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 Social democracy and population, 
 
 3 1924 002 693 293 
 
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4 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION 
 
STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW 
 
 EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 Volume XXVI] [Number 4 
 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND 
 POPULATION 
 
 BY 
 
 ALVAN A. TENNEY, Ph.D. 
 Tutor in Sociology, Columbia Unitertity 
 
 THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS, 
 
 London : P. S. King & Son 
 
 I0O7 
 
^'"-""■y 
 i^ 
 
 X^/p «^, •]/ 
 
 Copyright, 1907, 
 
 BY 
 
 ALVAN A. TENNEY 
 
 Jo\cin6.cJQfm I ^^^1^1 ^^^ 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Sociologists are no longer hypnotized by the so-called 
 organic theory of society. On the psychological side the 
 awakening is complete. On the biological side, however, 
 release from this long-dominant idea has not led to the same 
 intellectual freedom. On the one hand the " anthropo- 
 sociologists," brandishing calipers and " the survival of the 
 fit," and, on the other hand, Mr. Benjamin Kidd focusing 
 attention on Weismann's " panmixia " and degeneration 
 have obstructed the free play of thought in this field. 
 
 At the same time, although Darwin has revolutionized 
 other departments of scientific investigation, the doctrine 
 of poptilation as applied to human society has remained 
 largely as Malthus left it. The economists seem to have 
 monopolized the subject, and in their pursuit of psycholog- 
 ical refinements of general economic theory appear to have 
 gone unscathed by the Darwinian awakening. They have 
 modified the original formula, but have failed to take into ac- 
 count influences, other than economic, which effect popula- 
 tion changes. 
 
 Meanwhile the world is moving faster than ever before. 
 Population is increasing with tremendous rapidity. Social 
 conditions are becoming more and more complex. In con- 
 sequence the question has even been raised seriously 
 whether the giant, society, does not grow more rapidly in 
 bulk and in complexity than in self-command. No one 
 questions that its desires have increased. Within the past 
 quarter-century has developed an insistent popular demand 
 475] 5 
 
6 PREFACE [a,7G 
 
 for realization of Lowell's idea of democracy — " a society 
 in which every man has a chance and knows that he has it." 
 The question is, can society realize its desires? 
 
 To sociology falls the task of dealing with this problem 
 in its entirety. The special social sciences of economics 
 and politics have already faced the question in part. The 
 distribution of wealth and the administration of states have 
 long been studied with relation to it. Another step is for 
 sociology to develop the social implications of biological 
 facts as applied to society, gather together principles 
 already formulated by its own leaders, and analyze and syn- 
 thesize, more fully than has yet been done, the forces other 
 than economic or political that will make or mar this social 
 ideal. 
 
 It is indeed true that biology as well as sociology has not 
 yet gathered all the necessary information. The problem 
 of the heredity of acquired characteristics is still unsolved. 
 In many other vital respects the conclusions reached are 
 but tentative. Nevertheless there has been slowly gather- 
 ing a body of knowledge respecting the biological aspects 
 of population movements which not only needs formula- 
 tion but also requires to be brought into relationship with 
 other known factors of social dynamics. The task here 
 outlined cannot be quickly accomplished. Only by the co- 
 operation of many minds for many years can a fairly au- 
 thoritative body of theory be developed on this subject. 
 The present essay is designed purely as a preliminary skir- 
 mish in the field. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 FACE 
 
 Preface ....... 5 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 The Meaning of Social Democracy .... 9 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Increase of Population and Social Stability . . 16 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 The Doctrine of Selection . . . .28 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 Degeneration and Improvement .... 42 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 The Supply of Brains ...... 56 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 Social Limitations on the Biological Process . . 71 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 Summary and Application .... 82 
 
CHAPTER I 
 The Meaning of Social Democracy 
 
 " Democracy^ anarchy, despotism " — such for decades, 
 in the opinion of English statesmen, was the inevitable des- 
 tiny of any people hardy enough to apply again the theories 
 that swayed the mind of the mob in the French Revolution. 
 
 To this pessimistic doctrine there was later added a note 
 of despair. The bitter results of the poor laws of England 
 in the early part of the nineteenth century had led to a 
 ready acceptance of the Malthusian law of population and 
 the iron law of wages. Political Economy had been dubbed 
 the " Dismal Science," and the Manchester school discour- 
 aged all projects for social reform. The climax was 
 reached in that form of Darwinism which led Huxley to 
 say : " Even the best of modern civilizations appears to me 
 to exhibit a condition of mankind which neither embodies 
 any worthy ideal nor even possesses the merit of stability." ^ 
 
 In spite of this trend of scientific thought the ideal of 
 society which posits a permanent diminution of poverty 
 as practicable not only persists but is growing. To the 
 dreams of a More or a Kingsley have been added the works 
 of a Shaftsbury, a Howard and a Toynbee. Social-welfare 
 expenses of states increase faster than debts of war. Mo- 
 nopoly and privilege are attacked. Regulation of industry 
 and trade becomes more detailed. Responsibility of di- 
 
 1 Thomas Huxley, " Govemmenit." Nineteenth Century, vol. xxvii, 
 p. 862. 
 
 479] 9 
 
lO SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [48a 
 
 rectors of corporate wealth grows more definite. Police 
 power encroaches on freedom of contract for the benefit 
 of the worker. Housing and sanitary conditions arouse 
 interest as never before. The very word " social " is in 
 the air. The people at large appear to have caught an 
 enthusiasm for social betterment which shrinks not from 
 inquiry into the depths of human misery. In a more or 
 less vivid way they seem to share the philanthropist's vision 
 of " a society in which dependence, preventable disease, un- 
 due congestion of population and other such social dis- 
 tempers are unknown." ^ 
 
 At bottom these practical efforts are but an attempt ta 
 attain for all, in every relation of life, the realization of that 
 current educational norm " the full development of the in- 
 dividual's powers." 
 
 In the United States this belief in the practicability of 
 better conditions is especially potent. The term " democ- 
 racy " is now beginning to coincide in the popular view^ 
 with this social ideal. The phrase " social democracy " 
 takes the place of the single word. Lincoln's formula 
 yields to Lowell's. " Government of, by and for the peo- 
 ple " becomes " that form of society no matter what its 
 political classification in which every man has a chance and 
 knows that he has it." ^ 
 
 This demand is evidently based on an optimism much at 
 variance with the pessimistic social theories of the last 
 century. 
 
 With a somewhat similar sort of logical opposition, the 
 actual conditions in the United States in certain respects 
 also seem to have presented a paradox. As a matter of 
 fact social democracy has been more nearly attained in this 
 
 ^ Edward T. Devine, Efficiency and Relief, p. 35. 
 
 2 James Russell Lowell, Democracy and Other Addresses, p. 37. 
 
48 1 J THE MEANING OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY u 
 
 country during the past century than ever before in history. 
 For two centuries this country drew from Europe the best 
 of her middle classes. From a population in which democ- 
 racy had already made progress, doubtless in part because 
 the crusades, pestilence and war had weakened the power 
 of the aristocracy to exploit and had removed those least 
 able to resist, this country continued the process of selecting 
 men of exceptional force. With free land and the whole- 
 sale application of new discoveries in science to rich nat- 
 ural resources, full opportunity to develop the individual's 
 powers to the limit set by the stage of culture reached was 
 practically attained. True, the utilization of the oppor- 
 tunity has been largely economic, but if economic independ- 
 ence be the basis of opportunity in other ways, this was a 
 matter of choice. The successful business man was merely 
 the preferred social type. 
 
 But conditions have changed. There are no more Okla- 
 homas. Great extremes exist in private wealth. The man 
 without capital in business starts with a tremendous handi- 
 cap. He accepts a salary with little prospect of great re- 
 ward for initiative or great loss for apparently minor mis- 
 takes. Commercial methods have become so complicated 
 that caveat emptor cannot always apply. Even the " square 
 deal " has become a political issue. The former immediate 
 interest of the worker in simple civic relationships has been 
 replaced to a considerable extent by more general interests, 
 the importance of which is beyond his grasp. The indus- 
 trial system is aggravating these ills of concentrating popu- 
 lation. The Slav goes to the mill where the Irish girl en- 
 tered the family. The child in the mill becomes dwarfed 
 in body and mind. In cities the Ghetto and " Little Italy " 
 grow so rapidly that the individual is helpless to create an 
 effective demand for even water, sunlight and air. Hous- 
 ing — the classic third want of man in the economic cate- 
 
12 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [482 
 
 chism — has become a social question. Opportunity for the 
 individual to develop is thus growing less than it was, in 
 many directions. 
 
 If this analysis be correct the trend of events relating to 
 social democracy in the last century has been: scientific 
 pessimism, practical optimism, actual realization, threat- 
 ened loss. 
 
 Recognition of these changes is causing the formulation 
 of the demands of social democracy in this country * and a 
 re-examination of classic theories. At the same time other 
 changes whose bearing on the question are not so obvious 
 are taking place. One of these is increase in knowledge 
 of the laws, physical and social, by which humanity is lim- 
 ited. Another is the growing realization of this country 
 that its internal welfare will more and more become con- 
 ditioned on events in other lands. 
 
 As a result of the re-examination of the older doctrines 
 we are now told by both socialist and conservative that in 
 many respects the classic theories were wrong. Changes 
 in the economic system are recommended. For this re- 
 adjustment the surplus now created by the wonderfully 
 productive American laborer is to suffice. Industrial 
 development is expected to be so rapid that diminishing 
 returns in agriculture are to be offset.^ 
 
 1 In this conneotvon the foUowing' citatjon whiich''hasi caused some com- 
 ment in this country may not be amissi: — 
 
 " Die Aufgabe, die ioh mir gesteckt habe, ist di-e : im AnsoHuss an die 
 einleitenden AusfiihTungen, die ich bisher gemacht habe nachzuweisen, 
 dass alle Momente, die his heute die Entwicklung des Sozialismus in 
 den Vereinigten Staaten aufgehalten haben, im Begriffe sind, zu ver- 
 schwinden oder in ihr Gegenteil verkehrt su werden und dass infolge- 
 dessen der S ozialismus in der Union im ndchsten Menschenalter alter 
 Voraussicht nach zu vollster BlUte gelangen wird." Weimer Som- 
 bart : " Studiien zur Entwicklungsigieschichte des nordamerikanischen 
 Proletariats," in Archiv fiir Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, vol. 
 xxi, p. 611. 
 
 2 Cf. John Bates Qairk, The Philosophy of Wealth, pp. 100-103. 
 
483] THE MEANING OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 13 
 
 When examined, however, the evidence for these conclu- 
 sions is found to rest almost altogether upon a considera- 
 tion of the present internal economic conditions of this and 
 other civilized countries. The tariff has been almost the 
 sole topic calling for a wider basis for generalization, 
 and the debate, even on that subject, has turned 
 chiefly upon results expected in the immediate future. 
 In this country, at least, the economist in his recent 
 theorizing has thus touched but one aspect of the 
 problem. He has failed to take a long view. In ap- 
 plying his ideas to the problem of social democracy he 
 has dealt but incidentally with foreign relations. Incon- 
 veniently persistent social factors in western civilization he 
 classes as " causes of friction," and fails to examine whether 
 in eastern civilization these factors may not very largely 
 determine the part oriental nations will play in the struggle 
 of nations. For the economist a race question merely in- 
 terferes with mobility of labor. Uncivilized society he 
 disdains to notice. Organized society posited as fundamen- 
 tally the same in all the nations with which he considers it 
 worth while to deal is taken as a datum. The bearing of 
 the greatest biological generalization — that of the action of 
 selection — he has but cursorily examined. As in his gen- 
 eral doctrine, the principles of biology, anthropology and 
 sociology play little part, so in his treatment of social de- 
 mocracy they are neglected. If it be said that these things 
 are not within his legitimate field there is but one reply — 
 he should not assume, as he often does, that an economic 
 interpretation of history can be essentially complete, nor 
 make the problem of social democracy turn solely on eco- 
 nomic considerations. 
 
 It is the purpose of this essay to present various other 
 considerations that also seem to have a bearing on the ques- 
 tion. In the first place the attempt will be made to show 
 
14 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [484 
 
 that differences in the rate of increase of populations are 
 sufficiently great to make general conclusions based on the 
 so-called " Malthusian law of population " or on " increase 
 in population as such " invalid. Second, it will be main- 
 tained that as a social democracy is conditioned upon the 
 maintenance of a reasonable plane of living, it becomes nec- 
 essary to consider the effect these differences in population 
 increase may have upon the permanency of such a democ- 
 racy once established. Third, assuming that certain popu- 
 lations have a rate of increase sufficiently low in compari- 
 son to their social income to maintain a reasonable plane 
 of living, providing the distribution of that income were 
 placed on a satisfactory basis, the inquiry will relate to the 
 conditions under which such a state of affairs may remain 
 secure from disastrous influences of other populations not 
 thus favored. This will require an examination of the 
 basis of social stability and its conditions, geographical and 
 otherwise. Fourth, on the assumption that the attainment 
 of a fairly satisfactory distribution of wealth, the mainte- 
 nance of a low birth-rate and continuous attainment of a 
 comfortable plane of living are possible in communities 
 which fulfill the conditions of social stability — providing, 
 of course, the intelligence of the population is developed 
 by the educational system — the inquiry will relate to the 
 biological conditions which affect the standard of indi- 
 vidual ability in peoples. This will require a review of 
 theories of degeneration, heredity and selection, and a dis- 
 cussion of the amount of innate differences between dif- 
 ferent peoples and between individuals within social groups. 
 Finally, the practical bearing of these subjects on the 
 possible attainment and maintenance of social democracy 
 in the United States will briefly be considered. 
 
 This program, it will be seen, eliminates, among other 
 things, discussion of the distribution of wealth, political 
 
485] THE MEANING OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 15 
 
 and administrative questions, and the place of education in 
 a social democracy. It concentrates attention upon biologi- 
 cal factors which may affect social democracy, and con- 
 siders social, economic, geographic and other relationships 
 only so far as these seem to affect the biological questions 
 directly. In addition to " The Meaning of Social Demo- 
 cracy " already considered, the topics discussed will be as 
 follows : 
 
 Chapter II. — Increase of Population and Social Stability. 
 
 Chapter III. — The Doctrine of Selection. 
 
 Chapter IV. — Degeneration and Improvement 
 
 Chapter V. — The Supply of Brains. 
 
 Chapter VI. — Social Limitations on the Biological Pro- 
 cess. 
 
 Chapter VII. — Summary and Application. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Increase of Population and Social Stability 
 
 population increase 
 
 In its modern generalized form the Malthusian law of 
 population has been formulated as follows : " In any given 
 state of industry and the arts, population tends to increase 
 faster than it is possible to raise -the general plane of 
 living." "■ 
 
 Now the " plane of living," or in the usual inaccurate 
 phrase " standard of life," differs among different peoples 
 and at different times. In Asiatic countries it is so low 
 that it touches in large classes the minimum of subsistence. 
 The population of India, despite adverse influences and the 
 uninterrupted series of famines, has increased under British 
 rule from two hundred to three hundred millions.^ 
 
 New methods of production combined with the Pax 
 
 1 Franklin H. GMidimg's, Elements of Sociology, p. 306. 
 
 2 Sir Robert Giffera writes : " There are now more than 300,000,000 of 
 people for whose government we are respomsible in India ; and of these, 
 73,000,000 'have been adlded, mainly by the ordinary grovrth of popula- 
 tion, since 1871. One is almost staggered by such figures, especially 
 wheni it is remembered that resources hardly grow in proportion, and 
 thajt there are many millions in this vast multitude in a state of the 
 extremest poverty." Economic Inquiries and Studies vol. ii, p. 230. 
 Elsewhere he also remarks apropos of the same subject, "Others of 
 our leading public men and economists [in addition to Mr Bagehot] 
 are also deeply impressed by the fact though it is considered' almost 
 too delicate for public discusision." Ibid, p. 19. 
 
 16 [486 
 
487] INCREASE OF POPULATION 17 
 
 Britannica have merely permitted the existence of a greater 
 number of persons in the same old misery.^ 
 
 On the other hand, in various parts of the world, not 
 only has the plane of living risen faster than the popula- 
 tion has increased, but the birth rate itself has rapidly 
 declined. In France from 1801 to 1810 the number of 
 births was 32.3 per 1000; from 1811 to 1820 it was 31.6, 
 and in the next decade 30.8. These rates were low in 
 comparison with those of Prussia, Bavaria, Italy, Austria, 
 Hungary and Switzerland. Nevertheless they assured an 
 annual excess of nearly 200,000 births over deaths. As 
 the century advanced, however, the decline already appa- 
 rent became accentuated. In the decade 1850 to i860, and 
 again from i860 to 1870, the rate was 26.3; in the next 
 decennial period it was 25.4, and by 1888 it had fallen to 
 23.4.^ The decline still continues. In England in 1876 
 there were 3,630 births to every 100,000 of population; in 
 1904 only 2,790.^ Rapid diminution in the birth rate has 
 also appeared in Italy, Prussia, Bavaria, the Netherlands, 
 Switzerland, Belgium, England, and other European coun- 
 tries.'' In Australia the decline has been particularly 
 marked. ° For the United States a similar state of affairs 
 is shown by the following self-explanatory table : * 
 
 1 Cf. Frank A. Fetter, Principles of Economics, p. 192. 
 
 2 Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, vol. 
 liv, pp. 375, 376. 
 
 'Sixty-seventh Annual Report of the Registrar-General (1904), p. 
 cxi. For these irates "corrected" for age, sex and maritail conditions, 
 see studies by NewsJiokne, Stevenson and Yule in Journal of the Royal 
 Statistical Society, vol. Ixix, pit. i. 
 
 * Paul' Leroy-Beaulieu, op. cit. 
 
 ■> Cf. Ediward A. Rossi. " Western Qvilization and the Birth-Rate," 
 American Journal of Sociology, vol. xii, no. S, p. 608. 
 
 « U. iS. Dept. of Commerce and Laibor, Bureau of the Census', 1905. 
 Bulletin, no. 22, p. 11. 
 
l8 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [488 
 
 Number of children Decrease in number 
 
 Continental under S yrs. of age during 
 
 United States. to 1000 females 15 Preceding Preceding 
 
 to 49 yrs. of age. 10 yrs. 20 yrs. 
 
 1900 474 II 85 
 
 1890 485 74 87 
 
 1880 SS9 13 75 
 
 1870 572 62 54 
 
 i860 634 8' 
 
 1850 626 
 
 By some writers such facts as these have been held to 
 demonstrate the improbability of a too rapid increase in 
 population in Christendom — at least in the near future. 
 Even a stationary or declining population has been thought 
 not impossible.^ Whether such a conclusion is valid or 
 not, the fact that the decline has coincided with a period 
 of a rising plane of living ^ would seem to show that any 
 merely biological tendency of population to increase in- 
 definitely is, over wide areas, actually counteracted by resist- 
 ing forces. 
 
 Certainly not all societies respond alike to the stimulus 
 of increased means of subsistence. 
 
 This fact is vital to social democracy. If all populations 
 responded as do India and China the most rapid advances 
 in the arts and industry would not give to great bodies of 
 men in any society sufficient economic independence to ful- 
 fill the conditions of social democracy as the term has been 
 defined in the opening chapter. As with the individual, 
 an unchecked tendency to lower the standard of living cre- 
 ates resistance directly in proportion to the increasing men- 
 tal distress, until actual starvation produces desperation 
 
 1 Increase. 
 
 ^ Frank A. Feitter, Principles of Economics, p. 194, 
 
 ' Riohimood Mayo- Smith, Statistics and Sociology, p. 379. 
 
489] INCREASE OF POPULATION ig 
 
 as a limit, so does this instinct of self-preservation on the 
 part of many individuals with common interests tend to 
 produce classes in the same ratio. When sacrifice is abso- 
 lutely necessary, the stronger force the weaker to assume 
 it. A class system or loss of civilization are thus the only 
 alternatives when population increases too fast. 
 
 If these contentions be valid, it follows that some more 
 or less definite rate of population increase is tacitly assumed 
 by those who contend that increased control over nature 
 will keep sufficiently ahead of population. Their formula 
 might just as well read, " with a given rate of increase in 
 population the plane of living will tend to rise with pro- 
 gress in industry and the arts." As a matter of fact there 
 are, in any formula, two variables; (i) rate of in- 
 crease in population and (2) rate of progress in the arts. 
 Of both of these the plane of living is a function. The 
 plane of living itself, of course, reacts in turn on both of 
 these variables. A general formula, therefore, means little 
 without examination of particular conditions. On the 
 basis of the few particular conditions already noted, how- 
 ever, it is possible to assert that in some countries at present 
 the rate of population increase precludes the possibility of 
 a social democracy, while in others certain forces have re- 
 duced the rate to a point where rapid progress in arts and 
 industry, together with favorable natural resources, permit 
 a maintenance of the necessary level in the plane of living. 
 The foregoing argument rests partly upon the assertion 
 that the instinct of self-preservation produces classes when- 
 ever a material reduction in the plane of living is threat- 
 ened. Apparently but one form of society has existed in 
 which this was not so. That appeared, if ethnologists are 
 right, in the tribal state. In some tribes all men are said 
 to have had equal opportunity to develop their abilities as 
 fully as the state of culture allowed; then, if one suffered, 
 
20 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [490 
 
 all suffered; of classes produced by fear of want, at least, 
 there were none.^ Such conditions, however, cannot obtain 
 in a society which has passed out of the tribal state. Num- 
 bers with a resulting division of labor, and private property 
 with resulting inheritance, prevent. The first by produc- 
 ing comparative isolation of large bodies of men in the 
 same political group renders impossible that sense of social 
 solidarity by which, in small groups, society is sometimes 
 able to subordinate the individual absolutely. The second 
 furnishes the means by which the stronger entrench them- 
 selves and their class. Neither Greek democracies nor 
 democratic cities of the Middle Ages were exceptions to 
 this rule.^ Slavery precludes the first from classification 
 under social democracy as defined in this essay, and the 
 boasted industrial independence of the free cities was shared 
 only by those who benefited by the jealous guardianship of 
 monopoly in craft mysteries. 
 
 It seems within reason to hold, therefore, as a first con- 
 dition of social democracy, a population reaction to the 
 stimulus of increased means of subsistence such that a 
 plane of living may be maintained sufficiently high to per- 
 mit a reasonable degree of economic independence to all 
 normally constituted citizens. More briefly, democracy re- 
 quires a rate of population increase less rapid than the rise 
 in the standard of living. As already noted, some socie- 
 ties meet this condition, some do not. 
 
 CONDITIONS OF STABILITY 
 
 In a future chapter will be discussed some of the social 
 
 1 Cf. Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology (AppJeton & Co., 
 1900), vol. dii. p. 575- 
 
 2 Cf. Firancois Pdenre G. Guizot, Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe 
 (1873) pp. 217-218. (HazUtt's English Trans'lBition, Appletoti & Co., 
 1850, vol. i. pp. 169-170.) 
 
491 ] INCREASE OF POPULATION 21 
 
 facts that limit and control the efifect of the differences 
 just considered, in the rates at which populations increase. 
 Whatever controlling influence social relations may be 
 found to exert, however, nothing can obscure the fact that 
 these differences determine to a great extent the ability of 
 different populations to maintain their own forms of social 
 organization and attain their own social ideals. No fact 
 in history stands out more plainly than the danger incurred 
 by any nation which fails to increase its population with 
 sufficient rapidity to meet other peoples on an equal footing 
 and repel attack. As far back as the anthropologist can 
 go he finds the wandering to and fro of the peoples of the 
 earth accompanied by the subjection of one social group 
 by another. So impressed with the importance of this fact 
 was Gumplowicz that he thought the whole social process 
 could be interpreted in terms of group conflicts. In his 
 famous work, Der Rassenkampf, he sums the situation 
 thus : " So geht es mit Grazie fort — Rasse gegen Rasse, 
 Kampf um Herrschaft — doch stehen sich immer neue Ras- 
 sen entgegen von denen jede ein tausendf aches ethnisches 
 amalgam ist." ^ Political theorists have often taken this 
 aspect of history as the basis of their systems. Machia- 
 velli and Hobbes both held that conflict was the state of 
 nature. The mercantile theory in economics reflected the 
 same view. The tariff systems of the modern world are 
 but an echo of the same refrain. 
 
 The immediate circumstances to which may be traced 
 the origin of particular conflicts are, of course, of infinite 
 diversity. Nevertheless it can hardly be gainsaid that the 
 numerical superiority of any people, considered in itself, is 
 a menace to less numerous groups. In so far, then, as 
 differences in the response of different peoples to increased 
 
 ^Loc. cit. p. 277. 
 
22 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [492 
 
 means of subsistence affect numerical superiority, these dif- 
 ferences in response become of importance in group con- 
 flicts. Such differences, unless their effects be offset by 
 other conditions, may evidently determine whether a plane 
 of living required by social democracy can be maintained. 
 The " heavier battalions " may be wanting at a critical 
 moment. 
 
 But history is not a mere record of war. In various 
 times there has been attained in various places a sufficient 
 period of stability for the development of civilization. In 
 such periods have occurred those advances in arts and sci- 
 ences, in the exploitation of natural resources, and in that 
 perfection of the social organization of peoples upon which 
 rests the highest achievement of the modern world — the 
 advance in opportunity for the development of the entire 
 personality of the individual. Brief review, therefore, of 
 the main conditions which have given at least temporary 
 security to social groups in the past may not be wholly 
 amiss in an inquiry into the conditions which must be met 
 by a social democracy. 
 
 An indispensable circumstance has been, of course, the 
 occupation of a region rich in natural resources. In addi- 
 tion, the possession of one or more of the following condi- 
 tions appears to have been necessary : 
 
 1. Relatively high culture. 
 
 2. Relatively great numbers. 
 
 3. An easily defended situation. 
 
 The rise of the early civilizations of Peru, Mexico, 
 Egypt, Chaldea, India and China may perhaps be accounted 
 for only because their populations were situated in fertile, 
 hot, dry climates.^ Their stability, however, seems to have 
 
 1 Cf. Henry Thomas Buckle, History of Civilization in England, 
 (Longmans, Green & Co., iLondion, 1873), vol. i, pp. 45-50. Herbert 
 Spencer, Principles of Sociology, vol. i, pp. 21-3. 
 
493] INCREASE OF POPULATION 23 
 
 depended on possession of one or more of the conditions 
 just mentioned. If Rome thanked the gods for snow- 
 capped Alpine barriers against the northern foe, Egypt 
 had no less reason to thank the sun-god Re for scorching 
 desert wastes upon her flanks. In struggles with savage 
 foes the Incas found advantage in the Andes ; the Aztecs in 
 the waters of their inland lake. India and China have held 
 their own because of overwhelming numbers — their con- 
 querors were absorbed. In Mesopotamia, where natural 
 barriers failed, the ancient cities seem to have arisen or 
 declined according to the temporary advantages their cul- 
 ture gave them or as a resulting greater population proved 
 their greater strength. With them, as later with the 
 Greeks, new inventions, improvements in military tactics 
 or in weapons, better political and social organization, a 
 more educated body of citizens or other advantage properly 
 classed as cultural, proved decisive for long periods. 
 
 How large an area may prove to be an easily defensible 
 situation depends, of course, upon the control over nature 
 attained by the inhabitants, and upon their social organiza- 
 tion. For rude Teutonic tribes the morasses and forests of 
 Northern Germany were sufficient barriers to insure a social 
 coherence within small groups so persistent as to make 
 subsequent fusion a difficult task. For civilized nations 
 to-day, high mountain ranges, deserts or oceans form the 
 chief lines of defense. In two ways has advancing culture 
 caused this change. By increasing production it has ren- 
 dered possible the maintenance of larger populations; by 
 perfecting means of communication, both in space and in 
 time, it has permitted co-operation over larger territory. 
 As conflicts arose a feeling of social solidarity was possible 
 over wider areas. Former barriers were overcome, and 
 as a result " der Ewige Kampf verminderte die Zahl der 
 
24 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [494 
 
 Rassen und schaffte den Siegenden immer grossere Ver- 
 breitung." ^ 
 
 Certain it is that European nations have more and more 
 conformed their political boundaries to those geographic 
 barriers which make the included areas easily defensible.* 
 Their stability has, therefore, come to depend upon their 
 relative numbers and their culture — including in the latter 
 term their power to produce wealth. 
 
 What the result of these conditions is to be no man can 
 tell. At the present time the conflict between the larger 
 groups is taking the form of a world struggle for mar- 
 kets and the development of sparsely settled regions. The 
 strain that might otherwise exist in the attempt of growing 
 populations to establish an equilibrium with other popula- 
 tions increasing with lesser rapidity is to a large extent 
 relieved. The field for settlement seems almost unlimited. 
 South America alone possesses 7,500,000 square miles, of 
 which a large part lies within the temperate zone, with an 
 equable and invigorating climate. Further north in the 
 tropics are enormous expanses of high table lands stretch- 
 ing from the Atlantic to the foot-hills of the Andes. Lifted 
 far above the tropical heats vast forests grow untouched 
 from a soil of incredible richness. Hundreds of millions 
 of men can find sustenance in this great territory. As yet 
 the population is less than six to the square mile.' Africa 
 is likewise almost untouched. Such conditions have pro- 
 duced a suspension of the more brutal phases of the group 
 conflict. Nevertheless this suspension may prove of far 
 
 ^Ludlwiig Gumi>lowicz, Der Rassenkampf (1883), p. 277. 
 
 2 Cf. John W. BupgesSi Political Science and Comparative Constitu- 
 tional Law, vol. i, pp. 21-29 and 40-44- 
 
 ' Secretary Root's speech before the Traost-Mississippi Comm'ercial 
 Congressv in New York Tribune, Nov. 21, igo6, p. i, col. i. 
 
495] INCREASE OF POPULATION 35 
 
 shorter duration than is anticipated. One need not go fur- 
 ther back than the civil war to find a widely spread opinion 
 that the domains of the United States were "practically 
 inexhaustible." To-day this nation joins the European 
 rush for foreign markets. What assurance is there that 
 when diminishing returns are yielded from the foreign field 
 the group struggle for the equalization of conditions 
 among the peoples of the earth will not be resumed with all 
 its rigor? What then will be the result of competition 
 among peoples of different planes of living and different 
 rates of population increase? Can the ideal of social de- 
 mocracy be maintained under such conditions? Evidently 
 not, unless the plane of living throughout the world is 
 raised to the minimum requisite for social democracy, or 
 unless countries of a high plane can protect themselves 
 against those of a lower plane, and thus have opportunity 
 to work out the ideals of social democracy within their own 
 limits. 
 
 Whichever of these alternatives is ultimately offered to 
 such nations as attempt to work out a social democracy 
 there are two facts which will more and more have to be 
 taken into account. The first is that the largest possible 
 areas of easy defense are approaching their final outlines. 
 The manifest destiny idea is applicable to more regions than 
 the United States. The second is that imitation of the means 
 of production spreads much more rapidly than imitation of 
 social organization or social custom. Science is becoming 
 international. With the use of movable type has come the 
 means of a quick transfer of knowledge. Only by a failure 
 of other peoples to grasp the importance of conscious imitation 
 and adaptation can improved agricultural, industrial and 
 commercial methods remain a monopoly of any nation. By 
 means of trade journals the former work -of centuries can 
 now be done in a week. Records of invention are avail- 
 
26 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [496 
 
 able everywhere. Though patent laws may produce an 
 artificial monopoly for a time, the use of the patented article 
 is usually open to all on equal terms. 
 
 Such rapid imitation of social customs, however, is im- 
 possible. More people have to be reached, a greater 
 resistance has to be overcome. A comparatively few men 
 at the top in Japan have placed her navy and army in fight- 
 ing trim, reorganized her commercial relations with other 
 peoples, changed her financial and political conditions. 
 The social customs of the people at large have not altered 
 so rapidly. The influence of ancestor worship on the size 
 of the family has not become less effective than formerly. 
 Western influence has not greatly affected the age at mar- 
 riage of the people at large. Still less has change appeared 
 in Chinese customs affecting the birth rate. As to India 
 the statistics already quoted from Giffen prove the point. 
 
 There can be but one result of these conditions. Nations 
 which quickly adopt modern methods of production but 
 retain the social customs which favor a low plane of living 
 and a high birth rate will increase in population much more 
 rapidly than they have increased in the past. The tendency 
 will be for them to outstrip their high-plane-of-living com- 
 petitors in rate of population increase. It may indeed be that 
 social customs affecting the birth rate will change in low- 
 plane-of-living nations before the group conflict is eventually 
 resumed in its sternest form. Whether so or not, however, 
 it is evident from the foregoing argument that those groups 
 which possess easily defended situations will fulfill at least 
 one condition which under no circumstances can be harmful, 
 and under some circumstances may prove to be one of the 
 factors without which social stability, and therefore social 
 democracy, is impossible. 
 
 From the considerations presented in this chapter, then, 
 it is perhaps reasonable to assert that permanent mainte- 
 
497] INCREASE OF POPULATION 27 
 
 nance of a social democracy requires a rate of population 
 increase less rapid than the rise in the standard of living; 
 that some communities have fulfilled this condition and 
 some have not ; that the advanced culture of the hig-h-stand- 
 ard nations may not in itself be a sufficient protection to 
 them because of the increasing rapidity with which methods 
 of production are imitated, and because of the relative per- 
 sistence of customs affecting the birth rates in low-standard 
 nations; and that those groups which possess easily de- 
 fended situations have an advantage which may prove in- 
 dispensable to the working out of their own ideals if the 
 group conflict discernible in all history, but at present some- 
 what suspended, shall eventually be resumed. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 The Doctrine of Selection 
 
 " The ruin of Spain," says Lecky, " may be chiefly traced 
 to the expulsion or extirpation of her Moorish, Jewish and 
 heretical subjects." ^ The institution of religious celibacy 
 has been charged with brutalizing Europe by causing the 
 gentlest natures of the Middle Ages to vanish in monastery 
 and convent without reproduction of their kind/ Caesar's 
 legions were mainly raised in Gaul, it is said, because the 
 martial type no longer bred in Rome. Even the Roman 
 general disappeared soon after. Trajan was Spanish, 
 Aurelian an Illyrian peasant, Diocletian a Dalmatian slave, 
 Constantius Chlorus a Dardanian noble, and Constantine 
 the Great the son of a Dacian woman.' In the Senate, pro- 
 vincials replaced a vanished stock. "Auch aus den unter- 
 worfenen Nationen zog Rom das edelste Blut an sich, um 
 es nutzlos zu verspritzen." * Recruits of '91 in France and 
 Germany, begotten during the Franco-Prussian war when 
 the strongest were in the field, were physically far below 
 the normal. ° 
 
 1 History of England in the. Eighteenth Century, vol. i, p. 188. 
 ''Francis Galton, Hereditary Genius, (Macmillan' & Co. 1869) pp. 
 3S7-3S8. 
 
 ' Brooks Adams, Law of Civilisation and Decay, p. 29. 
 
 * Otto Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, vol. i. 
 p. 291. 
 
 »G. Vaoher die Lapouge, Les Selections Sociales, p. 235. Cf. also 
 Seeck, op. cit., vol. i, p. 281 ; and Anhang, vol. i, pp. 546-7. 
 
 28 [498 
 
499] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 29 
 
 It were an easy task to multiply such statements by the 
 score. They merely show the social importance attributed 
 by certain writers of repute to a process by which indi- 
 viduals possessing one set of hereditary characteristics are 
 substituted for other individuals of supposedly different 
 hereditary traits — a process which for want of a better term 
 may be called selection. 
 
 The validity of attributing vast social changes to this 
 influence is a matter of dispute. To it Seeck, already 
 quoted, ascribes the downfall of the ancient world. On the 
 other hand, those who are chiefly impressed with the con- 
 trol which increased knowledge gives over nature,^ or who 
 see in the development and decay of institutions the rise 
 and fall of national welfare, are inclined to minimize the 
 importance of this process. The following chapters will 
 not present an argument on either side of the question. 
 The aim will be to explain and to illustrate the nature of the 
 evidence upon which may rest the claim that selection is at 
 least one of the processes that must be understood, and if 
 possible utilized, by a social democracy. 
 
 No fact is plainer than that different sub-groups and 
 families increase their representation in a social group from 
 generation to generation at different rates. Many stocks 
 die out completely, others increase to an indefinite extent. 
 That this has a social result purely because parental influ- 
 ence, irrespective of heredity, affects the adaptation of the 
 child to its environment needs no emphasis. White chil- 
 dren captured by Indians have learned the Indian's mode 
 of life. Children educated as Roman Catholics retain the 
 faith. The more rapid increase of sections of a population 
 which sustain or oppose particular social institutions may 
 thus by the simple fact of a higher birth rate cause a substi- 
 
 ^ Cf. Lester F. Ward, Applied Sociology. 
 
30 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [500 
 
 tution of stocks, entailing radical social results. The im- 
 portance of this process in any society is apparent. Its 
 influence, however, is measurable with comparative ease. 
 The way in which it may be modified by the educational 
 system is also susceptible of fairly accurate statistical treat- 
 ment. But with this pseudo-social heredity and selection 
 this essay has to do in only an incidental way. The inquiry 
 is in regard to the effect of the substitution of one set of 
 physically transmitted traits for another set of traits simi- 
 larly transmitted. 
 
 The first task, then, will be to obtain a clear idea of what 
 the process of selection is from a biological point of view, 
 to study its relation to so-called laws of heredity, and finally 
 to attempt to formulate in a conservative way the extent to 
 which the principle is certainly of social importance. 
 
 Before proceeding to this task, however, it may be well 
 to indicate the relation of this section of the inquiry to the 
 main problem — the conditions necessary for maintaining a 
 social democracy. The relation is a simple one. Democ- 
 racy as a form of government requires more .brains per 
 capita than any other form. A social democracy requires 
 a still greater supply — a supply, withal, in which there 
 exists the basis not merely for intelligence, but for virtues 
 founded upon temperamental qualities. Self-control is 
 needed as well as clear vision. If good ground be found 
 for the oft-made assertion that the amount of these quali- 
 ties in a people is largely dependent upon the direction 
 taken by selection no other justification is needed for the 
 inclusion of this topic in an inquiry relating to the condi- 
 tions for the maintenance of a social democracy. Espe- 
 cially is this true when it is remembered that the high plane 
 of living necessary in an advanced society so organized 
 can be maintained only if the grade of ability and self- 
 control in the population be kept at a high level. 
 
50l] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 31 
 
 What, then, is meant by the term selection in the biolog- 
 ical sense, and what may be said as to its scope and social 
 implications. 
 
 The term selection is of course derived from its use in 
 the greatest book of the last century — Darwin's Origin of 
 Species. For the formulation of the conception the Mal- 
 thusian law of population in its original form was respon- 
 sible. If, as Malthus held of men, all organisms tend to 
 propagate in geometrical ratio while food supply increases 
 in arithmetical, then some of the offspring, Darwin rea- 
 soned, would fail to obtain sufficient sustenance. Only 
 the strongest, or at least only those better adapted to meet 
 the conditions necessary to obtain sustenance, would sur- 
 vive. On the supposition that the characteristics giving 
 the advantage were hereditary, the offspring of the favored 
 individuals would of course be likewise at an advantage 
 over their fellows. Finally, as the number of favored 
 ones increased, those at a disadvantage would be eliminated 
 in the struggle for existence. Thus a change in type might 
 be induced sufficient to account for differences between 
 species. Such in simple form was the doctrine of natural 
 selection. 
 
 Applied to man the doctrine of selection in Darwin's 
 sense evidently implies two fundamental points respecting 
 inherited characters : ( i ) individuals resemble their ances- 
 tors more than they do the general population, (2) de- 
 scendants may differ in some respects from their ancestors 
 and from each other. Now, theories dealing with trans- 
 missible qualitative or quantitative resemblances of descend- 
 ants to parents are theories of heredity and theories dealing 
 with subsequently transmissible quantitative or qualitative 
 differences between ancestors and descendants or between 
 descendants of the same generation are theories of varia- 
 tion. It is evident, then, that theories of heredity deal not 
 
32 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [502 
 
 only with the way in which characteristics of long standing 
 in a family or species reappear, but also with the way in 
 which parental variations reappear in subsequent genera- 
 tions. This follows from the fact that in subsequent gen- 
 erations the characteristics which in the parents were vari- 
 ations may become, in the children, resemblances to the 
 parents. With respect to the doctrine of selection, there- 
 fore, interest in theories of heredity lies in the extent to 
 which the characteristics of near or remote ancestors re- 
 appear in offspring, and whether the reappearance is partial 
 or complete. Upon the relative importance of near and 
 remote ancestors depends the number of generations dur- 
 ing which selection must operate, if the Darwinian theory 
 is correct, in order to "fix" (i. e., uniformly reproduce) 
 a characteristic of an ancestor. Upon the completeness of 
 the reappearance of the characteristic depends the complete- 
 ness of the result. Again with respect to the doctrine of 
 selection, interest in variation lies in the amount of variation 
 and its character. Upon the amount of variation depends 
 the amount of change selection may produce in offspring, 
 and upon its character depends the value of the change. 
 
 At present there is no accepted theory of heredity, nor is 
 there likely to be until Neo-Darwinian, Mutationist, Men- 
 delian and Biometrician find a basis for agreement as to 
 the nature of variation. Examination of various theories, 
 however, will serve to show that none of them denies the 
 possibility of very rapid changes as a result of selection. 
 
 The most definitely formulated theory, perhaps, is that 
 expressed in Galton's so-called " law of ancestral heredity." 
 This may be stated as follows: the two parents contribute 
 together, on the average, one-half, or 0.5, of the total 
 heritage of the offspring; the four grandparents, one- 
 quarter, or 0.5^; the eight great-grandparents, one- 
 
503] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 33 
 
 eighth, or 0.5 ', and so on.^ Thus the sum of the ances- 
 tral contributions is expressed by the series [(0.5) + 
 (o-S)''+ (0.5)'..], which being equal to i, accounts for 
 the whole heritage. 
 
 From Galton's writings it would appear that he some- 
 times thought of this generalization as applicable to indi- 
 viduals,^ and sometimes regarded it as a purely statistical 
 law applicable only to averages." Darbeshire has pointed 
 out that there is a general belief in the proposition that the 
 amount of the contribution of ancestors to posterity is large 
 in proportion to the nearness of the progenitor. Concern- 
 ing this he remarks, " it is a very good type of biological 
 law ; it has the advantage of simplicity ; it is also, except in 
 a few cases, untrue." * Without reference to its validity, 
 Darbeshire proposes to call this idea the " law of diminish- 
 ing individual contribution " in contra-distinction to Gal- 
 ton's law. In his estimation, what Galton's law really 
 states is, how on the average the characteristics of a large 
 group of ancestors will reappear in subsequent generations 
 taken as a whole. From the knowledge that the parents 
 of a given generation of cats are tabbies, and that half the 
 grandparents of the generation are tabbies, a quarter white 
 and a quarter black, Galton's law gives the proportions in 
 which these three kinds of cats will occur in subsequent 
 generations. But whether the law be taken as statistical 
 
 ^ Frauds Galton, Natural Inheritance, p. 136. 
 a Ibid. 
 
 ' Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, vol. 61, p. 402. Here 
 he says, "'neglect of inidSvidual prepotencies is justified in a law that 
 avowedly relates to average cresults ; they must of course be taken into 
 ajooount vihem applying the law to individual' cases." 
 
 * On the Difference between PhysSologicail and Statistical Laws of 
 Heredity." Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and 
 Philosophical Society, vol. 1. part iii, no. 11, p. 9. 
 
34 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [504 
 
 only, or as applicable to individuals as well, the impossi- 
 bility of increasing or diminishing the representation of 
 any particular ancestral characteristic by its action alone is 
 apparent. According to it, on a basis of random mating 
 and equal fertility, the characteristics of all members of the 
 population have equal opportunity for representation in 
 future generations and according to the law of chance will 
 be so represented. Whether the traits of particular ances- 
 tors blend with corresponding traits of other ancestors and 
 reappear in reciprocally modified forms, or whether certain 
 descendants follow one ancestor and others another, never- 
 theless in the long run all ancestral traits will be repro- 
 duced. 
 
 It is evident, then, that Galton's law does not explain 
 change in the hereditary characteristics of groups from 
 generation to generation. Now the process of selec- 
 tion operates, as has been noted, whenever a group hav- 
 ing hereditary characteristics differing from those of the 
 general population leaves a disproportionate number of off- 
 spring. The important question then arises as to the rapidity 
 with which change, in view of Galton's law, can be produced 
 by this process, and whether such a change will be permanent 
 if the process of selection ceases. It is obvious from Gal- 
 ton's law that a characteristic becomes more evident in off- 
 spring the more fully it is represented in the parents, grand- 
 parents and more remote ancestors. Now in any selected 
 group of persons certain characteristics are more fully 
 represented than in the general population. Some of the 
 ancestors of the members of the selected group, however, 
 have descendants in the present general population outside 
 the selected group. The characteristics of these ancestors, 
 therefore, were at least intermediate between those of the 
 selected group and those of the present general population. 
 Inasmuch as these general-population characteristics of the 
 
505] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 35 
 
 ancestors of the selected group, according to Galton's law, 
 will to some extent reappear in the offspring of the selected 
 group, these offspring must of course be less pure than the 
 selected group/ To preserve the purity of the selected 
 group, continued selection is necessary. With respect to 
 the rapidity of the action of selection, Pearson, taking into 
 account the regression just considered, calculated that if 
 grandparents, as well as parents, have been selected in re- 
 spect to the same characteristics the offspring will exhibit the 
 characteristics in .8049 of their full strength; if the great- 
 grandparents also, then in .9027 of their strength; and if 
 still three other generations be selected, then in .9879 of 
 their full strength. Thus a race with six generations of 
 selections, according to Pearson, will breed within 1.2 per 
 cent of truth. ^ If, as some biologists think, this process of 
 selection tends to produce prepotency in the characteristic se- 
 lected, the characteristic against which selection proceeds 
 might be entirely eliminated. 
 
 If these deductions of Pearson's be correct it appears 
 that, on the basis of Galton's law, a rapid change in heredi- 
 tary characteristics may be expected through rigid selec- 
 tion. The law itself does not account for change. 
 
 But the so-called statistical laws of heredity advanced by 
 Galton and Pearson have not passed unchallenged. In 
 1900 certain facts of inheritance were independently noted 
 
 ^ This does not support the theory of indefinite regression' through 
 panmixia because regression of this sort could' not, 00 Galton's suppo- 
 sition, proceed further than, the mean of the general population. 
 
 * " MathemiaticaJ Contrihuitionis to the Theory of Evolution," Proceed- 
 ings of the Royal Society of London, vol. Ixii, no. 386 (1898) pp. 
 309-402. Cf. Biometrika, vol. i«, pp. 227-228, however, -wihere he holds 
 that, although two or three generations of selection would produce a 
 stock of upwardb of go% of the selected characteristic no amount of 
 selection unless of a greater than the dfesired amount of characteristic 
 would give more than 92% of it. 
 
36 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [506 
 
 3 
 
 by the biologists de Vries/ Correns,^ and Tschermak, 
 which confirmed the long unrecognized views put forward 
 by Gregor .Mendel, Abbot of Briinn, as early as 1866.* 
 Mendel's observations were made upon seven different 
 characteristics in peas, the consideration of one of which, 
 seed-color, will sufficiently illustrate his results. The colors 
 of seeds used in the experiment were yellow and green. 
 When crossed the hybrid always produced yellow seeds. 
 Yellow-seededness was therefore called a dominant character- 
 istic and greeness of seed a recessive characteristic. When 
 one hundred (yellow) hybrids were allowed to breed by 
 self-propagation, twenty-five of the offspring were green- 
 seeded and seventy-five yellow-seeded. The greens bred 
 true (i. e., when self-fertilized always produced greens). 
 Twenty-five of the yellows also bred true, but fifty of the 
 yellows (self-fertilized) produced offspring twenty-five per 
 cent of which were green and seventy-five per cent yellow 
 i. e., the fifty were true hybrids— able to reproduce the 
 characteristics of both ancestors. In Mendel's language 
 the first set of 100 hybrids really consisted of 25 recessives 
 (pure greens), 50 hybrids (yellow), and twenty-five domi- 
 nants (yellow). It was found that for generation after 
 generation the hybrids gave this same proportion of reces- 
 sives, hybrids and dominants. This process, now known 
 as segregation, consists in the dispatch by the hybrids, at 
 
 1 " Sur la loi de ddsjomotion des hyibrides'," in Compte Rendu de 
 I'Academie de Paris, vol. cxxx (1900), pp. 835-847. 
 
 2 " G. Mendeil's Regeki iiber dias Verfiallten der Naichkommenschaft 
 dler Rassetiibastardie." Berichte der Deutschen botanischen Gesell- 
 schaft, vol. xviii (1900), pp. 158-168. 
 
 * Ueber kunstEche Kreuzung bei Pisuni saitivum,'' in Zeitschrift fur 
 das hndwirthschaftliche V ersuchswesen in Osterreich, vol. iii (igoi), 
 pp. 465-555. 
 
 * " Versuche iiber Pflanzenihybriden," in V erhandlungsschriften det 
 naturforschenden Vereins in Briinn, vol. iv (1866), pp. 3-47. 
 
507] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 37 
 
 each generation, of offspring into the dominant and reces- 
 sive ranks — from which, so long as like mates with like, 
 there is no returning/ 
 
 Castle, whose experiments have been chiefly on guinea- 
 pigs and mice, worked out the relation of the selective pro- 
 cess to the Mendelian law as follows. On the hypothesis of 
 random mating and equal fertility of all individuals, and 
 starting with an equal number of males and females, he 
 finds that by rejecting all recessives as they appear the 
 percentage of individuals showing dominant characteristics 
 would be 100 per cent in the first generation, 75 in the 
 second, 88.8 in the third, 93.7 in the fourth, 96 in the fifth, 
 97.2 in the sixth, 98 in the seventh, 98.4 in the eighth.'' 
 Selection for four generations would thus produce a fairly 
 pure race. 
 
 To many biologists the Mendelian law and the statistical 
 results of Galton and Pearson have seemed altogether in- 
 consistent. If Galton's law be taken as valid for individual 
 cases this may prove to be the case. Galton's and Pear- 
 son's results, however, are derived from the consideration 
 of large numbers of cases and by methods of the average, 
 while Mendelian generalizations are obtained by experi- 
 ment involving isolation in a way that seldom occurs in 
 nature. Moreover, as yet, alternative inheritance accord- 
 ing to the Mendelian formula has been proven for only a- 
 few characteristics in a comparatively few animals and 
 plants. The present trend of biological thought is that 
 both the statistical and the Mendelian results will be found 
 to harmonize.' 
 
 ^ Cf. A. D. Darbeshire, Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester 
 Literary and Philosophical Society, vol. xlviii, part iii, no. 24, pp. 3-4. 
 
 " W. E. Castle, Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and 
 Sciences, vol. xxxax, no 8., p. 235. 
 
 3 Cf. Karl Pearson. " On' a genieralizedi theory of altieraaitive In- 
 
38 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [508 
 
 Whatever be the truth in these theories, however, the 
 preceding account will have served to show that their advo- 
 cates have discovered nothing to minimize the importance 
 of Darwin's doctrine of selection. Whether inheritance is 
 blended or alternative, any characteristic will reappear gener- 
 ation after generation unless selection occurs. With proper 
 selection any characteristic which varies may be removed 
 or fixed. In the case of recessive characteristics, however, it 
 is apparent that the dominants would have to be removed 
 entirely from the race to get a pure strain. Nevertheless, 
 even in this case, selection for recessive characteristics 
 would always increase the chance of recessive mating with 
 recessive, and thus increase the number of individuals pos- 
 sessing the desired characteristic. 
 
 So much then for the relation of selection to the statis- 
 tical and Mendelian laws of heredity. 
 
 But the supposed validity of the Darwinian theory of 
 selection has itself been attacked. The importance which 
 Darwin ascribed to a continuous selection of individuals 
 exhibiting slight variations from the parent type in the 
 final production of a group regularly transmitting the new 
 characteristic has been challenged. It is maintained that 
 in all probability a definite range of fluctuating variation 
 is one of the fixed characteristics of a species.^ This would 
 mean, in the language of Prof. Morgan, that " a new race 
 of men cannot be produced by selection of those individuals 
 that show fluctuating variations." ' 
 
 The mutationists in advancing this theory do not, how- 
 
 heritaiice with special reference to Memdel'si Laws," in Philosophical 
 Transactions of the Royal Society of London, voL 203 A (1904) pp. 
 73-4- 
 
 1 Hugo de Vries, Species and Varieties, pp 17-18. For criticism of 
 this theory see W. F. R. Weld'on, Biometrika, vol. i, p. 365 et seq. 
 
 2 Popular Science Monthly, vol. Ixvii, p. 60. 
 
509] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION ^9 
 
 ever, deny the power of selection within the limits of vari- 
 ation which they posit. Their contention is, for instance, 
 in the case of the race horse, that increasing speed is gained 
 with more and more intensive breeding, but that the in- 
 crease approaches a maximum which cannot be passed ex- 
 cept by a sudden shift in the limits of variation of the 
 species — a shift which selection, in their opinion, does not 
 necessarily tend to facilitate. 
 
 As far as man is concerned, however, the mutation the- 
 ory in its present state leaves things much as they were 
 before. If substantiated, the hypothesis, of course, makes 
 tenable the supposition that a new species might suddenly 
 be produced, which by reason of characteristics very dif- 
 ferent from those of existing types could find subsistence 
 without mixing or competing with other species. But man 
 is too complex for such a result. The extremes of exist- 
 ing differences between individuals are already so great 
 and occur in so many characteristics without disturbing 
 the inter fertility of all races of men that single mutations — 
 admittedly small when compared with these differences 
 — cannot materially alter conditions of selection. Socie- 
 ties which fail to show ability to meet competition with 
 others are being eliminated or assimilated too fast for muta- 
 tions to create non-competing groups. Practically, then, 
 for man mutations would seem equivalent merely to ex- 
 treme variations or, possibly a short series of progressively 
 selected variations. As long as the causes of variation or, 
 if you will, mutations, are unknown, greater " spontane- 
 ous " changes cannot be predicted in one rather than an- 
 other society. The case is reduced, as before, to the em- 
 pirical fact that selection may make one existing type more 
 numerous than another. 
 
 Such, then, in general outline, is the theory of selection, 
 and such are the more prominent theories of heredity. 
 
40 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [510 
 
 From the data presented in regard to them it has appeared 
 that neither the so-called statistical laws of heredity nor 
 the Mendelian laws minimize the importance of selection 
 in the least. On the contrary, whether they can be recon- 
 ciled or whether each is true in respect of certain traits, 
 both of these generalizations show the phenomena of he- 
 redity to be such that, in the opinion of competent inves- 
 tigators, selection may with comparative rapidity determine 
 which of two different innate traits shall be perpetuated. 
 Nor does the mutation theory militate against this fact. 
 It has therefore been proven that selection is a force cap- 
 able of producing vast social changes if, as a matter of 
 fact, the innate traits on which it works are of as much 
 importance in social life as many writers claim. It has 
 been shown also that, if the differences in innate traits are 
 thus important, selection is a fact which must be reckoned 
 with by a social democracy. For in the complicated social 
 relations of modern days a social democracy must have 
 citizens who are capable of meeting complex conditions. 
 Selection seems a potent influence in determining whether 
 the level of citizenship required shall be maintained. 
 
 In Chapter V under the title, " The Supply of Brains," 
 data will be presented respecting the importance of innate 
 traits, and in regard to the general problem of variation 
 upon which, as already noted, depends the amount of 
 change and the character of the change that selection may 
 accomplish. 
 
 Prior to consideration of these topics, however, the claim 
 that cessation of selection necessarily produces degenera- 
 tion will be considered, together with the modes or ways in 
 which selection may give evidence of itself in human society. 
 The latter subject is but a continuation of the theory of 
 selection presented in this chapter. The former must be 
 considered because, if the claim just referred to is true. 
 
51 1 ] THE DOCTRINE OF SELECTION 41 
 
 there may be ground for supposing that the relatively low 
 rate of population increase required by a social democracy 
 will cause the process of elimination by selection to cease, 
 and thereby produce biological degeneration. These two 
 topics will therefore form the subject of the next chapter. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 Degeneration and Improvement 
 
 From the considerations presented in the last chapter it 
 is evident that selection may be progressive or regressive. 
 Variations usually looked upon as desirable may be the 
 ones preserved or the reverse. But before considering 
 further the effects which selection may produce it will be 
 of advantage to clear away the notion that biological de- 
 generation necessarily results from a cessation of the 
 selective process. At the present time there is a popular 
 tendency to look upon a simple decline in the birth rate as 
 an evidence of degeneration. The vogue of the term " race 
 suicide " in this country reflects this belief. The strenu- 
 ous efforts now being made in France to increase popula- 
 tion are attributed to fear of such degeneration.^ Great 
 Britain, indeed, seems more concerned over her unem- 
 ployed than over any supposed degeneracy in the popula- 
 tion, and France, perhaps, fears Germany's growing power 
 rather than a change for the worse in the quality of her 
 citizens. Nevertheless, it was solemnly asserted in the 
 name of biology not many years ago that unless man mul- 
 tiplies beyond the limits for which the average conditions 
 of life comfortably provide, a process of steady degener- 
 ation will result.^ The idea in its crude form is still cur- 
 
 1 " How Paris provides for the housing of la(rg« families," in Review 
 of Reviews, vol. xxxiid, p. 312 et seq. 
 
 2 Benjamin Kidd, Social Evolution, p. 37. 
 
 42 [512 
 
513] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT 43 
 
 rent. It must be considered here, therefore, lest objection 
 be made that if democracy be dependent on a compara- 
 tively low birth rate biological progress is impossible. 
 
 Mr. Kidd's view, which is essentially that with a rapid 
 decline in birth rates degeneration must follow, was ad- 
 vanced on the basis of Weismann's theory of panmixia.^ 
 In both the application and in the original theory, how- 
 ever, invalid assumptions were made. In brief form Weis- 
 mann's idea as put forth in 1886 was this : ^ accepting the 
 Darwinian doctrine that progressive adaptation of organ- 
 isms to their environment results from a life and death 
 struggle, in which the ill-adapted succumb, Weismann 
 maintained that the cessation of this selection would not 
 only arrest adaptation, but would cause retrogression. Let 
 all individuals have equal opportunity to have offspring 
 who in turn interbreed (panmixia) ; then, as breeders who' 
 cease to select their best stock for the stud find the strain 
 retrograding, so must mankind degenerate. The implica- 
 tion is that this regression must be without limit. Some 
 time after its first promulgation Mr. Herbert Spencer chal- 
 lenged this view, because it implied that variations of off- 
 spring from the parental type in the direction of degenera- 
 tion habitually exceed those in the opposite direction — in 
 degree or in number or in both.^ Mr. Spencer complained 
 that Weismann never met the argument. It is interesting, 
 therefore, to find Weismann saying in 1902 : " Es muss 
 also noch etwas anders mit im Spiele sein welches bewirkt, 
 
 '^ Cf. Edward A. Ross, Foundations of Sociology, pp. 333-4- 
 
 2 August Wedsmaiin, Retrogressive Development in Nature (1886), 
 translated in Essays upon Heredity, edited' by Edlwawl' B. Poulton 
 and Arflhur E. Shipley (Oxford, i8c»), vol. ii, pp. 1-30. Cf. Herbert 
 Spencer, "On the Inadequaicy of Natural Seleatdonj," Principles of 
 Biology (Appleton & Co., 1900), vol. i. Appendix B, p. 602 et seq. 
 
 '" Contemporary Review, vol. Ixvi, p. 605. 
 
44 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [514 
 
 dass bei einem nutzlos gewordenen Organ die Minus- 
 variationen die Plus-variationen stets und dauernd iiber- 
 wiegen, und dieses etwas kann nirgends anders liegen als 
 da, wo die Wurzel aller erblichen Variationen liegt — im 
 Keimplasma." ^ Of what may be discovered " im Keim- 
 plasma " he remarks, however, " wohl konnen wir von dem 
 feinsten Bau des Keimplasmas direkt Nichts erfahren " ^ — 
 a practical acknowledgment that the original doctrine is 
 purely speculative.' It is perhaps significant that one of 
 the latest authoritative general treatises on biology * does 
 not even refer to " panmixia," though reviewing Weis- 
 mann's more valid ideas at length. 
 
 Rejection of Weismann's theory of panmixia, however, 
 does not imply denial of the possibility of a certain amount 
 of regression if selection ceases. The fact that a breeder 
 sometimes fails to obtain a stock that " breeds true " after 
 many selections cannot be overlooked." Pearson maintains 
 that the reversion thus observed has what he terms a focus 
 of regression. Basing his contention on the theory that 
 variations occur according to the law of chance, he says 
 that in man " both as to mean and variation the population 
 with suspended natural selection tends to rapidly regress 
 on the general population from which it was selected." * 
 
 ^ Vortrdge iiber Descendenxtheorie (Jena, 1902), voL ii, p. 131. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 132. 
 
 ' The fuTtheir elaboration of Weismanni's theory on this point is open 
 to the criticism that either it requires sexuail selection^ if not natural 
 selectioii, for its efficiency — an assumption oontrairy to hiypothesis — or 
 it is still open to a modified iorra oi Spencer's original contention. 
 
 * Oscar Hertwig (Direktor d. anatomisoh-biologfischen Instituts der 
 Univiersdtat Berlin), Allgemeine Biologie (Gustav Fischer, Jena, igo6). 
 
 ° Thougto this is sometimes the case, the cgeneral opinion of breeders 
 seems to be that a character can be " fixed' " by repeated selection. (Cf. 
 Karl Pearson, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of Lon- 
 don, vod. 187 A, p. 314. 
 
 'Ibid., p. 309. 
 
515] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT 45 
 
 Such statistics as he has been able to gather of sensibly 
 stable populations point to " a focus of regression close to 
 the mean of the current population." ^ 
 
 Dr. G. Archdall Reid, a pronounced Neo-Darwinian, 
 though rejecting Weismann's explanation, still contends 
 that cessation of selection involves degeneration. Con- 
 trary to the usual theory of biologists that in bi-parental 
 reproduction is to be found a cause of progressive varia- 
 tion, he maintains that its chief function is to produce re- 
 gressive variation — a tendency only offset by selection. It 
 remains to be seen whether biologists will admit the vali- 
 dity of this wholly novel idea. As though not entirely 
 convinced of his contention that " ancient characters are 
 prepotent over less ancient," ^ Reid himself admits the pos- 
 sible validity for men of Galton's law.' 
 
 It is apparent from these considerations that biology has 
 come to no definite conclusion respecting the limits of re- 
 gression. Certainly no tendency to indefinite degeneration 
 has been proven. The question is inseparable from the 
 hotly debated problem of the causes of variation. 
 
 Were the theory of necessary degeneration tenable, how- 
 ever, the application that man must multiply beyond the 
 means of subsistence to avoid such degeneration does not 
 follow. This contention would imply that selection can 
 occur only through death by starvation. That such is 
 not the fact will become evident in the development of the 
 next topic. 
 
 ^ Cf. Karl PeaTSon, PhilosO'phical Transactions of the Royal Society 
 of London, vol. 187 A, p. 308. iPearsom looks upoe " atavism' " merely 
 as mathemalically improbalMe variationis. Ibid., p. 314. 
 
 * Principles of Heredity, p. 87, note. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 96- ,,; 
 
46 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [516 
 
 MODES OF SELECTION 
 
 According to the usage given the term selection in this 
 essay, any influence which, without causing the appearance 
 of new variations, tends to produce a change in the heredi- 
 tary qualities of a population from generation to genera- 
 tion, is a selective influence. The term, therefore, includes 
 more than natural selection in the Darwinian sense. Dar- 
 win, as has been noted, applied the term natural selection 
 to the process by which the elimination of a certain strain 
 was produced by a death-rate greater than the reproductive 
 rate of that strain. It is evident, however, that a change 
 in the amount of an hereditar)' characteristic in a popula- 
 tion can be produced by differing birth-rates in differing 
 stocks, even though there is no tendency whatever for any 
 stock to be eliminated. Such a selection is no less natural 
 than the other form, but for clearness it requires a separate 
 name. Genetic or reproductive selection is the usual desig- 
 nation. 
 
 Sexual selection, upon which Darwin laid particular em- 
 phasis in his Descent of Man, is a phenomenon involving 
 genetic selection. The term sexual selection Darwin 
 applied to the process in which individuals of either sex 
 in choosing mates show a distinct preference for par- 
 ticular types, and thereby exclude those of other types from 
 reproducing their kind. Such a process evidently affects 
 birth rates of various classes differently. But, since it also 
 tends to make the rate of some types zero, it could be looked 
 upon with equal propriety as a mode of natural selection — 
 a process by which certain individuals are eliminated with- 
 out leaving progeny. Sexual selection is therefore merely 
 one process by which natural or reproductive selection 
 is accomplished. Migration is another influence which 
 also may cause changes in the amount of any 
 
517] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT 47 
 
 hereditary trait present in a population. From the point 
 of view of a particular sub-group, of course, its indirect 
 result may be very great. For example, the introduction 
 of the negro into the Southern States has undoubtedly 
 tended to increase enormously the total amount of negro 
 blood extant. Only, however, as migration thus indirectly 
 affects death or birth rates is it in strictness to be classed 
 as a selective agency. It does not directly increase or de- 
 crease the amount of any hereditary trait in existence at 
 a given time. Sexual selection and migration are there- 
 fore mere modes of selection which can be reduced to lower 
 terms. It may be shown, likewise, that all other modes 
 resolve themselves into natural and reproductive selection. 
 All perpetuation of hereditary traits is registered in birth 
 rates and all elimination -in death rates. Changes in 
 these rates as they affect particular classes of hereditary 
 types are selective. 
 
 Classified, therefore, according to the nature of the in- 
 fluence producing such changes, the modes of selection may 
 evidently be as infinite in number as are those influences. 
 Climate, war, persecution, famine, disease, ignorance of 
 sanitary laws, improvement in medicine, concentration of 
 population, crime, suicide, .charity, form of occupation, ac- 
 cidents, all affect death rates. Economic prosperity, mar- 
 riage customs, individual preferences in choosing mates, 
 age differences at time of marriage, natural fertility, arti- 
 ficial checks, all affect birth rates. Little ingenuity is re- 
 quired to extend these lists or to analyze each item into 
 an indefinite number of subsidiary classes. A complete 
 account of the modes of selection thus conceived is, there- 
 fore, impossible. Nevertheless, a review of some of the 
 effects of the more important modes already enumerated 
 may indicate their possible power. The instances brought 
 forward may not in all cases be clear examples of the selec- 
 
48 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [518 
 
 tion of innate traits. Still, they will certainly show the 
 ability of the modes just enumerated to influence different 
 social classes in different ways. Whether differences in 
 hereditary traits are correlated with the different social 
 classes involved may be open to question. It will certainly 
 be shown, however, that the illustrated modes are capable 
 of profoundly influencing birth and death rates, and are 
 therefore selective in respect to whatever hereditary traits 
 are involved. That in certain of the illustrations such 
 traits are involved is to be inferred from considerations to 
 be presented in Chapter V. 
 
 The first example may profitably be taken from the his- 
 tory of persecution in Spain. The results of the Inquisi- 
 tion Galton emphasizes as follows : 
 
 As regards martyrdom and imprisonment, the Spanish nation 
 was drained of free-thinkers at the rate of 1,000 persons annu- 
 ally for t/he three' cetituries between 1471 and 1781 ; an aver- 
 age of 100 persons having been executed and 900 imprisoned 
 every year during that period. The actual data during those 
 three hundred years are 32,000 burnt, 17,000 persons burnt in 
 efiBgy (I presume they mostly died in prison or escaped from 
 Spain), and 291,000 condemned to various terms of imprison- 
 ment and other penalties. It is impossible thajt any nation 
 could stand a policy like tihis, without paying a heavy penalty 
 in the deterioration of its breed, as has notably 'been the result 
 in the formation of the superstitious, unintelligent Spanish 
 race of the present day.^ 
 
 Italy and France also have suffered from the same cause. 
 For good reasons did former Prime Minister Jules Simon 
 lament that not less than 80 of the German staff in the 
 Franco-Prussian war were representatives of Protestant 
 families formerly driven out of France.'' In his thought, 
 
 1 Hereditary Genius, p. 359. 
 
 ' Samuel 'Smiles, The Huguenots in England and Ireland (1895), -pre- 
 face, p. vii. 
 
519] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT ^g 
 
 perchance, this merely typified the change produced in 
 France by the loss of her 300,000 exiles ^ and her 100,000 
 killed because of their religious beliefs.^ And such 
 thoughts would, indeed, have been mere hints' of the role 
 played by persecution throughout history, if, in reality, the 
 dififerences from the general population which persecuted 
 men undoubtedly exhibited in valor and intelligence were 
 due, as many think, to their differences in innate capacity. 
 
 The elimination of the strong or weak by war is a 
 familiar topic. If all members of a community engage in 
 battle and are equally subject to the privations of a cam- 
 paign, the stronger are likely to, survive. If, on the other 
 hand, only the strongest members are enlisted, they alone 
 suffer. Famine and disease attack different classes un- 
 equally. That cities tend to draw the strong and virile 
 from the country, and then in a few generations sterilize 
 the stock, is likewise a well-known thesis.' Dangerous 
 trades also have their effect. Doubtless many occupations, 
 like those of waiters and peddlers, have a high death rate 
 because they attract the weak in physique and in character 
 and encourage irregular habits. The high death rate in 
 fishing, quarrying, mining and railroading, on the other 
 hand, cuts off men of the better sort physically and in all 
 probability mentally. 
 
 Of this nature, then, are some of the influences which 
 affect age classifications in death rates. That to the opera- 
 tion of the more brutal of these forces — famine, disease and 
 war — may be attributed the continuous supplanting of one 
 
 1 Oharles Weiss, History of the French Protestant Refugees, preface, 
 p. V. 
 
 2 Samuel Smites, op. cit., p. 64. Cf. also John L. Motley, Rise of the 
 Dutch Republic (1856), vol. ii, p. 389. 
 
 3 Cf. Georg Hansen, Die drei Bevolkerungsstufen. Also Otto Am- 
 mon, Die natiirliche Auslese beim Menschen, p. 271 et seq. 
 
50 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [520 
 
 savage tribe by another throughout the ages, needs little 
 emphasis. The total extinction of Tasmanians, New Zea- 
 landers and many tribes of Indians in our own day but 
 feebly illustrates the results of struggles now recalled only 
 from ancient monuments and hoary traditions or found 
 personified in the conquest story of some legendary hero. 
 But here again it will be said that these were struggles be- 
 tween groups in which qualities of race brought to trial by 
 combat were not wholly of an hereditary nature. True; 
 but the effort here is merely to show the power of selection 
 in preserving or eliminating whatever innate qualities were 
 involved. Enough evidence has been given perhaps to 
 show that some classes in a population are far more likely 
 to be eliminated without reproduction than are others. 
 Natural selection is at work. 
 
 But genetic selection is still more important. In civilized 
 nations, Karl Pearson has computed, " about twenty-six 
 per cent, of the married population produces fifty per cent, 
 of the next generation." ^ How this may be Galton has 
 strikingly shown in the following manner: first, those who 
 marry when young tend to have the larger families, and, 
 second, they produce more generations within a given 
 period. If A, marrying at 22, produces an increase of 1% in 
 the next generation, and there are 3% generations per cen- 
 tury, while, B, marrying at 33, produces an increase oi i}i in 
 the next generation, and there are 2% generations per cen- 
 tury, then A's children, by following his example, will in 
 3 centuries have produced 15 times more progeny than 
 B's. It is important in this inquiry, however, to note 
 the difference between gross and net fertility. The former 
 is practically equivalent statistically to the birth rate; the 
 
 ^The Grammar of Science (1900), Chapter on "Evolution," p. 413. 
 ^ Hereditary Genius ( 1892) , p. 340. 
 
52 1 ] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT 51 
 
 latter is the number of children per family who reach the 
 reproductive age. The following table, compiled by Pear- 
 son ^ from Rubin and Westergaard's Copenhagen statistics, 
 will illustrate the significance of this distinction: 
 
 Number of children 
 per family. 
 No. of Gross Net 
 
 cases. fertility. fertility. 
 
 1. Professional class 944 4.52 3.31 
 
 2. Commercial class 2009 4.58 3.01 
 
 3. Artisan class 2934 4,95 3.14 
 
 The order of increase in these classes measured by gross 
 fertility is i, 2, 3, by net fertility is 2, 3, i. 
 
 The selective possibilities of differences in reproductive 
 rates are thus very evident. 
 
 But not all mature individuals reproduce. Where 
 monogamy is actually observed and a preponderance of one 
 sex exists, certain of the other sex will necessarily fail to 
 find mates. Among polyandrous or polygynous peoples, 
 where the population is fairly stable and there is the usual 
 approximate equality in the number of each sex born, a like 
 result is to be found. Sexual selection occurs. Darwin's 
 emphasis on the importance of this process has already been 
 noted. To it he attributed the greater size, strength, cour- 
 age, pugnacity, energy and even intellectual vigor and 
 power of invention in man in comparison with the same 
 qualities in woman. In her, he thought, beauty and sweet- 
 ness of voice were its results.^ Social relations will, of 
 course, play a large part in controlling such choices. Sys- 
 tems of property inheritance, growth of social classes, re- 
 laxation of religious restrictions on marriage, will all be 
 
 ^ The Chances of Death and Other Studies in Evolution, vol. i, p. 98. 
 ^Descent of Man (Applotoni, 1871), vol. ii, pp. 365-6. 
 
52 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [522 
 
 effective. But of this more in the chapter on the social 
 limitations on the biological process. It is of greater im- 
 portance here to consider further only the more direct in- 
 fluences on birth rates. 
 
 Gross and net fertility have already been discussed. But 
 of changes in the crude birth rate more needs to be said. 
 In his Principles of Biology, Mr. Herbert Spencer laid 
 down the proposition that " every higher degree of or- 
 ganic evolution has for its concomitant a lower degree of 
 that peculiar organic dissolution which is seen in the pro- 
 duction of new organisms." " Ascending from the lowest 
 to the highest types," he says, " there is a decrease of fer- 
 tility so great as to become absolutely inconceivable and 
 even inexpressible by figures." " Obviously, too," he con- 
 tinues, " survival of the fittest has a share in determining 
 the proportion between the amount of matter that goes to 
 Individuation and the amount that goes to Genesis. 
 Whether the interests of the species are most subserved by 
 a higher evolution of the individual joined with a dimin- 
 ished fertility, or by a lower evolution of the individual 
 joined with an increased fertility, are questions ever being 
 experimentally answered." ^ It is thus very apparent that 
 Mr. Spencer recognized differing degrees of fertility, saw 
 in them an influence capable of producing profound changes 
 in social groups, and thought that between the various 
 changes so caused natural selection was to have a share in 
 the final arbitrament. 
 
 Whether, however, the physiological changes by which 
 Mr. Spencer accounts for a lower birth rate with advancing 
 civilization are at the present time as important as other 
 causes of lowered birth rates among certain social groups, 
 may be questioned. It is true that prolonged infancy, upon 
 
 ^ Loc. cit., -vol. id, pp. 498-500. 
 
523] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT -3 
 
 which as a cause of progress Mr. Fiske laid so much em- 
 phasis, if it has not necessitated, has at least been accom- 
 panied by a lower birth rate. There is reason to believe 
 also that in communities where the nervous strain incident 
 to advancing civilization is greatest there the birth rate is 
 lowest.^ But physiological changes not produced by selec- 
 tion are usually slow. Moreover, in view of the increased 
 wealth of the past century, natural selection could hardly be 
 shown to have eliminated the more fertile. On a priori 
 grounds, therefore, it is difficult to attribute the sudden de- 
 cline in birth rates noted in the second chapter wholly to a 
 physiological change. But there are stronger reasons for as- 
 signing this change to other causes. Dr. John S. Billings, 
 former expert on vital statistics for the United States cen- 
 sus, after a careful study of the decline of birth rates in 
 several European countries and in the United States, con- 
 cluded that probably " the most important factor in the 
 change is the deliberate and voluntary avoidance or pre- 
 vention of child-bearing on the part of a steadily increasing 
 number of married people, who not only prefer to have but 
 few children, but who know how to obtain their wish." * 
 
 This opinion was stated in 1893. Since then a large 
 amount of corroborative material has accumulated.* One 
 of the most recent efforts to obtain inductive evidence on 
 this point has been made by Mr. Sidney Webb. He has 
 taken a voluntary census of between 600 and 700 married 
 persons, chosen at random as far as possible, throughout 
 
 ij. L. Brownell, "The Significance of a Declining Birth Rate,'' in 
 Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, vol. v, pt. i, p. 
 48 et seq. 
 
 2 Forum, vol. xv, p. 475. 
 
 ' For recent studies Cf. C. J. aiwl J. N. Lewis, Natality and Fecundity 
 (1906), and David Heron, On the Relation of Fertility in Man to Social 
 Status (1906). 
 
54 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [524 
 
 Great Britain. The returns indicate that limitation of the 
 family began to become prevalent about 1875. By the 
 decade 1890-1900 the proportion of marriages in which the 
 family was intentionally limited, to those in which it was 
 not, amounted to 107 to 7 or possibly 8. The numbers are 
 admittedly too small to be more than a mere indication. 
 Nevertheless, these facts are held significant in view of 
 " common report that such deliberate regulation of the 
 njarriage state has become prevalent during the last quarter 
 of a century . . . from doctors and chemists, from the 
 officers of friendly societies and philanthropists working 
 among the poor, and .... from those who are engaged 
 in the very extensive business to which this new social prac- 
 tice has given rise." ^ 
 
 This influence does not affect all classes in the population 
 in the same degree. In Ireland, for example', the birth 
 rate has not declined to any great extent. What decline 
 there has been has manifested itself chiefly in semi-Protes- 
 tant Belfast. There has been no decline at all in Roman 
 Catholic Dublin. In the towns of Great Britain the de- 
 cline is least in Liverpool, Salford, Manchester and Glas- 
 gow — towns in which the proportion of Roman Catholics 
 is considerable. Among the principal textile factory towns 
 the decline is least at Preston, which is the one having the 
 largest proportion of Roman Catholics. Among the dif- 
 ferent metropolitan boroughs the present rate is highest in 
 those boroughs in which Irish Roman Catholics and Jews 
 are most numerous. Although economic differences may 
 partly account for some of these facts, there is, neverthe- 
 less, a presumption amounting almost to proof that the 
 strong religious prohibition among Roman Catholics and 
 
 1 Physical Deg-eeieracy or Race Suidide, London Times, Oct. 1 1 and 
 16, 1906. 
 
525] DEGENERATION AND IMPROVEMENT 55 
 
 Jews against any regulation of the marriage state has been 
 potent in producing these results. 
 
 It would not be difficult to cite many other instances to 
 support the natural conclusion from these facts. It is al- 
 ready sufficiently evident, however, that differences in birth 
 rates among nations are paralleled by selective differences 
 among classes within nations. 
 
 The significance of the arguments presented in this chap- 
 ter has already been indicated. If biological degeneration 
 resulted from the reduction of the birth rate to the point 
 required by social democracy, the maintenance of such a 
 democracy would evidently be disastrous in the end. But 
 such is not the fact. Even if it were, however, it has 
 nevertheless been shown that there are many ways in which 
 selection takes place without the elimination produced by 
 a high birth rate. 
 
 It remains, therefore, to consider the character and im- 
 portance of the innate traits which are subject to selection. 
 By so doing and by considering the amount of difference 
 that may appear in hereditary traits, the significance of the 
 selective process will become apparent. For the crux of 
 the whole matter lies in the nature of the supply of brains 
 upon which the selective process may act. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 The Supply of Brains 
 
 Some years ago Mr. Herbert Spencer made a plea for a 
 definite determination of the extent to which various traits 
 are inborn ^ but the answer of biology is not yet. 
 
 Whatever be the outcome of the debate over causes of 
 variation, however, and whether Weismann's theory of the 
 non-transmissibility of acquired characteristics is verified 
 or not, there is nevertheless a sufficient number of facts 
 relating to inborn traits to prove that the operation of 
 selection upon them is a matter of real social importance. 
 To one, indeed, who admits the unity of organic life and is 
 familiar with the fundamental datum of biology that like 
 produces like there is no surprise in finding scientific evi- 
 dence to support the aphorism that " genius is born, not 
 made." Anthropology tests ethnic traits by color of skin 
 and hair, size of body and even minute anatomical details. 
 Physiological psychology measures the accuracy with which 
 acuteness of senses is transmitted. The alienist affirms 
 the hereditary character of many forms of epilepsy, feeble- 
 mindedness, insanity and other affections involving the 
 nervous system. Even the practical business man bases 
 insurance premiums in part upon the mental status of pro- 
 genitors. The criminal anthropologist maintains that cer- 
 tain fairly definite types of criminals have at least a pre- 
 disposition to anti-social conduct because of hereditary 
 
 1 Contemporary Review, vol. Ixvi, p. 608. 
 56 [526 
 
527] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 57 
 
 traits. Statistical verification has to some extent lent 
 weight to the assertion that a similar causal connection 
 exists between transmission of enfeebled bodily powers and 
 pauperism. Genealogical studies of talented and of poorly 
 endowed families have emphasized the importance of 
 heredity. Studies of the effect of environmental conditions 
 on twins have strengthened the case. These facts thus 
 briefly summarized lead to the conclusion that there are 
 certain classes in society whose inborn characteristics differ 
 so widely from the normal that the rate at which selection 
 is acting upon them becomes of much importance. 
 
 To hold this belief is not however to admit the conclu- 
 sions of those " anthropo-sociologists " who would fain dis- 
 cover by means of calipers a guide to a school curriculum 
 adapted to the mental powers of differing peoples.^ Nor 
 is it necessary to take too seriously the assertion that in a 
 struggle of the centuries mentally stolid round heads are 
 displacing keener long heads by reason of greater efficient 
 fertility.^ None the less we do know " perfectly well " as 
 Galton says, " how one baby, dog, horse, differs enormously 
 from another by nature." To affirm that in men these 
 innate differences do not include significant mental traits 
 would be to deny the facts of daily observation. 
 
 According to the present method of considering biological 
 and psychological phenomena the assumption must be made 
 that the higher mental traits have developed from lower 
 conditions existing at a previous time and that at one time 
 there certainly must have been races and tribes in which 
 these higher traits were not at all or only slightly developed. 
 It is not in the least inconsistent with this general 
 
 1 Cf. Carlos C Olosson, " The Pedagogical. Sagnificance of the Cepha- 
 lic Index, Journal of Political Economy, vol. vd, p. 254 et seq. 
 ' G. Vacher de Lapouge, Les Selections Sociales, p. 67. 
 
58 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [528 
 
 assumption to expect that different peoples at the present 
 day will be found differently endowed. As to whether the 
 facts actually bear out this expectation, however, there is no 
 general agreement among scientists. As to differences be- 
 tween individuals within the same race, there is less diver- 
 gence. 
 
 Because of these disagreements it is necessary to 
 review the problem at some length. For convenience the 
 question of racial differences will be treated first and then 
 that of individual differences within social groups. Finally 
 the importance of the results from the point of view of se- 
 lective influences on society will be presented. 
 
 The question of differences among races and subdivisions 
 of races has long been discussed. Mr. Robertson says: 
 
 " On the subject of National Character," as Mr. Huxley 
 writes, " more nonsense, and often very mischievous nonsense, 
 has been and is talked than upon any other topic." To begin, 
 with, there is the question of discrimination of the known ele- 
 ments of stock in any one nation. There are a dozen historic- 
 ally known elements, as traceable by recorded invasion, dialect 
 and immigration, in the leading European nations. There are 
 the Syrian and Egyptian elements in old Greece, which was a 
 mixture of tribes to begin with; the Greek and Syrian and 
 African elements in Imperial Italy, which had a medley of 
 stocks at the opening of the historic period to begin with; 
 there was an infusion of these mixtures in Spain, Italy, Gaul, 
 Germany and Britain; there were later Teutonic invasions of 
 the South and the Sairacen invasion from the East. Franice, the 
 most compact of modem states, is framed of sections of very 
 different stock, as gathered from language, lore and physique ; 
 and Britain is at least as diverse in its stocks. In every sec- 
 tion of every state, again, we find different types, so that char- 
 acteristics loosely called " Celtic " are found in people loosely 
 decided to be Teutonic and vice versa. In this vast medley of 
 minute peculiarities, who shall pretend to say that there is 
 
529] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 59 
 
 established anything approaching to an agreed-on account of 
 race characters or national character? The theme is but the 
 happy hunting ground of the amateur sociologist.^ 
 
 Likewise in regard to race, Gustavo Tosti writes : — " in 
 the actual state of science the word ' race ' is a vague for- 
 mula to which nothing definite may be found to correspond. 
 On the one hand the original races can only be said to be- 
 long to paleontology, while the more limited groups now 
 called races are nothing but peoples, or societies of people, 
 brethren by civilization more than by blood." ^ Thus " the 
 notion of race as a zoological expression in the sense of a 
 pure breed or strain," as Keane remarks, " is falling into 
 the background." ^ 
 
 In spite of all this, however, there is good reason for 
 holding that large groups of men have hereditary traits 
 that are considerably different from those of other large 
 groups. No part of Romanes' lectures is more interesting 
 and conclusive than the chapter on Geographical Distribu- 
 tion in which he explains the effect of isolation in permitting 
 the development of different types of fauna and flora in 
 different parts of the world. Fully admitting the fact that 
 isolation might never have been complete, he nevertheless 
 concludes from a practically exhaustive examination of the 
 plants and animals of many islands remote from the main- 
 land that " wherever there is evidence of land areas having 
 been for a long time separated from other land areas, there 
 we meet with a more or less extraordinary profusion of 
 unique species, often running up into unique genera. More- 
 over there is everywhere a constant correlation between the 
 degree of this peculiarity on the part of the fauna and flora 
 
 1 John M. Robertson, Buckle and His Critics, p. 96. 
 ' American Journal of Sociology, vol. iii, pp. 467-8. 
 » Augustus H. Keane, Man Past and Present, p. 32. 
 
6o SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [530 
 
 and the time during which they have been isolated." ^ 
 When therefore anthropologists are found afifirming that 
 " during long ages some of the (human) groups have re- 
 mained in their original habitats ever since what may be 
 called the first settlement of the earth by man " " it is not 
 unreasonable to expect innate dififerences among human so- 
 cieties. " Even in the same family," says Professor Ross, 
 " we find congenital dififerences in the strength of the sex- 
 appetite, in the taste for liquor, in the craving for excite- 
 ment, in migratoriness, in jealousy, in self-control, in 
 capacity for regular labor, in the spirit of enterprise, in the 
 power to postpone gratification — dififerences which defy 
 eradication by example or instruction. If such diversities 
 declare themselves within a people, why not between 
 peoples ? " ' 
 
 The difficulty of acclimatizing various peoples to strange 
 environments lends strong support to this view. So many 
 of the party of Eskimo men and women brought back by 
 Lieutenant Peary in 1897 died of pneumonia that the sur- 
 vivors had to be restored to their homes to save their lives.* 
 " The human varieties," says Keane, " are seen to be, like 
 all other zoological species, the outcome of their several en- 
 vironments; they are what climate, soil, diet, pursuits and 
 inherited characters have made them, so that all sudden 
 transitions are usually followed by disastrous results." ° 
 Ripley remarks that " to urge the emigration of women and 
 children or of any save those of the most robust health to 
 the tropics may not be to murder in the first degree but it 
 should be classed, to put it mildly, as an incitement to it." * 
 
 ^Darwin and after Darwin (1892), vol. i, p. 235. 
 
 ' Augiisitus' H. Keane, op. cit, p. 12. 
 
 ' Foundations of Sociology, p. 355, note. 
 
 • Augustus H. Keane, op cit., p. 13, note. 
 
 » Ibid., p. 13. « The Races of Europe, p. 586. 
 
53 1 ] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 6l 
 
 On the other hand there are those who, admitting the 
 fact of isolation, nevertheless minimize hereditary dif- 
 ferences among large social groups. Professor Boas, 
 for instance, holds it " probable that the wide differences be- 
 tween the manifestations of the human mind in various 
 stages of culture may be due almost entirely to the form of 
 individual experience, which is determined by the geo- 
 graphical and social environment of the individual." " It 
 would seem," he continues, " that, in different races, the 
 organization of the mind is on the whole alike, and that the 
 varieties of mind found in different races do not exceed, 
 perhaps do not even reach, the amount of normal individual 
 variation in each race." ^ Nevertheless Professor Boas 
 finds himself forced to admit that " a number of anatomical 
 facts point to the conclusion that the races of Africa, Aus- 
 tralia, and Melanesia are to a certain extent inferior to the 
 races of Asia, America and Europe." " We find that on the 
 average the size of the brain of the negroid races," he says, 
 " is less than the size of the brain of the other races ; and the 
 difference in favor of the mongoloid and white races is so 
 great that we are justified in assuming a certain correlation 
 between their mental ability and the increased size of their 
 brain." ' 
 
 In spite of these somewhat contradictory opinions of 
 anthropologists Keane has ventured to present a tabular 
 summary, reproduced on the following page, of different 
 traits of the four great types of mankind which he thinks it 
 worth while to recognize. The types of course are " ideal," 
 that is, they represent the " mode " about which the infinite 
 gradations of traits found among all the individuals classed 
 
 ''■ " The Mind of Priniiti've Man," Smithsonian Institution Reports, 
 1901, appended papers, p. 460. 
 2 Ibid., p. 453- 
 
62 
 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION 
 
 [532 
 
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533] ^-f^-E SUPPLY OF BRAINS 63 
 
 in the great divisions would group themselves. In all 
 probability no one individual would embody all the traits 
 of his class yet no individual would vary so much in all 
 respects from the type as to fall into another class. In this 
 table the first nine horizontal lines refer to traits evidently 
 determined by heredity. It is, of course noticeable that 
 hereditary differences in the nervous system, or in rapidity 
 and continuity of response to stimulus, observed according 
 to the criteria of physiological psychologists, are not men- 
 tioned except in so far as possibly the shape of the skull 
 is an index of psychic qualities. In the absence of such 
 data and with the utter impossibility at present of elimin- 
 ating differences produced by social environment, an affir- 
 mation of a causal connection between the facts of the first 
 nine lines and those of the last line would be unwarranted. 
 Nevertheless the fact that particular temperamental traits 
 are thus associated with particular peoples in a fairly defi- 
 nite way raises a strong presumption that certain moral 
 reactions are more likely to be expected from the descen- 
 dants of certain stocks than from others.^ 
 
 The relative prevalence of emotional crime and suicide 
 in various nations is perhaps the best general proof as yet 
 adduced of differing temperamental qualities in different 
 peoples. The following table quoted by Mayo-Smith ^ 
 from Bodio, indicates the conditions respecting crime. 
 
 Number of Pbrsons Condbmned per 100,000 Inhabitants. 
 
 For Murder. Wounding. Larcenies. 
 
 Italy 8.05 226.06 78.17 
 
 France 1.46 71-62 "4-79 
 
 Germany 80 154-70 177-36 
 
 Austria 2.15 285.19 
 
 England 4° '30-97 
 
 Scotland 5^ 
 
 Ireland 85 
 
 Spain 5.21 
 
 1 Ethnology, p. 228. 
 
 2 Riohimonidi Mayo-Smith, Statistics and Sociology, p. 287. 
 
64 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [534 
 
 This perhaps lends some support to the theories of those 
 who see reflected in the plastic arts the emotional quickness 
 which in the words " frivolity," " lightheartedness " and 
 " passionately revengeful " have come to be associated with 
 the Latin peoples. Furthermore, if perchance suicide be as- 
 sociated with a melancholic temperament it may not be al- 
 together without significance that the highest rate is found 
 in central Germany, while the numbers diminish sensibly 
 within groups infused with Celtic, Latin, and Slavonic 
 blood until the lowest rates are found in Ireland, Spain, 
 Southern Italy, Roumania, Russia and Finland.^ 
 
 Statistics on these points are undeniably inadequate, how- 
 ever, and by no manipulation can the importance of the 
 social factor be determined. Until careful studies by the 
 psychologists bring out the correlation of physical charac- 
 teristics and emotional qualities nothing definite and exact 
 can be afi&rmed respecting racial traits. It can only be as- 
 serted that there is a strong probability of the truth of such 
 general statements as, for instance, that the patience of the 
 Chinaman has been developed very much as his powers of 
 physical endurance seem to have been produced, namely by 
 the continuing elimination of those unable to meet the severe 
 conditions of life confronting the great mass of the popula- 
 tion in the Celestial Empire. The veriest stickler for the 
 power of environment cannot but grant the profotaid effect 
 that may be produced upon a child if congenital myopia or 
 deafness isolate him from his companions. Vivacity, con- 
 scientiousness, temper, self-consciousness are all traits 
 largely dependent, in individuals, upon physical character- 
 istics. The man who has inherited good teeth and a strong 
 digestive system is not likely to show the irritability of a 
 dyspeptic. Just so far, likewise, as physical traits under- 
 
 ' Richmond Mayo-Smiith, op. cit., p. 244. 
 
535] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 65 
 
 lying temperamental differences are found to be distinctive 
 of certain peoples, just so far it is permissible to affirm 
 that significant moral differences among peoples are likely 
 to have an hereditary basis. 
 
 So much, then, for hereditary differences among great 
 social groups. 
 
 As to differences among individuals within groups the 
 case is much clearer. Even here there is a school of thought, 
 however, that considers the conditions making for effective 
 greatness so complex as to mask alleged regularities in the 
 production of talented men by the fact that particular 
 geniuses born happened not to find congenial tasks. ^ But 
 nowhere has it been argued that the conditions making for 
 inefiScient idiocy are so complex as to render uncertain the 
 fairly regular recurrence of somewhat definite numbers in 
 any given society. So long as it is conceded that " a Vol- 
 taire, Shelley or Carlyle can hardly be conceived leading a 
 dumb and vegetative life in any epoch," * just so long will 
 it be impossible to ignore the exact statistical work of those 
 who assume that, on the whole, achievement is a fair index 
 of ability — non-achievement of the lack of it. 
 
 The results obtained by attempting to measure the dis- 
 tribution of ability in accordance with the distribution of 
 achievement are at least sufficiently important to merit care- 
 ful consideration. Certainly no better way has yet been 
 found to render somewhat exact the general notions all 
 possess of the relative frequency of men highly or poorly 
 endowed by nature. The table on the following page gives 
 Galton's classification of men of the United Kingdom ac- 
 cording to their natural gifts as calculated from their 
 achievements. * 
 
 » William James, Atlantic Monthly, vol. xlvi, p. 453. note- 
 
 1 Ibid. ' Hereditary Genius (1892), p. 30. 
 
66 
 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION 
 
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537] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 67 
 
 In explanation of this table Galton says, " more than half 
 of each million is contained in the two mediocre classes a 
 and A; the four mediocre classes a, b, A, B, contain more 
 than four-fifths, and the six mediocre classes more than 
 nineteen-twentieths of the entire population." Mediocrity 
 is defined to be that grade of ability represented by the bulk 
 of general society of small provincial places. Class C in- 
 cludes men of ability a trifle higher than that of the fore- 
 man of an ordinary English jury. D comprises the mass 
 of men who obtain the ordinary prizes of life, E is a stage 
 higher, F and G are composed of men of marked ability, X 
 includes genius. The small letters denote complementary 
 classes on the descending scale. The distribution exhibited 
 in this table is, of course, based on the applicability to this 
 problem of the so-called law of chance in accordance with 
 which a large number of minute causes acting with an equal 
 probability of efficiency, as Galton assumes for the causes of 
 variation, will, with a sufficiently large number of cases, in- 
 variably produce such a result as he gives. On this hypo- 
 thesis a change in the number of groups would not in the 
 least affect the actual distribution. The validity of the method 
 of course rests entirely upon the general accuracy with which 
 the facts meet the hypothesis. Galton showed that for England 
 a. distribution of the names in certain standard biographical 
 dictionaries classified by objective and fairly impersonal 
 tests grouped themselves with considerable accuracy in ac- 
 cord with the theoretical requirements of groups F, G and 
 X of the table. Similar studies by others made in as objec- 
 tive a way as possible have tended to confirm his results in 
 these classes. That the rest of the distribution can be veri- 
 fied by similar tests based upon degree of achievement still 
 awaits complete demonstration. Closson, however, has 
 made the following interesting comparison between Gal- 
 
68 
 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION 
 
 [538 
 
 ton's figures and Charles Booth's distribution of the popu- 
 lation of London according to degree of comfort.^ 
 
 Booth — General 
 
 classes — all 
 
 London, 
 
 Per cent. 
 Semi-criminals. • • 2' 
 Casual laborers • • 7.5 
 Poor 22.3 
 
 Comfortable 51.5 
 
 Middle class and 
 above 17.8 
 
 Booth — Detailed classes — East, 
 Central, South and 
 outlying districts. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Semi-criminals 2' 
 
 Casual laborers 10.9 
 
 Intermittent earnings lo.l 
 
 Small regular 
 
 earnings 13.7 
 
 Standard regular 
 earnings 41.7 
 
 Galton— Ability 
 classes. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 x,g,f,e,d 1.8 
 
 c 6.4 
 
 b 16.0 
 
 SS4 
 
 a and A 
 
 52.4 
 
 Superintendents, etc 14.8 
 
 Lower middle class 5.5 
 
 Upper middle class i .9 
 
 B 16.0 
 
 C 6.4 
 
 D,E,F,G,X 1.9 
 
 The parallelism in the figures may be fortuitous but the 
 results certainly do not conflict with Galton's claims. 
 
 In further application of Galton's figures Ammon gives 
 the graphic illustration herewith reproduced on the opposite 
 page (Figure i), by which he intimates that the social 
 pyramid is really a social turnip — and rather flat even 
 at that.' Closson has amplified it into Figure 2.* 
 The argument with respect to this figure is that 
 inasmuch as Booth thinks the slight amount of work 
 done by the group of casual laborers could be better 
 done by the next higher grade with advantage to society 
 as a whole he would probably draw the line of positive 
 social utility between b and c. Closson also infers from 
 
 ''■ Journal of Political Economy, vol. voi, pp. 221-3. 
 " luiohad'asi one-half *he inimajtes of inisitlitutions in addiitioa to Booth's 
 figures. 
 
 * Gesellschaftsordnung, p. 83. (The tenms' of classificaition in the 
 figures are Olosison'si.) 
 
 * Journal of Political Economy, vol. vii, p. 220. 
 
ricuRc I 
 
 SOCIAL UTIUZATION 
 
 d \ 
 
 /I5696 
 
 e 
 
 2423 
 
 f 
 
 233 
 
 g 
 
 l<4 
 
 GCN/US 
 
 TALEysrr 
 
 MEVlOCFilTy 
 
 ^e:akne:s5 
 
 ncuREH 
 
 L-OyVEST^ 
 
 L OWEST LiMrr or 
 
 L OWEST LIMIT or SOCJAtsTOl^ERATION- 
 
 QGRESS ciouNCS 
 
 Usefulness booth 
 
539] THE SUPPLY OF BRAINS 69 
 
 Professor Giddings' article on " The Ethics of Social Pro- 
 gress " ^ that the limit of conduciveness to social progress 
 would be placed by him at class b. This inference is drawn 
 from Professor Giddings' statement that " laborers that 
 have no adaptiveness, that bring no new ideas to their work, 
 that have no suspicion of the next best thing to turn to in 
 an emergency might much better be identified with the de- 
 pendent classes than with the wealth-creators." ^ 
 
 Very much stress is not to be laid on the accuracy of such 
 comparisons as have just been cited from Closson. They 
 do serve to show, however, that social conditions parallel 
 to a considerable extent the effects which present knowledge 
 of the laws of heredity would lead us to expect if the 
 effect of environment were shown to be comparatively 
 small. Whether Galton be correct or not in the details of 
 his doctrine there is little reason to doubt the existence of 
 sufficient dififerences in natural ability among individuals 
 to make the social effect of the selective process of great im- 
 portance in maintaining the quality of a population. 
 
 The material presented in this and the two preceding 
 chapters now admits of summary. It has been shown first, 
 that there is no adequate reason as yet advanced by biology 
 for assuming a diminishing birth rate to entail necessary 
 degeneration; second, that the selective process is a reality; 
 third, that the laws of heredity so far as formulated by bi- 
 ologists are such as to permit rapid selection; fourth, that 
 the modes of selection are as infinite in number as are the 
 influences affecting birth and death rates ; fifth, that although 
 a certain amount of difference may exist among the abili- 
 ties of the great groups of mankind nevertheless those dif- 
 ferences are probably not great enough to justify distin- 
 
 1 RepiriMted as " The Costs erf Pixjgiresis " io Democracy and Empire. 
 = Ibid., p. 83. 
 
yo SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [540 
 
 guishing between the abilities of particular individuals on 
 the ground of their racial affinities ; sixth, that there are dif- 
 ferences between the innate traits of individuals both physi- 
 cal and psychic sufficiently great to warrant the presump- 
 tion that the selective processes operating upon them are of 
 great social importance. 
 
 If these contentions be valid two things of great practical 
 value become apparent. The first is that so far as present 
 knowledge is a guide the treatment of different social 
 groups cannot safely be based on supposed differences in 
 innate traits until the particular groups in question have 
 been inductively shown to be composed of individuals who 
 upon separate examination of each and every one are 
 severally found to possess the particular traits in question. 
 The second is that no society can afford to ignore the selec- 
 tive processes that are taking place in it. The innate dif- 
 ferences between individuals are known to be great and the 
 selective process has been shown to be capable of great 
 rapidity in action. Especia,lly, therefore, should a social 
 democracy, dependent as it is on the high quality of its citi- 
 zens for maintenance, take these processes into account. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 Social Limitations on the Biological Process. 
 
 Unless preceding chapters have wholly failed of their 
 purpose, it has become clear that there are reasonable 
 grounds for holding the maintenance of a social democracy 
 to be conditioned upon, first, a lower rate of population in- 
 crease in response to increasing means of subsistence than 
 obtains among some peoples; second, upon social stability 
 guaranteed by an easily defensible situation, and, third, 
 upon a favorable selection of stocks. Furthermore, it has 
 appeared that the social process has involved both a struggle 
 among racial and national groups and selection of indi- 
 viduals within these groups. With respect to the inter- 
 group struggle it has been pointed out that increased con- 
 trol over nature has permitted the formation of larger and 
 larger groups, and with respect to the selection 
 of individuals it has been noted that both death and birth 
 rates are largely determined by social relations. 
 
 With this preparation it is now possible to consider cer- 
 tain specific effects of these social limitations on the biologi- 
 cal process — limitations which may prove of importance in 
 determining the conditions for maintaining a social democ- 
 racy. Among these effects two facts stand out preeminent. 
 The first, already referred to in Chapter II, is that the more 
 imitation spreads among all peoples the knowledge of agri- 
 cultural, industrial and commercial processes by which in- 
 creased control over nature is possible, the less does the 
 relative increase of the populations of different groups de- 
 541] 71 
 
72 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [542 
 
 pend on their physical ability to maintain a high birth rate 
 — the more does it depend on the social relations which 
 determine such rates. Knowledge is power but it may be 
 used either for better living or more livers. Second, as the 
 group conflict produces larger and larger groups, the physi- 
 cal differences and, in certain respects, the social differences, 
 among populations comprising the opposing groups be- 
 come greater and greater. Once tribe met tribe in a single 
 valley; later Greek met Greek on a wider field; now Slav 
 meets Jap and the world looks on. There are fewer con- 
 tests, larger numbers engaged, greater cultural and physical 
 differences among the contestants. Thus occur two pro- 
 cesses. The impediments to blood amalgamation are re- 
 moved over wider and wider areas as the groups enlarge. 
 On the other hand, such amalgamation has greater and 
 greater differences to overcome among the remaining 
 groups. The paradox arises of wider tolerance tending ta 
 produce greater intolerance. Opposing these greater physi- 
 cal and cultural differences among groups, however, is 
 of course the process of imitation whereby mental and 
 moral likenesses arise as a basis for possible future toleration 
 and amalgamation. But at the present time there is little 
 need of illustrating the fact that racial and cultural differ- 
 ences between Western and Eastern civilization limit the 
 process of blood-amalgamation to-day almost wholly to in- 
 dividuals within each of these groups. Doubtless there are 
 peoples whom it would be difficult to classify as Eastern or 
 Western. Within them the toleration of both cultures may 
 to some extent remove the barrier to amalgamation. By 
 and large, however, the Occidental stands for a moderate 
 birth rate, a high plane of living and democracy, the 
 Oriental for high birth rate, a low plane of living and caste. 
 The economic antagonisms growing out of these facts com- 
 bined with accompanying differences in religion, education. 
 
543] SOCIAL LIMITATIONS 73 
 
 general culture, physical characteristics and geographic 
 situation are not likely to lead to rapid amalgamation. 
 
 To a less extent minor social differences within each sub- 
 group likewise tend to prevent mixture. Here again, how- 
 ever, the difficulty is increased when marked physical differ- 
 ences appear among members of the same sub-group. 
 Such differences are usually accompanied by cultural differ- 
 ences. In spite of a particular individual's worth there is 
 a tendency to attribute to him all the distasteful characteris- 
 tics of the general class whose physical traits he bears. A 
 race question exists. Amalgamation must proceed without 
 social sanction. Religious differences at times are also very 
 effective hindrances to the process of amalgamation in sub- 
 groups. In New York City, for example, when German 
 immigration was chiefly Protestant there were few mixed 
 marriages with the Roman Catholic Irish. As soon, how- 
 ever, as Roman Catholics from South Germany began to 
 arrive in force, mixed German and Irish marriages be- 
 came frequent.^ The effect of social position also needs 
 no emphasis. Morganatic marriages by aristocrats of 
 wealth excite quite as much comment as do alliances 
 properly so-called. Maud Muller seldom marries the 
 judge. Few women of note elope with their coachmen. 
 There is thus a tendency in self-conscious social sub-groups 
 to develop a distinct limitation upon the choice of mates 
 which its members may make without incurring the danger 
 of losing cast. The larger and more self-conscious the 
 group, moreover, the greater is the retarding effect upon 
 amalgamation. 
 
 The most interesting circumstance regarding social limi- 
 
 1 Staitistical treatment of these faces has apparently not yet appeared 
 in print. The sitatements are 'based upon observations by settlement- 
 workers and others competent to judge. 
 
74 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [544 
 
 tations upon the biological process, however, is perhaps the 
 fact that these limiting social relations are becoming more 
 and more subject to rational control. During the past 
 century there was indeed a tendency to remove altogether 
 the old limitations on freedom of domicile inherited from 
 feudal times. It is true, moreover, that under the influence 
 of the doctrine of the brotherhood of man treaties were ne- 
 gotiated by which the nations of Europe acknowledged the 
 right of expatriation ^ and that the United States even de- 
 clared this to be a natural and inalienable right of the in- 
 dividual.^ But an incident of the debate in the United 
 States Senate preceding the passage of the exclusion bill of 
 1879 is perhaps of some significance. The sole protest against 
 that unseemly disregard of China's treaty rights which 
 was offered on the ground that this country should be a 
 refuge for the outcast of every nation came from the aged 
 Senator from Maine — a state which boasted a population of 
 just eight Chinamen.^ The gradual growth of restrictions 
 by the United States since that date is common knowledge. 
 The new Aliens bill in England and the numerous 
 restriction laws passed by British colonies within the past 
 few years reflect the same growing tendency toward control. 
 Increased attention to this subject is being given by almost 
 all European countries.* Even propositions for inter- 
 national regulation of migration have ceased to be novelties. 
 Social limitations on the process of amalgamation among 
 the great national groups are thus unlikely to decrease in 
 the near future. 
 
 1 Cf. Richmond; Mayo-Smi*h, Immigration and Emigration, pp. 288- 
 290. 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 251-2. 
 
 ' Census of 1880. Vol. on Population, pt. i, p. xxxviii. 
 
 * Cf. James D. Whelpley, The Problem of the Immigrant, p. 17 et seq, 
 
545 J SOCIAL LIMITATIONS 75 
 
 But rational control over the biological process is not 
 confined to inter-group relations. Within each sub-group 
 the effects of social relations on birth and death rates are 
 awakening interest. As yet those effects are but dimly 
 recognized. A long step forward, however, has been taken 
 in the recognition, for instance, that the criminal law is not 
 to dispense justice but to attain socially expedient results — 
 social justice. No longer an eye for an eye but reformation 
 and prevention are the watchwords. And theories of pre- 
 vention throughout the field of philanthropy are more and 
 more taking account of the broader social causes of distress. 
 Such tendencies will inevitably produce attempts to gauge 
 accurately the effect that social conditions have upon the 
 quality of the population through their influence on birth 
 rates and death rates. Little has been done in this field. 
 There has been much a priori speculation like that of Kidd 
 on theories of necessary degeneration. There has been wild 
 talk of race suicide. Well-known men have written as 
 though actual effects upon the blood of nations of such se- 
 lections as are now taking place were actually known. ^ But 
 the true conditions are not known. 
 
 Nevertheless a very significant change is taking place. 
 Already both in Europe and in this country explicit and 
 practical recognition has been given the principle that pur- 
 posive modification of social conditions should be made in 
 part at least with respect to the effect of such modifications 
 on the birth rates of different classes in the population. The 
 beginning has been made. The question now is, to what 
 extent can the principle be pushed wisely ? 
 
 In the United States the explicit recognition referred to 
 consists in the attempt of various commonwealths to prevent 
 the marriage of persons having certain hereditary maladies 
 
 '^ Cf. David S. JordaO', The Blood of the Nation. 
 
76 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [546 
 
 and in the custodial care of the feeble-minded. Further, 
 recognition is, of course, implicit in the total exclusion of 
 certain classes of immigrants. At the present time the 
 practical results of these measures is perhaps relatively small. 
 Nevertheless it is something to find increasing interest in 
 legislation affecting marriages between epileptics and feeble- 
 minded persons and in custodial care. In 1903 Dr. J. C. 
 Carson of the Syracuse State Institution for feeble-minded 
 children was able to report that during the year legislation 
 affecting these classes was had in no less than twelve com- 
 monwealths of the Union and that seven governors of states 
 had called official attention to their needs. Since 1900 four 
 states have either raised the age limit for receiving inmates 
 into custodial asylums or have increased the legal means of 
 forcible detention in such institutions. Within the same 
 period also three states have prohibited marriages between 
 feeble-minded and epileptic persons. One state even makes 
 it a felony to abet such a marriage. Measures making 
 medical examinations prerequisite to obtaining marriage li- 
 censes have been introduced lately in many legislatures. In 
 one instance at least the proposition met with sufficient 
 favor to cause its passage in a state senate. Thirty-two 
 states have prescribed minimum ages at which minors are 
 capable of marrying. The " age of consent " is slowly 
 rising.' 
 
 As to custodial care it must indeed be admitted that pro- 
 vision is small. The census of 1890 showed a total of 
 95,571 idiotic and feeble-minded persons in the United 
 States. Of these 42,805 were classed as congenital cases." 
 It is certain that this number does not include nearly all. 
 
 1 Data on legislajtion are from New York State Library Bulletins on 
 Legislation, 1900-1905. 
 
 2 Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind, p. 
 308. 
 
547] SOCIAL LIMITATIONS yy 
 
 Of the whole number but 5,254 were in special institutions 
 for feeble-minded.^ In 1893 the total number of such insti- 
 tutions was 19 and their combined capacity 6164.^ The 
 census of 1900 did not attempt to discover the number of 
 feeble-minded outside of institutions. The total of those 
 under custodial care in public and private asylums in 1903 
 was found to be 14,347 and the number of institutions had 
 risen to 42." 
 
 But despite this relatively slow development of institu- 
 tions based distinctly on the idea of lowering the birth rate 
 of classes having hereditary defects, there is in fact a con- 
 siderable amount of actual segregation in this country. 
 This is brought about as an incidental result of caring for 
 helpless and irresponsible persons and protecting society 
 from dangerous ones. Of the 100,485 insane enumerated 
 in the United States Census of 1890 * over 74,000 were in 
 institutions.^ Few of these, perhaps, have been received 
 for purely custodial reasons. The tendency to discard the 
 name asylum and substitute that of hospital reflects interest 
 in the possible cure of the individual rather than in the idea 
 of segregation. The total enumerated number of insane 
 may be too small, as is the case with the feeble-minded, but, 
 in any event, the proportion of those under restraint is far 
 greater. It is true that insanity is not always of the con- 
 genital type. On the other hand many hold its appearance 
 in every case to be evidence of an hereditary predisposition 
 to it. 
 
 1 Reiport on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind, p. 
 299. 
 
 2 Amos Warnier, American Charities, p. 278. 
 
 2 John Koren, Special Census-Bureau Report on the Insane and 
 Feeble-minded (1904), pp. 206-7. 
 
 * Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind, p. 
 158. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 208. 
 
78 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [548 
 
 Institutional care of the deaf and dumb has sometimes 
 been opposed on the ground that it tends to produce a deaf 
 variety of the human race by promoting marriages among 
 them.^ The total number of congenitally deaf over fifteen 
 years of age in the United States was given as 11,913 
 in 1890 and but few of these were in institutions. Segre- 
 gation among this class is therefore relatively small. It is 
 significant, however, that the piroblem in relation to them 
 has begun to elicit careful study. ^ 
 
 Punishment of criminals has also a segregational aspect 
 of importance. The number of persons serving term sen- 
 tences in the United States in 1890 was 63,653, of whom 
 over 45,000 had been sentenced to from one to twenty years. 
 Examination of the age classifications of prisoners shows 
 that more than half begin their terms before they are thirty 
 years of age — much the largest number, by five-year periods, 
 being between the ages of twenty and twenty-five. By sex, 
 of course, males greatly predominate but from the point of 
 view of selection whatever difference this fact may have, 
 probably enhances the effectiveness of the segregation. 
 Doubtless the Italian criminologists have over-emphasized 
 the possibility of recognizing the instinctive criminal by 
 physical stigmata. On the other hand, whether or not 
 there is such a thing as an hereditary predisposition to 
 commit anti-social acts when the opportunity offers, few 
 will deny that the prisons do contain a larger proportion 
 of persons whose innate traits are abnormal than occurs in 
 the general population. Only careful statistical work can 
 establish this fact and give it quantitative exactness but to 
 the extent it is found true, to that extent is imprisonment- 
 segregation of importance. 
 
 1 Alexander Graham Bell, Memoir upon the Formation of a Deaf 
 Variety of the Human Race. 
 ^ Of. Edward A. Fay, Marriages of the Deaf in America. 
 
549] SOCIAL LIMITATIONS yg 
 
 The general increase in conscious control of migration 
 has already been considered with respect to its retarding 
 effect on mixture of stocks. From the point of view of a 
 sub-group this retardation may, of course, produce selective 
 results. General Walker maintained that European im- 
 migration into the United States increased population not 
 a whit but simply caused the non-existence of an equal 
 number of native born.' The total exclusion of the Chinese 
 has likewise been selective. But the chief selective effect 
 of control over immigration is evidenced in the discrimina- 
 tion displayed among individual applicants for admission 
 to this country. The statutes of the United States at 
 present in force provide for the exclusion of the following 
 classes. other than Chinese (i) convicts, except those guilty 
 of political offenses, (2) women imported for immoral pur- 
 poses,^ (3) lunatics, (4) idiots, (5) persons unable to care 
 for themselves without becoming public charges,' (6) con- 
 tract laborers,* (7) paupers, (8) persons suffering from 
 loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases, (9) polyga- 
 mists, (10) "assisted" immigrants (i. e. those whose pas- 
 sage has been paid for by others unless they show affirma- 
 tively that they are otherwise admissible)/ (11) epileptics, 
 (12) persons who have been insane within five years pre- 
 vious, (13) professional beggars, (14) anarchists, (15) 
 persons attempting to bring in women for purposes of pros- 
 titution, (16) persons deported within a year previous as 
 contract laborers.* Enforcement of exclusion in the case 
 
 1 " Iminjigiration' and Degeneration,'' Forum, vol. ii, p. 642 et seq. 
 
 2 Act of March 3, 1875, ch. 141. 
 
 3 Act of Aug. 3, 1882, oh. 376. 
 * Act of Feb. 26, 1885, ch. 164. 
 
 Act of March 3, 1891, ch. 551. 
 « Act of March 3, 1903, ch. 1012. 
 
8o SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [550 
 
 of classes 3, 4, 11 and 12 is certainly selective; it may well 
 be so in the case of all others except that of contract labor- 
 ers. Doubtless the inhibiting effect of these provisions is 
 considerable and the ideal state would of course be reached 
 if deportation under these statutes were never necessary. 
 The number of persons debarred, however, has reached a 
 large figure. In 1905 it was 11,480 out of 1,026,499 
 ajrrivals, or i in 89+.^ But more than 9,000 of these were 
 in classes 5 and 6 and the selective value of the greater part 
 of the rejections is very indefinite. 
 
 It is plain, then, that social limitations on the biological 
 process not only exist but are becoming the means of pur- 
 posive control of population. How far this control may 
 advantageously be extended in the future is a matter requir- 
 ing careful inquiry. For example, what is known of the 
 real birth rate of those pitiable creatures who resort to 
 almshouses only long enough to recuperate after a debauch ? 
 How far are our public institutions a menace rather than a 
 safeguard simply because they help maintain instead of 
 segregate the abnormal? What is known of the typical 
 descendants of different classes of immigrants in the second 
 and third generations ? 
 
 These are but elementary questions suggested by exist- 
 ing treatment of abnormal classes and of immigrants. Of 
 still more importance are the indirect effects upon the 
 quality of population produced by the interference of 
 government in economic relations. To what extent, for 
 instance, has the tariff, by encouraging certain industries 
 created a demand for certain classes of labor that otherwise 
 would not have existed ? What effect has the tariff had on 
 sweat-shop conditions in New York City or upon the " Slav 
 invasion" of Pennsylvania? How far is expenditure for 
 
 ^ Report of the Commissioner- General of Immigration, 1905, p. 10. 
 
551 ] SOCIAL LIMITATIONS 8l 
 
 irrigation in the West preventing the emigration of valu- 
 able citizens into the wheat region of Canada ? Can added 
 justification for tenement-house legislation be found in the 
 fact that an enforced higher standard of living reduces the 
 birth rate of that portion of the population which is affec- 
 ted ? Are not higher rents produced by such legislation so- 
 cially advantageous? In what respect does child labor 
 legislation or restriction of factory work by women affect 
 birth and death rates ? What is the selective result ? 
 
 A rich claim is here staked out. It awaits methodical 
 development. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Summary and Application 
 
 Notwithstanding the statement of the problem in general 
 terms this essay on Sodal Democracy and Population has 
 been shaped perhaps too obviously with reference to condi- 
 tions in the United States. The definition of social democ- 
 racy is that which is beginning to become a national ideal 
 in this country. The instances given of social control over 
 the biological process have reflected problems in the main as 
 they present themselves here. It is true that disproof of 
 the thesis that degeneration necessarly follows a cessation 
 of the cruder forms of the selective process is of more than 
 local interest. The modes also by which selection acts are 
 not limited to any one group of people. Nevertheless these 
 questions were included merely because of their necessary 
 bearing on the practical question, is the maintenance of 
 social democracy in the United States an ideal within a 
 reasonable possibility of attainment? If so, under what 
 conditions ? 
 
 The argument as developed has led to the following 
 result. Social democracy defined as " that form of so- 
 ciety, no matter what its political classification, in which 
 every man has a chance and knows that he has it," is becom- 
 ing a social ideal for practical effort in the United States. 
 The possibility of its attainment in reasonable measure can 
 be judged only by an examination of the conditions under 
 which the specific attempts to realize that ideal are made. 
 Omitting detailed examination of the problem of economic 
 82 [552 
 
553] SUMMARY AND APPLICATION 83 
 
 distribution, political organization and the effects of an 
 educational system, attention has been concentrated on 
 biological factors that afifect social democracy. The as- 
 sumption has been made that social democracy, in the sense 
 defined, can exist only where the plane of living is relatively 
 high. It has been argued that the plane of living is a func- 
 tion of two variables, rate of increase in population and 
 rate of progress in the arts. Among some peoples the re- 
 sponse of population-growth to progress in the arts is too 
 rapid for attainment of a high plane of living. Among 
 others it is not. Permanent social stability has been taken 
 as a requisite for the working out of a social democracy. 
 It has been held that relative stability attained in the past 
 among various peoples has been due to their ability to de- 
 fend themselves against their equals in culture either by 
 their numbers or by advantages of geographical situation. 
 Advancing control over nature has not merely increased 
 population, but, by improving the means which render the 
 progress of imitation rapid has made possible the develop- 
 ment of social solidarity over wider and wider areas. Per- 
 manent geographic barriers between peoples are now high 
 mountain-ranges, deserts and oceans. 
 
 A high level of native ability in the populace has been 
 postulated as necessary for maintenance of social democ- 
 racy. It has been argued that the claims of those who em- 
 phasize the importance of selection must be examined with 
 respect to their bearing on this point. It has been shown 
 that the processes which tend to eliminate certain stocks and 
 substitute others may proceed with great rapidity. In 
 many of their modes they have been found to operate with- 
 out any such struggle or such elimination by starvation as 
 some have deemed inevitable. If this and other of the more 
 brutal modes come under social control and cease to operate, 
 it has been shown that biology, as a matter of fact, does not 
 
84 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [554 
 
 warrant the assertion that degeneration will result. It has 
 been maintained that great differences in native ability 
 among races and peoples have not yet been proven but that 
 the evidence of great hereditary differences among indi- 
 viduals both in ability and in temperament — itself a factor in 
 moral differences — is amply sufficient to warrant conscious 
 social interference in the biological process. Various 
 existing social limitations on the biological process have 
 been considered. It has been shown that the desirability of 
 exercising a certain amount of social control over popula- 
 tion has already received practical recognition and the 
 question has been raised whether the application of this 
 principle cannot wisely be extended for the purpose of 
 maintaining the level of natural ability in the population. 
 
 It remains to apply these results to the United States. 
 The question is, can the United States meet the conditions 
 necessary for the attainment and maintenance of social 
 democracy as defined in this essay? Can it permanently 
 maintain its present high plane of comfort, its social sta- 
 bility and its high level of native ability and thus have 
 opportunity to work out the problem of economic distribu- 
 tion and other minor questions involved in the final attain- 
 ment of its ideal of social democracy? 
 
 The purpose of the few following pages will be to show 
 that it can if man and not wealth becomes the real aim of 
 the people. That, as far as continental United States is 
 concerned, the conditions of social stability are already met, 
 needs little more than statement. Within the nation such 
 natural barriers as exist have been overcome by modern 
 methods of communication and transportation. No bar 
 exists to free interchange of thought and experience. The 
 centralization of governmental administration and the con- 
 solidation of the railroads and other interests are but the 
 most prominent of innumerable evidences that sectional 
 
555] SUMMARY AND APPLICATION 85 
 
 issues based on geographical differences are never again to 
 produce civil war. The external conditions are likewise 
 favorable. So far as relates to continental United States 
 the fear of more than temporary invasion as a result 
 of armed attack is negligible. A narrow strait protected 
 England for centuries. Oceans protect us now. Because 
 of this and the great area of the country it is inconceivable 
 that natural resources here will ever be insufficient to sup- 
 port a population capable of maintaining the integrity of 
 the nation. From European nations there is evidently no 
 possible ground for fear and on the Western coast not the 
 combined strength of Russia, China and Japan, however de- 
 veloped by science and growth of population, can do more 
 than harry the coast. Canada has too many interests 
 in common to be anything but friendly under all circum- 
 stances. 
 
 If these assertions have substantial validity it follows 
 that rapid increase of population in the United States for 
 the sake of mere numbers is unnecessary. The recent de- 
 cline in the birth rate if unaccompanied by undesirable 
 qualitative changes can only be favorable to the main- 
 tenance of that high plane of living which is essential for 
 social democracy. This decline may indeed render the ex- 
 ploitation of resources less rapid and the gain of capital 
 smaller, but it will also render the readjustment of socially 
 undesirable inequalities more feasible. It is perfectly true 
 that the development of foreign trade might prove a sub- 
 stitute for free land in sustaining a rate of population- 
 growth more rapid than that now occurring, without lower- 
 ing the present plane of living. The signs are not few that 
 this country is already discovering that the exploitation of 
 undeveloped foreign lands or peoples is the next most 
 profitable field of effort. But if it desires social democracy 
 this country will do well to ponder long before it enters too 
 
86 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [556 
 
 deeply upon the development of certain phases of foreign 
 trade. By mistaken development of certain lines of foreign 
 trade, social democracy in this country gives a hostage to 
 fortune. Witness the position of England, a threat to 
 whose continued commercial supremacy produced hysteria 
 not long ago and whose navy is a continual reminder that 
 foreign commerce is a form of competition which requires 
 the big stick. All competitors cannot succeed when all are 
 in need of the same market. Why develop a population to 
 any great extent dependent upon foreign trade that may 
 eventually be taken by a competitor whose plane of living 
 is low enough to produce more cheaply than can be done by 
 this country at the present level of wages? Why not take 
 into account the fact that imitation of methods of control 
 over nature proceeds faster than change of customs affecting 
 the birth rate? England suffered from the cotton famine. 
 Why in a somewhat different manner repeat her experience 
 on a gigantic scale? Why gain a market only to lose it? 
 Is it that we may become a creditor nation ? Is it to obtain 
 wealth rapidly, make foreign investments and become a 
 democracy like that of Greece founded upon slavery? Do 
 we want democracy founded upon the privilege of exploit- 
 ing less intelligent peoples? A white man's burden that 
 would indeed be — but the burden would rest on another's 
 shoulders! Nor would it last indefinitely. 
 
 No! Let foreign commerce develop only along such 
 lines as naturally result from advantages in situation or 
 other permanent physical differentials. Let it not grow 
 along lines that will eventually be controlled by peoples 
 where " labor is cheap " — where men are slaves in fact if 
 not in name. We are great enough to be self-sufficient 
 economically. Why develop mere numbers? 
 
 If we do, what will result? Is it absurd to picture low- 
 standard countries forcing an entrance for their surplus 
 
557] SUMMARY AND APPLICATION gj 
 
 population into this country by means of their grip on a 
 foreign trade which they control and upon which to a large 
 extent we shall have become dependent? Is it absurd in 
 view of the group struggle considered in a previous chap- 
 ter, to picture the China of the future, developed into an im- 
 portant and established market of this country, attempting 
 to force entrance for her surplus population into the United 
 States by means of a far more effective boycott than that 
 recently invoked? The experience of California prior to 
 1885 showed that the Chinaman is capable of undercutting 
 the American and forcing him out. There is no reason 
 for supposing that a reorganized China would not avail 
 herself of this advantage to gain a foothold for her own 
 people in this continent were she seized with the occidental 
 desire for expansion. There are no means of knowing that 
 under such circumstances the loss inflicted on China herself 
 would not be cheerfully borne for the sake of future gain 
 nor that interests affected by threatened industries in this 
 country would not compel opening the door to the Coolie. 
 
 Whether such speculation contains truth or not, how- 
 ever, the opportunity geographical relations have conferred 
 on this country cannot be gainsaid. It is under no necessity 
 of developing commerce for self-preservation. Certainly 
 to develop it by cheap production at the cost of a lowered 
 standard of living would be unwise. In any event a les- 
 sened rate of population increase in this country so far as it 
 may aid in the struggle for social democracy is evidently 
 safe. 
 
 In the early part of the last century this was not true. 
 European nations were eager to extend their colonial em- 
 pire in America. Power was the requisite. For support 
 of the Monroe doctrine the essential was power. For 
 control of the West and the expansion of the country to 
 its natural defense boundaries the essential was power. 
 
88 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND POPULATION [558 
 
 Not Strange is it, then, that " the brotherhood of man," 
 a dogma derived from religion and political theory, 
 determined the choice of the nation's blood. Quantity- 
 was the necessity. This desire for quantity still per- 
 sists among our business men. In 1864 so eminent 
 a body as the special committee of investigation of 
 the Union League Club of New York City incidentally re- 
 ferred to " the idea that has occasionally prevailed among 
 our skilled laborers, that either special or general emigra- 
 tion (sic) is likely to interfere with the wages or interests 
 of those already here," but dismissed the subject with 
 the remark that this idea " is one which, however natural 
 it may seem, is contradicted by the vastness of our country 
 and the magnitude of its needs." ^ Last year the attitude 
 of the business men assembled at the Immigration Con- 
 ference of the Civic Federation seemed an echo of this 
 refrain. Cheap labor is the capitalist's demand. But 
 cheap labor means cheap men. Will the country forego an 
 increased gross wealth and accept increased per capita wealth 
 for a smaller number of better men? Will it protect its 
 laborers from the competition of foreign labor not by tariff 
 on their products but by preventing the entrance of those 
 who will depress the plane of living? Will it extend the 
 principle on the basis of which it has already excluded the 
 Coolie? Will it make the sacrifice of substituting labor- 
 saving machinery even when it could produce more cheaply 
 by obtaining cheap labor? Will it consciously deal with 
 the question of population by means of the social limitations 
 within its control? Will it for the sake of geographical 
 unity and the avoidance of international complications 
 give up the Philippines? To gain time for the gradual 
 
 1 Union League iQub of New Yoik, Report of Special Committee on 
 Emigration [sic], May 12, 1864, p. 17. 
 
559] SUMMARY AND APPLICATION Sg 
 
 reduction of the rate of population increase will it 
 maintain the Monroe doctrine with a view to sending 
 whatever future surplus population may arise in this country 
 into South America, there in turn to develop American 
 ideals of social democracy in the safety of a second geo- 
 graphical area? Above all, will it do these things before 
 the increase in its own population makes necessary nolens 
 volens an entrance into the world struggle for foreign mar- 
 kets in competition with peoples of a lower plane of living? 
 Finally will it discover and utilize all possible means to 
 control the biological process for the purpose of maintain- 
 ing the quality of the population ? 
 
 Upon the answer may depend the possibility of approx- 
 imately realizing the ideals of social democracy in this 
 country. 
 
 ADDENDUM. 
 
 P. 50, line 29. After " B's " insert reference " 2." 
 
 P. 68, table. The figures of this table are taken directly from Closson. The 
 totals, loi.i per cent., 100.6 per cent., and 100.9 per cent., are evidently due to 
 cumulative error in abbreviating decimals. Reference 3 should read Gesell- 
 schafisordnung, pp. 83 and 86. 
 
 P. 69, lines 22-3. Reference should here be made to pp. 42 and 43 of the text, 
 where'responsibility for the assertion that "unless man multiplies beyond the 
 limits for which the average conditions of life comfortably provide, a process of 
 steady degeneration will result," is specifically attributed to Mr. Kidd. As should 
 be clear from previous argument in the text on this point, the first statement in 
 the summary does not imply that biologists in general hold this to be true. 
 
STUDIES IN HISTORY 
 
 ECONOMICS AND 
 
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 EDITED BY 
 
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 VOLUME TWENTY-SIXTH 
 
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 bert, Ph.D I 
 
 2. LtJTHER's Table Talk — Preserved Smith, Ph.D 127 
 
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 By Francis R. Stark, LL.B., Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo. 
 
 4. Public Administration In Massacliusetts. The Belatlon of Central 
 
 to Xiocal Activity. By Robert Harvey Whitten, Ph.D. Price, $1 .00. 
 
 VOLUME IX, 1897-98. 617 pp. Price, $3.50. 
 
 1. *x:ngllsli liocal Government of To-day. A Study of the Eelatlona 
 of Central and liOcal Government. 
 
 By MiLO Rot Maltbib, Ph.D. Price, $2.00 
 
 5. German Wage Theories. A History of their Development. 
 
 By James W. Crook, Ph.D. Price, $1.00. 
 
 3. The Centralization of Administration In New Yort State. 
 
 By John Archibald Fairlie, Ph.D. Price, $1,00. 
 
 VOLUME X, 1898-99. 500 pp. Price, $3.00. 
 
 1. Sympatlietic Strikes and Sympatlietlc Xvockoiits. 
 
 By Fred S. Hall, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo. 
 
 S. *Rliode Island and tlie Formation of tlie Union. 
 
 By Frank Greenb Bates, Ph.D. Price, 41-50. 
 
 3. Centralized Administration of lilanor La^vs in the American Com- 
 monvroaltliS. By Clement Moore Lacey Sites, Ph.D. Price, $1.00. 
 
 VOLUME XI, 1899. 495 pp. Price, $3.50. 
 
 The Growth of Cities. By Adha Ferpin Weber, Ph.D. 
 
 VOLUME XII, 1899-1900. 586 pp. Price, $3.50. 
 
 1. History and rnnctions of Central L<abor Unions. 
 
 By William Maxwell Burke, Ph.D. Price, $i.oa 
 
 3. Colonial Immigration Law^s. 
 
 By Edward Embebson Proper, A.M. Price, 75 cents. 
 
 8. History of Military Pension lieglslation in the TJnIted States. 
 
 By William Henry Glasson, Ph.D. Price, $1.00. 
 
 4. History of the Theory of Sovereignty since Rousseau. 
 
 By Charles E. Merriam, Jr., Ph.D. Price, ^1,30. 
 
 VOLUME XIII, 1901. 570 pp. Price. $3.50. 
 
 1. The Legal Property Belatlons of Married Parties. 
 
 By IsiDOR Loeb, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50. 
 
 2. Political Nativlsm In New York State. 
 
 By Louis Dow Scisco, Ph.D. Price,$2.oo. 
 
 3. The Reconstruction of Georgia. 
 
 By Edwin C. Woolley, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo. 
 
 VOLUME XIV, 1901-1902. 576 pp. Price, $3.50. 
 
 1. Xioyallsm In New Yort during the American Revolution. 
 
 By Alexander Clarence Flick, Ph.D. Price, g2.oo. 
 
 5. The Economic Theory of Risk and Insurance. 
 
 By Allan H. Willett, Ph.D. Price, $1.50. 
 3. The Eastern Question : A Study in Diplomacy. 
 
 By Stephen P. H. Ddggan, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo. 
 
 VOLUME XV, 1902. 427 pp. Price, $3.00. 
 
 Crime in Its Relations to Social Progress. 
 
 By Arthur Cleveland Hall, Ph.D.