiry was held, when it was discovered that the elections had been controlled by means of a duplicate set of election bags, in which the names of candidates that ought to have been destroyed had been fraudulently preserved. The cabal were not abashed by the exposure of their corrupt device, nor daunted when it was defeated by the destruction of all duplicate ballot papers, but at once proceeded to strengthen their position by other illegalities.^ Notwithstanding the law to the contrary that had been passed in 1336, they procured the reinstallation of Jacopo Gabrielli da Gubbio as Captain of the Guard, and doubled the number of his bodyguard.* This man was no sooner appointed than he began using his tremendous powers in the same arbitrary and merciless fashion as before. Everyone who was not a creature of the ruling faction was in daily fear of fine, imprisonment, or death. The nobles, who were again the chief sufferers, were, however, still too powerful to submit passively to such outrages, and before long a formid- able conspiracy was on foot for the overthrow of the government. ' Gino Capponi, i. 237. 2 villani, lib. xi. cap. 106. ^ Ibid., lib. xi. cap. 118. 124 THE DUKE OF ATHENS'S LORDSHIP 125 It originated with the Frescobaldi and Bardi,^ members of whose families had been among Jacopo Gabrielli's victims, and a promise of outside support had been obtained from the Counts Guidi, the Uberti and Ubaldini of the Apennines, and the Pazzi of the Val d'Arno.^ The plot would probably have succeeded had it not been revealed by Andrea de' Bardi (whose wrongs had contributed to give rise to it) to his brother-in-law, Jacopo degli Alberti, who was a member of one of Le Famiglie. The govern- ment took prompt action, and, calling out all the civic guards, attacked the houses of the nobles in the Oltr' Arno, and a furious fight took place in the Via de' Bardi. The popolo minuto aided the government, for although they had suffered much at the hands of Jacopo Gabrielli there was an impression abroad that the nobles aimed at the abolition of popular government. By the courageous intervention of the podesth, Maffeo da Ponte Caredi, the nobles were persuaded to lay down their arms, and were allowed to leave Florence. About thirty of the Bardi, Frescobaldi, and Rossi families were de- clared rebels, their houses were demolished, and their property confiscated.^ Another plot against the government, on a smaller scale, was detected in the following year, in consequence of which Schiatta de' Frescobaldi was executed, and other members of the family, together with some of the Bardi, Pazzi, and Adimari, were punished.* Having repressed these attempted insurrections, the government felt their position more secure, and " their insolence increasing with their power " they continued to persecute the nobles, who were so exasperated that "they would have sold their city or themselves for vengeance, and ' Both of these families were eminent among the merchant princes of Florence. The Frescobaldi had been bankers to Edward I. and Edward II. of England, to whom they had advanced large sums on the security of the customs at London, Hull, Newcastle, and Southampton. Between 1293 and 1308 they received about ;£'ioo,ooo from these sources (Peruzzi, p. 175). The Bardi succeeded the Frescobaldi as bankers to the kings of England. They were also the pope's agents in England for the collection of tenths, certainly from 1317 to 1341, and probably longer (Rymer's Fadera, sub anno 1307, and Calendar of Papal Registers, vol. iii. pp. 100, 417, 590, etc.). Their palaces were in the Via de' Bardi. ^ There were two families of this name, known respectively as the " Pazzi da Val d'Arno " and the " Pazzi da Ranieri." The former owned many feudal castles in the district, after which they were called. The latter, who came originally from Fiesole, settled in Florence at an early date. They were the progenitors of the famous Pazzi conspirators. (Litta.) * Most of them took up their abode at Pisa. * Villani, lib. xi. cap. 1 19. 126 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE biding their time, when a good opportunity came, they made the most of it."i Meanwhile the desire to acquire Lucca had not abated, and in July, 1341, a committee of twenty, all belonging to thepopolani grassi, was appointed to treat with Mastino della Scala for its purchase. They had extraordinary powers conferred on them; they could make war or peace, or pledge the credit of the Commonwealth, without reference to the government.^ They proved themselves to be altogether incompetent, if not corrupt. They concluded a bargain with Mastino for the sale of Lucca to Florence for 250,000 golden florins (a part of which was paid down) at a time when the city was actually beleaguered by a Pisan army.' Florence attempted to enforce the contract by arms, but her troops were defeated on October 2nd, and in July, 1342, Lucca surrendered to Pisa. For the past twelve years nothing but failure had attended her attempts to absorb her prosperous httle neighbour. Still Florence was not discouraged, and she now applied to the King of Naples and to the Emperor Louis to aid her in a renewed effort. The King declined, but the Emperor expressed his willingness to assist, provided that Florence would receive him as her lord, a conditional offer which the Florentines had the good sense to refuse. She was driven, therefore, to continue her grasping policy single-handed. The first step to be taken was to find a new Captain-General for the forces of the Republic, and in an ill-starred moment the choice of the government fell on Walter de Brienne, better known as the Duke of Athens.* He had made a favourable impression in 1326 when he came to Florence as the Duke of Calabria's Vicar, and he had recently distinguished himself in a subordinate command in the expedi- tion against Pisa. The appointment pleased the people, but something more than the selection of a popular commander was necessary to save the government. As has been seen, its posi- tion in the past had often been precarious, and the mismanage- ment of the "enterprise of Lucca," as Machiavelli calls it, had still further increased its unpopularity. The fruitless expenditure occasioned by the blunders of "the Twenty" had entailed 1 Machiavelli, p. 98. '■= Villani, lib. xi. cap. 119. 2 Machiavelli, p. 98. Pisa had, in 1329, contracted for the purchase of Lucca for 60,000 florins, and though the purchase money was paid she had been tricked out of the fruits of her contract. ■• He was of course only titular Duke of Athens. THE DUKE OF ATHENS'S LORDSHIP 127 additional taxes, and the incompetence of those in authority was denounced on all sides. Accordingly the government had re- course to the same infamous expedient for maintaining their ascendancy as had proved effectual on two previous occasions, namely, the appointment of a " Captain of the Guard." To this office, with its almost unlimited powers, they did not scruple to appoint the Duke of Athens, a man of whom they knew hardly anything. Villani calls him a mere adventurer,^ and says that he was more of a Greek than a Frenchman. He was, it is true, born in Greece, but he was a Frenchman with Asiatic blood in his veins. He is described as small of stature and forbidding in appearance. Though he was brave and sagacious, he was cruel, treacherous, and dissolute, and it is said that his ambition was only exceeded by his avarice. ^ He entered Florence in June, 1342, and although the Palazzo Vecchio was offered him as a residence, with an affectation of humility he took up his abode in the convent adjoining the church of S. Croce. He began his exercise of the large powers that had been entrusted to him with ostentatious moderation and impartiality, but there can be little doubt that from the first he entertained the idea of converting the republic of Florence into a despotism. The position of the three factions into which the community of Florence was at this time divided was favourable to such a scheme. The popolani grassi, as has been seen, had succeeded in monopolising the government of the city, which in their hands had become a mercantile oligarchy. With increased wealth they had become arrogant, and they were hated alike by the nobles, whom they insulted, and by the popolo minuto, whom they oppressed. The Duke was not slow to grasp the situation, and he set about courting the favour of the two classes who were hostile to the ruling faction. To the nobles he promised the repe'al of the Ordinamenti delta Giustizia, and to the people a share in the government. His policy filled the popolani grassi, who had placed him in power, with dismay, but worse was in store for them. He had not been in office two months before Giovanni de' Medici,^ one of the most powerful of their number, and Guglielmo degli Altoviti, were seized and executed on charges of bribery and peculation. Members of the Rucellai ' "Viandante e pellegrino" (Villani, lib. xii. cap. i). ^ Sismondi, iv. 12 ; Villani, lib. xii. cap. 8. ' Giovanni was one of the unpopular " Twenty." He was not an ancestor of " II Magnifico " (see Pedigree, ante, p. 114). 128 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE and Ricci families were sentenced to death for similar offences, and only escaped on payment of enormous fines.^ It is probable that these charges were fabricated, but the Duke's conduct was pleasing to the people, and he was saluted as he rode through the streets with cries of "Long live the just ruler" (Erviva il giusto Signore), "Long live the man who punishes the great without fear. "2 When the term of office of the " Twenty " expired the Duke thought that the time for decisive action had arrived, and formally demanded of the Signory the lordship of Florence in perpetuity. This demand, as no doubt he expected, was unhesitatingly re- fused, whereupon he summoned the people to meet "in parlia- ment " in the Piazza di S. Croce on the 7th of September. The manner of the summons and the place of assembly were both irregular, but the Signory, not feeUng strong enough to prevent the meeting, sent a deputation to wait on the Duke on the eve of the day on which it was to be held.^ At this interview it was agreed that the Duke should hold office for one year beyond his original appointment, and that (to give the proceeding a constitutional appearance) the agreement should be ratified at an assembly of the people, convened, in accordance with precedent, by the Signory in the Piazza della Signoria. At the appointed hour the Duke rode into the Piazza escorted by 420 cavaliers and many of the nobles, and took his seat on the Ringhiera,^ amidst the chief members of the Signory. The proceedings were opened by one of the priors, who commenced to read the terms of the compact, but when he had reached the words "for one year" he was interrupted (in accordance with a preconcerted arrangement) by shouts of " For life!" "Let the lordship be for Ufe!" "Let the Duke be our lord!" The nobles thereupon rushed up the steps of the Ringhiera, hoisted Walter de Brienne on their shoulders, and ' Nevertheless Naddo Rucellai was in a few weeks compelled to return to Florence and treacherously executed. ^ The Duke had contrived by promises of pecuniary aid to enlist on his side a few of the popolani grassi (among others the Peruzzi, Antellesi, and Acciaiuoli), whose trading operations had brought them to the verge of bank- ruptcy. The election of the Duke was facilitated by the financial crisis of 1339. (Peruzzi, p. 459.) ^ Machiavelli (pp. loo-ioi ) gives in extenso an argumentative (and no doubt purely imaginary) speech that was addressed to the Duke by the deputation. * The Ringhiera was a raised landing or platform outside the Palazzo Vecchio, from which all public announcements were made to the people. It was rebuilt in 1349. THE DUKE OF ATHENS'S LORDSHIP 129 having forced open the doors of the Palazzo Vecchio, placed him in the President's chair in the great council chamber. Great rejoicings followed, and two days afterwards a decree conferring on the Duke the lordship of Florence for life was passed by all the councils. In a surprisingly short time the eyes of the Florentines were opened to the real character of the man whom they had so impetuously chosen as their prince. He exasperated the nobles by fining one of the Bardi 500 florins for an assault on a citizen, and he disgusted them by his endeavours to ingratiate himself with the " Ciompi" (as the lower orders were now be- ginning to be called),^ nine of whom he raised to the priorate. The Ciompi, as a class, were not to be cajoled by barren honours while they groaned beneath a burden of additional taxation.^ Nor did the popolani grassi fare any better at his hands, for he repealed the laws regulating the guilds, and every office that was displeasing to him he abolished. Some of his measures were distasteful to every section of the community. He lost no time in making Arezzo, Pistoja, Volterra, and other Florentine de- pendencies elect him as their lord. He repealed the sumptuary laws, he robbed charitable institutions, and he made prostitution a source of public revenue. Much ofience was given to sober- minded citizens by French customs and fashions in dress which were introduced by his retinue, and which the more volatile portion of the community (male and female) seem to have adopted with readiness.^ He commenced converting the Palazzo Vecchio into a fortress, and seized for the purpose all the material that had been collected for the reconstruction of the Ponte Vecchio. But the act which more than any other diminished his popularity was the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Pisa under which Lucca was ceded to Pisa for fifteen years.* With the citizens he held little or no intercourse, and his only real counsellors were BagUone of Perugia, who had been Podesth, Cerrettieri de' Visdomini, his Chancellor, and Guglielmo dAssisi, his "Bargello," or rather his official assassin.^ These three men ' "Ciompo" in its primary sense means a woolcarder ; in its secondary sense a worthless fellow. It is probably a corruption of compire, a name by which the soldiers of the Duke of Athens used familiarly to address members of the lowest class in Florence (Ammirato, iv. 105). 2 He extracted 400,000 florins from the revenue in ten months. ^ Machiavelli, p. 102. * The treaty was also very prejudicial to Florentine commerce. ^ Villani, lib. xii. cap. 8. 130 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE constituted the executive government, for though the Signory had not been abolished, it was treated with contumely and practically effaced. Within little more than a month after his election the citizens found themselves living under a despotism, which soon became a reign of terror. In that short period the Duke had become hateful to well-nigh every citizen. His judges were corrupt and their sentences ferocious. One man who had ventured to speak against the government had his tongue cut from its roots, and another, who, hoping to obtain favour, revealed a plot, had his flesh torn from his bones as he was dragged on a car through the streets. He was rendered still more odious by the conduct of his licentious retinue, whom he suffered to outrage the wives and daughters of the citizens with impunity. Small wonder that before a year had elapsed several plots for his overthrow or assas- sination were on foot. One of the chief of these was headed by Angelo Acciaiuoli, the Bishop of Florence (who had been one of the Duke's earliest supporters), and who with the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Altoviti, Strozzi, and other powerful houses, had enlisted aid from Pisa, Siena, and Perugia. Another was directed by the Donati, Pazzi, Cavicciuli, Cerchi, and Albizzi ; and a third by the Adimari, Medici, Bordoni, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. These three conspiracies were working simultaneously, and the parties to one did not know of the existence of the others. Each aimed at the assassination of the Duke by its own plan, but each was foiled by the Duke's caution. At length, by an accident, the plot that the Adimari and their friends were hatching was revealed to him by Francesco Brunelleschi, and he at once arrested Antonio Adimari and threw him into prison ; but he feared to put him to death, as the conspirators were very numerous, until his foreign troops were reinforced. He therefore at once solicited aid from the lords of Verona, Bologna, and Ferrara, and on the arrival of the news that a Bolognese force had crossed the Apennines, under pretence that he wanted to consult the most influential nobles and citizens as to the punishment to be inflicted on Adimari, he invited 300 of them to meet him in the Palazzo Vecchio, intending when they had all arrived to have them but- chered by his soldiery. Fortunately the largeness of the number included in the invitation aroused suspicions, and no one obeyed the summons. When the Duke's intention to massacre the most noteworthy Florentines became known all classes united for the overthrow of the tyrant. During the night of July 25th messen- THE DUKE OF ATHENS'S LORDSHIP 131 gers were sent to Prato and Siena praying for aid, but before it arrived the whole city was in arms. On the 26th the Duke's Burgundian bodyguard, who were on duty in the Piazza della Signoria, were assailed with showers of stones and other missiles from the tops of the houses and were easily dispersed. A small crowd of butchers and woolcarders, led by some of the Caval- canti, Peruzzi, Acciaiuoli, and Antellesi, made a slight stand. Gianozzo Cavalcanti, mounted on a bench in front of the palace, tried to raise a cheer in the Duke's favour, and to frighten the armed citizens who were streaming into the Piazza by telling them that they were going to certain death. But all such efforts were fruitless, and by the evening the city was completely in the hands of the people, who proceeded to lay siege to the Palazzo VecchiOji where the Duke had taken refuge. Arrigo Fei, an intimate friend of the Duke, was taken in the disguise of a monk and murdered, and his body was dragged naked through the streets ; and Simone da Norcia and Filippo Terzuole, two other of the Duke's creatures, were torn in pieces. On the following morning (Sunday, July 27th) aid to the oppressed citizens came pouring in. Siena sent 300 men-at-arms and 400 cross-bowmen ; San Miniato 2,000 and Prato 500 ; while Count Simone da BattifoUe, a relative of Count Guida, who had ruled Florence so wisely as King Robert's Vicar, brought in 400 of his retainers. On Monday, July 28th, a parliament convened by the Bishop of Florence was held in the cathedral, and a provisional govern- ment {Balia), consisting of seven nobles and seven popolani, which was to hold office till October, was appointed,^ and negotia- tions were at once opened. In the palace with the Duke were his two counsellors, who were especially detested by the people, Cerrettieri de' Visdomini and Guglielmo d'Assisi, " men broken in to wickedness of every description after his own fashion," Gug- lielmo's son — a youth of great beauty, who, although only eighteen years old, is said to have been a greater monster of cruelty than ' Villani and Ammirato both say that the Duke took refuge in the palagio, which usually means the building now called the Palazzo Vecchio. I have, however, seen it stated that it was in the Bargdlo that the Duke and his party were besieged. ^ Villani, lib. xii. cap. 17. But Ammirato (vol. iii. p. 60) says that the Balia comprised eight grandi, viz. Rudolfo de' Bardi, Pino de' Rossi, Gianozzo Cavalcanti, Simone Peruzzi, Giovanni Gianfigliazzi, Testa Tornaquinci, Bindo della Tosa, Talana degli Adimari ; and six popolani, viz. Sandro Biliotti, Filippo Magalotti, Bindo Altoviti, Marco Strozzi, Francesco de' Medici, and Bartolo dei Ricci. 132 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE his father— some of the priors, and such of the Duke's bodyguard as had escaped from the crowd in the Piazza. In all there were aJDOut 400 persons in the building, and with the exception of some biscuits and wine they had no food. For three days after their appointment the £alla were endeavouring to arrange terms between the Duke and the people; but the latter would consent to nothing unless Cerrettieri, Guglielmo, and his son were given up to them. The Duke at first peremptorily refused to accede to any such condition, but his starving soldiery com- pelled him to do so. No sooner were Guglielmo and his sori thrust out of the doors of the Palazzo than they were Uterally hacked into small pieces by the enraged multitude, whose savage fury was not allayed until they had actually eaten their victims' flesh.i Cerrettieri de' Visdopiini, who happened to be the last to be ejected, managed, while the crowd were wreaking their ven- geance on his two companions, to effect his escape. The rage of the people was now so far appeased that they consented to allow the Duke to leave Florence on his undertaking to renounce all claim to its lordship. Accordingly, at the dead of night on August 6th, he was escorted by Count Simone da BattifoUe and a body of Sienese troops through the gate of S. Nicholas to Poppi, in the Casentino. He there endeavoured to evade signing his abdication, and was only constrained to do so by the firmness of Count Simone, who made him understand that if he did not he would be taken back to Florence.^ Florence was now free from the worst tyranny that she had ever endured. The Duke's arms were obliterated from the walls of the Bargello, and a marble tablet recording the fact was substituted for them, and it was ordered that S. Anne's Day, on which the rising that ended in his expulsion took place, should evermore be observed as a.festa. The revolution was not confined to the walls of Florence, for while it was in progress there Arezzo, Pistoja, Volterra, CoUe, and San Gimignano revolted, and not content with throwing off the yoke of the Duke of Athens, they declared themselves in- dependent of Florentine rule. One of the first acts of the XIV. after the Duke's departure was to repeal every statute that had been passed during his rule, ' Some ate the flesh raw and others cooked it ! (Villani, lib. xii. cap. 17.) 2 He did not go empty-handed, for he had invested 200,000 florins, of which he had plundered Florence, in French and Neapolitan securities (Napier ii. 72). REPEATED CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES 133 except one for allaying family feuds, after which they proceeded to remodel the constitution. ^ They abolished the ancient division of the city into six wards {sestieri) returning two priors each, and divided it into four wards {guartieri) returning three priors each.^ The new wards were called after the principal churches within their respective boundaries, viz. Santa Maria Novella, Santa Croce, San Giovanni, and Santo Spirito. The twelve Buonomini were replaced by a council of Eight. Of the three priors elected by each ward, two were required to be taken from the popolani and one from the grandi, while the members of the VIII. and of all other councils were to be drawn from the two classes in equal proportions. These reforms had been conceived in a spirit of conciliation, but they gave universal dissatisfaction, and the new government did not last two months. The nobles were discontented, be- cause the share of representation allotted to them was less than what had been promised before the revolt f the popolani grassi, because they had only a voice in an administration that they had formerly monopolised; and thepopolo minuto, because they rightly regarded the popolani grassi as nobles in everything but name. But the power of the nobles was greater than at first sight appears, for though they only numbered one-third of the priors (in whom the real government of the State was centred) no measure could be passed by that body except by a majority of two to one, and so they could veto every proposal that was not unanimously sup- ported by the popolani grassi and the popolani minuto, between whom, as has been shown, much jealousy existed. So far, how- ever, was this from satisfying them that they displayed the same lawless spirit as had occasioned the passing of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia. Their turbulence soon obliterated every trace of the popular gratitude evoked by the part they had played in the expulsion of the Duke of Athens, and the cry arose that instead of one ruler a thousand had sprung up.* The Bardi, Rossi, and Frescobaldi, who were at this time the leaders of the aristocratic party, resolved on attempting to overthrow the government by ^ Besides the statute for allaying feuds the only benefit conferred on Florence during the Duke's regime was the widening of the Via Calzaioli. ^ This change was supposed to be a concession to the wealthy classes who iiihabited the sestieri of S. Piero Scheraggio and Oltr' Arno, and who com- plained that they paid more than half the taxes and elected only a third of the priors. The change, however, was really advantageous to the people. 5 Napier, ii. 85, note. ■* Napier, ii. 88. 134 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE a coup de main, but before their design could be accomplished an armed mob marched, on September 22nd, to the Palazzo Vecchio, forcibly ejected the four noble priors, and compelled them to resign. Further changes were then made in the constitution. The Council of Eight, which was composed equally of nobles and people, was abolished, and replaced by a council of Twelve, drawn exclusively from the popolani ; the gonfaloniers of com- panies (four for each ward) were re-established ; and a Consiglio del Popolo, consisting of 300 members, 75 of whom were elected by each ward, was created. This distribution of power, as was only to be expected, did but increase the class hatreds that already existed, and the Constitution of Sep- tember, 1343, had no longer life than that of its predecessor. There was a scarcity of food, and discontent first manifested itself among the lower orders A mob, led by Messer Andrea Strozzi, a crack-brained knight, marched into the Piazza della Signoria, shouting " Hurrah for the popolo minuto ! Down with the taxes ! Death to ^e. popolo grasso /" The riot was easily suppressed, but it manifested the feeling of the artisan class towards the authorities. It was, however, the attitude of the nobles that was occasioning the government alarm. They were fortifying their palaces, and it was evident that they were not going to acquiesce in their disfranchisement without a trial of strength. Once more the popolani determined not to wait to be attacked, and on September 24th, the eve of the day on which it was rumoured that the nobles would rise, the city companies from the San Giovanni and San Lorenzo districts, with the butchers and other artisans numbering together some thousand armed men, under the leadership of the chiefs of the popolani grassi^ without orders from the Signory, attacked the palaces of the Adimari-Cavicciuli, and after three hours' fighting, forced them to capitulate.^ The houses of the Donati, Pazzi, and Cavalcanti were next taken.^ The people then assailed the palaces of the Rossi, Bardi, Manelli, and Nerli, which extended in an almost unbroken Une along the south bank of the Arno ' Some of the Medici were there. ^ The palaces of the Adimari were in the street that is now known as the Via Calziaoli. ^ The palaces of the Pazzi and Donati were in the San Piero Scheraggio quarter ; those of the Cavalcanti were in the Mercato Nuovo. OVERTHROW OF THE NOBLES 135 from the Ponte alle Grazie to the Ponte Carraja,^ and those of the Frescobaldi and Rossi, which stood in the street now known as the Via Maggio,^ and in the Piazza de' Frescobaldi. The attacking party, although reinforced with companies from other quartieri, was repulsed with great slaughter. But the assault was renewed, and the houses of the Frescobaldi and Rossi were captured. The Bardi alone held out, and though they defended themselves with great stubbornness, they were finally compelled to yield. Not less than twenty-two of their houses were burned to the ground, and the damage to the family property was esti- mated at 60,000 florins. This was the most complete victory that the people had ever obtained over the aristocracy during a struggle that had lasted more than 150 years. This struggle, which had passed through different phases and been waged under different names, had virtually become one between capital and labour.^ As soon as order had been restored a new "reformation" of the con- stitution was of course demanded by the victors, and the work was, as usual, entrusted to a Bal\a, who called to their aid the Sienese and Perugian ambassadors and the faithful friend of the Republic, Count Simone da BattifoUe. Although the nobles were politically extinct, there were still three classes whose demands had to be satisfied, for the popolo minuto, as they increased in numbers and importance, had split up into two parties, called respectively the Mediant^ and the Artefici MinuH. The distribution of power allotted by the Bulla to these classes in the new constitution was as follows. Of the priors (the number of whom was reduced to eight) two were taken from the fopolani grassi, three from the Mediant, and three from the Artefici Minuti. The gonfalonier was taken from each class in turn.^ ■^ The entrance of the popolani into the Oltr' Arno was contested by the Nerli on the Ponte Carraja, by the Frescobaldi and Manelli on the Ponte Trinita, and by the Rossi and Bardi on the Ponte Rubaconte (alle Grazie). ^ Formerly the Via Maggiore, and so called from the number of large houses in it (Peruzzi, p. 97). ' There were of course some long-headed capitalists (such as the Medici) who had, possibly from interested motives, espoused the popular side. * The Mediani comprised seven of the Arti Minori that had been recently promoted to the Arti Maggiori. ' Villani, lib. xii. cap. 22 ; Ammirato, iii. 78. The Balia sent in a list of 3, 346 names of persons qualified for office, but the gonfaloniers of companies struck out nine-tenths of these. What the class representation was at first among the Buonomini and on other minor boards is not clear, but ultimately it was shared in equal proportions between the Greater and Lesser Guilds. 136 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE This government, which was elected on October 20th, and came into office on November ist, 1343, was the most demo- cratic that Florence had hitherto possessed, and it was rendered still more so by the action of the Arti Minuti, who, following the evil example of Le FamigUe, manipulated the squiitino in their own interests. "We are now," says Villani, "under the rule of the artisans and fopolo minuto. Please God that it may exalt and benefit our republic, but I fear that it will be other- wise, on account of our sins and imperfections, and because our citizens are devoid of love and charity and full of deceit and treachery towards one another, and because our rulers continue the cursed practice of promising one thing and doing another."^ And Machiavelli, writing in the light of after events, asserts that in consequence of the complete subjection of the nobles, Florence lost at this time not only aptitude for arms, but magnanimity.2 Between July and September Florence had been the scene of three revolutions, and in the short space of four months she had tried four different forms of government. Truly the oft- quoted lines of Dante,^ in which he compares his native city to a sick woman vainly striving to obtain relief from pain by change of posture, were even more prophetic of her future than descriptive of her past.* And yet the causes of the ills from which she suffered are not wholly reprehensible nor, as far as posterity is concerned, are they wholly to be regretted. It was not only due to class hatred and personal ambition, to lawless- ness and mistrust, that Florence became the home of political experimentalism, but also to her wondrous spirit, which was "at once keenly critical and artistically creative"^ — a spirit which was ever judging its own creations and ever ready with an expedient for remedying their defects, and which in con- sequence was incessantly transforming her political organisation. But if it was this spirit which made, or at least contributed to make, her whole history one intermittent fever of insurrection, ' Villani, lib. xii. cap. 23. ^ Machiavelli, p. in. 5 " Vedrai te simigliante a quella inferma, Che non puo trovar posa in su le piume, Ma con dar volta suo dolore scherma." Purg., vi. 149-151. • Scartazzini mentions some twenty political changes in Florence between 1248 and 1307, and to his list more might be added (Vernon's Readings on the Purgatorio (1889), i. 146-147)- « Burckhardt. p. 73. OVERTHROW OF THE NOBLES 137 it was the same spirit which, working in another sphere, gave us the Shepherd's Tower and the Baptistery Gates, the Or San Michele Tabernacle, and the frescoes in S. Marco. The new government, following the precedents that had been set by all its predecessors, commenced at once to persecute the subjugated faction, though perhaps with slightly less rancour. It re-enacted the Ordinamenti della Giustizia but with some modification.^ The more remote kinsmen of a noble convicted of an offence against the people were absolved from liability to contribute to the fine imposed on him,^ and some 500 grandi were permitted, by renouncing their nobility, to obtain partial enfranchisement. The indulgence was however accorded very capriciously, and was "through envy" not extended to some families whose members had fought and died in the popular cause.^ In December seventeen members of the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Donati, Pazzi, and Cavicciuli families were declared exiles although they had voluntarily left Florence for their country residences. In the following year (1344) many who had taken up their abode in Milan, Verona, Ferrara, and other states under the rule of a Ghibelline lord were ordered to return under pain of being proclaimed rebels.* And in 1345 every grant (however ancient) made to a noble as reward for public services was revoked,^ and the moneys thus realised were appropriated for completing the rebuilding of the Ponte Vecchio and Ponte Trinita. Possibly the government were driven to shifts of this kind by what Villani correctly describes as the greatest financial disaster that had ever befallen Florence.^ In January of this year, the Bardi and Peruzzi firms, unable to struggle any longer against the losses arising from their loan to Edward III. of England, suspended payment.' Houses great and small were ^ Villani (lib. xii. cap. 23) says that the Ordinamenti had been repealed by the Duke of Athens, but Tabarrini questions this {La Vita Italiana nel Trecento, p. 124). ^ Only kinsmen " within the third degree in a direct line " were now liable. ' Villani, lib. xii. cap. 23. No noble was eligible for a seat on the Signory until five years after the date of his enfranchisement. * Napier ii, 124. ° The Pazzi were forced to refund property that they had enjoyed for thirty-four years. « Villani, lib. xii. cap. 55. ' Besides 900,000 florins due to the Bardi and 600,000 to the Peruzzi by the King of England, the King of Sicily owed 100,000 florins to each firm (Villani, lib. xii. cap. 55). S. L. Peruzzi (pp. 52 and 451) goes the length of saying that the ultimate downfall of the Republic commenced with, and was mainly occasioned by, this catastrophe. Edward III. seems to have made trifling recompenses to the Bardi, for we find canonries in Lincoln Cathedral 138 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE involved in their failure, notably the Acciaiuoli, Bonaccorsi, Antellesi, Corsini, and da Uzzano. So numerous were the creditors of the insolvent firms that meetings for the arrangement of a composition were obliged to be held in churches, as no other buildings would accommodate them.^ The creditors of the Bardi were forced to content themselves with nine soldi in the lira and those of the Peruzzi with four soldi? Poor Giovanni Villani, the historian, who was a member of the Bonaccorsi firm, lost everything he possessed and was thrown into prison for debt. Still further losses fell upon the Republic in the same year through an ill-advised measure of the government. A reward of 10,000 florins was offered for the head of the Duke of Athens, and a special embassy was sent to the King of France to bring to his knowledge the Duke's enormities. But the King, who was friendly to the Duke, refused to receive the ambassadors, and issued an edict which occasioned the flight of every Florentine merchant from France.^ Through these unfortunate occurrences the government of Florence found itself, in 1345, embarrassed for want of money, and quite unable to Uquidate the public debts which the Duke of Athens's rapacity had raised by the large sum of 670,000 florins. To meet this difficulty a plan was devised which has been described as the first stage of a nation's civilisation, and which has been universally followed in modern times. All loans that had been made to the government at various times and on different conditions were funded into one, bearing interest at the rate of five per cent, secured on the revenue, and marketable at a price that fluctuated with the credit of the State. This consolidated stock, which was called Monte (a heap), was the first National Debt (as that term is now used) ever called into existence. The action of the government in other matters is also deserving of mention. Ecclesiastics were deprived of the right to plead "benefit of the clergy" when charged with offences against laymen, and were thus rendered amenable to the civil tribunals ; and the chief inquisitor was forbidden to impose provided for two members of that family in 1343 and a third member was Dean of Glasgow in the same year {Calendar of Papal Registers, iii. 57, 6°> "S). 1 Peruzzi, p. 463. 2 Peruzzi, p. 462. ^ Villani, lib. xii. cap. 57. THE PARTE GUELFA 139 fines or meddle with secular affairs.^ And besides curbing the power of the priesthood this energetic Uttle democracy initiated other useful reforms. They amended the sumptuary laws,^ they facilitated the transfer of real property by a system of registra- tion, and, to prevent the miscarriage of justice in the criminal courts, they estabhshed a new magistracy called the "Fourteen Defenders of Liberty." ^ These reforms were distasteful to the upper classes (who looked askance at every act of so democratic a government), and gave rise to an incipient interference with the affairs of the State by the Parte Guelfa (the management of which was mainly in the hands of the rich) — an interference which, as years went on, grew into a supreme control, and ended in an intolerable tyranny. In 1347 the Captains of "the Party" procured the passing of an Act which disqualified from office any Ghibelline, or the son of any Ghibelline, who, between 1300 and the date of the enactment, had been declared a rebel, or who had lived in a rebellious town, or who had joined in open war against the commonwealth.* This measure, which had all the appearance of being merely intended to harass the Ghibellines (and was in consequence highly popular), was really an insidious attack on the democratic element in the government, as none of the grandi suspected of Ghibellinism were in ofiice. It proved a successful move, as several members of the fopulo minuto were expelled from office, and others, fearing an inquiry into their antecedents, resigned, and their places were imme- diately filled by Guelphs of higher social standing. When the real object of the law became patent, the Signory endeavoured to mitigate it; but the Parte Guelfa were too strong for them, and their attempt only led to the passing of more severe measures of a similar character. The inability of the govern- ment to resist these encroachments was probably in part due to an unpopularity that they had undeservedly incurred by reason of the prudence of their foreign policy. One of their first acts had been the conclusion of peace with Pisa, for which they were severely blamed, as the realisation of the long-cherished hope on the part of Florence to acquire Lucca was thereby indefinitely postponed. ^ The last decree was occasioned by the nefarious conduct of Piero dell' Aquila, who was then head of the Inquisition in Florence and who had been in the habit of fabricating charges of heresy against wealthy citizens for the purpose of enriching himself. 2 Ammirato, iii. 92, note 2. ' Napier, ii. 133. < Ammirato, iii. loi. I40 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE It was well indeed for Florence that she did not then embark on a costly war, for famine and pestilence were at her doors. The harvest of 1346 was a complete failure, and the price of wheat in 1347 was double what it had been in the previous year. Meat rose from i| soldi to 11 soldi per lb., and there was a rise in price, during the same period, of almost all other articles of food. The terrible distress that ensued was somewhat alleviated by the energy of the government, who purchased 26,000 moggia^ of wheat and 1,700 moggia of barley. Men and women were employed night and day in baking bread in ten large ovens that had been erected for the purpose, and loaves were sold at four danari each. It has been estimated that the entire loss to the State on this transaction was more than 30,000 florins. Crowds flocked into Florence to participate in this charity, and although there were 94,000 persons requiring relief no one was refused throughout the year. A good harvest in 1347 diminished the distress, but the full benefit of this was retarded by a ring among the bakers. Bread riots arose, which the government quelled by hanging the baker who had originated the " corner," and by the end of September the famine was well- nigh over.^ In the following year Florence suffered from another scourge. The great plague which overran the West of Europe from 1348 to 1350 was brought from the Levant to Pisa and Genoa in the former year, and thence rapidly spread all over Italy. As all students of Italian literature are aware, it was this plague which Boccaccio immortalised by using it as a background in his Decamerone. In the Introduction to that work will be found a vivid but harrowing picture of its progress in Florence, where it was unusually deadly, for the Florentines had been weakened and emaciated by the famine of the previous year. It raged from April to September, at the end of which time it had carried off three -fifths of the population. Among its many victims was the great Florentine historian Giovanni Villani. The whole community was panic-stricken, and selfishness and inhumanity became as infectious as the disease itself. Children deserted their dying parents, husbands their wives, and fathers and mothers their children. ^ Houses abandoned, or tenanted ' A moggio was a measure containing about 860 pounds weight of grain. A moggio of corn made 2,592 loaves of 6 oz. each. 2 Villani, hb. xii. cap. 73. ^ Introduction to the Decameron. THE GREAT PLAGUE 141 only by corpses, notwithstanding the risk, were plundered by those who had feared to enter them to succour relations or friends. The conduct of the brethren of the Mi^ericordia is the one bright spot in this dismal picture of which there is any record, and but for their heroic exertions the numbers who fell dead in the streets would have remained unburied. The after-effects of the plague were somewhat surprising. " It was thought by the grave citizens who escaped the pestilence . . . that those who survived would become better, more humble, more virtuous, and better Catholics, keeping themselves from iniquity and sin, and abounding in mutual love and charity. But no sooner did the malady cease than the contrary was seen to be the case. And men . . . forgetting the past, as if it had never been, gave themselves up to dissoluteness and depravity, more than they had ever done before." The city became the scene of all kinds of licentious revels, and men and women paraded the streets decked out in gay garments which had been stolen from the houses of the dead. The few labourers who were willing to return to work demanded exorbitant re- muneration. And the effects of the plague on politics were also baneful. The diminution of the population had been such that it was found impossible to fill the public offices from the existing registers, and new ones had to be prepared, which, from necessity, reduced the popular element in the government and thereby increased the mahgnant power of the Captains of the Parte Guelfa. One legacy was, however, left by the plague for which posterity should be grateful. Many a pest-stricken citizen, after seeing the whole of his family die, bequeathed his all to some charitable institution.^ The sums thus left to the Company of Or San Michele, for distribution among the poor in honour of the picture of the Madonna in the church of Or San Michele, amounted (with what had been previously given for the same purpose) to 350,000 florins. For this large sum the Company had hardly any use, as the poor had been almost exterminated by disease, so they determined to expend a portion of it in doing honour to their Madonna in another way, and the order was given to Orcagna for a sculptured tabernacle in which her picture was ' The Hospital of S. Maria Nuova and the Misericordia thus received about 25,000 florins each. 142 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to be enshrined. Thus it was that Florence became possessed of one of the finest works of its kind to be found in Italy.^ ART AND LITERATURE 1340-1348 ARCHITECTS SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Taddeo Gaddi Andrea Pisano Taddeo Gaddi Petrarch Nino Pisano Stefano Boccaccio Giottino G. ViUani Simone Martini PAINTING Giotto, as we have seen, died in 1337, and so in noticing the paintings of the period under review, we are brought at once into contact with the earliest of the Giotteschi — an enthusi- astic and industrious band — who, while not inheriting their master's genius, had sufficient talent to express, though often inadequately, his ideas; and to continue and occasionally im- prove upon his methods. Their works, when not steps in a ladder, are at least links in a chain which connects (through Masaccio) the art of Giotto with that of the great masters of the cinquecento. Giotto's influence spread all over Italy — to Rome (through Cavallini), to Naples (through Messer Simone), while others of his proselytes or pupils founded important schools in Lombardy, Umbria, and Tuscany. It is only with the last of these that we need concern ourselves. Of the early Tuscan Giotteschi, Taddeo Gaddi, Stefano, and Giottino (or Maso) were the chief. Almost all of Stefano's works have perished. The works of Taddeo Gaddi executed before 1340 have been already noticed. Of those on which he was subsequently engaged — or at least of such of them as now exist — the most im- portant are in the Capella degli Spagnuoli at S. Maria Novella. The frescoes which adorn the walls of this chapel (only some of which are by Taddeo) are among the most interesting paintings of this period.^ They were probably executed between 1339 and 1 Other cities of Italy suffered even more severely than Florence from the plague of 1348. Pisa lost four-fifths (or as some say seven-tenths) of her popula- tion. Siena buried 80,000 of her citizens, and never recovered from the blow (Napier, ii. 157.) 2 The frescoes by Giottino in S. Croce are, as far as the history of Art is concerned, probably of higher interest. For two highly appreciative and sug- ART AND LITERATURE 1 340-1 348 143 1346. They represent the Procession to Calvary, the Crucifixion, and the Descent into Hades (on the eastern wall); the Apo- theosis of S. Thomas Aquinas (on the northern wall) ; and the Church MiUtant and Triumphant (on the southern wall). " Fra Jacopo Passavanti^ is said to have selected the subjects. They are chosen with a depth of thought, a propriety of taste, to which those of the Camera della Segnatura, painted by Raphael in the Vatican, afford the only parallel. Each composition is perfect in itself, yet each derives significance from juxtaposition with its neighbour, and one idea pervades the whole, the Unity of the Body of Christ, the Church, and the glory of the order of S. Dominic as defenders and preservers of that Unity. This chapel, therefore, is to the Dominicans what the church of Assisi is to the Franciscans, the graphic mirror of their spirit, the apotheosis of their fame."^ The authorship of the frescoes that adorn its walls has been a matter of controversy. According to Vasari, Taddeo Gaddi had been commissioned to decorate the chapel, and he had completed the ceiling, and was at work on the northern wall, when the frescoes by Simone Martini^ in the church of S. Spirito were uncovered, and they were so greatly admired that the prior of S. Maria Novella proposed to Taddeo that Simone should assist him in the completion of the work on which he was engaged. To this Taddeo, who was warmly attached to Simone, readily assented, and contenting himself with finishing the northern wall, allowed Simone to decorate the re- mainder.* This statement has been accepted without question for centuries, but now recent writers^ contend that some parts of the work, hitherto attributed to Simone Martini, were by Antonio gestive descriptions of the frescoes in the Capella degli Spagnuoli, see Ruskin's Mornings in Florence, pts. iv. and v. (The Vaulted Book and The Strait Gate), and Lindsay, ii. 145-155. The latter is perhaps the more useful on the spot. Mr. Berenson (Florentine Painters, pp. 21-22), subjecting these frescoes to his two pseudo-scientific tests of "tactile values" and "material signifi- cance," finds in them nothing but emptiness and confiision. ^ He was grandson of Giovanni Tornaquinci who fell defending the carroccio at the battle of Montaperti (Horner, i. 474). ^ Lindsay, ii. 146. 2 He is more often, but erroneously, called Simone Memmi, or Simone di Memmo (Crowe and Cav., ii. 60.) * Vasari, i. 201. Lord Lindsay (vol. ii. p. 152) thinlcs that the lower part of the northern wall (the Profane and Theological Sciences which are con- spicuously graceful) are, if not by Simone, at least by a Sienese artist. ' Rumohr, Crowe and Cav. (vol i. pp. 374, 488), and Lafenestre. 144 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Veneziano, and other parts possibly by Andrea da Firenze.^ Lord Lindsay, after summing up the evidence for and against the ascription of these works to Martini (and little new has been adduced since he wrote) holds that Vasari's story has not been disproved.^ Concerning the personality of " Giottino," as the greatest of the early Florentine Giotteschi was called, but Httle is certainly known. It is probable that the similarity of his style to that of Giotto earned for him his pseudonym. Vasari alleges that his name was Tommaso, that he was the son of the Florentine painter Stefano, and that he was born in 1324 and died in 1357. It may be that Vasari has confused him with a Giotto di Stefano, who was living in 1368,^ but however this may be, it is generally agreed that the " Giottino " of Vasari and the " Maso " of Ghiberti are the same person.* His most important works are in the Capella de' Bardi (or S. Silvestro as it is sometimes called) in the church of S. Croce. They consist of the tomb of Obertino de' Bardi and a series of frescoes representing the history of Constantine and the miracles of S. Silvester. Of these frescoes it has been said they are the only works of the fourteenth century that give us some slight idea of the manner afterwards adopted by Masaccio.^ None of Giotto's other pupils so thoroughly preserved the qualities of their great master and yet at the same time displayed symptoms of progress.^ There is a fresco in the Accademia Filarmonica, representing the expulsion of the Duke of Athens from Florence, which must have been painted after 1343; and there is another of La Misericordia, in the Bigallo, which was painted in 1342. A beautiful PietJi in the Ufifizi may perhaps be by him.^ ^ I doubt if many visitors to the Capella degli Spagnuoli will endorse Messrs. Crowe and Cavalcaselle's opinion (vol. i. p. 375) that the frescoes on its walls are " second-class works." ^ Lindsay, ii. 158. Four of the Emperor's attendants in the Church Militant are supposed to be portraits of Cimabue, Giotto, Taddeo Gaddi, and Simone Martini. ^ Crowe and Cav., i. 416; Perkins, ii. 216. ■* Vasari, i. 219 ; Lindsay, ii. 77. " Rio's Poetry of Christian Art (1854), p. 62. ^ Crowe and Cav., i. 421. ' La Fenestre, p. 6. Giottino also did some good work in the Lower Church at Assisi. ART AND LITERATURE 1340-1348 145 SCULPTURE Andrea Pisano continued to work in Florence until his death, which is variously assigned to 1345, 1349, and after 1359.^ After the completion of his greatest work — the casting of the Baptistery doors — in 1339, much of his time must have been devoted to carving the bas-reliefs round the campanile from Giotto's designs. In 1345 he was employed by the Duke of Athens to alter and fortify the Palazzo Vecchio. It was probably after this date that he sculptured the statues of the four doctors of the Latin Church, which are said to have been executed for, and at one time to have adorned, the fagade of the cathedral, and are now to be seen at the foot of the avenue leading to Poggio Imperiale (outside the Porta Romana), where they figure as Homer, Virgil, Dante, and Petrarch.^ It is difficult, however, to reconcile the tradition regarding the origin of these statues with the results of recent research, from which it appears that the fagade was not begun till 1357.^ Andrea was assisted in modelling the Baptistery gate by his son Nino, who subsequently worked at Pisa.* ARCHITECTURE Not many buildings of importance were erected during this period, but the Ponte Vecchio, which had been commenced from a design of Taddeo Gaddi's in 1336, was completed under his supervision on July i8th, 1345, and the Ponte S. Trinita, also designed in 1336, was completed in 1346, LITERATURE On April 8th, 1341, Petrarch was crowned with the laurel crown at Rome, and before the middle of the following year he had finished his Latin poem Africa. In 1344 he wrote the first of his great political Odes ^'■Italia mia benche il parlar sia indarno," and the most remarkable of his literary productions were the work of the next few years. An Ode to Cola di Rienza was written in 1347.^ ^ Vasari, Symonds, and Crowe and Cavalcaselle. ^ Lindsay, i. 373. ' Arch. Star., N. S. xvii. (1863), p. 140, cited in Crowe and Cav., iii. 185. * His son Tommaso also attained some eminence as an architect and sculp- tor. His most celebrated pupils were Orcagna and Balduccio di Pisa, who sculptured the beautiful monument to S. Peter Martyr in the church of S. Eustorgio at Milan. » Garnett, pp. 57, 58. 146 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE It was during this period that Boccaccio — the last of the great Florentine triumvirate of fourteenth-century literature — began to write; and though inferior in many respects to Dante and Petrarch, their work without his would have been incomplete. These three men were pre-eminently the pioneers of the Renaissance in the world of thought. They led the van in the movement which recovered for Italy (and through Italy for the world) the consciousness of intellectual liberty.^ Their works made it manifest that human nature was vigorous enough to throw off the ecclesiastical bondage of the middle ages. Dante did this in the realm of spirit, Petrarch in the realm of mind, Boccaccio in the realm of sense. Obviously Boccaccio was working on a lower plane than his compeers, and the results of his work were of more questionable advantage to human progress. But if his influence made for licentiousness it was at least healthy in so far as it undermined a morbid asceticism. And if it degraded morals it indirectly gave to Art a helping hand in her upward course. The improvement which Boccaccio effected in prose he accom- plished by "a return to nature" — the very principle which vitalised the works of Niccola Pisano and his followers. Thus directly and indirectly he was teaching the same lesson as the Giotteschi. If Dante and Petrarch paved the way for Luther and Galileo, Boccaccio facilitated the coming of Raphael. And though Boccaccio's work may be less elevated than Dante's and less refined than Petrarch's, his place is little less important than theirs in the history of letters, for by the Decameron " he endowed his country with a classic prose and won for himself a unique place as the first modern novelist."^ Giovanni Boccaccio was born in 13 13, probably in Florence, but possibly within twenty miles of it in the village of Certaldo.' Most of his life was spent in Florence, but he had little affection either for it or for its citizens.* When in Naples in 1341 he first ' Symonds, i. 10. ^ Garnett, p. 82. ' Ibid., p. 83. A claim on behalf of Paris as his birthplace must be dismissed. Boccaccio's birthplace will recall Dante's lamentation over the enfranchisement of the Florentine Contaditii: — " Ma la cittadenza, che e or mista Di Campi e di Certaldo e di Figghine. Pura vedeasi nell ultimo artista." — Par., xvi. 49-51. It is noteworthy that the three great Florentine poets were drawn from the three parties into which the society of Florence was divided — Dante from the nobles, Petrarch from the popolo grasso, and Boccaccio from the fofolo minuto. * Ency. Brit., iii. 844. He was only half Italian as his mother was French. ART AND LITERATURE 1340- 1348 147 became acquainted with Maria (said to be a natural daughter of King Robert) by a lady who belonged to the same family as Thomas Aquinas, whom he afterwards immortalised as Fiammetta. At her command he wrote Filocopo, a work which marks the transition from the metrical to the prose romance,^ and this was followed in 1346 by L'Amorosa Fiammetta, which may be regarded as the precursor of the modern psychological novel.^ Between 1344 and 1350 Boccaccio was once more in Naples and it was then, at the desire of Queen Joanna, no less than at that of Fiammetta, that he wrote most of the hundred stories which in their collected form appeared in 1353 under the title of Decameron. It is this work that made Boccaccio famous and by which his name still lives. It is too well known to need more than the briefest notice. A party of young men and maidens, he tells us in his Introduction, have fled to a villa in the outskirts of Florence to escape the plague. In the gardens of this delightful retreat he makes them amuse each other by story-telling, and ten tales are told on each of their ten days' sojourn ; the theme of all is love, using the word in no ideal sense. They are told with consummate art. All are very entertaining, some broadly (occasionally coarsely) humorous, and a few deeply pathetic. The motif of most is some indelicate incident which is, however, as a rule, handled with as much delicacy as its nature permits. " The whole book glows with the joyousness of a race discarding dreams for reaUties, scorning the terrors of a bygone creed, revelling in nature's liberty."^ And it is this, coupled with its style, "which for easy unaffected simplicity has never been surpassed,"* that has given it a permanent place in literature.* Giovanni Villani continued writing his history almost up to his death in 1348. He occupied an influential position until reduced to penury by the Bardi failure in 1345. He was in Florence during the tyranny of the Duke of Athens. Of the inestimable value of his writings mention has already been made. ' Garnett, p. 85. , ^ liid.,^. 86. Some other of his less-known works, viz. Tesseide, Arneto and L'Amorosa Vesione were written about the same time and Filostrato in 1347. ' Symonds, iv. 104. * Garnett, p. 90. ^ Boccaccio has been called the " Father of Italian Prose,'' Ency. Brit., iii. 845 ; but his style does not seem to have been recognised as a model until the days of the Delia Crusca Academy in the sixteenth century. It is censured by some modern Italians (Gino Gapponi, i. 363-367). CHAPTER VIII 1349-1374 THE CONDOTTIERE SYSTEM — COUNT LANDO IN FLORENTINE TERRITORY — THE DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA — ART AND LITERATURE THE recuperative power of Florence was one of her most marked characteristics. Famine and pestilence, costly and not always successful wars, financial losses, and innumerable insurrections, left her still pursuing her old policy of expansion with energies apparently unimpaired. Within a year of the dis- appearance of the "Black Death" (as the great plague of 1348 was called), although she had lost three-fifths of her population, she was chastising the powerful Ubaldini for their predatory incursions into her territory, and wresting from them their Apennine stronghold of MontegemmoU j^ and within two years she had reasserted her authority over CoUe, San Gimignano and Pistoja, and had purchased Prato from Queen Joanna of Naples. 2 In 135 1 she was once more engaged in a struggle with the Visconti. Luchino Visconti,^ lord of Milan, died in 1349, and his brother Giovanni, the Archbishop of the city, had succeeded him. The union of temporal and spiritual authority in the head of the family made the Visconti family more formidable than ever, and Florence had good cause to be on her guard. The Archbishop having further increased his power by the purchase of Bologna from the brothers Pepoli, collected all the Ghibelline nobles that were left in Tuscany — the Ubaldini and Ubertini of the Apennines, the Pazzi of Val d'Arno, the Tarlati of Arezzo, ' M. Villani, lib. i. cap. 25. ^ Ibid., lib. i. cap. 74. Prato had been ceded to the Duke of Calabria. ' Matteo I. died in 1322 and was succeeded by his eldest son Galeazzo I. (1322-1328), and his grandson Azzo (1328-1339). On Azzo's death Matteo's second son, Luchino, became lord of Milan. 148 THE CONDOTTIERE SYSTEM 149 and the Counts Guidi ^ — with the object of subjugating Florence. His army crossed the Apennines on July 28th, and though his intentions were known, Florence was but ill prepared to resist an attack. No steps had been taken to put the city in a state of defence, for the government had fallen into inefficient hands. Men of the lowest class and of no ability (Matteo Villani tells us) had, by dint of canvassing and bribery, become members of the Signory, and made their way into other high offices, to the exclusion of wise and experienced citizens, thus leaving the guidance of public affairs to precedent or luck rather than the good sense and foresight of the rulers. "Every man is intent," he says, " during his two months of office on benefiting himself or his friends, or doing his enemies an ill turn by means of his official power." ^ Nevertheless Florence held her foe at bay for two years, when, through the intervention of Pope Clement VI,, peace was concluded.^ In January, 1355, Charles of Luxemburg, King, of Bohemia, who had been crowned King of the Romans many years before, crossed the Alps on his way to be crowned Emperor at Rome. Florence was a little uncertain what attitude to adopt towards him, and she sent an ambassador — no less a personage than Giovanni Boccaccio — to Avignon to ascertain whether Charles IV. came with the Pope's approbation. Having received a reply in the affirmative, she despatched an embassy to Pisa, where the Emperor then was, to inquire what were his intentions towards herself. The negotiations were not of an amicable character, but an agreement was ultimately entered into whereby the Emperor undertook not to come within ten miles of Florence, or to interfere with her government, and to confirm all the firanchises and privileges of the commonwealth; and Florence undertook to pay him 100,000 florins down and 4,000 per annum for his life. This arrangement was so unpopular in Florence, through its implicit recognition of the imperial claim ^ M. Villani, lib. i. cap. 78. Pisa, usually Ghibelline, held aloof, as she was then under the rule of Gambercorta, a rich merchant who was friendly to Florence. 2 Ibid., lib. ii. cap. 2. ' Two members of the Medici family are mentioned in the account of this campaign, one of whom played an ignoble and the other a very honourable part. The former (whose Christian name is not given) abandoned a very strong position in the Apennines when commanding a sufficient force for its defence, and by so doing allowed the enemy to escape after they had been entrapped. The latter, by name Mario, gallantly cut his way at the head of some 100 men through the forces besieging Scarperia, and relieved the little town when hard pressed. ISO A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to suzerainty over the city, that it was rejected seven times by a parliament of the people before it was confirmed.^ It was about this time that Florence, in common with many of her neighbours, began to suffer from the new mode of warfare which had made its appearance some half a century before, and which was destined to have such disastrous effects on Italian politics. The origin and development of the Condottiere system was due to a combination of causes peculiar to the peninsula. The ceaseless feuds and petty wars, of which Italy was the scene during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, were mainly waged by troops of cavaliers, who were drawn almost ex- clusively from the grandi. Infantry, recruited from the lower classes, were no doubt also employed, but they played a very inferior part in a battle, and were hardly expected to withstand a charge of cavalry. The nobles formed, in fact, the backbone of every army. They were the fighting element of the population, but by the operation of two distinct causes, at the end of the Guelph and GhibelUne struggle, they had been completely debilitated. The States in which the Guelphs had gained the ascendancy usually became republics, and in these the grandi, when not expatriated, were impoverished or otherwise reduced to impotence. GhibelUne States were, on the other hand, almost always despotisms, and it was the policy of the despots to en- deavour to secure their position by repressing the nobles and by disarming all their subjects.^ And while this was taking place the demand for armaments was, if possible, on the increase. The supremacy of many of the princely rulers could only be maintained by force. Personal ambition and commercial and political rivalries were more active than ever. The schemes of the Visconti, the disputed Neapolitan succession, and the "Babylonish captivity" of the Papacy at Avignon, continued to keep Italy in a state of ferment. Yet the demand for troops could not be supplied from any national source. The class from which armies had been drawn was fast disappearing, and the rest of the community was destitute of military spirit. It was a spirit of industrialism that was then the mainspring of Italian prosperity. The rich merchants, of whom the new aristocracy was composed, had neither time nor inclination for military training. The management of their vast trading establishments, with agencies in distant lands, ' M. Villani, lib. iv. cap. 70. ^ Symonds, i. 77. THE CONDOITIERE SYSTEM 151 required the whole of their energies. Nor were they soldiers by tradition. For them military training was scarcely less a calamity than the miseries of war. Indeed, as they increased in wealth and refinement, they displayed an increased reluctance to endure the hardships of the field, and the more they had to lose, the less willing and able were they to defend it.^ And there was another spirit just beginning to work that was no less antagonistic to martial ardour than the spirit of industrialism. The movement, already referred to, of which Giotto and Petrarch were the pioneers, was beginning to convert Italy into a nation of artists, scholars, and literati, and though before the close of the next century it had enabled her to win undying glory in the field of culture, it unfitted her for winning it on the field of battle. Nor was there any aptitude for arms to be found among the lower classes. Feudalism in the northern nations being founded on military service, had converted the peasantry into hardy and patriotic soldiers; but in Italy, where the feudal system never really took root, this was not so. Under these circumstances there was but one solution possible, and it had been both indicated and facilitated by past events. This was the employment of mercenary troops. In Florence the authority of Charles of Anjou, of Count Guido Novello, and of Charles of Valois had been maintained by the aid of German horsemen. The emperors, when they periodically descended into Italy for the purpose of asserting their rights or replenishing their exchequers, were usually accompanied by armies, a part of which they sometimes left behind them. This was notably the case when a band of Louis of Bavaria's troopers deserted from his standard and possessed themselves of Lucca, which they retained until bribed to depart.^ Hence there were a considerable number of foreigners scattered about over Italy who were trained to arms and eager for employment. As was but natural, they gradually congregated together at different centres, either as the bodyguard of some Ghibelline chiefs or as a roving troop under a commander who obtained ' Dennistoun, i. 12. The wealthy Florentines had learned from Ramondo at Altopascio that they could purchase immunity from military service. '^ Riccotti, II, 39. ' The despots of some of the smaller Italian states sometimes developed into condottiere, as was the case with Montefeltro of Urbino and the Malatesta of Rimini. Uguccione della Faggiola and Castruccio Castracane belonged to the condottieri type, but they did not habitually sell their services. 152 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the title of condoitiere, and who was ready to sell the services of his company to the highest bidder. The demand for these bands was so great and the pay offered so high, that during the first half of the fifteenth century there were generally three or four in existence, each of which was numbered by thousands. At first the companies were composed exclusively of foreigners under foreign captains, but before the close of the fourteenth century these had been superseded by Italian bands led by native condottieri?- The evils of such a system are only too obvious. Patriotism and all soldierly virtues languished among the employers. National struggles were no longer determined by national courage, en- durance, or generalship, but by the length of the national purse. And the effects on the employed were even more demoralising. They fought first on one side and then on the other, irrespective of country, creed, or the justness of the cause. By war they gained their livelihood, and consequently wars were unneces- sarily provoked and unduly prolonged. Each condottiere re- garded his troop as his stock-in-trade, and would never expose it to any avoidable danger. Nor was a slain adversary as desirable as a prisoner who could be ransomed. Hence the aim of each side was a bloodless victory, and a battle was often a mere sham fight. Machiavelli asserts that on one occasion, after several hours' fighting, only one man was killed, and that his death was occasioned by a fall from his horse.^ It frequently happened that months were spent by generals in manoeuvres and counter-manoeuvres with the object of placing their opponents in such a position as would force them to surrender. And when the condottieri awoke to a sense of their own power they were incessantly plotting, often success- fully, to carve lordships for themselves out of some province which they had been summoned to aid or to subdue, and ' The most famous of the foreign condottieri were the Duke of Guarnieri, Fra Moriale, Count Lando and Sir John Hawkwood ; and of the Italian, Alberico da Barbiano, Andrea Braccio da Montone, Sforza Attendolo, II Carmagnola, Niccol6 Fortebraccio, Francesco Sforza, Nicol6 Piccinino, Bartolommeo Colleoni, Jacopo Piccinino, Federigo d'Urbino, Roberto da Sanseverino, members of the Orsini, Colonna and Vitelli families, the Duke of Valentino (Csesar Borgia), Giovanni de' Medici (delle Bande Nere) and Francesco Maria, Duke of Urbino (Ricotti, Storia delle Compagnie di Ventura in Italia). ^ But these harmless engagements only occurred when the system was fully developed. In some of the battles in which Hawkwood was engaged the slain were numbered by thousands. COUNT LANDO IN FLORENTINE TERRITORY 153 "Italy beheld the spectacle of moving despotisms, armed and mounted, seeking to effect establishment upon the weakest, worst-defended points of the peninsula."^ The first bands of mercenaries, however, produced an evil of a different character. Whenever they were thrown out of employ they were nothing more nor less than vast gangs of banditti who lived upon plunder, inflicting intolerable outrages on the inhabi- tants of large districts, and they became such objects of terror that the richer States often paid them large sums of money to evacuate their territories. A German ruffian, named Werner (Italianised into Guarnieri), who impiously but accurately styled himself " The enemy of God, of Pity, and of Mercy," at the head of some 1,500 or 2,000 horsemen^ had thus levied blackmail on the lord of Bologna in 1353 ; and shortly afterwards Monreal, a knight of Provence, who was known in Italy as " Fra Moriale," with a band called "The Great Company," that is said to have numbered no less than 5,000 cavalry and 1,500 or 2,000 infantry, was pursuing the same tactics.^ Florence paid 25,000 and Pisa 16,000 florins to obtain temporary immunity from the depreda- tions of this horde of miscreants. Moriale then imprudently went to Rome where Cola di Rienzi gave him a hospitable wel- come, and then, probably for the sake of his wealth, caused him to be arrested and executed.* The command of the Great Company now fell to Conrad, Count of Lando, who in 1356 threatened the Florentines with an incursion. With the same short-sighted poUcy as before they paid him 16,000 florins on his giving an undertaking that he would not enter their territory for three years. In 1358 the services of Lando and his company were engaged by Siena, who was at war with Perugia, but as he was in Romagna he could not join the Sienese forces without passing over Florentine ground. He applied to the Signory for permission to be allowed to do so, and, though he at first ngiet with a refusal, it was ultimately arranged that his company should be permitted to traverse an outlying part of the domain of the Republic through a pass in the Apennines which leads ^ Symonds, i. 78. It was, however, necessary that they should have some place into which they could retire for winter quarters and lay up stores. For this purpose the lordship of Bagnacavallo and Cotignola was conferred on Hawkwood by Pope Gregory XI. (Burckhardt, p. 22). - Ricotti. ^ M. Villani, lib. iii. cap. 89 ; Gino Capponi, i. 292. * Villari ; £ncy. Brit., xx. 801. Gino Capponi (vol. i. p. 293) does not believe that Rienzi was actuated by avarice. However this may be, there is no doubt that Fra Moriale got no more than his deserts. 154 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE by Belforte and Dicomano to Bibbiena,' and that the Signory should victual them while on Florentine soil. The company do not seem to have been satisfied with the rations provided for them, and they pillaged the villages through which they passed. The inhabitants were so incensed that they rose en masse, and when the bandit army was passing through a narrow defile it was assailed with a shower of rocks and stones from the mountain sides. The heavily armed cavalry were at such a disadvantage that a panic set in, and the peasants, descending from the heights which they occupied, attacked them hand to hand. Lando was taken prisoner, 300 of his men were killed, more than 1,000 horses and much gold was captured, and the bulk of his army was hemmed in, in a gorge, with only provisions for three days. Unfortunately three of the four Florentine ambassadors,^ who had been sent to arrange terms with Lando, were with his troops, and, no doubt prompted by consideration for their personal safety, they interfered to stay the furious onslaught of the peasantry. Had they not done so " that plague of Italy might have been easily extinguished."^ The Signory, on hearing the news, resolved that no food should be supplied to the free- booters, or any steps taken to prevent the peasants from massa- cring them. But the ambassadors, although they had been summoned to return home, took upon themselves to protect Lando's force while it proceeded to Vicchio, where provisions were obtainable. There is but little doubt that they would have been put to death had they not done so. Count Lando, who was a prisoner in one of the castles of the Ubaldini, was liberated about the same time. Florence had to pay dearly for the pusillanimity of her repre- sentatives, but she learned wisdom by experience. In 1359, when Count Lando again threatened to ravage Tuscany, she refused to submit to his demands, although Perugia, Siena, and Pisa were weak enough to do so, and she levied an army to check his progress, which she placed under the command of Pandolfo Malatesta, lord of Rimini. Malatesta's forces came into close quarters with the bandits on July loth, 1359, between Pistoja and Pescia, but Lando declined to give battle, and marched precipitately towards Genoa on the night of July 20th. ' Gino Caponi, i, 296. ^ Their names were Manno Donati, Giovanni de' Medici, Amerigo Caval- canti and Rinieri Peruzzi. s Ammirato, iii. 227. THE RICCI AND ALBIZZI FEUD 155 It was impossible to follow him without invading the territory of a friendly state. "But such had been the energy and prudence of Malatesta and so great the valour of the Florentines, who had been at length thoroughly roused, and were now determined to settle matters once for all with so infamous an enemy, that the Great Company never again dared show its face in Tuscany." 1 During the alarm occasioned by Fra Moriale's inroad into Tuscany, Florence was also in dread of domestic disorder. In 1353 there had been a fresh burst of that lawlessness which followed the plague of 1348. Night after night burglaries occurred, and for some time the perpetrators evaded detection. At length it was discovered that they had been committed by a gang of young bloods — scions of the noblest families — who had been in the habit of blocking both ends of a street with bands of music, which appeared to passers-by to be occupied in serenading, and of breaking into and rifling one of the inter- mediate houses. Bordone Bordoni was taken red-handed, and though his powerful connections used all their influence to rescue him from punishment, the people insisted that the law should be carried out, and he was executed. This led to a quarrel between the houses of Bordoni and Mangioni, which ended in an affray. The two rival houses of Ricci and Albizzi espoused opposite sides, and their appearance in arms threw the city into a tumult, as they were the leaders of hostile factions, and open strife between them would have involved the whole city in civil war. This catastrophe was averted by the prompt action of the podesth, but the animosity between the two families remained unabated. The feud between them, which was one of old standing, was now carried on with different weapons. They were both supporters of the Guelph cause, but the Ricci, in order to damage their opponents in public estimation, sedulously asserted that the Albizzi could not be genuine Guelphs, because they originally came from the Ghibelline city of Arezzo.^ This report was the more readily believed on account of the advent of Charles of Luxemburg, as even now the presence of an Emperor in Italy caused the Guelphs some little uneasiness. Uguccione, the head of the Ricci family, on the pretext that certain state secrets had been divulged to Charles when at Pisa, proposed that a law should be passed making any Ghibelline holding office Uable to a fine of 500 florins. The proposal was made in the expectation ' Ammirato, iii. 236. ^ Ibid., iii. 195. 156 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE that the Albizzi would oppose it, and so give colour to the report as to their Ghibelline tendencies. But Piero degli Albizzi, the head of the house, was too astute to fall into the trap, and he came expressly from his country villa to support the pro- position.i The bill became law, but as it had been introduced for personal ends, and not because it was needed, it was allowed to remain a dead letter. Three years later, however, it was re- enacted in a more rigorous form. The Parte Guelfa was also a source of political danger. The circumstances under which that organisation originated have been already noticed. It had now been in existence nearly a century, and it had done its work. Ghibellinism, at least in Florence, was to all intents and purposes suppressed. The party names, however, still lingered on ; and the new aristocracy, that had come into existence since the extinction of the old noblesse, usually designated themselves Guelphs, while they described as Ghibellines all whom they desired to injure. It was some of these Guelph families (Le Famiglie) who, as we have seen, had contrived to monopolise an undue share of political power, and the Parte Guelfa, with its immense wealth and perfect organisa- tion, was found too useful an instrument for the furthering of their designs to be allowed to disappear. It had never been an unmixed good, but it had on the whole, in its early days, made for liberty of a kind. Henceforth it was only an engine of oppression and malevolence. The Captains of the Party who came into ofiSce in 1357 were Guelfo Gherardini, Geri de' Pazzi,Tommaso Brancacci, and Simone Simonetti, thoroughly unprincipled men^ who, Ammirato says, must have been "born for the public ruin."^ They at once set themselves to still further increase their power, and this they effected under cover of anti-Ghibelline legislation. A law had been passed some years before called the Divieto, which pro- hibited two members of the same family {i.e. all descended from a common ancestor) from holding office together. As the pedigrees of the upper classes were well known, and many of the lower classes did not know the names of their own grandfathers,* more of the former than of the latter were excluded from office by the operation of this law, and much power was thereby thrown ' Ammirato, iii. 192. ^ "di pessima e iniqua condizione " (M. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 24). ' Ammirato, iii. 221. ■• Napier ii. 232. DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA 157 into the hands of the popolo minuto?- The Divieto was exceed- ingly displeasing, not only to the chiefs of the Parte Guelfa, but to the whole of the popolo grasso, and this displeasure the four Captains turned to account. By pretending to an accession of zeal for the Guelph cause and by representing that the measure they were about to introduce was intended to counteract the action of the Divieto, they succeeded in passing a statute by which it was provided that any citizen or subject of Florence, not being a "genuine Guelph," who had held, or in future should hold, any public office, should be liable to capital punishment or fine. It- was also provided that accusations under this Act might be made either openly or secretly to the Captains of the Farte Guelfa, who, if the accusations were supported by six credible witnesses, might pass sentence without hearing the accused in his defence. Those who were fined and the descendants of those who were executed were disqualified for ever from holding any official position, and the mere fact of an accusation having been made, even if not proved, might entail disfranchise- ment.2 All persons whom this terrible tribunal suspected, or for private reasons alleged that they suspected, of not being genuine Guelphs were "admonished." Those who had thus been formally warned received the name of Ammoniti or Ammonizioni. This infamous law was displeasing to many thoroughgoing Guelphs, and the Signory at first refused to sanction it, but they were frightened into doing so by an insinuation on the part of the Captains that they were not "genuine Guelphs." An actual panic prevailed as soon as it was passed, but no one dared, even by a hint, to question its equity for fear of being suspected of Ghibelline leanings. On the contrary, all classes tried to curry favour with Captains who, without doubt, held the lives and fortunes of their fellow-citizens in their hands. ^ The chiefs of the Party thought it expedient to exercise their new powers with some show of moderation, and, during the first forty days after the law came into operation, they contented themselves with disfranchising only eighteen citizens.* Subse- quently, however, they cast all regard for appearances to the wind. They did not even pay any attention to the list of accu- ' M. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 24. Moreover unscrupulous men got into office by bribery to the exclusion of those who were honourable and respected. But M. Villani adds that they did not dare to do much mischief. ^ Ammirato, iii. 221. ' M. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 31. ^ Ammirato, iii, 222. IS8 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE sations, but each accused whom he pleased, and the other three acquiesced almost as a matter of course. "Hast thou no enemy?" was the question asked amongst them. "Consent to admonish mine, and I will do the same by thine."^ The citizens would fain have concealed the terror which the proceedings of these lay inquisitors occasioned, but it found expression in their looks, and for some months a general gloom overshadowed the city.2 In the following year (1358), however, they regained sufficient courage to procure a slight mitigation of the evil, and the Parte Guelfa, yielding to pressure, increased the number of their Captains to six by the addition of two who were always to be taken from the people.^ Recourse was also had to less legitimate methods. Some sought personal safety by purchasing the goodwill of those in power, and in 1360 bribery on an alarm- ing scale was exposed. Others, comprising members of many of the great families who were not connected with the ruling clique, conspired to overthrow the government.* The plot was divulged by Bartolommeo de' Medici^ to his brother Salvestro, who was in office and who, though no friend of the Captains, did not know of its existence. Two of the ringleaders were beheaded, many influential citizens were exiled, and the plot was suppressed. Notwithstanding all efforts to curb it the power of "the Party" seems to have been practically unimpaired, for between 1357 and 1366 no less than 200 families were disfranchised. In the latter year, however, some successful opposition to their tyranny was offered by Uguccione de' Ricci, whose courage cannot but be admired, although he was doubtless influenced by personal motives. His abortive attempt, in 1354, to undermine the in- fluence of the Albizzi, had resulted in placing in their hands the weapons he had forged for their destruction. By the action of legislation of which he was the promoter, the government of the State was now virtually in the hands of a triumvirate, consist- ing of Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo di Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. Disappointed at his failure, for twelve years he bided his time, until in 1366 the unwarrantable admonition of Niccolb Monacci, who had been secretary of the republic and was a ^ Coppo Stefani, lib. ix. rub. 674. ^ Leonardo Aretino. ^ M. Villani, lib. viii. cap. 32; Ammirato, iii. 222. Probably from the popolo minuto, but the word used ispopolani. *■ Some of the Medici, Frescobaldi, Pazzi, Donati, Gherardini, Rossi, Adimari, and Brunelleschi were implicated. ' Or perhaps Andrea. The brothers Bartolommeo and Andrea were both implicated (Litta, Medici Pedigree, Table V.). DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA 159 man universally respected, gave him the opportunity for which he had been waiting. He brought the matter before the Signory and succeeded in obtaining a reversal of the sentence. ^ Encouraged by this success he attacked the constitution of the executive of the Parte Guelfa, and at his instance the number of Captains was increased to nine, five of whom were to be taken from the popolani grassi, two from the Arti Minori, and two were to be grandi. He also procured the passing of other reforms. It was enacted that no one should be declared a Ghibelline unless two-thirds of the Captains voted for the motion. At the same time, a committee consisting of the nine Captains and twenty-four good Guelphs, was established, and it was provided that no one should be indicted before Captains, unless twenty-two members of this committee voted in favour of a true bill, after hearing the accused in his own defence.^ Mild as these measures were, the tyranny of the triumvirate was restrained by them for the next five years. While Florence was more or less passively enduring the heavy yoke of the Parte Guelfa she was energetically waging war with Pisa. For some past years her commerce had suffered from the hostile tariffs imposed on goods passing through the Porto Pisano, and to protect herself against these she had made use of the little harbour of Telamone in the Maremma.^ She had also hired galleys from France and Naples which, in 1356, she had placed under the control of a new board entitled the Died di Mare. Thus Florence became for the first time a maritime power. In 1361 she acquired Volterra, when Pisa was negotiat- ing for its purchase, and this caused the existing jealousy between the two states to break out into open hostilities. The Florentine vessels took possession of Porto Pisano in 1362 and captured the great iron chain by which the port of Pisa was closed. This trophy hung over the west door of the Baptistery at Florence from 1363 to 1848 when it was returned to Pisa.* The war was continued, notwithstanding the reappearance of pestilence, and the Pisans were twice defeated, once under the walls of their city (1363). The Florentines did not attempt to enter it, contenting themselves with insulting their foes in the usual fashion, by striking coins to commemorate the event within their sight. ^ Napier, ii. 237. ^ Ammirato, iii, 311-320. ' M. Villani, lib. vi. cap. 48, 61. " It is now in the Campo Santo at Pisa. i6o A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The Pisans now obtained the aid of a band of English mer- cenaries known (probably from the splendour of their equipment) as the "White Company,''^ which was commanded by Sir John Hawkwood, who subsequently rendered signal services to Florence. The Florentine general, Piero de' Farnesi, had been anxious to secure their services, maintaining that from the days of Caesar to his own time there had never been better soldiers, but the gonfalonier, who hated the very name of the com- panies, refused his sanction.^ Farnese thereupon hastened on an engagement before the arrival of the White Company, and after a hard-fought battle he defeated the Pisans and took their general prisoner. During the fight his own horse was killed under him, and jumping on to a sumpter mule he led his forces to victory. This incident was commemorated by a statue in wood of Farnese in armour, seated on a mule, which was placed over his monument in Florence Cathedral.^ Shortly after this victory he died of the plague, the White Company joined the Pisan army, and the tide of fortune began to turn against Florence. " Gli Otto delta Guerra," as the board in charge of the war were called, had now to look about for a new commander of the Florentine army, and, remembering the ability which Pandolfo Malatesta had displayed when Count Lando's company was ex- pelled from Tuscany, they determined to offer the post to him. With apparent reluctance he accepted the appointment for two months, but his hesitation was probably affected, as it is certain that from the first he had formed the design of attempting to make himself lord of Florence. The condition of affairs in that city ^ It was by this company that the practice of counting cavalry by ' ' lances" was introduced into Italy. Previously the German troopers had been counted singly, and were known us barbute from their helmets. Each lance consisted of a knight {caporale), a squire (piattd), and a page (ragazzo), all of whom were mounted. Both knight and squire wore armour, but the latter was not so completely enveloped in mail as the former. They were armed with swords, daggers, and bows slung across their backs, but their principal weapon was a long and heavy lance requiring two men to wield it. They sometimes fought on horseback, but more often on foot, when the pages held the horses around while the knights and squires (each of whom held a. lance between them) formed a circle "like a hedgehog." They were usually accompanied by infantry who carried long bows. The White Company at this time numbered 5,000 men — 1,000 lances and 2,000 archers. It was at first commanded by a German, Albert Stertz. When under Hawkwood it seems to have been better disciplined than Werner's or Fra Moriale's bands, but hardly deserving the praise bestowed on it by TroUope (vol. ii. p. 154). See Ricotti, ii. 138; Archivio Storico, vol. xv. p. xlii. ; Diet. Nat. Biog., xxv. 236-242; Napier, ii. 302 ; Sir John Hawkwood, by Temple-Leader, p. 39. 2 Ammirato, iii. 270. ' It remained there till 1842 when it fell to pieces. DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA i6i was favourable to such a scheme. The discontent occasioned by frequent admonitions was widespread. Old and experienced citizens complained that they were excluded from ofiSce, while youths, scarcely out of their teens, were placed in responsible positions. Party spirit ran high, and the republic was a prey to secret hatred and private avarice. ^ Pandolfo arrived in Florence on August 13th, 1363, and commenced the campaign with deliberate negUgence. After sustaining a serious defeat, which he had courted, he returned to Florence in pretended alarm, and urged that for the protection of the city it was essential that absolute authority, both within and without the city, should be conferred on him. But the Consiglio d^ Richiesti^ to whom the matter was referred, had not forgotten the lordship of the Duke of Athens, and Pandolfo was sent back to his camp with only his miUtary command.^ He did not, however, abandon his intention, but continued to affect alarm for the safety of Florence, and did not attempt to prevent the enemy from encamping at Ripoli within two miles of its walls. A real terror now pervaded the city, for the courage, the mobiUty, and the indifference to the vicissitudes of weather, displayed by the White Company had much im- pressed the Florentines, and Filippo Villani says that the country folk believed that the English were lions.* After a few weeks the enemy retreated, laden with plunder, into Pisan territory. Contrary to custom Hawkwood, who was now commander-in- chief of the Pisan forces, did not retire into winter quarters, but notwithstanding unusually severe weather carried on the war in the Val-di-Nievole. He was, however, compelled to withdraw. In the following year (1364) Pandolfo Malatesta, thinking that the Florentines considered his services indispensable, applied for leave of absence. Much to his surprise his application was granted with an intimation that he would not be required to return. But for former services he would probably have paid for his treachery with his head. In July Galeotto Malatesta, an uncle of Pandolfo, who had 1 F. Villani, cap. 65. ^ The Consiglio di RichiesH was an extraordinary council to which every citizen who had ever held one of the higher offices of state, or enjoyed a great reputation, was summoned. Meetings of this council were often numerously attended, and fairly represented public opinion (Napier, ii. 297, note). ' F. Villani, cap. 69. * F. Villani, cap. 70. The nurses used the word Inglese to frighten naughty children (Napier, li. 299). M i62 A HISTORY OP FLORENCE a great military reputation, was appointed commander of the Florentine forces, and almost immediately afterwards he defeated Hawkwood near Cascina, a little town seven miles from Pisa, killing i,ooo men and taking 2,000 prisoners.^ All foreigners captured were liberated, but the Pisans were led back in triumph to Florence, where they were compelled to kiss the old Marzocco^ (which stood outside the Palazzo Vecchio, near where the bronze copy now stands) and to work at building the famous " Tetto de' Pisani," which stood in the Piazza della Signoria facing the Palazzo Vecchio, until its removal in 1866.^ Galeotto did not follow up his victory, and his subsequent tactics gave rise to a suspicion that he was playing into his nephew's hand. This, coupled with insubordination among the mercenaries and the heavy expense of the war, led the Florentines to open negotia- tions with Pisa, and a treaty of peace was concluded under which Pisa ceded Pietrabuona to Florence, and agreed to pay an indemnity of 10,000 florins a year for ten years, and to re- move hostile tariffs off Florentine goods. In spite of these con- cessions, so costly had the war been to Florence that it is doubt- ful whether she or Pisa suffered most by it. In 1367 an attempt was made to inveigle her into another war. Pope Urban V., having succeeded through the energy and sagacity of Cardinal Albornez in reducing the States of the Church to obedience,* was endeavouring to re-establish the papacy at Rome. For this purpose he entered into league with the Emperor Charles IV., Queen Joanna of Naples, and the lords of Ferrara, Mantua, and Padua, with the object of chastising the Visconti,^ who had for some time past treated the Pope ^ TroUope, ii. 147. 2 It is now in the Bargello (Horner, i. 232). ^ Ibid., 197. It was for many years used as a post office. ^ During the sojourn of the popes at Avignon they had been despoiled of almost all their dominions. Francesco Ordelaffi of Forli, Gentile Mogliano of Fermo, the Malatesta of Rimini, and the Polenta of Ravenna had usurped the sovereignty of States which belonged to the Church. These were all now recovered for the Pope by Albornez. Their reduction was finally completed by the aid of a band of Breton mercenaries, which had been specially chosen by Gregory VII. because it was more ferocious than any other company {Arch. Star., vol. XV. p. xlv.). ^ On the death of Archbishop Giovanni Visconti, in 1354, his dominions were divided among the three sons of his brother Stefano. Matteo, the eldest, became lord of Parma, Placentia, Lodi, Bobbio, and Bologna ; Bernab6, the second, of Crema, Cremona, Brescia, and Bergamo ; and Galeazzo, the youngest, of Como, Navara, Vercelli, Asti, Tortona, and Alexandria. In 1 355 Matteo was assassinated by order of his brothers, who DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA 163 and his anathemas with ostentatious contempt. Florence re- fused to join the league, and thereby gave great umbrage to Pope Urban. She had to arm in defence of her own liberties, as the Emperor, having played her false by making terms with the Visconti, was marching southwards. But the imperial claims were satisfied in 1368 by a substantial money payment, and she remained unmolested. She had, however, in the following year to take up arms again to protect her own dominions. One of her dependencies, San Miniato al Tedesco, had revolted, and Bernabb Visconti, on the plea that he was imperial vicar of Tuscany, had stepped in to aid the rebels. She succeeded in recovering San Miniato, and then joined the league in order to chastise Visconti for his interference. Her efforts did not meet with success, as an army which she sent into Lombardy was defeated by Hawkwood, and in 1371 peace was concluded. While this war was in progress, Florence, in a fit of unwonted magnanimity towards Lucca (whom she had been persistently endeavouring to enslave), aided that city in regaining its in- dependence after a servitude of fifty-six years. Not only did the Signory assist Lucca with 25,000 florins with which to rid herself of the presence of the imperial vicar, but " because there was no one left among the Lucchese who could remember having looked liberty in the face, the Florentines, besides money, sent some of their wisest and most eminent citizens, who had for a long time taken part in the government of the republic, to guide the city so long accustomed to servitude, in the management of its new-found freedom."^ Notwithstanding all endeavours to abate the authority of the Parte Guelfa it continued to flourish, and under the guid- ance of Piero degli Albizzi it had even increased in power. The Albizzi family was now more influential than any other in Florence, and they made no secret of their intention of con- verting the republic into an oligarchy such as that at Venice. Their only opponent worth reckoning with was Uguccione de' Ricci, who had succeeded in placing some legislative checks divided his dominions between them, Bernabo reigning in Milan (to 1385) and Galeazzo in Parma (to 1378). Violante, a daughter of Galeazzo, married in 1368 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the son of Edward III., King of England. The marriage festivities were on a scale of such magnificence as to provoke comment even in those days of insolent display. ' Ammirato, iv. 29. 1 64 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE on the actions of the "Captains." Much therefore was hoped by those who groaned beneath the tyranny of the Parte Guelfa when Uguccione became gonfalonier, and proportionally great was their consternation when it became known that he had been seduced by Carlo Strozzi into joining the Albizzi faction. The popolo minuto were not slow to appreciate the danger of this alliance, knowing well that the remnant of liberty that was left to them would disappear when the new aristocracy ceased to be a house divided against itself. The Captains of the Parte Guelfa, gaining courage from the accession of Uguccione's support, now made an audacious attack on the constitution, and carried a measure which placed them beyond the pale of public criticism, and made them de facto the paramount authority in the State. This was initiated, in accordance with authorised procedure, by the pre- sentation of a petition. The petitioners prayed for a decree forbidding the Signory to deliberate upon any bill affecting " the Party,'' unless it had been previously discussed and approved by that body. This preposterous proposal was twice rejected by the Signory, but on its second rejection Bartolo Simonetti, one of the priors, who was noted for his insolence, started up and exclaimed, " We will soon see who gave these white beans ^ and who are the enemies of the Parte Guelfa." He then demanded of every member present in turn if he was a Guelf, and compelled each to put in a black bean.^ Thus, by sheer effrontery and defiance of constitutional forms, one individual carried a measure which for a time subverted the authority of the chief assembly in the State. Another instance of the arbitrary and lawless manner in which the affairs of " the Party " were conducted at this time is to be found in the admoni- tion of a citizen named Zanobi Macinghi, whose nam^ had been drawn for the post of gonfalonier of one of the companies. For some private reason he had incurred the dislike of Rosso de' Ricci, one of the Captains of the Party, who at one of their meetings, in order to disqualify him for office, moved that he should be admonished. The proposal was rejected three times, and the chairman declined to allow it to be put to the meeting again ; but Rosso declared that he would put it a hundred times, if necessary, and being still unsuccessful he somehow contrived 1 In Florence the black beans in the ballot-box signified "yes," and the white beans "no." 2 Ammirato, iv. 39. DOMINATION OF THE PARTE GUELFA 165 that the matter should be referred to a meeting of the Richiesti, and that body was called together at two o'clock in the morning. He kept the meeting sitting during the rest of the night, at the end of which, from sheer exhaustion, the members present con- sented to issue the admonition. These indecent violations of orderly procedure aroused con- siderable indignation. Although it was a capital offence to attend a secret meeting, such meetings were constantly held to consider the state of affairs. About a hundred citizens of rank resorted to the house of Simone Peruzzi, who feigned sickness as a pre- text for their reception for the purpose of devising a remedy for existing evils. When these meetings were noticed the malcon- tents threw off the veil of secrecy, and held a public meeting in the church of San Piero Scheraggio. Among those present were Salvestro de' Medici, Lapo di Castiglionchio (who seems to have broken with the Albizzi for a short time), and others who held high offices. After discussing the matters which had brought them together they waited on the Signory, and Machiavelli puts into the mouth of one of them a long argumentative speech, which is an epitome of the faction troubles from which Florence had suffered, with an analysis of their causes. The Signory, moved, it is said, by the cogency of this reasoning, referred the grievances complained of to the Consiglio de' Richiesti. When the matter was discussed by that body a stormy scene ensued. The rapprochement between the Albizzi and Ricci must have come to an end, as one of the former family accused Uguccione de' Ricci of having intrigued for the installation of Bernarbb Visconti^ as lord of Florence. Giorgio, Uguccione's brother, denied the charge, and retorted that Francesco de' Albizzi had been heard to boast that, despite the semblance of liberty pre- served by Florence, his family were as much its lords as the house of d'Este were of Ferrara. Lapo Castiglionchio and other speakers charged both the Ricci and the Albizzi with desiring to enslave their country. Such disorder ensued that the Signory dissolved the meeting, and deliberated in private on what they had heard. A Balla consisting of fifty-six members was ulti- mately appointed, who excluded Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci, and two other members of each family from every ofifice, except service on the Parte Guelfa, for a term of five years, and they deprived ninety-six of their followers of appointments. A ^ Alluding to the conspiracy divulged by Bartolommeo de' Medici. i66 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE small board of ten citizens was appointed, whose duty it was to prevent the formation of factions and generally to protect the freedom of the city, who were called the "Ten of Liberty"; and a large and representative council, comprising one hundred and ninety members, was established, to whom important matters, such as the declaration of war and concluding of peace, were to be referred. And in order to check corruption, which was still prevalent, citizens were forbidden to enter the Palazzo della Signoria except on days of public audience. These measures, although apparently treating the two rival factions with impartiality, really inflicted severer punishment on the Ricci than on the Albizzi, because the position of the latter in the Parte Guelfa (where their influence was paramount) was not interfered with. When Piero degli Albizzi was informed of the new enactments, he exclaimed, " These will do well enough if they go no further ! " That these laws had not as much effect as was expected is evident, for in 1373, at the instance of Megliore Guadagni, the exclusion from office of the three Albizzi and three Ricci was extended to the whole of their families.^ Although the influence of these two great houses was reduced, the pernicious power of the Parte Guelfa was scarcely touched. Piero Petriboni, one of the priors for Santo Spirito, had the courage to introduce a bill in 1373 declaring all admonitions invalid that had not been approved by the Signory ; but this bill was thrown out, and he was accused of attempting to destroy the basis of Florentine liberty ! He only escaped with his head by pleading for mercy with a halter round his neck. Undaunted by Petriboni's failure, in 1 3 74 another prior, Giovanni Magalotti, attempted to bring about the same beneficent reform. He summoned a meeting of the Consiglio de' Richiesti, and em- ployed all his eloquence to persuade them that the system of admonitions was fast ruining the republic. In spite of violent opposition on the part of Lapo di Castiglionchio (who had now returned to the Albizzi faction), a resolution was passed recom- mending the Signory to put an end to admonitions. But the Captains by dilatory tactics prevented the consideration of the recommendation by the Signory for a time, and then, legislative business having been dislocated by a reappearance of the plague, the matter was allowed to drop. So the only result of Magalotti's ' According to two historians, this exclusion was for ten years (Napier, ii. 361, note). ART AND LITERATURE 1 349-1 374 167 gallant attempt to free his fellow-citizens from a tyranny almost as oppressive as that of the Duke of Athens, was that he was noted in the books of the Captains as a suspected Ghibelline. While these events were taking place in Florence she was engaged in a petty war with the Ubaldini (not an unfrequent occurrence), who had been a source of much annoyance to her for centuries. Mainardo, the head of the clan, was captured, and as his family refused to ransom him he was barbarously executed. The family were shortly afterwards completely subjugated, and many of them were enrolled as citizens of Florence. ART AND LITERATURE 1349-1374 ARCHITECTS SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Taddeo Gaddi Alberto Araoldi Taddeo Gaddi Petrarch i Giaconfio da Casentino Boccaccio Giovanni da Milano Matteo Villani Agnolo Gaddi Filippo Villani Orcagna PAINTING, SCULPTURE, AND ARCHITECTURE The effects of the Black Death on Italian Art were not visible for a generation. It may be, however, that it was fears as to their future occasioned by this calamity which induced the artists who survived to seek strength in co-operation and form themselves into an association. But, be this as it may, in 1349 the painters of Florence established the Guild of S. Luke.^ This society must not be classed with the Ar(i, as it had no sort of political status.^ It had, however, ordinances regulating the mode of election and number of its officers, the admission of members, etc., which remained in force until superseded by new ones in the time of Duke Cosimo.^ ' It was known as the Compagnia or Fraternith di San Lucca, but it was dedicated to the Virgin, SS. John the Baptist, Zenobia, and Reparata, as well as to S. Luke. ^ Possibly it was not sufficiently mercantile to be allowed a voice in the government, or possibly its members preferred to be free from the turbulence of public life. ' Vasari, i. 255. These ordinances are printed in Gayes' Carteggio, and the register of members of the Guild will be found in Guarlandi. The statutes of the Sienese Society of Artists were more elaborate (Crowe and Cav., ii. 3). 1 68 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Taddeo Gaddi died in 1366. Most of his time after 1349 was probably devoted to superintending the erection of Giotto's campanile, but some of the numerous frescoes that he painted in Florence must have been executed during this period. Almost all of these have unfortunately perished, but a Last Supper in the Refectory at S. Croce and a Madonna and Saints in the church of S. Felicita may yet be seen.^ If, however, the beautiful frescoes in the Rinuccini Chapel in S. Croce ^ are, as Vasari asserts, really by Taddeo, they must be regarded as his chefs cTxuvres, and he must have painted them about this time.^ THE GIOTTESCHI Showing the Giottesque succession from Giotto to Masaccio through the Tuscan School. Giotto (1276-1337) Roman School Pietro Cavallini (1259-1334) Neapolitan School Messer Simone (fl. 1350) Tuscan School Giottino (I 324-? I3S7) lombardic School Squarcione (1394-1474) Avanzi fl. c. 1380) and others i, I Umerian School Gentile da Fabrian( {c. 1370 to c. 1450) and others Taddeo Gaddi (1300-1356) Stefano (1301-1350) Giovanni da Milano (fl. 1365) I Agnolo Gaddi (1326-1396) Giacomo da Casentino (1310-1380) Spinello Aretino (1332-1410) Antonio Veneziano (1309 to c. 1385) Gherardo Stamina (1354-1406) Masolino (I384-?I447) Masaccio (1402-1429) Two of Taddeo's pupils, Giacomo da Casentino and Giovanni da Milano, were at work during this period. ' His perished works are enumerated in Crowe and Cav., i. 368. ^ They are described in Lindsay, vol. ii. p. 74. ^ Crowe and Cavalcaselle (vol. 1. p. 406) attribute them to Giovanni da Milano, but their judgment is based entirely on style. ART AND LITERATURE 1 349-1 374 169 GiACOMO DA Casentino was the progenitor of an inferior branch of the Florentine Giotteschi that ended with Parri Spinelli and Bicci.^ He is, however, deserving of mention as the master of Spinello Aretino#and as the founder of the Guild of S. Luke. There are two of his pictures in the UfRzi,^ besides which hardly any of his work in Florence remains.^ Giovanni da Milano was an artist of much more ability, and his style exemplifies a phase of the development of the Giottesque manner in Florence, for both in feeling and colour his works are tinged with a Sienese influence.* A Deposition that he painted, in 1365, for the convent of S. Girolamo suUa Costa is now in the Accademia at Florence. Another and more im- portant work, representing the, Madonna enthroned, which was probably executed about the same time, is in the Municipal Gallery at Prato, and some fragments of a picture, which was once in the church of the Ognissanti, are now in the Uffizi. There is also a fresco of a Madonna and Saints in the cloister of the church of the Carmine, which is his work. Agnolo Gaddi, who after the death of his father Taddeo became a pupil of Giovanni da Milano, was " undisputed prince of painting in Florence during the latter years of the third quarter of the century."^ In 1367 he was, as has been men- tioned, supplying designs for sculpture for the Loggia de' Lanzi, and it was probably about the same time that he executed the frescoes in the Capella della Sacra Cintola at Prato, which are the most important of his early works.^ Vasari's statement that he restored the mosaics in the Baptistery in 1346 must surely be erroneous, seeing that he was then but twenty years old. It is far more probable that this was the work of Taddeo. But interesting as the Florentine Giotteschi are in the history of Art, the most prominent figure of the period must be looked for outside their ranks. By far the greatest of the artists then ' Crowe and Cav. , ii. 2 ; Lindsay, ii. 103. " A Coronation of the Virgin and Episodes in the life of S. Peter. ' An Ascension of S. John by him is in the National Gallery, London. * Crowe and Cav. , i. 402, 403. " Lindsay, ii. 83. Much difference of opinion exists as to Agnolo's merits. Vasari says that he worked capriciously (vol. i. 231). Lord Lindsay considers his easel-pictures mediocre and feeble, and that his career was one of continual decadence (vol. ii. pp. 83, 84), while Crowe and Cavalcaselle hold that he surpassed his father, and in one of his works rivalled the simplicity of Giotto (vol. ii. p. 467). ° Crowe and Cav,, i. 465-467, where they are described. I70 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE living was Orcagna. The dates of his birth and death are alike uncertain, but the latter event must have occurred between 1367, when he was commissioned to paint a picture for the church of Or San Michele, and 1376, when an instrument was executed by "his widow." 1 The name of "Orcagna" is said to be a corruption of Arcagnolo (Archangel). Hence Ruskin writes of him : " An intense solemnity and energy in the sublimest groups of his figures, fading away as he touches inferior subjects, indicates that his home was among the archangels, and his rank among the first of the sons of men."^ In days when universality of genius was not uncommon, Orcagna was gifted beyond his most versatile contemporaries. He was not only, after Giotto's death, the first architect, sculptor, and painter living, but he was a mosaicist,' goldsmith, and poet of no mean order. It is said that he studied the goldsmith's craft under his father, painting under his brother Bernardo, and sculpture under Andrea Pisano.* Not many of his 'paintings exist,^ but judging from those that survive it may be asserted that had he lived at a time when perspective and drawing the nude were better understood, he would have been numbered among the greatest painters that Italy ever produced.^ The place that he occupies among the pre-Renaissance artists is peculiar. He cannot be classed among the Giotteschi, for although Giotto's influence pervades his works, so does that of the Semi-Byzantines.'^ He forms a link between the Florentine and Sienese Schools, for his style combines the dignity and dramatic force of the one with the tenderness and devotional fervour of the other.^ The magnificent frescoes of the Dies Ira, of Paradise, and of Hell in the Strozzi Chapel in S. Maria ^ Peikins, ii. 233 ; Crowe and Cav. , i. 444, Messrs. Crowe and Caval- caselle say (vol. i., p. 440) that Orcagna joined the guild of painters in 1369, but I can find no such statement in Baldinucci, whom they give as their authority. Vasari states that Orcagna died, aged sixty, in 1389. As the year of his death given by Vasari is obviously wrong, his statement as to the age cannot be relied upon. 2 Modem Painters (1888), iii. 29. ^ He worked at the mosaics in Orvieto Cathedral in 1360. " Perkins, i. 77 ; Crowe and Cav., i. 429. ° His frescoes on the fafade of S'ApoUinare, in S. Croce, S. Agostino, the lady chapel of S. Maria Novella, and in the Annunziata have all perished. Those in the choir of S. Maria Novella, when decaying, were painted over by Ghirlandajo (Vasari, i. 205, 209 ; Lindsay, ii. 216). ^ Crowe and Cav., i. 428 ; Cook's Handbook to the National Gallery (1893), p. 420. 7 Lindsay, ii. 207. ^ Lindsay, ii. 208 ; Crowe and Cav., i. 429. ART AND LITERATURE 1349- 1374 171 Novella are the most important of his paintings to be seen in Florence.^ They were probably executed before 1354, or at any rate before 1357.^ On the first pillar in the north aisle of the cathedral is a fresco of his, representing S. Zenobio between SS. Cresenzio and Eugenio. An altar-piece that he painted for the church of S. Pietro Maggiore is now in the National Gallery, London. Eminent, however, as Orcagna was as a painter, it is on one of his sculptured works that his fame chiefly rests. In 1349 the captains of the Company of Or San Michele found them- selves, as has been already mentioned, in possession of a large sum of money which they could not employ for the object for which it had been given to them. They consequently resolved to expend a portion of it on the erection of a shrine for the picture of the Madonna,^ in whose honour the money had been contributed, which should exceed all other shrines in magnifi- cence.* The execution of this work was entrusted to Orcagna, who completed it after ten years of labour in 1359, having sculptured all the figures and bas-reliefs with his own hand. It consists of a Gothic tabernacle built of marble, enriched with every kind of ornament — statuettes, mosaics, intaglios, enamels, pietra dura work — and storied with bas-reliefs illus- trative of the life of the Madonna from her birth to her death. Every detail is in itself a complete work of art, and yet every detail is subordinate to the beauty of the whole. It is a miracle of loveliness, and it perhaps embodies more of the spirit of mediaeval Christian Art than any work that has ever been produced.^ It cost 86,000 golden florins, and few people will hesitate in agreeing with Vasari that this money could not have been better spent." It only remains to notice Orcagna's architectural achievements. Among these must be ranked the tabernacle of Or San Michele, * Described in Lindsay, ii. 216, and Crowe and Cav., i. 431. Crowe and Cavalcaselle dispute Vasari's statement that Orcagna was assisted by his brother Bernardo in the execution of these works. ^ The altar-piece in the same chapel, which is also by Orcagna, is dated 1357. The celebrated fresco of the "Triumph of Death" in the Campo Santo at Pisa has until recently been ascribed to Orcagna (Lindsay, ii. 210 ; Growe, i. 444). ' This picture is usually attributed to Ugolino da Siena. Probably Ugolino's work perished in 1304, and was replaced by the work of a fourteenth-century master (Crowe and Cav., ii. 55). * Lindsay, i. 376. ° Perkins, i. 80. ° Lindsay, i. 378. 172 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE which no sculptor who was not also an architect could have produced. While he was engaged on this tabernacle he made a model for the pillars of S. Maria del Fiore, which was accepted in 1357.^ But the work on which his claim to be one of the world's great architects mainly rests is the Loggia de' Lanzi.^ This building with its soaring arches and slender columns — as graceful as they are majestic — is not surpassed in beauty by any portico in Italy. For centuries it has been associated with Orcagna's name, but comparatively recently an attempt has been made to show that its architect was his namesake (if not his relative) Bencio di Clone. There can be no doubt that the erection of the Loggia was not commenced until after Orcagna's death, but there can be equally no doubt that plans for it had been prepared during his lifetime. No new fact has been adduced incompatible with the theory that it was built from Orcagna's design.^ Not only is this theory supported by ' Crowe, i. 430. Whether or not he designed the Certosa, near Florence, is uncertain (Perkins, i. 82). 2 It stands (as everyone knows) in the Piazza della Signoria. It was built as a place of assembly for the discussion of political or commercial matters in rainy weather, instead of on the uncovered ringhiera before the Palazzo. It was first called the Loggia de' Priori, but its name was changed when the lanzi (or lands knechts) that formed the bodyguard of Duke Cosimo were placed there (Perkins, i. 81). ^ The Bencio di Clone hypothesis was originated by Passerini, and adopted by Milanesi, Perkins, and Crowe and Cavalcaselle. It is therefore entitled to respect. It runs, in substance, as follows : Orcagna died in 1368, because it is known that he was very ill on August 25th in that year, and there is no mention of him afterwards. The Loggia was commenced on September 22nd, 1376, on a site which had not been purchased till January 24th, 1374 (six years after Orcagna's death), and it is difficult to see how plans could have been prepared before that date. The work was entrusted to the , Opera del Duomo, who always employed their own architect, and their architect at this time was Bencio di Clone (a member of a Lombard family, and not Orcagna's brother as was at one time supposed) — a man of some professional reputation. It is certain therefore that Bencio superintended the erection of the Loggia. The ascription of the design to Orcagna has arisen from a confusion between Andrea di Clone and Bencio di Clone. Those who put forward this theory have quite overlooked the entries that Baldinucci discovered in the Libra di Ricordanza del Provedore of payments made in 1367 to Jacopo di Piero for sculpturing four Theological Virtues for the Loggia de' Priori, to Giovanni Fetti for a Fortezza and a Temperantia, and to Agnolo Gaddi for designs for figures for the same building. It is therefore certain that the plans for the Loggia were in existence before Orcagna died, or the decorations could not have been executed. It is also certain that it was determined to build a Loggia near the Palazzo in 1354, and having regard to the contemporary entries of payments for decorations it may reasonably be inferred that the site was fixed upon at that time. This disposes of the main ground on which the Eencio theory rests (Perkins, ii. 233 ; Crowe and Cav., i. 454; Baldinucci 's Notiziede' Pro/essori del Disegno (i6Si), p. 74 ; Reumont's Tavole, sub anno (13S4)). ART AND LITERATURE 1 349-1 374 173 tradition, but it is a priori probable that the design for a building of such transcendent merit should have sprung from the brain of the greatest genius of the age. In 1349 the ringhiera, i.e. the raised stone platform outside the Palazzo Vecchio, was completed.^ In October, 1359, a plan for a new fagade for S. Maria del Fiore was made public. It was the joint production of a committee of architects con- sisting of Neri di Fioravante, Bend Cione, Francesco Salvetti, Orcagna, Taddeo Gaddi, and Niccolo Tommasi, who had been long deliberating over it. ^ Whether this was an original design or an elaboration of a plan which, according to tradition, Giotto had prepared, it is impossible even to guess. Alberto Arnold:, a pupil of Andrea Pisano's, sculptured, in 1349, a life-size statue of the Madonna, which now stands on the altar of the Bigallo Chapel at Florence. Although with- out beauty it has a certain grandeur from its impassiveness. * Arnoldi subsequently worked upon the fagade of Florence Cathedral. LITERATURE When we turn from Art to Literature the first fact to be noticed is Laura's death, which occurred on April 6th, 1348, and which produced a marked change in Petrarch's compositions. The Odes written In morte di Madonna Laura are graver and of more religious tone, and his prose works treat of more serious subjects. It was about this time that the princely houses of Northern Italy — the house of Gonzaga at Mantua, of Carrara at Padua, of Este at Ferrara, of Malatesta at Rimini, of Visconti at Milan — entertained Petrarch, and vied with each other in doing him honour. Indeed " the tendency to honour men of letters and to patronise the arts which distinguished Italian princes throughout the Renaissance period first manifested itself in the attitude of the Visconti and Carresi to Petrarch." * He made a pilgrimage to Rome in 1350, and passed through Florence both going and returning. It was then that his lasting friendship with Boccaccio was first formed. In the following year Boccaccio was sent by the Signory of Florence to invite ^ It was destroyed in 1812 (Homer, i. 232). A ringhiera is mentioned by Villani as existing in 1312. A representation of it may be seen in a fresco in the great cloister at S. Maria Novella by Balducci, and in a picture of Savonarola's martyrdom in the convent of S. Marco. ^ Crowe and Cav., iii. 185, note. a Perkins, ii. 71. * J. A. Symonds, Ency, Brit., xviii. 708. 174 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Petrarch to accept the rectorship of their recently refounded University, But although the invitation was accompanied with a promise of restoration of civil rights and of restitution of patri- mony, it was declined. In 1353 he began an autobiography, known as the Epistle to Posterity, which he never finished. The remaining years of his life were devoted to the furtherance of humanistic studies. He engaged in a lengthy controversy with the Averroists whom he regarded as dangerous foes to religion and culture, and this dispute gave rise to his work Upon my own Ignorance and that of many others. One of his last compo- sitions was a Latin version of Boccaccio's story of Griselda. In 1368 Petrarch was present at the marriage of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, with Violanti Visconti, where he was treated as one of the most honoured guests. It was then, or soon afterwards, that he met Chaucer, if indeed such meeting ever occurred.^ He died at Arqua, a village in the Euganean hills, on July i8th, 1374-^ In 1350 Boccaccio returned from Naples to Florence, where he was received with great distinction. It was then that he first met Petrarch, and from that time for more than twenty years the attitude of the younger towards the older poet was that of a humble pupil ; and the influence that Boccaccio so gladly imbibed from his teacher was manifested in his works and thence transmitted, through a succession of Florentine scholars, until it appeared a century later in the Platonic Academy of the Medici. His great masterpiece, the Decameron, which appeared in 1353, has been already noticed. In 1355 he wrote a coarse satire called // Corbaccio, on a lady who had either refused his advances or jilted him. He seems, however, at this period of his life, to have devoted more time to study than composition. He learnt Greek from Leontius Pilatus, and though his scholarship was superficial, he acquired so much more mastery over the language than had been previously attained in Italy, that he deserves to be called the first Grecian of the modern world.' Through his instrumentahty Leontius Pilatus was appointed Professor of Greek in the University of Florence. His industry as a student was indefatigable. He copied with his own hand the whole of Terence and of the Divina Commedia. Between 1363 and 1373 he resided chiefly at Florence or Certaldo, during which period he wrote four important Latin works, the chief ^ Garnett, p. 60. "^ Ency, Brit., xviii. 709. ^ Symonds, ii. 91. ART AND LITERATURE 1 349-1 374 i;s of which is the De Genealogia Deorum. The last two books of this work form a defence of poetry, and the arguments they contain, long after the author's death, supplied the champions of culture with weapons which they used against their ecclesiastical antagonists.^ To the same period must be assigned // Ninfale Fiesolano, a beautiful love-story in verse, which is one of the most attractive of his minor writings.^ In 1373 the Florentines established a chair for the promotion of the study of Dante at their University, and Boccaccio was its first occupant. No more fitting appointment could have been made, for no one living had a more unstinted admiration for Dante ^ or a more thorough knowledge of his works.* Boccaccio died at Certalda on December 21st, 1375, just seven- teen months after the death of Petrarch and fifty-four years after that of Dante. " That one city should have produced three such men, and that one half-century should have witnessed their suc- cessive triumphs ^ forms the great glory of Florence, and is one of the most remarkable facts in the history of genius." * Symonds remarks, in a passage of much beauty, that with the death of Petrarch, Orcagna, and Boccaccio "the genius of mediaeval Florence sank to sleep." ^ It is of course impossible, where change is gradual, to fix the precise moment when the old order gives place to the new. Still it seems that Symonds has here sacrificed accuracy to rhetoric. The " sleep " of which he is speaking began, as was only natural, earlier in the world of Letters than in that of Art. It had already commenced in the one and it had not commenced in the other. The dawn of the new spirit is more clearly discernible in the works of Petrarch than the twilight of the old, while in those of Boccaccio rays of the Renaissance day are streaming over the horizon. And in painting, if indeed the sun of medisevalism set with Orcagna, there was a brilliant and deceptive after-glow during the life of Fra Angelico. After Giovanni Villani's death in 1348 his brother Matteo ' Ibid., 79. ^ Garnett, p. 92. ' In this respect Boccaccio contrasts favourably with Petrarch who (perhaps from a consciousness of inferiority that irritated a nature essentially vain) gave but a grudging admiration to Dante. * Nevertheless he had not the elevation of mind really to comprehend Dante (Symonds, iv. 102). ' The Divina Comtnedia was written between 1314 and 1321. Most of Petrarch's sonnets between 1337 and 1341, and the Decameron appeared in 13S3- " Symonds, iv. 128. ' Ibid., iv. 137. i;6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Villani continued the chronicles of Florence until 1363, when he was carried off by the same outbreak of the plague as ended the days of Piero Farnesi. Matteo, like Giovanni, was a genuine Guelph, but his independent criticisms of his party chiefs drew down on him an admonition, and during the last three months of his life he was debarred from taking part in public affairs. His work, as a local history, is hardly so valuable as his brother's, more space being devoted to what was taking place in other countries; but it is one of considerable merit. After his death his son Filippo Villani completed Book XI., on which his father was engaged, thus bringing the great work which Giovanni had commenced down to 1364. Filippo's continuation is well written, but its historical value is not great. His Lives of Illustrious Florentines is a more important work. In 1349, as soon as Florence was beginning to recover from the effects of the plague, she refounded her University and en- dowed it with an income of 2,500 florins. Although she is rightly looked upon as the centre of Italian culture, she seems to have been behind the rest of Italy in the matter of State-aided education.^ It is true that she had a University, at which attendance was compulsory, as early as 1321,^ but it had no reputation beyond her walls, and it must have been in a state of decadence before the outbreak of the plague. Nor was it a success after 1349, for it had to be again refounded in 1357. Possibly the scarcity and dearness of lodgings was the chief cause of its failure. But, however this may be, it is certain that other Universities continued to seduce its best lecturers from their posts.* Although Florence University, as compared with others in Europe, held but a second-class position, it deserves special praise for being the first in Italy at which either a professor of Greek or a professor of Poetry was established. The former was instituted in 1360, the latter in 1373. The Florentine University played a smaller part in the human- istic movement than might have been expected, and at the moment when Florence was most conspicuous as the teacher of Italian culture it ceased to exist.* Its most brilliant period was during the first decade of the fifteenth century.^ ^ There were salaried teachers of law throughout Northern Italy in the thirteenth century (Rashdall's Universities of Europe during the Middle Ages, ii. 46-50). 2 Burckhardt's Renaissance in Italy, p. 211, note I. ' Rashdall, ii. 46-50. * Rashdall, ii. 50. = Burckhardt, 212. CHAPTER IX 1374-1382 WAR WITH THE CHURCH — THE EIGHT SAINTS — THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI FLORENCE now became involved in an important war, which although it brought her no profit, brought her much credit, as well as a three years' respite from the tyranny of the Parte Guelfa. In 1374 peace between the lords of Milan and the Church was concluded, and the bands of the condottieri, who had been in the papal service, were in tlie vicinity of Bologna without occupation.^ The proximity of these un- pleasant neighbours occasioned Florence some uneasiness, and her troubles were increased by a great scarcity of corn. The harvest in the Bolognese district had been abundant, so the Signory applied to the Pope's legate for a supply of grain. Albornoz was dead, and the conduct of the Pope's temporal affairs in Italy was in the hands of Cardinal Guillaume de Noellet, who entertained no friendly feelings towards Florence. But as there was still an alliance between Florence and the Church, she naturally anticipated that her request would be granted, and great was her surprise when it was peremptorily refused. The Cardinal was in fact at this very time scheming for the annexation of Florence to the papal states, and this was the first move in the game which he was playing. His next move, in 1375, was to give secret instructions to Hawkwood to enter the Florentine territory and, as if acting on his own account, to destroy the crops and to seize Prato. But Hawk- wood disliked Noellet, and entered into an agreement with the Signory, under which he undertook, in consideration of 130,000 florins down and a salary of 1,200 florins during his stay in Italy, ■^ These comprised Hawkwood's company and the ferocious Bretons that had been employed in reducing the papal states to obedience. N 177 178 A HISTORY OF FLOREiNCE not to^ molest Florentine territory for five years. The Cardinal disavowed all knowledge of Hawkwood's proceedings, and sent him a formal discharge from the Pope's service, followed by a secret intimation that it was not to be acted on, but Hawk- wood, preferring the friendship of Florence to that of the Church, acted on the fictitious dismissal.^ The news of these transactions occasioned very general indignation, and it was felt that war was inevitable. The Florentines, with characteristic promptitude, entered into an immediate alliance with Bernabb Visconti, and on August 8th they appointed a board of eight {Gli Otto della Guerra) to superintend the conduct of the war. The citizens who were selected for this office were Alessandro de' Bardi, Giovanni Dini, Giovanni Magalotti, Andrea Salviati, Tommaso Strozzi, Guiccio Guicci, Matteo Soldi, and Giovanni di Mone.^ They acted with so much judgment and resolution, and displayed such integrity and general ability that they subsequently earned for themselves the title of " GH Otto Santi" (The Eight Saints). Although the action of the Signory was opposed by a large majority of citizens, there was a small but powerful minority to whom it was highly distasteful. This was the first time that Florence had ever crossed swords with the Church, and those whose religious zeal or Guelph sympathies overpowered their patriotism denounced the war as sacrilegious. To this party belonged the Albizzi and their adherents, but, powerful as they were, the tide of popular feeling for some time ran too high for their voice to be heard. The measures occasioned by the coming war had a remarkable and at first very beneficial effect on domestic affairs in Florence. As it was well known that the Abbizzi belonged to the peace party, not one of the Eight of War was taken from their faction. Hence a legally constituted body was created altogether out of sympathy with the system of admonitions, which stood so high in public estimation that for a while the great captains of the Parte Guelfa were in awe of it. ' Hawkwood knew that the Florentines were better paymasters than the Pope, who owed him large sums for pay. ^ Gino Capponi, i. 321 ; Napier, ii. 378. Perrens discredits the whole story of Noellet's refusal to supply grain, and of his subsequent double- dealing, but his reasoning is not conclusive. He alleges that the war was provoked by "un grief imaginaire" (vol. v. p. loi). ^ Ammirato, iv. 57. One of them was a noble, one belonged to the Arti Minori, and six to the Arti Maggiori (Gino Capponi, i. 323). WAR WITH THE CHURCH 179 The Eight lost no time in entering into treaties with Siena, Lucca, Cortona, and Arezzo. In the following January Pisa joined the league, and Bologna was ultimately induced to throw in her lot with the anti-papal party. Conrad of Swabia was appointed commander-in-chief, and measures were taken for the defence of Florentine territory. But the energies of the Eight were not confined to military operations. A heavy tax was imposed on ecclesiastical property, and by the aid of Florentine gold and Florentine intrigue the temporal power of the Church, which had been so recently re-established by Albornoz, was undermined. In an incredibly short time'^ no less than eighty walled towns, including the important cities of Perugia, Viterbo, Orvieto, Citta di Castello, and Urbino had thrown off the papal yoke and regained their freedom.^ Some of these volunteered to become dependencies of Florence, but the Eight, from prudence if not from generosity, declined their submission. A banner inscribed with the single word " Liberty," in white letters on a red field, was sent to all cities of the League.^ No Floren- tine was allowed to accept the bishopric of either Florence or Fiesole, and ecclesiastics were forbidden to carry arms. For a bloodless warfare of this description Pope Gregory XI. was better equipped than his opponents. Not content with ex- communicating the priors and other state officials, he directed the sovereigns of Catholic kingdoms to expel all Florentine merchants and to despoil them of their goods.* An incalculable pecuniary loss, both public and private, was thus inflicted on Florence. But as the struggle was not to be settled with weapons of this sort, the Pope enlisted in his service another band of ferocious Breton mercenaries under Jean de Malestroit and Silvester of Buda. When Malestroit was asked if he could make his way into Florence he rephed, "Yes, if the sun can do so."* But before ordering his Breton troop to march southwards the Pope offered peace to Florence if she would cease tempting Bologna ^ In ten days the Church had lost forty-eight towns or castles (Perrens, V. 116). ^ Gregory XI. had set up French governors over many of his states, and their rule was very galling (Creighton, i. 56). ^ Gino Capponi, i. 326. ^ Gino Capponi, i. 328; Napier, ii. 381. They were hunted from England, France, Germany, Hungary, and Naples. Pisa and Venice (who always treated the Church with haughty indifference) alone disregarded the mandate. * Ricotti, ii. 160. i8o A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to throw off her allegiance to the Papal See. The Eight were severely blamed by many for refusing this offer. The Parte Guelfa, the clerical faction, and the evicted merchants all alike cried out for a cessation of hostilities. But "the Saints" felt that Florence could not honourably recede from the position that she had taken up. She had constituted herself the leader of an almost national movement against the temporal aggrandise- ment of the Church, and by her action a large number of cities were in danger of ecclesiastical chastisement. In spite of the efforts of the Eight, the peace party in Florence might have carried the day had not the Pope cited the Signory to appear before him at Avignon, and had not his mercenaries, without provocation, sacked Faenza.^ The former event produced irrita- tion and the latter indignation, which increased the desire of the Florentines to humble the Pope. In reply to the summons to Avignon the Signory sent three lawyers, of whom Donato Barbadori was the chief spokesman. Barbadori defended the conduct of his native city with courage and eloquence in a speech which, it is said, drew tears from the eyes of the Italian cardinals. But the decision was a foregone conclusion. Florentines were excommunicated, and their city laid under an interdict. When Barbadori heard the judgment of the court he flung himself on his knees before a crucifix, and with real or well-feigned emotion exclaimed, in a voice heard by all present, "To Thee, O Lord Jesus Christ, from this unholy sentence pronounced by Thy Vicar, permit me to appeal in that tremendous day wherein Thou shalt appear to judge the world without distinction of persons."^ The spirited reply of Florence to the interdict was an edict making it a capital offence to molest any individual under the authority of the papal anathema. But the peace party were not inactive, and in order to allay agitation the Eight consented to open negotiations for peace, surmising (correctly, as the event proved) that nothing would come of them. The war was now resumed with redoubled vigour. The Eight were continued in ofifice for another six months, and were, with much ceremony, presented with silver urns as a mark of public favour. On the part of the Church hostilities were carried on under the direction ' This was perpetrated by Hawkwood's troops because their pay was in arrear. They contented themselves with pillage, and spared life (Ammirato, iv. 72). - Ammirato, iv. 62. WAR WITH THE CHURCH i8i of Robert, Cardinal of Geneva,^ with a savagery worthy of Werner or Fra Moriale. The massacres of the inhabitants of Monte San Giorgio and Cesena by the papal mercenaries sent a thrill of horror all through Italy .^ Shortly afterwards Hawkwood (it is to be hoped from disgust at the part which he had been compelled to play) left the papal service and entered that of the allies.^ The Eight also freed Florentine territory from the presence of the Breton troop whose two captains they bribed to depart. In order to raise funds for carrying on the war, the Signory directed the sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of 100,000 florins, and endeavoured to persuade Rome, to which city Pope Gregory was about to return, to join the League.* More futile negotiations for peace took place, in the course of which the papal ambassadors endeavoured to stir up the people of Florence against the government, and more especially against the Eight, whose dismissal from office they demanded. The Pope increased the severity of the interdict laid on Florence, whereupon she publicly set it at defiance. The places of worship that had hitherto been closed were reopened, and the priests were compelled to perform every religious ceremony. But Italy was getting tired of the war. In August, 1377, Bologna returned to the allegiance of the Church, and it was evident that the military ardour of other members of the League was cooling. So the Eight (whose term of office had, against their will, been ^ He was afterwards the anti-pope Clement VII. ^ A Bolognese chronicler, writing of these massacres, says : "People no longer believe either in the Pope or Cardinals, for these are things to crush one's faith." Between 2,500 and 5,000 Cesenesi were slaughtered by the English and Breton companies, Hawkwood had expressed repugnance at his instructions, which were " Blood and more Blood," but he consented to be one of the Cardinal's executioners. The robber chief was, however, less cruel than the priest, and, in disobedience of orders, he sent i ,000 women to Rimini and connived at the escape of other inhabitants (Ammirato, iv. 72 ; Temple-Leader's Sir John Hawkwood, pp. 121, 122). ' His troop consisted of 800 lancers and 500 archers (2,900 men in all) and he received from the allies 25,200 florins a month (Temple- Leader's Sir John Hawkwood, p. 124). ^ Rome at this time had a free government consisting of thirteen "bannerets" with which she was contented, but she nevertheless desired the return of the papacy. If she had now joined the League, the Papal States would in all probability have been swept away (Creighton, i. 56). The appeal to Rome by Florence was written by the celebrated Coluccio Salutati, who warned the Romans that they would lose their liberty on the Pope's return. But they paid no heed to the warning and gave the Pope a joyful reception in January, 1377 (Napier, ii. 402). 1 82 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE once more prolonged) deemed it expedient, early in 1378, to open bona fide negotiations for peace. Florence narrowly missed being mulcted of 800,000 florins through the treachery of her ally Bernabb Visconti, who had been entrusted with the settlement of the terms of a treaty between the Pope and the League.^ Fortunately for her, before Bernabb's award took eifect Gregory XI. died. His successor. Urban VI., was an Italian who was well disposed towards Florence, and who was anxious to put an end to a troublesome war. Consequently three months after his election peace was concluded, and a treaty was signed at Tivoli on July 28th, under which Florence undertook to pay to the Pope 200,000 florins,^ to repeal all laws against the Church, and to restore all property that had been taken from ecclesiastics; in return for which the Pope graciously undertook to remove the interdict and to restore Florence to ecclesiastical favour. This was all that Florence gained by a three years' war which had cost her 2,500,000 florins, and in which success in the field had more often attended her forces than those of her opponents. She had, however, good reason to be proud of the part that she had played, for it contributed to the removal of the papal court from Avignon and to the ending of the domination of Italy by French cardinals.^ The election of Urban VI. was a momentous event in the history of the Church, as it occasioned the Great Schism which not only disturbed Italy for forty years, but influenced religion and poUtics in Europe for a much longer period. The cardinals expected, when they elected Urban in April, 1378, that they had chosen a pope who would be a mere figure-head ; but he had not been in office for many weeks before they found that they were mistaken. His behaviour was unseemly and his conduct so insufferably overbearing, that in July a considerable number of cardinals agreed to impugn the validity of his election, and in September they met at Fondi, where they elected as Pope the notorious Robert of Geneva, who assumed the title of Clement VII.* Henceforth until the Council of Constance, ' Bernab6 had secretly agreed with the Pope, before he commenced the arbitration, as to the indemnity that Florence should pay, and stipulated that a share of it should be paid over to him (Napier, ii. 405). ^ Or perhaps 150,000 (Gino Capponi, i. 340). 2 The action of Florence in this matter indirectly occasioned the Great Schism, and so expedited the Reformation. * " He had no tact, no sense of dignity or decorum " (Creighton, i. 67). WAR WITH THE CHURCH 183 there were two, and sometimes three, popes claiming to be the rightful occupant of S. Peter's chair. Urban VI. April 8, 1378-1389 Boniface IX. 1389-1404 Gregory XII. 1404-1415 Alexander V. elected at Pisa 1409-1410 I John XXIII. 1410-141S I Martin V. elected at Constance 1417 Clement VII. Sept. 20, 1378-1394 Benedict XIII. 1394-1417 Although the Schism was provoked by Urban's want of dignity and discretion, it would have been avoided, or at least short- lived, but for the conflicting claims of Rome and Avignon to be the papal domicile. This it was which made Italy acknowledge the pope and France the anti-pope. ^ The foreign policy which Florence had been pursuing since 1374 had an important bearing on her home affairs. The authority exercised by the "Eight Saints" was, as has been seen, gall and wormwood to the Captains of the Parte Guelfa who, although constrained to act with more circumspection than heretofore, were all the while husbanding their strength. They still contrived that no one outside a very few Guelph families should be one of their Captains, and they evaded by dishonest devices every law that had been passed in re- straint of their power. By such means the members of the council of Twenty-four were confined to their own immediate friends. When those who were to serve on this body were being ballotted for, if the name of an individual whose allegiance they doubted was drawn, one of them rose and said that "he had seen that citizen leave Florence that very morning for his country residence," and the name was thereupon replaced in the election bag. Under similar false pretexts the election of every opponent was cancelled.^ '■ England, Germany, and Hungary recognised the pope, and Naples, Scotland, and Savoy, the anti-pope. Spain remained neutral till 1394, when she supported the anti-pope. a Ammirato, iv. 80. i84 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Although the arrogance of the Captains was inordinate they were abjectly courted by all classes. As they walked along the streets the people stood bareheaded or bowed to them as if they were princes. Matrimonial alliances with their daughters, even when portionless, were solicited by powerful families. "No tyrant, after the discovery of a conspiracy, was ever so formid- able to his subjects as the Captains were to the Florentines."' Yet while they were openly treated with servility they were secretly detested, and many a citizen was anxiously waiting for an opportunity of avenging slights or injuries which he or his family had received. But the old party names, senseless as they now were, were not powerless. "Guelph" was a magic word with which the Captains were still able to conjure, for it was not as yet generally realised that the very principles which had made Ghibellism noxious were now embodied in the policy of the Parte Gnelfa. The eyes of many were, however, opened in i37Sj when an admonition was launched against Giorgio degli Scali, a member of an ancient Guelph family, who, until the previous year, had acted with "the Party." ^ People began to exclaim, "If Giorgio is admonished who can hope to escape? The Ammonizione was intended for Ghibellines, not Guelphs."^ At the close of the war it was evident that mischief was hatching. The chiefs of "the Party" were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, Niccolb Soderini, Bartolo Siminetti, and Carlo Strozzi. The opposition comprised the Eight Saints, the Medici (of whom Salvestro was the most prominent), the Alberti, Ricci, and Giorgio Scali. Piero degli Albizzi and his friends had, during the war, done something towards sapping the authority of the Eight Saints, but they had not as yet dared to strike them openly. They had found a valuable ally in Catherine of Siena, who had been sent to Florence by Pope Gregory to preach peace. They persuaded her that the Eight were aiming at establishing themselves as permanent governors of the State, and that "they deserved not to be called rulers, but destroyers of the Commonwealth.* So, at their instigation, she preached not only against the continuance Ammirato, iv. 80. Giorgio henceforth became one of the bitterest and most powerful foes of the Party. = M. di Coppo Stefani (1781), vol. xiv. 133. * Chronicles of Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, cited by Josephine Butler in her Catherine of Siena, p. 206. There is not a shred of evidence to show that the conduct of the Eight Saints was otherwise than disinterested. THE EIGHT SAINTS 185 of the war, but in favour of the system of admonitions. Her fervid eloquence was not without effect. In her eyes any opposition to the authority of the Church was sinful, and consequently the war now being waged was unholy. She advocated her cause with sincerity and singleness of purpose, and it cannot be doubted that for a time she was unconscious that she was but a tool in the hands of men who at heart cared nothing for religion.^ But her intervention increased the odiupi theologicum that already existed and further embittered party strife. Sixty-six persons were admonished between March, 1377, and March, 1378, but no attack was made on the enemy's stronghold. Emboldened, however, by the effect of Catherine's preaching the Captains thought that the time had arrived for more decisive action. In April, 1378, they ventured to admonish Giovanni Dini, who was one of the Saints and a man universally respected.^ Ominous murmurs were heard among the people, with whom he was a favourite, but no sign of active resentment showed itself. Had the Captains dared, the blow would have been aimed at Salvestro de' Medici, who was now regarded as the leader of their opponents, and who was becoming more popular every day. He first came into notice when he was instrumental in the discovery of the conspiracy of 1360 in which his brothers were involved, and he grew in public esteem when he was Gonfalonier of Justice, ten years later. His family were now among the first of the popolani grassi^ but no one guessed as yet the greatness that was in store for them. In April, 1378, it was known by the state of the election bags that in the month following Salvestro would in all probability be drawn for the office of gonfalonier, and the minds of the Captains of the Party were much exercised. To admonish him was deemed too dangerous an expedient, but at Lapo Castiglionchio's suggestion they adopted a device which nearly succeeded. They admonished Maso Funaiuolo, one of the Buonomini, who repre- sented the quarter in which Salvestro lived, with the intention that Salvestro or one of his numerous relations should be elected to fill the vacancy thereby created, and that he should thus, by the operation of the law of Divieto, be disqualified for ' Before she left her eyes were partially opened, and she denounced the use of judicial authority for private ends. Her life was threatened by an armed mob when she was at Vallombrosa (A. T. Drane's History of S. Catherine of Siena, ii. 99-101). 2 Ammirato, iv. 85. ' Perrens, v. 192. 1 86 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the ofBce of gonfalonier. But Salvestro and his friends saw through the trick and contrived to delay the election to the post vacated by Maso until after the election of a gonfalonier had taken place.^ To this office Salvestro was duly elected on May ist, and much was hoped and feared from his appointment. His friends "said that he had been born for the safety of the Republic," while the Captains of the Party feared that " he would put an end to their juggling tricks."^ The latter, however, thought that it would be wise to endeavour to conciliate him, and they proposed certain concessions. The most important of these were : — T. That no one should henceforth be admonished unless he were "really a Ghibelline." 2. That the question of admonishing any citizen should not be put to the vote more than three times. 3. That the Ordinamenti di Giustisia (which had fallen into abeyance) should be enforced. The first of these proposals was an unblushing admission that the Board had abused its powers. Salvestro thought it prudent to accept the proposed terms, and peace between the two parties would probably have ensued if the Captains had kept faith with him. But only six weeks after this agreement had been entered into, two citizens were ad- monished after the motion had been rejected by the Board twenty-two times. When this was known, Salvestro, being Proposto^ " a rank which for the time it lasts, is almost equiva- lent to the sovereignty of the city,"* seized the opportunity of proposing a law for the repression of admonitions, but the priors were timid and his notion was rejected. This he had anticipated and he had, before entering the Signory, summoned an assembly of the people in the Sala del Consiglio. Thither, on the rejection of his proposal, he immediately repaired, and after dwelling with some warmth on the manner in which he had been thwarted in his endeavours to remove abuses, he declared his intention, as he was powerless to benefit the republic, of resigning the ofifice of gonfalonier, and retiring from public life.^ ' Ammirato, iv. 86. ^ Ammirato, iv. 85. ^ This office, which was somewhat analogous to that of President of the Signory, carried with it also the right of introducing legislative changes. It only lasted three days. 4 Machiavelli, p. 124. ° Ammirato, iv. 91 ; Machiavelli, p. 124. THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI 187 Great confusion arose as he left the room. Carlo Strozzi, when he endeavoured to address the meeting, was roughly handled and told that the day of his greatness was over. Benedetto degli Alberti looked out of the window and shouted "Viva il pofolo.^^ The cry was taken up by those in the Piazza, the shops were shut, and in a short space of time the city was up in arms. Meanwhile the Signory had prevailed on Salvestro to continue in office, and had passed the Bill against Admonitions which they had previously thrown out. The whole matter had probably been prearranged by Salvestro and his friends, who knew full well that his resignation would never be accepted. It was, no doubt, a meritorious attempt to put an end by a show of violence to an intolerable tyranny, but Salvestro altogether miscalculated the forces which he had called into play. The supporters of the Parte Guelfa also armed, but seeing the strength of their opponents, they retired and no blows were struck. The people then dispersed, but their aspect was sullen and menacing, and it was obvious that a storm was brewing. All articles of value which could be moved were hidden or were stored in convents or churches. This took place on Saturday, June 1 8th. The whole of Monday the 20th was taken up with conferences between the Arti and the Signory, but no agreement was come to. The Salvestro faction became impatient, and on the Tuesday morning (June 21st) the companies of the Arti marched into the Piazza della Signoria armed, and with their gonfalons flying. Their mere appearance was enough to fan into a blaze the smouldering fire. There was a general uprising, and the pent-up hatred which the tyranny of the Captains of the Party had engendered, was in a moment unloosed. Before long the palaces of Lapo di Castiglionchio and Bartolo Siminetti, of the Albizzi, Pazzi, Strozzi,^ and Buondelmonti were in flames and the mob were masters of the entire city. The Ammoniti took advantage of the prevailing disorder to wreak their vengeance on those whom they beUeved responsible for their disfranchise- ment. The rioters during the morning confined their work of destruction to the houses of those who had rendered themsejives specially obnoxious, but by the evening they were pillaging the palaces of the rich indiscriminately, as well as churches and ' This was not the well-known palace now standing in Via Tomabuoni, which was built about a hundred years later by a descendant of a distant cousin of Carlo Strozzi. I 1 88 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE monasteries. The armed bands of the Arti, who were the inno- cent cause of the riot, were now doing their best to protect property and maintain order. While this tumult was going on the government created a BaRa (known as Gli Otianta from the number of its members), which met on Wednesday, June 23rd, and restored the Ammoniti to some of their rights of citizenship, repealed the most objection- able statutes that had been passed in the interest of the Parte Guelfa, and declared its leaders rebels.^ When these proceedings became known the storm gradually subsided. On July ist a new Signory came into office, with Luigi Guicciardini as gonfalonier, and for a short time a show of tranquillity was maintained. But the concessions granted by the Ottanti were not deemed sufficient. The Guilds presented a petition^ for a further restric- tion and regulation of the Ammonizione. Their demands, though exceedingly moderate, were at first refused, and only became law after the Signory had been intimidated by a show of force. The disease, however, was too deep-seated to admit of any such cure. The discontent of the lower orders, who thirsted for a share in the government, was still seething, and the desire of the Ammoniti for vengeance was still insatiated.^ The former of these two classes was at the present moment by far the most dangerous, as it had been rendered more discon- tented by recent disputes between employers and workmen in the Arti. By the constitution of the Guilds all questions between masters and men were settled by the Guild Tribunals, which were composed exclusively of the masters, and did not always mete out justice to the men. This grievance was most acutely felt by members of the Arte della Lana, which had now become the wealthiest and most important of all the Arti. It employed more operatives than any other, and many of these, such as the wool- carders, were taken from the very poorest class. This seems to have been the chief cause of discontent among the Ciompi, but their minds were just now rendered uneasy by the arrival of a certain Ser Nuto, from CittS, di Castello, to fill the reyived office of bargello, whom they believed had been appointed ' This sentence was probably passed on five men who ruled the party. Ammirato (vol. iv. p. 96) says that Lapo da Castiglionchio con Fatti i suoi consorti were proclaimed rebels. ^ Perrens, v. 222-223, where the petition is set out. " Their emancipation by the Ammoniti was only partial. They were still precluded firom holding office for three years. THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI 189 to punish them for the riots in the previous month. A large meeting was accordingly held at Ronco, outside the Porta Romana, when it was arrtoged that there should be a general rising of the people on July 20th for the purpose of overthrowing the government. Nothing short of this can have been its object, if it is safe to judge from the brilliant speech which Machiavelli has put into the mouth of one of the leaders. How far Salvestro de' Medici was mixed up in this conspiracy it is difficult to say. It has been suggested that he had been secretly directing it. But there is no direct evidence of this, and it must be remembered that he was a man conspicuous alike for his wealth and his sagacity, and that the ostensible leaders of the movement aimed at nothing short of the estab- lishment of an ochlocracy. It is more probable that he was fostering the popular discontent for the purpose of subverting the Guelph oligarchy, and that he intended, when this was accomplished, to use his immense popularity in curbing the aspirations of the demagogues. It is not surprising, as events showed, that he had over-estimated his powers, for at this time he was followed about the streets by crowds who hailed him as "Liberator of his country." It was said of him by the historian Michele Bruto, "that he was the first of his family who taught his posterity how, by courting the rabble, they would make their way to the lordship and mastery of the republic"! It is hard to find any of his acts which warrant this accusation. No doubt " he courted the rabble," and (if the overthrow of a set of tyrants can be so described) " he oppressed noble citizens," but the former was done to effect the latter; nor did he derive benefit from the one or the other. While he persistently, though cautiously, championed the cause of liberty, there is no trace of evidence that he was scheming for family aggrandisement. On July 19th, the eve of the day fixed for the insurrection, the Signory received private information that disturbances were at hand of which a certain Simoncino, nicknamed // Bugigatto, could give them particulars. He was at once apprehended and, at a meeting of the priors held in the night, he revealed the nature of the conspiracy. DecUning to answer certain questions he was put on the rack, when he alleged that the ringleader was no other than Salvestro de' Medici. Two other witnesses were ' Napier, i. 415. 190 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE then examined under torture, and a confirmation of Simoncino's evidence was extracted from them. Salvestro was immediately summoned to appear before the Signory, and was informed of what he had been accused. He admitted that he had heard something of a plot that was on foot, and he explained that he had not spoken of it because he believed it to be insignificant. He satisfied the Signory that he was in nowise implicated, and they dismissed him with a mild reprimand for not having dis- closed what he knew.^ It chanced that a mechanic, who had access to the tower of the Palazzo for the purpose of regulating the great clock, was in the building when Simoncino was on the rack, and he heard and saw enough to understand what was going on. He was in the secret of the rising, so he lost no time in publishing abroad what he knew, and before morning dawned the whole city was in arms.^ On July 2oth the Signory called out the guild-companies, but all except two of them, either from fear, disinclination, or a desire to protect their own property, declined to obey the summons. The two that marched into the Piazza, seeing them- selves unsupported, retired, and the mob were left for the whole day in undisputed possession of the city. As a last resource the Signory requested Salvestro to mediate, but the movement for which, in all probability, he more than any other man was responsible, had now passed out of his control. The mob, by burning the house of Luigi Guicciardini, the gonfalonier, effected the release of Simoncino and the two other men who had been tortured with him. " Having recovered the prisoners they took the Standard from the Esecutore della Giustizia and, marching under it, they burned the houses of many citizens, and perse- cuted all whom, either for public or private reasons, they hated. Many of them, in order to avenge private wrongs, conducted the mob to the houses of their enemies, and it went wherever the Standard-Bearer directed, and even if a voice from the crowd cried out ' To the house of such a man ' it was obeyed. They burned all the registers and account-books of the Arte della Lana, and in order that their many evil deeds should be accom- panied by some laudable action they knighted sixty-four citizens, ' Ammirato, iv. loi. ^ He spread the news with the words / Priori fan came (Gino Capponi's Tumulto del Ciompi (1844), p. 315). THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI 19! among whom were Salvestro de' Medici, Benedetto degli Alberti, and Tommaso Strozzi." ^ Strangely enough another citizen who had this doubtful honour conferred on him was Luigi Guicciar- dini, whose house had been burned in the morning. There was no pillage, as there had been in the June riots, and the destruc- tion of property was entirely vindictive. Less violence occurred on the following day (July 21st), but \h& podesta^s palace ^ was attacked and captured, and the leaders of the insurrection made it their headquarters. Negotiations were now opened with the Arti and the Signory and, as the insurgents were masters of the situation, neither of these bodies dared to refuse their demands. The representatives of the Arti took a solemn oath that they would side with the people, and the Signory granted three petitions that were presented to them.* It cannot be said that the demands of the people were on the whole extravagant. They required that one fourth of the members of the Eight, the Buonomini, the Gonfaloniers of Companies and other bodies should henceforth be taken from the popolo minuto, and that members of that class should be eligible for the post of Gonfalonier of Justice. * They also stipulated that three new guilds should be formed out of the wool-carders, dyers, barbers, tailors, shoemakers, and other inferior trades ; that the Ammoniti should be completely enfranchised, and that all who had taken part in the June riots should be pardoned.^ It was ofificially recorded that Lapo da Castiglionchio and his coterie were " traitors to the Parte Guelfa, and the rents of the shops on the Ponte Vecchio (amounting to some 600 florins a year) were to be allotted to Salvestro de' Medici." ^ The resolutions of the Signory granting the demands were con- firmed by the Consiglio del Popolo on the following day (July 22nd). The people had got everything for which they had asked, yet they ' Machiavelli, pp. 1 31-132. Only two of the popolo minuto were thus honoured (Ammirato, iv. 104). ^ Better known as the " Bargello." ' It was while the July riots were going on that peace with the Pope was concluded. * The petition containing this demand is set out in extenso by Perrens, vol. V. p. 247. ° According to some accounts there were but two new guilds, but M. di Coppo Stefani gives three (TroUope, ii. 229). ° Some of their demands were not so reasonable, e.g. none of the popolo minuto were to be apprehended for debt during the next two years, and no interest was to be paid on the National Debt. 192 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE were not satisfied. On the very day on which their requisitions became law Tommaso Strozzi, acting as the spokesman of the Ciompi, entered the hall in which the Signory were sitting and informed them that they were at once to resign in favour of the Eight Saints or they, their wives and children would be burned.^ Priors and gonfalonier were paralysed with fear and wandered about the palace weeping or wringing their hands and asking of their subordinates what they should do. At length they decided to go to their respective homes " lest a worse thing should come of it to them and to the city." ^ As soon as the Signory were gone the gates of the palace were thrown open and a mob rushed in, headed by Michele Lando, a wool-carder,* who was bare-legged, wearing shoes but no stockings. He carried the gonfalon which the people had taken from the house of the Esecutore di Giustizia, and proceeding straight to the Council Chamber he stopped, and turning to the people he said, " This palace is now yours, and the city entirely in your hands. What do you mean to do with it?" Immediately the populace by acclamation gave him the lordship of Florence.* They might easily have chosen a worse ruler than this half-clad wool-carder. The picture which Machiavelli has drawn of him * may perhaps be over-coloured, but compared with Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi he was a paragon of perfection. He was courageous, prudent, and disinterested, and he at once set himself to restore public order. One of his first acts was to issue a proclamation " that no man should burn or steal anything," and he facilitated its enforcement by causing a gallows to be erected in the Piazza. Of this the mob instantly availed themselves to wreak their vengeance on Ser Nuto, the odious new Bargello, whom they tied to the gallows by one foot and literary tore to pieces until only the one foot was left.® After this their fury subsided and tranquillity was restored. For twenty-six hours Florence was under the absolute rule of a wool-carder, who, in that brief space of time, framed for the city a new constitution. That this was entirely his work is inconceivable, and it is probable that Salvestro de' Medici had a hand in its construction. ' Ammirato, iv. 107. •' Gino Capponi's TumuUo de' Ciompi, p. 1122. ^ Or perhaps a foreman of wool-carders. ■* Capponi's Tumulto de' Ciompi, p. 1125. " p. 136. ^ Machiavelli alleges that Michele instigated the murder of Ser Nuto as a means of diverting the attention of the people, and that he thus saved many lives and much property, but Prof. Villari attributes Ser Nuto's death to an unpremeditated outburst of popular fury (Villari's Machiavelli, pp. 410-41 1). THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI 193 The new government, which was elected on July 23rd, and came into office on July 24th, consisted of nine priors, three of whom were chosen from the Arti Maggiori, three from the Arti Minort, and three from the three new Arti which had been recently established.^ Michele was himself appointed Gonfalonier of Justice and Podesta of Empoli. The grant of the shop rents on the Ponte Vecchio to Salvestro was confirmed, and some influential citizens were placed in responsible posts. These transactions gave much dissatisfaction to the Ciompi, who began to suspect Lando of aristocratic leanings. Nor did the new constitution meet with their approval, for though thoroughly democratic, it was far other than that which had been dangled before their eyes by the speakers at the Ronco meeting. So towards the end of August they assembled together and elected a rival government, consisting of a "Council of Eight," which held its sittings in the chapel built by Bishop Agnolo Acciaiuoli in the great cloister of S. Maria Novella.^ On the day after their election this new body demanded that Salvestro should be deprived of the Ponte Vecchio rents, and that Lando should be deposed from the podestaship of Empoli. These demands, which were backed by the appearance of an armed mob in the Piazza, enraged Lando, and he determined to resist them by force. During the night of August 29th he ordered the com- panies of the guilds to march into the Piazza on the following morning. They duly obeyed the summons, but at the same time the rabble supporters of the rival government also appeared on the scene. Two of the Eight pushed their way into the palace, and on being ordered to leave by Lando they treated him with great insolence, whereupon he drew his sword, wounded both of them and drove them into the Piazza, where they were arrested by his soldiery. He raised a cry (which rested on little or no foundation) that the Eight of Santa Maria Novella were going to hand over the city to a stranger.^ This turned the tide of opinion in his favour and enabled him to disperse the mob, and when he had partially restored order he resigned the office of gonfalonier. The new Signory, from which all of the Ciompi except Lando ' Perrens, v. 265 ; Trollope, ii. Napier (ii. 429) gives four priors from each group of Arti. » Ammirato, iv. ii i ; Horner, i. 478. ^ This report gained credence from the presence in Florence of a con- dmiere, Bartolommeo Sanseverino, who was seeking employment (Ammirato, iv. 113). 194 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE were excluded, repealed almost all the ordinances which had been passed during the preceding two months, caused the two members of the Eight who had insulted Lando to be beheaded, and banished the remaining six. They invited the sixty-four citizens who had been knighted by the Ciompi on July 20th to have their knighthood confirmed by the Commonwealth, and thirty-one availed themselves of the offer, among whom were Salvestro and Vieri de' Medici, Benedetto degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, Giorgio Scali, and one of the Bardi. The two great councils were once more "reformed" with the object, on this occasion, of depriving the lower orders of some of their recently acquired power. But these measures altogether failed to allay disaffection, and the government remained as unstable as hereto- fore. Within twelve months three conspiracies for its overthrow were discovered, and these were followed by others. Conscious of weakness, the Signory resorted to violence, and mere suspicion of complicity in a plot was enough to entail punishment. Coppo Stefani gives long lists of those who were executed, fined, or banished.^ Many who suffered capital punishment were probably innocent. Among these was Donato Barbadori, the doctor of law who had so courageously pleaded the cause of Florence before the pope at Avignon. All classes suffered, but class hatred was rampant, and there seems to have been among the Ciompi a very thirst for the blood of the Grandi. The lower orders exclaimed that the great escaped while the poor were punished, and they denounced both podesta and capitano del popolo for not executing more of those who had been arrested. Poor old Piero degli Albizzi, whose influence in the past had at one time placed him almost in the position of a sovereign, fell a victim to popular clamour. He had been accused of complicity in a plot and thrown into prison, but the capitano del popolo, being satisfied of his innocence, refused to execute him. The mob cried aloud for his blood with such angry demonstrations that the brave old man, acting on the advice of cowardly friends, made a false confession of guilt in order to avert another insurrection.^ This fury of the people with the old Guelph leaders was no doubt kindled by the remem- brance of bitter wrongs, but it was fanned into flame by two ^ Vol. ix. p. 78. ^ Bartolo Simonetti, another chief of " the Party,'' was executed at the same time. THE RISING OF THE CIOMPI 195 unprincipled demagogues — Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi — who used it to rid themselves of rival aspirants for power. Benedetto degli Alberti for a time worked with them, but his subsequent conduct justifies the belief that he was actuated only by a sincere hatred of Guelph tyranny, and was no party to their machinations.^ Of the original director of the move- ment, Salvestro de' Medici, we hear no more, although he did not die till 1388.^ Either from age, infirmity, or disapproval of the conduct of his former colleagues, he took no further part in public affairs. So great was the power of G. Scali, T. Strozzi, and B. degli Alberti that they have been called the Triumvirate,* and the conduct of the two former was as arbitrary and corrupt as that of the three Guelph leaders* who had earned the same title in 1357. Almost daily they brought forward new accusations against their adversaries of implication in real or imaginary plots, supported often by fabricated evidence. One of the witnesses used by them in this iniquitous business was a certain Jacopo Schiattesi (nicknamed Scatizza), who seems to have played much the same role as Titus Oates played in England some three centuries later. This scoundrel's testimony was at length suspected, and he was arrested. The mere sight of the rack drew from him a full confession of the many perjuries that he had committed, and he was sentenced to death.^ Whereupon Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi attacked the house of the capitano del popolo and rescued Schiattesi from custody. They had, however, failed to mark that their popularity was a thing of the past. The death of Barbadori had aroused a feeling of resentment among the most respectable citizens, and this had been increased by the execution of others who were equally innocent. It was now apparent to all that they had been posing as the champions of popular rights, not from love of liberty, but from personal ambition. On the day after the rescue, the capitano del popolo publicly resigned his office, on the ground that it had become impossible for him any longer to discharge his duty. This demonstration completed the revulsion of popular feeling that had set in some months before. The armed bands of the 1 Machiavelli, pp. 140, 141 ; Ammirato, iv. 145. 2 Litta. ' Hid. * Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio and Carlo Strozzi. ^ Ammirato, iv. 146. 196 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE guilds appeared in the Piazza della Signoria, the captain was con- strained to withdraw his resignation, Giorgio Scali was seized and dragged to prison amid the hootings of the rabble, and executed on the following day. Tommaso Strozzi escaped to Mantua.^ Benedetto Alberti, who, disapproving of his colleagues' conduct, had previously dissociated himself from them, was a consenting party to Scali's condemnation. Again the people resorted to the method, which had been so often tried and had as often failed, of freeing themselves from misrule by some constitutional change. It was now enacted that the Gonfalonier of Justice and one half of the priors were to be chosen from the seven Arti Maggiori, and the other half of the priors from the fourteen Arti Minori. On the Otto di Guardia and some other Boards the Arti Maggiori were to have a majority. The three Arti which had been created by the Ciompi were disestablished, and all persons who had been punished for participation in recent conspiracies were pardoned.^ These changes, it will be noticed, were all of an anti-popular character. Democracy in Florence, having reached its zenith after the rising of the Ciompi, now began to wane, and it con- tinued to do so (except during a short-lived revival in the days of Savonarola) until the times of the later Medici, when it finally disappeared. Almost the first act of the new government was one of base ingratitude and altogether inexcusable. This was the exile of Michele Lando, who had saved Florence from anarchy and bloodshed by his courage and prudence.^ ^ Ammirato, iv. 147. The descendants of T. Strozzi are still living at Mantua. 2 Qino Capponi, ii. 49. ^ Ammirato, iv. 150. CHAPTER X 1382-1406 WARS BETWEEN FLORENCE AND MILAN — THE ALBIZZI DOMINATION — CAPTURE OF PISA NO change for the better took place in the domestic affairs of Florence during the next two years. There was the same spirit of unrest, the same distrust of those in authority, and the same faction warfare as in the past. There were, too, the same abortive attempts to remedy those evils by constitutional changes. Before the end of the year there were four risings of the Ciompi which were suppressed by the popolani grassi, whose power was rapidly returning. ^ And other attempts to overthrow the government would doubtless have been made, but for the presence in the vicinity of the city of Sir John Hawkwood and his troop, who were still in the pay of the Signory. In 1383 great destruction of property was occasioned by the overflowing of the Arno, and this was followed by another visitation of pestilence. A panic seized the citizens, and so many of them fled that a law was passed forbidding anyone to leave the city without a pass from the government. In the same year troops were despatched to ward off an attack on Florence by her exiles, who were congregrating in the Casentino from the various cities in which they had found refuge. Not- withstanding these disasters Florence showed no signs of weak- ness or poverty. In the following year she raised an army of 60,000 foot and 20,000 horse in three days, and purchased Arezzo from De Coucy, Charles of Durazzo's lieutenant, for 200,000 florins.^ This army was sent, in accordance with a preconcerted arrangement with De Coucy, to enable him to effect the sale of Arezzo under a show of compulsion. 1 Napier, ii. 4SI-4S3- ' Ammirato, iv. 163 ; Goro Dati's Istoria di Firenze (173S), pp. 26, 37. 197 198 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The re-acquisition of Arezzo after an interval of forty-one years gave rise to much rejoicing. The public and private entertainments given to celebrate the event were of more than ordinary magnificence. Of the latter, those of Benedetto degli Alberti so far surpassed all others in splendour as to occasion a widespread jealousy, and an animosity which had long been felt for him by a section of the aristocracy was now shared by the lower orders.^ This gave the Albizzi, who desired vengeance for the death of Piero, the head of the house, who had been unjustly executed in 1380, and the Captains of the Parte Guelfa, who had not forgiven the curtailment of their powers by the triumvirate, the opportunity for which they had been waiting, and they proceeded to work Benedetto degli Alberti's downfall. By their machinations, and for an absurdly inadequate cause, he was exiled for two years. He went to Jerusalem in 1387, and died at Rhodes on his way home. Public opinion at once veered round, and when his body was brought back to Florence it was buried with public honours. He seems to have been one of the few men of his day who rose above party spirit, and so he incurred the ill will of all. He opposed alike the tyranny of the Guelph leaders and of their opponents, and worked solely for his country's good.^ Nor was Benedetto degli Alberti the only victim to party animosity. The Guelph aristocracy had not learned wisdom by experience, and no sooner had they regained their ascendancy than they resorted to the pestilent system of admonitions. Members of many leading families were thus persecuted, among whom were the Beneni, Benci, Adimari, Manelli, and Alderotti.' Some of these were driven into exile, and thus what Guicciardini calls " the worst evil a State can suffer from " was increased.* Meanwhile foreign affairs were demanding more than ordinary watchfulness. The dispute for the crown of Naples, the Schism in the Church, and the ambition of Gian Galeazzo Visconti were still disturbing elements in Italian politics. As external disorders prejudicially affected her commerce Florence assumed the role of mediator. The claim of Louis of Anjou to the Neapolitan throne had been espoused by Pope Urban VL, and that of his rival, young King Ladislas, by the anti-Pope, ' Ammirato, iv. 164. ^ Ibid., iv. 182. ^ Ibid., iv. 183. * Counsels and Reflections of Francesco Guicciardini, translated by Ninian Hill Thomson (1890), p. 140. WAR BETWEEN FLORENCE AND MILAN 199 Clement VII. Florence endeavoured to bring about a marriage between Louis and Giovanna, a sister of Ladislas, and to reconcile Urban with Ladislas. Both attempts failed, but the ambassadors whom she sent to Avignon were treated with marked respect by the anti-Pope. After their return Clement sent an embassy to Florence to urge her to take a leading part in summoning a Council of the Church in order to put an end to the Schism ; but notwithstanding her French sympathies she was too entirely Italian to help a pope at Avignon, and replied "that it was for kings and princes to summon councils." ^ But it was on the northern horizon that the blackest clouds were looming. The policy of the Visconti, as we have seen, had for many years past caused Florence intermittent fits of alarm, and. when, in 1385, Gian Galeazzo (the son of Galeazzo I.)^ treacherously murdered his uncle Bernabo and made himself sole lord of Milan, it became a source of graver danger than ever. Gian Galeazzo was one of the strangest products of an age that was prodigal of varied types. " False and pitiless he joined to immeasurable ambition a genius for enterprise, and to immovable constancy a personal timidity which he did not endeavour to conceal. . . . He seemed to acknowledge himself the enemy of the whole world."^ In 1387 he overthrew the Scala dynasty, and in the following year he defeated Francesco da Carrara, thus adding Verona and Padua to his dominions.* He was now master of all northern Italy except Venice, Mantua, Ferrara, and Bologna, and it was an open secret that he aspired to the sovereignty of the whole peninsula. It was not, however, till he began to meddle with Tuscan affairs that Florence thought it necessary to check his growing power. In 1390 she obtained secret information that Siena was seeking his protection, and that he was intriguing for the acquisi- tion of Pisa. It was obvious that the independence of every Italian State was threatened, but Florence and Bologna alone recognised the danger. Having tried in vain to obtain assistance from Venice, Naples, or the Pope, these two RepubUcs solicited ' Creighton, i. lOo. ^ Galeazzo I. and Bernab6 had divided the Milanese territory between them. Gian Galeazzo succeeded to his father's share in 1378. 3 Sismondi's Italian Republics (1832), p. igo. When posterity is passing sentence on him a recommendation for mercy may be put forward, on the ground that he built the Certosa at Pavia and the Milan Cathedral. ^ Gino Capponi, ii. 63. 200 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE aid from the King of France, but fortunately for Italy he also refused their request. They then determined to act alone, and declared war on Visconti. Florence, conscious that her very existence was at stake, set about the task which she had undertaken with tremendous energy. Heavy taxes were levied on property lay and ecclesi- astical. Enormous sums were raised on loan. It was illegal for the State to borrow at a higher rate than 5 per cent., and when no more money could be obtained on such terms, a notary sug- gested the adoption of the practice of the unjust steward in the parable, namely, that for every 100 florins borrowed the govern- ment should write down 200 or 300, thus paying to the lender 10 or 15 per cent.^ Sir John Hawkwood was recalled from Naples, the services of Rinaldo Orsini and Count Giovanni d'Armagnac, two other condottieri, were secured, and the Signory " sent to all parts of Christendom to hire captains and soldiers and to stir up princes and sovereigns for the destruction of Milan." 2 Hawkwood was despatched with some 7,000 men through Bolognese territory in order to effect a junction with dArmagnac's troops, that were expected to reach Piedmont in May, 1391, but their progress was delayed, and Hawkwood found himself in a precarious position. He was without provisions, the whole of Gian Galeazzo's army, numbering 26,000 men, under Jacopo dal Verme, was immediately in front of him, while his retreat was cut off by the rivers Oglio, Mincio, and Adige. He entrenched himself in a naturally strong position at Paterno Fasolaro, and for four days the enemy vainly endeavoured to allure him to battle. Jacopo, thinking that he had the little Florentine army in a trap, mockingly sent a caged fox to Hawkwood, who, good-humouredly remarking to the bearer that the animal did not seem dull arid would soon discover a way out, broke one of the bars of the cage and set it at liberty.^ On the fifth day he made a vigorous sortie, killing or wounding 1,500 of the foe. A day or two after- wards he ostentatiously cleared the ground in front of his camp, and having led Dal Verme to believe that he meant to ^ The funds so raised were known as " two for one " or "three for one," as the case might be. Florence required all the money she raised, for the war cost her 3,500,000 florins during the first six months. ^ Ammirato, iv. 206. 2 Sir John Hawkwood. By John Temple-Leader and Guiseppe Marcotti. London, 1889, p. 25 1. WAR BETWEEN FLORENCE AND MILAN 201 give battle, at midnight he commenced a noiseless retreat. Before morning the bulk of his army was safely across the Oglio, and the passage of the remainder was effected under cover of 400 picked archers. But Dal Verme was not to be deprived of his prey without another effort. He caused the dykes of the Adige to be cut during the night, and the plain occupied by Hawk- wood's troops was almost immediately submerged. Without a moment's delay Hawkwood ordered cavalry and infantry to mount the same horses, and with two men on every horse he continued his perilous retreat. So hasty was his departure that he sacrificed his baggage and left his standards flying. The waters were often above the horses' girths. The country was intersected with numerous wide and deep ditches. Many a horse and rider perished, but Hawkwood piloted the greater number of his troops during part of a night and a day, until they reached high ground and were thence led in security to Castelbaldo, near Padua. This brilliant exploit has given Hawk- wood a place amongst the most famous condottieri. Not long after d'Armagnac's army reached Italy it was com- pletely routed near Alexandria and he himself mortally wounded.^ The safety of Florence now depended on Hawkwood alone, and he was at once recalled from Padua. Dal Verme followed him, and with the exception of some skirmishes the campaign was occupied with manoeuvres, marches, and counter-marches, during which Hawkwood managed to protect Florence, and so completely held his own that at the end of the year Gian Galeazzo was ready to treat for peace. Florence liberally recognised what she owed to Hawkwood's skill and courage. Before the end of the war the Signory had made him a Florentine citizen, had raised his pension from 1,200 to 3,200 gold florins, and settled an annuity on his wife and marriage portions on his daughters.^ On his death, which occurred in 1394, he was honoured with burial in the choir of the cathedral, and 410 florins were spent by the State on his funeral. " But to give a minute account of these obsequies, the number ^ There is considerable doubt whether Hawkwood's retreat took place before or after d'Armagnac's defeat. I have followed Temple-Leader in placing it before, but see Napier, ii. 488. ^ Temple-Leader's Sir John Hawkwood, 265. Hawkwood married in 1377 Donnina, an illegitimate daughter of Bernab6 Visconti. His eldest son, John, returned to England and settled on the ancestral estates of the Hawkwoods, at Hedingham Sibil, in Essex. He was naturalised in 1407 {Dictionary of National Biography, xxv. 241). 202 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE of tapers, banners, and escutcheons, the chargers with their trappings of gold brocade, the black dresses presented to his family and household, would be more in the nature of boasting than is consistent with the dignity of history." ^ It was decreed that a sumptuous monument, to be adorned with marble figures, should be erected in his memory, but this direction was never carried out. An equestrian portrait of him was, however, painted by Paolo Uccello over the north-west door of the Duomo, which may still be seen. Of Hawkwood's courage and military talent there can be no question. Hallam says that he was "the first distinguished commander who had appeared in Europe since the destruction of the Roman Empire." ^ Some of the ablest captains of the day — Sforza, Braccio, Carlo Malatesta, Paolo Orsini — were trained in his troop. Like the rest of his profession, he was ready to place his services at the disposal of the highest bidder ; but while an engagement lasted he was usually trustworthy, and he was invariably faithful to the Florentine Republic.^ It is hardly fair to describe him as barbarous.* The sack of Faenza and the massacre at Cesena are no doubt blots on his memory, but in the former he was careful to spare life, and in the latter he refused to carry out to the full the orders of his employer, the bloodthirsty Cardinal Robert of Geneva. During his last cam- paign in Lombardy he purchased both provisions and provender, to the surprise of the peasantry, who expected to be plundered by every free-lance captain, and the behaviour and discipline of his troops, as compared with those of d'Armagnac, was favourably remarked upon by his contemporaries. He must be judged by the standards of his day. Beside many of the condottieri, of his own and of a later date, he was merciful and honest, and beside some of them he was a paragon of virtue.^ By a treaty which was concluded on January 26th, 1392, it was stipulated that Gian Galeazzo should not meddle with Tuscan affairs, or Florence with those of Lombardy, and that the lordship of Padua should be restored to Francesco da Carrara. But Florence was too prudent to place much reliance on Gian ^ Amrairato, iv. 268. Hawkwood's reputation must have reached England, for in 1384 Richard II. commissioned him to treat for alliances with Florence, Perugia, Bologna, and other cities (Rymer's Fcedera, sub ann. ). 2 The Middle Ages (1819), i. 499. ^ Dictionary of National Biography, xxv. 422. * Creighton, i. 65. ' Federigo I., Duke of Urbino, was perhaps the most estimable of all the fifteenth-century condottieri. WAR BETWEEN FLORENCE AND MILAN 203 Galeazzo's word, and she entered into a league with Pope Boniface IX., the lords of Ferrara, Mantua, Faenza, Padua, and Pisa, and the republic of Bologna to resist Milanese aggression. The friendship of Pisa, however, she lost before the year was out. The long-standing rivalry between the two cities had been suspended by the personal influence of Gambacorti, the ruler of Pisa, who in 1392 was treacherously overthrown and slain by his friend and Chancellor Jacopo d'Appiano, and Pisa there- upon reverted to her old attitude of hostility towards Florence. She commenced intriguing with Gian Galeazzo, and at his instiga- tion and with his secret assistance she declared war against Florence. A desultory warfare between the two States was carried' on for the next four or five years, but not much injury was inflicted on either side. When Gian Galeazzo found that his ends were not being furthered by this means, he threw off the mask and openly violated the treaty of 1392. In the spring of 1397 he attacked Mantua and sent a body of cavalry from Siena into Florentine territory, which ravaged the country as far Signa. At length Venice, who with an unaccountable want of foresight had a few years before aided Gian Galeazzo in the acquisition of Padua, awoke to the danger with which she was threatened by his ambition. In 1398 she threw in her lot with the anti-Milanese league, and Gian Galeazzo, not feeling equal to cope with so powerful a combination, consented to sign a truce for ten years. Nevertheless he continued to increase his posses- sions. In 1399 he purchased the lordship of Pisa from Gherardo, the son of Jacopo dAppiano, and in the same year Perugia and Siena ceded their liberties into his hands. Although he ostensibly observed the terms of the treaty of 1398, his movements caused Florence uneasiness. She was aware thj^t he had made an un- successful attempt to induce Pope Boniface to desert the league, and that he had secret emissaries within her walls inciting her citizens to rebellion. And when, in 1400, he began making great preparations for war, she thought it necessary to take defensive measures. There was little doubt that he was still contemplating the conquest of Tuscany, and no time was to be lost. She set about the work of resistance with vigour, but her efforts ended in disaster. In consideration of a large money payment Rupert, the recently proclaimed Emperor of Germany,^ sent an army ^ Florence had aided in bringing about the deposition of the Emperor Wenzel on account of his having conferred on Gian Galeazzo the title of Duke of Milan (Creighton, i. 170). 204 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to her assistance, which was routed near Brescia by Visconti's troops and driven back across the Alps. She next sought aid from Francesco da Carrara, whom she had assisted in regaining the lordship of Padua, and Giovanni Bentivoglio, the new lord of Bologna, and the allied forces of the three cities met those of the invader near Bologna. Fortune still smiled on Gian Galeazzo, whose forces, after a bloody struggle on June 26th, 1402, were com- pletely victorious. Giovanni Bentivoglio was killed, and Bologna was captured. The news of this defeat occasioned at Florence a consternation bordering on despair. The city was indeed in a sorry plight. Her soldiers were slain, her generals prisoners, and her exchequer empty. Nor had she any hope of obtaining foreign aid.i She was altogether unprepared for a siege, and any day Visconti's army, flushed with victory, might be at her gates. But when all seemed lost the tide of fortune turned. The Milanese army lingered at Bologna, and before the order to advance was given, as Machiavelli has it, "in the very nick of time" Gian Galeazzo Visconti died. The general gloom into which the city had been plunged gave way to universal rejoicing, and crowds of citizens went about the streets singing the verse from the Psalms, "Our soul is escaped, even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler ; the snare is broken and we are delivered." Thus ended a series of wars of which Florence had good reason to be proud. Almost single-handed she had checked the ambitious designs of the Visconti, and it is probable that but for her resistance Gian Galeazzo would have possessed himself of Tuscany, and possibly he might have subjugated Italy. It was no idle boast of Ammirato when he wrote " that it was deemed both at the time and in his day very noteworthy and marvellous that a single state, possessing neither seaport nor standing army, and unprotected by rugged mountains or great rivers, should have been able to resist so great a power solely by the industry and wealth of its inhabitants." ^ We must now go back a few years and note the domestic troubles from which Florence had been suffering while the Milanese war was going on. The excitement and anxiety for the general welfare occasioned by Gian Galeazzo's aggressive policy did not repress party feuds. Class jealousies and personal ani- mosities were as rife as ever, and were cankering the very core of the Commonwealth. The intestine affairs of the city were indeed ^ Ammirato, iv. 337. ^ Ibid., iv. 339. THE ALBIZZI DOMINATION 205 in much the same condition as at the time of the Ciompi rising. The Guelph party was once more in the ascendant, and its leaders were oppressing their rivals by admonitions, while the Medici, Alberti, Strozzi, and other principal families were plotting and stirring up popular feeling against the dominant faction. The disfranchisement of the Alberti family, which had been removed in 1391, was reimposed in 1393. In the latter year Maso degli Albizzi (the nephew of Piero whose life had been sacrificed to popular clamour) became gonfalonier, and he seized the oppor- tunity offered by the discovery of a plot in which some of the Alberti were implicated, to deprive once more the whole family of their civic rights. The people became alarmed at Maso's arbi- trary conduct, and the city was soon in an uproar, one party in the Piazza shouting " Long live the people and the Parte Guelfa^' and the other " Long Uve the people and the Arti."^ After some bloodshed the latter faction were driven out of the Piazza, and they at once repaired to the house of Vieri de' Medici and be- sought him to become their leader, and to aid them in throwing off the tyranny of the Guelph party as his cousin Salvestro had done. But either from virtue, caution, or timidity Vieri refused the office and would only consent to mediate ^between the two parties. Had he been ambitious it is quite possible that he might have made himself lord of Florence.^ But the hour of Medician sovereignty had not yet come. With difficulty Vieri persuaded the malcontents that they would be more likely to gain their ends by gentleness than force, and he prevailed on them to lay down their arms. He soon learned, however, that he had been mistaken. He had succeeded in pacifying the people, but he failed altogether in inducing the Signory to act with either leniency or justice. The Alberti and other leaders of the popular faction were exiled, and laws were passed to strengthen the hands of the government, of so harsh a character as to meet with the disapproval even of many of its own supporters. The extent to which interference with liberty for party purposes was carried may be gathered from the fact that Rinaldo Gianfiglazzi, a thorough-going Guelph and one of the most illustrious members of " the Party " was sum- moned before the Signory and threatened with disfranchisement if he permitted two of his children to marry members of the opposite faction.^ In 1396 an attempt, made in a thoroughly constitutional ' Ammirato, iv. 263. ^ Machiavelli, p. 176. ^ Napier, ii. 520. 2o6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE manner, to procure a more equitable treatment by the government of their opponents, only led to the banishment of Donati Acciaiuoli for twenty years and to the imposition of heavy fines on the Medici and Alberti. By practices such as these the government of Florence had, at the end of the fourteenth century, passed once more into the hands of a clique of wealthy merchants, and become, as in 1377, a Guelph oligarchy.^ Again Florence groaned beneath the yoke of a few insolent grandi, whose chief, Maso degli Albizzi, was in fact, though not in name, almost her absolute ruler. Indeed, one of his sons had been heard to boast in a foreign court that his father had more power than many a titled sovereign. That such a government should be long tolerated without resistance was impossible. In 1397 a con- spiracy was on foot between the fuorusciti at Bologna (among whom were members of the Medici, Ricci, and Cavicciuli families) with the object of inciting an insurrection and murdering Maso degli Albizzi. It was however premature or ill organised. An armed band entered the city shouting " Long live the people " and " Death to tyrants," but the people did not respond to their call, and they were forced to take refuge in the cathedral, where they were cut to pieces or captured and executed by the podestci, and his guard. ^ In 1400 another conspiracy for the overthrow of the govern- ment, in which many of the opposition leaders were implicated, was on foot. It was nipped in the bud through the treachery of one of the conspirators, Salvestro Cavicciuli, and sixty prominent citizens were declared rebels, including the entire family of the Medici, almost all of the Ricci and Alberti, and many of the Strozzi, Scali, Adimari, and Altoviti. The intensity of party spirit in Florence at this time is almost incredible. It would neither (as has been seen) yield to war, nor had pestilence the power to allay it. For in the very year of the last-mentioned conspiracy there was a terrible outbreak of plague in the city, from which from 600 to 800 persons died daily. At the time of the festival of San Giovanni, which was by custom dedicated ^ The government was monopolised by Maso degli Albizzi, Filippo Corsini, Andrea Vittori, Gianozzo Biliotti, Nofri Arnolfi, Rinieri Peruzzi, Lionardo dell' Antella, Rinaldo Gianfiglazzi, Francesco Rucellai, Barto- lommeo Valori, Francesco Fioraventi, Andrea Minerbetti, Guido del Palagio, Forese Salviati, Lorenzo Ridolfi, and Michele and Lotto Castellani (Napier, ii. 522). 2 Ammirato, iv. 292. THE ALBIZZI DOMINATION 207 to amusement and revelry, the streets of the city were silent and forsaken. This epidemic was traceable to a strange religious revival, which the distracted condition of the Church and the disturbed state of Europe aroused in the year 1399.^ Whether it had its origin in France, Spain, England, or Scotland, seems uncertain. The advent of a new century, to be ushered in by a great Jubilee, seems to have awakened a sense of national sinfulness and a spirit of contrition. Large bands of enthusiasts, clad in white garments, and known as the "White Penitents" or the "White Companies," marched in solemn processions from city to city, singing the Stabat Mater dolorosa and other penitential hymns. The movement made its way across the Alps, through Piedmont, to Genoa. The Genoese carried the torch of re- ligious fervour to Lucca, and the Lucchese to Florence. The band of Florentines that continued the work numbered no less than 40,000.^ Pistoja, Pisa, Bologna, Modena, and Imola were affected, and before long the contagion spread through Rome to Naples. Each pilgrimage lasted about nine days, which were spent in fasting, prayer, and exhortation. The preachers incul- cated forgiveness of injuries, and laboured to effect the recon- ciliation of enemies and the restitution of ill-gotten gains. At the end of the ninth day the pilgrims usually returned to their native cities. The bands comprised those of all classes, ages, and sexes, and their proceedings were marked throughout by the utmost decorum. While the movement lasted it was pro- ductive of good. It was however but a transient wave of higher spiritual life, and it soon ebbed, leaving behind it no permanent moral results. ^ Its physical results were disastrous, for the congregating of large, undisciplined masses of human beings, gave rise to the pestilence which devastated Italy at the dawning of the fifteenth century. The death of Gian-Galeazzo Visconti did not, as might have been expected, prove a pacific, but rather the reverse. He left three sons — Gian- Maria and Filippo- Maria, both boys under fifteen, and Gabriele-Maria, who, though older, was illegitimate — and among them his territories were divided. The duchy of Milan proper, Bologna, Siena, and Perugia,' fell to 1 Creighton, i. 145. ^ Ammirato, iv. 309. ' Corio says that some of the White Penitents returned to a worse life than ever after the movement subsided (Symonds, i. 560)- 2o8 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the lot of Gian-Maria; Pavia, Verona, Vicenza, and other smaller states to that of Filippo-Maria ; while Crema and Pisa were allotted to Gabriele-Maria. This partition was in itself sufficient to free Italy from all fear of the Visconti dynasty. Despots, who had been despoiled by Gian-Galeazzo Visconti, flew to arms, with the object of regaining their possessions; while other States, that had an eye to their own aggrandise- ment, took part in the struggle. Alexandria and Pavia were seized by Facino Cane, Parma and Reggio by Ottobuon Terzo, and Brescia fell into the hands of Pandolfo Malatesta ; Verona revolted and Piacenza was almost depopulated by internal dis- cord.i Florence, who aimed at the acquisition of Pisa, and Pope Boniface IX., who desired to recover Bologna and Perugia, entered into a league with other States who had also their own ends to serve, and the allies placed their forces under the com- mand of the great condottiere Alberigo da Barbiano. War soon raged in Tuscany, Lombardy was in a state of anarchy, and before the end of 1404 the vast fabric which Gian-Galeazzo had built up with infinite craft and patience was in ruins. As soon as Bologna and Perugia had been reduced to subjection, the Pope, in spite of the remonstrances of the Florentines, put an end to the league. Florence had good ground for complaint, for she had expended half a million florins in the service of her allies and had gained nothing for herself. She now set her- self to attain the object of her desire single-handed. The con- duct of Gabriele-Maria was certainly paving the way to her ultimate success. His government of Pisa was tyrannous, and his policy was dictated by avarice. He extorted immense sums of money from his subjects by fabricating false charges against them. From a single citizen he took no less than 25,000 florins.^ Accordingly, when in 1404 Florence made a sudden attack on Pisa, she expected that it would fall an easy prey into her hands. But the Pisans made a stubborn and successful resistance, pre- ferring the cruelty and rapacity of a tyrant to the yoke of their hated rival. The only result of this premature attempt was that Gabriele-Maria, feeling his position insecure, placed Pisa under the protection of the King of France, who was then in posses- sion of Genoa. ' Napier, iii. 6, and Symonds, i. 137. We hear also of the Benzoni at Crema, the Rusconi at Como, the Soardi and CoUeoni at Bergamo, the Landi at Bobbio, and the Cavalcab6 at Cremona. " Ammirato, iv. 354. CAPTURE OF PISA 209 The designs of Florence being thus checked for a time, she commenced military operations against Siena in order to chastise her for having voluntarily submitted to Gian-Galeazzo in 1399. Siena had just contrived to free herself from the Visconti rule, but she was in so depressed a condition that she was constrained to purchase peace by the cession to Florence of Montepulciano. Florence then turned her attention to certain feudal lords who had aided the Visconti during the late war, and on the plea that she wished to castigate them, she captured no less than thirty- two strongholds, " thus considerably enlarging the boundaries of the Republic"! Pisa was now the only spot in Tuscany which was subject to a Visconti. It was obviously impossible for Florence to attempt to dispossess Gabriele-Maria by force without provoking the hostility of France, so she resorted to other means. In the Great Schism, which had torn the Church asunder during the last quarter of a century, Florence had taken no active part, but she had leant towards the side of the pope. France, who had been the mainstay of the anti-popes, was now endeavouring to enlist the support of Florence on behalf of the then Anti-Pope Innocent VII. The Florentine government seeing a chance of turning this to the advantage of the Republic, secretly communi- cated to the king that the allegiance of Florence to the anti- pope was to be purchased by the sale to her of Pisa. A rumour of this proposal reached Gabriele-Maria, who, indignant at the thought of his patrimony being sold behind his back, and con- scious that his unpopularity was daily rendering his position less secure, determined to steal a march on his protector. Accord- ingly, he privately intimated to Maso degli Albizzi that Pisa might be purchased from him, and the Signory, hoping to obtain the coveted prize without involving Florence in the quarrel between popes and anti-popes, instructed Maso to treat with him. But through the faithlessness of a friend, to whom Gabriele had confided his design, the contemplated bargain was made public and the Pisans rose in arms to prevent their native city from passing into the hands of her traditional foe. On July 21st, 1405, Gabriele was forced to take refuge in the citadel, and not feeling even there sure of his safety, he fled to Sarzana. Florence, per- ceiving that it was useless to treat with Gabriele, resumed negotia- tions with France, which resulted in a contract for the sale to her ' Ammirato, iv. 360. 210 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE of Pisa, together with the outlying fortresses of Ripafratta and S. Maria in Castello, in consideration of a money payment of 260,000 florins and a covenant that she would recognise the spiritual authority of Anti-Pope Benedict XIII. The citadel was duly handed over to her commissioner, Gino Capponi (the historian), on August 31st, but did not remain in her possession many days, for it was attacked on September 6th by the enraged citizens and wrested with ease from the cowardly band of mer- cenaries by whom it was garrisoned. The Florentines turned a deaf ear to the remonstrances of the Pisans, for they were furious at the loss of their 260,000 florins, and " every man in Florence determined that he would go naked sooner than not conquer Pisa."^ It was well known, however, that this would be no easy matter, " for the walls of Pisa were strong, and its inhabitants unanimous in their determination not to be ruled by the Florentines."^ To take the city by storm would be, it was thought, impossible, so a blockade was de- termined on. Accordingly an army was despatched to invest it, a fleet was stationed at the mouth of the Arno, and by the spring of the following year (1406) the introduction of food into the city was entirely prevented. Ladislas, King of Naples, and Ottobuon Terzo, lord of Parma — the only potentates from whom Pisa expected aid — were " squared " by the astute Died di Balia, the former by a promise that Florence would not interfere with his designs at Rome, and the latter by a bribe. After the blockade had lasted six months the sufferings of the Pisans from want of food became so acute that (as was done at Pistoja one hundred years before) they turned all their women, children, and infirm men out of the starving city. The women were stripped half naked by the besieging forces and then, branded on each cheek with the Florentine giglio or with noses cut off, driven back to the city gates, and some of the men were hung within sight of its walls. These brutal atrocities are described with cynical indifference by Gino Capponi, the Florentine Com- missioner, who was present and was probably responsible for them. When hope of further resistance was at an end Giovanni Gambacorti, who after the flight of Gabriele-Maria was once more the most influential personage in Pisa, opened secret negotiations for a surrender. The Florentine Commissioners were well aware that the city would not hold out many days, ' G. Capponi, Scrip. Rer. Hal., vol. xviii. p. 1131. ^ Ibid., p. 1132. V CAPTURE OP PISA 211 but in order to avoid the destruction of property which would follow if it were stormed and sacked they consented to treat, and it was arranged that if the city, citadel, and outlying fort- resses were surrendered, pillage both within and without the walls should be prohibited. It was also stipulated that Gamba- corti should receive 50,000 florins with the citizenship of Florence, and that his opponents should be declared rebels. The carrying into effect of this agreement was, however, no easy matter, as the citizens had been kept in profound ignorance of its existence by Gambacorti.^ The free-lance captains in the employ of Florence were quarrelling among themselves and were almost in a state of insubordination. Attendolo Sforza (the father of the famous Francesco and the founder of the family) and Tartaglia were on bad terms and could not agree as to the gate by which the city should be entered. It required much tact on the part of Gino Capponi^ to maintain discipline, and but for his firmness Pisa would undoubtedly have been sacked. At length the arrangements for its surrender were completed, and they were carried out in an orderly manner on October gth, 1406. When the Florentines entered the city they found it in a deplorable condition. There was in it "only a little sugar, a little cassia, and three lean cows. Every other thing was eaten up to the grass that grew in the streets." As the soldiers marched past the houses they threw pieces of bread to those who were looking out of the windows, and " never did birds of prey seize their food with the voracity with which they threw themselves upon the bread."^ When a supply of food was sent into the city many died from eating too ravenously. The fall of Pisa was celebrated in Florence with great rejoicing. The Madonna dell' Impruneta was paraded through the streets, and the 9th of October was ordered to be kept as a national holiday for ever.* The treatment of the Pisans by their con- querors was as ungenerous as it was impolitic. Many of them were banished and more were compelled to take up their abode ' He seems to have acted in the interests of his city, but he certainly did not neglect his own. Ser Cambi considers his conduct was infemous, but Gino Capponi's view of it is perhaps the most reliable (Script. Rer. Hal,, xviii. 795). ^ He was appointed governor of Pisa for eight months after its capture. ^ Gino Capponi, cited by TroUope, ii. 335. * This event marks not only the high tide of Florentine commercial pros- perity, but also the date at which attention was first paid to nautical and astronomical studies in Florence (Villari, i. 340). 213 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE in Florence. The exiles for the most part took to the career of arms, and their services were always at the disposal of the enemies of their victor; while those who were compulsorily domiciled in Florence swelled the ranks of the ever-numerous body of malcontents. The depopulation of Pisa which thus commenced inflicted a blow from which she never recovered. Henceforth her name, except during one short eventful interval, appears no more on the pages of Tuscan history but as a subject state. 1 The causes of the absorption of Pisa by Florence are not easy to trace. Pisa was an important city when Florence was little more than a village. Her geographical position gave her oppor- tunities of developing her commerce which Florence never possessed. For centuries before Florence had extended her territory to the seaboard, Pisa had a powerful fleet and was mistress of half the Mediterranean. Perhaps one of the con- tributory causes of her downfall may be found in the fact that in the prolonged struggle between Guelphs and Ghibellines, Florence had espoused the winning and Pisa the losing side. Her maritime advantages, moreover, had not been without draw- backs, for they had brought her into contact with another powerful rival, and she had been terribly weakened by the crushing defeat which the Genoese galleys had inflicted on her at Meloria. Probably the dissimilar fate of the two cities arose from a combination of causes, of which difference of national character was not the least important. And, again, the parts which Pisa and Florence played in the development of Italian Art present a strange contrast. Pisa had given birth to a man who had rejuvenated Art, and whose in- fluence on the world, both in durability and extent, probably exceeded that of Dante, half a century before Dante was born.^ And yet it was Florence, and not Pisa, which dominated European taste and filled the galleries of Europe with their most precious treasures. Possibly Pisa entered on her work, as a promoter of artistic progress, too soon, and her energies, being exhausted before the Renaissance movement culminated, had never a fair chance of development. ' Napier, iii. 24. ^ Niccola Pisano. See Lindsay, i. 357. ART AND LITERATURE 1 375-1406 213 ART AND LITERATURE 137S-1406 SCULPTORS PAINTERS AUTHORS Ghiberti Agnolo Gaddi Franco Sacchetti Brunelleschi Antonio Veneziano Giovanni Fiorentino Jacopo della Quercia Spinello Aretino Marehione di Coppo Stefani Piero Minerbetti Gino Capponi SCULPTURE Tuscan Sculpture was now entering on a new phase. In the hands of Niccola Pisano and Arnolfo di Cambio it had been architectural in its character ; in those of Giotto, Andrea Pisano, and Orcagna it became allegorical; under the influence of Ghiberti and Donatello it was about to become (for good and evil) pictorial. Ghiberti 1 was born at Florence in 1378, and was brought up as a goldsmith, but it was as a painter that he first distinguished himself. He was engaged in painting frescoes in Carlo Mala- testa's palace at Rimini in 1399, when the Signory of Florence decided to erect another bronze gate in the Baptistery, and invited artists from all parts of Italy, who would be willing to undertake the work, to send in their names. Ghiberti deter- mined to compete, and at once repaired to Florence. Six of the competitors, of whom Ghiberti was one,^ were selected, and desired to model and cast a single bronze panel representing the sacrifice of Isaac. In 1401 the designs were submitted for adjudication, and the judges held that those of Ghiberti and Brunelleschi were superior to the other four, but hesitated to decide which of the two was the best. It is said that, in their difiiculty, they consulted Donatello, but, as he was a youth of fifteen years old at the time, this seems unlikely. They were not, however, called upon for a decision, for Brunelleschi, conscious of the superiority of his rival's design, generously withdrew from the contest. The trial panels sent in by these two competitors were preserved, and may still be seen in the Bargello. ^ His full name was Lorenzo di Cione Ghiberti. ^ The other competitors were Brunelleschi, Jacopo della Quercia, Niccola d'Arezzo, Valdambrini of Siena, and Simone of CoUe (Perkins, i. 125). 214 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE It is said that Ghiberti owed his victory to the advice of his stepfather, Bartolo di Michiele, who was an eminent goldsmith.' His success determined his future career. He forsook painting, and the remainder of his Ufe was devoted entirely to sculpture. The gate for which he now received the commission was not completed for twenty-one years. He was then ordered to make another gate for the Baptistery, and this one was not set up till 1452. These two marvellous productions will be referred to again, and the peculiarities of Ghiberti's style noticed, when the periods during which they were made are reviewed. Jacopo BELLA QuERCiA (1374-1438) was One of the most eminent of the Tuscan sculptors of this period. He was a Sienese, but he worked for a short time at Florence. After un- successfully competing for the Baptistery gates he sculptured (1401-1402) the bas-relief of a Madonna della Cintola in a man- dorla, which is over one of the doors on the north side of the Duomo.^ PAINTING Not one of the three artists whose works are about to be mentioned — Agnolo Gaddi, Antonio Veneziano, and Spinello Aretino — can be placed in the first rank.^ Although in some respects, principally in technique, their works occasionally show an advance on those of their predecessors, it is difficult to detect any decided progress. There was, indeed, in the period under review, a pause in the onward movement of Painting. Orcagna was dead, Masaccio was not born, and Fra Angelico was but a boy.* The progress of Sculpture had also been delayed by the non-appearance of an artist of real genius, but the pause did not last so long. Within ten years of Orcagna's death Brunelleschi and Ghiberti were born, and during the next decade Michelozzo and Donatello came into the world. But more than forty years ^ Perkins, i. 126. ^ Richa, vi. 25. Baldinucci attributes it to Nanni di Banco. One of the finest monuments of this, or indeed of any other period, is the tomb of Ilaria Guinigi in Lucca Cathedral that was sculptured by Querela in 1413. ^ Gherado Stamina, who died c. 1408, was probably as talented as any artist of his day, but his reputation rests on Vasari's word, and on his having been the teacher of Masolino, as all his authentic works have perished. Possibly some frescoes in Prato Cathedral are his (Crowe and Cav., i. 496-498). * There was a Camaldolese monk, Don Jacopo, celebrated as an illuminator of manuscripts, and, according to Vasari (vol. i. p. 282), unrivalled as a de- signer of initial letters, who must have been working about this time. ART AND LITERATURE 1375-1406 215 elapsed before four contemporary painters of real eminence can be named. Agnolo Gaddi, of whom mention has already been made, worked, off and on, in Florence till nearly the end of 'the fourteenth century. In 1391 he painted eight frescoes in the choir of S. Croce, representing the Invention of the Cross, for Jacopo degli Alberti.^ A Madonna and Saints, which he painted as an altar-piece for the church of San Pancrazio, is now in the Accademia, and there is an Annunciation of his, in the Uffizi. Frescoes in S. Maria Novella and in the sacristy of the Carmine have been attributed to him, but without authority. He died in October, 1396.^ Antonio Veneziano (1309-c. 1386) is said by Vasari to have been a pupil of Agnolo Gaddi, but from their relative ages this seems hardly likely.* At any rate he carried on and developed the style peculiar to the Florentine Giotteschi, and he forms- one of the connecting links between Giotto and Raphael. His works show progress in technical execution,* and he surpasses all his predecessors and contemporaries in the delineation of nature.^ Unless Messrs. Crowe and Cavalcaselle's contention that he had a hand in the decoration of the Spanish Chapel ^ be correct, nothing of his work is now to be seen in Florence, although he spent the greater part of his life there.'' Spinello Aretino (1333-1410), as his name indicates, was not born in Florence, but he was one of the Florentine Giotteschi. About the year 1387 he painted a fresco of the legend of S. Benedict on the walls of the sacristy of San Miniato al Monte, a work in which he was more than usually successful.* The left- hand compartment of an altar-piece for the church of S. Felicity in Florence was painted by him about the same time, as well as a Madonna and four Saints for the church of S. Andrea at Lucca, ' Crowe and Cav., i. 471 ; Lindsay, ii. 83. 2 Cennino Cennini, who wrote a treatise on Painting, was a pupil of Agnolo Gaddi. No work which can with certainty be assigned to Cennino is extant (Crowe and Cav., i. 477). 2 His style resembles rather that of Giottino and Giovanni da Milano than of Agnolo Gaddi (Crowe and Cav., i. 483). i Ibid. 5 Lindsay, ii. 88. ° Crowe and Cav., i. 374, 488. ' His reputation rests on his frescoes in the Carapo Santo at Pisa, represent- ing stories from the life of S. Ranieri, which were painted in 1386. Vasari considers them the best frescoes in the Campo Santo, an opinion which is partially shared by Lord Lindsay. For a full description of them see Crowe and Cav., i. 484-488. 8 Crowe and Cav., ii. 12 ; Lindsay, ii. 95. 2i6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE both of which are now in the Accademia at Florence. His last works executed in Florence were the frescoes of the Passion of our Lord in an oratory adjoining the Farmacia at S. Maria Novella, which were painted in 1405. LITERATURE The period which intervened between the death of Boccaccio and the appearance of Poliziano was barren in the production of first-class Italian literature.^ The fervid industry with which the study of Latin and Greek was pursued, seems to have checked the growth of creative genius.^ Franco Sacchetti and Giovanni Fiorentino were both more or less imitators of Boccaccio. Sacchetti (1335-1410) was the last fourteenth- century writer of any note. His Novelle, which consists of short and generally humorous stories (many founded on fact), throw a flood of light on the tastes and customs of the day. Giovanni's Pecorone are tales of a similar character, one of which was utilised by Shakespeare as the plot of the Merchant of Venice. Both Sacchetti and Giovanni wrote poetry of some little merit.^ Marchione di Coppo Stefani, Piero Minerbetti, and GiNO Capponi, three of the minor Florentine chroniclers, were all writing during this period. Stefani belonged to the Arti Minori. His work is without literary merit, but that portion of it which relates to events of which he was an eye-witness is a valuable contribution to Florentine history. He died in 1385. Minerbetti's chronicles cover the period from M. di Coppo Stefani's death to 1410.* Gino Capponi, who wrote an account of the Rising of the Ciompi, belonged to one of the leading Florentine families and took an active part in public affairs. He was prior in 1396 and gonfalonier in 1401 and 1418.^ LuiGi Marsigli and Coluccio de' Salutati, though not the authors of any standard works, are deserving of mention for the parts they played in furthering the humanistic movement. In both of them Petrarch had aroused a passion for culture. Marsigli was the founder of a learned society that met at the convent of S. Spirito, in Florence, for the discussion of ethical and meta- physical questions. This was the first of those academies which did so much for the promotion of free thought and scholarship in 1 Garnett. 2 Burckhardt, p. 204. = Garnett, pp. 102, 214 ; Symonds, iv. 148-155. * Gino Capponi, ii. 232. ^ Symonds, i. 243, note. ART AND LITERATURE 1375-1406 217 Italy. Coluccio de' Salutati was the first public servant who utiUsed his scholarship in the service of the State. In 1375 (the year of Boccaccio's death) he became Chancellor of the Florentine Republic, "He introduced into public documents the gravity of style and melody of phrase he had learned in the school of classic rhetoricians," and Gian Galeazzo Visconti is said to have declared that Coluccio's despatches had done him more harm than a band of mercenaries.^ ' Symonds, ii. 104. CHAPTER XI 1406-1429 THE COUNCIL OF PISA — WARS WITH THE VISCONTI — FISCAL REFORMS — THE CATASTO THE Schism which originated in 1378 was still distracting the Church. Urban VI. died in 1389 and was succeeded by Boniface IX., who in his turn was succeeded, in 1404, by Gregory XII. On the death of the Anti-Pope Clement VII. in 1394, Benedict XIII. was elected in his place. Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. were now therefore the rival claimants to S. Peter's chair. Genuine efforts had been made by kings, cardinals, and universities to end a struggle which was agitating the mind of Christendom, but all had hitherto been defeated, partly by the rival pontiffs, who, while professing a desire for the reunion of the Church, were reluctant to relinquish the doubtful sweets of office, and partly by Ladislas, King of Naples, whose designs on Rome were furthered by the rupture. At length, in 1406, both Gregory and Benedict declared their willingness to resign, and negotiations commenced for settling the place and manner in which the cardinals of each faction should meet for the election of a new pope. Elaborate arrange- ments for a conference to be held at Savona between September 20th and November ist, 1407, were ultimately agreed upon, but when the latter day arrived Gregory failed to put in an appear- ance. The patience of the world, both lay and clerical, was now exhausted. Everyone was weary of a controversy which turned mainly on technicalities, and which had brought discredit on all concerned. Cardinals on both sides, ashamed of the subterfuges and patent insincerity of the pontiflf, whom they had supported, abandoned their allegiance, and determined to cut the Gordian knot by themselves convening a Council of the Church without the concurrence, if need be, of either pope or anti-pope. The 218 THE COUNCIL OF PISA 219 leader of this independent movement was Baldassare Cossa,i legate of Bologna, who by disposition and training was more of a pirate than a prelate. He at once set himself to enlist the active support of Florence. During the earlier years of the Schism Florence had preserved an attitude of cautious neutrahty. While giving a passive adherence to the pope, she had been care- ful not to quarrel with the anti-pope. She had, however, been prominent among the would-be peacemakers, caring very little how the dispute ended if only some settlement could be arrived at. She had urged Benedict to subordinate his private interests to those of Christendom, and, at the instance of Gregory, she had besought him to consent to the substitution of some other town for Savona as a place of meeting. She offered to allow a Council to be held anywhere within her territories except at Pisa, and even this reservation she subsequently withdrew.^ Early in 1408, in order to facilitate a conference between the two popes, she sent eight ambassadors to escort Gregory from Siena to Lucca, and defrayed the expenses of his journey. When he evinced an intention of proceeding no further she exhorted him "for the love of God and for his oath's sake" to perform his part of the agreement, and she gave him clearly to understand that she did not intend to allow matters to remain any longer as they were. Threats and entreaties were, however, equally un- availing, and Pope Gregory returned under a Florentine escort to Siena. Florence now realised that the Schism was not to be ended by mediation. Moreover, the ecclesiastical questions at issue had become overshadowed by pohtical considerations, and the struggle had assumed a form, which was dislocating civil and commercial affairs, and threatening the peace of Italy. King Ladislas had made himself master of Rome as well as of most of the papal states, and a haughty demand on his part to be allowed to send troops to convoy the pope from Lucca to Siena had almost involved Florence in war. The Signory, therefore, looked with favour on the action of the independent cardinals, and sanctioned the issue of summonses convening a general Council of the Church at Pisa. By so doing they in fact renounced their allegiance to Gregory, but they hesitated to proclaim their attitude without some authority. So, with the consent of the Grand Council, they called together one hundred and twenty theologians to whom the matter of > Afterwards John XXIII. ' Creighton, 214-219. 220 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE their allegiance was referred. This body, after deliberating for three days, declared Gregory XII. a heretic and schismatic and worthy of deposition.^ The Signory, therefore, at the instance of Cardinal Cossa, entered into a league with Siena for the protection of the Council against attacks from the King of Naples.^ These proceedings of the Signory provoked sharp remon- strances from King Ladislas, who could not hope to retain posses- sion of Rome unless confusion reigned in the Church. He demanded that the Council should be dissolved and threatened a resort to force. Florence refused to recognise his sovereignty over the States of the Church,^ and when he scornfully asked with what troops she would dispute it, her emissary Bartolommeo Valori replied, " With your own," a retort which Ladislas under- stood, as he well knew the power of Florentine gold.* Ladislas forthwith marched into Tuscany and devastated the country,^ but though he captured Cortona, his progress was stayed by the Florentine forces. Meanwhile the Council had been peacefully deliberating at Pisa. It was opened on March 25th and the attendance was imposing. Twenty-two cardinals, four patriarchs, twenty-four archbishops, one hundred and fifty-one bishops, and one hundred and eighty-nine abbots were present either personally or by proxy, besides generals of the great Orders, representatives of Chapters, and doctors of law and divinity. The kings of England, France, and many smaller States sent their ambassadors, and eleven Universities (including Oxford and Cambridge) were represented.^ The Council held twelve sessions, and on June 5th the deposition of both pope and anti-pope was pronounced. On June 26th the cardinals (of Benedict's and Gregory's obedience) severally elected as Pope, Pietro Philargi, who assumed the title of Alexander V. But the Schism was not yet at an end. Though much ingenuity and learning had been expended, the Council had failed to establish beyond question that it possessed the right ' Ammirato, iv. 412. 2 Creighton, i. 233. ' This was a change of front, as Florence had congratulated Ladislas on his entry into Rome (Creighton, i. 216). * Napier, iii. 30. ^ He was mockingly called by the peasantry the Guastagrano (King Corn- Destroyer). ° It was estimated that 10,000 strangers visited Pisa while the Council was sitting. THE COUNCIL OF PISA 221 of deposition, and its action had not met with universal approval. 1 Nor had it the power of enforcing its decision on the dissentients. Both pope and anti-pope had still followers who regarded the action of the Council as ultra vires. It had, therefore, but introduced another disturbing element into eccle- siastical affairs by setting up a third claimant for the papacy. Its impotence soon became apparent. To declare the rival popes schismatics was one thing, but to instal the pope of their choice at Rome and reinvest him with temporal authority was another. A league for this latter purpose was accordingly formed between Florence, Siena, Bologna, and Louis of Anjou, and an army (the bulk of which was Florentine) under Malatesta de' Malatesti was despatched against King Ladislas, who still held the States of the Church. These he had acquired by force, but in order to obtain a better title he had subsequently purchased them of the necessitous Gregory XII. for the absurdly inadequate sum of 25,000 florins. The League had, however, an ulterior object. The growing power of Ladislas was occasioning alarm among the independent Italian States, and the League intended, after dispossessing him of the papal territory, to aid Louis of Anjou in asserting his claim to the crown of Naples. The allied forces had little difficulty in recovering for Alex- ander V. Cortona, Orvieto, Viterbo, Corneto, and other less important places, and on October ist they appeared before Rome. They soon gained possession pf the Vatican and the castle of S. Angelo, but the city offered a stubborn resistance, and was not taken till January ist, 1410. On January 5th the Capitol surrendered, and by May ist the Neapolitan domination was extinguished. Valori's reply to Ladislas proved to have been no idle boast, for the capture of Rome was largely due to Paolo Orsini and his free-lances, who, for higher pay, had transferred their services from the King of Naples to the League. It was a proud day for Florence when she heard that the GigUo was floating from the walls of the Eternal City. Early in the year Pope Alexander had been importuned by the Florentines to proceed to Rome; but this did not accord with the designs of Cardinal Cossa, who went there alone, and soon made himself the most important personage in the Church. Alexander V. was never destined to take up his abode in the Vatican, for he died on May 3rd, and on May 1 7th the masterful ^ Creighton, i. 256. 222 A HISTORV Oi* i'LORENCE legate of Bologna was elected in his. stead. Baldassare Cossa assumed the title of John XXIII., and he at once identified himself with the cause of Louis of Anjou. Florence, however, was desirous of putting an end to the League, as the power of Ladislas was broken for a time, and the costly wars in which she had been engaged during the last twenty years were telling on her finances. Accordingly, with the astuteness that characterised so much of her diplomacy, she accomplished the difificult task of concluding peace with Ladislas without provoking the hos- tiUty of John XXIII. Under the terms of the treaty Cortona was ceded to Florence on payment of 60,000 florins. The treaty with Ladislas came into operation on February ist, 141 1, but it did not long restrain his adventurous spirit. In 141 3 his movements once more gave Florence good grounds for alarm. Ever since his elevation to the papacy misfortune had attended John XXIII. He found to his surprise that Cossa the pope was less powerful than Cossa the legate. He was without money or reputation, deserted by his generals, and distrusted by his friends. Under a flimsy pretext, Ladislas violated a compact that he had entered into with the Pope, invaded the papal territory, and recaptured Rome. The Pope fled to Florence, but the Signory, fearing to offend Ladislas, refused to admit him within the city walls, and only allowed him to lodge in the monastery of S. Antonio, outside the Porta San Gallo. The Florentines gained as httle as they deserved by this act of inhospitality, as Ladislas collected an army for the invasion of Tuscany. He marched as far as Assisi, and when there Florence concluded a treaty with him, which was obviously but a postponement of approaching danger. Now that Rome had fallen, the only opposition which he had to dread was that of Florence, and it was evident that he was intent on humbling her.i But all fear was removed in a few weeks by "one who was always more friendly to Florence than any other friend."^ On August 6th, 1414, Ladislas died at Naples, probably from malignant fever; but rumour attributed his death — as it did that of Henry of Luxemburg and Gian-Galeazzo Visconti — to poison, administered by the agents of the Florentine govern- ment. These rumours must be rejected for want of evidence; but it is not a little remarkable that on three several occasions, ^ Creighton, i. 283. " Machiavelli, p. 150. CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES 223 when Florence was in imminent peril, Death should have come to her rescue " in the very nick of time." The death of Ladislas, however, occurred too late to be of service to John XXIII., who, after his expulsion from Rome, feeling the helplessness of his position, obtained a promise of aid from Sigismund, the titular king of the Romans, on condition that another attempt should be made to end the Schism by calling a General Council. The Pope reluctantly consented, and a Council was summoned to meet at Constance. It was opened on November sth, 1414, and during its session, which lasted three years, it obtained the abdication of Gregory XII., deposed both Benedict XIII. and John XXIII., and on November nth, 141 7, it elected Pope Martin V.i During the last quarter of a century Florence had certainly been playing a brilliant role. She had thwarted the schemes of two aspirants to the crown of Italy, she had striven to restore unity to the Church, she had added Pisa and Cortona to her dominions, and for a few days the capital of the world had been subject to her troops. But these successes had not rendered her government more stable. They had involved a heavy ex- penditure, and her citizens were groaning under increased taxation and murmuring at the policy that had occasioned it. As usual, the Florentine mind flew to legislation as the panacea for every ill. In 141 1 two new Councils ^ were established, by which all questions involving peace or war had to be approved by a large majority before they could be even submitted to the existing Councils. Nevertheless before six months had elapsed Florence was involved in a little war with Genoa, and, although it seems to have been constitutionally sanctioned, the Consiglio del Popolo and Consiglio del Comune refused to authorise a loan to be raised for its expenses, so the Signory put a guard at the doors of the council chambers, and kept the members im- prisoned until the necessary funds had been voted. This shameless violation of law evoked some private censure, but no one dared to publicly impeach its authors. The power of the dreaded Albizzi faction was still absolute, although it was usually veiled under constitutional forms. But much dis- satisfaction existed, which, though generally latent, sometimes ' He belonged to the great Roman house of Colonna. 2 They were called "The One Hundred and Thirty-one" and "The Two Hundred." 224 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE manifested itself in plots for the overthrow of the oligarchy who ruled the State.^ No less than three such plots were discovered about this time and put down with a high hand. One of them led to the virtual extinction of the great house of Alberti, every member of which was exiled. The spirit of insubordination was thus checked for a time, and during the next five years (1412-1416) Florence enjoyed an un- wonted immunity from civil discord. Nor was she disturbed by wars or rumours of wars. Ladislas was dead ; John XXIII. was, much against his will, fully occupied at Constance ; and the Visconti dynasty, though rapidly regaining power, was not yet strong enough to menace Tuscany. The years 14 15 and 1416 may be taken as among the most tranquil and prosperous in the history of Florence. But her prosperity was roughly ended in 141 7 by the appearance of the plague, which carried off 16,000 of her inhabitants. Old Maso, the head of the great house of Albizzi, the despotic leader of the Guelph aristocrats, and one of Florence's wealthiest citizens, died in this year, but whether from the plague or from old age is uncertain.^ His life had been a strangely chequered one. In his early manhood he had been driven into exile, and had seen the execution of his uncle Piero and the destruction of the family mansion. But he returned to Florence after the revolution of 1382, and ever since Fortune had smiled on him. His influence steadily increased until he became, as has been seen, almost an uncrowned king. With all their faults, these old Guelph leaders, of whom Maso degli Albizzi was an illustrious example, are deserving of some admiration. Their rule was at times as tyrannous as that of any despot. They were entirely without scruple as to the means by which they maintained their authority. They were merciless in their treatment of vanquished rivals. They often misused constitutional forms for the gratification of ambition or revenge. But withal they laboured unceasingly for what they believed to be the good of the State, and the glorious position which Florence occupies in the pages of European history is largely due to their energy and foresight.^ ' It comprised Maso degli Albizzi, Niccol6 da Uzzano, Bartolommeo Valori, Nerone Dietisalvi, Neri and Gino Capponi, and Lapo Niccolini (Napier iii. 48). 2 Ammirato, v. 46. * Giovanni Morelli (Ricordi, p. 73) questions the patriotism of the Albizzi faction, alleging that they promoted war for private gain. This may be tiue of a few individuals, but not of the party generally. 0^ ■3 O 00 - 3 "- 1-1 '^ m § IP "o « II o .» s '^£^ ^-6 ? "S II j<; H c« O N 00 J2T3 O a a _ bj .. S 9-1 O 01 ,13 - .2 -OH C.H S« d dale Ifi rina olini ■a " a; Srtdg lU 'iH « O C.T! 00 00 0- O o C .t! o > fH 3 t-t N n-l "<« «J O 4, : O Ch o C u 0*0 li 5 s (U at § « S B — a frt hi d1 01 ■m O C •« 0) V rt « > ^ .3 & .S3 »j^ O 0> "3 ^ a o f» " G ^ to ""^^ -?s 2 ^^ vr— o ^. u )-* ^ i> .2 ^^Sf « 1 f^ ON *s, .*-» „ 'O o cc^^ a §• g.2.2 >« rt'S Z i SJ 4J 4) O J^ l&H-ll-lUll! 226 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE In the same year that Maso degli Albizzi died Martin V. was elected Pope. The Council of Constance was as powerless to improve his temporal position as was the Council of Pisa to improve that of Alexander V. Rome was held by Francesco Sforza for Joanna II. of Naples, and the new Pope was home- less. The Signory, thinking no doubt that they would thereby earn his gratitude, which under altered circumstances might become valuable, invited him, when the Council was ended, to take up his abode in Florence. The invitation was accepted, and Pope Martin arrived at the monastery of San Salvi,^ about a mile outside the Porte S. Croce, on February 25th, 1419. On the following day^ he was escorted into Florence, mounted on a white palfrey, with much pomp, by all the chief officers of the State, accompanied by a long procession of cardinals, nobles, representatives of the Arti, and others, all in magnificent attire. After taking part in a ceremony at the Cathedral he proceeded to the monastery of S. Maria Novella, where apartments had been prepared for his reception at a cost of 1,500 florins. The most important incident that occurred during his stay in Florence was the arrival of Baldassare Cossa, the deposed Pope John XXIII. After his flight from Constance, Cossa had been imprisoned, and about this time he was in the custody of Louis of Bavaria. He was nevertheless an object of dread to Martin, who desired to get him into his hands. So the Florentines, in the interests of peace and wishing to please Martin, arranged the matter. Giovanni de' Medici and Niccolb da Uzzano, who had been on friendly terms with Cossa when legate of Bologna, having obtained a promise from the Pope that he would deal gently with Cossa, furnished 38,000 ducats for his ransom and obtained his release. It needed much persuasion to induce Cossa to entrust himself to the mercy of Pope Martin, but the confidence inspired by his friends' assurances was not misplaced. On June 27th he made a humble submission to Martin V. in full consistory, which was graciously received, and the Pope placed a cardinal's hat on his head.' His misfortunes aroused pity, and he was treated with kindness.* But he did not long enjoy the hospitality of the Florentines, as he died on December 22nd, 1419, six months after his arrival. A tomb of exceptional beauty in the Baptistery at Florence, executed by Donatello and Michelozzo, 1 The place where Corso Donati met with his death. " Ammirato, v. 51. * Creighton, ii. 9. * Ammirato, v. 53. POPE MARTIN V. IN FLORENCE 227 was erected by his friends to his memory. It bears the simple inscription " Johannes quondam Papa XXIII., obit Florentise." Another incident, trifling in itself, but not without serious consequences, occurred in the year 1420. Andrea Braccio da Montone, more generally known as Braccio de' Fortebracci, an adventurous condottiere, who had recently made himself lord of his native city of Perugia, had taken advantage of the confusion that prevailed in Rome, while the Council of Constance was sitting, to seize the government of that city. He had been forced to abandon it by his great rival Francesco Sforza, but he was now engaged in attempting its recovery. Before Martin V. could enter Rome it was necessary that Braccio should be con- ciliated, and for that object he was invited to Florence. He made his entry into the city with an escort of four hundred horsemen, gleaming in gold and silver armour and mounted on richly caparisoned steeds. The pageant-loving Florentines were greatly impressed with the grandeur of the spectacle, and re- ceived him with enthusiastic acclamation. To their practical minds the successful warrior was more deserving of honour than the landless pope, and they were imprudent enough not to conceal their opinion. The popular feeling found expression in a doggerel rhyme which was sung by the Florentine gamins, and which unfortunately reached the Pope's ears : — " Braccio valente Vince ogni gente ; II Papa Martino Non vale un quattrino."' The Pope made no secret of his displeasure, which all the tact and eloquence of Leonardo Bruni, the learned Florentine Secretary, was unable to remove. With a pettiness unworthy of the great house of Colonna, Martin allowed this paltry im- pertinence to rankle in his mind, and it influenced his conduct towards Florence for some years to come. But on his departure on September 9th, 1420, he thought it advisable to disguise his ill-will, and he converted the bishopric of Florence into an arch- bishopric. An impetus was given to the trade of Florence about this time by the acquisition of Leghorn, which was purchased from ^ " Brave Braccio conquers every state ; Pope Martin is not worth a farthing." Another version is nn lupino (a bean) for un quattrino (Gino Capponi, ii. 138). 228 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE the Genoese for the sum of 100,000 florins. The number of Florentine merchant ships was increased, a direct trade with Alexandria was opened, and a Board called " The Six Consuls of the Sea " was established and ordered to reside at Pisa. And yet another trivial event must be noticed, for it was destined to have a portentous influence on Florence in the not very distant future. This was the election of Giovanni de' Medici,^ in the year 142 1, to the post of gonfalonier. The election did not take place without opposition. Ever since the days of the Ciompi riots, when Salvestro de' Medici had suc- cessfully led the people to revolt against the Guelph oligarchy, no member of the family had been allowed to hold office in the State. It was now urged by Niccolb da Uzzano, who since the death of Maso degli Albizzi had become the foremost man in Florence,^ that the family of Medici were so powerful in conse- quence of their enormous wealth and great popularity, that it would be unsafe to allow them any share in the government, lest they should revenge themselves on those who had excluded them from office during the past forty-three years. He insisted that Giovanni was a far abler man than Salvestro, and pointed out that it was easy to nip an evil in the bud, but difficult to remove it when full blown. But the sage counsel of Niccolb (possibly because some of his party were jealous of his influence) was disregarded.^ Had it been adopted, and persistently acted on, the growing power of the house of the Medici might have been repressed and the whole drift of Florentine history altered. So Giovanni was chosen Gonfalonier of Justice and the Medici family was launched on its upward course. He had two sons then living — Cbsimo and Lorenzo. The former (hereafter to be known as Pater Patrice) became the grandfather of Lorenzo the Magnificent and the great-grandfather of two popes; and the latter was the ancestor of the line of Grand Dukes who reigned in Florence from 1573 to 1737. The repose which Florence had been enjoying was now at an end. In the previous year (1420) a little cloud had showed itself on the political horizon, which, as many a long-headed Florentine * See Pedigree of the Medici, ante, p. 1 14. ^ Maso's son Rinaldo doubtless regarded the leadership of the aristocratic party as his by inheritance, and resented the influential position which Niccol6's age and experience gave him. This is probably the explanation of the divisions among the party which certainly existed at this time. ^ Ammirato, v. 67. WAR WITH THE VISCONTI , 229 knew, boded a coining storm. It came in the form of an embassy from Filippo-Maria Visconti, desiring a formal ratifica- tion of a peace, which had been tacitly maintained between him- self and Florence almost since the death of Galeazzo Maria. For many years he had been actively engaged in repairing the fortunes of the Visconti family, of which he was now sole repre- sentative. By a cautious and thoroughly unscrupulous policy, aided by his wife's dowry and the military talent of the great condottiere Francesco Carmagnuola, he had succeeded in re- covering almost the whole of the Lombard portion of his father's principality. He was now turning his attention to Genoa, and before taking active steps for its acquisition he desired to secure the neutrality of Florence. His designs were clear enough to Gino Capponi, Niccolo da Uzzano, and other experienced states- men, who strenuously exhorted the Signory not to allow their hands to be tied while Filippo was extending his territory. Their eloquence was, however, unheeded, a treaty between the RepubUc and Filippo-Maria was concluded, and before the end of the year he had added Genoa and Brescia to his dominions. It was abundantly clear that he was playing the same game as his father, and the Signory now realising that, in spite of the treaty, war was not far off, engaged the services of the condottiere Andrea Braccio da Montone, whose reputation was now at its height. In the following year the eyes of the blindest must have been opened when the news arrived that Filippo-Maria had possessed himself of Forli.^ The position of the government was nevertheless a difficult one, as there was a powerful peace party, headed by Giovanni de' Medici ; and Pope Martin V. (who had not forgotten the doggerel verse) sided with Visconti. But the war party carried the day, and the Signory, having appointed the two Boards known as the " Ten of War " and the " Ten of Peace," an army under Pandolfo Malatesta was despatched for the recovery of Forh.^ The second campaign against the Visconti was, in many respects, a counterpart of the first. Once more the Florentines met with terrible reverses, but once more they were able for a time to check the progress of the Milanese forces. ' The Florentines had a special interest in Forli, as its lords, the Ordelafifi, had made themselves raccomandati, i.e. had placed themselves under the pro- tection of Florence. ^ The curious law providing for the appointment, in the event of war, of these two Boards was passed in 1415. The functions of the former are obvious, but what were those of the latter is unknown (TroUope, ii. 420). 230 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE And once more success ultimately attended their efforts through the tardy awakening of Venice to a sense of her own danger. In 1423 Imola was taken by Visconti; the Florentine forces were vanquished in 1424 at Zagonara, in 1425 at Valdilamone, in 1426 at Anghiari, and in the same year they sustained the most crushing defeat at Faggiuola. Many of these disasters arose from the fooUsh interference by the " Ten of War " with the plans of their generals. The dismay in Florence, after the reverse at Zagonara, was enhanced by the fall of one of the porphyry columns outside the Baptistery,^ which the populace regarded as an omen boding extraordinary evil ; and the panic after the battle of Faggiuola occasioned a financial crisis, which involved the failure of eight great mercantile firms, including that of Palla Strozzi. Then it was that Venice entered into an alliance with Florence and the tide of fortune at once turned. Within a few months Filippo-Maria was constrained to conclude a treaty of peace (Dec. 30th, 1426) under which Brescia was ceded to Milan and Florence acquired some valuable mercantile privileges. But, as all the world knew, the word of Visconti was worthless, and having gained a breathing-space, he resumed the war in the following year. This campaign was terminated in October by a battle fought near Cremona, and Visconti concluded a peace on terms still more humiliating than those of the previous year. These two wars had cost Florence 3,500,000 florins,^ but in the opinion of many it had not been money thrown away. But for her action, it is probable that Italy would have become united under a single ruler. It is idle to speculate whether or not she had been in truth a national benefactor. It may be, that if the numerous states into which the peninsula was divided had then been consolidated, Italy would have escaped the foreign invasions and enslavement, from which she suffered during succeeding centuries, and from which she has only recently emerged. But it must be remembered that Patriotism in its fullest sense^ was almost unknown in Italy at this time, and it is impossible to with- hold our admiration of Florence for the gallantry with which she preserved her independence. There were, however, a large number of Florentines, especially among the lower orders, with whom the war was unpopular, ^ See ante, p. 12. '•' Gino Capponi, ii. 178. " As it had been previously understood by Dante and as it was subsequently understood by Machiavelli. FISCAL REFORMS 231 and who, towards its close, were murmuring loudly at the in- creased burden of taxation that it had entailed. But their grievance was not so much at the amount of taxes that they were called upon to pay, as the iniquitous system by which they were levied. Until 1336 no difficulties had been experienced by the government in raising money, for while the ordinary expenditure of the commune was some 40,000 florins, its revenue had reached 300,000. The surplus, when not required for war or other extraordinary expenditure, was employed in the erection of magnificent public buildings or in making provision against famines. The revenue was up to this date raised entirely by customs and duties on contracts called gabelle. But, in 1336, the expenses of the war with Mastino della Scala (which cost 600,000 florins) could not be met by means of the gabelle, and recourse was had to a new system. A national debt was created which was raised by forced loans, called Frestanze^ and thenceforth all extraordinary expenditure was defrayed by this means. The distribution of this impost among the several classes was a matter of much difficulty, and was one of the chief causes of discontent among the lower orders. When a Frestanza was about to be demanded, seven assessments of the amount which each individual ought, having regard to his supposed means, to pay, were made independently. These assessments were then compared, the two highest and two lowest were rejected, and the sums appearing in the remaining three were averaged. The very poor were exempt, but every other individual was required to pay the amount thus arrived at by a certain day, and if he failed to do so, his name was entered in a book called the specchio (looking-glass). Such an entry carried with it various penalties, chief among which was disqualification for any public office, and forfeiture of all right to obtain redress for any wrong in a court of justice.^ Thus a citizen who did not possess what was called nettezza di specchio was precluded from taking part in public life, and a citizen who possessed it was said to be netto di specchio (i.e. clear of the black list). If a citizen who was drawn for office was not netto di specchio, the paper bearing his name was torn up {stracciato), and hence all such were called stracciati. The specchio was an invention of Benedetto degli Alberti, and was ' Said to be derived from Prtestagium. ^ Any purchaser of property from one whose name was on the specchio became liable for all arrears of taxes due from the vendor. 232 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE a device to make the grandi pay their taxes for very shame, as in his day they did not fraudulently evade payment of a portion, but insolently refused to pay all that was due. In 1421 the Albizzi faction procured the passing of a law enacting that the names of all who had failed to pay their share of the prestanze, should be placed on the specchio, which thus became an instrument in their hands for repressing thepopolo minuio. They were, how- ever, soon hoist with their own petard, for the rich members of the popular party paid up all arrears of taxation due from their friends or those whose support they desired, and thus restored to them their political jirivileges. Both Giovanni de' Medici and his son Cosimo largely augmented their influence and popularity by this means. It was no doubt the intention of those, who framed this elaborate system of levying Prestanze, that it should effect a fair distribution of the public burdens, but it had been administered by the upper classes in their own interests. The people had from time to time repeatedly demanded new and more equitable valuation lists, and this had been one of the demands of the Ciompi. The unjust exoneration of the rich from their due share of taxation became more apparent, as the inequality in the distribution of wealth increased, and it became intolerable when the wars with the Visconti necessitated the raising of Prestanze of unprecedented amounts. Although at the time of which we are speaking (1426) the grandi contributed to the exchequer amounts which were glaringly inadequate, they had the impudence to defend an abuse by which they so largely profited. They alleged with some plausibility, that those who neglected private for public business ought not to be expected to contribute, in the same proportion, as those who devoted their whole time to their own concerns. The people answered, with force and irony, that they had not noticed that the fortunes of the wealthy office- bearers had suffered through neglect of their private affairs, and there were plenty of citizens willing to relieve them of their public duties. It appears, at first sight, surprising that the people should have submitted to so manifest an injustice without an appeal to force, but it did not press so severely on the operatives, who were ever ready to fly to arms, as on the shopkeepers and small traders, on whom riot or insurrection might have brought heavy losses. The demands for a removal of the abuse, however, became so menacing after the last Milanese war, that the next Prestanza FISCAL REFORMS 233 was levied more equitably than heretofore. Though this act of justice was tardy, the indignation of the aristocratic party was great, and some of them not only refused to pay the amounts in which they had been assessed, but treated the collectors with violence. Consequently the government gave orders that the collection should be made by force — a direction which nearly provoked civil strife, "it being impossible for great men, accus- tomed to be treated with respect, to endure to have hands laid upon them," as Machiavelli naively remarks.^ That such an order should have been given is significant. It shows that old Niccolb da Uzzano's advice to his friends, when he urged them to prevent Giovanni de' Medici's election as gonfalonier, was, from a party point of view, sound. The Albizzi faction had been over-confident and had relaxed their efforts to exclude opponents from office, in consequence of which the popular party, under Medicean guidance, had obtained a strong foot- hold in the government. It now became clear to the aristocracy that some decisive step must be taken, or their power would be at an end. Accordingly, when their position was strengthened by the election of a friend, Lorenzo Ridolfi, to the office of gonfalonier, seventy of their leading members assembled in the church of Santo Stefano to discuss the situation. The proceedings were opened by Rinaldo degli Albizzi. Calvalcanti puts into his mouth a speech which extends over fifteen pages, and breathes a spirit of unmitigated contempt for the classes beneath him.^ After reviewing the history of Florence during the past forty years, he is made to lament the dissensions in his party, and to implore his hearers to sink all differences of opinion, which had been the root of the present mischief. The remedy he suggested was that the Arti Minori should be reduced in number from fourteen to seven, and that the share in the government held by the sup- pressed guilds should be handed over to the Arti Maggiori and persons of independent means {sctoperati). On the pretence of a secret expedition he said the city might be occupied by 2,000 or 3,000 infantry, and the necessary reforms voted " under cover of the sword." By such means " these hawkers may be ^ Machiavelli, p. 1 58. Nor has Ammirato a word of blame for the grandi (TroUope, ii. 470). ^ In Machiavelli (p. 158) and Ammirato (v. 118) the rejjorts of his speech are much briefer. The language there attributed to him is more moderate. All these reports are probably fictitious. 234 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE dismissed to their peddling, and gain a living for their families by a total exclusion from public honours."^ The speech met with unanimous approval, but Niccolb da Uzzano urged that Rinaldo's proposal could not possibly be carried out without the concurrence of Giovanni de' Medici. The meeting finally adopted Niccolb's counsel, and Rinaldo was deputed to approach Giovanni on the matter. He endeavoured to persuade Giovanni that unless he separated himself from the popular party its in- solence would be the ruin of the city and the government.^ But Giovanni was not to be cajoled by Rinaldo's specious arguments. Whatever were his motives, his conduct was in accordance with the dictates of justice and common sense. He urged on Rinaldo that the resolution passed at the Santo Stefano meeting could only lead to mischief; that nothing was more injurious to a state than violent constitutional changes; that the present government was strong enough to repress all dis- order; and he cautioned Rinaldo to take warning by the example of Benedetto degli Alberti. He maintained that an unjust system of taxation was the cause of the present discon- tent, and he promised to remedy the evil. When the aristocratic party found that Giovanni de' Medici was not to be won over they prudently abandoned Rinaldo's project; but they deter- mined to humble the Medici family, for though they did not distrust Giovanni they feared his more ambitious son Cosimo. They made an unsuccessful attempt to oust from the office of Chancellor one Martino Martini, who was a loyal supporter of the Medici, and disorders would probably have followed had not the recent defeats of the army occupied public attention.^ Giovanni was urged by his party (as his relatives Vieri and Salvestro de' Medici had been before him) to take the govern- ment of the State into his own hands, but he declined their overtures as decidedly as he had done those of Rinaldo degli Albizzi. The resolution passed at the Santo Stefano meeting defeated its own end, for when it became known it not only rendered the Albizzi faction more unpopular than they were before, but Giovanni's opposition to it so increased his influence that he ' From a passage in his speech, as given by Cavalcanti, it seems that the remnant of the old nobility who were living in Florence were still disfran- chised. 2 Machiavelli, 159. ' Ibid., 160. THE CATASTO 235 was enabled to remodel the system of levying forced loans without difficulty.! The new system of taxation now introduced was known as the Catasto^ from the book in which the names of all the taxpayers, with a description and value of the property owned by each, were entered. After the name of each person was added his age, profession or trade, state of health, and the number of his family. If he was in business the value of his stock-in-trade, book debts, and liabilities were also recorded. In assessing the amount on which each individual was to be taxed, many deductions were made from the gross value of his property, such as rent, keep of horses, and 200 florins of capital for every person whom he was bound to maintain. The sum thus arrived at was charged with half a florin on every 100 florins, and the amount so levied was called a decima, because it repre- sented one-tenth of the income which the rateable property of an individual would yield him at five per cent.^ Every citizen was required to make a complete return of his possessions, and any property fraudulently omitted from such return was liable to confiscation.* The assessments were subject to a triennial re- vision, and no one could be excused payment of any part of the sum due from him under the list, for the time being in force, without the sanction of the Grand Council. The Catasto worked smoothly, and it was a great boon to the large majority of citizens. There is no doubt that it still further increased the popularity of the Medici family. Perhaps, how- ever, the facilities with which taxes ^ were levied under it were too great, for the decima soon came to be regarded as the unit of taxation, and as much as fifty per cent, of income was once paid in eleven months. Between 1427 and 1430 the loans thus raised amounted to 1,459,000 florins, and between 1430 and 1453 no less than 4,875,000 florins were collected from seventy- 1 The new system was devised by Filippo Ghiacceteo (Napier, iii. 125), but it was probably passed by Giovanni de Medici's influence (Machiavelli, p. 162). See, however, Gino Capponi, ii. 179. ^ From Accatastare, to heap together or collect. ^ Napier, iii. 127 ; TroUope, ii. 482. Both these authors derive their information from Pagnini's treatise Delia Decima. * The return was made to a Board of Ten, whose duties were somewhat analogous to those of our Income Tax Commissioners. '' The moneys raised under the Catasto I have spoken of as " taxes," be- cause they were compulsory payments ; but it should be remembered that they bore interest and were repayable. None the less they were very burdensome (Pagnini's Delia Decima, 1765, i. 33, 34). 236 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE seven families alone. This enormous drain on the finances of the community soon told on its prosperity, for the moneys so raised were taken from trade, where they yielded a much higher rate of interest than that paid by the government.^ On February 20th, 1429, Giovanni de' Medici died. When on his deathbed he is reported to have made a set oration to his two sons, Cosimo and Lorenzo, containing many sage counsels, which has been accepted as genuine by many historians, but it does not strike on the modern ear with a ring of truth.^ It is not a httle remarkable how strongly the Medici family seem to have possessed a power of attraction and repulsion, which has not lost its effect even in modern times. Consequently very opposite estimates of their characters were formed by con- temporary historians, and but few recent authors write of them in a judicial spirit.' Nor was Giovanni, who may be regarded as the real founder of his family's greatness, any exception. Accord- ing to Cavalcanti, Machiavelli, and Ammirato, he was large- hearted and large-minded, courteous, generous, and charitable in every sense of the word, for he aided the rich when in mis- fortune as well as the poor, and he dispensed his alms with a delicate consideration for the feelings of those whom he relieved. He commended the virtuous, but he was compassionate to the erring. He was not eloquent, but he was possessed of a fund of common sense. He held aloof from political intrigues, and though he never sought for office or public honours, they were thrust upon him. But Bruto * and Tinucci,^ on the other hand, ascribe his every action to a subtle and deep-laid design to elevate his family by insidiously undermining the freedom of the State, and maintain that his virtues were all assumed for the same purpose. Had it been alleged that personal aggrandise- ment was his aim, there would have been more to have been said for the theory that he was an arch-dissimulator. But his own popularity he could not transmit to his descendants. It may be suggested that he intended to teach his children how to rise by ' Pagnini's Delia Decivia (1765), i. 33. The system of raising moneys for ordinary expenditure by Gabelle, and for extraordinary expenditure by the Catasto, remained in force till 1494. In 1495 the deciina was converted into a property tax, which was not repayable. ^ The speech is given at length by Cavalcanti (vide Napier, iii. 136), by Ammirato (vol. v. p. 145), and in an abridged form by Machiavelli (p. 164). ' To Roscoe they are angels, while to Sismondi and Perrens every Medici is a devil. 4 storia Fiorenlina, lib. i. p. 25. * Confessione. Cited by Napier, iii. 138. GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI 237 his own example. If so he was teaching them no ignoble lesson, for the power which he had legitimately acquired he ever used to moderate party passions, which had for centuries been the bane of Florentine politics. There is, indeed, no tittle of evidence that he curtailed or endangered the freedom of the State. On the contrary, he freed the poor from unjust taxation, and he curbed the power of the Albizzi faction, who had ever shown themselves the real enemies of liberty. It is strong testimony to his integrity and disinterestedness that his old political rival Niccolb da Uzzano spoke of him after his death with unstinted admiration. Giovanni de' Medici was buried in the church of San Lorenzo, which, after its destruction by fire in 141 7, had been rebuilt at his expense. Had he lived but a few years longer it is probable that the west front would not have remained in its present un- sightly condition. CHAPTER XII 1429-1434 THE EXILE AND RECALL OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI — ART AND LITERATURE (1406-I434) COSIMO DE' MEDICI, Giovanni's eldest son, now be- comes the chief centre of interest, and for thirty out of the next thirty-five years Florentine history is inseparably con- nected with the story of his life. In sagacity he was perhaps his father's equal, but he had not, at least at this time, his father's caution, and he had throughout his life more than his father's ambition. His career, in consequence, was more chequered and more brilliant. Political life in Florence was still distracted by passion and intrigue, but the old party names, Guelph, Ghibelline, Grandi, Popolo grasso, Popolo minuto were disappearing. The city was now divided into two factions, the one aristocratic and the other democratic. But the popular party included some wealthy families, such as the Medici, as well as members of the aristocracy who for some personal reasons had separated them- selves from their relations. As we have seen, the aristocratic party was led by Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Niccolb da Uzzano — two men of very opposite temperaments — while Cosimo de' Medici found himself, by a process of natural selection, the leader of the people. His two chief advisers were his headstrong cousin Averardo, and Puccio Pucci, a man of humble birth, but of great ability. For a brief space these two parties became partially fused by a common object, which indirectly arose out of an insurrection at Volterra where the unpopularity of the catasto had occasioned an attempt to throw off the Florentine yoke.^ A little army was despatched to enforce obedience under the command of Niccol6 Fortebraccio, a nephew of Andrea Braccio, ' The extension of the catasto to the dependencies of Florence, in spite of Giovanni de' Medici's opposition, had been carried by Niccolo da Uzzano and his party, who desired to make it unpopular. 238 EXILE OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 239 and Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi were sent with him as commissioners.^ The revolt was easily suppressed, and would have been hardly worth mention but for a collateral consequence, Fortebraccio and Rinaldo were thrown much together while military operations were going on outside Volterra, and during this companionship they hatched between them a scheme for the conquest of Lucca.^ They had, no doubt, different ends in view. Fortebraccio desired only employment for his troop; Rinaldo hoped that if this coveted addition to Florentine terri- tory was effected by his instrumentality, he would become so popular that he would be able to make himself lord of his native city. Accordingly, on the flimsy pretext of a debt due to his late uncle Andrea, Fortebraccio crossed the Lucchese border, captured two castles, and committed other acts of hostility. Events turned out as Rinaldo anticipated. The news of Forte- braccio's successes reawakened in the Florentines a desire to possess themselves of Lucca, and the very party who had been advocating peace for some forty years were now clamouring for war as loudly as Rinaldo and his followers. There was, how- ever, a small but thoughtful minority of the old war party, who counselled peace. At the head of these was Niccolb da Uzzano, who urged, before an assembly of the three Councils, that an attack on the friendly city of Lucca would not only be unjust, but would probably involve Florence in another costly war with Milan. His words of wisdom were, however, disregarded, and the proposal for war was carried by a large majority. Forte- braccio was appointed commander of the Florentine army, and Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Astorre Gianni were named as com- missioners. The war brought on Florence nothing but discredit and disaster. Before long both commissioners were superseded. Gianni was recalled for his treacherous and cruel treatment of the peaceable inhabitants of the fertile valley of Serravezza, and Rinaldo, on being accused of having managed the war so as " to fill his own pastures with other people's cattle and furnish his own houses with other people's goods," threw up his commission.^ Whether the charge was true or trumped up by his enemies to do him ' Ammirato, v. 151. TroUope, without stating his authority, gives the name of Niccol6 da Uzzano in lieu of that of Palla Strozzi, * Machiavelli, p. 156. ' Hid., p. 171. 24b A HISTORY OF FLORENCE an injury it is impossible to say. He was an avaricious man, but he was playing for a higher prize than wealth.'^ After the siege had been carried on unsuccessfully for many months, a childish attempt was made to flood the city by diverting the waters of the river Serchio. Its execution was entrusted to the great architect Filippo Brunelleschi, whose reputation will hardly be enhanced from having countenanced a scheme, which cost the Republic 40,000 florins, and not only failed to effect its object, but drowned the Florentine army out of their camp. The war languished on into the summer of 1430 without any result, save a drain on the Florentine finances. So great was the scarcity of money, that the government permitted Jews to take up their residence in Florence, and to receive twenty per cent, for loans. And now that happened which Niccolb da Uzzano had predicted. Francesco Sforza, acting under secret instructions from Filippo-Maria Visconti, marched to Lucca at the head of his troop, and compelled the Florentines to raise the siege. He was soon bribed to withdraw, and the siege was renewed, but Filippo- Maria contrived to furnish Lucca with covert aid. At the end of the year, however, he threw off the mask of neutrality, where- upon Florence and Venice declared war against him for breach of his undertaking not to meddle with Tuscan affairs. Throughout 1432 an indecisive war was waged between the allied forces and the Duke of Milan, in Tuscany, in Lombardy, and, at sea, near the shores of Genoa.^ At last, by the intervention of Pope Eugenius IV. (who had succeeded Florence's old enemy Martin V. in 143 1), the contending parties agreed to put an end to the struggle. Peace was concluded on May loth, 1433, and as usual Venice was the only one of the contracting parties who secured any substantial advantage. Florence gained nothing, while she had enormously added to her indebtedness. Had her losses, however, been even greater than they were, she would have deserved no commiseration. Without a shadow of pretext ^ According to Bruto and Tinucci, Rinaldo was conducting the war successfully, and his resignation was the result of Medicean intrigue (Napier, iii. 1 52), but both of these historians are untrustworthy when speaking of the Medici (Sismondi, viii. 293, note). Both represent Cosimo de' Medici as playing a very despicable game at this time, but Gino Capponi (vol. ii. p. 207) rejects their stories. Bruto repeated the gossip of the Florentine exiles at Lyons, where he was living. 2 The Venetian forces were commanded by Carmagnuola, whose fidelity was again suspected. He was summoned to Venice and executed as a traitor on May ist, 1432. EXILE OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 241 she had made war on a friendly state, and its conduct had been characterised by incompetence, inhumanity, and treachery. Meanwhile the domestic affairs of Florence were far from satisfactory. The truce between the two factions which existed at the opening of the war was of short duration, and before its close party spirit was as virulent as ever. The military ex- perience of the aristocratic party necessarily threw the chief conduct of the war into their hands, and this was in itself a cause of offence to their opponents. There were unquestionably solid grounds for impugning the management of the war, and the leaders of the popular party would have had a good case had they contented themselves with exposing the mistakes and mis- conduct of the executive, but they " artfully and assiduously calumniated" those in authority j "they exaggerated what was true, they invented what was false, and charges true and false were believed by the people who hated those against whom they were made."i These malignant proceedings Machiavelli attributes to Averardo de' Medici, and he expressly exonerates Cosimo. But it was Cosimo and not Averardo with whom the aristocracy were exasperated, and whose ruin they set themselves to compass. They privately sought the advice of Niccolo da Uzzano as to how they could best effect their object, but he viewed their design with disfavour, and it was for a time relinquished.^ Not long afterwards Niccolb da Uzzano died, and Florence lost one of the wisest and most upright statesmen that she had ever possessed. Amid all the intrigues and petty rivalries which form so large a part of Florentine history, it is refreshing to meet with a leading citizen who was almost invariably actuated by disinterested motives. He took a large and sane view of every situation. The soundness of his judgment had given him a vast influence, which he always used in opposing unjust wars and in controUing party passions. Even nobles who did not recognise him as their leader feared to take a decided ^ Machiavelli, p. 175. ^ As is his wont, Machiavelli purports to put into the mouth of Uzzano the words he used. The gist of the speech attributed to him is that the nobles were divided while the populace were united, and that in a trial of strength the latter would win ; that the belief that Cosimo aimed at the sovereignty of the city rested only on suspicion ; that if he were banished his friends would never rest till they had effected his recall ; and if he were put to death Florence would be in danger of having Rinaldo degli Albizzi as a despot. If either was to prevail he preferred Cosimo, but he added, "God deliver this city from private usurpation" (Machiavelli, pp. 175, 177). 242 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE step without his sanction. Had Florence had more such citizens her history would have been very different.^ The year after Niccolb da Uzzano's death, which occurred in 1432, the war with Visconti came to an end, and the nobles were thus relieved at the same time from Niccolo's restraining influence and from military duties. Rinaldo degli Albizzi was now sole leader of his party and could proceed on his ambitious course un- mpeded. He and his followers at once devoted all their energies to accomplish Cosimo's downfall. They promulgated a report that he intended to make himself lord of Florence; they tampered with the elections ; they corruptly used the Specchio; and by these and other means they filled the government offices with their adherents. For six months the city was distracted by plots and counter-plots, and there was not a magistrate who did his duty.^ At length the time arrived when it seemed to those, who were conspiring for the overthrow of the constitution and the ruin of Cosimo, that a blow could be struck with fatal effect. On September ist, 1433, Bernardo Guadagni, whose arrears of taxes had been paid by Rinaldo in order to qualify him for office, and who professed his willingness to do Rinaldo's bidding, was elected GonfaBoher of Justice. Cosimo was immediately requested to return to Florence from the Mugello (where he had been residing to escape from party strife), on the plea that it was desired that he should serve on an important committee which was to be appointed to discuss affairs of State. On September 4th he returned, and on September 7th he was summoned to the Palazzo to attend a meeting of this committee. The suspicions of his friends were aroused, and they endeavoured to dissuade him from attending, but Cosimo, conscious of his own innocence, would not disobey the summons.^ He went to the council chamber, and while conversing with some acquaintances he was suddenly arrested, and without the pretence of a trial or even any formal charge, he was thrown into prison. He was confined in the small stone cell half-way up the tower of the Palazzo ' He lived in the palace in the Oltrarno now known as the Palazzo Capponi. His only daughter Ginevra married a Capponi, There is a bust in terra cotta of Niccol6 da Uzzano by Donatella in the Bargello. ^ Machiavelli, p. 178. ' This is the account given by Cosimo himself (Gino Capponi, ii. 212; Napier, iii. 203). Machiavelli (p. 179) says nothing of the pretence of a committee meeting, but merely states that Cosimo was cited by the Gonfe-lonier to appear before the Si^ory, and that he, " relying more on his own innocence than on the mercy of his judges," obeyed the summons. EXILE OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 243 Vecchio called the Alberghettino or Barberia. Two days later (September 9th) a Parlamento was convened in the Piazza della Signoria, and the usual farce was enacted. The square was occupied by an armed body of Rinaldo's dependants, and none but his supporters were allowed to approach the ringhiera, from whence a public official thus addressed the people : " O people of Florence, do you believe that there are in this square two- thirds of those entitled to vote?" "Yes, certainly we are two-thirds and more," was the reply. The people were then asked "if they were willing that a Balla should be appointed to reform the State," and they shouted " Aye." The Balla thus appointed consisted of 200 members, mostly of the Albizzi faction, and though ostensibly created to effect constitutional reforms, its real work was to determine the time and manner of Cosimo's death.i The news of Cosimo's arrest caused general consternation among the lower orders, by whom he was greatly beloved, but they made no attempt to rescue him. Their attitude, however, seems to have inspired the aristocratic party with some alarm, for when one, Ser Gino, proclaimed in the streets that he who had succoured the poor was about to be exiled " by those whose abounding wickedness had never failed," no one dared to molest him. But Cosimo's friends were not idle. Niccolb da Tolentino marched at the head of the forces of the Republic to Lastra, and would have entered Florence and speedily have liberated Cosimo had he not, by the ill advice of some of the Medici family, been dissuaded from doing so. Venice sent ambassadors to plead Cosimo's cause, and Niccolb d' Este of Ferrara used his influence for the same object. Cosimo was doubtless aware of what was taking place, but at first he was apprehensive that his adversaries intended to take his life by poison, and for four days after his arrest he ate nothing but a little bread. But Federigo Malavolti, in whose custody he had been placed, assured him that his hfe was in no danger, and volunteered to share his meals. Ostensibly to keep up Cosimo's spirits (but probably in order to do him a more sub- stantial service) Malavolti invited one of the gonfalonier's servants, who is said to have been very good company, to join Cosimo ' The Balia was prohibited from interfering with the Catasto or the election bags. With this exception the powers conferred upon it were m>- litpited, 244 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE , and himself at supper. Cosimo availed himself of the oppor- tunity thus offered, and sent a bribe of i,ooo florins to the gonfalonier, who it was well known was a needy man, with a request that he would visit him in prison. The visit was paid, and thenceforth Bernardo Guadagni's attitude in Council towards Cosimo became less hostile. Meanwhile the Balla was not working altogether as Rinaldo wished. The power of Cosimo's friends and of Cosimo's gold was making itself felt among the Two Hundred, and Rinaldo found that he could not count on as many votes as he had expected. It was no doubt the intention of the promoters of the Balla that it should straightway have decreed Cosimo's death, but many of its members demanded his banishment, and many, through fear of the people, refrained from expressing an opinion. It was evident that the judicial murder that had been contemplated was anything but an accomplished fact, so the conspirators attempted to attain their end by other means. Some of them secretly visited Federigo Malavolti, and pressed him either to poison Cosimo himself, or to admit two assassins into his cell who should throw him out of the window, but Mala- volti refused to be a party to any such treachery.^ At length the Balla decided to banish Cosimo to Padua for ten years, ^ a decision which was probably due to the gonfalonier's influence. Sentence was pronounced on September 29th, and on October 3rd Cosimo was escorted by a bodyguard to the frontier.^ By the same decree his brother Lorenzo was exiled to Venice, and his cousin Averardo to Naples.* All members of the house of Medici who were not banished (except the descendants of Vieri) were disfranchised by enrolment among the grandi? It was ' It was Mariotto Baldovinetli who proposed poison. ^ Gino Capponi, ii. 216. Ammirato (rol. v. p. 205) says five years, but it seems that the first sentence was banishment for one year, which was ex- tended to five, and finally to ten years. ^ The dictatorial powers of a Balla gave it the right to punish, without trial, any citizen whom it deemed dangerous. Gino Capponi (vol. ii. p. 213) mentions a curious document, whether an official indictment or not is uncer- tain, in which the faults of the house of Medici from the year 1378, are set out, and in which Cosimo and Averardo are described as "truculent and cruel enemies, the promoters of slaughter, fire, and all manner of devastation, to which they had been prompted by their diabolical nature, and who would not have been tolerated had not the Florentines been singularly benignant." ■* On Cosimo's arrest Lorenzo had fled with Cosimo's children to Venice. Ammirato says that Lorenzo was banished for two and Averardo for ten years. ' Not long afterwards Cosimo's adherent, Puccio Pucci, was banished for ten years. EXILE OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 245 thought that Cosimo's enforced absence from business would have occasioned his bankruptcy, but this was averted by his Venetian friends. The grief that was felt by the people at Cosimo's punishment was mitigated by their joy at the exile of Averardo, who was very unpopular.^ Cosimo received his sentence very cheerfully, and expressed his desire to be of use to his country wherever he might be required to reside. He was removed by night to the house of the gon- falonier, and was escorted by a guard to the frontier.^ His journey to Padua is said to have resembled a triumphal progress. In a short time he was allowed to change his abode to Venice,^ where he was treated more like a sovereign than a refugee. He wrote himself: "It would hardly be believed that having been driven from my house I should find so much honour.'' The successful faction at once set to work to strengthen their position. Extraordinary powers were granted to the capitano del popolo, and ten citizens, called Accoppiatori, were appointed, whose duty it was to refill the election bags and to control the drawings of priors and other officials in the interests of their party. Notwithstanding all their efforts, the victory of the Albizzi faction was a hollow one, and nobody knew this better than Rinaldo himself. He had been playing for a high stake, and he had lost. The sovereignty of Florence, to which he aspired, was only to be won by Cosimo's death, and Cosimo had escaped. He did not, however, abandon his project without one more struggle. He called his party together, and at a secret meet- ing he enlarged on the perilous position which they were in, and once more recommended an alliance with the disfranchised nobility and the overthrow of the government by a coup d'itat. But Rinaldo, with all his eloquence and energy, was not a born leader of men, and was never able to inspire his followers with confidence. Although they were hostile to the Medici, it is more ' Napier, iii. 211. ' Rinaldo's son, Ormanno degli Albizzi, was in the Piazza at the head of an armed gang waiting to murder Cosimo as he left the palace. ^ His change of domicile was granted at the request of the Venetian government. He was accompanied to Venice by the rising architect Michelozzo Michelozzi, whom he employed to build there the Biblioteca di San Giorgio (Gino Capponi, ii. 221). This was the first of three expulsions to which the elder branch of Giovanni de' Medici's family was subjected, before Florence passed under the more permanent but less beneficent rule of the younger branch. 246 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE than probable that many of them, like old Niccolb da Uzzano, did not at heart regard Rinaldo as a more desirable despot than Cosimo. Rinaldo's proposal was opposed by Mariotto Baldo- vinetti (the very man who had attempted to compass Cosimo's death by poison), who boldly alleged that he preferred the un- known dangers of a democracy to the known dangers of a government by the nobles.^ In consequence of divided counsels no step was taken by Rinaldo's party, but it was evident that the status quo could not be maintained. It was known from an intercepted letter, written to Cosimo by Agnolo Acciaiuoli, that the Medici and their friends were busily intriguing for Cosimo's return.^ Florence, Venice, and the pope were again at war with the Duke of Milan, and the people were groaning under the imposition of forced loans. The unpopularity of the aristocratic party was thus increased, and the desire for the recall of Cosimo intensified, for had he been at home many a needy citizen would have been saved from the disgrace of having his name placed on the Specchio. Hence, notwithstanding all the efforts of the Albizzi party, in September, 1434, a gonfalonier and Signory almost entirely favourable to the Medicean interest were elected. This brought matters to a crisis. Rinaldo called his followers together and proposed that before the new government came into office (i.e. three days after the date of its' election) it should be overthrown by means of a Parlamento and another Balla, but they again refused to follow his advice. So the new Signory were installed without opposition on September ist, and the first act of the incoming gonfalonier was to commit his predecessor to prison for embezzling the public funds. Once more Rinaldo assembled his party,^ and insisted that an immediate appeal to arms was necessary to secure their own safety, and once more his proposal was rejected.* But before the meeting dispersed it was agreed by those present, that in the event of any hostile measure on the part of the government, they would arm their dependants and rally round Rinaldo in the Piazza Sant' ApoUinare. It was not long before such a contingency occurred. On September 26th the Signory cited Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, ^ Machiavelli, 181. Rinaldo accused Mariotto of having been bribed by Cosimo. It is said that Cosimo had paid him 800 florins (Roscoe, 1862, P- 57). ^ For writing this letter Acciaiuoli was tortured and exiled for ten years. ^ The opposition to Rinaldo's proposal was led by Palla Strozzi. \ The meeting took place in the church of San Fiero Maggiore. RECALL OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 247 and Niccolb Barbadori to appear before them. This was a far more justifiable act than the citation of Cosimo in the previous year, seeing that Rinaldo and his friends had been plotting for the overthrow of the government. UnUke Cosimo, they dared not obey the summons, and it was answered by the appearance of some 800 Rinaldeschi under arms in the Piazza S. ApolUnare. The gathering consisted mainly of a rabble who shouted "came e fuoco," and evidently came for plunder. Some of the leaders were conspicuous by their absence, notably Falla Strozzi and Piero Guicciardini. The former, when sent for, appeared with two unarmed followers, and the latter excused himself. But the gathering was sufficient to create a panic among the Signory, who barricaded the doors of the Palazzo, and promised Rinaldo well-nigh all he asked if he would disperse his followers. Rinaldo, however, refused to parley, and there is no saying how matters would have ended but for the intervention of Pope Eugenius IV., who, having been forced to fly from Rome in the previous June, had taken up his abode in Florence. ^ The Pope, either for the sake of peace or for some less disinterested motive,^ requested Rinaldo to wait upon him at S. Maria Novella. What arguments Eugenius used we do not know, but at the end of the interview Rinaldo dismissed his armed band.^ The Signory at once re- covered courage, and sending off to Pistoja for mercenary troops, on the following day (September 28th) they had a sufficient force at their command to maintain their authority. Much the same scene as had been enacted a year before was now repeated, but the Cosimeschi and Rinaldeschi were playing different parts. A Parlamento was summoned by the ringing of the great bell, the YvuLija. was filled with armed supporters of the Medici, and a Balla consisting of 359 members (the largest on record) was appointed.* On September 29th Cosimo's recall was decreed by an overwhelming majority. The Pope's promise of indemnity ^ He was residing in the convent of S. Maria Novella, in the same rooms that Martin V. had occupied. He fled from Rome, disguised as a monk, in an open boat on the Tiber, and was recognised and pursued, and narrowly escaped capture (Creighton, ii. 90, 91). ' It has been surmised that the Pope desired to annex Florence to the Papal States (Gino Capponi, ii. 224, note), or that he feared the Milanese leanings of the Albizzi (E wart's Cosimo d^ Medici, p. 66). ^ According to another account Rinaldo refused to be persuaded to lay down arms, but while the interview was going on his followers disbanded of their own accord. * The powers conferred on this Balla were not limited even with restric- tions as to the Catasio and election bags. 248 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to the insurgents was disregarded. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and his son Ormanno were banished for eight, and Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolb Barbadori for three years. The Pope's mediation, by whatever reasons prompted, had placed him in an ignominious position. He made but a feeble attempt to protect the exiles, and when Rinaldo paid him a parting visit he endeavoured to exonerate himself. "Holy Father," replied Rinaldo, "I blame myself for believing that you, who have been driven out of your own country, could keep me in mine. . . . He who trusts a priest's word is like a blind man without a guide."^ Rinaldo degli Albizzi never set foot in Florence again.^ On October 6th Cosimo re-entered the city, and he was greeted with demonstra- tions of joy by a vast concourse of people. His reception was that of a conqueror, and he was spontaneously saluted as a public benefactor and as the father of his country.^ Averardo de' Medici, the Pucci, and others who had been banished in the previous year, were also recalled. Averardo did not long enjoy his change of fortune, as he died on the Sth of December following his return. ART AND LITERATURE ARCHITECTS Brunelleschi Pesello 1406-1434 SCULPTORS Ghiberti Donatello Michelozzo Pesello Luca della Robbia PAINTERS Fra Angelico Lorenzo Monaco Masolino Masaccio Uccello Castagno Gentile da Fabriano Pesello AUTHORS Domenico Burchiello ARCHITECTURE The period at which we have now arrived is one of peculiar interest in the history of Italian Art. Its new birth, as has been noticed, took place in the days of Niccola Pisano, but it had not as yet developed those characteristics which custom has associated ' Creighton, ii. 321. 2 Forty-four years later civil rights were restored to Alessandro, a great grandson of Rinaldo degli Albizzi (Reumont, ii. 318). ' Machiavelli, p. 185. ART AND LITERATURE 1406- 1434 249 with the term Renaissance. This development was now manifest- ing itself and it was directed by the action of opposing forces. The classical revival which had affected Literature a century before had at length spread to Art, and its appearance was seen more distinctly in Architecture than in Sculpture or Painting. Renaissance Architecture was the result of Christianity and Paganism — it was a compound of Gothic and Classical types. In its first phase it was noble and profitable, but it became destructive of all life and progress when artists, no longer seeking to embody abstract principles derived from ancient buildings in new forms, aimed merely at mechanical imitation. Its evolution was facilitated by local conditions. After the decadence of the Roman Empire, the Romanesque style (which was an adaptation of classic forms to Christian purposes) prevailed in Italy until the sixth or seventh centuries, when it developed, in the north, into Lombardic and, in the south, into Byzantine.^ In Rome and central Italy the Romanesque was continued until the thirteenth century, when all the three styles that were being contem- poraneously employed in different places — the Lombardic, the Byzantine, and the Romanesque — were modified by the intro- duction of the pointed arch.^ This to some extent explains the diversity of type that is to be found in Italian Gothic. That diversity, however, is perhaps more largely due to purely local characteristics and differences of taste that arose from the inde- pendence, and were accentuated by the rivalries, of the numerous states into which the country was divided.' But throughout all the various types that Italian Gothic comprises, the influence of Imperial Rome is clearly visible. Italy was never able to free herself from the traditions of classic architecture, and so in the fifteenth century she instinctively and willingly abandoned Gothic for the more congenial style of the Renaissance. The originator of that style was Filippo Brunelleschi, one of the greatest archi- tects that Italy ever produced. ' Venice must be excepted from this statement, for there the architecture was Byzantine. ^ Among the best-known specimens of these styles are: — Of the Lom- bardic, San Zenone at Verona and San Ambrogio at Milan ; of the Byzantine, S. Marco at Venice and a church at Molfetta in Apulia ; of the Roman- esque, San Lorenzo fiiore le mura, S. Agnese, and many other basilicas at Rome. ' The differences in the architecture even of neighbouring states is very re- markable, e.g. between that of Lucca and Pisa, and between that, of Verona and Mantua. 2SO A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Brunelleschi was born in Florence in 1377. He began life as a goldsmith and sculptor and, as was noticed in the last chapter, he was, in 1401, one of the unsuccessful competitors for the honour of designing and casting a bronze gate for the Baptistery. As success in this competition determined Ghiberti's career, so did failure determine that of Brunelleschi. He went immediately to Rome, where he devoted himself exclusively to the study of architecture, and on his return to Florence in 1407 he evolved a style which, without being a servile imitation of the classic,^ was founded on its principles. In 1420 he designed the beautiful capella de' Pazzi, which adjoins the church of S. Croce, and which was the first ecclesi- astical building of the Italian Renaissance ; and in the following year, at Giovanni de' Medici's desire, he designed the great church of San Lorenzo. The interior of the old sacristy in this church is an excellent example of Brunelleschi's style. But the work with which his name is more generally associated than with any other is the cupola of the Florentine Duomo, with the construction of which he was entrusted in 1419.^ After his design had been approved, the Board who were in charge of the work seem to have been distrustful of his plan of building the dome without centreing, and they consequently associated with him Ghiberti as joint architect of the building. By this arrange- ment he was much hampered in his work, for Ghiberti was not only very bad-tempered, but he was ignorant of the elements of architecture. Owing to this and other difficulties with which Brunelleschi had to contend, the dome was not completed till 1434.^ It is certainly one of the triumphs of architecture. In outline it is less graceful than that of S. Peter's, but owing to its colour and the peculiarity of its curves, it is in some respects even a more striking object. The beautiful loggia of the Spedale degli Innocenti was also ' This is only true of Renaissance Architecture in its earlier stages. It ultimately degenerated into a mere copy of Greek and Roman forms. ' Considerable indecision had prevailed as to the best form of roof for the central space and apses of the Duomo, and councils of architects had often been convened to consider the matter. It is probable that Amolfo di Cambio intended that the building should be crowned with a succession of diminishing octagonal towers, capped with a low spire, somewhat after the design of the Chiaravalle, near Milan (Fergusson's History of Architecture, 1874, ii. 334). ' The lantern on the summit of the dome was not put up until 1462 (after Brunelleschi's death), and it is not entirely in accordance with his design. The gallery round the drum was completed later, and the fa9ade was unveiled on May 12th, 1887. ART AND LITERATURE 1406-1434 251 Brunelleschi's work, and was probably begun about this time. Those who desire to appreciate his skill as a designer of detail should examine the door of the cloister at S. Croce. In 1433 he designed the church of S. Spirito, which will be referred to again in the next chapter. Pesello^ (1367-1446) was an architect, sculptor, and painter of some reputation. His design for the cupola of the Duomo in 1419 was not accepted, but he was appointed to superintend its erection in the event of Brunelleschi's death. The frieze on the tabernacle of the Calimala Guild in Or San Michele was modelled by him in 1414-1416.^ SCULPTURE Sculpture, Uke Architecture, benefited by the conflict of in- tellectual forces that was going on at this time, but the strife out of which it emerged, with all the vigour and beauty of youth, was more complex. A third force was brought into play which largely, and only at first beneficially, influenced its development. Renaissance Architecture, as we have seen, was moulded by the joint action of Paganism and Christianity. But Paganism (as the term is here used) was only a part of the great Humanistic movement that was revolutionising the mental and spiritual world. That movement did not, as is sometimes supposed, spring merely from a reverence for classical art and classical literature, but its source lay in a burning desire for knowledge of every kind. The Humanists read with avidity the writings of the Greeks and Romans, and copied with untiring industry their sculpture and their buildings, because they found in them a revelation of truth and beauty, but they laboured with no less enthusiasm to increase, by observation and discovery, the sum of human knowledge. Hence the Humanists turned to Nature no less than to Antiquity for instruction, and thus it was that Italian Sculpture of the fifteenth century was the product of Christianity, Paganism, and Naturalism.^ These forces did not, however, divide sculpture into any clearly defined rival schools, but they worked collectively in each artist in different degrees of in- tensity, often varying in their relative influence at different periods 1 His real name was Guiliano d'Arigo di Giuocolo Giuochi. * Crowe and Cav., ii. 357. " Some confusion of thought has arisen from speaking of Paganism and Naturalism as if they were convertible terms. In Painting no doubt they had much in common, but in Sculpture they were diametrically opposed. 252 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE of his career.! Christianity and Paganism were most often opposed in the choice of the sculptor's subject, Paganism and Naturalism in its treatment, and it was between the two latter combatants that the death struggle ultimately took place. So long as Naturalism was controlled, so long as it was only allowed to remove conventional monotony and add truth and life, all went well with sculpture. Then it was that Donatello's S. George, Rossellini's Tomb of Cardinal Portogallo, Verrocchio's Cupid the Palazzo Vecchio, and many other works of almost equal excellence, were produced. But even in these early days Naturalism had sometimes an unhealthy tendency. Some of Donatello's works are disagreeably realistic, and Ghiberti, not- withstanding his classical sense of beauty, in his desire to repre- ent things as he saw them, made an illegitimate use of per- spective. But when in later days to copy some natural object accurately, regardless of its beauty or its inner meaning, became the artist's paramount desire, the days of sculpture were num- bered. It was not, as with Architecture, from too close an imitation of antique forms that Sculpture expired, but from departing too widely from them. It was NaturaUsm and not Paganism that signed the death warrant of Renaissance Sculp- ture.^ The bronze gate of the Baptistery, which Ghiberti com- menced in 1403, was finished in 1424. No less than twenty artists, among whom were Donatello, Brunelleschi, Verrocchio, Desiderio da Settignano, Paolo Uccello, and Finiguerra, aided him in modelling and casting it.^ It contains twenty-eight panels, twenty of which depict scenes from the New Testament, and eight represent the Evangelists and Doctors of the Latin Church. The corners are filled in with heads of prophets and sibyls, and the panels are set in an elaborate framework of leaves, birds, and animals. In some of these compositions four distinct incidents are represented, and yet there is no confusion, and each scene tells its owri story. To produce this marvellous ^ This was notably the case with Donatello. In Michelangelo these forces worked more spasmodically. There are two works of his in the Casa Buonarroti (a Madonna and the Centaurs) executed about the same time, one of which is ideal in conception and classical in execution, the other classical in conception and naturalistic in execution. ^ No doubt in so far as Paganism, by supplanting Christianity, had dried up the springs of a productive enthusiasm it had a hand in the destruction of every Art. ' Vasari, i. 382 ; Ottley's History of Engraving, i. 289. ART AND LITERATURE 1406-1434 253 result the idea of distance was given by the gradual diminution in relief from "Alto," through "Mezzo" and "Basso" to "Stiac- ciato" (the very flattest possible), and by a free use of perspec tive.^ In 1414 Ghiberti cast the statue of S. John, between 1419 and 1422 that of S. Stephen, and probably about the same time that of S. Matthew,^ all of which occupy niches on the outside of the church of Or San Michele. In statues he was not as successful as he was in bas-reliefs. DoNATELLO, as Donato, the son of Niccolb di Betto Bardi, is called, was born in 1386. He was "undoubtedly the greatest Tuscan sculptor before Michelangelo, and though by no means his equal in vigour and grandeur of conception, by far his superior in delicacy of handling, in truth of detail, in rendering of character, and in technical ability as a worker in marble or bronze."^ It is said that he studied painting under Bicci di Lorenzo, and that he accompanied Brunelleschi to Rome in 1403, where he made drawings of the masterpieces of classical sculpture, but modern critics disbelieve in this visit,* and his early works certainly show little evidence of his having studied from the antique. One of these is the wooden crucifix in S. Croce,'' which Brunelleschi said was more like a peasant than a Christ. He resided in Florence till 1426, and during this period he executed the following works : — The statues of SS. Peter and Mark in niches outside Or San Michele; a Joshua, reliefs of prophets and (possibly) the old man, said to be a statue of the scholar Poggio Bracciolini, in the Duomo; and a S. John the Baptist, // Zuccone, a Jeremiah, Habakkuk, and Abraham and Isaac, outside the Campanile. In 14 15 he executed the seated figure of S. John the Evangelist that is now in the Duomo, and the marble statue of David that is in the Bargello, and in 1416 the S. George for one of the Or San Michele niches. This statue is generally considered to be Donatello's chef d'ceuvre, and it "deservedly ranks as the finest personification of a Christian hero ever wrought in marble."^ Between 1426 and 1434 Donatello worked from time to time and in various places in conjunction with Michelozzo ' Perkins, i. 129. '^ It is said that he was assisted by Michelozzo in this statue. ' Perkins, i. 137. * M. Reymond's La Sculfture Florentine, p. loi. " This may have been executed before 1403. ' Perkins, i. 140. 254 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Michelozzi.i One of their most important productions was the beautiful tomb of Pope John XXIII. in the Baptistery at Florence which was finished in 1427. LucA DELLA RoBBiA (1400-1482) commenced sculpturing some bas-reliefs for an organ gallery in the cathedral in 1431, but they were not finished till 1440 and will be described in the next chapter. PAINTING Painting also gained at this time by the action of opposing forces, but here the conditions of the contest were different. The course of Architecture, as we endeavoured to show, was determined entirely by the joint action of Christianity and Paganism, and that of Sculpture mainly by a struggle between Paganism and Naturalism. Renaissance Painting (although largely influenced by Paganism) was rather the outcome of opposition between Christianity (or Christian Idealism) and Naturalism.2 Painters had not, like Architects and Sculptors, any classical models for their guidance, and so it was to Nature and not to Antiquity, when drifting away from ecclesiastical traditions, that they turned for instruction. It is true that they often sought inspirations from pagan myths, but the distinctive characteristic of their works was the closeness with which they strove to copy natural objects — trees, flowers, animals, and, above all, the human form. Faith in a creed had, as a motive power, given place in these men, not so much to an enthusiasm for Antiquity, as to a passionate love of Nature and a constraining desire to master her every law.^ Naturalism, it is true, was no new thing — it was as old as Giotto — but it had never before gained sufficient power to dispute with Religion the supremacy over the field of Art. Its effect on Painting was in one way more notice- able than its effect on Sculpture, for painters became for a time divided into two schools which worked side by side. The one (which composed those who rarely represented any but sacred sub- jects in a more or less conventional manner) may be called that of ' It was then that they executed the tomb of Cardinal Brancacci in the church of S. Angelo a Nilo at Naples, and the tomb of Bartolommeo Atagazzi for the cathedral at Montepulciano (only fragments of which remain), and the bronze bas-reliefs on the font in the Baptistery at Siena. When in Florence their studio was in the Via Calzaioli. * The reader is referred to the prefatory remarks on the Sculpture of this period for the distinction which is drawn between Paganism and Naturalism. ' How it came about that a passion, so intrinsically ennobling, proved destructive of Art, will be seen later. ART AND LITERATURE 1406-1434 255 the Idealists ; the new one may be called, indifferently and with equal accuracy, that of the Naturalists, Scientists, or Realists. Nevertheless there was not an Idealist whose works did not show some naturaUstic influence, or a realist who had freed him- self altogether from idealistic traditions. And as it was with Architecture and Sculpture, so it was with Painting. In the early days of the struggle Painting was ennobled — she gained in truthfulness without any appreciable loss in sentiment or beauty ; but as time went on the loss not only became appreciable, but it outweighed the gain. It was not, however, for more than a century that the idealists were completely subjugated by the realists. The school of naturalistic painters that now appeared was headed by Masaccio, and it included MasoUno, Uccello, Castagno, Pesello. But before touching on their works it will be well to notice those of the rival school. By far the strongest representa- tive of the idealists was the last and (if we except Orcagna) perhaps the greatest of the Florentine branch of the Semi- Byzantines — one Guido,! who on joining the Order of the Dominicans in 1407 assumed the monastic name of Giovanni. He entered the convent at Fiesole and was known as "Fra Giovanni da Fiesole." He soon became famous as a skilful miniaturist, and before long he earned a yet wider reputation as a fresco-painter. His angelic temper and blameless life obtained for him the sobriquet of Angelica, and he is now universally known as "Fra Angelico."^ We have no certain knowledge of the masters who instructed him, but it seems probable that his style was formed under the influence of the works of Orcagna, Cavallini, Taddeo di Bartolo, Simone Martini, and the Sienese miniaturists.^ Until towards the end of his career he resisted the influences of the Renaissance, he refused to depict the nude, he neglected the study of geometry and anatomy, and he sought only " to express the inner Ufe of the adoring soul." Con- sequently his earlier manner has many technical imperfections, but no painter before or since has been such an adequate ex- ponent of religious raptures, and " it may be said that painting ' His family name is unknown. He was born at Vicchio in the Mugello in 1387 (Vasari, ii. 24). '^ After his death he was also called beato. Hence his full name is Beato Giovanni detto Angelica da Fiesole (Lindsay, ii. 223). ^ " Therefore the lines would appear to centre in Fra Angelico from every pre-existent branch of the Semi-Byzantines" (Lindsay, ii. 225). 256 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE with him served as a formulary to express the emotions of faith, hope, and charity."^ But he was not content even in his youth to leave his art quite where he found it, for he imparted to many of his faces a distinctive personality which places them in advance of the more conventional creations of his predecessors. If any- one is repelled by Fra Angelico no mediaeval art can have any attraction for him. We may admit the narrow piety of the monk, but the heavenly beauty of many of his creations is a revelation of the highest kind which has no equal in the whole domain of Painting.^ His earliest works are to be found at Cortona and Perugia. In 1418 he returned to Fiesole, where " he gathered in abundance the flowers of art which he seemed to have plucked from Paradise, reserving for the pleasant hill of Fiesole the gayest and best scented that ever issued from his hands. There, in a period of corruption, of pagan doctrine, of infamous policy, of schisms and of heresies, he shut himself up within a world of his own, which he peopled with heroes and saints, with whom he conversed, prayed, and wept by turns." ^ The Madonna and Saints which is now in the Sala di Lorenzo Monaco, he painted in 1433. Very few of his other easel pictures can be dated, and it is impossible to say whether most of them belong to this or the period which will be dealt with in the next chapter. It is however likely that some of his works which are now in the Accademia were executed between 141 8 and 1434, and he may, with his brother Fra Benedetto, have been illuminating choir books at about the same time. His frescoes and other later works will be alluded to subsequently. Lorenzo Monaco (b. circa 1370, d. 1425) was a pupil of Agnolo Gaddi, but his style has something in common with that of Spinello Aretino.* He was a Camaldolese monk, and he was sometimes called " Don Lorenzo." In his early life he was reputed to be one of the best miniaturists of his age.^ Although older than Fra Angelico, he did not disdain to act as his assistant. 8 Four of his works (three of which were executed between 1403 and 1413)'^ are in the Uffizi, and four are in the Accademia. One of his finest works — an altar-piece, representing the Annunciation — is in the Bartolini Chapel in S. Trinitk, at ' Rio's Christian Art (i?,$s), p. 148. ^ The Cicerone, p. 53. ' Marchese, i. 226. Cited by Crowe and Cav., i. 573. * Crowe and Cav. , i. 552. ' Vasari, i. 280. ' Crowe and Cav., i. 551. ' Lafenestre, pp. 8, 9, 97. ART AND LITERATURE 1406- 1434 257 Florence. It is a singularly beautiful picture. The subject is conventionally treated, but the graceful attitudes and thoughtful expression of the two figures have given it a charm beyond many a later and more original work.^ Some of the manuscripts in the Laurentian Library were illuminated by Lorenzo Monaco.^ Masolino da Pinicale,^ as Tommaso di Cristoforo Fini is commonly called, has until recently been supposed, on the authority of Vasari, to have had a hand in painting the cele- brated frescoes in the Brancacci Chapel ;* but some modern critics hold that this is a mistake.^ Judging from works that are undoubtedly authentic, it is evident that the influence of ' Antonio Veneziano was transmitted to him through Stamina.® He was born in 1383, he was living in 1428, and he died (if Vasari be correct) about 1440. His style displays progress in correctness of drawing, but his composition is feeble. He was the first to commingle the devout feeling of Angelico with the realism of AngeKco's successors.'^ Perhaps his title to fame rests on his having been the master of Masaccio rather than on his own merits. Masaccio (1402-1429) is the name by which Tommaso, the son of Ser Giovanni di Simone Guidi, is known.^ He is a less interesting figure to the ordinary lover of early Italian painting than his contemporary Fra Angelico, for his charm "is as nothing in comparison with that which holds us spell-bound before the sacred and impassioned reveries of the Fiesolean monk"; and yet to the student of the history of Painting his works are more important, for "it is clear that we must look not to Fra Angelico, but to Masaccio, for the progressive forces that were carrying art forward to complete accomplishment."^ ' The Cicerone, p. $6. The four small paintings in the predella are also very lovely. ''■ Mr. Berenson attributes to him the three pinnacles over Fra Angelico's Deposition in the Accademia and a. fresco of the Entombment in S. Maria Nuova. ' Masolino is a contraction of Tommasino (the diminutive of Tommaso), and means "pretty little Tommy." * Vasari, ii. 275 and vi. 50; Albertini, Lanzi, Rumohr, and others hold this opinion (vid. Crovfe and Cav., i. 510), as well as Richter, Lafenestre, and Berenson. s Crowe and Cav., i. 510, 516; The Cicerone, p. 60. ^ He unquestionably painted a series of frescoes in the church of Castig- lione di Olona (between Saronno and Vanese), c. 1428 (Crowe and Cav., i. 499). ' The Cicerone, p. 60. ' It is the short for Tommasaccio, which means "great hulking Tom," a nickname which was given him from his ungainly figure and slovenly dress. ^ Symonds, iii. 240. 258 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The stride which painting made, under the direction of his genius, seems almost miraculous, when it is remembered that he died in his twenty-eighth year. It has been said of him that he introduced into painting the plastic boldness of Dona- tello, as well as the laws of geometrical and aerial perspective.^ At the age of twenty-three he was enrolled in the Guild of Painters,^ and at an early age he visited Rome. There he painted the frescoes of the Crucifixion and the stories of S. Clement and of S. Catherine of Alexandria in the church of S. Clemente, which, though much restored, are still admir- able. If, as is said,^ he returned to Florence in 1420, these great works must have been executed when he was but eighteen years old, which is almost incredible. They must, however, have been painted before he was twenty-two, for the frescoes in the Brancacci Chapel in the Carmine at Florence, which are of superior merit, may with certainty be assigned to the years 1423-1428.* It has been a matter of much controversy what parts of the famous Brancacci frescoes were respectively executed by Masaccio, Masolino, and Filippo Lippi. There can, however, be no doubt that the greater part of them are by Masaccio.^ His end was mysterious. He disappeared from Florence in 1428, and in 1429 it was reported that he was dead. During his life his works were not held in much esteem, but after his death their merits were speedily recognised, and the greatest artists in Italy came to study them in the Carmine.® They do in truth form a bridge between mediseval and renaissance painting, and in them Masaccio seems, as it were, to stretch out one hand to Giotto and the other to Raphael. But if, while gazing with admiration on the Brancacci frescoes, we call to mind those in the Arena Chapel, we are almost constrained to question with Symonds whether, while so much has been gained, something has not been lost? Did not Masaccio think overmuch of external form? Was he as capable as Giotto of bringing home to our hearts the secret and soul of things spiritual ? " Has not art beneath his touch become more scenic, losing thereby some- what of dramatic poignancy?"^ Hence it is that the works of ^ Crowe and Cav., i. 519. ^ Ibid., 521. 3 Ibid., i. 526. « Ibid., i. 528. 5 Ibid., i. 528 ; Ency. Brit., xv. 606. ^ Vasari, p. 411. ' Symonds, iii. 230. For another innovation, Masaccio must be held responsible. He departed from the custom of representing the apostles ART AND LITERATURE 1406-1434 259 Masaccio have a twofold interest for the student of Art, for he sees in them not only the bud which was to blossom into the technical excellence of the great cinquecento masters, but also the beginnings of a parasitic growth which was to sap Italian painting of all its vitality. Paolo Uccello (1397-1475) and Andrea del Castagno (1390-1461) commenced working during this period, but as none of their dated works can be assigned to it they will be mentioned subsequently. The Umbrian painter Gentile da Fabriano (1360-1428) settled in Florence in 1422, and in the following year he painted the Adoration of the Accademia. " This is Gentile's best extant effort, proving that his stay in Florence had taught him some- thing more than he had learned at home," yet that his Umbrian feeling prevented his adopting the innovations of Uccello or Masaccio.i In 1425 he painted a Madonna between SS. Mary Magdalen, John the Baptist, Nicholas of Bari, and George. The central portion of this picture has disappeared, but the four Saints are in the Uffizi. Pesello, the architect and sculptor, was also a painter. He belonged to the group of naturalists, and he experimented in the use of new media, such as varnish and oil. At the close of his life he painted in conjunction with his grandson Pesel- lino.^ WOOD-ENGRAVING Another art was undoubtedly at this period in its infancy, although no dated specimen is extant. This was the art of xylography, or wood-engraving, which must certainly have been practised in Florence before 1430, for an artist included in the return of his property made in that year for entry in the Catasio " many wood-blocks for the printing of playing-cards and images of Saints useful to him in his profession."^ In the absence of prints to which any date can be assigned it is impossible to say (notably SS. Peter and Paul) in accordance with traditional types. Lord Lindsay says that he painted ,one of his friends as S. Peter ; and, according to Vasari, his S. Paul (which has disappeared) was a full-length portrait of Bartolo di Angiolini. From that moment there has been no security against ploughmen and gondoHers figuring as inspired Apostles (Lindsay, i. 235). ' Crowe and Cav., iii. loi. ^ Vasari has confiised the grandfather with the grandson. 2 Kristeller, vol. i. p. ii. 26o A HISTORY OF FLORENCE how far the art had progressed at this time, nor will reliable evidence of its progress be forthcoming for more than half a century. LITERATURE The first three decades of the fifteenth century were even more barren in literature than the closing years of the preceding century. Domenico Burchiello {c. 1400-1448) is the only Florentine writer of this period whose name even survives. His sonnets, which went through thirty editions, were written in fifteenth-century slang and are now hardly intelligible.^ ^ Symonds, iv. 260. CHAPTER XIII 1435-1457 VINDICTIVE POLICY OF THE COSIMESCHI — COSIMO DE' MEDICI'S FOREIGN POLICY — THE COUNCIL OF FLORENCE SOON after Cosimo's return he was appointed Gonfalonier of Justice^ and his party proceeded, after the usual manner of victorious factions in Florence, to establish their supremacy. Had not similar measures always failed to crush the vanquished party in the past, those that were now taken would appear un- reasonably severe. It is true that the government had not recourse to much bloodshed, but they pursued a vindictive policy with a persistency and thoroughness hitherto unknown. Like Bruce when he thrust his dagger into the dead Comyn, they determined to " mac sicher." The terms of banishment of many who had been previously sentenced were extended, and more and more citizens were expatriated, until there was scarcely a city in Italy which was not the asylum of some Florentine exiles.^ Amongst other repressive measures it was enacted that no exile, whose term had expired, should be allowed to return without the approval of not less than thirty-four members of a Council of thirty-seven. It was made a crime to correspond with those in banishment, and " every word, every sign, every habit, that was displeasing to the government was severely punished."^ Everyone who was even suspected of being hostile to the party in power was persecuted. Some were called on for excessive contributions to the forced loans, and others found themselves hampered in business by the secret influence of the Medici bank. Four citizens were beheaded for the paltry offence of having taken up ^ He held the office during January and February, 1435. ^ About eighty citizens were banislied. Among the most eminent of these (besides Rinaldo degli Albizzi) were Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadori, Palla Strozzi, and members of the Guicciardini, Guadagni, Uzzani, and Gianni families (Machiavelli, p. 184; Napier, iii. 225). 2 Machiavelli, p. 191. 261 262 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE their abode in Venice after they had been banished to some other place.i The estates of exiles were confiscated and sold to members of the government for a mere song. One of the most unjustifiable acts committed by this Balla was the banishment of Palla Strozzi. He was not a turbulent politician and he had shown himself a very lukewarm supporter of Rinaldo. He was a highly cultivated man and an enthusiastic patron of literature. He had procured the installation of Chry- soloras as Professor of Greek in the University. He obtained from Greece the first copy of Aristotle's Politics that ever found its way into Italy. He kept many copyists at work on manu- scripts, and he purchased numbers of books for a public library which he intended to found near the church of Santa Trinita. Possibly Cosimo feared one who might rival him in the patronage of letters and whose wealth was equal to, if it did not exceed, his own. 2 He died in exile at Padua, separated from his children, who had been banished to other towns.^ The families who had been banished by the Albizzi faction were recalled, most of the disfranchised nobles had their civil rights gradually restored to them,* and citizens of little note who had served Cosimo's party were promoted and honoured.^ The election bags were refilled with the names of adherents of the dominant faction, and Accoppiatori were appointed to manipulate future elections. But this device had already been employed by the adversaries of the government without avail, so the victorious party procured the passing of a law by which the outgoing Signory (in conjunction with the Accoppiatori) were empowered to nominate their successors in office. This was apparently a violent constitutional change. That it should have been allowed to pass without disturbance is a sign, either that the Florentines had realised that their freedom was but a figment, or that they were ready to surrender it for the sake of a stable government. Another equally unwarrantable constitutional change was the removal of causes of a political character from the court of the ' Machiavelli says (p. 190) that the Venetians, " valuing Cosimo's friendship more than their own honour," had handed these unfortunate refugees over to the Signory, but he adds that they may have done it " not so much in kindness to Cosimo as to increase the factions in Florence." ^ In the catasto of 1427 Palla Strozzi's property had been valued at one-fifth more than that of Giovanni de' Medici. 3 Symonds, ii. 166-168. * Amongst others the Frescobaldi, Ricasoli, Bardi, and the historian Cavalcanti. Guicciardini, p. 6. VINDICTIVE POLICY OF THE COSIMESCHI 263 podestci. to the Otto di Bal\a or Otto di Guardia, which hence- forth became the Supreme Criminal Court. The Otto di Guardia vere all carefully selected partisans, and their administration of jistice was very corrupt. By these means the party, of which Cosimo was the leader, in a short time cleared the city of all their enemies, and firmly secured the government in their own hands. Whether Cosimo can be justly held responsible for all of the measures by which this end was attained is not quite certain. It was said that they originated with Puccio, to whom "the most subtle thoughts were always attributed."^ Machiavelli imputes them to those persons who had been most active in procuring Cosimo's restoration, or who had previously undergone extra- ordinary suiferings. A vindictive policy was no doubt initiated before Cosimo's return, but it was developed and pursued with vgour afterwards, which could hardly have been done without hs concurrence. He was perhaps not altogether a free agent, fa we are told that when he remonstrated with his friends as to th3 severity of the measures which they introduced, he was met wih the retort that it was he who was beholden to them and not thsy to him. Guicciardini, too, says that he had to put up with th« " infinite extortions of his friends." But on the other hand, when a friend expostulated with him on the loss which the city had sustained through the banishment of so many eminent citiiens, he is reported to have cynically replied that "a city cruihed^ was better than a city lost," and that "plenty of citiens could be manufactured with a couple of yards of scarlet cloth." 3 There is no doubt, however, that he was averse to bloodshed, and during his gonfaloniership in 1435 he would not sanction the execution of a single person. Ii April, 1436, Pope Eugenius left Florence, where he had resiced for nearly two years. Just before his departure he took part in the consecration of the new qathedral which was ap- proa;hing completion.* The splendour of the ceremony, which took place on March 25th, was worthy of the occasion. A raisd passage from the door of S. Maria Novella passing through the 3aptistery to the great western door of the cathedral, richly ' Sino Capponi, ii. 246. ^ Guastato. 3 illuding to the red cloaks worn by Florentine citizens (Gino Capponi, ii. 24i). * "he architecture of the building is noticed at the end of this, and the constriction of the dome at the end of the last chapter. 264 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE carpeted, and decorated with tapestry, damask, silk, and flowers was constructed. Through this the Pope, accompanied by seven cardinals, thirty-seven archbishops and bishops, by ambassador? of many of the principal powers, and by the Signory, proceedeji from his residence to the cathedral. The Pope consecrated tije principal altar " with exquisite ceremony, according to the use of the Roman Church," whilst Cardinal Orsini, mounted on|a . ladder, anointed the walls. When the rite, which occupied five hours, was ended, the Pope returned to S. Maria Nove|la, the gonfalonier (who had just been knighted) bearing his traln.^ The old cathedral had been dedicated to S. Reparata, the new one was dedicated to S. Maria del Fiore. Towards the end of the year 1435 a guest was entertained at Florence with much ceremony, whose visit had ultimately i marked effect on Florentine affairs. This was the condottierl Francesco Sforza, who was at this time one of the most importatt personages in Italy. The condottiere system was now at ils height, and it had almost displaced all other modes of warfaiE. The numerous mercenary troops which, when not engaged in active service, were preying on some unfortunate State, ware divided into two rival branches (or "sects," as Machiavelli las it 2), one of which was known as the Sforzesca and the other as the Braccesca. Sforza was the head of the former, and PiccinJio (seconded by Niccolo Fortebraccio) of the latter. After toe conclusion of the peace negotiations between Florence jnd Milan in 1427 Sforza and Fortebraccio betook themselve^ to La Marca and Romagna, where they endeavoured to foind principalities for themselves at the expense of the Pope. Forte- braccio seized Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Assisi, Wiile Sforza established himself at Fermo, whence he impudently dted his letters: "From our falcon's nest at Fermo in spite of Ister and Paul." ^ As his Florentine allies were unsuccessful in their atteiipts to dispossess Fortebraccio, the Pope was reluctantly compilled to enlist the services of Sforza, which he did by confirmins his title to Fermo and other places in La Marca, and by appoiiting him gonfaloniere of the papal forces. Before long Fortebnxio was slain, and all the cities which he had taken were restired ' Ammirato, v. 231. ^ p. 188. ^ Machiavelli, p. 189. He also possessed himself of other places in La Marca. COSIMO DE' MEDICI'S FOREIGN POLICY 265 to the Church. It was to receive the thanks of the Pope for having achieved this result that Sforza now visited Florence. He did not remain there many days, but before his departure an intimacy had sprung up between him and Cosimo which ripened into a friendship. This friendship was a contributory cause of the reversal of Florentine foreign policy which Cosimo subse- quently effected. It was not, however, for some years that he departed from the traditions which had regulated the relations of Florence with her neighbours. He was well aware how largely her prosperity de- pended on a prudent administration of foreign affairs and how the prestige, which his abiUty as a diplomatist gained for him abroad, strengthened his position at home. Hence he always regarded foreign policy as a matter of supreme importance, and many of the constitutional changes which he promoted were effected with a view of keeping its control in his own hands. He maintained for a time the league between Florence, Venice, and the Pope, which had been formed to curb the ambition of the Visconti, and just at first Florence was drawn closer to her two allies through his influence, for he was grateful to Venice for the reception which she gave him when in exile, and to Pope Eugenius for having facilitated his recall. He also continued to favour the claims of the house of Anjou to the throne of Naples and, as Filippo-Maria had recently espoused the cause of Alfonso of Aragon, this soon provoked hostilities between Florence and Milan. The Florentine exiles were not slow to turn this rupture to account. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and his friends at once repaired to Milan and urged the Duke to make war on Florence, promising to aid him both with a con- tingent oi fuorusciti and by fermenting insurrection within the city. Filippo-Maria after a while yielded to Rinaldo's entreaties, and ordered Piccinino to invade Tuscany, but the Milanese forces were defeated by the Florentines in February, 1437, near the little town of Barga, and Piccinino was immediately recalled into Lombardy. Florence being relieved for the moment from Milanese aggres- sion, and having an army in the field flushed with victory, thought that a favourable opportunity had occurred for renewing her attempts to possess herself of Lucca. The design was favoured by Cosimo, who desired that his supremacy should be 266 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE marked by an enlargement of Florentine territory.^ And now history, as might certainly have been expected, repeated itself. The siege had hardly commenced before the news reached Florence that Lucca had received a promise of support from Filippo-Maria Visconti. As the only way by which the arrival of Milanese succour could be prevented was by keeping the Duke's forces fully occupied in Lombardy, Cosimo himself set out to enlist the assistance of the Venetians, over whom he be- lieved he exercised much influence. He was disappointed at his reception, and he did not improve his position during his stay by endeavouring to procure the removal to Florence of the Council of the Church, which was then sitting at Ferrara. He was given clearly to understand that Venice had no objection to the acquisition of Lucca by Florence, but she saw no reason why she should contribute to the cost. Ultimately, however, the Venetians professed themselves willing to comply with Cosimo's request, but they attached to their promise of aid a condition which was well-nigh impossible, but from which if complied with they would derive no little benefit. This was a stipulation, which appeared reasonable enough on the face of it, that Sforza should assume the command of the Venetian forces in Lombardy before the Duke was assailed. Now the Duke, as long ago as 1430, had promised the hand of his only daughter, Bianca, to Sforza. Three times the betrothal had been celebrated, but Filippo-Maria (probably as a means of retaining a hold over the great condottiere) had always, on some pretence or other, postponed the marriage. On these occasions Sforza had marched off in dudgeon with his troops, and joined the Duke's enemies, and hence it was that we have seen him more than once in the service of Florence. But there was a standing agreement be- tween him and his future father-in-law that he would never fight against Milanese troops north of the Po. The Venetians were well aware of this agreement, and aware also that its breach would entail a final rupture between Sforza and Filippo-Maria, a con- summation which they much desired. It was highly improbable that the ambitious Sforza would be induced to sacrifice all hope of a splendid matrimonial alliance, but his doing so was the price which Venice in effect required for her aid to Florence. The Sforza - Visconti agreement was also known to the ' As the supremacy of his rival's father, Maso degli Albizzi, had been marked by the acquisition of Pisa. COSIMO DE' MEDICI'S FOREIGN POLICY 267 Florentines and they soon ascertained from Sforza that he had no intention of violating it. Experience had not taught them that they were no match for the Venetians in the art of double- dealing, so they attempted to attain their end by a trick. They persuaded Sforza to write them a letter (on the understanding that he was not to be bound by it) expressing his willingness to lead his army across the Po and take service under the Venetians. This letter was then forwarded to Venice accompanied by an ex- pression of opinion on the part of Florence that, although it was only a private letter, it ought to be considered binding. It was hoped by the senders that on its receipt Venice would commence hostiUties against Milan, and that having done so she would feel bound to continue the war even without Sforza's aid. To give the ruse an appearance of good faith, Sforza raised the siege of Lucca, and marched across the Apennines to Reggio. There he was met by a representative of the Venetian government, who told him plainly that he would not be engaged by Venice until he had actually crossed the Po. This he declined to do, and high words ensued. He then returned into Tuscany, but he was shortly afterwards induced by a renewal of the offer of Bianca Visconti's hand to refuse to undertake further operations against Lucca. 1 The tortuous poUcy of the Signory had resulted only in the estrangement of an ally and the loss of a general, in con- sequence of which the expedition against Lucca was abandoned. This was the third entirely unwarrantable attempt that Florence had made, within a century, to take forcible possession of her thriving and inoffensive neighbour, and it ended like its two pre- decessors in well-merited failure. Nevertheless "it rarely happens that anyone is more grieved at the loss of their own property than the Florentines were at not having acquired that of others."^ Cosimo was again gonfalonier in 1439 and, before his term of office was over, it was evident that Florence would ere long be engaged in another war with Visconti. Filippo-Maria, trading on the recent estrangement between Florence and Venice, was endeavouring to recover Bergamo and Brescia. Venice had for ^ The accounts of this somewhat complicated transaction are inconsistent. I have followed that of Machiavelli. Napier says (iii. 251) that it was with Florence that Sforza had stipulated that he would not cross the Po. And Urquhart (,Life and Times of Francesco Sforza, 1852, vol. i. 287) seems to think that Venice was really in need of Sforza's services, and hoped by obtain- ing them to prevent Florence from acquiring Lucca. " Machiavelli, 202. 268 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE a time successfully defended her possessions, but she was now beginning to doubt her ability to continue the combat single- handed. Notwithstanding past differences she turned to Florence for assistance, which Florence thought it politic to grant. With the aid of Neri Capponi, Venice persuaded Sforza that Filippo- Maria was once more going to play him false with regard to the hand of his daughter, and urged that nothing but fear would induce him to keep his promise. Accordingly, in 1440, a league was formed between Florence and Venice, and the forces of the allies were placed under the command of Sforza. The Duke's army, under Piccinino, on its march into Tuscany, was repulsed in the mountain pass of San Benedetto. Piccinino then tried the equally strong pass of Marradi, which could have been easily defended, but Bartolommeo Orlandini, the officer commanding the Florentine garrison, on Piccinino's approach, shouted out to his soldiers, "Take to your heels, for the enemy is upon us," and ignominiously fled. The road was now clear to the gates of Florence, and before long the Milanese forces were in occupation of the heights of Fiesole. Some dismay prevailed in the city, but the government never wavered and there was no sign of surrender. Cosimo was be- loved by the people and trusted by most of the upper classes, and the few who were in sympathy with the exiles " dared not so much as raise an eyebrow. "^ Piccinino had been led by Rinaldo degli Albizzi to believe that, as soon as his army was in sight, the gates of Florence would be thrown open to him, and when he found that he had been misled, at the invitation of Francesco BattifoUi, Count of Poppi, he marched into the Casentino. The Counts of Poppi had for many years been stanch aUies of Florence, but Cosimo had made an enemy of Francesco by refusing his consent to a marriage between his son Piero and Francesco's daughter Gualdrada after they had been betrothed.^ This refusal had been brought about by the persuasion of Neri ' Ammirato, v. 259. The accounts of what took place in Florence vary. Machiavelli (p. 219) says that there was no dismay, but Cavalcanti says that the recall of the exiles was considered, and that Puccio had great difficulty in restoring confidence. He adds that Cosimo meditated flight, and that 100 horsemen were ordered to be in readiness to protect him (Gino Capponi, ii. 266, note ; Napier, iii. 256). ^ BattifoUi's hostility to Florence met with severe retribution. After the battle of Anghiari, he and his wife and children were driven from a domain which had been held in fief by his family for 400 years. The acquisition of Count Poppi's possessions gave Florence control over the Upper Val d'Amo. COSIMO DE' MEDICI'S FOREIGN POLICY 269 Capponi and other friends who, like most of their compatriots, regarded with jealousy and suspicion marriages between Florentine citizens and the feudal nobility. The Florentine army, aided by a papal contingent, marched into the Casentino in pursuit of Piccinino, and completely defeated his army on June 29th, 1440, near the town of Anghiari, about four miles distant from Borgo San Sepolcro. Although the battle lasted four hours, the casualties were surprisingly few. According to the most probable account only ten of the allies and sixty of the Milanese were slain,^ while Machiavelli says that only one man was killed.^ The battle of Anghiari extinguished the hopes of the Albizzi exiles (many of whom were with Piccinino's army) and they immediately dispersed. Rinaldo degU Albizzi took up his abode at Ancona, where, after having made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, he died in 1442. He was undoubtedly a man of ability, energetic, high-spirited, and eloquent, but whether he was scrupu- lously upright and averse to civil war, as has been said of him by some historians, seems open to question. After his defeat at Anghiari the Duke of Milan was disposed for peace, but the league would not listen to his overtures and the war dragged on for some months. Its continuance was in- directly a source of gain to Florence, as it so impoverished the pope that he sold to her the town of Borgo San Sepolcro for 25,000 florins. On September 23rd, 1440, Cosimo's younger brother Lorenzo (the progenitor of the Dukes of Tuscany) died. He had not his brother's ability,^ but he was possessed of many good qualities and was much beloved by the Florentines. In the spring of the following year the army of the league narrowly escaped destruction. Piccinino, by some masterly manoeuvres, had contrived to lead it into a position from which there was no escape, but before striking the final blow he attempted to turn the situation to his personal profit. He privately communicated with the Duke, informing him that he was about to destroy his enemies and thereby make him absolute ^ Gino Capponi, ii. 270, note. ''■ Machiavelli was deeply impressed with the evils of the mercenary system of warfare and was ever ready to discredit it. ^ Ammirato, v. 270. Filelfo, a. venomous foe of the Medici, wrote : "Cosimo, the fox; Averardo, the wolf; Lorenzo, the cow" (Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. 170). 270 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE lord of Tuscany, and demanding for himself, as a reward, the lordship of Piacenza, at the same time intimating that if his request was refused he should allow the entrapped army to escape.^ The Duke was so exasperated at this attempted ex- tortion that he sent a secret messenger to the enemies' camp, offering terms of peace and once more renewing his promise to give his daughter in marriage to Sforza.^ Great was Piccinino's chagrin when he found that peace had been concluded behind his back and that his prey had been snatched from his grasp.^ This time Filippo-Maria kept his word and allowed the marriage between his daughter Bianca and Francesco Sforza to be solem- nised.* fFrom this union sprang Caterina Sforza, the ancestress of the line of Grand Dukes of Tuscany and of the famous Catherine de' MediciQ While this war was going on events of a different character were taking place in Florence. For some time past attempts had been made to effect a reunion between the Eastern and the Western Churches. In July, 143 1, a Council of the Church had been opened at Basle, mainly for the repression of the teaching of the Hussites and the reformation of ecclesiastical discipline. The members, having fallen out with the Pope and among them- selves, sought relief from an interminable wrangle by negotiating with the Greek hierarchy for a settlement of the differences which divided the two Churches. It was ultimately arranged that a Council to be attended by representatives of both Churches should be held at Ferrara. This Council sat from January Sth, 1438, to January loth, 1439, when, ostensibly on account of an outbreak of plague, it was removed to Florence.^ The real object of its removal was to enable Pope Eugenius to pay the expenses of the Greek representatives, as he had been promised a loan from the Florentines for the purpose if he would bring the Council to their city.^ The Greek Church was represented by the Emperor John Palseologus, the Patriarch Joseph, and twenty- ' Ricotti's Storia delle Compagnie di Ventura, iii. 82. ^ The Duke had had similar claims made upon him by other captains in his service. Sanseveriuo had asked for Novara, Dal Verme for Tortona, and Furlano for Bosco and Figaruolo. ' Three years later Filippo-Maria again tricked Piccinino out of a certain victory over Sforza. Piccinino died shortly afterwards, it is said, heartbroken at his master's treachery. ^ The ceremony was performed on October 23rd, 1441 . '' The plague in Ferrara had ceased two months before the Council left. '' Popov's History of the CoMicilof Florence, p. 91. THE COUNCIL OF FLORENCE 271 two bishops. The Patriarch was greatly gratified by the magnifi- cent reception accorded him by the Florentines on February 13th. The Emperor, who arrived three days later, would have received an equally splendid welcome had not the ceremony been marred by the weather.^ The Pope took up his abode in his old quarters at S. Maria Novella. The Patriarch ^ was lodged in the palace of the Ferrantini (subsequently called the Casa Vernaccia), and to the Emperor and his suite were assigned the houses of the Peruzzi, which stood on sites now occupied by the Arco de' Peruzzi and Piazza de' Peruzzi. Their sojourn in Florence was commemorated some few years later by the painting of the interesting and strikingly beautiful frescoes in a chapel in the Riccardi Palace (then the Palazzo Medici) by Fra Angelico's great pupil Benozzo Gozzoli. In them the Emperor Palaeologus, the Patriarch, and Lorenzo the Magnificent are represented as the three kings in a procession of the Magi.^ The conference was held in the Cathedral, and the chief points discussed related to the Procession of the Holy Ghost, the use of leavened or unleavened bread in the Eucharist, Purgatory, and papal authority. It commenced on March 2nd, and it became a weary theological duel between John of Montenegro, a famous Dominican theologian, and Mark of Ephesus. On July 6th a decree was published embodying articles that had been agreed to by the two Churches, and which it was thought would finally settle the differences that separated them, but it had no practical effect.* It was not, however, fruitless, though its fruits were far other than were intended. It gave an impetus to the humanistic movement that was taking place in Italy, of which Florence was the centre, and which had in years to come such a momentous influence directly on the thought and taste, and indirectly on the religion, of Europe. One of the most marked characteristics of this movement was an intense admiration for the masterpieces of Greek Art, and an enthusiastic love for Greek . ^ Creighton, ii. 341. Popov gives February 15th as the day of the Emperor's entry. ^ The Patriarch died in Florence on June loth, 1439. ^ For a notice of these frescoes see Ruskin's Modern Painters (1888), ii. 210. * The original decree is preserved in the Laurentian Library. It is com- memorated by a marble tablet in the Cathedral. For detailed accounts of the proceedings, see Stttdii Storiei sul Concilia di Firenze, 1869, by Cecconi, and History ^ the Council of Florence (London, 1861), by Vasily Popov, edited by Neale. 272 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Philosophy. The advent at such a time of the representatives of the Greek Church was a matter of no small moment. Not only did it increase the intellectual and aesthetic interest in things Hellenic, but it facilitated the acquisition of countless precious manuscripts and works of art,; which were lying almost unheeded in the land that gave them birth, and it attracted some of the most learned Greeks to Italy. Before long Gemistos Plethon took up his abode in Florence, and it is said that it was through conversing with him that Cosimo de' Medici was led to establish the famous Platonic Academy.^ It would be difficult to over-estimate the influence which this Academy exercised over European thought — in Italy through Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, and in Germany through Reuchlin and his pupil Melanchthon. 2 By displacing Aristotle from the pedestal that he had occupied ever since the days of Scholasticism, and by stimulating a spirit of scepticism and critical inquiry, it un- consciously paved the way for the Reformation. And so the Council of Florence, which had been convened to unite the two great Churches of Christendom, only sowed the seeds of dis- memberment. Soon after the dispersion of the Council, Italy was shocked by the perpetration of an outrage in Florence, the motive of which is still shrouded in mystery. In September, 1441, Baldaccio dAnghiari, a brave soldier who commanded the Florentine infantry in the recent wars, was inveigled into the private room of the gonfalonier, where he was assassinated and his body thrown out of the window into the Piazza. Shortly afterwards the corpse was decapitated by order of the Signory, and Baldaccio's property was declared confiscated. In order to understand what was, in all probability, the true cause of this atrocious murder, it will be necessary to glance at the ever- shifting relations between the leading Italian States. The House of Aragon had triumphed over the House of Anjou, and a rapprochement was taking place between Pope Eugenius IV. and Alfonso, King of Naples. Florence and Sforza, on the other hand, had not abandoned the Angevin cause, and a coolness had in consequence sprung up between her and the Pope. Moreover, the Pope was endeavouring to recover the principalities in La ' Among the learned Greeks who were present at this Council, Bessarion, Bishop of Nicea (who received a cardinal's hat in the following year) should be mentioned. 2 Symonds, ii. 207. THE MURDER OF BALDACCIO 273 Marca which he had, in an hour of need, granted to Sforza, and he was being aided in his endeavours by Fihppo-Maria Visconti, who was once more jealous and distrustful of Sforza.^ Cosimo tried to reconcile Eugenius with Sforza, but all his sympathies were with the latter, whom he desired to see established in La Marca as a check upon Alfonso.^ The Pope would not be per- suaded and he engaged Baldaccio to fight against Sforza and paid him 80,000 florins down. This payment was made on the day before Baldaccio was murdered, and it is generally supposed that it was the knowledge of Baldaccio's appointment that caused the Signory to contrive his assassination. Other causes have however been assigned. The Signory publicly announced that Baldaccio was put to death for having disobeyed orders during the last campaign, but this is scarcely consistent with the manner of his death. It has also been alleged that his murder was an act of private vengeance on the part of the gonfalonier Bartolommeo Orlandini who, it may be remembered, basely deserted his post in the pass of Marradi, and whose cowardice on that occasion had been publicly denounced by Baldaccio. But had this been so, the Signory would hardly have voluntarily incurred the odium of such a crime merely to screen a public official. It may however be taken as certain that, whatever was their motive, the Signory found in Orlandini an agent willing enough to do their bidding. Another explanation of the incident is that the removal of Baldaccio was a blow aimed at Neri Capponi, whose growing influence in the State was causing alarm to Cosimo and his friends.^ A close friendship existed between Neri and Baldaccio, who was so popular with the troops under his command that it was believed they would fight for him in any cause, and this friendship was viewed with suspicion by the Cosimeschi, who were apprehensive that if Neri became gonfalonier he might, with Baldaccio's assistance, overthrow their ascendancy.* Cavalcanti asserts that Cosimo was privy to the transaction, and treacherously advised Baldaccio to obey without fear the gonfalonier's sum- 1 Filippo- Maria feared that Sforza would seize his wife's inheritance, ^ Cosimo sent on this mission his cousin Bemardetto, who was one of his most capable and trusted advisers. 2 Machiavelli, p. 234 ; Cavalcanti, ii. 160. * Cavalcanti, ii. 160. Neri Capponi was the only opponent whom Cosimo had reason to dread. " These two men were the greatest in the Republic. The one, Neri, was the wisest, and the other, Cosimo, was the richest of the citizens" (Ibid., ii, 159), But Cosimo's jealousy of Neri has probably been much exaggerated, as Neri was often one of the Accoppiatori. 274 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE mons.i No other historian mentions this, and as Cavalcanti, in his later hfe, wrote with an evident bias against Cosimo, the story may be rejected as unworthy of credence.^ But assuming, as we may do, that Cosimo was not the traitor that Cavalcanti would have us believe, it is incredible that such an important step could have been taken without his cognisance. The story is an ugly one and damaging to the reputation of all concerned. The murder of Baldaccio is said to have weakened Neri Capponi's party and caused him loss of " reputation " (the word is Machiavelli's) and friends.^ Nevertheless opposition to the Medici rule gained ground. The term of the Bulla that had been appointed on Cosimo's recall expired in 1444, and Cosimo did not yet feel that his authority was secure without one. The subsidies to Sforza, the abuse of the Catasto, and the introduction of a sliding scale into the system of taxation had impaired his popularity, and consequently his opponents had contrived to place the names of many of their own party in the election bags. It is probable, too, that he had already conceived the idea of establishing Sforza as lord of Milan, to carry out which he would require a very sub- servient government. He therefore obtained the appointment of a new Balta, but its members were nominated not as heretofore by an assembly of the people, but by the Councils. This was a distinct violation of constitutional forms and an apparent en- croachment on popular rights. But the right of which the people were now deprived they had only possessed in theory, for parlia- ment had ever been used to oppress them, and was proverbially a source of mischief.* The new departure was probably im- politic, but it was at least a more honest method of choosing a Balia than that which had previously prevailed. The new Balm appointed fresh Accoppiatori, re-established the ' Cavalcanti, pp. 161, 162. ^ ' ' Cosi il Cavalcanti, che scrive gia in odio a Cosimo senza volere che si paresse" (Gino Capponi, ii. 277). Cippola says that the death of Baldaccio is for the most part veiled in mystery, but nobody denied his crimes or that he was worthy of death. Other authors also state that the motives of his murder are unknown. Cf. Storia delle Signorie Italiane, p. 474, note ; Arch. Stor., Ser. iii. pp. 131-166; Muratori, S.I.S., xx. 544. ^ Machiavelli, p. 235. Neri was not appointed ambassador or commissioner for two years after Baldaccio's death. Subsequently his relations with Cosimo seem to have been friendly (Gino Capponi, ii. 278, 284). * There was an old proverb, Che disse Parlamento, disse guastamento. Villari's Savonarola, i. 247. Parliaments were by law abolished, at the instance of Savonarola, in 1495. COSIMO DE' MEDICrS FOREIGN POLICY 275 eight Riformagioni (Commissioners of Reforms), and filled all offices with adherents of the dominant factions.^ The terms for which some of their opponents had been exiled in 1434 were extended, and others who were suspected of hostility to Cosimo's party were imprisoned or disfranchised.^ By these means the lurking opposition to the Medicean supremacy was for a time sup- pressed. It required constant watchfulness, however, on Cosimo's part to maintain his position. In 1446 he had great difficulty in procuring his re-election to a seat on the Board which con- trolled the National Debt,^ and his foreign policy was so un- popular that he was forced to obtain the appointment of another Balla in 1452, which (contrary to all precedent) was appointed for an indefinite period. By this means more forced loans were raised, the jurisdiction of the Otto di Guardia was extended, and another ten years were added to the terms for which the exiles had been banished.* It was not, however, entirely sub- missive to Cosimo, for in 1453 it refused for a time to allow him to nominate the members of a new Died di Guerra. Meanwhile foreign affairs had been causing Cosimo much anxiety. Pope Eugenius left Florence in 1443, and it was well known that his departure signified an intention to seek the protection of Naples ^ in lieu of that of Florence.^ With the aid of Naples and Milan he at once commenced the expedition, which he had been secretly planning while in Florence, to dis- possess Sforza of the states in La Marca which he had ceded to him. In this he would probably have succeeded but for Cosimo, who not only liberally supplied Sforza with money,^ but contrived to temporarily detach Visconti from his alliance with Alfonso, and after some difficulty induced Venice to lend Sforza a powerful aid. ' Machiavelli, p. 235 ; Capponi, ii. 284. The personnel o( the Accoppiatori remained for the most part unchanged during Cosimo's life. They comprised his most trusted supporters. ^ Giovanni Vespucci was imprisoned and some of the Mancini, Baroncelli, Seragli, and Gianni were disfranchised. ' This was one of the few public posts which Cosimo held all his life and, as it gave him a control over the national finances, it was of vital importance to him in his direction of foreign affairs. * This harsh decree prevented poor Palla Strozzi from ever returning to his native city. ^ Naples was now ruled by Florence's enemy King Alfonso. ^ It was solemnly debated whether or not it would not be expedient to forcibly restrain the Pope firom quitting Florence. ' It is said that the greater part of twelve forced loans that were raised about this time went into Sforza's pocket. 276 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE A further cause of disturbance arose when Filippo-Maria Visconti died in 1447. Having no issue he bequeathed his duchy to Alfonso, King of Naples, but the Milanese were un- willing to be thus disposed of, and a republic was proclaimed. Its establishment was not, however, effected without opposition, as besides the majority, who favoured a popular government, there were two parties in the city, one of which desired to see Sforza Duke of Milan, and another which was satisfied with the disposition made by Filippo-Maria. The new government at once found their dominions in peril of invasion by the Venetians and, with doubtful prudence, they appointed Sforza general of their forces. It was not long before he inflicted on Venice as crushing a defeat as she had ever sustained, and she at once turned to Florence for assistance. This Florence was bound to accord, as the league between the two cities was still subsisting, and she sent a contingent of some 3,000 men. It was not, how- ever, sent willingly by Cosimo, who continued to supply Sforza with money. The Venetians, thus strengthened, thought " that it was time to treat for peace. For a long time past it had been the fortune of the Venetian Republic to lose in war and to gain by treaty ; and it had often happened that they had recovered by peace twice as much as they had lost by war."i They were, however, uncertain whether it would be more to their advantage to treat openly with the government of Milan or secretly with Sforza. Finally, they adopted the latter course, " presuming that when the Milanese found themselves betrayed by the Count (Sforza) 2 they would be so angry that they would submit to any rule rather than his, and would throw themselves into the arms of Venice as the power best able to protect them."^ But the Count proved himself even a greater master of the art of diplomatic finesse than the Venetian Republic, and by a series of deceptions, and with the aid of Florentine gold, he was pro- claimed Duke of Milan on February 26th, 1450.* The policy of aiding Sforza in this enterprise had been warmly debated in Florence. It was contended by the Medicean party that Milan must inevitably fall into the hands of either Sforza or Venice, and that it was better that Florence should have as ' Machiavelli, p. 245. ■^ Sforza is generally alluded to as "the Count" by contemporary historians. ^ Machiavelli, p. 245. * From this date the sway of the Italian despots became milder, and they endeavoured to rule rather by craft than force (Symonds, i. 79, 80). COSIMO DE' MEDICrS FOREIGN POLICY 277 a neighbour a powerful friend than a still more powerful foe. The opposition, headed by Neri Capponi, urged that it would be for the interest of Florence that Milan should be maintained as a republic, for as Sforza had been troublesome when a Count he would be more troublesome when a Duke.^ But this reasoning did not prevail, as it was thought that it arose from Neri's jealousy of Cosimo (whose power would be increased if his friend Sforza became Duke of Milan) than from Neri's deliberate judgment. The revolution in the foreign policy of Florence, for which Cosimo had been working for so long, was now accomplished, and for many years to come Milan and not Venice was her close ally. Cosimo's coolness towards Venice possibly origin- ated with his unsuccessful embassy to that city in 1438, ever since which time it had been increasing. During the same period his relations with Sforza had become more and more friendly. It must not be supposed, however, that the policy which he initiated was occasioned only by personal predilections. It was prompted also by a statesmanlike recognition of the changed position of affairs. The old alliance between Florence and Venice had been entered into to resist the Visconti, but Naples and not Milan was now the disturbing element in Italian politics, and it was the ambition of Alfonso that was the pressing danger. Venice, from her geographical position, had less to fear from Neapolitan than from Milanese aggression, and as her actions were ever the result of selfish considerations, Florence could not count on her aid in opposing Alfonso. Nor was there any community of interest between Florence and Venice which could form the solid basis of a permanent alliance, but, on the contrary, their commercial rivalry tended to thrust them asunder. There was, too, a continuity in the policy of Venice which made her doubly dangerous. " Tyrants greedy and cunning like Visconti, monarchs restless and ambitious like Alfonso, might arise; but they would die, and their power come to an end. Venice as a corporation never died, and she conquered always to retain."^ It was in truth Venice that Cosimo feared more than Naples. But he could not look to Naples for assistance in the event of Venetian hostility, for the steady adherence of Florence to the Angevin cause had made Alfonso her enemy. Sforza, on the other hand, was under a deep debt of gratitude ^ Machiavelli, p. 250. ''■ Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. 98. 278 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE to Florence, as he owed his dukedom to her aid, and he, like Florence, had incurred the hatred of Alfonso. Hence if Venice and Naples were to be prevented from obtaining a preponderat- ing power in Italy, everything pointed to an alUance between Florence and Milan. This was the balance of power at which Cosimo aimed, and which during the remainder of his hfe he succeeded in main- taining. The game had been a very uphill one. It had required much patience and skill, and Cosimo's manner of playing it shows him to have been a statesman of no mean order. It was very difficult to detach Florence from her old ally Venice, and bring her en rapport with her old enemy Milan. The Venetian alliance had been expensive, but it had flattered Florentine vanity. The large subsidies paid to Sforza had made Cosimo unpopular in Florence, and this had added to his diffi- culties with his own supporters.^ The Neri-Capponi party had schemed for a league between Florence, Venice, and Naples to crush Sforza; but this design Cosimo frustrated, as its success would have made any balance of power impossible. It would take pages to describe the network of intrigue and counter- intrigue spreading all over Italy, and sometimes beyond the Alps, which was woven by Sforza's" friends and foes to further or impede his progress from a Romagnol lordship to the dukedom of Milan. Immediately after Sforza's triumph a revulsion of popular feeling set in, as the Florentines hoped that the ills occasioned by the long-standing enmity between Florence and Milan were now at an end. But the substitution of a Sforza for a Visconti dynasty did not at first make for peace. Neither Alfonso who claimed Milan de jure, nor Venice who had been foiled in her attempt to acquire it by conquest, was disposed to allow Sforza to enjoy his new dominion in quietness, and they combined to dispossess him. Florence promised him her aid, at which Venice formally remonstrated, as the league between the two states had never been abrogated. This fact is mentioned because the duty of replying to the Venetian ambassadors was entrusted to Cosimo (who held no official position at the time) ' It is said that the subsidies paid to Sforza out of the Florentine exchequer amounted to 25,000 florins, and that a still larger sum was paid to him out of Cosimo's private purse. In 1447 Nicodemo (Sforza's representative in Florence) wrote to his master that no man in Florence cared about Sforza's interests except Cosimo (Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. no). ALLIANCE WITH MILAN 279 on account of his being " head of the Republic." ' This phrase is significant, and shows the advance which the Medicean supremacy had made during the past twelve years, for in 1439, when Cosimo wished to take a prominent part while the Council was in session at Florence, he thought it necessary to procure his election as gonfalonier. After the ambassadors had left, a " Ten of War " was appointed, of which Cosimo and Neri were members. Pope Nicholas V. (Tommaso Parentucelli),^ who had succeeded Eugenius IV. in March, 1447, would take no part in the contest, and exhorted all Christian States to turn their arms against the Turks, who were threatening Constantinople. The war waged by Florence and Milan against Venice and Naples commenced in the middle of 1452, and it lasted for about two years, without any permanent advantage accruing to either side. Peace was finally concluded at Lodi in April, 1454, through the intervention of the Pope, who was preaching a crusade against Islam. He at length succeeded in forming a league between the leading Italian States for the purpose of recovering Constantinople, which had fallen in 1453, but he did not live to see even the commencement of military operations. He died on March 24th, 1455, and was succeeded by Calixtus III.,^ who continued his policy. By way of awakening enthu- siasm against the Turk, processions were organised which paraded ttie streets of many Italian cities. That in Florence is said to have numbered 6,000 "men and women, boys and girls, all clothed in white, with a red cross on their shoulders, singing aid chanting psalms as they went."* Florence, desiring to appear foremost in zeal among the States of Christendom, was lavish in advice and promises of men and money. But this enthusiasm soon expended itself, and no active measures were taken for the expulsion of the Turks. 1 ^'Capo della Repubblica" (Ammirato, v. 318). 2 He had been private tutor to the sons of Rinaldo degU Albizzi and Palla Stiozzi. He was an eminent scholar and bibliophile, and he assisted Cosimo in the formation of his library at S. Marco. ' Alfonso Borgia, who by his nepotism paved the way for the election to the papacy of his relative Roderigo, the infamous Alexander VI. * Cambi, Deliz. Erud. Tosc, xx. 334. CHAPTER XIV 1457-1464 cosiMO de' Medici's closing years — luca pitti — deate, METHODS OF GOVERNMENT, AND CHARACTER OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI WHEN the contemplated crusade against the Turks was abandoned, Florence, being at peace with her neighbours, had nothing to distract her attention from internal affairs, and, as was usual at such times, dissensions arose among her politicians. There was much disaffection among Cosimo's followers. In 1457 Neri Capponi died, and with his death all appreciable opposition to the Medicean rule disappeared.^ "A successful faction," says, Machiavelli, "only remained united as long as an opposing faction existed, but when opposition was extinguished, it fell to pieces through lack of restraining fear and organisation " ; and he proceeds to instance Cosimo's government in support of his assertion. The disaffection first showed itself in a formjl demand on Cosimo, by some of his friends, for the abolition of the Balla. Many of the Mediceans had only assented to thp suspension of representative government as a means of main- taining their own ascendancy. They had, in fact, only toleratdd the Batia as an instrument for quelling opposition, and a deste for its discontinuance, now that opposition had ceased, did not seem unreasonable. The proceeding was, however, a blow aimed at Cosimo's supremacy. A less sagacious man than he woilld have refused the demand and asserted his authority by force of arms. Cosimo determined to teach his followers that it was th:y, rather than he, who benefited by the existing rdgime.^ With liis sanction the Batla was dissolved, and a Signory was elected' in ^ Machiavelli (p. 270) erroneously assigns Neri's death to 1455. He anay have become infirm and retired from public life in that year. He made a codicil to his will in 1456, which perhaps points to illness. ^ Machiavelli, p. 270. 280 COSIMO DE' MEDICI'S CLOSING YEARS 281 accordance with ancient usage. Events turned out as he antici- pated. Many wealthy citizens had recently, as in times past, been evading payment of their fair share of taxation by a corrupt use of the caiasto, and one of the first acts of the re- formed government was to check this abuse. No sooner had this been done than the very persons who had clamoured for the abolition of the Baha came to Cosimo, cap in hand, and petitioned for its re-establishment. He expressed his willingness to grant their request, provided it could be effected by constitu- tional means. The proposal was then submitted to an universal assembly of the people, and of course rejected. Once more the petitioners appeared before Cosimo, and humbly besought him to carry out their wishes by means of a parlamento, by which they meant that he should procure, by armed intervention, a sham popular assent to the appointment of a Balia. Cosimo emphatically declined to be a party to any such proceeding, and when the gonfalonier, Matteo Bartoli,^ notwithstanding such refusal, presumed to make a similar proposal to the Signory, Cosimo made him appear so ridiculous that he left the room in confusion. Four months later the gonfaloniership fell to Luca Pitti (a man of very different calibre from poor Matteo Bartoli), who for the next few years played a foremost part in Florentine affairs. He was a bold, vain, and presumptuous man, fond of the chief seat in assemblies and of greetings in the market-place, who owed his influence more to great wealth than force of character. He entered office in July, and soon after he convened an assembly of the people, and endeavoured to induce them by persuasion to appoint a Batia, but without success. There- upon he convened a second parlamento and, following the old evil precedents, "having filled the palace with armed men he constrained the people by force to consent to what they had refused to grant voluntarily."^ Machiavelli thinks that this was done with the consent of Cosimo, who desired a Batia, but pre- ferred that the odium of its re-establishment should fall upon Luca rather than upon himself. It should be remembered, however, that Cosimo was old and infirm and, as subsequent events proved, quite unable to control the headstrong Luca. ' Ammirato, v. 348. Machiavelli (p. 271) tells the story of Donato Cocchi, bflt he was gonfalonier in 1456 (Reumont's Tavole, p. 35). ^ Machiavelli, p. 271. 282 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE The government that was thus forcibly foisted on the people remained in office for eight years. It was Luca, and not Cosimo, who now virtually ruled the city.^ If Cosimo had chastised his opponents with whips Luca chastised them with scorpions. Five citizens were beheaded, eighteen were banished, forty of the exiles were proclaimed rebels, and some of the illustrious families who had been driven out of the city in 1434 had another twenty-five years added to their terms of exile.^ As a sop to the people the name of the priors, who had hitherto been called "Priori delle Arti" (heads of the trading guilds), was changed to " Priori di Liberia," so that " they might at least preserve the name of the thing that they had lost."^ But not- withstanding his acts of oppression, Luca Pitti was courted by everyone. He had presents showered upon him, he was beset by petitioners, his house was thronged with visitors, and the first place was given to him on all public occasions. He became so arrogant that, as Ammirato says, "he dared to commence the erection of two houses, one within and one without the city, that were more suitable for a king than a private citizen."* This was a great cause of offence, and helped to impair Luca's popularity, as the Florentines invariably looked askance at any citizen who built for himself a house of unusual size or splendour. Luca's conduct in this matter throws into relief the difference of character between himself and Cosimo. When Cosimo was contemplating building his new house in the Via Larga* he rejected Brunelleschi's design on the ground that it was too magnificent, and selected a less pretentious one by Michelozzo Michelozzi.^ The huge mansion in Florence which Luca was at this time commencing is still known as the Palazzo Pitti. The next four years (r 460- 1464) were comparatively unevent- ful. Cosimo was leading a retired life, and Luca's popularity was waning. Florence, following the prudent example of Venice, refused to embroil herself in the Neapolitan war of succession. But though she thus escaped expenditure for military purposes, ' Machiavelli, p. 272. ^ The Castellani, Bardi, Ardinghelli, BelfradelH, Strozzi, Peruzzi, Guasconi, Rondinelli, Brancacci, Guadagni, and Baldovinetti. ' Machiavelli, p. 272. * These words were prophetic, as one of them is now a royal palace. ■^ Now the Via Cavour. The house is now the Palazzo Riccardi. " Brunelleschi, in a pet, destroyed his plans on hearing that they had been rejected. DEATH OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 283 there were large drains on her exchequer for civil hospitality. Pope Pius II. {JEnsdas Piccolomini) and Galeazzo-Maria Sforza, the son and heir of Francesco, visited Florence at the same time, and were royally entertained. The Pope was carried by four nobles, in a litter covered with silk brocade, from one of the city gates to his quarters in S. Maria Novella. The Mercatft Nuovo was converted into a temporary stage, draped with arras, on which sixty youths and as many beautiful girls, belonging to the most distinguished Florentine families, danced for the amuse- ment of a vast concourse of spectators. The dresses of the performers, which were repeatedly changed, were richly adorned with pearls and precious stones. There was another costly scenic show in which twelve Florentine youths took part, among whom was Lorenzo de' Medici, then a youth of eleven years old. In the Piazza della Signoria there was a grand " hunt " (or rather a baiting of wild animals) and a tournament. All the noble guests in the city were entertained at a banquet in the Palazzo Vecchio, and young Sforza was presented with silver ewers and goblets which cost the Signory 2,000 florins. Alluding to the special ceremonies in honour of Pope Pius, Cambi says "the business was characterised by pride and not by holiness, and it cost us a treasure." ^ On August ist, 1464, Cosimo died at his beautiful villa at Careggi, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. Since his recall from exile, in 1434, fortune had generally smiled on him, but the , last years of his life were not unclouded, The overbearing conduct of the Pitti faction caused him much anxiety, and he had misgivings as to the capacity of his son Piero to curb their "headstrong and uncontrolled wickedness." Piero had been a martyr to gout from his youth, and he had as yet given no sign of the mental ability which he undoubtedly possessed. Cosimo's favourite son, Giovanni, on whom his hopes for the maintenance of the family greatness rested, died childless in 1463. It was on hearing the news of Giovanni's death that Cosimo, while being carried through his new palace,^ pathetically exclaimed, "This house is too large for so small a family." ^ The failure to add Lucca to the Florentine territory was, too, a bitter disappoint- ment to him, and it was aggravated by a sense of Sforza's in- 1 Cited by TroUope, iii. 211. ^ Now the Palazzo Riccardi. ^ Machiavelli, p. 276. 284 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE gratitude.^ When on his deathbed he had a conversation with Piero on affairs of state, but the stilted oration — half platitudes and half cant — which Bruto puts into his mouth on that occasion, must be dismissed as the coinage of the historian's brain. He was buried on August 2nd in the church of San Lorenzo, and by his special request the funeral ceremonies were conducted without pomp. But the people were determined to honour him after his death, and the name of "Pater Patriae," by which he had been hailed on his return from exile, was, by public decree, ordered to be inscribed on his tomb. The place which Cosimo de' Medici made for himself in the world of Florentine politics — the almost absolute authority which he wielded during the greater part of his life while a mere citizen — is probably without parallel in history. Unlike his son Piero and his grandson Lorenzo, he entered public life without any hereditary claim to be regarded as Capo della Republlica, for his father, Giovanni, though a very influential citizen, was hardly more prominent than Rinaldo degli Albizzi or Niccolb da Uzzano. He never possessed any of that power which is conferred by title or office. He was not a " Consul " like Julius Caesar, or "Protector" like Cromwell. He was but twice gon- falonier during thirty years, and the only post which he held for a long period was a seat on the Board that controlled the National Debt. And yet, as Pius II. (^neas Sylvius) truly wrote of him, he was a king in all but the name.^ The secret of his success was threefold. It lay in the combined influence of his Personality, his Wealth, and his Astuteness. He was endowed in a rare degree with that faculty which distinguishes the av^/> avSjotov from the crowd — that subtle and altogether inexplicable force which gives to its possessor a mental ascendancy over the mass of those with whom he is brought into contact. He in- herited from his father a fortune of 179,221 golden florins, and this he enormously increased by an unusual aptitude for busi- ness.^ And his astuteness enabled him to direct his personal influence and to employ his vast wealth to the best possible advantage. This astuteness showed itself in many ways, but ^ It is said that Sforza evaded a promise that if he became Duke of Milan he would aid Cosimo in acquiring Lucca. ^ " So you think you are a Cosimo de' Medici?" was a proverbial retort to boasters. ' His brother Lorenzo, who was in partnership with him, was on his death, in 1440, worth 435,137 florins (Burckhardt, p. 80). COSIMO'S METHODS OF GOVERNMENT 285 above all, in his thorough knowledge of the Florentine character, and in his complete realisation of the only conditions under which Florence could be well and safely governed by a single individual. He never lost sight of the fact that his fellow- citizens were more jealous of the apparent than of the actual possession of power, and that they viewed with a resentment, which sometimes grew to hatred, all who assumed any outward signs of superiority. He might, had he been so minded, have made himself lord of Florence by force after his recall from exile.i But he was too wise to do so, for he realised that if Florence was to be driven it must be by a driver of her own choice, and that even then it was impossible unless the hands that held the whip and reins were partially concealed. The problems, therefore, that he had to solve were, first. How to veil his authority, and second. How to retain his popularity. I. The solution of the first would have been impossible with- out his strong personality. This enabled him to keep in the background while he directed the policy of the State through others. By carefully selecting those who were susceptible of his influence, or in some way beholden to him, and artfully placing them in office, he was enabled to impress his will on assemblies of which he was not a member, while he avoided awakening those jealousies which had shipwrecked aspirants to the titular lordship of Florence.^ All offices of importance were filled by members of his party, and the ten Accoppiatori, who managed the elections, comprised his most faithful adherents.^ He was quick at detecting intelligence, and able men of humble birth (such as Puccio Pucci) were promoted to responsible posts. In them he found willing and useful instruments. Those of his opponents who were not banished on his recall were, by fair means or foul, excluded from all share in the government. Neri Capponi, the only man in whom he saw a possible rival, was kept almost con- stantly employed on foreign embassies.* ' Guicciardini. ' One instance of this may be given. He wished Donato Acciaiuoli's name to be placed among the candidates for the gonfaloniership, and when at a meeting of the Accoppiatori the member to whom he had mentioned the matter said "It is Cosimo's wish," it was done as a matter of course (Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. i88). > They were called by his opponents "The ten tyrants." * In this Cosimo was acting on a maxim of Neri Capponi's father Gino, that " he who wishes a great position in his native city should not leave it too often." 286 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Cosimo's knowledge of the temper of his fellow-countrymen also displayed itself in minor matters. Avoiding a mistake that Corso Donati had made, he refused to allow his son Piero to wed the daughter of a feudal lord.^ and (wiser than Luca Pitti) he rejected Brunelleschi's plan for his new palace in the Via Larga, on the ground that it was too magnificent. "Envy is a plant that should not be watered " he is reported to have said, and it is a maxim on which he invariably acted. 2. There can be no doubt that Cosimo's popularity was largely maintained and his influence increased by his successful adminis- tration of foreign affairs. In speaking of the Medici, Guicciardini says that " all their affairs depended on the power and reputation of the Republic ; in its exaltation and prosperity lay their exal- tation and prosperity, because when it was greatest they were most powerful."^ This was well known to Cosimo, and so it was unnecessary to pursue the same tactics in his foreign policy as those which guided him in his conduct of home affairs. Here he made no pretence of taking others into his counsel, and no attempt to mask the power that he was wielding ; indeed, having regard to the delicate and intricate nature of the negotiations which he had to carry on, and to the necessity for secrecy, it would have been almost impossible to have done so. At any rate, as far as Cosimo's popularity went, it was unnecessary, for any jealousy that his conduct in this particular might arouse, was more than counterbalanced by the credit that he obtained for having increased the prestige of the Republic. Another contributory cause of his popularity was the judicious expenditure of his great wealth.' Few men have ever lived who better understood the value of money in the acquisition of power.* He used it to allure, to reward, and to chastise. By draining Venice and Naples of gold he forced them to make peace when at war with Florence and Milan, and by means of the ramifying ^ He subsequently married his son Piero to Lucrezia Tomabuoni. His grand-daughters Bianca and Nannina he respectively married to Guglielmo de' Pazzi and Bernardo Rucellai. All of these alliances were with families of Florentine merchants. An interesting account of the festivities on the marriage of Bernardo and Nannina is given in Biagi's Private Life of the Renaissance Florentines, pp. 67-77. ^ Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. 187. ' The Medicean wealth was chiefly derived from banking, but they carried on extensive mercantile transactions, especially with the East ; they owned large landed estates and were interested in lucrative alum mines. ^ Symonds, ii. 169. COSIMO'S METHODS OF GOVERNMENT 287 influence of the Medici Bank, individuals who opposed him rarely escaped financial losses.^ He paid the taxes of numbers of his supporters to save their names from appearing on the Specchio. By judiciously advancing money on loan he increased the loyalty of his friends and conciliated his foes. It is said that at his death there was hardly an influential citizen who was not under some pecuniary obligation to him.^ His liberality and munificence were almost unbounded. He gave away large sums in charity and expended still more in the erection of splendid public buildings.3 Of these the most important were the convent of San Marco in Florence, the Badia at Fiesole, an abbey in the MugeHo, and a Hostel for Pilgrims at Jerusalem.* He also added to and beautified the churches of San Miniato, Santa Croce, the Servi, and San Lorenzo. And his buildings were designed by the first architects and decorated by the first artists of the day. So conscious was he of the influence which he had gained by his munificence, that he was heard to say he had committed a great error of judgment in not having commenced spending money freely earlier in life. His enlightened patronage of Art and Learning, however, probably enhanced his reputation, at least among the educated, even more than his liberality. He was a collector of statues, gems, and coins. He enjoined not only his business corre- spondents, but friends, missionaries, and preachers who travelled into the remotest countries, to search for and procure ancient manuscripts in every language and on every subject,^ and it often happened that a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books were shipped to him in the same vessel.^ He kept in his employ an army of copyists, and he established libraries at the convents of San Marco and Fiesole which, together with his private collec- tions, formed the foundation of the great Laurentian library at Florence. Though not an eminent scholar he was widely read and was in complete sympathy with the intellectual movement of his age.'^ He could converse intelligently on philosophy, ' Machiavelli, p. 274. ^ Ibid., 273. ' It is said that the sums which he expended during his life on buildings, charities, and taxes amounted to 400,000 florins. * Vespasiano says that Cosimo built churches to relieve a conscience that was uneasy at the questionable manner in which his wealth had been obtained (Reumont, i. 158). 5 Roscoe, i. 37. ^ Gibbons' Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1783-1790), xii. 136. ' His patronage of literature was not however so complete or sympathetic as that of his grandson. Lorenzo would not have exiled Palla Strozzi, have 288 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE theology, and astrology, and he was a consummate judge of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture. His palace was the centre of literary and artistic society when the intellectual life in Florence was even more brilliant than in any other city of that brilliant period. He readily discerned rising genius, and "he was always the father and benefactor of those who showed any excellence." 1 Of all the great artists of the day Donatello seems to have been his favourite, and him he constantly employed and treated as a friend. He formed a close intimacy with Fra Angelico, and to Lippo Lippi he showed great kindness. The influence of the Platonic Academy which he formed has already been noticed. Burckhardt thinks that the spell which Cosimo exercised over Florence lay less in his political capacity than in his leadership of the culture of the age. " A man of Cosimo's position," he says, " a great merchant and party leader, who also had on his side all the thinkers, writers, and investigators, a man who was the first of Florentines by birth and the first of Italians by culture — such a man was to all intents and purposes already a prince. "2 Such were the principal methods by which Cosimo secured favour and consolidated his party, but he did not neglect other, and sometimes more questionable means. He occasionally organised public spectacles and festivities when visitors of distinction sojourned in Florence, which served the double purpose of pleasing the lower orders and impressing foreigners with the extent of Florentine wealth. And those who could not be attracted to his side were often persecuted. It was said of him that he used taxes in the place of a dagger. The most flagrant instance of this was the case of the brilliant scholar Giannozzo Manetti, who was required to pay 135,000 florins in taxes for showing too independent a spirit, and forced in con- sequence to quit Florence. A still more objectionable practice, which though not introduced by Cosimo he took no steps to amend, was the maladministration of justice in the criminal courts, where the Mediceans, however guilty, were sure, if not of acquittal, at least of lenient treatment.^ driven Giannozzo Manetti out of Florence by persecution, or have allowed Agnolo Pandolfini to quit it in disgust. ' Vespasiano, cited in Symonds, ii. 175-177. " Burckhart, p. 220. It is, however, hardly correct to say that he was the first of Florentines by birth. ' It is probable, however, that the Florentine courts at this period were not more corrupt than those of other European^States. CHARACTER OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 289 Crafty and unscrupulous as Cosimo occasionally showed him- self he possessed many qualities which command admiration, and he does not merit to be described as " a cynical self-seeking bourgeois tyrant." ^ His remarks were occasionally caustic, but he was no cynic. He never spoke ill of anyone himself and it displeased him to hear others spoken ill of in his presence. Self- seeking he may have been in the sense that all ambitious men are, but he sought at the same time his country's good, and during his life the prosperity of Florence and of the Medici advanced hand in hand. It would be difficult to point to a single instance where he deUberately subordinated patriotism to self- interest. Like almost every distinguished Florentine of his day he was of bourgeois extraction, but the stigma that that word implies does not attach to men of his tastes and culture. It is true that he could adopt harsh measures when he deemed them necessary, but he was of a kindly nature. He was averse to bloodshed, and no Italian despot ever maintained his supremacy for so long a period to whose charge fewer crimes can be laid. If he was a tyrant some other word must be coined for Ezzelino da Romana, Bernabo Visconti, and Cesare Borgia. His avoid- ance of ostentation was not only a matter of policy, but arose from a genuine dislike of display, and, unlike his fellow-citizens, he had a contempt for the mere show of power. Players and jugglers found little favour with him, and the only game in which he indulged was chess and that only after dinner. His love of Art and Letters was natural, and not merely assumed to enhance his reputation. He was said to be as avaricious of time as Midas was of gold, and though he had so much business to transact he never let it overwhelm him, and he seemed to have nothing to do. Some writers deny him all nobility of nature, but they for the most part belong to the class who seem unable to write the name Medici without having first dipped their pens in gall.^ These allege that his generosity and every apparent virtue were assumed for some base or unworthy end. Had this been so Ficino would hardly have written of him " I owe to Plato much, to Cosimo no less. He realised for me the virtues of which Plato gave me the conception." 1 Symonds, Sketches and Studies in Italy, p. 141. 2 Notably Cavalcanti (in his later writings), Sismondi, Napier, TroUope, and Perrens. Symonds' picture of Cosimo in his Sketches and Stttdies in Italy is far from fair. 290 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Cosimo has also been accused by his opponents with having undermined the liberties of his native city,^ or in the words of another writer with having " thimble-rigged " them away.^ This charge can hardly be intended to apply to the changes which he introduced into the form of the constitution, which were few and substantially unimportant. It is true that they gave the govern- ment a somewhat less representative appearance. But the people had not, for well-nigh two hundred years before Cosimo's day, really had a voice in the election of the magistrates. Florence, with all her vaunted democracy, had never known real freedom. The Councils, nominally elected by popular vote, had in fact been corruptly chosen by a small coterie, and even the parliament was but a packed meeting where every dissentient voice was silenced by intimidation. In spite of the almost countless changes in her constitution, she had seldom possessed a government which for a single decade could effectively protect the lives or liberties of her citizens. Cosimo can only be justly charged with having deprived the people of a small semblance of liberty, while he gave them a stable and efficient government. There is no doubt that the populace fully realised this. They were wearied of perpetual constitutional changes, of never-ceasing party strife, of turmoil, banishments, and bloodshed. Had it been otherwise Cosimo's popularity — and as a consequence Cosimo's rule — would have been at an end. How far his dominating personality and the use he made of his wealth in extending his influence may have enervated or corrupted the national character it is impossible to say. For the former he can scarcely be held responsible, and as regards the latter it may fairly be urged that there was not much room for a further degradation of political moraUty. "A town to sell if it can find a purchaser " was said of Florence about this time, and it may be that Cosimo's systematic bribery did but manifest a pre-existing corruption. But even if this is not so, it was not, as some have argued, owing to the insidious working of Medicean methods that when (as happened on Lorenzo's death) no strong and popular ruler could be found, Florence was unable to revert to free institutions. The answer to this contention is that these so-called free institutions, of which historians make such a parade, had not succeeded. The countless experiments which Florence made in representative government, notwithstanding the ingenuity ' Symonds, ii. i68. ^ Trollope, iii. 145. CHARACTER OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI 291 and honesty of her attempts to ensure their success, had all failed. The truth is that these experiments had been premature. Representative government failed in Florence, not through the wiliness of the Medici, but because her citizens, briUiant and intellectual as they were, had not acquired those habits of self- control, or reached that stage of moral development, which is the only sure foundation on which that form of government can rest. CHAPTER XV 1464-14G9 PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI — ANTI-MEDICEAN CONSPIRACY — THE DEL POGGIO AND DEL PIANO PARTIES — DEATH AND CHARACTER OF PIERO DE' MEDICI ON the death of Pius II., which occurred seventeen days after that of Cosimo, the ill-considered expedition against the Turks was abandoned, and the period of general peace that ensued left the Florentines at liberty to scramble for the heritage of power which Cosimo had left to an heir who was supposed to be unequal to wield it. Piero, Cosimo's eldest son, had from his youth been a martyr to gout, and he was in consequence sur- named // Gottoso (the Gouty). During his father's life he had been sent as ambassador to Milan and to Venice, and he had icrved as prior in 1448, and as gonfalonier in 1461.^ He would probably have taken a still more prominent part in public life but for ill health. Luca Pitti, who was as vain as he was ambitious, was unwilling to rule as Piero's Ueutenant, and he was aided in his designs by three men who, for different reasons, also desired to overthrow the Medicean supremacy. These were Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Dieti- salvi Neroni, and Niccolb Soderini, all of whom had been at one time Cosimo's firm friends. In early life Agnolo Acciaiuoli was one of the most prominent of the Cosimeschi. After the recall of Cosimo he was fre- quently employed on important embassies, and though Louis XI. pronounced him to be "light and loquacious," he was held in some estimation at home.^ His rupture with his party was prompted by personal motives. One of his sons had been re- ' Litta. He was the last of the House of Medici who held the post of gonfalonier. ''' Perren's History of Florence (London, 1892), i. 234. He either fled from Florence, or was banished at the time of Cosimo's exile. 292 PIERO DI COSlMO DE' MEDICI 293 fused the archbishopric of Florence, which had been given to Filippo de' Medici, and in a dispute between the Acciaiuoli and Bardi respecting a bride's dowry, in which Cosimo had acted as arbitrator, the award had been in favour of the Bardi.^ The betrothal of Piero de Medici's daughter Nannina to Bernardo Rucellai had also caused Agnolo much disappointment, as he had expected that she would have been given in marriage to one of his own sons. Dietisalvi Neroni was a wealthy and influential citizen, and far more astute than either Luca Pitti or Agnolo Acciaiuoli.^ He had been Cosimo's most trusted adviser both in his public and private affairs, and it was on his judgment that Cosimo had, in his last illness, counselled his son Piero to lean.* While professing to aid Luca Pitti he was secretly working to make himself capo della Repubblica. Niccolo Soderini's defection from the Medicean ranks was at first entirely disinterested. He honestly desired for his country a government that was republican in something more than the name,* but he was a dreamer of dreams and not a practical politician. Piero, guided by his father's wishes, placed all the books re- lating to the financial business of the Medici firm in the hands of Dietisalvi Neroni, with a request that he would examine them. Neroni did so, and reported to Piero that his affairs were in a critical condition, and recommended that all outstanding loans should be immediately called in. On this perfidious advice Piero acted, with the result that Neroni intended. As there was hardly a man of any position in the city to whom Cosimo had not lent money, the demand for payment cost Piero all the pbpularity which he, as his father's son, had possessed. Many bankruptcies ensued, and Piero undeservedly earned a reputation for harshness and avarice.^ The four conspirators now thought that they had the game in their hands, and it is possible that they would have triumphed could they have agreed on a common course of action. But ' Gino Capponi, ii. 332. ^ Guicciardini, p. 18. ' This is a remarkable instance of how a man gifted with unusual sagacity, as Cosimo was, is occasionally mistaken in the character of his friends, and is blind to what others see in them. A year before Cosimo's death the Milanese ambassador wrote of Dietisalvi Neroni : "Cosimo and his people have no greater, no more ambitious, enemy than he" (Ewart's Cosimo de' Medici, p. 181). * Gino Capponi, ii. 333. ^ This is Machiavelli's story, which is accepted by Gino Capponi (ii. 332, 333). Bruto, invariably hostile to the Medici, endeavours to exculpate Dieti- salvi (Napier, iii. 347}. 294 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE Luca and his immediate followers desired an armed insurrection, aided by the troops of the Marquis of Ferrara, while Niccolb Soderini and his friends were averse to violent or unconstitutional 1 measures. The period for which the last Bulla had been appointed was about to expire, and the Soderini faction urged that if no new one were appointed Piero's authority and reputation would evaporate. This they thought would damage his credit with business men, and that as he would be unable to help himself out of the public funds his ruin was inevitable.^ The counsels of the moderate reformers prevailed, and they were full of hope when at the end of 1465 Niccolb Soderini became gonfalonier.^ He was escorted to his official residence wearing an olive wreath. He called together 500 citizens and harangued them with much . eloquence on the situation, but his hearers were unable to agree upon any reforms. He then advocated before the Signory that the public expenditure during the past few years should be in- vestigated, but his motion was rejected, mainly through the opposition of his friend Luca Pitti, who feared to face such an inquiry. A proposal that the election bags should be refilled met with no better fate. When his retirement from office was approaching he had effected nothings nevertheless he desired that he might be knighted, and though the Consiglio del Fopolo consented, the Consiglio del Comune refused his request. Tom- maso Soderini's prophecy that his brother would come in like a lion and go out like a lamb was in a sense falsified, for Niccolb quitted office a disappointed man, and abandoning his former moderation he became one of the most uncompromising oppo- nents of the Medici. Niccolb Soderini's failure strengthened Piero's position,* but it was soon afterwards weakened by the death of his father's old friend and supporter Francesco Sforza, which happened in March, 1466. The subsidy to Francesco, as has been men- tioned, had given rise to much discontent, and the conspirators now determined to make a refusal to continue it to his son ' Niccolo's brother Tommaso was a brother-in-law of Piero and a stanch supporter of the Medici. He was possessed of more solid qualities than Niccol6, on whom it is probable that he exercised a moderating influence. ''■ Machiavelli, 282. ^ Reumont's Ta'vole. TroUope gives March, 1467, as the date of his accession to office, but it was Tommaso Soderini who was then gonfalonier. ■* Machiavelli, p. 283. DEL POGGIO AND DEL PIANO PARTIES 295 Galeazzo-Maria the platform on which their opposition to Piero should be based. This question they raised at the Councils, where it was hotly discussed, and the city became divided into two hostile camps. Luca and his friends were called the party del Poggto (of the mountain) because the Pitti Palace was on a hill- side, and the adherents of Piero, whose palace in the Via Larga^ was on the flat, were known as the party del Piano. There was much to be said for the discontinuance of the subsidy, for Galeazzo-Maria was young and without ability, and it was not likely that his personal support would be of service to Florence. But the real question at issue was whether the foreign policy which Cosimo had initiated should be continued, or whether Florence should revert to her traditional attitude of hostility towards Milan. This was a matter of great importance not only to the Medici and Florence, but to the whole of Italy. The triple alliance between Florence, Milan, and Naples which Cosimo had with difficulty formed, and which was still subsisting, was not only a support to the house of Medici, but was a guarantee for the peace of the whole peninsula. If Florence had now deserted Galeazzo-Maria, Venice and Naples would in all probability have renewed their claims to Milan which they had asserted when it fell into Francesco's hands. Now that Niccolb Soderini's opposition to violent measures was withdrawn, Luca Pitti had no difficulty in persuading his party to attempt to overthrow the Medicean supremacy by force. The del Poggio party opened negotiations with Venice, but the Venetians did not at first respond to their appeal. A promise of armed assistance was, however, obtained from Borso, Marquis of Ferrara. But before arrangements for a rising were complete the plot was divulged by Niccolb Fideni (the secretary of the del Poggio party), who communicated to Piero the names of all who were implicated. Piero took no active measure for its suppres- sion, and contented himself with obtaining the signatures of all who were prepared to support him. But the mere knowledge that he was aware of their design made the del Poggio party hold their hand for a time. Before long, however, another plot was on foot, and this time it was determined to seize the government by a coup d'Hat and to put Piero to death. Once more the particulars of the plot were revealed by Fideni to Piero, who now displayed much ^ Now the Via Cavour. 296 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE decision and energy. Though he was seriously ill at Careggi, he started at once for Florence in a litter. It is probable that he would have lost his life but for the promptness and courage of his young son Lorenzo, who, on hearing from some peasants that a body of armed men had been seen on the road between Careggi and Florence, along which his father was about to be carried, hastened back, and having persuaded his father to take a more circuitous route, he rode himself along the direct road, and when he encountered the assassins he informed them that his father was but a short way behind him.^ This occurred on August 23rd, on which day Piero reached Florence in safety, and he lost no time in preparing for a conflict with his adversaries. He collected a large body of armed followers ; he sent for assist- ance to one of the Duke of Milan's captains, who happened to be in Romagna with 2,500 cavalry; and he laid before the Signory a letter from Giovanni Bentivoglio,^ announcing that an armed force under Ercole d'Este was marching towards Florence. The leaders of the del Poggio party thereupon armed their supporters, but they hesitated to attack their opponents until the arrival of the Ferrarese contingent. Niccolb Soderini, who seems to have gone from one extreme to the other, was alone in favour of taking action. He marched at the head of 200 men to the Palazzo Pitti, and urged on Luca the expediency of compelling the Signory by force to call a parliament for the appointment of a new Balia. Luca, however, was unmoved by his arguments, and Soderini left him in anger, telling him that his inaction would ruin them both and deprive their country of liberty. It seems that Luca, realising the weakness of his situation, had, before this interview, entered into secret negotiations with Piero, who had bought oflf his opposition with the promise of a marriage between his son Lorenzo de' Medici and one of Luca's daughters. Nor could Piero be persuaded to strike the first blow, although his force was more numerous than that of his opponents, so the two parties remained under arms, but inactive, until August 28th, on which day a new Signory was nominated. The members of ' Neither Machiavelli nor Guicciardini mention this incident. It is given by NiccoI6 Valori in his Life of Lorenzo, and repeated by Bruto (see Napier, iii. 354) and Ammirato (v. 365). M. Perrens rejects it, but it is accepted by Gino Capponi (vol. ii. p. 340), and apparently by Mr. Armstrong (p. 58). ' Machiavelli says that thb letter was a forgery, but Ammirato believes that it vras genuine. It matters but little, as the news of d'Este's approach was undoubtedly true. EXILE OF ANTI-MEDICEANS 297 the incoming and outgoing Signories met and summoned the leaders of both sides to appear before them, and required them to disband their forces. Luca, recognising that the tide of fortune was turning against him — for the new government contained a Medicean majority — on the following day, accompanied by some of his friends, visited Piero in his bedroom, and a reconciUation between them was effected. Soderini, who had not been present at this interview, made a final attempt to persuade the vacillating Luca to aid him in procuring by force the appointment of a Bal\a before the new Signory entered office on September ist. Luca either was, or feigned to be, moved by Soderini's reasoning; he sent a despatch to Ercole d'Este urging him to hasten his coming ; and he assured his followers that Soderini's proposal was about to be carried out. But Luca, either from timidity or treachery, abandoned the project and left his friends to their fate.i The new Signory no sooner came into office than they con- demned to death Luca Pitti, Niccol6 Soderini, Agnolo Acciaiuoli, and Dietisalvi Neroni.^ But Piero, like his father, was neither bloodthirsty nor vindictive, and he procured a mitigation of the sentence.^ Three of them were banished. Agnolo Acciaiuoli ended his days at Naples.* Niccolb Soderini went to Ravenna, and died there in 1474. Dietisalvi Neroni, after sixteen years' exile, died at Rome, where his tombstone may be seen in the church of S. Maria sopra Minerva. Luca Pitti, the traitor to his party, was pardoned, but his punishment proved the most severe. He passed the remainder of his life avoided and despised. Workmen refused to be employed by him, and his colossal palace remained unfinished. The Medici repudiated the promised ' Ammirato (v. 369) says that Luca was persuaded to desert Soderini by young Lorenzo, but Machiavelli makes no mention of this. TroUope (iii. 243) thinks that Luca's despatch to d'Este was sent with Piero's connivance in order that the del Poggio party might merit more severe punishment ; but this is hardly consistent with Piero's subsequent conduct, or indeed with what we know of his character. ' A most important measure was passed by the Balla appointed at this time. On September 6th it was enacted that the Signory should for the next ten years be appointed, not by lot as hitherto, but by electors nominated by the Council of the Hundred. 3 Some of those who had been previously exiled were at this time recalled, chief among whom was Filippo Strozzi, a cousin of Palla Strozzi. ^ Vespasiano says that if Agnolo Acciaiuoli had not fled before his sentence he would have been pardoned by Piero. He at first went to Rome, where, in conjunction with Dietisalvi's brother Giovanni (the Archbishop of Florence), he greatly injured the credit of the Medici Bank. 298 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE alliance between his daughter and Lorenzo. " When he appeared in the streets his friends and relations were not only afraid to accompany him, but even to salute him ... so that now, when it was too late, he began to repent himself that he had not taken Niccolb Soderini's advice and died honourably, sword in hand, rather than live dishonoured among victorious foes." ^ Piero was not cast in the mould of Machiavelli's ideal Prince, or he would not have interfered with the sentence of the Signory. It was no doubt magnanimous on his part to prevent the law from taking its course in the punishment of men who had de- liberately planned his death, but it would have been better for his country had he not done so. Niccolo Soderini and Dietisalvi Neroni betook themselves to Venice, and by expatiating on the injury which that city had sustained through the Sforza-Medici alliance, they induced the Venetian government to make war on Florence.^ The Venetian army, some 16,000 strong,' under the command of the famous Bartolommeo CoUeoni* (who had been persuaded by the Florentine exiles that he could make himself lord of Milan), crossed the Po on May loth, 1467. The Florentine forces were commanded by Federigo, Duke of Urbino, who had also a great military reputation, but who was still more illustrious as a patron of Art and Letters.^ In the Florentine camp there was also Gian-Galeazzo Sforza, the young Duke of Milan, and Alfonso, the son of the King of Naples. After much manoeuvring and many indecisive skirmishes, a battle was fought, near Iraola, in which the Florentines had the advantage.^ Bartolommeo was ' Machiavelli, p. 286. ^ There were other Florentine exiles in Venice who aided Soderini and Neroni in stirring up war against their native city. Chief among these was Giovanni Francesca Strozzi, whose promise to bear a part of the cost of an expedition against Florence weighed with Venice when she determined to undertake one. Francesco was the son of Palla, who, when exiled in 1434, had settled in Venice, where he amassed an enormous fortune as a banker (Litta). 3 Ammirato, v. 371. * CoUeoni was the first condottiere of his day. The remains of his fine castle at Malpaga, near Bergamo (in which are frescoes by Romanino), are worth visiting. * The palace that he built for himself at Urbino is one of the finest specimens of domestic architecture in Italy. His court was conspicuous as an intellectual and artistic centre " when almost every city in Italy was a new Athens." He was probably, both as a man and as a ruler, more estimable than any other Italian Renaissance Despot. Those who desire detailed information about his interesting little duchy should consult Dennistoun's admirable Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino (London, 1851 ; 3 vols.) " The accounts of this battle are ludicrously different. A Venetian historian writes that " those who were present declare that never in the memory of man was LORENZO'S TOURNAMENT 299 recalled to Lombardy, not so much on account of his defeat, as because there were no signs of any anti-Medicean rising in Florence, which the Venetians had been led by the exiles to expect. After much negotiation peace was concluded on April 27th, 1468. The friends of those who had been banished had, however, not been idle during the war, but their plots were discovered, and a Capponi, a Strozzi, a Pitti, and a nephew of Niccolo Soderini were exiled. The war had not resulted in any accession of territory to Florence, but after its conclusion she purchased for 300,000 florins the town of Sarzana and the fortress of Sarzanello, which from their situation were strategically important: a purchase which proved eventful in the life of Lorenzo de' Medici, and still more so in that of his son Piero. On February 7th, 1469, a grand tournament was held in the Piazza S. Croce, at the instance of Lorenzo, in compliance with a promise which he had made two years before to the beautiful Lucrezia Donati,i when, at a tournament held on the occasion of Braccio Martelli's wedding, she had presented him with a bunch of violets. These Italian tournaments were organised for the amusement of the spectators rather than as trials of strength between the combatants. This one gave rise to Luca Pulci's poem. La Giostra di Lorenzo de' Medici, in which it is elaborately described. It must have been a gorgeous spectacle. The dresses of all who took part in it — knights, pages, heralds, and musicians, were of the most costly materials. Giuliano de' Medici's costume is said to have cost 8,000 florins. Lorenzo wore over a velvet surcoat, a silk scarf embroidered with pearls, and his baret cap was adorned with rubies and diamonds. Steeds and armour had been presented to him for the occasion by the King of Naples and the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara. Lorenzo has himself left a brief notice of the festivity and its result. "In order to do as others," he wrote, "I appointed a tournament on the Piazza Croce, with great splendour and at great expense, so that it cost about 10,000 golden florins. Although I was young and of no great skill, the first prize was awarded to me, namely, a helmet inlaid with silver and sur- mounted with a figure of Mars."^ a greater battle fought or one in which more lives were lost," while Machia- velli says that though the fighting lasted half a day, " there was not one man killed and only a few horses hurt and a few prisoners taken." Ammirato (vol. V. p. 372) is probably nearer the mark in putting the killed at 300 men- at-arms and 400 horses. ^ Some of Lorenzo's most beautiful sonnets were inspired by Lucrezia Donati, but her name never occurs in them. 3 Reumont, i. 227. 3O0 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE This tournament seems to have been held to celebrate Lorenzo's betrothal to Clarice, a daughter of the great Roman house of Orsini, which had been arranged at the end of the previous year. Piero did not, in this instance, act with the same prudence as his father, or he would have selected a Florentine bride for his son. It is not unlikely that the tournament was intended as an antidote to the popular displeasure, which the announcement of the intended marriage had occasioned. The marriage took place in the following June (1469). Lorenzo curtly notes in his Ricordi: " I, Lorenzo, took to wife Donna Clarice, daughter of Signor Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given to me in December, 1468."^ While negotiations for the betrothal were in progress, Lorenzo's mother, Lucrezia, writing from Rome to her husband of Clarice, says: "The girl is above the middle height, of fair complexion and pleasant manners, and, if less beautiful than our own daughters, of great modesty; so that it will be easy to teach her manners. She is not blonde, for no one is here, and her thick hair has a reddish tinge. Her face is round in shape, but does not displease me. The neck is beauti- ful but rather thin, or more properly, delicately shaped : the bosom I could not see, as they cover it entirely here, but it seems to me well formed. She does not bear her head so proudly as our girls do, but inclining a little forwards, which I ascribe to the timidity that seems to predominate in her. Her hands are very long and delicate. On the whole the girl seems to be far above the ordinary type, but she is not to be compared to Maria, Lucrezia, and Bianca."^ The marriage was not, on the whole, an unhappy one. In 1469 Piero was daily becoming more infirm and quite as unable to control his followers as Cosimo, in his latter days, had been unable to restrain Luca Pitti. They tyrannised over their fellow-citizens, they committed all kinds of excesses, and alto- gether behaved "as if God and Fortune had given them the city for a prey."^ Though Piero was at the point of death, he made a gallant attempt to curb his lawless supporters. He called the most prominent offenders to his bedside, and having reviewed their misdoings he assured them that if they did not ' Roscoe infers indifference to Clarice from the expression " or rather she was given me," but this seems doubtful. Italian critics differ on the subject. See Roscoe's Illustrations (1822), p. 100. ^ Reumont, i. 230. Maria, Lucrezia, and Bianca were Lorenzo's sisters. ^ Machiavelli, p. 290. DEATH OF PIERO DE' MEDICI 301 mend their ways he would make them repent of their victory. This was no idle threat, for when he found that his words were unheeded, he had a secret interview with Agnolo Acciaiuoli at Cafaggiolo, and, had he lived, there is but little doubt that some of the exiles would have been recalled in order to check the enormities of his own party. Meanwhile (August, 1468) Florence took part in a short but decisive war, by which, in conjunction with the Duke of Urbino and the King of Naples, she prevented the Pope from asserting a claim to the lordship of Rimini, and succeeded in establishing Roberto Malatesta as its lord.^ On December 3rd, 1469, Piero de' Medici died, and he was buried in the church of San Lorenzo, where his monument, designed by Verrocchio, may be seen. There was but little ceremony at his funeral, either because he was averse to display, or "in order not to increase the jealousy of his successors, who valued the possession rather than the appearance of power." ^ Ammirato's estimate of his character, though favourable, is hardly sufficiently appreciative. He speaks of him as a humane and kind-hearted man, who was not wanting in intelligence or ex- perience, but who had been enfeebled not only in body but in mind by continued ill-health.^ Except during the last year of his life, when he was unable to restrain the lawlessness of his followers, there are but few signs of weakness of mind. When it is remembered that all his life he was crippled by gout, and was often unable to move hands or feet, his energy of character seems remarkable. It was said that at times his tongue was the only member that was of any use to him, and certainly with it, when on his death-bed, he gave his friends a sound rating. ' There were three claimants for Rimini. The Pope alleged that it had passed to the Church under a convention with Sigismondo Fandolfo Malatesta, who had died without legitimate issue. Isotta da Rimini, Sigismondo's widow, claimed it for her son Sallustio (who had been born before wedlock), alleging that it had been bequeathed to him by his father. And Roberto Malatesta, another natural son of Sigismondo (by Vanetta di Galeotto), had made himself de facto governor of the State by fraud. Sigismondo was a typical child of the Renaissance, in whom culture and savagery were strangely blended. He was a patron of Art and Letters. He employed Leon Battista Alberti and Agostino di Duccio to build and decorate the church of San Francesco in honour of Isotta, who had been his mistress from his youth and who ultimately became his third wife. It was commonly reported that he murdered his first and second wives, but their respective fathers, who were both powerful dukes, do not seem to have credited the rumours. See Un Condottiere au XV' Sihle, par C. Yriarte, Paris, 1882, and Dennistoun, i. 1S1-183. 2 Ammirato, v. 379. » Ibid., 378. 302 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE > He displayed great energy and sagacity in several emergencies, notably in supporting the Sforza dynasty on the death of Francesco, in suppressing the Neroni-Soderini conspiracy, and in preventing his followers from attacking the del Poggio party in August, 1467. Nor had disease soured his temper, for he treated his vanquished opponents with unusual clemency. Like most of his family, he was an enlightened patron of Art and Learning, and many acknowledgments by authors of his kindness are to be found on the shelves of the Laurentian Library.^ He maintained an unbroken friendship with Donato Acciaiuoli, who dedicated several of his learned works to him.^ As a politician he shone perhaps more in foreign than in domestic affairs, and his judgment was held in esteem in the courts of Naples and Milan.^ His bust by Mino da Fiesole is in the Bargello. He had married Lucrezia Tornabuoni, a member of one of the great mercantile families of Florence, who had espoused the side of the Medici.* Although at this time there was no lack of distinguished women in Florence, it is said that she surpassed most of them in intellectual ability and domestic virtues. Lorenzo recognised that he owed much to his mother's influence.^ ' The most remarkable of these is in Cristoforo Landino's Elegies. * Roscoe, i. 89. ' Louis XI. conferred on him the distinction of stamping the French lilies on one of the balls in the Medicean armorial bearings. * The Tornabuoni were descended from Simone Tornaquinci, one of the old Florentine nobles who had changed his name and arms in order to obtain civic rights. ' There is a beautiful portrait of a Medici lady by Sandro Botticelli in the Berlin Museum, which is possibly of Lucrezia. CHAPTER XVI 1434-1469 ART AND LITERATURE DURING THE SUPREMACY OF COSIMO AND PIERO DE' MEDICI ARCHITECTS Brunelleschi Michelozzo Michelozzi Alberti Filarete SCULPTORS Ghiberti Donatello Michelozzo Michelozzi Desiderio da Settignano Luca della Robbia Bernardo Rossellino Antonio Rossellino Mino da Fiesole AUTHORS Poggio Filelfo Leonardo Aretino Cavalcanti Leon Battista Alberti Cennino Cennini D. Buoninsegni Fra Angellco Fra Filippo Lippi Benozzo Gozzoli Paolo Uccello Andrea del Castagno Domenico Veneziano Baldovinetti The Pollaiuoli Pesellino Pesello Maso Finiguerra ENGRAVERS Maso Finiguerra ARCHITECTURE IT has been said that Renaissance Architecture in Italy passed through three stages : a growth, which lasted from 1420 to 1500; a maturity, from 1500 to 1540; and a decline, from 1540 to 1580.^ However true this may be of Italy generally, it is certainly not true of Florence, where this style of architecture culminated before the close of the fifteenth century. Almost all the finest Renaissance buildings, both ecclesiastical and secular, which she possesses ^ — the churches of S. Spirito and San Lorenzo, the Spedale degli Innocenti, and the Riccardi, Pitti, Rucellai, and Strozzi palaces — were either completed or ^ Symonds, iii. 71- ' Her most famous buildings belong to the Gothic style, e.g-. the Campanile, the Duomo, the Baptistery, the Palazzo Vecchio, Loggia de' Lanzi, and the churches of S. Maria Novella and S. Croce. 303 304 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE on the high road to completion before 1500; and none of the Florentine architects of the sixteenth century can be ranked with their predecessors, Brunelleschi, Alberti, Michelozzo, or Majano — men who have left the impress of their genius on the buildings of Florence almost as distinctly as Arnolfo. It was during the supremacy of Cosimo and Piero de' Medici that Florentine Renaissance architecture reached its high-water mark. The palaces which have been enumerated are all in a style peculiar to Florence. The old fortress type, occasioned by necessity, which had prevailed for centuries among the dwellings of wealthy citizens, was not lost sight of, but it was modified by a study of classical buildings. The result was a style of much originality, which somehow had rather an Etruscan than a Roman character. Though wanting in elegance and variety, it is highly impressive from its massive grandeur and its air of almost in- solent defiance. Not only from their splendour, but from their appropriateness they form a group "as worthy of admiration as any to be found in any city of modern Europe." ^ The ecclesiastical buildings of this period are also in a style that is at once eclectic and admirable. They are usually of the basilica type, treated with mediaeval feeling, and the fusion of Roman and Gothic (two seemingly incompatible styles) is often surprisingly happy. This is well exemplified in the fine church of S. Spirito, which was commenced from Brunelleschi's design in 1430, and was now in process of construction. It is certainly one of the best specimens of ecclesiastical architecture in Italy; indeed the originality displayed by its interior makes it a real work of genius.^ The colossal Palazzo Pitti was begun in 1440, also from Brunelleschi's design.* It is built of huge blocks of unhewn stone, and is one of the largest residential buildings in Italy.* It was not finished till long after Brunelleschi's death, and it is probable that his plan was modified. He also built a magnifi- cent villa for Luca Pitti about a mile outside the Porta S. Niccolb, which is now known as the Villa di Rusciano. ' Fergusson's History of Modern Styles of Architecture (1862), p. 89. ^ The same may be said of some of Brunelleschi's earlier interiors, e.g, S. Lorenzo and the Capella de' Pazzi (Anderson's Renaissance Architecture, P- 5). ' Reumont's Tavole, sub anno. Anderson gives 1435 as the date (Renais- sance Architecture, p. 20). * "His eye must be delicate indeed who would desire to see the Pitti Palace polished " (Ruskin's Seven Lamps of Architecture). ART AND LITERATURE 1434-1469 305 It may be remembered that the order for the erection of a cathedral " on a scale of as great magnificence as human effort or industry could invent" was given as long ago as 1294. The work, though set about at once, had progressed slowly. In 1 366 a council of architects had decided on the shape of the choir and dome, but the dome was not completed for more than sixty years, and the building was not consecrated till 1436. It is one of the largest and most complete examples of Italian Gothic, and also one of the finest churches produced in the Middle Ages — " as far as mere grandeur of conception goes, perhaps the very best, though considerably marred in execution from defects of style which are too apparent in every part.''^ It is approximately contemporary with Cologne cathedral, which it very nearly equals in size, and in the conception of plan " there can be little doubt that the Florentine cathedral far surpasses its German rival. . . . The whole width is within ten feet of that of Cologne, and the height about the same; and yet in appearance, the height is about half, and the breadth less than half, owing to the better proportion of the parts and to the superior appropriateness in the details on the part of the German Cathedral."^ Its exterior has also a defect, which is common to almost all Italian Gothic buildings. It is incrusted with a veneer of party-coloured slabs of marble, which produces, no doubt, a sumptuous effect, but which forms no part of the construction and must be regarded as false ornamentation. This is, at least, Raskin's opinion, for while elaborately defending incrustation in general against the charge of insincerity, he says that in the Cathedral of Florence " the marble facing is so firmly and exquisitely set that the building, though in reality incrusted, assumes the attributes of solidity."^ Brunelleschi died in 1446 and was buried in the Cathedral at Florence. MiCHELOZzo MiCHELOzzi (i39i-?i472) earned a reputation as an architect second only to Brunelleschi. The magnificent Palazzo Riccardi which he built for Cosimo de' Medici (1430- 1440) is one of the finest specimens of Florentine domestic architecture. In 1437 he rebuilt the convent of San Marco and remodelled the church at Cosimo's expense. Indeed, most of the beautiful and important buildings erected by Cosimo were designed by Michelozzo. Among these were the Badia di Fiesole, at San Domenico (erected in 1462), and villas at Careggi ' Fergusson's History of Architecture (1874), ii. 331. 2 Ibid., ii. 332. ' Stones of Venice (1886), vol. ii. p. 75, X 3o6 A HISTORY OF FLORENCE and Cafaggiolo, and the beautifully situated Villa Mozzi (which was built for Cosimo's favourite son, Giovanni) on the slopes below Fiesole.i Between 1464 and 1469 he designed the chapel of the Annunciation in the church of the SS. Annunziata for Cosimo's son, Piero. He also built for himself the fine Villa Michelozzi, on Bellosguardo, which still belongs to the Michelozzi family. A figure in a black hood in Fra Angelico's Deposition in the Accademia is said to be Michelozzo's portrait.^ Almost equal to Brunelleschi as an architect, and superior to him in versatility, was Leon Battista Alberti (c. 1405-1472).^ He was born in exile (probably at Venice) as he belonged to the great house who had been banished by the Albizzi faction, but he returned to Florence when Cosimo was recalled in 1434. He was one of those intellectual giants, almost peculiar to the Renaissance, whose many-sided genius fills us of these latter days with amazement. He was eminent as an architect, painter, musician, poet, prose-writer, philosopher, mathematician, and mechanician. He was untiring in the acquisition of all kinds of knowledge, and he was a brilliant conversationalist. Take him for all in all, he was probably one of the finest specimens of humanity which the world has ever seen. For in addition to his mental versatility he was endowed with physical strength and agility in an unusual degree. He could jump over a man stand- ing upright, he could throw a coin on to the top of a high tower, and he could ride the most unmanageable horses.* And besides all this he was a man of pure life, of lofty aims, and of a singu- larly gentle and sympathetic nature. All his paintings, which are said to have been chiefly portraits, have disappeared. He composed music, and was the best organist of his day. He advanced the sciences of Optics and Perspective, he is said to have invented the camera obscura, and he devised machinery for raising sunken ships.* It is on his architectural works, however, that his fame chiefly rests. One of the most striking buildings in Florence, designed by him, is the Palazzo Rucellai (with its beautiful loggia), which was completed in 1460.^ It belongs to the same class as the ■■ The Villa Mozzi is now known as the Villa Spence. '^ Michelozzo also worked at Venice and Milan. The capella Portinari in S. Eustorgio at the latter place was built by him. * His birth is variously assigned to 1401, 1402, 1404, and 1414. ' Symonds, ii. 341. ' Ibid., ii. 342. " His most important works out of Florence are the churches of S. Fran- ceso at Kimini and S. Andrea at Mantua. ART AND LITERATURE 1434-1469 307 Ricardi and Strozzi palaces, and like them is impressive from its majestic solidity rather than its beauty. It is remarkable as being the first house of the period the front of which is orna- mented with pilasters throughout.^ The fagade of S. Maria Novella (1470). — a good specimen of early Renaissance work — — was designed by him,^ and erected at the cost of Giovanni Rucellai. The chapel of the Holy Sepulchre (1467) in the desecrated church of San Pancrazio, the Tribune of the church of the Annunziata, and the palace in the Rucellai gardens (near the Via Oricellari) were also his works. It was in these gardens, which were laid out by Alberti, that the Platonic Academy held its meetings, and in this palace that Bianca Capella lived before her marriage with Duke Cosimo I. Alberti's works show a more close reproduction of Roman buildings than do those of Brunelleschi, and so, although he possessed much originality, he carried the Renaissance architecture one step nearer the lifeless Palladian manner. Antonio Filarete^ {c. I4i4-