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 Cornell University Library 
 DT 170.G73 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 3 1924 028 722 134 
 
The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028722134 
 
ROMAN AFRICA 
 
ROMAN AFRICA ^ 
 
 AN OUTLINE OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF THE ROMAN OCCUPATION 
 OF NORTH AFRICA 
 
 BASED CHIEFLY UPON 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS AND MONUMENTAL REMAINS 
 
 IN THAT COUNTRY 
 
 BY 
 
 ALEXANDER GRAHAM 
 
 F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. 
 
 WITH THIRTY REPRODUCTIONS OF ORIGINAL DRAWINGS 
 BY THE AUTHOR, AND TWO MAPS 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1902 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
TO THE READER 
 
 The inscriptions in the following pages have mostly been 
 published in various forms and at different periods, especially 
 during the latter half of the last century. From the time of 
 Shaw, whose volumes were first published in 1738, so many 
 travellers in North Africa have recorded their interpretations of 
 inscribed lettering that it is difficult, in some cases, to assign 
 credit where credit is due. And since the French occupation of 
 Algeria and Tunisia opportunities have been offered of publish- 
 ing these interpretations in many noteworthy periodicals, such 
 as the Revue Africaine, commenced in 1856, and the Annuaire 
 de la Sociiti archMogique de la Province de Constantine, which 
 was issued as far back as 1853. To collate and systematise the 
 great mass of inscriptions" has been the laborious work of such 
 well-known epigraphists as L6on Renier, Gustavus Wilmanns, 
 and others, whose names appear in footnotes in the following 
 pages. Most of them can be better studied in the volumes of 
 inscriptions mentioned on pp. 32 and 33, and referred to 
 hereafter under the letters C.I.L. and I.R.A. Incompleteness of 
 lettering, arising either from exposure or destruction, has given 
 rise to difference of opinion in filling up many omissions of 
 importance, but it is satisfactory to note that a general agreement 
 prevails on most of the inscriptions of historic value. Whenever 
 an alternative reading is admissible, the titles of the books that 
 may be referred to are given in the text or in one of the 
 footnotes. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 For many generations the interest attached to the progress of 
 civilisation in Central and Southern Africa has diverted men's 
 minds from a somewhat analogous process which was being 
 evolved nearly 2000 years ago in the Northern regions of this 
 great Continent. History very often repeats itself in an un- 
 accountable way. The methods of civilisation adopted in one 
 age differ in a marked degree from those of another, varying 
 with the habits of national life, and governed by the insuperable 
 natural laws affecting climate or race. But the outcome of 
 human progress is invariably the same, exhibiting respect for 
 and obedience to ruling authority, a mute recognition of the 
 unwritten rules of social life, and greater regard for personal 
 preservation. The gradual development of North Africa as a 
 great Roman colony was spread over a period of more than 
 500 years, and culminated in an era of peace and prosperity to 
 a vast population enjoying the highest civilisation of the time. 
 Asia and Africa took rank as the greatest of Rome's colonial 
 possessions, and it is a question whether the latter did not take 
 the lead, in the third and fourth centuries, in all matters 
 affecting the maintenance of the Empire and the general 
 welfare of its citizens. However successful Roman rule may 
 have proved in the Asiatic provinces, we have in Africa in- 
 disputable testimony to the wealth and resources of this fair 
 appendage of the Empire, to the growth of municipal life, the 
 spread of education, and the high attainments of many of its 
 citizens iii literature, philosophy, and art. 
 
viii Roman Africa 
 
 To the archaeologist no country in the world possesses 
 greater attraction, or offers a more useful field for his re- 
 searches, than this vast region on the southern shores of the 
 Mediterranean, known to the ancients by the simple word 
 Africa.^ Its long and chequered career, the rise and progress 
 of national life, the spread of civilisation amongst hordes of 
 barbarians whose origin still remains an unsolved problem, 
 and the romantic lives of the chief actors in its eventful history 
 are mainly recorded on imperishable stone or exhibited in the 
 ruined monuments which still greet the traveller's eye on the 
 hillsides or deserted plains of North Africa. From the borders 
 of Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean, from the shores of the 
 Mediterranean to the trackless plains of the Great Desert, 
 marble and stone are there in abundance, telling their own tale 
 of nations and communities long passed away, of deeds of 
 heroism and benevolence, of thoughtful men and kindly women. 
 The history of the country may truly be said to be written on 
 stone. The untameable Libyan, the enterprising Phoenician, 
 the crafty Carthaginian, and the indomitable Roman, followed 
 by the destructive Vandal, the half-civilised Byzantine, and the 
 wandering Arab, have all left enduring marks of their occupa- 
 tion. But the mark of the Roman predominates everywhere. 
 And interwoven with the declining years of the greatest Empire 
 the world had yet seen we have records of the early career and 
 struggles of the Christian Church in North Africa. For the 
 illustration of this period there is abundant material— a period 
 when temples and basilicas were to become the home of a new 
 
 ' The Greeks, in the days of Homer, only knew of North Africa as Libya, and 
 in the time of Herodotus would not believe that Africa had been circumnavigated by 
 Phoenicians. The Persians, however, believed it, and it is recorded that Xerxes 
 pardoned Sataspes, who was condemned to death, on condition that he made a 
 voyage round Africa. Sataspes, we are told, returned quickly, ovring, as he said, to 
 fabulous obstacles that he encountered in the Straits of Gades. Xerxes declined 
 to accept such excuses, and ordered him to be beheaded. (L' Univers pittoresque.) 
 The earliest mention of Africa is by the poet Ennius, B.C. 239-169, who styled 
 himself the Homer of Latium. Suidas says that Alrica was the ancient name of 
 Carthage itself. 
 
Preface ix 
 
 Titual, when sculptured deities were to be overthrown, when 
 symbols of a despised creed were to be carved on post and 
 lintel, and when the names of Tertullian, St. Cyprian, and 
 St. Augustine were to add new lustre to a country entering 
 upon the last stages of imperial decay. 
 
 From the time when the first adventurers from the Syrian 
 coast entered the sheltered inlets of the African shore — a 
 remote period, even before Saul was made king of Israel and 
 while Priam sat on the throne of Troy — down to the seventh 
 century of the Christian era, when the Arabs passed over it like 
 a whirlwind, this fair land has been the battle-field where 
 destinies of nations have been sealed, and where heroes and 
 warriors have sought their last resting-place. The myths that 
 surround its earlier development and shed a halo, of romance 
 over the career of its primitive races are somewhat obscured by 
 the sterner facts of later times — by wars innumerable, wars of 
 invasion and local disturbances, succeeded by a long period of 
 piracy and power misused, and finally by neglect, abandonment, 
 and decay. The legend of Dido still hangs over Carthage hill, 
 the spirit of Hannibal haunts the fateful Zama, and the banks 
 of the Medjerda hold in everlasting memory the story of 
 Regulus and his affrighted army. The air is full of myths and 
 old-world stories which faithfully represent the traditions of the 
 country in its varying fortunes ; and slight as may be their 
 connection with events in pre-historic times, yet they serve as 
 foundations for an historic superstructure of never-failing 
 interest. The earlier records are fragmentary, but we learn 
 that the library of the Carthaginians, written in Phoenician 
 characters, was presented by the Romans, after the fall of 
 Carthage, to the kings of Numidia ; and that Sallust, as pro- 
 consul of that province in the time of Julius Caesar, borrowed 
 largely from it while writing his history of the Jugurthine war. 
 In all probability Sallust was unacquainted with either the 
 Libyan or the Phoenician tongue (the former being the language 
 of the primitive inhabitants of the country), and consequently 
 
X Roman Africa 
 
 obtained much of his information through interpreters. More- 
 over, he must have felt little interest in a people who had been 
 for so many centuries the sworn enemies of Rome. Punic 
 literature was probably limited, Greek being usually spoken by 
 educated Carthaginians. Hannibal, we are told, wrote in 
 Greek. There is little doubt, however, that most of the earlier 
 records passed to Alexandria, which became the rival of 
 Athens as a seat of learning. With the burning of its library 
 by fanatical Arabs in the seventh century many a link between 
 the old world and the new was severed, and reliable information 
 concerning the laws and traditions, and the manners and 
 customs of a people, who were the fathers of navigation and 
 the founders of commerce, was swept away. 
 
 Writers of antiquity who have recorded their impressions 
 of North Africa are numerous enough, but their statements are 
 not always accurate, and their descriptions of localities and 
 monumental remains too frequently untrustworthy. Many of 
 them derived their knowledge from various sources, especially 
 from enterprising navigators, Phoenician or Greek, who sailed 
 to various commercial ports on the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 They wrote without personal knowledge of the country or its 
 extent, and had limited acquaintance with its inhabitants or 
 the Libyan tongue which then prevailed. Herodotus, Polybius, 
 Sallust, Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Plutarch, and the Spanish 
 geographer Pomponius Mela are the chief authorities down 
 to the close of the first century.' These were followed by 
 Suetonius, the favoured secretary and friend of the Emperor 
 
 ' As an instance of looseness of statement, Strabo the geographer, in the time of 
 Augustus, says it was the general impression that the sources of the Nile were not far 
 off the confines of Mauritania, crocodiles and other animals found in the Nile being 
 indigenous in the rivers of that country (lib. xvii. p. 454). Dion Cassius also sa,ys : 
 ' I have taken particular care to inform myself about the Nile. It visibly takes its 
 rise from Mount Atlas. This mountain, which is near the ocean on the west side, 
 is infinitely higher than all the rest upon earth, which gave the poets occasion to 
 feign that it supported the heavens. Never did anybody ascend to the top. The 
 foot of this hill is marshy, and from these morasses proceeds the Nile. ' ( Vide Dion 
 Cassius, abridged by Xiphilin, Manning's translation, 1704, vol. ii. p. 277.) 
 
Preface xi 
 
 Hadrian, Apuleius of Madaura, Ptolemy the renowned geo- 
 grapher of Alexandria, Dion Cassius the Bithynian, and 
 Aurelius Victor, a Roman biographer of the fourth century 
 In later times we have Procopius, the Greek secretary attached 
 to the army of Belisarius ; Leo Africanus, an Arab of Granada 
 in the sixteenth century ; and numerous African authors, among 
 whom El-Bekri and El-Edrisi, who flourished in the eleventh 
 and twelfth centuries, are the most conspicuous. Then, after a 
 long interval, we have a succession of European travellers, 
 whose voluminous notes paved the way for more systematic 
 research. The most noticeable are Shaw, an Oxford divine ; 
 Peysonnel, a professor of botany ; Bruce, British consul at 
 Algiers ; and Sir Grenville Temple, a cavalry officer. It seems 
 invidious to select a few names in more recent times where so 
 many are worthy of recognition, but the labours of those who 
 have best served the cause of archaeology, and whose names are 
 inseparably associated with the literature and monumental 
 remains of North Africa, cannot be passed over. The con- 
 tributions of Berbrugger, De la Mare, Gu6rin, Ravoisi^, PelHssier, 
 Cherbonneau, Leon Renier, and Charles Tissot in the last 
 century, supplemented in our own days by a long array of 
 valuable notes by our late Consul-General Sir Lambert Playfair, 
 have added largely to our knowledge of the topography and 
 antiquities of the country. To De la Mare we are indebted 
 for an illustrated, though unfortunately incomplete, work on 
 monumental Algeria ; to Ravoisi^ we owe some careful mea- 
 surements and restorations (on paper) of the principal re- 
 mains in the northern regions ; and to Renier, Wilmanns, and 
 others a wealth of deciphered inscriptions which constitute in 
 themselves a fair outline of many centuries of national life in 
 this great Roman colony. The researches also of officers 
 attached to the ' Bureau Arabe,' as well as the expert know- 
 ledge of many curators of local museums, have filled up 
 numerous gaps in the general history of Roman Africa. And 
 in the present generation the establishment of a ' Commission 
 
xii Roman Africa 
 
 des Monuments historiques ' has not only resulted in more 
 intimate acquaintance with matters of topography, but has 
 brought into the field of African literature many French authors 
 of known repute. Again, the bibliography of the entire 
 country, including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Tripoli, has 
 also been the subject of much thoughtful and enlightened 
 labour. Some idea of the extent of the literature associated 
 with North Africa may be gathered from the fact that the five 
 English volumes devoted entirely to its bibliography comprise 
 no less than 1215 pages.' 
 
 The rise and progress of Roman Africa are necessarily 
 interwoven with the history of the Roman people, and form 
 some of its most interesting chapters during the long period 
 which elapsed between the close of the second Punic war, 
 B.C. 201, and the fall of Rome, A.D. 455. Gibbon's scholarly 
 pages treating of this branch of his subject are masterpieces of 
 erudition, and are the outcome of diligent investigation of the 
 works of Greek and Roman authors. But he wrote at a time 
 when archaeological inquiry was hardly recognised as a branch 
 of knowledge, when little assistance could be given by observant 
 travellers, who hesitated to explore a trackless region inhabited 
 by barbarian hordes, and when the historian had to rely on his 
 own interpretation of many conflicting statements by authors 
 of antiquity. Mommsen has lived in a more favoured age. 
 He has had at his disposal the notes of a long array of modern 
 travellers and antiquaries, and has been able to correct or 
 substantiate the statements of ancient authors by the light of 
 recent research. 
 
 It is difficult for the traveller, as he journeys across the now 
 
 ' A Bibliography of Algeria. By Sir R. Lambert Playfair. Pp. 430. London : 
 John Murray. 1888. A supplementary volume by the same author and publisher. 
 Pp. 321. 1898. 
 
 A Bibliography of Tunisia. By Henry Spencer Ashbee, F.S.A. Pp. 144. 
 London: Dulau & Co. 1889. 
 
 A Bibliography of Tripoli and the Cyrenaica. By Sir R. Lambert Playfair. Pp. 
 58. London : 1889. 
 
 A Bibliography of Morocco. By Sir R. Lambert Playfair and Dr. Robert Brown. 
 Pp. 262. London; John Murray. 1892. 
 
Preface 
 
 xiii 
 
 deserted plains of North Africa, to realise, in these far-off days, 
 the extent and completeness of Roman colonisation. No other 
 nation has left so many enduring marks of its presence as the 
 Roman, and in no other country, outside Italy, is there such a 
 wealth of inscriptions as in North Africa. Stone and marble, 
 bearing the impress of human agency, are scattered over the 
 land, and the familiar lettering is there also as a mute 
 memorial to widespread contentment and prosperity. 
 
 It is not within the scope of this outline of historic inquiry 
 to trace the methods by which the Romans achieved success in 
 colonisation where other nations have failed. This branch of 
 the subject has proved attractive to many authors of high 
 repute, especially in the present generation, and still presents 
 an unexhausted field for further critical investigation. Nor 
 does the writer of the following pages claim originality in the 
 treatment of this subject, or any ability to impart special 
 information not open to students of Roman history, who may 
 care to pursue their inquiries in some of the more remote 
 regions of Northern Africa. Notes and observations during 
 frequent journeys in various parts of the country,' and a study 
 of the inscriptions and monumental remains of the Roman 
 occupation, have supplied a large proportion of the material 
 embodied in this volume. Archaeology is the willing handmaid 
 of history. Without such help the history of the Romans in 
 Africa would be less attractive, and our acquaintance with their 
 progress and decline more fragmentary. Every week the spade 
 of the explorer contributes something to our knowledge ; either 
 some undiscovered monument on the plains, or an inscribed 
 stone to tell its own unvarnished tale of place or person long 
 passed away. The chief aim of the present work is to trace as 
 far as possible the extent of the Roman occupation, the degree 
 of civilisation attained in the first four centuries of the Christian 
 era, and to show how conspicuous a part was played by North 
 Africa in the building up of a great Empire. 
 
 ' Travels in Tunisia. By Alexander Graham and Henry Spencer Ashbee. 
 London : 1887. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Carthage and Rome. b.c. 201-46 i 
 
 II. Africa under the C^sars. b.c. 46-A.D. 96 . 
 III. Africa under Trajan, a.d. 97-117 
 IV. Africa under Hadrian, a.d. 117-138 
 V. Africa under Antoninus Pius. a.d. 138-161 . 
 VI. Africa under Marcus Aurelius. a.d. 161-180 
 VII. Africa under Septimius Severus. a.d. 193-21 i 
 VIII. Africa under Alexander Severus. a.d. 222-235. 
 IX. Africa under the Gordians. a.d. 236-244 
 X. Africa under the later Emperors, a.d. 244-454 
 Conclusion 
 
 19 
 
 55 
 103 
 120 
 
 15s 
 196 
 209 
 220 
 
 235 
 297 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 I. List of Abbreviations usually found in Roman Inscrip- 
 tions . . . 309 
 
 II. List of the principal known To v^^ns in the African 
 Provinces of the Roman Empire, or the Sites of 
 others which have been identified by Inscriptions. 311 
 
 III. Chronology OF the Principal Events in North Africa 
 during the Roman Occupation and, subsequently, 
 till the Invasion of the Country by Arabs . . 316 
 
 INDEX 321 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The Three Temples at Sufetula (Sbeitla), restored FronHspiece 
 
 View of Utica (Bou Chater) To face p. 22 
 
 Mosaic in the British Museum, representing the 
 
 Walls of Roman Carthage ,,24 
 
 Tomb of Juba II „ 27 
 
 Plan of Tomb of Juba II „ 28 
 
 Entrance to Tomb of Juba II „ 29 
 
 Tombs of Numidian Kings, restored >, 3° 
 
 Plan of Basilica at Theveste (Tebessa) . . . . „ 46 
 
 The Quadrifrontal Arch of Caracalla at Theveste „ 48 
 
 Temple of Minerva at Theveste, restored . . . „ 50 
 
 View of Bulla Regia (HammAm Darradji). . . . „ 71 
 
 Trajan's Bridge at Simittu (Chemtou) . . . . „ 72 
 
 Monument at Scillium (Kasserin) „ 81 
 
 Arch of Trajan at Thamugas (Timegad), restored . „ 96 
 Aqueduct of Carthage ...,....„ 109 
 
 Cisterns outside Kairouan „ iii 
 
 Aqueduct of Carthage in the Medjerda Plain, 
 
 SHOWING Construction ,,114 
 
 View of Mount Zaghouan „ 116 
 
 Entrance to the Hieron at Sufetula . . . . „ 122 
 
 The Bridge at Sufetula (Sbeitla) ,,127 
 
 View of Sufetula (Sbeitla) ,,128 
 
 The Capitol at Thugga (Dougga) ,,171 
 
 The Pr^torium at Lamb^sis (Lambessa) . . . . „ 186 
 
 Amphitheatre at Thvsdrus (El-Djem) . . . . „ 228 
 
 j> »» >) )» **••»» 230 
 
 The Four Principal Amphitheatres compared . . 232, 233 
 
 Amphitheatre at Uthina (Oudena) „ 234 
 
 Front of a Marble Cippus in the Museum at Philippe- 
 
 VILLE ,,296 
 
 Mosaic Slab in the Museum at Constantine (Byzantine 
 
 Period) „ 308 
 
 MAPS 
 
 North Africa To face p. 4 
 
 North Africa at the Close qf the Third Century . At end 
 
ROMAN AFRICA 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CARTHAGE AND ROME 
 
 Errata 
 
 Page lo, line i6, _/^ historian r«a,/ historians 
 „ 212, last line but one, /or Julia Domna yeaoT Bassianus 
 
 and dismay. Success to the Romans on the first encounter oil 
 land mattered little to a maritime people like the Carthaginians, 
 whose fleets were to be found in every port and inlet of the 
 Mediterranean, and who reigned supreme as the one commercial 
 people of the known world. The career of these ancient rulers 
 of North Africa, illustrious from their spirit of adventure, 
 unflagging energy, and wondrous commerce, is a chapter of 
 romance. Hemmed in originally between mountain and sea 
 on the Syrian coast, a little colony of Phoenicians spread itself 
 in a comparatively short period along the whole seaboard of the 
 Mediterranean ; then passing the Pillars of Hercules it reached 
 Sierra Leone in the south, eastward it touched the coast of 
 Malabar, and northward skirted the inhospitable shores of the 
 German Ocean. It seems strange that these Canaanites or 
 Phcenicians, the scorn of Israel, and the people against whom 
 Joshua bent all his powers, should have enjoyed such an 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The Three Temples at Sufetula (Sbeitla), restored Frontispiece 
 
 View of Utica (Bou Chater) To face p. iz 
 
 Mosaic in the British Museum, representing the 
 
 Walls of Roman Carthage ,24 
 
 Tomb of Juba II , „ 27 
 
 Plan of Tomb of Juba II ,,28 
 
 Entrance to Tomb of Juba II „ 29 
 
 Tombs of Numidian Kings, restored ,,30 
 
 Plan of Basilica at Theveste (Tebessa) . . . . „ 46 
 The Quadrifrontal Arch of Caracalla at Theveste „ 48 
 Temple of Minerva at Theveste, restored . . , „ 50 
 
 1 mz> uKiuiyir AT aUFETULA (^SBEITLA) „ 127 
 
 View of Sufetula (Sbeitla) ,,128 
 
 The Capitol at Thugga (Dougga) ,,171 
 
 The PrjEtorium at Lamb^esis (Lambessa) . . . . ,,186 
 
 Amphitheatre at Thysdrus (El-Djem) . . . . „ 228 
 
 )> )> )) )) • * • • ij 230 
 
 The Four Principal Amphitheatres compared . . 232, 233 
 
 Amphitheatre at Uthina (Oudena) „ 234 
 
 Front of a Marble Cippus in the Museum at Philippe- 
 
 ville „ 296 
 
 Mosaic Slab in the Museum at Constantine (Byzantine 
 
 Period) • >, 308 
 
 MAPS 
 
 North Africa To face p. 4 
 
 North Africa at the Close of the Third Century . At end 
 
ROMAN AFRICA 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CARTHAGE AND ROME 
 B.C. 201-46 
 
 The history of Roman Africa commences at the close of the 
 second Punic war, B.C. 201. The fall of Pyrrhus, the adven- 
 turous king of Epirus, B.C. 272, whose ambition was to surpass 
 Alexander the Great in warlike achievements, had made the 
 Romans masters of Southern Italy, and brought them face to 
 face with the Carthaginians in the fair island of Sicily. For 
 nearly two centuries and a half these rival nations had been 
 watching each other's movements across the sea with jealousy 
 and dismay. Success to the Romans on the first encounter oil 
 land mattered little to a maritime people like the Carthaginians, 
 whose fleets were to be found in every port and inlet of the 
 Mediterranean, and who reigned supreme as the one commercial 
 people of the known world. The career of these ancient rulers 
 of North Africa, illustrious from their spirit of adventure, 
 unflagging energy, and wondrous commerce, is a chapter of 
 romance. Hemmed in originally between mountain and sea 
 on the Syrian coast, a little colony of Phoenicians spread itself 
 in a comparatively short period along the whole seaboard of the 
 Mediterranean ; then passing the Pillars of Hercules it reached 
 Sierra Leone in the south, eastward it touched the coast of 
 Malabar, and northward skirted the inhospitable shores of the 
 German Ocean. It seems strange that these Canaanites or 
 Phoenicians, the scorn of Israel, and the people against whom 
 Joshua bent all his powers, should have enjoyed such an 
 *. B 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 ■The Three Temples at Sufetula (Sbeitla), restored Frontispiece 
 
 View of Utica (Bou Chater) To face p. 22 
 
 Mosaic in the British Museum, representing the 
 
 Walls of Roman Carthage ,,24 
 
 Tomb of Juba II , „ 27 
 
 Plan of Tomb of Juba II „ 28 
 
 Entrance to Tomb of Juba II ,,29 
 
 Tombs of Numidian Kings, restored >, 3° 
 
 Plan of Basilica at Theveste (Tebessa) . . . . „ 46 
 The Quadrifrontal Arch of Caracalla at Theveste „ 48 
 Temple of Minerva at Theveste, restored . . , „ 50 
 
 .^-.„^ uRiuv^E. AT 3D'FEn3TrA""('SBETTE*A)"- . . \ 
 
 View of Sufetula (Sbeitla) 
 
 The Capitol at Thugga (Dougga) .... 
 The Pr^torium at Lamb^esis (Lambessa) . 
 Amphitheatre at Thvsdrus (El-Djem) . 
 
 » »j J) >» ... 
 
 The Four Principal Amphitheatres compared 
 Amphitheatre at Uthina (Oudena) .... 
 Front of a Marble Cippus in the Museum at Philippe 
 
 VILLE 
 
 Mosaic Slab in the Museum at Constantine (Byzantine 
 
 Period) 
 
 
 127 
 128 
 
 3» 
 )1 
 
 171 
 186 
 228 
 
 »» 
 
 230 
 
 232 
 
 233 
 
 )) 
 
 234 
 
 f> 
 
 296 
 
 3> 
 
 308 
 
 MAPS 
 
 North Africa To face p. 4 
 
 North Africa at the Close or the Third Century . At end 
 
ROMAN AFRICA 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CARTHAGE AND ROME 
 B.C. 201-46 
 
 The history of Roman Africa commences at the close of the 
 second Punic war, B.C. 201. The fall of Pyrrhus, the adven- 
 turous king of Epirus, B.C. 272, whose ambition was to surpass 
 Alexander the Great in warlike achievements, had made the 
 Romans masters of Southern Italy, and brought them face to 
 face with the Carthaginians in the fair island of Sicily. For 
 nearly two centuries and a half these rival nations had been 
 watching each other's movements across the sea with jealousy 
 and dismay. Success to the Romans on the first encounter ori 
 land mattered little to a maritime people like the Carthaginians, 
 whose fleets were to be found in every port and inlet of the 
 Mediterranean, and who reigned supreme as the one commercial 
 people of the known world. The career of these ancient rulers 
 of North Africa, illustrious from their spirit of adventure, 
 unflagging energy, and wondrous commerce, is a chapter of 
 romance. Hemmed in originally between mountain and sea 
 on the Syrian coast, a little colony of Phoenicians spread itself 
 in a comparatively short period along the whole seaboard of the 
 Mediterranean ; then passing the Pillars of Hercules it reached 
 Sierra Leone in the south, eastward it touched the coast of 
 Malabar, and northward skirted the inhospitable shores of the 
 German Ocean. It seems strange that these Canaanites or 
 Phoenicians, the scorn of Israel, and the people against whom 
 Joshua bent all his powers, should have enjoyed such an 
 fe . B 
 
2 Roman Africa 
 
 unchecked career, making themselves sole navigators of every sea, 
 and finally founding a city which stood unrivalled for more than 
 700 years. Through their hands, as Mommsen has observed, 
 passed grain, ivory, and skins from Libya, slaves from the 
 Soudan, purple and cedar from Tyre, frankincense from Arabia, 
 copper from Cyprus, iron from Elba, tin from Cornwall, wine from 
 Greece, silver from Spain, and gold and precious stones from 
 Malabar. As a nation of traders and navigators they established 
 themselves on the coast, and wherever they settled depots and 
 factories of various kinds were erected. We do not find them 
 in the interior of a country. Neither do we hear of alliances 
 with the people with whom they came into contact, nor of their 
 impressing barbarian tribes with any notions of the advantages 
 of civilisation. In the field of intellectual acquirements the 
 Carthaginian, as the descendant of the Phoenician, has no 
 place, and his skill in the gentler arts of life has no recognition. 
 We find no native architecture, nor do we hear of any industrial 
 art worth recording. Carthage, it is true, became the metro- 
 polis of their widespread kingdom, and one of the wealthiest 
 cities of the world. But this was due, in a great measure, to its 
 central position, and its convenience as an outlet for the vast 
 produce of North Africa. Temples and stately edifices adorned 
 its streets, and the remains of great constructional works still 
 attest the solid grandeur of the city. But the architecture was 
 the work of Greek, and not of Punic, artists ; and the few 
 sculptures of note, which may be assigned to a period anterior 
 to the last Punic war, have nothing in common with the rude 
 carvings which bear the impress of Carthaginian origin. On the 
 other hand the art of navigation, the science of agriculture, the 
 principles of trading, and a system of water supply combined 
 with the construction of gigantic cisterns, which may still be 
 seen at Carthage and on the outskirts of many towns in North 
 Africa, became Rome's heritage from Phoenicia. The distinguish- 
 ing characteristic of Phoenician architecture, or rather of building 
 construction, is its massive and imposing strength, singularly 
 deficient in fineness of detail, as M. Renan has observed, but with 
 a general effect of power and grandeur. The few Phoenician 
 buildings existing are constructed with immense blocks of stone, 
 such as the ramparts of Aradus, the foundations of the temple at 
 Jerusalem, and the earlier portions of the great temple at Baalbec. 
 
Carthage and Rome 3 
 
 From the day when the two nations crossed arms in the 
 vicinity of Syracuse a kind of fatality hung over them. It 
 seemed as if there were no room in the world for two such ambi- 
 tious rivals ; and that, the struggle having once commenced, 
 it should continue till one or the other ceased to exist. The 
 want of an efficient fleet to enable them to do battle with the 
 Carthaginians in their own element preyed heavily upon the 
 Romans in their Sicilian campaign. But Rome was not dis- 
 couraged. With that strength of will which always charac- 
 terised her people, she set to work to create a navy. In sixty 
 days, we are told, a forest of timber was cut down, and 
 140 galleys, fully manned and provisioned, sailed out under 
 M. Attilius Regulus to attack the Carthaginian fleet on their 
 own coasts.^ This intrepid general, inspired by the temporary 
 success of Agathocles ^ the Sicilian, in his invasion of Cartha- 
 ginian territory, contemplated a similar adventure. He captured 
 more than 200 towns and villages and, landing Italian troops 
 for the first time on African soil, paved the way for a more 
 permanent occupation which was to take place after the lapse 
 of nearly 100 years.^ Then came the close of the first Punic 
 war. Carthage retreated. All Sicily, except the little kingdom 
 of Syracuse, then wisely governed by the renowned Hiero II., 
 was abandoned to the Romans. Sardinia, which the Cartha- 
 
 ' Polybius, i. 66. The Romans began to build ships (or rather coasting vessels) 
 B. c. 338, and seventy years later the maritime services had assumed such importance 
 that four quaestors of the fleet, stationed at different ports of Italy, were appointed. 
 This provoked the jealousy of Carthage, whose supremacy at sea had for so long a 
 period remained undisputed. (Rawlinson's Manual of Ancient History.) The 
 Romans occupied the old Phoenician ports on the coast of Africa, and did not 
 attempt, till a much later period, to form any new ones. 
 
 ^ Agathocles, an adventurous Sicilian and tyrant of Syracuse, invaded North 
 Africa B.C. 306 and nearly ruined Carthage, either destroying or taking possession of 
 nearly all the towns. Recalled to Sicily, he left the war in the hands of his son 
 Archagathus, who was unsuccessful. The Carthaginians regained all they had lost. 
 The army of Agathocles consisted of 6,000 Greeks, about the same number of 
 European mercenaries, 10,000 Libyan allies, and 1,500 horse. [V Univers pittoresque.) 
 
 ' There is nothing on record, to indicate that the Roman people, so little 
 accustomed to maritime warfare and with a superstitious dread of the sea, encouraged 
 so hazardous an undertaking. Regulus followed the banks of the Bagradas, laid 
 siege to Uthina, and subsequently took Tunis. The Carthaginians engaged Greek 
 mercenaries, led by Xantippus the Lacedemonian, who brought the war to a close. 
 The Romans were defeated, and their fleet destroyed by a tempest. Polybius (i. 66) 
 says that the Romans had 330 galleys and 140,000 men, and that the Carthaginian 
 fleet consisted of 350 galleys and 115,000 men. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 Roman Africa 
 
 ginians had held for 400 years, shared the same fate. Peace 
 was declared, or rather a respite was agreed upon by the two 
 rivals, utterly wearied and worn out by continuous warfare of 
 twenty years, preparatory only to a trial of strength on a more 
 extended scale. The twenty-three years' interval of watchful 
 unrest which preceded the outbreak of the second Punic war 
 was among the most eventful in the whole history of the 
 struggle. It is this period, prior to the renewal of hostilities 
 when the fate of Carthage and her people was to be decided, 
 which is peculiarly attractive, partly on account of the events 
 that preceded the fall of a great nation, and partly from the 
 dramatic career of the chief native rulers of Africa. 
 
 In order to form an idea of the vast extent and litnits of 
 Africa of the ancient world, it is necessary to glance at a map of 
 the southern shores of the Mediterranean, to note how the 
 country was then divided, and to sketch, as briefly as possible, 
 the history of the tribes who contributed by their endless 
 rivalries to hasten the Roman occupation of the entire region. 
 Commencing westward of Cyrene ' (a Greek colony founded 
 about B.C. 630, and though afterwards part of the Roman Empire 
 yet never recognised as part of North Africa) we come to Africa 
 proper, the little corner afterwards known as Africa Provincia, 
 of which the capital was Carthage.^ Westward of this was the 
 country of a people whom Greeks and Romans were accustomed 
 to call Nomades or Numidians, divided between the Massylians 
 on the east and the Masssesylians on the west. Beyond was 
 the land of the Mauri, stretching round the shores of the, 
 Atlantic. Now all this vast region, from Cyrene to the Atlantic, 
 with a seaboard of not less than 2,000 miles, had been for many 
 centuries under the control of Carthage, furnishing large bodies 
 of troops in time of war and contributing to the preservation 
 of the kingdom of their enterprising masters. 
 
 ' Cyrene was founded by Greeks from the island of Thera, one of the Sporades 
 group in the i^gean Sea, now called Santorin. It became the capital of the region 
 known as Pentapolis, whose five cities were Cyrene, Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, 
 and Berenice. 
 
 2 Sallust divides North Africa into four regions : (l) Cyrenaica and the country of 
 the Syrtes, the modern Barca : Tripoli, with the Fezzan in the interior ; (2) the 
 territory of Carthage, now known as Tunisia ; (3) Numidia, now corresponding to 
 Algeria ; and (4) Mauritania, the modern Morocco. ( Vide Vivien de Saint- Martin, 
 JVord de PAfrique dans I'antiquiti. ) 
 
Carthage and Rome 5 
 
 The boundaries of Punic territory appear to have been 
 determined at a very remote period, when the neighbouring 
 country of Cyrene had attained power and prosperity, and when 
 the tribes of North Africa had recognised the supremacy of the 
 Phoenician colony settled at Carthage. The river Tusca, sepa- 
 rating Carthage on the west from the land of the Massylii, 
 formed a natural boundary. The borders of the Desert were 
 also a natural boundary on the south, peopled at all times, even 
 at the present day, by numerous tribes wandering from place 
 to place and living in incessant rivalry.^ But the limitation of 
 the eastern frontier, separating the Carthaginians from the Greek 
 colony of Cyrene, did not admit of easy solution. No river or 
 watercourse was there to mark the line of territory. No fortress 
 or earthwork had been raised in testimony of a settlement of 
 ancient claims. Nothing was there but shifting tracts of sand 
 and an undefined coastline. Physical force was at last resorted 
 to for the purpose of deciding a long-pending controversy, not 
 the force of arms or skill with weapons, but strength of limb 
 and endurance in a long and harassing journey. And this was 
 the simple expedient. Two deputies on either side, probably 
 athletes, were to leave home at a given hour, and the spot 
 where they met should be the boundary between the two States. 
 The names of two brothers, deputies on the Carthaginian side, 
 are recorded ; but those despatched from Cyrene have not been 
 handed down. Neither have we any description of the race, 
 or circumstances attending the journey. All we know is that 
 the spot where the race terminated is designated in most 
 charts of the ancient world as Philcenorum Arcz, and we 
 are told that the Cyrenians, having covered but a small 
 distance compared with their opponents, accused them of having 
 started before the time agreed upon. Like many a school- 
 boy, who is worsted in a youthful encounter, they endeavoured 
 to account for their defeat by imputing to their adversaries that 
 
 ' The country in the south between Mount Atlas and the Sahara, as far as the 
 Niger, was inhabited by the Getuli and Melanogetuli, the Moslem Tuariks, or, as 
 they are now called, Touaregs. (Niebuhr's Lectures.) Pliny also speaks of the 
 inhabitants of the south as Getulians. They are a distinct people in African ethnology. 
 Owing to their geographical position they were not subject to external influences. 
 Their neighbours, the Garamantes, who occupied the country south of Tripoli as far 
 as Ghadames, may be classed with them. ( Vide Tissot, Geogr. comparh de VAfrique, 
 i. 447. ) The limits of the country occupied by either of them are not known. 
 
6 Roman Africa 
 
 they had not played fair. A quarrel ensued, but the Philaeni 
 brothers, as the representatives of Carthage, stood firm, rooted, 
 as it were, to the spot. To end the dispute without resorting to 
 arms, the men of Cyrene said, ' You shall be buried alive on the 
 spot which you claim as the boundary for your people, or we, 
 on the same condition, shall be allowed to proceed on our 
 journey to whatever point we may think proper.' The Philaeni, 
 it is said, accepted the terms imposed upon them, and, sacrificing 
 themselves in the interest of their country, were forthwith buried 
 alive. If we are to assume that the Carthaginians started from 
 CarthUge and the Greeks from the city of Cyrene, the whole 
 story may be regarded as a fable, for the two mounds that once 
 marked the legendary spot are not midway, but about seven- 
 ninths the distance between the alleged starting-points. We 
 may be permitted to suppose that the wind favoured the 
 Philaeni, and that a sand-storm, such as is prevalent in those 
 parts, blew into the faces of their opponents and retarded their 
 progress. To give the tale an appearance of reality we may 
 imagine that the Carthaginians started from Leptis ^ and not 
 from Carthage, for the mounds or altars consecrated to these 
 heroic brothers were nearly midway between that city and 
 Cyrene. Now Leptis was, at that period, a city of wealth and 
 magnitude, and took rank with Utica as one of the chief 
 Phoenician colonies. Founded by Sidonians in a prehistoric 
 age, it grew into importance long before Carthage had attained 
 the climax of its prosperity, and was regarded by the Car- 
 thaginians as one of their choicest possessions. Whether this 
 old-world story of the Philaeni is to be read in the light of a 
 fable, or is based upon some incident in the settlement of a long- 
 disputed boundary, matters little after a lapse of more than 
 2,500 years. The historian and the geographer have accepted 
 the legend, and honoured it with a place in their records which 
 time will never obliterate. But whether true or not we may 
 receive the narrative in the form in which it has been handed 
 down. It is good for us to think that the spirit of patriotism 
 inspired men, in the old world as in the new, in the exercise of 
 
 ' Leptis Magna, now Lebda, was one of the earliest Phoenician settlements in 
 Africa. The fertility of the soil favoured colonisation, and the inhabitants, under 
 Roman rule, were allowed to retain their old laws and customs. Commercial 
 intercourse and intermarriage with Numidians forced them to alter their language 
 and to adopt the Numidian tongue. (Sallust, /«^. Ixxviii.) 
 
Carthage and Rome 7 
 
 heroic deeds, and that self-sacrifice in a country's honour has 
 never been found wanting in the hour of need.^ 
 
 The territory occupied by Carthaginians formed only a small 
 portion of North Africa, as we have already observed. At the 
 time of the Roman invasion, which may be regarded as the open- 
 ing of the last chapter in the history of the second Punic war, the 
 country west of Carthage was under the rule of Gala, the tribes 
 beyond being governed by Syphax, the most powerful of 
 African kings at that period. The rivalry of these two poten- 
 tates and their wavering policy contributed largely to the success 
 of the Romans in the impending war. It was impossible for 
 both these kings to form simultaneous alliances with either 
 Roman or Carthaginian. Traditional policy seems to have in- 
 spired them with perpetual animosity ; and so soon as it was 
 known that one favoured the invading Roman, the other imme- 
 diately, without any settled line of action or forecast of the con- 
 sequences, formed an alliance with the Carthaginian. Both were 
 jealous of the supremacy of Carthage, and both awaited the 
 coming of the Roman that they might eventually participate in 
 spoiling the Carthaginians. Syphax was at first inimical to 
 Carthage, and subsequently a friend in an hour of need. But he 
 changed sides again and made a treaty with Publius Scipio, who 
 commanded the invading force. The conditions were the sup- 
 port and good will of the Roman Senate and people in exchange 
 for his assistance in the field of battle. A small embassy, con- 
 sisting of three centurions, was despatched from Rome with 
 instructions to remain in Africa till a formal treaty was con- 
 cluded with this potent but wayward Numidian. Syphax was 
 flattered by the attention, entertained the ambassadors with 
 princely hospitality, and requested that one of the centurions 
 should be allowed to instruct his soldiers in the Roman methods 
 of warfare. ' Numidians,' he said, ' are only horsemen. They 
 know nothing about infantry. Teach them.' The request was 
 complied with, and bodies of Numidians, drilled after the 
 manner of Roman infantry, were at once formed for the purpose 
 of defeating Carthage in the plains when the next war broke 
 
 ' Strabo says that a tower called Euphrantas was the boundary between CjTene 
 and Carthaginian territory. The altars of the Philseni were a little to the east of 
 this. They fell to ruin about B.C. 350. These mounds or altars, if they ever existed, 
 may have had some resemblance to the tombs of the two Horatii near Alba, erected 
 B.C. 673-640. These had s. podium or wall of stone surmounted by a cone of earth. 
 
8 Roman Africa 
 
 out. Carthage was thunderstruck at these proceedings, and, 
 nothing daunted, sent envoys to King Gala, who responded in 
 a spirit of friendship, and at once entered into an alliance, 
 offensive and defensive, more for the purpose of crushing his 
 old antagonist Syphax than of maintaining the integrity of the 
 Punic kingdom. Now Gala had a son who had just attained 
 his seventeenth year when the embassy was despatched. This 
 fearless youth, who lives in history as Masinissa, the hero of 
 Numidia, was a warrior from his cradle. Without hesitation he 
 seized the first opportunity of offering battle to Syphax. Not 
 once only but twice he defeated him, but on the third occasion 
 his rival was victorious. To commemorate his success over 
 so redoubtable a warrior as Masinissa, Syphax vowed eternal 
 friendship with Rome. Forthv/ith ambassadors were despatched 
 to Italy, and in return officers of state were sent by the Roman 
 Senate to his capital at Cirta, bearing costly presents of various 
 kinds, including a toga, a purple tunic, an ivory throne, and a 
 gold cup. But Syphax's happiness was of short duration. In 
 an evil hour he fell in love with Sophonisba, the fair daughter of 
 Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian general, and, to prove his affection 
 for the country of his bride, thoughtlessly deserted the Roman 
 alliance, and quartered his army in the opposing camp. This 
 step was not lost on Masinissa, who immediately favoured the 
 Rgman cause and encamped his troops with the army of Scipio. 
 Such a powerful alliance laid the foundation of Masinissa's for- 
 tune, and to his credit it should be said that throughout a long 
 career he never swerved from the attachment, but remained to 
 the close of his active life a loyal friend to Rome. The sad story 
 of Sophonisba is soon told. On the defeat of Syphax by the 
 all-conquering Masinissa, the victor hastened to take posses- 
 sion of Cirta, the capital and stronghold of his rival. At the 
 gates he was met by the unfortunate queen, whose love and 
 beauty had tempted the amorous Syphax to commit an act of the 
 grossest perfidy. On bended knees and with tearful eye she im- 
 plored the conqueror not to suffer her to fall into the hands of the 
 Romans, dreading the fate that might befall her as a captive in 
 the streets of Rome. Love and pity combined sealed her fate. 
 Masinissa, we are told, was so struck with the beauty of 
 Sophonisba that he sent her to his camp, and, with that im- 
 petuosity which characterises Orientals in their relations with the 
 
Carthage and Rome 9 
 
 fair sex, married her forthwith. But love and pity had, in this 
 case, a direful termination. Masinissa was summoned before 
 Scipio for having taken to wife the daughter of their sworn 
 enemy, the Carthaginian general. It may be that the Roman 
 desired to claim Sophonisba for himself as part of the spoils of 
 war, but history is silent on this point. All we know is that 
 Scipio, regarding her presence in the camp as a stumbling-block 
 to success, demanded her immediate dismissal. Such was 
 Masinissa's dread of the exercise of Roman authority that he 
 dared not disobey. With a tearful face he entered Sophonisba's 
 tent, and, telling her he was powerless to deliver her from the 
 jealousy of the Romans or the dread captivity that might befall 
 her, besought this ill-fated bride, in pledge of his love for her and 
 her person, to die in the manner worthy of the daughter of 
 Hasdrubal. Silently and unmoved Sophonisba obeyed, and 
 swallowed the poison which Masinissa ordered to be conveyed 
 to her tent at the close of their interview.' 
 
 The success of Scipio, aided by his brilliant Numidian ally, 
 had placed Carthage in sore distress. Syphax was taken 
 prisoner to Italy, and soon closed his career ingloriously. The 
 fleet, which had once reigned supreme, was of little service, and 
 the army, largely composed of mercenaries, was sadly reduced 
 in numbers and without a reliable commander. An armistice 
 was agreed upon, and the conditions imposed by Scipio, heavy 
 as they may seem to modern ideas, were accepted. Carthage 
 had to surrender her territories in Spain and her island posses- 
 sions in the Mediterranean, to hand over all her war vessels ex- 
 cept twenty ships, to pay a money fine equivalent to nearly one 
 million sterling, and finally to transfer to Masinissa the kingdom 
 of his adversary Syphax. The events which followed, termi- 
 nating on the fatal day when Scipio and Masinissa were to crush 
 the Carthaginian army on the plain of Zama, and to close the 
 career of one of the greatest generals in ancient or modern times, 
 
 ' Corneille's dramatised version of this tragic story is little in accord with the 
 statements of ancient authors. The Sophonisba of the stage had been married by 
 Hasdrubal her father to Masinissa, but the Carthaginians, ignoring this husband, 
 married her afresh to Syphax. Such was her affection for him that she declined to 
 forsake his cause, although he had been twice defeated, and was prepared to bury 
 herself with him in the ruins of his capital, even if he had suffered defeat a third 
 time. Her attachment to her country was no less sincere than her avowed hatred of 
 Rome. 
 
lo Roman Africa 
 
 have been so ably described by historians of all ages from Livy 
 to Mommsen that they need only brief recapitulation in these 
 pages. But it should be observed that the rise of Numidia at 
 this period, as a powerful nationality under such a potentate as 
 Masinissa, introduces a new factor in the history of Roman 
 Africa. For fifty years Numidia is destined to play a leading 
 part in the affairs of the country, and to contribute in a larger 
 measure to the ultimate success of Roman arms than Latin 
 historians are wont to acknowledge. It might be thought that 
 researches in recent years, coupled with the diligent investiga- 
 tions of so many learned archaeologists, would have thrown 
 additional light on this period of African history, and cleared 
 up many doubtful points in ancient records. But neither stone 
 nor marble has yet been unearthed to tell its own unvar- 
 nished tale, nor has any writer succeeded in refuting the de- 
 scriptive account by our great Roman historian^of the last 
 pitched battle between Carthage and Rome. The recall of 
 Hannibal, who for thirty-six years had not set foot on his native 
 land, and who was then devastating the plains of Italy and 
 threatening Rome with destruction, was the signal for Rome 
 and her allies to prepare for battle. Scipio and his army were 
 then encamped in the valley of the Bagradas, not far from 
 Carthage. Hannibal, who had landed at Hadrumetum, was 
 arranging his forces, and securing, by the magic of his name, 
 the aid of the tribes who had recently fought under the banner 
 of Syphax. The opposing armies met at Zama, which was then 
 a large city and stronghold of the king of Numidia, and con- 
 tinued to remain so at a later period. Sallust informs us that 
 it was built on a plain, and was better fortified by art than by 
 nature. The same authority tells us that the city existed as the 
 bulwark of that part of the kingdom a century after the battle, 
 for Metellus, the Roman commander, laid siege to it during the 
 Jugurthine war. We also read of it as Zama regia, the 
 capital of Juba I. in the time of Julius Caesar. It is difficult, 
 after a lapse of more than 2,000 years, to mark the exact site 
 of the city, for destruction and neglect have left no tangible 
 remains. The geography of Ptolemy, the chart of Peutinger, and 
 the Itinerary of Antoninus where distances are given, form the 
 only clue to the position of the battlefield, which appears to 
 have been between the towns of El-Kef, Taoura, and Kalaat-es- 
 
Carthage and Rome ii 
 
 Saan. Bruce, who traversed the country in 1766, says that in 
 proceeding in a north-easterly direction after leaving Zanfour, 
 and traversing the plain a distance of twelve miles, ' we came to 
 Djebel Mesaood, ■on the other side of which upon an eminence 
 is a small town built from the fragments of a larger and ancient 
 one, whose name is still called Zama, and was probably the 
 ancient capital of Juba I.' So decisive a victory enabled the 
 Roman general to name the conditions of peace. Had Scipio 
 been prompted to subject Carthage to the same fate that only 
 a few years previously Hannibal had desired to inflict on Rome, 
 there was nothing to prevent him. He granted peace, but on 
 heavy conditions. Carthage was to pay, in addition to the 
 penalties previously enforced, a sum of money equivalent to 
 48,000/. sterling annually for a term of fifty years, and not to 
 engage in arms with Rome or her allies, either in Africa or else- 
 where, without the permission of Rome. It was not without 
 grave discussion in the Senate, or the expression of many con- 
 flicting opinions, that these conditions were agreed to. As 
 usual on such momentous occasions, when the very existence 
 of a nation trembles in the balance, there was a peace party 
 and a war party. The former, headed by Scipio, whose valour 
 was only equalled by his magnanimity, prevailed. Carthage 
 was allowed to exist for another fifty years as a tributary of 
 Rome. But the ill-fated city was doomed to a long period of 
 unrest and disturbance as soon as the treaty was signed and the 
 Roman army had been withdrawn. The adversary was no 
 longer the Roman but the powerful Numidian, who had con- 
 tributed so largely to her defeat on the decisive field of Zama. 
 
 There is no name in African records which is so conspicuous, or 
 exercised so extraordinary an influence on the career of Numidia 
 and its people, as that of Masinissa. Fearless in action, a steadfast 
 friend or a merciless foe, unscrupulous and of unbounded ambi- 
 tion, this powerful chieftain ruled for more than sixty years over 
 a conglomeration of tribes who knew no will but his, and recog- 
 nised his authority as though he were a god from Olympus. In 
 the whole range of ancient history there was no one ever invested 
 with kingly power who enjoyed such a career of unchequered 
 good fortune as this remarkable man. Sober in habit and, after 
 the manner of his race, never drinking anything but water, his 
 physical powers were extraordinary. Riding without saddle, 
 
12 Roman Africa 
 
 sometimes for twenty-four consecutive hours, and jumping on 
 his horse like an athlete, even after he had atttained his ninetieth 
 year, there is little wonder'that history should have claimed him 
 as the hero of Numidia. Generous in disposition, a firm ruler, 
 and skilled in the crafty statesmanship of his time, he was free 
 from crimes so common among uncivilised tribes. Of his 
 domestic life we have no record, but we are told that he had 
 forty-four children, and at his death, when he had passed his 
 ninetieth year, his youngest son was only four years old. But 
 his boundless activity proved disastrous to Carthage, and in 
 later years contributed to the downfall of his own kingdom. So 
 restless a spirit could not remain satisfied with the large terri- 
 tory which Rome had transferred to him. The policy of Rome 
 was to preserve antagonism between Carthage and Numidia 
 and to give tacit encouragement to Masinissa in his encroach- 
 ments upon Carthaginian territory. Not content with appro- 
 priating the rich lands which lay in the upper valley of the 
 Bagradas, to which he had no legal claim, he must needs occupy 
 the old Sidonian city of Leptis Magna in Tripoli, and ultimately 
 hem in the Carthaginian within the tract of country now repre- 
 sented by Tunisia. There is little doubt that, if opportunity had 
 offered to shake off the Roman yoke without a disturbance of 
 friendly relations, this enterprising Numidian would have occu- 
 pied Carthage and made it the capital of an extended kingdom. 
 So irritating a procedure, which continued for nearly forty years, 
 became at last unbearable to a people who, in spite of all their 
 shortcomings as a governing power, and their absence of respect 
 for treaties with other countries, desired only to exist peacefully 
 as a commercial nation, and to carry on unrestricted trade in 
 every part of the world. An appeal to Rome was at first dis- 
 regarded. Subsequently commissioners were despatched to 
 Carthage by the Senate for the purpose of settling the long- 
 pending disputes, and to determine the boundaries of Carthage 
 and Numidia, but without result. Carthage was exasperated, 
 and, not being able to make terms with either friend or foe, took 
 the field against Masinissa, and on the first encounter suffered 
 defeat. This action, being in direct contravention of the treaty 
 entered into after the defeat of Hannibal, gave the Romans a 
 pretext for declaration of war. It is but just to the Cartha- 
 ginians to observe that the sacrifices they were prepared to 
 
Carthage and Rome 13 
 
 make to avert a conflict were unlimited in respect of ships, war 
 material of all kinds, and personal weapons. But the decree 
 of the Senate and people of Rome was irresistible. Carthage 
 must be destroyed, and the city must cease to exist. The 
 events which followed the issue of this terrible edict, terminating 
 the third and last Punic war and erasing the metropolis of the 
 Phoenician world from the book of nations, are too well known 
 to need recapitulation.' They form the last chapters of African 
 history prior to the Roman occupation. 
 
 In the opening paragraph of this chapter it was said that 
 the history of Roman Africa commences with the close of the 
 second Punic war, B.C. 201 ; and, in support of this assertion, 
 it may be fairly added that, till the fall of Hannibal and the 
 recognition of Carthage and Numidia as powerful States subject 
 to the will of Rome, Africa held no place in the Roman mind 
 as a country adapted either for the establishment of military 
 strongholds or for the future settlement of a civil population. 
 To keep Carthage in subjection, to destroy her fleet, and to 
 force her to supply the Roman army with money and provisions, 
 seem to have met the immediate requirements of the Senate. 
 Continuous wars in other parts of the world had decimated the 
 Italian army, and caused sad havoc in the ranks of the male 
 population. Colonisation on any organised plan was not even 
 contemplated, nor do we hear of any attempt, so far as African 
 possessions were concerned, till Julius Caesar set the example. 
 It is true that inhabitants of Rome and of the Italian provinces, 
 prompted by a love of change and adventure, had migrated to 
 towns on the African coast, and had even located themselves 
 at Cirta, the capital of Numidia. But they were not the repre- 
 sentatives of any organised system. All we know is, that 
 when Jugurtha laid siege to the town, B.C. 107, he found it 
 mainly defended by Italians, who were put to death by his 
 orders on the surrender of the place.^ Indeed, after the destruc- 
 tion of Carthage, when the ploughshare had passed over the 
 site, and merchants from Italy crossed the Mediterranean in 
 search of new fields for commercial enterprise, we hear of little 
 
 ' To use the words of Polybius, the Carthaginians, at the suddenness of their 
 fall, perished from off the face of the earth. Their annihilation as a people made 
 them insensible of their misfortunes. The whole subject is admirably treated in Mr. 
 R. Bosworth Smith's Carthage and the Carthaginians, London, 1877. 
 
 ' Sallust,y«^. xxvi. 
 
14 Roman Africa 
 
 movement in the direction of permanent settlement in the 
 newly acquired country. It satisfied the Roman Senate to take 
 actual possession of the diminished territory of the Carthaginians, 
 extending from the river Tusca in the north (now known as the 
 Oued-ez-Zan, River of Oak-trees, or Oued-el-Kebir, the Great 
 River) to Thenae on the south-east (the modern Zina, not far 
 from Sfax), and to appoint a Roman governor, whose head- 
 quarters were to be at Utica. In order to define the boundary 
 of this territory, a ditch was cut round it on the land frontier, 
 extending from Thabraca in the north to Thense on the coast. 
 Towns and villages, which had shown loyalty to the Cartha- 
 ginians, were razed to the ground, and the inhabitants sold as 
 slaves. Confiscated lands were divided into three classes. The 
 first became the property of the State, who let it to the 
 inhabitants on payment of rent, or to censors who farmed the 
 revenues. The second was sold to adventurous individuals, 
 giving rise to the formation of extensive latifundia, and laying 
 the foundation of a system of land-grabbing which excited the 
 ire of Horace, Pliny, and other writers.' The third was at first 
 held by the State, but was subsequently apportioned to the 
 colonists of Caius Gracchus. It is stated on reliable authority^ 
 that no less than six thousand indigent persons, including 
 women and children, were shipped to Carthage from Rome and 
 the Italian provinces by this intrepid demagogue. So noble an 
 enterprise, conducted at a time when colonisation was unknown, 
 has given the name of Gracchus a place in history, for having 
 established on a proper basis the principles of emigration 
 beyond the sea. This benevolent undertaking was not attended 
 with immediate beneficial results, and gave little encouragement 
 to a furtherance of the scheme on a larger scale. So slow, 
 indeed, was the progress of colonisation that, as a recent writer 
 has observed,' it was not seriously commenced till two years 
 after the battle of Actium, B.C. 29. ' The idea was one which 
 Caesar and his successors inherited from the democratic party, 
 and of which the restoration of Carthage and Corinth by the 
 dictator were the first-fruits. The objections felt to any Such 
 
 ' Horace, Carm. i. i, 10, iii. 16, 31 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. xviii. 6 ; Frontinus, 
 Geom. p. 53. 
 
 " Appian, Bella Civil, i. 24 ; Plutarch, C. Gracchus, 10, 14. 
 ' J. Toutain, Les Cith Romaines de la Tunisie, p. 27. 
 
Carthage and Rome 15 
 
 scheme of colonisation were founded on foolish jealousy and a 
 fear of creating possible rivals to the world-ruling Romans.' ' 
 
 The short period of rest, resulting from a more peaceful atti- 
 tude of the native tribes, enabled the Romans to establish them- 
 selves securely at Utica, and to construct fortified posts on the 
 line of frontier. But it soon came to an end. The kingdom of 
 Numidia, which had been powerful and united under the firm 
 rule of the great Masinissa, was destined to crumble away 
 almost as rapidly as it had been formed. Amongst his numerous 
 family there were only three sons having legitimate claim to his 
 possessions. Their names were Micipsa, Mastanabal, and 
 Gulussa. The two last died, or were removed early in life, 
 leaving Micipsa in sole possession. This potentate had two 
 sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal. He also took under his charge 
 an illegitimate son of his brother Mastanabal, named Jugurtha, 
 whom he educated and trained in the arts of war, and subse- 
 quently adopted, making him joint heir with his own children. 
 The name of Jugurtha has been immortalised by the pen of 
 Sallust, and figures largely in the early history of Roman 
 Africa. A true Numidian, knowing neither fear nor fatigue, 
 unscrupulous and cunning, and skilled in the arts of war and 
 diplomacy, he stands conspicuously in the pages of the Roman 
 historian, more on account of his heroism and endurance in the 
 field of battle than for his conduct as the prince of a great 
 country. The skill and generalship of Quintus Metellus and 
 Caius Marius, combined with the treachery of his father-in-law 
 Bocchus, king of Mauritania, brought about his downfall, after 
 having carried on war against Rome uninterruptedly for nearly 
 six years. There are few characters with which the schoolboy 
 is taught to be more familiar, and which more readily excite 
 transient admiration, than that of Jugurtha. The manly form 
 and fair countenance of this Numidian prince, his vigour and 
 intelligence, his wisdom in council, his skill with weapons, and a 
 certain youthful modesty of demeanour, bearing out the state- 
 ment of Sallust that ' he performed very much but spoke very 
 little of himself,' gained for him the affection of his people and 
 the admiration of his adversaries. 
 
 It is at this period that Mauritania, the land of the 
 Moors, begins to occupy a place in Roman history. At the 
 ' Quarterly Review, 1879. 
 
1 6 Roman Africa 
 
 commencement of the Jugurthine war, B.C. ii2, the country- 
 was governed by Bocchus, who (to use the words of Sallust) 
 ' was ignorant of the Romans except by name, and who, 
 prior to this time, was as httle known to us, either in peace 
 or war.' ^ The immediate result of the war was that all 
 Numidia. lay at the m.ercy of the Romans. So vast a territory 
 could only be held by a large army and the establishment of 
 fortified posts on the southern and western frontiers. Rome 
 was not prepared for so great an undertaking, preferring to 
 reduce the strength of the country by dividing the kingdom 
 of Masinissa into territories or provinces. The western portion 
 of Numidia was transferred to Bocchus as the reward of 
 treachery to his kinsman. Tripoli and the adjacent parts, that 
 had formerly belonged to Carthage, were appropriated by the 
 Romans. The rest of the country, still retaining the title of 
 Numidia, was placed under the rule of an imbecile prince 
 named Gauda, the grandson of Masinissa and the rightful 
 heir to the throne. At the close of his brief reign Numidia 
 was divided between his two sons Hiempsal and Hierbas, whose 
 joint career was one of lifelong war and interminable rivalry. 
 In the civil wars of Sylla and Marius they took opposite sides. 
 Hierbas joined the Marian party, was besieged in the city of 
 Bulla by the combined forces of Sylla and Pompey, defeated 
 and put to death B.C. 8i. Hiempsal, the ally of the victors, 
 was thus established on the throne of Numidia, and had every 
 prospect of preserving, by the exercise of tact and good 
 government, the splendid heritage of his great grandfather 
 Masinissa. But ill-fortune tempted him in his later days into 
 the wrong camp, and prompted him to oppose the invading 
 army of the all-conquering Csesar. The sovereignty of the 
 world was then in dispute between two noble Romans. At the 
 outset the parties seemed fairly matched, the one, headed by 
 Cneius Pompeius, upholding the maintenance of the authority 
 of the Republic ; the other, under the leadership of C. Julius 
 Caesar, advocating the principles of democracy and fore- 
 shadowing a revolution in Roman policy. During the first 
 
 ' Bocchus died about B.C. 91. He left the western portion of his dominions to 
 his eldest son Bogud, and the newly annexed portions to his second son Bocchus. 
 Fifteen years later the names of the kings were reversed, Bogud ruling in the east 
 and Bocchus in the west. (Vide Rev. Afr. xiv. 45. ) 
 
Carthage and Rome 17 
 
 triumvirate, when Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus divided the 
 provinces among themselves, Africa fell to the lot of Pompey. 
 And when the final rupture terminated in the signal defeat of 
 Pompey in the plains of Pharsalus, Caesar crossed the Medi- 
 terranean and invaded Africa. His first attempt to land an 
 army at Leptis Parva (Lemta), B.C. 47, was successfully pre- 
 vented. But in the following year, when the opposing forces 
 met at Thapsus ' (Dimas), the army of Pompey, commanded 
 by his father-in-law Metellus Scipio and Marcus Cato, acting 
 in conjunction with the Numidian forces under Juba I., son of 
 Hiempsal, was utterly routed. Scipio killed himself rather 
 than fall into the hands of Caesar. Cato fled to Utica, and on 
 the approach of Caesar's army to lay siege to the city, perished 
 by his own hand. Juba, attended by one companion, fled to 
 Zama, where he had left his household and all his treasures. 
 The gates of the city were closed against him by the terrified 
 inhabitants, so the poor king, deserted and broken-hearted, fled 
 to the woods and made away with himself. Numidia thus fell 
 into the hands of the Romans, and became a province of the 
 great Empire which was then being established by the first of 
 the Caesars.^ The battle of Thapsus changed the whole aspect 
 of African affairs, and enabled the conqueror to apportion the 
 country in the manner best adapted to serve the Roman cause. 
 For valuable assistance rendered during the campaign by Bogud, 
 king of Eastern Mauritania (afterwards designated Mauritania 
 Csesariensis), the eastern boundary of his kingdom was extended 
 as far as the river Ampsaga (Roumel) ; and for the services of 
 P. Sittius Nucerinus, whose valour was conspicuous on the 
 
 ' Shaw says that Thapsus was the largest city on the coast south of Carthage, 
 judging by the extent of the ruins. Portions of the old harbour can still be traced, 
 and the lines of the concrete retaining walls give indications of exceptionally massive 
 construction. Thapsus has had a long history, and was noted as a commercial port 
 in the earlier days of Carthaginian rule. 
 
 * The early history of Numidia is somewhat obscure and involved in mystery. 
 Eusebius tells us that Hercules, after his conquest of the giant Antaeus, about fifty 
 years before the foundation of Utica and 287 years before that of Carthage, founded 
 the town of Capsa ; and that larbas, king of the nomadic Libyans or Numidians, 
 sought the hand of Dido at the time that Carthage became the capital of the State. 
 Sallust describes the Numidians as a mixture of Persians and Getulians. The word 
 Numidians is the same as Nomades, or wanderers, a term applied in ancient times to 
 pastoral nations without fixed abode. When the Romans took possession of Numidia 
 they made it into a province entitled Africa nova, to distinguish it from Carthaginian 
 territory, which was styled Africa vetus or Africa Pravincia. 
 
 C 
 
1 8 Roman Africa 
 
 battle-field, and to whom the fall of Cirta (Constantine), the 
 capital and stronghold of Numidia, was mainly due, Caesar 
 allotted the towns of Milevum (Mila), Chullu (Collo), and 
 Rusicada (Philippeville), as well as the capital itself and the 
 adjacent country. In the same year the little kingdom of 
 Cyrene, which had been subservient to Rome since B.C. 74, 
 and had been regarded as a Roman province, was handed over 
 by the ruling king, Ptolemy Apion. All North Africa, from 
 the borders of Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean, was now under 
 the control of the Romans. Mauritania was preserved as a 
 separate kingdom, remaining for nearly a century in quasi- 
 independence. With this new order of African affairs a form 
 of government had to be inaugurated which should prove 
 acceptable to the native tribes and their rulers, which should 
 respect their ancient forms of religion, and should hold in 
 check the turbulent spirit of the populous tribes of the south. 
 With the fall of the Roman Republic and the dawn of imperial 
 rule commences a fresh chapter in the history of Roman 
 Africa. 
 
 In the foregoing pages an outline of the principal events 
 which paved the way for Roman occupation gives a fair idea 
 of the difficulties which had to be surmounted at each succes- 
 sive stage. They form a prelude to a long career of peace and 
 prosperity, disturbed at intervals by harassing warfare with 
 untameable tribes on the Desert frontier, of successful colonisa- 
 tion, of progress in civil life, of encouragement of the arts of 
 peace, and of decline in later years when the great Empire was 
 tottering to its fall. 
 
19 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 AFRICA UNDER THE CiESARS 
 B.C. 46-A.D. 96 
 
 The long interval between the destruction of the capital of the 
 Carthaginians and the building of Roman Carthage is frequently 
 lost sight of After the fall of Punic Carthage a century elapsed 
 before Julius Caesar landed on the shores of Africa, and another 
 century and a half passed before the reconstructed city became 
 of sufficient importance to be recognised as the metropolis of the 
 new colony. It is during the latter part of this interval that 
 the old Tyrian settlement at Utica, founded about B.C. 1200, 
 played a prominent part in political and commercial life. At 
 first an emporium on the coast, then a walled town with a large 
 mercantile population, governed by a Senate and suffetes, it 
 became the chief Phcenician colony in Africa long before the 
 foundation of Carthage. Utica retained its independence as a 
 free republic for many centuries, but at last, being dragged un- 
 unwillingly into the Sicilian wars which preceded the first en- 
 counter between Rome and Carthage, it closed an independent 
 career by acknowledging the supremacy of its more powerful 
 countrymen. Such was the strength of its walls and magnifi- 
 cent fortifications at the outbreak of the second Punic war that 
 not even the genius of Scipio nor the gallantry of his soldiers 
 could effect an entry into the city till after four years' protracted 
 siege. In the troublous times that preceded the last Car- 
 thaginian war, Utica, forecasting the result of further opposition 
 to the Romans, threw open its gates to the invading army. 
 This step was the commencement of nearly 200 years' re- 
 vived prosperity. Utica became the residence of the Roman 
 proconsul and the metropolis of Africa Provincia. Under 
 Augustus it obtained the rank of a municipium, and had a 
 population of 40,000 within the walls. The ruined monuments 
 
20 Roman Africa 
 
 covering a large tract of land bear testimony to the wealth of 
 the city in Roman times, even at a period subsequent to the 
 recognition of Carthage as the metropolis of Africa at the end 
 of the first century. Under Hadrian it became a colonia. In its 
 last days it was an important centre of Christianity, and the 
 bishop of Utica held a conspicuous position among the prelates 
 of the African Church. One of the chief causes which contri- 
 buted to its final extinction as a place of renown, and which any 
 traveller can attest, were the vagaries of the Bagradas (Medjerda) 
 which once skirted its walls. This remarkable river, which rises 
 in the beautiful valley of Khamisa in Algeria, and winds in a 
 devious way across the Medjerda plain for a length of about 
 fifty miles, has altered its course more than once. After 
 crossing a marsh it now falls into the sea south of the lake at 
 Porto-Farina, which is a little to the north of Utica, and about 
 eighteen miles farther in that direction than at the period when 
 Carthage was destroyed. The wayward action of the stream, 
 cutting through the banks at one place and depositing its slime 
 at another, has been a source of wonderment to many gene- 
 rations of men inhabiting the Medjerda plains. Legendary 
 history, or rather tradition, asserts that on the banks of the 
 Bagradas the great combat between the army of Attilius 
 Regulus and a monstrous serpent took place, B.C. 225. Pliny 
 repeats the fable, and tells us that the Romans attacked the 
 creature with balistcB and other weapons of war, laying siege to 
 it as though it were a city. It was 120 feet long, and the skin 
 and jaws were preserved in a temple at Rome till the outbreak of 
 the Numantian war, B.C. 133. To the vagaries of the river may 
 be attributed this old-world legend : — at one time a sluggish 
 stream easily traversed at any part, at another time a swollen 
 torrent deluging the adjacent country and carrying with 
 irresistible force sheep and oxen, houses and trees, and anything 
 that happens to be on the verge of its troubled waters.^ The 
 silting up of the Gulf of Utica, which is now four miles inland, 
 may be assigned as another reason for the decline of the city. 
 These geographical changes appear to have occurred in the 
 
 ' Turbidus arentes lento pede sulcat arenas 
 Bagrada, non ullo Libycis infinibus anine 
 Victus limosas extendere latius undas 
 Et stagnante vado patulos involvere campos. 
 
 Silius Italicus, vi. 141 et seq. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 21 
 
 latter days of the Empire, for we learn that Genseric, the Vandal 
 king, A.D. 440, used the harbour of Carthage for the purposes 
 of the fleet with which he contemplated ravaging the coast of 
 Sicily. One may therefore suppose that the harbour of Utica, 
 which was so renowned for its facilities of access and so adapted 
 for warlike purposes, was at that time useless. Again, we find 
 no traces of Byzantine constructions, or reconstruction of Roman 
 work so common throughout North Africa, clearly proving that 
 Utica had lost its value as a mercantile town and a stronghold 
 for defence. 
 
 The melancholy interest attaching to the site of any city of the 
 old world is experienced in a marked degree when we contemplate 
 and study the Phoenician and Roman remains of Utica. The 
 town was built on a promontory, and appears to have been 
 divided into two parts, one occupying a series of heights, the 
 other, which was washed by the sea, being probably the 
 commercial centre. Plutarch, in his life of Cxsar, says that the 
 place was very strong and well defended, that Cato strengthened 
 the fortifications considerably, raised the towers, and surrounded 
 the walls with a deep ditch. Hirtius, who accompanied Caesar 
 in his African campaign, also informs us that the fortifications 
 were magnificent, that the walls were twenty feet thick, with a 
 height up to the battlements of thirty-four feet. In many 
 respects the arrangement of the city was similar to that of 
 Punic Carthage, and was not disturbed by the Romans when 
 they took possession. There was a war-port of monumental 
 character, similar to the Cothon ' at Carthage and other coast 
 towns, a palace for the admiral situated on an islet in the 
 centre, a commercial harbour of great extent, a Byrsa or 
 acropolis, and cisterns of vast dimensions. Among the buildings 
 of Roman date were a hippodrome, a magnificent theatre, 
 an amphitheatre and museum, temples and baths. It is 
 difficult, in the present day, to trace the lines of all these 
 monumental structures, many of which are indicated by 
 undulations of the ground rather than by masses of ruined 
 masonry. According to M. Daux, the hippodrome or circus 
 
 ' The term cothon may be regarded as of Phoenician origin. We may accept 
 ■the meaning attached to it by Latin commentators, and as used by the Greek historian 
 Appianus, a.d. 123: ' Cothones appellantur portus in mari arte et manu facti.' 
 (M. J. Toutain, Les Citis Romain.es de la Tunisie, p. 150 ; also cf. Ch. Tissot, 
 ■Ghgraphie comfarle de la Province Romaine d'Afrique, p. 603. ) 
 
22 Roman Africa 
 
 was 1 ,730 feet long and 250 feet wide. The amphitheatre, which 
 is clearly defined, was hollowed out of a plateau on the summit 
 of a hill. The great cisterns are six in number, side by side, 
 each measuring 135 feet by 20 feet, with a height to the crown 
 of the vault of 24 feet. Three of these cisterns are in good 
 condition, and are occupied as farm-stables. Their construc- 
 tion is Phoenician, but the vaulting is Roman. The streets of the 
 city were narrow, not exceeding fourteen feet, and they were 
 paved. Servius says that the Romans borrowed the idea of 
 street-paving from the Carthaginians — a statement which is 
 borne out by Isidore of Seville and other writers. ' The 
 adjacent country,' says Caesar in his Commentaries, 'is of 
 great fertility. The trees supply quantities of timber. The 
 fields are covered with corn, and there is water in abundance.' 
 To testify his appreciation of the commercial wealth of the 
 inhabitants, Csesar, we are told, mulcted three hundred merchants 
 of the city in a sum equivalent to one million sterling. Plutarch 
 also informs us that, on his return from Africa after a campaign 
 of three whole years, Csesar spoke of his triumph in magniloquent 
 terms. He said that the country he had just conquered was so 
 extensive that the Roman people might draw from it every year 
 two hundred thousand Attic bushels of corn and three million 
 pounds of oil. 
 
 The remains of Utica, as well as of other towns on the coast, 
 present opportunities of comparing the Punic and Roman 
 methods of building, in the use of stone and rubble, as well as 
 the application of concrete or rammed earth commonly known 
 as pisi. At Utica the distinction is very marked. The earliest 
 walls, which are massive, are entirely of rubble, but the stones 
 being small and the lime being made from the same stone, they 
 have the appearance of concrete construction. The vaulting of 
 Punic times is with the same materials, but the art of constructing 
 arches by voussoirs, or of vaults on the same principle, was 
 unknown to these Phoenician builders. The inner faces of walls 
 appear to have been coated with thin lime, and from the absence 
 of cut stones, the bold rounding of angles, and the prevalence of 
 rounded forms, it would appear that implements for the dressing 
 and squaring of stone were then unknown. The remains of the 
 admiral's palace, which form a conspicuous mass among the 
 ruins of Utica, are a good example of this kind of building with 
 
ii'jt- -•~-:.Mi^2. 
 
 M 
 H 
 < 
 X 
 u 
 
 D 
 O 
 S 
 
 u 
 
 H 
 
 X, 
 
Africa under the Caesars 23 
 
 rubble. At Thapsus (Dimas) the Punic sea-wall, nearly a quarter 
 of a mile long, not yet quite destroyed, was built up in frames 
 with small pebbles and mortar, like modern concrete construction. 
 To use the words of Shaw, the traveller, ' the walls are so well 
 cemented and knit together that a solid rock cannot be more 
 hard or durable.' In walking over the ploughed fields and 
 marshy lands of Bou-Chater, as Utica is now called, from 
 which the sea has receded several miles, it is difficult to believe 
 that some thirty or more feet under the surface lie the paved 
 streets and foundations of one of the oldest known cities in the 
 world. Although the plough literally turns up marble, it is the 
 marble of the Roman city. Older Utica lies below. The investi- 
 gations of the late M. Daux and of M. le Comte d'Herisson, 
 and their researches into the origin and development of Phoe- 
 nician emporia^ are of comparatively recent date. A tribute 
 of gratitude is certainly due to them for having, under great 
 difficulties and with little information at their command, made 
 a careful study of Utica and of the remains of other coast 
 towns prior to the Roman occupation. Homeric Troy has been 
 unearthed, and Mycenae has given up its treasures. Perhaps 
 old Utica, which flourished 3,000 years ago, may engage the 
 attention of a future Schliemann, and throw additional light on 
 the history of an ancient people. 
 
 A few words must suffice for the Carthage of the Romans, 
 which has been ably described by so many writers of note. 
 Built on the site of the older city but occupying a smaller area, 
 it attained the climax of its prosperity early in the second 
 century. Some idea of its magnificence can be obtained from 
 the borrowed remains in marble and porphyry which still enrich 
 the principal mosques and palaces in North Africa, which help 
 
 ' M. A. Daux, Recherches stir P Origins et P Emplacement des Emporia phiniciens 
 dans le Zeugis et le Byzacium, faites par ordre de P Empereur, Paris, 1869 ; Le 
 Comte d'Herisson, Relation d'une Mission archeologiqiie en Tunisie, Paris, 1881. 
 The tract of country designated the Emporia comprises the coast of the lesser Syrtes, 
 with the towns located there. The principal city was Leptis Minor (Lemta), where 
 there was a considerable mercantile population. Under Carthaginian rule Leptis 
 paid tribute to Carthage amounting to one talent a day. Another important town 
 and port was Tacape (Gabes). Zeugitania or Zeugis, so called by Pliny and other 
 ancient geographers, is the old Phoenician territory, afterwards peopled by Cartha- 
 ginians. Byzacium or Byzacena included the country between Zeugis and Lake 
 Triton, together with the emporia, on the coast. Both these regions constitute 
 modem Tunisia. 
 
24 Roman Africa 
 
 to make Cordova one of the wonders of the Western worldj 
 and to which the sumptuous beauty of Pisa is chiefly due. El- 
 Bekri, the Arab writer of the eleventh century, says : ' Marble 
 at Carthage is so abundant that, if all the inhabitants of Africa 
 were to assemble to carry away the blocks, they could not 
 accomplish the task ; ' and speaking of the columns of the 
 amphitheatre he quaintly adds : ' Two men could sit on one of 
 the capitals cross-legged with plenty of room for a table in 
 the middle. The shafts are fluted, white as snow, and shining 
 like crystal.' And now of all this monumental grandeur not 
 one stone remains on another. But it is some satisfaction to 
 know that, if the later Carthage with its wealth of marble and 
 mosaic no longer exists, yet the paved streets of the Punic 
 metropolis still await the spade of the explorer some forty feet 
 below the present surface. The few sculptures and mosaics 
 appertaining to Roman Carthage that may be seen in the local 
 museum, as well as those deposited some years ago by the late 
 Mr. Davis in the British Museum, represent only a small portion 
 of discovered remains. The majority have served to enrich 
 many private collections. Among the mosaics recovered by 
 Mr. Davis is one which represents some dwelling-houses ap- 
 parently built against or near the city walls. This mosaic, 
 which is of the fourth century, is a portion of a large compo- 
 sition representing a hunting scene, the figures being nearly 
 half life-size. Judging from the appearance of the roofs and 
 the general scale, these houses could not have been less than 
 seven stories high. We know that buildings in Rome were 
 erected of an enormous height before the time of the Empire, 
 that during the reign of Augustus a law was promulgated by 
 the Senate which restricted the height of buildings in the streets 
 of Rome to 60 feet, and that subsequently in Trajan's time 
 a limit of 70 feet was allowed, without regard to the widths 
 of the streets. It is quite possible that the Augustan law 
 prevailed in the rebuilding of Carthage, which was commenced 
 during his reign, and that the Senate was powerless to impose 
 restrictions in later times, when building ground within the city 
 walls was of abnormal value.' 
 
 ' Appianus, the Greek historian, who flourished in the time of Hadrian, says 
 that the streets of Roman Carthage were narrow and irregular, and that they were 
 paved with large flat stones. He also adds that some of the houses were six stories 
 
MOSAIC IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM REPRESENTING THE WALLS 
 OF ROMAN CARTHAGE. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 25 
 
 The establishment of the principles of monarchy, dating fronl 
 the time when Csesar and Pompey acted in unison to overthrow 
 the aristocratic constitution of Rome, became permanent after 
 Caesar's decisive victory at Thapsus. The new order of things, 
 far from interfering with the liberty enjoyed by the native races, 
 left them undisturbed in nearly everything except a recognition 
 of their dependence upon Rome. Numidia, the latest acquired 
 territory, became a Roman province under the title of Africa 
 nova to distinguish it from Africa Provincia, which was now 
 called Africa vetus. And as a first step towards establishing a 
 permanent form of government, a proconsul of Numidia was 
 appointed to reside at Cirta, the old capital of Eastern Numidia 
 and of Masinissa's kingdom. Caesar, in the exercise of his 
 monarchical powers, appointed Sallust, the historian, to the post 
 for one year, ' nominally,' says Dion, ' to govern it, but in reality 
 to ravage and plunder it.' His recall to Rome to answer the 
 charges of extortion made against him by Numidian chiefs was 
 followed almost immediately by the assassination of his imperial 
 patron. No successor was appointed. On the accession of 
 Augustus Numidia was handed over to its rightful heir, the son 
 of Juba I., and the direct descendant of Masinissa. This step 
 was taken with a view to conciliating the people of the country, 
 but chiefly for the purpose of making their king subservient to the 
 will of Rome. The incidents in the life of this last native ruler 
 of the Numidian kingdom are very touching, and shed unusual 
 lustre on the closing pages of its history. This young prince, 
 afterwards known as Juba II., was but a child when his father 
 terminated his career so ingloriously after his defeat at Thapsus. 
 Taken captive to Rome,'he followed the chariot wheels of Caesar 
 in his triumphal entry into the city, and might have perished in 
 a dungeon or met with that summary injustice which was too 
 often meted out to the conquered in war. But a better fate was 
 in store for him. The comely looks of the lad and his marked 
 intelligence attracted Ihe attention of the great Augustus, who 
 committed him to the charge of his sister Octavia, the discarded 
 wife of the ill-fated Antony. Devoting himself to literature and 
 
 high, especially in the oldest part of the town, and that the external walls, where 
 exposed to the sea, were coated with tar. 
 
 According to Livy, Roman Carthage was twenty-three (Roman) miles in circuit. 
 Carthago in circuitu viginti tria millia passus fatens. (Liv. Epit. li. ) 
 
26 Roman Africa 
 
 the arts of peace, the young Juba became one of the most 
 learned men of his time. On arriving at man's estate, Augustus 
 seated him on the throne of his ancestors, and bestowed on him 
 the hand of Cleopatra Selene, the daughter of Antony and his 
 Egyptian queen. Shortly afterwards the Emperor, finding it 
 necessary, mainly on military grounds, to occupy the eastern 
 portion of the country as a Roman province, and to establish a 
 seat of government at Cirta, transferred Juba to the western 
 portion, the capital being the old Phoenician city of lol, and for 
 a short period the capital of Mauritania.^ This was renamed 
 Julia Caesarea, and is now known by its Arab name of Cherchel. 
 Here, on this beautiful spot, washed by the shores of the 
 Mediterranean, Juba II. reconstructed the city on a magnificent 
 scale and embellished it with works of art from Greece and 
 Rome. Here, during a prosperous rule of nearly fifty years, he 
 gathered around him all the celebrities of his time in literature 
 and art, introducing into his kingdom elements of civilisation 
 unknown to the unruly tribes of North Africa. His only 
 son Pompey, who succeeded him, took up arms against 
 Cssar, and paid the penalty of his rashness by the sacrifice 
 of his kingdom. His daughter Drusilla, who died in a foreign 
 land, married Felix, the governor of Judaea, before whom 
 Paul was arraigned.^ Had Juba II. lived in other times, his 
 career would have entitled him to a far more conspicuous 
 position, but the dazzling rule of the Caesars and the stirring 
 events in other parts of the world at the dawn of the Chris- 
 tian era cast into the shade the unobtrusive labours of so 
 peaceful a monarch, affording but few materials for the historian. 
 Such was his popularity throughout a long reign that the 
 Athenians raised a statue in his honour, and the tribes of the 
 
 ' The origin of the word lol is uncertain, attempts having been made to asso- 
 ciate the word with lola, the name of one of the reputed wives of Hercules. As a 
 Carthaginian port it was well known ; but the town itself, according to Pomponius 
 Mela, does not appear to have been of any importance in his time. He speaks of it 
 as lol ad mare aliquando ignobilis (P. Mela, iii. c. vi). At a later date Pliny refers 
 to it as oppidum cekberrimum, and Procopius, in the sixth century, makes special 
 reference to the splendour of the city and its numerous population. Vide ' Life and 
 Writings of Juba,' by I'Abb^ Sevin, in the Mimoires de VAcadimie des Inscriptions, 
 iv. 457. 
 
 ^ According to Suetonius, Felix married two princesses bearing the name of 
 Drusilla, the first being the daughter of Juba, and the second a Jewess, the daughter 
 of Agrippa. (Suet, in CI. i8. Tacit. Ann. xii. c. 14.) 
 
Mir «- Jt" 
 
Africa under the Caesars 27 
 
 Desert worshipped him as a deity : Et Juba, Mauris volentibus, 
 deus est. Of his numerous literary works fragments only 
 remain. It is enough that Strabo, Pliny, and other less prolific 
 writers bear testimony to the value of his researches, and quote 
 freely from his histories of Rome and Arabia, as well as treatises 
 on various subjects. And it is enough for us that the monu- 
 mental edifice which he erected to contain the ashes of himself 
 and his Egyptian queen is still standing, though in a ruined 
 condition, on the summit of a lonely mountain some ten miles 
 east of his capital — an enduring memorial of the most learned, 
 if not the greatest, of Numidians. 
 
 The form of this tomb is polygonal, surmounted by a trun- 
 cated cone composed of a series of steps each 22 inches high, 
 and terminating in a platform. The diameter of the polygon, 
 which appears to be cylindrical, is 198 feet. It stands on a 
 square stone platform measuring 210 feet each way. Around 
 the polygon or podium of the structure are 60 engaged columns 
 of the Ionic order, with Attic bases and capitals of a Greek type, 
 and surmounted by a frieze and cornice which, as far as one can 
 gather from the scattered fragments, had only a slight projection. 
 The total height of the monument was originally about 1 30 feet, 
 but the top courses of masonry having been thrown down it is 
 now about no feet. At four places in the colonnade, corre- 
 sponding to the cardinal points, are false stone doors about 
 14 inches thick and 20 feet high. The entrance to the tomb, 
 which is under the eastern false door, was discovered by MM. 
 Berbrugger and MacCarthy in 1866. The plan of the monu- 
 ment, shown on the accompanying illustration, with its spiral 
 gallery and sepulchral chambers, is taken from the elaborate 
 notices and measurements by those eminent Algerian scholars. 
 After descending seven steps the gallery commences, averaging 
 6 feet 6 inches wide and 7 feet 10 inches high, with a total 
 length of nearly 500 feet. The gallery terminates in two 
 vaulted chambers 1 5 feet high. The first, measuring 1 3 feet by 
 4 feet 9 inches, is commonly known as ' The Chamber of Lions,' 
 on account of a rudely sculptured lion and lioness on the door- 
 head. The second or central one measures 13 feet by 9 feet 
 6 inches. Stone doors formed of single stone slabs, fitting 
 loosely and moving in grooves in the jambs, shut off the two 
 chambers as well as the gallery. There are niches at 
 
28 Roman Africa 
 
 intervals in the walls of the gallery to receive lamps, and 
 in the central chamber are two niches for similar purposes or for 
 cinerary vases. Outside and about lO feet in front of the entrance 
 are indications of a raised stone platform, where the ceremony 
 of cremation was probably performed, and where the funeral 
 urn or cinerarium was deposited. The external masonry of the 
 monument is of coarse hard limestone, but the interior filling is 
 of tufa, solidly constructed. The courses of stone are laid with 
 great regularity, breaking bond from top to bottom. They were 
 put together with metal cramps which have long since dis- 
 appeared, though the mortices in the blocks to receive them are 
 very conspicuous. The masonry of the gallery and the cham- 
 bers is still in good preservation, having been constructed with 
 large blocks of squared and dressed limestone, and finely 
 jointed. Mortar, if used at all, must have been very thin, and 
 the gallery was apparently faced with thin plaster. The 
 dilapidated condition of the monument externally is attributable 
 to numerous unsuccessful attempts to penetrate the interior in 
 search of treasure, more than once with the aid of artillery. So 
 solid is the construction that, even in its exposed situation, it 
 might have resisted the wear of nineteen centuries and remained 
 fairly perfect to the present day if the destructive Arab had 
 never passed over the land. 
 
 During a long period succeeding the Roman occupation of 
 North Africa, when the country was overrun successively by 
 Vandals, Byzantines, and Arabs, the traditions associated with 
 this gigantic tomb and the purposes of its erection seem to have 
 been forgotten. So recently as the time of Shaw it was known 
 by the Arab name of Maltapasi, or Treasure of the Sugarloaf. 
 How it came to receive the absurd appellation by which it is 
 now universally known, ' Le Tombeau de la Chr^tienne,' is not 
 difficult to explain. Hear what Dr. Judas, a learned Orientalist, 
 says on the subject. The term Kubr-er-Roumiah of the Arabs 
 is the ancient Phoenician designation which, taken in its original 
 sense, means ' Tombeau Royal.' The natives, instead of trans- 
 lating this foreign word Roumiah, as they ought to have done, 
 have given it the same meaning as a similarly sounding word 
 in their own language, Roumi, viz. ' Strangers of Christian 
 origin,' the feminine being Roumiah. And the French mis- 
 translation originated in a misinterpretation of a feature in the 
 

 4!>? 
 
 »*»^^ 
 
 E^ -* 
 
 s. 
 
 V*. 
 
 )T| 
 
 fUN Of TO^B Of JOBA 1( 
 
 ^===^ 
 
 w 
 
 PPOIUNI Of 6UppO5e0 TON|B Of ^^A551NI55\ . 
 
Africa under the Caesars 29 
 
 architecture, the stiles of the four-panelled stone doors being 
 mistaken for crosses. Hence it was inferred that such a tomb 
 must have been that of a Christian ! ' The name is preserved,' 
 says Dr. Judas, ' but nevertheless we must protest against its 
 absurdity.' Leaving this tangle of French and Arabic, we turn 
 with satisfaction to the pages of Pomponius Mela, a geographer 
 of the first century who had seen this monument, probably in 
 the lifetime of Juba II., and we find it described in simple 
 language as ' Monumentum commune regice gentis.' That it was 
 intended as the common sepulchre of Juba and his descendants 
 is clear enough ; but his dynasty, as we have said, was short- 
 lived. It is worthy of mention, in concluding an account of 
 this edifice, that vegetation is so luxuriant on its conical top 
 that some years ago M. Jourdain, the naturalist, found ample 
 matter for a pamphlet entitled Flore murale du Tombeau de la 
 ChrMenne. 
 
 Mention should here be made of a similar tomb about 
 fifty-two miles south of Constantine, called by the Arabs the 
 Medrassen, probably after a tribe known as the Madres, who 
 occupied a neighbouring territory on the northern slopes of the 
 Aures mountains. By some it has been thought to be the 
 sepulchre of Syphax, and there is a tradition that the monument 
 was raised by the Emperor Pfobus in honour of the African 
 chief Aradion, who fell bravely in his last struggle with the 
 soldiers of the Empire. We may pass by these conjectures, for 
 it is tolerably certain that the edifice was built by Masinissa as 
 a sepulchre for himself and his descendants, or by his son and 
 successor Micipsa. Its situation in the centre of his kingdom, 
 and at a convenient distance from his new capital Cirta, favours 
 this supposition. There is no sufficient ground for supposing 
 it to have been built by Syphax, for it must be remembered 
 that, till the last year of his reign, his capital was at Siga, on 
 the western frontier of his dominions. Moreover, Syphax was 
 led captive to Rome and died in prison. 
 
 The form of the tomb is cylindrical, surmounted by a trun- 
 cated cone composed of a series of steps, each being 21 inches 
 high. The cylinder, having a diameter of about 190 feet, is 
 ornamented by 60 engaged columns with a frieze and cornice, 
 and stands on three steps forming a base to the entire monu- 
 ment. The material of the facework is a fine sandstone, but 
 
30 Roman Africa 
 
 the mass of the structure is formed of thin slabs of inferior 
 stone in regular courses, having at a distance the "appearance of 
 bricks. The columns and cornice are Egyptian in character. 
 The capitals are Greek. The monument, in fact, is one of 
 the few existing buildings in North Africa which mark the 
 transition between Egyptian and Greek art, and was probably 
 the work of an architect from the neighbouring colony of 
 Alexandria towards the close of the second Punic war, B.C. 201. 
 The entrance to the sepulchral chamber, which Is nearly in the 
 centre of the monument, is above the cornice on the west side, 
 and is approached by a series of steps and a straight narrow 
 gallery. The tomb has been ransacked from time to time in 
 search of treasure, and, from the charred appearance of some of 
 the masonry, attempts must have been made to set it on fire. 
 It was not till 1873 that the French engineers succeeded in 
 finding and effecting an entry, and, after much patient labour, 
 discovered the sepulchral chamber measuring 10 feet 3 inches 
 by 4 feet 7 inches. Nothing of value is stated to have been 
 found during the exploration. The points of resemblance 
 between these two monuments, the Medrassen and the so-called 
 Tombeau de la Chrdtienne, are very striking, leaving no room 
 for doubt that one furnished the idea for the other. Their 
 value must be estimated, not on the ground of any special 
 artistic merit, but as links in a long chain of architectural 
 history, and as memorials of two men whose names will be for 
 ever associated with that old-world country Numidia.' 
 
 The remains of Juba's renowned capital, splendidissima 
 colonia Ccesariensis, as it is designated in one of the numerous 
 inscriptions, are very extensive. Sacked by Firmus in the 
 fourth century, it was razed to the ground by the Vandals a 
 century later. Under Barbarossa it regained something of its 
 former splendour, but the city was almost entirely overthrown 
 by an earthquake- in 1738. After such vicissitudes it is not 
 surprising to find the remains in a fragmentary condition. 
 
 ' A somewhat similar monument is that of El Djedar in Oran. And in Western 
 Algeria, not far from the village of Frenda, is a group of smaller tombs in the form 
 of low pyramids supported on square, instead of circular or polygonal, podiums. The 
 largest is about forty-three feet high, the podium being about ten feet. The entrance 
 was from the top of the podium, descending by a flight of steps to a vaulted 
 corridor communicating with the sepulchral chambers in the centre of the monu- 
 ment. 
 
Tomb of Juba II. 
 
 RESTORED.) 
 
 Scale of Feer 
 
 Supposed Tomb of Massinissa. 
 
 (RESTORED.] 
 
Africa under the Caesars 31 
 
 ' Nothing,' says Shaw in 1730, ' could have been better contrived, 
 either for strength or beauty, than the situation of this city. 
 A strong wall, forty feet high, buttressed, and winding nearly 
 two miles along the shore, secured it from all encroachments 
 from the sea.' The outlines of the amphitheatre, choked with 
 some twelve feet of earth, may still be traced in the middle of 
 a ploughed field. Nearly all the steps have disappeared, and 
 the blocks of stone and marble with which the edifice was 
 constructed have been regarded as a quarry for many centuries 
 past. The great cisterns, storing more than four million gallons, 
 are still used as reservoirs, and in connection with the same 
 system of supply as the ancient city. The principal thermce, 
 the fa§ade of which was more than 300 feet long, are scarcely 
 traceable in outline, though the huge masses of solid walls still 
 standing give a fair idea of the magnificence of the edifice. 
 There were at one time two other palatial baths, the remains of 
 one of them being still visible by the seashore. The hippo- 
 drome, which some seventy years ago was in fair preservation, 
 with its portico and columns of marble and granite, is now a 
 mere undulation of its surface. The blocks of stone have been 
 removed, and the ddbris accumulated during this long interval 
 has almost obliterated the outline. There is little doubt that 
 Julia Caesarea remains to be unearthed. Whenever excavations 
 have been made, architectural fragments have been brought to 
 light : columns of black diorite, shafts of white marble, busts 
 and broken statuary, many of them replicas of Greek statuary 
 ordered by Juba for the embellishment of his city. Some of 
 them are still stored in the little museum at Cherchel, suffi- 
 ciently attesting the splendour of Juba's capital and his ap- 
 preciation of the work of Greek artists. Outside the city are 
 the remains of the aqueduct which conveyed the waters of 
 Djebel Chennoua. Eighteen arches only remain. When Bruce 
 visited Cherchel in 1765 he found the aqueduct in much better 
 condition. A drawing made by him has been preserved, show- 
 ing a triple series of arches, rising in one part to the height of 
 116 feet' 
 
 ' The construction of this aqueduct, which is a conspicuous object in the land- 
 scape, is very irregular, and will not bear comparison with the great aqueduct of 
 Carthage. The span of the arches is about nineteen feet, and the thickness of the 
 piers averages fourteen feet. 
 
32 Roman Africa 
 
 The administration of the provinces which constituted 
 Roman Africa in the early days of the Empire presented many 
 difficulties, owing to the uncivilised and restless character of 
 the natives in the interior, and the uncertain attitude of the 
 tribes on the Desert frontier. Prior to the accession of Caligula, 
 A.D. 37, the general commanding the Roman army in Africa 
 was proconsul of Africa and Numidia, but that emperor sepa- 
 rated the civil establishment from the military. Under his 
 successor Claudius the system of government was definitely 
 organised, and the older province, Africa vetus, was admi- 
 nistered by a proconsul nominated by the Senate and selected 
 from that body. His functions were both civil and military. 
 He was chosen for his merits as a ruler and for his high social 
 position, much in the same way as the governor of a colony of 
 the British Empire. He held office for one year, resided at 
 Carthage, and received a fixed salary equivalent to 8,000/. 
 sterling. The newer province of Numidia, Africa nova, was 
 administered by a legatus, or lieutenant-general, selected from 
 the Senate and approved by the Emperor. He resided at 
 Cirta, had the command of the Roman troops permanently 
 stationed in Africa, and was responsible for the security of both 
 provinces, as well as the maintenance of order on the frontiers. 
 He held command at the pleasure of the Emperor, and was 
 called legatus A ugusti pro prcstore legionis III A ugustce, abbre- 
 viated generally to legatus Augusti pro prcstore} Beyond 
 Numidia, extending from the river Ampsaga (Roumel), lay 
 Mauritania, which was divided by Claudius (after the murder 
 of Ptolemy, son of Juba H, by his predecessor) ihto two pro- 
 vinces, the eastern portion being called Mauritania Caesariensis, 
 with Caesarea for its capital, and the western portion Mauritania 
 Tingitana, deriving its name from the chief town in that region, 
 Tingis (Tangiers). Each of these provinces was governed by a 
 
 ' (C. /. L.) No. 10165. Ann. de Const. 1858-59, p. 181. 
 
 Corpus Inscripiionum Latinarum (C. /. Z.), vol. viii. part I, entitled /bjc?-^- 
 tiones Africa Latince, Gustavus Wilmanns, Berlin, 1881. 
 
 A supplement entitled Inscriptiones Africa Proconsularis Latince, Renatus Cagnat 
 and Johannes Schmidt, Berlin, 1891. 
 
 Vol. viii. part 2, entitled Inscriptiones Africce Latince, Gustavus Wilmanns, 
 Paris, 1 88 1. 
 
 A supplement entitled Inscriptiones Provincia Numidia LatincB, Renatus 
 Cagnat, Johannes Schmidt, and Hermannus Dessau, Berlin, 1894. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 33 
 
 procurator,^ who, according to Dion Cassius, was of equestrian 
 rank.^ This continued till the third century, when the title pro- 
 curator vfa.s superseded hy presses. These four Roman provinces 
 of Africa constituted four gradations of civilisation, the first 
 bidding fair to rival Rome and Alexandria in wealth, culture, 
 and general prosperity, and the last scarcely removed from 
 barbarism, inhabited by tribes whose petty rivalries were the 
 cause of constant disturbance. 
 
 The Roman occupation of Mauritania dates from the fall of 
 Ptolemy, A.D. 39. In contrast with the career of his distin- 
 guished father, the short reign of this unworthy prince was 
 marked by misgovernment and debauchery. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the name of Juba II does not 
 appear on any inscribed stone yet discovered, but the name of 
 the son is recorded on a slab of marble at Saldae (Bougie) : ' 
 
 REGI ■ PTO 
 
 LEMAEO 
 
 REG ■ IVBAE • F 
 
 Another discovered at Algiers and deciphered by Renier 
 runs thus : 
 
 Regi Ptolemceo, regis Juba filio, Lucius Cacilius Rufus, Agilis filius, 
 honoribus omnibus patrice sua consummatis de sua pecunia faciendum, curavit 
 et consecravit.* 
 
 The earliest attempts at colonisation in Africa by C. 
 Gracchus, after the destruction of Carthage, proved, as already 
 remarked, unsuccessful, and Colonia Junonia, as it was called, 
 was abandoned. To Julius Caesar and his successor must be 
 accorded the honour of establishing on a permanent basis a 
 system of colonisation which soon spread through the Roman 
 provinces. By imperial order 3,000 Italian colonists were 
 located in Carthaginian territory, and under the protection of 
 Rome and Carthage throve with amazing rapidity. Utica, 
 hitherto the capital and principal commercial city in the province, 
 had already received the privilege of Latin rights as some 
 compensation for the favours shown to its distinguished com- 
 petitor, and was in a position to reassert its claims as one of 
 the chief ports of the Mediterranean.^ In Numidia an advance 
 
 ' C. I. L. Nos. 9362, 9363. '^ Dion Cassius, Ix. 9. ' C. I. L. No. 8927. 
 ■* Inscriptions Romaines de PAlgirie (/. R. A.), par Leon Renier, Paris, 1858 ; 
 /. R. A. No. 4049. Berbrugger, Rev. Afr. i. p. 57. 
 = Mommsen's History of Rome, iv. 544. 
 
 D 
 
34 Roman Africa 
 
 was made by conferring the rights and privileges attached to 
 Roman military colonies upon Cirta the capital, as well as on 
 other towns which had been assigned to Publius Sittius and his 
 troops, for great services rendered to the State. Many towns 
 in the interior, which the insane fury of Juba I had rendered 
 desolate, were not revived till a later period, but the great 
 Julian colonies, Carthage and Cirta, became at once the centres 
 of Africano- Roman civilisation. 
 
 ..-, From the date of the decisive battle of Actium, B.C. 31, to 
 the latter days of the reign of Tiberius, an interval of more than 
 sixty years. North Africa enjoyed a period of rest which helped 
 forward the cause of civilisation. The gentle rule of Juba II 
 in the western province, and the endearing regard with which 
 he was held by turbulent tribes on the frontier, checked insur- 
 rection and spread the arts of peace among a lawless population 
 ^scarcely removed from barbarism. But no sooner had his 
 worthless son Pompey ascended the throne of Mauritania, and 
 commenced a career of misgovernment and debauchery, than a 
 revolution broke out. Tacfarinas, a Numidian and a deserter 
 from the Roman army, where he held command of an auxiliary 
 force — a bandit rather than a warrior — raised the standard of 
 revolt, and drew to his camp a motley herd of miscreants, 
 adventurers, and cut-throats. Amongst them was a Moor 
 named Mazippa, to whom Tacfarinas gave the command of the 
 scum of his army, with permission to carry on the war with fire 
 and sword, and to show no mercy to town or village in his 
 march of destruction. Reserving for himself the better disci- 
 plined troops, whom he trained and armed after Roman methods, 
 this daring Numidian drew the Roman legions after him, some- 
 times in the plains, at others on the hillsides, in the vain hope 
 of tiring them out with the fatigue of constantly shifting their 
 camp and countermarching in a difficult country. For seven 
 whole years Tacfarinas carried on this predatory warfare with 
 varying success, and, in the words of Tacitus, sparsit bellum. 
 Rome was alarmed for the safety of her African possessions, for 
 we are told that the Emperor Tiberius, in addressing the Senate, 
 implored them to select for proconsul a man of military experi- 
 ence, blessed with a vigorous constitution, and capable of 
 bringing this disastrous war to a close. Tacfarinas was at last 
 taken by surprise near Tubusuptus (Tiklat) by the army of 
 
Africa under the Caesars 35 
 
 p. Cornelius Dolabella, proconsul of Africa ; and, finding his 
 forces decimated and no hope of retreat, he rushed fearlessly 
 into the fight and died like a true Numidian. The war was 
 over, and a cry of deliverance went through the land : is demum 
 annus populum Romanum longo adversum Numidam Tacfari- 
 natem bello absolvit. 
 
 To encourage growth of population and to promote assimi- 
 lation of the Roman with native races, the first Emperors 
 established on the old Carthaginian highways colonies of 
 veterans, as they were called, all men of approved military 
 experience. They were exempt from taxation and had many 
 privileges, but held themselves in readiness to bear arms in 
 times of war or local disturbance. Some of the native towns, 
 which had been partly deserted after the overthrow of the 
 Carthaginians, were peopled with Italians, and fortified villages 
 were built at points of vantage near the frontiers. There are 
 records of nearly fifty such towns at this period, many of which 
 had been Punic or Numidian. These were renamed by order 
 of the Emperors. It may be assumed that the principal ones 
 were occupied by colonies of soldiers who had done good 
 service in battle, or had lost their substance in the service of the 
 State. Among the most noticeable were Uthina (Oudena), 
 Maxula (Mascula), Thuburbo major (Tebourba), and Sicca 
 Veneria (El-Kef). Their monumental remains bear ample testi- 
 mony to the prosperity they attained at this remote period. 
 
 The constitutional difference between municipia and colonics 
 has given rise to much controversy, and it is only by a com- 
 parison of the opinions expressed by able authorities that a 
 clue can be found to a fairly accurate interpretation of these 
 terms. Suetonius says that municipia were foreign towns which 
 had obtained the rights appertaining to Roman citizens. They 
 were of different kinds. Some enjoyed all the rights of Roman 
 citizens, except those which could not be held without residing 
 in Rome, while others were invested with the right of serving 
 in the Roman legions, but could not hold civil office, nor had 
 they the privilege of voting. The municipia had their own 
 laws and customs, and they were not obliged to accept Roman 
 laws unless they chose. Gibbon is quite explicit on the subject. 
 He tells us that ' a nation of Romans was gradually formed in 
 the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, 
 
36 Roman Africa 
 
 and of admitting the most faithful and deserving of the pro- 
 vincials to the freedom of Rome. Throughout the Empire 
 districts were reserved for the establishment of colonies, some 
 of which were of a civil, and others of a military nature. In 
 their manners and internal policy the colonies formed a perfect 
 representation of their great parent ; and as they were soon 
 endeared to the natives by the ties of friendship and alliance, 
 they effectually diffused a reverence for the Roman name, and 
 a desire, which was seldom disappointed, of sharing, in due 
 time, its honours and advantages. The municipal cities in- 
 sensibly equalled the rank and splendour of the colonies ; and 
 in the reign of Hadrian it was disputed which was the preferable 
 condition of those societies which had issued from, or those 
 which had been received into, the bosom of Rome.'' Liddell, 
 another able authority, says that, in considering this question 
 of colonice, we must dismiss from our minds those conceptions 
 of colonisation which are familiar to us from the practice of 
 ancient Greece or of the maritime States of modern Europe. 
 Roman colonies were not planted in new countries by ad- 
 venturers who found their old homes too narrow for their wants 
 or their ambition. The colonies of Roman citizens consisted 
 usually of 300 men of approved military experience, who 
 went forth with their families to occupy conquered cities of no 
 great magnitude, but important as military positions. The 
 300 families formed a sort of patrician caste, while the old 
 inhabitants sank into the condition formerly occupied by 
 the plebeians at Rome. The heads of these families re- 
 tained all their rights as Roman citizens, and might repair to 
 Rom€ to vote in the popular assemblies.^ The same author 
 says with regard to municipia that 'they furnished certain 
 contingents of troops, which they were obliged to provide with 
 pay and equipments while on service, provisions being found 
 by the Romans. Their privileges consisted in freedom from 
 all other taxes, and in possessing more or less completely the 
 right of self-government. They were thus exempt from all 
 tribute or toll paid to Rome, except military service. They 
 administered their own laws. They exercised the civil or 
 private rights of Roman citizens ; but none, without special 
 
 ' Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. i. p. 172. 
 2 Liddell's History of Rome, vol. i. B. 3, c. 27. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 37 
 
 grant, had any power of obtaining political or public rights. 
 There was considerable diversity of condition among the 
 'municipia! Another writer ' defines a colony as ' part of the 
 Roman State. There were Roman colonies and Latin colonies. 
 The members of a Roman colony, colonia civium Romanorum, 
 must have always had the same rights which, as citizens, they 
 would have at Rome,' but the conquered people among whom 
 the Romans sent their colonists were not Roman citizens. The 
 power of Rome over her colonies was derived, says Niebuhr, 
 ' from the supremacy of the parent State, to which the colonies of 
 Rome, like sons in a Roman family, even after they had grown 
 to maturity, continued unalterably subject' On the subject of 
 municipia a well-known writer ^ says they ' had a narrower import 
 after B.C. 90, and signified the civitates sociorum and colonicB 
 Latin(B, which then became complete members of the Roman 
 State. Thus there was really no difference between municipia 
 and colonicB, except in their historic origin and in their original 
 internal constitution. The Roman law prevailed in both.' 
 M. J. Toutain, the most recent writer on the subject, says that 
 the terms colonia and municipium, used as the official titles of 
 . several African cities, had each its own meaning, and that 
 the conditions of the municipia were inferior to those of the 
 colonics? But he adds that the words lost their respective 
 significations at a later period of the Empire, and were employed 
 indifferently. 
 
 The colonies sent out by Augustus and his immediate 
 successors were essentially of a military character, and differed 
 in many respects from those referred to by Tacitus a century 
 later."* Whereas the former were composed of veterans 
 commanded by military tribunes, the latter were chosen hap- 
 hazard from the army, but not banded together by old associa- 
 tions or the ties of mutual interest. Tacitus speaks deploringly 
 of this class of colonics, and almost refuses to mention them by 
 that designation. We learn from Pliny, who speaks of colonies 
 
 ' Smith's Diet, of Class. Antiq. art. ' Colonia. ' ' Ibid. 
 
 ' Toutain, Les Citis Romaines de la Tunisie, Paris, 1895, P- 324- 
 ■■ It is worthy of mention that Londinium (London) was not even a colonia when 
 C. Suetonius Paulinus, the general, and afterwards governor of Britain, A.D. 60, 
 marched through the town (Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. 33). Richard of Cirencester 
 mentions nine colonia in Britain, of which Londinium was one ; and two municipia, 
 \Eboracum (York) and Verolamium (St. Albans). 
 
38 Roman Africa 
 
 in the province of Africa as colonics, and municipia as oppida 
 civium Romanorum, that classification extended still further. 
 There were oppida libera, which had the privilege of self-govern- 
 ment, and there were oppida simply. These were probably- 
 inhabited entirely by natives having their own laws and pre- 
 serving their own language. Pliny also mentions one oppidum 
 stipendiarium, which paid a fixed tribute to Rome ; one oppidum 
 Latinum, which had only Latin rights ; and one oppidum im- 
 mune, which was free from tribute. In short, colonics were 
 communities founded by genuine colonists, municipia were 
 towns in which all the inhabitants had rights of Roman citizen- 
 ship, oppida Latina were towns enjoying the same privileges 
 as were formerly accorded to members of the Latin confedera- 
 tion, and the rest wei'e provincial communities and towns with 
 varying privileges. 
 
 The spread of colonisation and municipal life was restricted 
 to towns on the coast or a few fortified cities in the interior, till 
 about the time of Vespasian. Absence of roads, general ignorance 
 of the country and its inhabitants, and the want of fortified 
 outposts checked the enthusiasm of the Cassars in their eagerness 
 for the entire subjugation of Africa. The peculiar configuration 
 of Africa, from Tripoli westward to the Atlantic, and from the 
 Mediterranean southward to the Great Desert, has always been 
 a bar to permanent civilisation. Until the arrival of the Romans 
 no one of the native tribes, however successful in predatory 
 warfare or distinguished for those daring qualities which were 
 so conspicuous in Masinissa and Jugurtha, had ever contem- 
 plated the conquest of the inhabitants of mountainous regions. On 
 the southern frontier it was as impossible then as it has proved, 
 to be after a lapse of 2,000 years. Looking southward from the 
 Mediterranean we have the coast country, known as the Tell of 
 modern Algeria, a region of undulating fertile soil, v aryingin 
 width from fifty to a hundred miles, intersected by ravines and 
 attaining considerable altitude in those parts now occupied by 
 Khabyles. Behind are the high plateaux, mostly lying between 
 two long crests of mountain ranges, where the soil is variable, 
 some highly productive, but hardened by a tropical sun, dotted 
 with salt-marshes and rising in terraces till they attain an alti- 
 tude of nearly 7,600 feet. These table-lands, which once 
 contributed largely to the wheat supply of Rome, were in high 
 
Africa under the Caesars 39 
 
 cultivation long before the arrival of the Romans. The general 
 aspect must have been much the same as in the present day. 
 Road communication had been established by the Carthaginians 
 along the coast and to a few towns in the interior, but it was not 
 till the time of Trajan that impetus was given to any organised 
 system of road construction. When the southern territory of 
 the Carthaginians, extending from Thenae on the coast to the 
 borders of Tripoli, had been handed over to Masinissa by the 
 Romans at the close of the second Punic war, that enterprising 
 Numidian attempted to alter the nomadic lives of his people by 
 settling them in small towns or villages, linked together by a 
 chain of roads. We have no record of the success of his scheme. 
 All these roads formed part of a network of military highways 
 which traversed the country in all directions early in the second 
 century, and portions of which still unexpectedly greet the 
 traveller's eye in journeying through regions which are appa- 
 rently trackless. From Carthage, the new metropolis of Africa, 
 there were only two roads. One went in a north-westerly 
 direction to Utica, and then by way of Membro to Hippo- 
 Diarrhytus (Bizerta). The other, skirting the north side of the 
 Lake of Tunes (Tunis), had two branches. One went direct 
 west to the banks of the Bagradas (Medjerda), and, crossing the 
 river at a place called Djedeida, went to Teburbo minus 
 (Tebourba), Bulla Regia (Henchir Hammam Darradji) and 
 Simittu (Chemtou), terminating at Hippone (Bone). The other 
 branch, after passing the salt lake of Tunis, now called Sebkha 
 es-Sedjoumi, continued as far as Theveste on the southern 
 frontier. From Czesarea (Cherchel) one road followed the 
 shore, and another passed through the valley between the Great 
 and Little Atlas. But the principal highway from this city 
 traversed the banks of the Chelif and went by way of the 
 plains to Sitifis (Setif) and Cirta (Constantine), the capital of 
 Numidia. From Cirta there was a road to the coast at Rusicada 
 (Philippeville), and from Kalama (Guelma) in the interior two 
 roads — one to Hippo Regius, and the other by way of Naragarra 
 and Sicca Veneria (El-Kef) to Bulla Regia, and so on to Utica 
 and Carthage. A southern road went through Zama to Hadru- 
 metum (Susa) on the coast, continuing to Thysdrus (El-Djem) 
 and Thenae ; whilst another highway of considerable importance 
 linked together the well-known towns of Lambaesis (Lambessa), 
 
40 Roman Africa 
 
 Thamugas (Timegad), Theveste (Tebessa), Ammaedara (Hydra), 
 and Telepte. Still further south, some few leagues north of Lake 
 Triton, there was a road from Capsa (Gafsa) binding together a 
 long line of military outposts, and extending eastward as far as 
 Cyrene. Hippo Regius was the starting-point of seven roads, 
 and Lambsesis, the great military centre of the country, was 
 provided with three highways, one going north to Sitifis, another 
 to Cirta, and a third to Theveste. This last town was the 
 junction of not less than eight roads, and, during the first 
 century of the Christian era, took rank as one of the most 
 important towns in North Africa. Of any highways in Mauri- 
 tania west of Cassarea we have no mention till a later period. 
 The Tabula Itineraria Peutingeriana, as it is termed, now in the 
 library at Vienna, makes no reference to them, and the Itineraries 
 of Antoninus, in the form handed down to us, throw no light upon 
 the course of any military highways in the western provinces. 
 A dearth of inscriptions in the days of the Caesars leaves us in 
 considerable doubt as to the actual course of many of the roads 
 in more elevated regions, and the absence of milliary columns, so 
 numerous in the time of Trajan and the Antonines, has made it 
 difficult to ascertain the correctness of statements by ancient 
 authors and geographers. Still there is sufficient evidence of 
 the thoughtfulness of the Romans, as a great road-making 
 nation, in covering the country, wherever practicable, with a 
 network of roads, and constructing the chief military highways 
 with such imperishable materials that portions of them remain 
 to the present day. Roman roads in North Africa were of two 
 kinds, either paved with flat stones or macadamised. The paved 
 roads were constructed with stone slabs in squares, or laid 
 diamond-wise. The others were made with broken rubble or 
 gravel, differing from English roads of that type by being laid 
 with cement, and having kerbs of cut stone at the sides. 
 
 Although the rule of the Caesars may be regarded as experi- 
 mental, yet it laid the foundations of a system of government 
 which resulted in a long era of wealth and prosperity. *Few of 
 the Caesars had personal acquaintance with this splendid append- 
 age to the Empire. Carthage claims the distinction of having 
 been the first Roman colony established out of Italy, and 
 Hadrian was the first of the emperors to make a systematic 
 tour through nearly every part of his dominions ; and, conse- 
 
Africa under the Caesars 41 
 
 quently, personal acquaintance with the native races he was 
 called upon to govern contributed largely to his success as a 
 ruler of mankind. It is true that Julius Caesar spent three entire 
 years in Africa, but this was in the declining years of the 
 Republic, prior to his assumption of the dictatorship. Many of 
 his successors, too, were acquainted with Africa, having filled 
 the office of proconsul in the earlier portion of their career. 
 The work of Augustus consisted in maturing a system of govern- 
 ment, both civil and military, on the lines laid down by his 
 predecessor, quelling disturbances on the frontier, and forming 
 an African army which was destined to play an important part 
 as the third Augustan legion. We are told that this legion was 
 first quartered in Asia, but, by the orders of Tiberius, was removed 
 to the neighbourhood of Theveste (Tebessa) at the time of the 
 insurrection of Tacfarinas. It appears to have been encamped 
 there till Theveste was rebuilt by Vespasian. Caligula's work 
 in Africa seems to have been restricted to the murder of Ptolemy, 
 the misguided son of Juba II., and the last of a line of 
 Numidian kings. The only act of Claudius worth mentioning 
 was the division of Mauritania into two provinces, but this was 
 an imperial necessity. The record of Galba, like that of Nero, 
 is a blank, although it must be admitted that, as proconsul of / 
 Africa, his career was distinguished for great activity, and by 
 the exercise of sound judgment in the discharge of the duties of 
 his high office. Vitellius also was proconsul in his earlier years, 
 and, notwithstanding the ignominy attached to his name as an 
 emperor, governed Africa with singular integrity for two years, 
 acting in the latter year as deputy for his brother who succeeded 
 him as proconsul. Vespasian's active career of ten years proved 
 of great service in the cause of good government. During his 
 reign the third Augustan legion was established at Theveste, and_, 
 the town rebuilt and enlarged. Among the principal places 
 associated with his name Icosium is worthy of passing mention, 
 especially as its modern representative, the city of Algiers, has 
 played so great a part in the life and progress of North Africa, 
 A modest inscription on a stone built into the wall of a house in 
 Algiers attests the existence of the old Roman town.' Beyond 
 this it has no value. 
 
 ' /. R. A. No. 4052. Berbrugger, Notice sur les Antiquites Romaines iT Alger, 
 fig. H. 
 
42 Roman Africa 
 
 P • SITTIO • M ■ F • QVIR 
 PLOCAMIAN 
 
 ORDO Publio Sittio, Marci filio, Quirina 
 
 ICOSITANOR tribu, Plocamiano, ordo Icositanor^m, 
 
 M • SITTIVS • P • F • QVR Marcus Sittius, Publii filius, Quirina 
 CAECILIANVS tribu, Cacilianus pro filio pientissimo 
 
 PRO • FILIO honore recepto impeTisam remisit. 
 
 PIENTISSIMO 
 H • R ■ I • R 
 
 The short rule of Titus, which was conspicuous for propriety 
 and restraint, was followed by the persistent cruelty of his 
 brother Domitian, who brought to a disgraceful end the reign of 
 the twelve Caesars. 
 
 It has been already observed that there is a dearth of inscrip- 
 tions in North Africa relating to the earlier emperors. Most of 
 those which have been discovered are so fractured as to be 
 scarcely legible, but mention may be made of a slab found at Ain 
 Khenchla, the ancient Mascula, on which is recorded a simple 
 dedication to the Emperor Augustus by the Roman colonists 
 and the natives of that city.' 
 
 DIVO AVGVSTO 
 
 SACRVM 
 
 CONVENTVS 
 
 CIVIVM ROMANOR 
 
 ET NVMIDARVM QVI 
 
 MASCVLAE HABITANT 
 
 Another inscription of about the same date was found near 
 the ruins of the supposed city of Zama, and is of special interest 
 as a memorial of the celebrated Empress Livia, who exercised her 
 powers of fascination over Augustus, and ultimately became his 
 third wife.^ As Livia died A.D. 29 at the advanced age of eighty- 
 six, it is probable that the dedication is of that year. 
 
 IVNONI ■ LIVIAE • AVGVSTI • SACRVM 
 L • PASSIENO • RVFO • IMPERATORE 
 
 AFRICAM OBTINENTE 
 
 CN • CORNELIVS • CN • F ■ COR • RVFVS 
 
 ET ■ MARIA • C • F • GALLA • CN 
 
 CONSERVATI 
 
 VOTA • L • M ■ SOLVONT 
 
 ' C. I. L. No. 15775- 
 
 * C. I. L. No. 16456. The proconsul L. Passienus Rufus was honoured with a 
 triumph on account of his successful rule, and the title of Imperator. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 43 
 
 Further interest is attached to this, inscription, as it records 
 the name of Rufus Passienus, who achieved great success in the 
 subjugation of Numidia. 
 
 Tiberius also is represented in the form of a dedication by 
 C. Vibius Marsus, who was proconsul for the third time.^ The 
 slab bearing the inscription was discovered by M. Tissot on a 
 bridge over the river Badja near Vicus Augusti. The date 
 would be A.D. 29-30. 
 
 TI • CAESAR • DIVI 
 
 AVG • F ■ AVGVSTVS 
 
 PONTIF • MAX • TRIE 
 
 POTEST • XXXI • COS IIII 
 
 DEDIT 
 
 C ■ VIBIVS ■ MARSVS • PRO 
 
 COS • III • DEDIC 
 
 Another dedication to this Emperor is on a milliarium at 
 Tacape (Gabes) on the road to Capsa, the date, A.D. 14, being 
 the year of his accession on the death of Augustus.^ 
 
 IMP CAES AVG 
 TIF AVGVSTVS TRI 
 
 POT XVI 
 
 L ASPRENAS COS 
 
 PROCOS VII VIR 
 
 EPVLONVM VIAM 
 
 EX CASTR HIBER 
 
 NIS TACAPES MVNI 
 
 ENDAM CVRAVIT 
 
 LEG III AVG 
 
 CIX 
 
 A similar one has been brought to light on the same highway, 
 some fifty miles beyond Gabes. The two dedications to the 
 Emperor Claudius have no special interest, and the name of 
 Nerva appears only on one inscription. Of the other Caesars, the 
 names of Titus and Vespasian may be traced on a few much- 
 worn milliaria, and a dedication to the latter by diflamen perpetuus 
 of Chusira, in the province of Byzacene, may still be read on the 
 base of an altar, bearing the date A.D. 70-71. 
 
 ' C. I. L. No. I43!i6. 
 
 ^ C. I. L. No. 10018, deciphered by Temple and Wilmanns. Sir Grenville 
 Temple, Excursions in the Mediterranean, London, 1835, vii. p. 321. 
 
44 Roman Africa 
 
 I The history of Theveste is so associated with the Emperor 
 
 ! Vespasian that it seems fitting, in this stage of inquiry, to give 
 
 .^ some little account of its progress and of its many interesting 
 
 > monumental remains. We have no record of its early career, 
 
 texcept that it was not occupied by Carthaginians till the first 
 
 i Punic war ; but its situation, so well adapted for a commercial 
 
 / centre as well as for a military station, induced the Emperor to 
 
 , make Theveste the head-quarters of the African legion.' The 
 
 subjugation of this part of the country was attended with many 
 
 \ difficulties, chiefly on account of the lawless character of adjacent 
 
 tribes ; and consequently the presence of a large number of 
 
 disciplined troops was absolutely necessary for the security of its 
 
 I inhabitants. Neither Sallust, nor Tacitus, nor Pliny makes 
 
 mention of Theveste, its name appearing for the first time in 
 
 the geography of Ptolemy.^ The oldest inscriptions are of the 
 
 reign of Vespasian, but, with the exception of its being for more 
 
 than fifty years the chief military centre of Africa, Theveste was 
 
 of little importance till the close of the second century, when it 
 
 became one of the richest and most populous of Roman colonies. 
 
 Among the ruined monuments of the city, none have attracted 
 
 more attention than the Basilica. Built not later than the end 
 
 of the first century, and probably commenced during the reign of 
 
 Vespasian, it appears to have been almost destroyed, with the 
 
 city itself, during the incursions of the Moors and wild tribes of 
 
 the Aures in the sixth century. When Solomon, the successor 
 
 of Belisarius, arrived at the gates of Theveste he found the whole 
 
 place in ruins ; and we learn from an inscription on a triumphal 
 
 arch assigned to the third year of Justinian's reign, A.D. 539, that 
 
 Theveste civitas a fundamentis (Bdificata est? The interpretation 
 
 by Renier fully attests the rebuilding of the city, and, as Sir 
 
 Lambert Playfair has observed, this Byzantine inscription is the 
 
 ' In the reign of Tiberius the imperial army, irrespective of native troops raised 
 in the different provinces, consisted of 25 legions. In the time of Trajan there were 
 30, and under Septimius Severus 32. Each legion comprised 10 companies, the first 
 company having a full strength of 1,105 infantry and 132 cavalry. In each of the 
 nine other companies there were 555 infantry and 66 cavalr)', altogether 6,600 foot- 
 soldiers and 726 mounted. Each legion was accompanied by 10 great military 
 engines, and 55 catapults for discharging stones and arrows. From Trajan to Con- 
 stantine companies were divided. (Duruy, Histoire Romaine, vol. v. , also Vegetius, 
 Mil. 4, 22.) 
 
 '^ M. Letronne, Ann. de Const. 1858, p. 29. 
 
 ' I. R. A. No. 3089. 
 
Africa under the Cassars 45 
 
 only one yet found in Africa, which makes direct allusion to 
 the expulsion of the Vandals. 
 
 Nutu divino felicissimis temfioribus 
 piissimorum, dominorum 
 nostrorum Justiniani et Theodora 
 Augustoruni post abscissos ex Africa 
 Vandalos extinctamque ;per Solomonem 
 gloriosissimo magistro militum ex 
 consulte Prafecto Libya ac patricio 
 universam Maurusiam gentem 
 providentia ejusdem aminentissimi 
 viri Theveste civitas a fundamentis 
 adificata est. 
 
 This Roman Basilica stood on the north side of a forum, 
 approached through two lofty gateways, one of which is still 
 standing. A broad flight of thirteen steps, now partly destroyed, 
 gave access to an open court, 65 feet by 60 feet, surrounded by 
 an arcade. The Basilica had a nave and aisles separated by 
 piers and engaged shafts in two superimposed orders, the whole 
 being arcaded. The nave had an apsidal end, and the aisles 
 had galleries. The material of the walls is a finely grained 
 limestone, in large stones of regular size, the courses being 
 about 20 inches high, and the stones bedded in very little thin 
 mortar. The columns were of granite and grey marble, not fluted, 
 and the capitals of both stages were of the Corinthian order of 
 pure white marble, the carving showing great delicacy of form 
 and execution. The simplicity of the arch construction is 
 remarkable. There were no archivolts, and the faces of the 
 voussoirs were polished like marble. The entire floor surfaces 
 were covered with beautiful mosaics, portions of which are still 
 in fair preservation. 
 
 It has been suggested that the Basilica of Theveste, as we 
 now see it in ruined condition, was a work of the sixth century, 
 and that Solomon rebuilt it, as well as the city, a fundamentis. 
 Had this been the case, the stones of the older Roman work 
 would have been re-used, and the facework, like other masonry at 
 Theveste of the Byzantine period, would have been irregular. 
 It should be observed that when Constantine removed the seat 
 of empire to Byzantium, A.D. 328, the basilica form of plan, 
 which had been adopted for the purposes of the early Christian 
 Church, underwent many changes, the most noticeable being 
 
46 Roman Africa 
 
 the introduction of the cupola, which received its full develop- 
 ment under Justinian, two centuries later. And it so happens 
 that the Byzantine restorations at Theveste were commenced 
 the same year that Justinian laid the foundations of the great 
 Basilica of Sta. Sophia. At Theveste the Byzantine additions 
 are clearly distinguishable, the masonry being of a different 
 character and not even attached to the old work. The quatre- 
 foil chapel on the east side, with its adjoining chambers, and 
 approached from an aisle of the Roman basilica by a descent 
 of thirteen steps, was one of these additions. The eight internal 
 shafts of the chapel were of green marble, and the walls to a 
 considerable height were faced with marble. Large quantities 
 of gilt and coloured tesserae having been found on the site 
 favour the supposition that the vaulting, as well as the upper 
 parts of the walls, was decorated with mosaic. The entire 
 floor surface was of mosaic, large fragments still remaining in 
 one of the apses. In the centre of the floor appears to have 
 been a tomb, the enclosing walls being constructed with stones 
 of the Roman period. South of the chapel is a large burial- 
 chamber, in which several tombs were found, bearing inscriptions 
 of the sixth and seventh centuries. 
 
 Having restored the Basilica, Solomon surrounded it on three 
 sides with shops or small dwellings, portions of which are still 
 standing. He then enclosed the entire ranges of buildings with 
 a wall about 25 feet high, strengthened with numerous towers. 
 This wall of defence is irregularly built' with blocks and slabs 
 of stone in great variety, and the presence of tombstones in the 
 construction seems to indicate that the edifices round the forum 
 had been recklessly destroyed and the materials used for building 
 purposes, The object of Solomon's fortification is not quite 
 clear. He had already enclosed a large portion of the city by a 
 high wall with ramparts, and in the centre had constructed a 
 citadel of great strength. Most of these are still in existence. 
 One may assume, therefore, that in time of siege this fortified 
 Basilica and its surrounding buildings would serve as an additional 
 refuge for the inhabitants of the adjacent settlements. Procopius, 
 in his work entitled ' War with the Vandals,' throws light upon 
 this subject. He tells us that ' inside the walls of Carthage is a 
 church, under the charge of men devoted to the service of God, 
 whom we call monks. Solomon, who had built this church a 
 
Africa under the Caesars 47 
 
 little time before, surrounded it with walls in order that, in case 
 of necessity, it might serve as a fortress. Areobindas, governor 
 of Africa, took refuge there, having previously sent his wife 
 and his sister.' The work at Theveste fully bears out this 
 description. 
 
 Among other monumental remains of this city the quadri- 
 frontal arch of the time of Caracalla is a conspicuous object, 
 and demands notice on account of the rarity of this form of 
 architectural composition. It will compare favourably with the 
 arch of Janus at Rome, but is in every way inferior to a similar 
 edifice at Tripoli. From inscriptions we learn the complete 
 history of the structure, how the youngest of three brothers, 
 members of a wealthy family at Theveste, bequeathed all his pro- 
 perty to his two brothers on condition of their erecting a triumphal 
 arch in his native town, to be surmounted by two tetrastyles ' 
 enclosing statues of the two Augusti. This Caius Cornelius 
 Egrilianus, who commanded the 14th legion Gemina, quartered 
 in Pannonia, must have been a man of considerable substance, 
 for in addition to this munificent bequest he enjoined his 
 brothers to place in ^^ forum statues of Juno and Minerva, to 
 appropriate a sum of 250,000 sesterces for the purpose of afford- 
 ing free baths to the inhabitants in the public Therinm, and 
 lastly 170 pounds weight of silver and 14 pounds weight of 
 
 ' A tetrastyle is a square edifice, adorned with four columns, surmounted by a 
 dome or cupola {tholus). It was sometimes called adicula tetrastyla, and frequently 
 a statue of marble or bronze was placed within it. Here is an inscription found at 
 Constantine relating to the dedication of a tetrastyle with a tholus (Archceolog. Joum. 
 vol. xxix. 1882) : — 
 
 C • IVLIVS 
 
 Q • F • QVIR 
 
 POTITVS 
 
 TETRASTV 
 
 LVM • ET 
 
 THOLVM 
 
 D • E • D 
 
 The word tholus is correct Latin, signifying a round roof or a cupola. The word 
 cupola is of Arabic origin. Tholus is applicable to a building of circular form, having 
 the same meaning as SiKns, which was used with reference to the round chamber or 
 rotunda at Athens, in which the Prytanes dined. Cupola, like alcove and the verb 
 ' to cove,' is derived from the Arabic word gobba, which was originally applied to the 
 hump on a camel's back, and afterwards to the cup-shaped tents of nomadic tribes. 
 This word is now pronounced ' koubba,' and is applied generally to native tombs 
 roofed with a cupola. The Italian language retains the word, in its primitive 
 signification, vagobbo, a hunchback. 
 
48 Roman Africa 
 
 gold were to be deposited in the Capitol for purposes that this 
 much-worn inscription fails to enlighten us about. The rendering 
 of the inscription, that may still be read on the left side as one 
 passes out of the modern town (Tebessa), has proved an attractive 
 study to many eminent epigraphists, including Renier, Wilmanns, 
 and Mommsen.' According to the last two the wording is as 
 follows : — 
 
 Ex testamento C. Cornell Egriliani, prafecti legionis XII I I Gemince : 
 quo testamento ex US CCL millibus nummum arcum cmn statuis Augus- 
 torum in ietrastylis duobus cum statuis Junonis et Minerva, qua in foro 
 fieri pracepit, prater alia HS CCL millia numm,tnn, qua rei pmblica ita 
 ut certis diebus gymnasia populo publice in thertnis praberentur legavit, 
 datasque ad Kapitolium argenti libras CLXX, id est lances IIII . . . ef 
 auri libras XII I I, id est pihalas (sic) III, scyphos II fieri iussit; qua omnia 
 diligenier secundum voluniatem eius in contione . . . Cornell Fortunatus et 
 Qulntus fratres et heredes conslgnaverunt et opus perfecerunt. 
 
 The reading by Renier varies in a few particulars, the most 
 noteworthy being in the third line, cum statuis divi Severi et 
 Minerva. The substitution of the goddess Juno for the Emperor 
 Septimius Severus is immaterial, though it should be observed 
 that the defaced portion of the stonework at this part of the 
 inscription would admit the insertion of the words divi Severi. 
 This monument is commonly known as the Arch of Caracalla, 
 the two Augusti referred to in the testament being Caracalla 
 and his brother Geta. It appears to have been built just after 
 the murder of Geta by his brother, A.D. 2 1 2. The eastern fagade 
 has an inscription dedicated to Severus, father of the Augusti,^ 
 and on the keystone of the arch is the head of an emperor 
 enclosed in a medallion and resting on the head of Medusa. 
 
 DIVO • PIO ■ SEVERO • PATRI 
 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELI ■ SEVERI ■ ANTONINI 
 
 PII • FELICIS • AVG • ARAB ■ ADIAB • PARTH • MAX • BRIT ■ 
 
 MAX • GERM • MAX • PONT ■ MAX • TRIE ■ POT • XVII • IMP II 
 
 COS IIII • PROCOS • P ■ P • 
 
 On the frieze of the west fagade is a dedication in honour of 
 Julia Domna, wife of Severus and mother of the Augusti.' 
 ■The bust sculptured on the keystone, representing a young 
 
 ' C. I. L. No. 1858 ; /. R. A. No. 3085. 
 
 ■^ I. R. A. No. 3087. . ^ I. R. A. No. 3088. 
 
w 
 
 H 
 in 
 
 > 
 
 a 
 
 H 
 H 
 
 <: 
 
 < 
 
 1-1 
 <: 
 u 
 < 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 fa 
 o 
 
 X 
 u 
 pi 
 
 < 
 
 < 
 
 H 
 Z 
 O 
 
 si 
 
 Q 
 
 w 
 
 X 
 H 
 
Africa under the Caesars 49 
 
 female surmounting an eagle on a thunderbolt, cannot be 
 intended for the Empress, who at the date of the erection of 
 this monument had already passed middle age. It was probably 
 a symbol of Theveste as a young and rising city. 
 
 IVLIAE • DOMNAE • AVG • MATRI 
 
 CASTRORVM ■ ET • AVG • ET • SEN 
 
 ET • PATRIAE 
 
 The inscription on the south fa9ade is illegible, and on the 
 northern side no longer exists, this part of the edifice having 
 been restored in recent times. Both these inscriptions were 
 probably in honour of Caracalla and Geta. The peculiarities of 
 this architectural composition are the exceptional width of the 
 frieze, and the absence of an attic — a marked feature in triumphal 
 arches. For the latter, two tetrastyles, as a crowning feature of 
 the edifice, are substituted. It has been suggested that there 
 were similar tetrastyles on each of the four facades, but there is no 
 mention of that number on any inscription or document, nor is 
 there any indication on the monument itself of there having 
 been more than the two mentioned in the testament of Caius 
 Cornelius Egrilianus. 
 
 Triumphal arches form a class of monuments that is ex- 
 clusively Roman. The Greeks raised columns in honour of 
 men distinguished in war and intellectual attainments, bearing 
 out a statement by Pliny the Elder, Columnarum ratio erat attolli 
 supra ceteros mortales, quod et arcus significant novitio invento. 
 Arches came in with the Empire as permanent structures. In 
 the days of the Republic they were made of wood, after the 
 manner of the Etruscans, and, like similar erections of our own 
 time, were taken down on completion of a public ceremony.' 
 These monumental gateways, which generally served as ap- 
 
 ' It may be as well to quote the opinion expressed by Gibbon on Roman triumphs, 
 which is generally accepted : ' A Roman triumph could only be obtained by the 
 conquerors of nations who had never previously acknowledged the authority of the 
 Romans ; the reduction of a revolted province did not suffice ; the Senate took no 
 account of victories which did not extend the frontiers of the Empire. This seems to 
 have been the rule ; but when Titus and his father triumphed over the Jews, and 
 when the Senate commemorated their victories by medals and that triumphal arch 
 which has subsisted to the present day, they did nothing more than triumph over a 
 revolted province, which had been subdued by the arms of Pompey, and governed by 
 Roman magistrates for the space of fifty years.' (Gibbon, Miscellaneous Works, 
 Classical, vol. iv. p. 369. ) 
 
 E 
 
5Q Roman Africa 
 
 proaches to cities and towns, are very numerous in North Africa. 
 It would be safe to assert that one or more are to be found in 
 every town, however remote or little known. At Lambaesis 
 for instance, no less than forty arches were traced by Peysonnel 
 150 years ago, and fourteen were then still standing. There is 
 no reason to suppose that they formed part of the enclosure of 
 a walled town. Those that have been discovered in Africa are 
 all isolated structures, though in some instances the defensive 
 walls built during the Byzantine occupation have been brought 
 close up to them on both sides. This remark is equally 
 applicable to triumphal arches generally in the various provinces 
 of the Empire. The cost of their erection was sometimes de- 
 frayed by the inhabitants of a town who wished to honour a 
 victorious emperor, and sometimes by private individuals. At 
 Seressitanum, for instance, a small town in the interior, long 
 forgotten and now a mass of ruins, there are the remains of 
 four triumphal arches. One of these, according to an inscription 
 found some fifty years ago, was the gift of a citizen, the cost 
 being borne by himself, his mother, and his sister ; and the 
 edifice, when completed, was surmounted, as the two last lines 
 inform us, by a quadriga at the public expense.' 
 
 TESTAMENTO 
 
 C ■ M FELICIS ARMENIANI 
 
 EQVO • PVBLICO • ADLECTI • OPTIMAE 
 
 lAE ■ CIVIS • ARCVS 
 
 AD ■ CVIVS • ORNAMENTA 
 
 ARMENIA • AVGE • MATER • ET ■ BEBINIA • PAVLIANA 
 SOROR • LIBERALITATE • SVA HS XXV MIL N 
 EROGAVERVNT • ET • DIE • DEDIC • SPORTVLAS • DECV 
 RIONIS ■ ET • EPVLVM ■ ET • GVMNASIVM • MVNICIPIB 
 
 DEDERVNT 
 ITEM • MVNICIPIVM ■ SERESSITANVM ■ AD • AMPLIANDA 
 ORNAMENTA • QVADRIGAM • PVBLICA • PEC • FEC 
 
 Another edifice at Theveste worthy of a notice is a little 
 tetrastyle temple, apparently dedicated to Minerva or Jupiter. 
 The date of its erection is about A.D. 300. Although in a 
 ruinous condition externally, its portico being kept standing by 
 the aid of iron straps and rods, modern ingenuity has utilised the 
 building for a variety of purposes never dreamt of by its pious 
 
 > C. I. L. No. 937. Victor Guerin, Voyage archiologique dans la Rigence de 
 Tunis, Paris, 1862, vol. ii. p. 354- 
 
l^^^g^^^J^^g^^^^^^lj 
 
 V." . \ ' i 
 
 TEMPLE Oh MLNLRVA AT THEVESTE 
 (Resloreii). 
 
T 
 
Africa under the Caesars 51 
 
 founders. It was at one time a soap factory, then converted into 
 a prison, and at a subsequent date did duty as a canteen. 
 Lastly, as a bit of irony that could not be exceeded, this temple 
 of the gods was converted into a parish church, and fitted up 
 for that purpose in the worst possible taste. Little wonder that, 
 after undergoing so many vicissitudes, a doubt has been ex- 
 pressed as to the name of the deity in whose honour this 
 sanctuary was founded ! But it is an interesting edifice, and, 
 like the triumphal arch of Caracalla, shows a departure from 
 the recognised proportions and treatment of a Classic order. 
 It stands on a podium, twelve feet high, and is approached by a 
 broad flight of stone steps. Originally there was an enclosing 
 wall, the space in front of the temple being about 80 feet and 
 at the sides 50 feet. 
 
 Like other large Roman towns, Theveste had a forum, civile 
 and a forum venule. The former, according to Vitruvius, was 
 usually surrounded by public buildings, such as the basilica, the 
 curia, the mint, or the prison. At Theveste the open court on 
 the south of the basilica, measuring about 180 feet by 165 feet, 
 was undoubtedly the forum civile, but all traces of buildings at 
 the southern end have disappeared. The other forum was 
 probably removed by Solomon, on account of its obstructing 
 his lines of defence. It occupied the open space, now planted 
 with trees, in front of the modern citadel. 
 
 LThe beneficent rule of the aged Nerva, who succeeded the 
 t and worst of the twelve Caesars, was too short for the 
 display of any activity in the African provinces. But it was 
 marked by the establishment of a colony of veterans in a town 
 of old Numidia, which has retained to the present day its name 
 and prosperity. The ancient Sitifis CSetif), as Ptolemy the 
 geographer informs us, was an important mercantile town long 
 before the arrival of the Romans. Its admirable situation on 
 high table-land, 3,570 feet above the sea-level, in the midst of 
 fertile plains, with a soil capable of producing cereals and fruit 
 and oil in abundance, and at the junction of no less than nine 
 highways communicating with every part of the country, made 
 Sitifis a commercial centre at a very early period. The dis- 
 covery of more than 250 inscribed stones on the site of the old 
 town gives an insight into its long career of prosperity and the 
 lives of its inhabitants. The very few memorials of soldiers or 
 
52 Roman Africa 
 
 their families seem to indicate that the population was civil, and 
 not military, during the Roman occupation. From one of the 
 inscriptions we learn that Nerva conferred on the town the title 
 of Colonia Nerviana Augusta Martialis Veteranorum Siti- 
 fensium. There are inscriptions also relating to the erection of 
 a theatre, an amphitheatre, and several temples ; also the 
 dedication of statues of the Emperors Trajan, Hadrian, An- 
 toninus, M. Aurelius, and L. Verus. The town was embellished 
 with noble monuments, and marble and mosaic were freely used 
 in its public buildings. Many of the votive tablets were en- 
 riched with sculpture, and, from the character of the inscriptions 
 generally, we may assume that a high tone of culture prevailed 
 among the inhabitants. One memorial in the public gardens is 
 worth noticing. It is a dedication by one Maurusius, apparently 
 a Moor, to his two beloved children, Prsetorianus and Prima, a 
 boy and a girl. The father indicates with precision and loving 
 care the exact time of their decease. He educates his son for 
 a notarius (secretary), and sends him to Rome, where he died, 
 A.D. 225, at the age of seventeen.' 
 
 MEMORIAE 
 
 
 MEMORIAE 
 
 PRAETORIAN I 
 
 
 PRIMAE 
 
 FILI DVLCISSI 
 
 
 FILIAE DVL 
 
 MI HOMINI 
 
 
 CISSIMAE 
 
 INGENIOSIS 
 
 
 V ■ AN • VIII • M • V. 
 
 SIMO NOTA 
 
 
 DECESSIT V KAL 
 
 RIO V • AN • XVII 
 
 
 SEPT • A • P • CLXXXVII 
 
 M • VIII • D • XVII 
 
 • ROMAE 
 
 
 DECESSIT • XV • K • NOV • A • P • CLXXXVI. MAVRVSIVS FILIS 
 
 At all times an agricultural town, it is not surprising to find 
 that Saturn, the deity of agriculture of the Latins, figures largely 
 in many dedications, and the names of Saturus and Saturninus 
 given to many residents in the city and the neighbourhood. 
 Sitifis has had a long history, but during its occupation as a 
 Roman colony was not associated with any great movement, 
 nor with any change in its constitution, till the time of Dio- 
 cletian at the close of the third century. At that period a great 
 increase in the population of Mauritania Caesariensis rendered a 
 division of the province necessary. Diocletian, therefore, gave 
 
 ' C. I. L. No. 8501. Mauritanie Charienne, par Ed. Cat, Paris, 1891, p. 164. 
 
Africa under the Caesars 53 
 
 the name of Mauritania Sitifensis to the eastern portion, with 
 Sitifis for a capital, and retained the old name for the western 
 portion, with Caesarea for its capital as heretofore. But the 
 separation must have been more nominal than real, for the two 
 provinces had the same troops, and sometimes they were both 
 administered by the same governor. Sitifis suffered during the 
 insurrection of Firmus, the chief of a powerful Moorish tribe, 
 A.D. 369, and was partly destroyed by an earthquake, A.D. 419. 
 Like most of the cities and towns in North Africa, it fell a 
 victim to the Vandal and Arab invasions, but recovered its 
 position at a later period. In the Middle Ages it was still 
 prosperous, for El Bekri speaks of Sitifis as in a flourishing 
 condition and thickly populated. But in his time the city walls, 
 which had been noted for great solidity and thoroughly restored 
 during the Byzantine occupation, no longer existed. 
 
 The history of the rise, progress, and decline of a people is 
 •generally divided into periods, sometimes dynastic, at other 
 times tribal or accidental. Roman history, after the fall of the 
 Republic, is divisible into several periods. We have the Empire 
 under the Caesars, including the Flavian epoch, which covers 
 twenty-seven years under the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, and 
 Domitian. The line of the so-called twelve Caesars terminates 
 with Domitian, but Nero, as the last representative of the Julian 
 family, should be the sixth and last of the Caesars, his successors, 
 Galba and Otho, who preceded the Flavian family, being created 
 emperors for their services to the State, and not for dynastic or 
 family reasons., After the twelve Caesars we have the rule of 
 the Emperors Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian, all raised to the 
 purple for distinguished services, civil or military, f Then came 
 the age of the Antonines under the imperial rule of Antoninus 
 Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, and Commodus. And 
 lastly a long line of emperors, selected sometimes on the score 
 of distinction in the Senate or on the field of battle, but 
 generally as nominees of party factions. This last period covers 
 more than 263 years, commencing with the death of Commodus 
 and terminating with the occupation of Carthage by Genseric, 
 A.D. 439, and the sacking of Rome, A.D. 455. 
 
 In the first chapter of this outline of North African history, 
 an attempt has been made to trace the causes which contributed 
 to the invasion of the country and its occupation by the Romans. 
 
54 Roman Africa 
 
 Its progress under the Caesars, the successful establishment of a 
 form of government adapted to the traditional habits of the 
 native races, and the permanent settlement of a military force 
 on the frontier, have been the subject of inquiry in this second 
 chapter. We have now reached a period which demands more 
 than one chapter for its special consideration — a long era of 
 peace and prosperity, of good government, and of a higher tone 
 prevailing in municipal as well as in domestic life. Verily for 
 Africa this was the Golden Age of Empire. 
 
55 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 AFRICA UNDER TRAJAN 
 A.D. 97-117 
 
 The history of North Africa, during the eighty-three years that 
 Trajan and his three successors sat on the throne of the Czesars, 
 may truly be said to be written on stone. In nearly every 
 province of the Empire, which extended almost to the gates of 
 India, the names of these illustrious rulers figure, largely on 
 ruined monuments in far distant lands. In Africa this is 
 especially the case. Were it not for inscriptions on panel or 
 frieze, on milliary stone or votive pedestal, we should have but 
 a poor record of Trajan's magnificence as a ruler, or of his 
 solicitude for the welfare of his colonists and protection of 
 native tribes. Nor should we have reliable information about 
 the honours bestowed upon him by all classes of his subjects for 
 deeds of thoughtfulness and beneficence. Among the first acts 
 of Trajan's reign was the regulating the supply of corn from 
 Africa, and framing edicts for the administration of justice to 
 the producer and the merchant in their commercial transactions 
 with Rome. For a long period not only Rome, but Italy also, 
 had depended upon large shipments of corn from abroad, and 
 had looked to Egypt and Africa for one third at least of their 
 annual requirements, equivalent to about six million bushels. 
 Italy and Spain provided the rest. The African provinces were 
 called upon to deliver a certain amount of produce in the form 
 of imperial tribute, under the superintendence of a high func- 
 tionary who resided at Carthage. Some years ago M. Renier 
 discovered at Kalama (Guelma) an inscription of the time of 
 Trajan, which clearly showed that this important officer of state 
 was charged with the control of the wheat supply to the metro- 
 polis. The small amount produced in Italy was only sufficient 
 for the soldiers. War in Africa meant famine in Rome, and 
 this was an evil to be guarded against at all costs. Historians 
 
56 Roman Africa 
 
 inform us of scarcity and distress in the reigns of Augustus and 
 Tiberius. Under Claudius there was dearth of corn for three 
 consecutive years, and famine caused great hardship in various 
 parts of the Empire during the rule of Domitian and some of 
 his successors. Under the later emperors there are records of 
 several others, but one may reasonably suppose that the admirable 
 system of corn storage in years of plenty, inaugurated by 
 Trajan, lessened the evil in a time of need. During his strug- 
 gles with Caesar Pompey stopped the export. Such was the 
 distress in the capital that the populace implored Csesar to 
 terminate his differences with his rival. A treaty was then 
 arranged, the chief condition being that grain-ships were to be 
 allowed to leave the African ports and to cross the Mediter- 
 ranean unmolested. 
 
 It is difficult in these days of abundant food supply, and 
 with the control of so large a portion of the earth's surface to 
 meet the growing requirements of mankind, to measure the 
 anxiety of the Roman people when the days of harvesting were 
 drawing near. Their very existence was at one period at the 
 mercy of the waves, and tempestuous weather off the ports of 
 Africa or on the coasts of Sicily and Spain was too often the 
 cause of deep anxiety in the metropolis.' As far back as the 
 time of Caius Gracchus, the socialist of his time and hero of the 
 hour, poor citizens were allowed their doles of wheat at half the 
 current prices in the market, and what were known as tessercB 
 frumentaria, equivalent to modern soup and coal tickets, were 
 distributed freely by civil functionaries to all persons in need. 
 So pauperising a measure attracted to the capital the idle and 
 worthless from all parts of Italy, and ultimately created an evil 
 which the earlier emperors had great difficulty in checking. It 
 was not likely that the populace would remain satisfied till they 
 had ultimately acquired the right of demanding bread unstinted 
 and without payment, nor was it possible for the resources of 
 the treasury to be equal to supplying a demand which was 
 both arbitrary and impolitic. In the last days of the Republic 
 no less than 320,000 persons claimed their weekly doles, and it 
 required all the popularity of a Caesar and the combined efforts 
 
 ' Tacitus, Ann. iii. 54 • Vita populi Romani per incerta maris et tempestatum 
 quotidie volvitur. 
 
Africa under Trajan 57 
 
 of the Senate and the wealthier classes to reduce the number 
 to 150,000. This number was increased to 200,000 by Augus- 
 tus, who, according to Suetonius, was personally inclined to 
 abolish for ever this objectionable custom.' 
 
 The general fertility and capabilities of the soil of North 
 Africa are attested by numerous authors. According to Plutarch, 
 the town of Leptis alone, after Caesar's decisive victory at 
 Thapsus, was condemned to a fine of 2,500,000 pounds of oil ; 
 and Hirtius, who accompanied Caesar on this expedition, tells 
 us that this was a very moderate demand. The use of oil was 
 indispensable for lamps as well as for baths. For the latter 
 purpose the consumption in the days of the Caesars was enor- 
 mous, and the production of this article, imposed as a tax on 
 Africa for the benefit of Rome, amounted annually to about 
 300,000 English gallons. Tacitus also mentions that Vespasian, 
 in disputing the throne with Vitellius, conceived the project of 
 invading Africa by sea and land, and seizing the granaries. On 
 the death of his rival he charged with wheat every ship of the 
 Empire. At Rusicada (Philippeville) may still be seen the 
 remains of enormous granaries ; and we learn that when Caesar's 
 army landed in the neighbourhood of Leptis, an immense 
 wheat supply stored at Thysdrus (El-Djem) was placed at the 
 service of the troops. 
 
 Pliny the Elder is profuse in his praises of Africa, and tells 
 us that the climate is so good, so kind, and so beneficial, that 
 after the seed is sown the land is not visited for nine months, 
 and then the corn is cut down and laid on the threshing-floors ; 
 the reason being that the drought keeps down all weeds, and 
 the dews that fall by night are sufficient to refresh and nourish 
 the corn. In another of his comments ^ he says that there is a 
 city called Tacape (Gabes) in the midst of the sands, the neigh- 
 bourhood of which is so fruitful that it passes wonder and is 
 incredible. There may be seen a mighty date-tree under which 
 grows an olive, under that a fig-tree, and that overspreads a 
 pomegranate under the shade whereof is a vine, and under the 
 compass thereof they sow corn and then herbs, all in one and 
 the same year. The vines in the neighbourhood bear twice a 
 year and yield ripe grapes for a double vintage. Once again, 
 
 ' Suetonius, Aug. 42. '' Pliny, Hiit. Nat. xviii. 22. 
 
58 Roman Africa 
 
 Pliny refers to the land of Byzatium or Byzacene,' which was 
 represented on Roman coins in the guise of a young girl with 
 her arms full of wheatsheaves, and says that when the season is 
 dry the strongest team of oxen cannot plough it, but that after 
 one good shower one poor ass with the help of a silly old 
 woman will be enough, as he has observed many a time and 
 often. 
 
 The Emperor Commodus, whose reign was not remarkable 
 for acts of munificence or utility, built a fleet of ships especially 
 for the grain supply. He had an African and an Alexandrian 
 fleet. It was in a ship of the latter, whose sign was Castor and 
 Pollux, that St. Paul embarked from Malta when he was 
 journeying to Syracuse. In the fourth century, especially 
 during the reign of Constantine, wheat from Egypt was shipped 
 entirely to Constantinople, and wheat from Africa supplied the 
 Roman markets. In the time of Caesar a maximum price of 
 wheat was fixed in Rome, and certain ports were named on the 
 coast of Italy to which it should be exclusively shipped. This 
 arbitrary measure, which appears to have been in force more 
 than a century, was little in accord with the statesmanlike views 
 which characterised the Emperor Trajan in all his public acts. 
 He abolished restrictions, declined to fix a legal price for any 
 articles of production, and allowed shippers and merchants to 
 adopt their own methods in all commercial transactions. The 
 merits of this enlightened policy were put to a severe test on 
 one occasion during his reign. The waters of the Nile had 
 refused to rise, and famine in the land of Egypt seemed immi- 
 nent. But wheat from Africa and Sicily came of their abun- 
 dance to the ports of Italy, and there was enough to spare for 
 the distressed population of Alexandria. We cannot wonder 
 at the interest taken in those days in the shipment of grain, 
 
 ' The region called Byzacene was originally inhabited by a Libyan people called 
 Byzantes, and comprised the southern portion of Africa Provincia. At a later date it 
 became a distinct province, with the title of Provincia Byzacena. It was separated 
 from Tripolitana by the river Triton, and the marshes Palus Tritonis, with a stretch 
 of desert on the south and south-west, formed a natural boundary. Hadrumetum 
 (Susa) was the capital. Other important towns on the coast were AchoUa (no 
 existing remains), Leptis minor (Lemta), Ruspina (Monastir), Thapsus (Ras Dimas), 
 add Thense (Henchir Tina). In the interior of the country were Assuras (Zanfour), 
 Capsa (Gafsa), Sufetula (Sbeitla), Terebintha (no existing remains), and Thysdrus 
 (El-Djem). All these were flourishing towns till the fall of the Empire. 
 
Africa under Trajan 59 
 
 nor can we be surprised at reading that the safe arrival of the 
 fleet at a certain period of the year was a matter of grave 
 anxiety to the people of Rome. From Seneca we have a 
 graphic description of the arrival of the Alexandrian fleet in 
 the port of Puteoli, how the population mounted the hill-tops 
 in expectation, how they scanned the broad waters for the first 
 glimpse of the convoy, and how great the rejoicing when the 
 laden vessels were brought safely into harbour. Similar scenes 
 occurred at the still more important port of Ostia at the mouth 
 of the Tiber. Any one who has visited in recent times this 
 almost deserted sand-choked region, with its silent waters and 
 still more silent plains, experiences a difficulty in conjuring up 
 from these mute surroundings a picture of Ostia of old times — 
 the port of Rome, and the pride of the Emperors. Undulations 
 of the surface and fragments of marble and pottery upturned 
 by the plough or spade are the chief indication of the old city 
 buried far below. The harbour which Claudius caused to be 
 made for his increasing fleet, and the splendid pentagonal basin 
 of Trajan's time, may still be traced on the marshy land which 
 has swallowed up the Mediterranean on these inhospitable 
 shores. And the foundations of the great granaries which 
 stored the wheat supply of Northern Africa are there to tell 
 their own tale of a period of marked prosperity and great 
 commercial activity.^ 
 
 From the epistles of Pliny the Yoynger and his panegyric 
 on his noble patron we obtain an insight into the principles 
 which actuated Trajan in his government of the provinces of 
 the Empire. Africa and Asia were the two senatorial provinces 
 of the first rank, and, as Roman colonies were more numerous 
 in Africa, we may assume that this enlightened ruler adopted 
 a large-minded policy in so important an adjunct of his 
 dominions. Had Pliny been governor of a province of Mauri- 
 tania in Africa instead of Bithynia in Asia, we should have 
 been acquainted with many subjects which can only be in- 
 
 ' Ostia and its remains have been an attractive field for archaeologists of many 
 countries. The intelligent labours of Visconti, Canina, and Texier have thrown con- 
 siderable light on the history and value of Ostia and its harbours in the days of the 
 Empire. And so eminent an authority on all questions of Roman archaeology as 
 Signor Lanciani has cleared up many points in numerous papers on the subject, fully 
 attesting the splendour of Ostia at the commencement of the second century. ( Vide 
 Lanciani, Ancient Rome, pp. 235-246. ) 
 
6o Roman Africa 
 
 differently explained by an interpretation of fragmentary 
 inscriptions found in the country. Anyhow, the letters 
 addressed to Trajan and the Emperor's replies to his dear 
 ' Secundus ' are of special interest, because they convey a faith- 
 ful impression of the manners of the time and the honest 
 attempts to do justice to every subject of the Empire. It 
 must, however, be borne in mind that Pliny was not only the 
 governor or proconsul of Bithynia, but that he acted as the 
 Emperor's own lieutenant with extraordinary powers, and was 
 privileged to hold direct communication with his august master 
 on all matters relating to his office. From the time of Augustus 
 the proconsuls had ruled over the provinces more or less 
 despotically. When any of the Emperors exercised arbitrary 
 powers in Rome by exorbitant demands, or exacted heavy 
 tribute from the more prosperous colonies, the proconsuls, after 
 satisfying the needs of the imperial treasury, did not hesitate 
 to serve their own interests. To plunder the towns seemed to 
 be one of the duties of their high office, till at last the title of 
 proconsul became identified with robbery and extortion. So 
 long as the farmers of taxes throughout the Empire paid certain 
 fixed sums into the treasury at Rome, and gave security for 
 the payment, the proconsuls did not trouble themselves about 
 the way in which taxes were collected. If the collector suc- 
 ceeded in enriching himself at the expense of the people, the 
 proconsul expected to share the plunder. As a governor 
 invested with almost despotic powers he could prevent extor- 
 tion, but ultimately found it to his interest to promote it ; and 
 as a senator he was not amenable to the ordinary laws, but was 
 responsible to the Senate only for his actions. Tacitus tells us 
 that in the western provinces of Mauritania Csesarea and 
 Tingitana, plunder and depredation were tacitly recognised. 
 Nero placed the former under the governorship of Albinus, 
 who was master of a considerable body of troops, with nume- 
 rous auxiliary companies raised in the country, all of whom 
 lived more or less by rapine and depredation.^ Nerva was the 
 first Emperor to initiate a better order of things, but to Trajan 
 may be credited the, establishment of a form of provincial 
 government, which was honourable in the demands made upon 
 his subjects, progressive in its policy, and inimical to all kinds 
 ' Tacitus, Hist. ii. 58-59. 
 
Africa under Trajan 6i 
 
 of corruption and bribery. An outcry against the exactions of 
 a provincial governor reached its climax during his reign, when 
 the Emperor was petitioned by his African subjects to bring to 
 trial Marius Priscus, the proconsul of Africa, and his lieutenant 
 Hostilius Firmanus, on the ground of their cruel and extortion- 
 ate demands. Both Pliny and Tacitus held briefs for the 
 unfortunate provincials, and the hearing of the case, which 
 lasted three days before the Senate in Rome, was under the 
 presidency of the Emperor Trajan himself, as Consul. From 
 Pliny we learn that his speech for the plaintiffs occupied five 
 hours, and from the graphic description of the trial in two of 
 his letters we may assume that he acted as his own special 
 reporter. Anyhow, the petitioners won their case. M. Priscus 
 was mulcted in a heavy fine and was banished ; and H. 
 Firmanus was declared incapable of serving as a proconsul. 
 To wind up the whole matter, Pliny tells us with pardonable 
 pride that both he and Tacitus received the congratulations of 
 the Senate for their successful impeachment of two such 
 distinguished officers. The trial was remarkable on account of 
 the high position of M. Priscus, who had been Consul, and was 
 a person of great distinction. Similar proceedings, we are 
 told, were taken against Julius Barrus, governor of Bithynia, 
 and Rufus Varenus.' 
 
 Such praiseworthy endeavours to administer justice to all 
 classes in every part of the Empire are fully corroborated in 
 the correspondence between Trajan and his friend the pro- 
 consul of Bithynia. When Pliny petitioned the Emperor to 
 sanction the introduction of Roman methods of local govern- 
 ment to displace the irregular systems in operation in various 
 parts of the province, Trajan replied that it seemed best, and 
 was even the safest way, to leave each city to exercise its own 
 peculiar laws. On another occasion when Pliny complained to 
 the Emperor of the ruinous condition of the bath at Prusa 
 (Broussa), and asked his approval of its being rebuilt, ' Yes,' 
 said Trajan, ' provided no new tax be levied for this purpose, 
 nor any of those taken off which are appropriated to necessary 
 services.' Only once did the Emperor appear to show any 
 signs of irritation with his exacting correspondent. ' The 
 theatre and gymnasium in course of construction at Nicaea,' 
 ' Pliny. These names appear in several letters. 
 
62 Roman Africa 
 
 said Pliny, ' are being built on marshy ground, and the walls 
 are already cracked. The gymnasium is not only of irregular 
 shape, but it is badly planned. The present architect, who is a 
 rival of the one first engaged on the work, tells me that the 
 foundations, which are twenty feet thick and loosely built, are 
 unequal to support the superstructure. Send me some archi- 
 tects from Italy to advise me in the matter, which is urgent.' 
 Trajan's reply was very brief. ' As to architects,' said the 
 Emperor, ' there is no province which has not trained men of 
 skill and ingenuity to do what you require. Such experts are 
 not produced in Italy. We have several in Rome, but they 
 come to us from Greece.' ' 
 
 The confidence inspired by the just and beneficent rule of 
 Trajan soon spread to the more distant parts of the Empire. 
 The magic of his name, associated with unbounded success as a 
 warrior, checked the turbulent tribes on the frontiers of his 
 African provinces ; and the native races subject to the will of 
 Rome were left to cultivate their fields in peace, or change a 
 nomadic life for one of settlement in towns and villages. 
 Public works were in progress everywhere, roads were multiplied 
 or repaired, and harbours constructed or enlarged. With the 
 aid of the renowned Apollodorus of Damascus, the great 
 architect of his time, rivers were spanned by stately bridges far 
 exceeding in magnificence anything the world had ever seen ; 
 triumphal arches — tributes of gratitude to a wise and thoughtful 
 Emperor — graced the entry of provincial towns ; and temples 
 and theatres, baths and aqueducts, rose, as if by magic, to do 
 honour to the Emperor in his lifetime. But the name of Trajan, 
 as a patron of architecture and a man of princely tastes, will 
 for ever be associated with the great forum at Rome which 
 bears his name, and with the stately column which has happily 
 defied the ravages of time. When the Emperor Constantius IL 
 made his triumphal entry into Rome A.D. 356, he stood amazed 
 at the beauty and grandeur of the forum, with its splendid 
 embellishments in marble and stone. In despair of ever 
 doing anything that would rival such magnificence, he said, as 
 he turned away, that he would be content to match the horse 
 which figured in the equestrian statue of Trajan. ' You can 
 
 ' This letter of Trajan's testifies to the widespread influence of Hellenic art, and 
 the indebtedness of the Roman world to the more cultured Greek. 
 
Africa under Trajan 63 
 
 imitate the horse,' said the Persian prince Hormisdas, who 
 accompanied him, ' but how about the stable ? ' It is also 
 stated that when the Persian was asked on a subsequent occa- 
 sion what he thought of Rome, he replied, ' I am trying to 
 forget that men are but mortal.' In his epitome of the history 
 of Rome Eutropius speaks of Trajan as orbem terrarum cBdifi- 
 cans, but he might have coupled his name with that of Hadrian, 
 his successor, as his equal in the encouragement given to the 
 building of public monuments worthy of a great Empire. To 
 the honour of Trajan it may be said that he raised these costly 
 edifices for the people and not for himself, and that during the 
 twenty years he sat on the throne of the Caesars not one single 
 gallery or room of state was added to the imperial palace on 
 the Palatine hill. But his name, inscribed on marble or stone, 
 was so much in evidence everywhere that Constantine, two 
 centuries later, humorously compared it to the pellitory on the 
 wall. Yet with all this magnificence Art in Trajan's time was 
 not the Art of the Augustan age. It had lost its vitality, and 
 the high ideal inherited from the Greeks had departed. 
 Human thought, said Plutarch, had descended from its throne 
 and had wings no longer. ' Poetry did not hold the same place 
 in the Roman mind,' says an intelligent French author. ' Elo- 
 quent prose was heard where song was once triumphant. The 
 gods had departed, and mortals only remained. In art as in 
 policy the era of Trajan was one of truth, but not of the ideal ; 
 of good sense, but not of genius.' ' 
 
 There were several cities and towns in Roman Africa which 
 became associated with Trajan's name on account of some 
 public work or act of watchful benevolence. Leptis Magna, for 
 instance, was favoured by his notice, and coins were struck in 
 his honour bearing the words Colonia Ulpia Traiana Leptis. 
 
 Mention should also be made of Hippo Diarrhytus or Hippo 
 Zarytus (Bizerta), which was founded by some Phoenician colo- 
 nists from Tyre at an early date, and subsequently became a 
 commercial port under the rule of Carthage. Its importance 
 for strategic purposes attracted the attention of Agathocles, 
 who invaded Africa B.C. 309. He remained there long enough 
 to fortify the town and construct a harbour, of which the lines 
 
 ' Le Comte de Champagny, Les Antonins, Paris, 1875, vol. i. p. 387. 
 
64 Roman Africa 
 
 can still be traced. According to Pliny, Hippo was a well- 
 known colony in his time : est in Africa Hipponensis colonia 
 mari proxima. And he adds, Adjacet ei navigabile stagnum, ex 
 quo in modum fluminis, czstuarium emergit quod, vice alterna, 
 prout cBSius aut repressit aut impulit, nunc infertur mari, nunc 
 redditur stagno} With reference to this latter quotation, M. 
 V. Gu^rin remarks that the statement is perfectly correct. Any 
 one who has visited Bizerta must have noticed the currents 
 spoken of by Pliny, as moving sometimes one way and some- 
 times the other. The sea enters the lake by two branches of a 
 canal when the wind is westerly, and when it is in a contrary 
 direction the current is reversed. The monumental remains of 
 Hippo have entirely disappeared, the materials having been 
 re-used in the construction of the uninteresting Arab town of 
 Bizerta. Two inscriptions were discovered here about forty years 
 ago by M. Gu6rin, one being on a milliary column dedicated to 
 Marcus Aurelius, and the other on a block of marble from some 
 edifice presented to the colony by the inhabitants of an adjacent 
 colony styled Julia Carpitana, near Carthage.^ 
 
 IMP • CAES GENIO • COL • IVLIAE 
 
 M • AVRELIVS HIPP • DIARR • SACR 
 
 ANTONINVS COLONI ■ COL • IVLIAE 
 
 PIVS ■ FELIX • AVG CARPIT 
 
 PARTHICVS • MAX GVLV 
 
 GERMAN I CVS • MA X QVIS 
 
 TRIE • POT • XVIII IVSTISSIMIS 
 COS • nil • P • P D ■ D • P ■ P 
 
 RESTITVIT 
 XLIX 
 
 This town still preserves its ancient name of Carpis, pro- 
 nounced by the Arabs Kourbis. The city of Hippo received 
 the affix of Zarytus to distinguish it from Hippo Regius 
 (Bone), the word Zarytus being translated by the Greeks into 
 SidppvTos (diarrhytus), on account of a canal which passed 
 through the town. 
 
 Hadrumetum (Susa) is another town of importance which 
 bears testimony to the beneficence of Trajan and to its rank as 
 a colony, Coloni Colonics Concordice Ulpics Trajance Augustce 
 
 Pliny, Epist. ix. 33. 
 
 ^ V. Gu&in, vol. ii. pp. 22-23. 
 
Africa under Trajan 65 
 
 FrugifercB Hadrumetince. According to Sallust it existed as a 
 PhcEnician colony before Carthage, and its original name is 
 supposed to have been Adrymes or Adramytos. It was the 
 capital of Byzacene and suffered terribly during the campaign 
 of Julius Caesar. As a city of wealth it was condemned to pay 
 a heavy fine at the close of the war. Procopius speaks of 
 Hadrumetum in the sixth century as a large and populous town. 
 It was destroyed by the Vandals, but rebuilt and fortified by 
 the Byzantines. For a short period it changed its name to 
 Justiniana in compliment to the Emperor, and in later times 
 became conspicuous as a seat of Christianity and the residence 
 of a bishop. It is difficult, in the present day, to trace the lines 
 of the Cothon or harbour mentioned by Hirtius, or the position 
 of the eight gates described by El-Bekri, as well as of the 
 immense tower at the entrance of the harbour called Dar-es- 
 Senaa (signifying arsenal, and from which our word is probably 
 derived). M. Daux, who made a special study of Phoenician 
 remains at Hadrumetum, as well as of other places and emporia 
 on the coast already referred to, says that the Byzantine oc- 
 cupation was most destructive. The exactions of Justinian, 
 under pretence that money was wanting for reconstructing the 
 defences of the country, while it really went to swell the cofTers 
 of the insatiable Emperor at Byzantium, drove away the popula- 
 tion. Procopius, the historian of the time, says that five millions 
 left the country, but this is probably an exaggeration. During 
 the Byzantine occupation, which was purely military, the in- 
 cursions of the Moors proved a source of considerable trouble. 
 The Christian population was roused to action, and for protec- 
 tion they constructed a class of buildings outside the towns, 
 answering the double purpose of convents and fortresses, of which 
 mention has been already made. The occupants were soldier- 
 monks, and the buildings, which were enclosed by surrounding 
 walls of defence, were called Monasteria. Several of these still 
 exist. There is one at Leptis Parva (Lemta) ; another at Ruspina 
 (actually Monastir, to which it gave the name) ; and another 
 at Hadrumetum called Kasr-er-Ribat, mentioned by El-Bekri. 
 This was partly reconstructed by a prince of the Aghlabite 
 dynasty A.D. 827, and converted by the disciples of Mahomet 
 into a place of retirement for marabouts. There are also 
 the remains of two other monasteria on the coast between 
 
 F 
 
66 Roman Africa 
 
 Hadrumetum and Carthage. The internal arrangement of these 
 buildings was similar, and for the most part consisted of a series 
 of vaulted chambers, which were originally occupied by foreign 
 mercenaries in the pay of Carthage. These chambers were 
 afterwards converted into cells for monks. This hybrid institu- 
 tion was the origin of orders of a similar kind so celebrated in 
 the Middle Ages, and especially familiar to us under the names 
 of Templars and Knights of St. John. 
 
 Among the many useful arts which are associated with the 
 Roman name, and received direct encouragement from Trajan, 
 that of road-making stands pre-eminent. In the days of the 
 Republic the maintenance and repair of public highways and 
 streets were under the charge of censors, the highest rank in the 
 magistracy of Rome. From the time of Augustus roads were 
 of three classes : publicce, sometimes designated as consulares, 
 militares, or pratorice ; privatcz, sometimes called agrarice ; and 
 vicinales. The first were under the charge of men of praetorian 
 rank, to whom two Hctors were assigned. To give additional 
 weight to their high office, the Emperor appointed them for life, 
 instead of for a term of five years which had hitherto been the 
 rule, and nominated men of senatorial or equestrian rank 
 according to the relative importance of the roads committed to 
 their care. According to Isidore of Seville, the kind of roads 
 supposed to have been borrowed from the Carthaginians were 
 called vice munitce, which were paved with rectangular blocks of 
 any hard local stone, or with polygonal blocks of lava.^ From 
 Ulpian^ we learn that there were several different kinds of roads 
 known to the Romans. There was the via terrena, which had 
 an ordinary surface of levelled earth. A second kind was the 
 via glareata, having a gravelled surface, referred to by Livy,' 
 who speaks of the censors of his time as being the first to 
 contract for paving the streets of Rome with flint stones, for 
 laying gravel on the roads outside the city, and for forming raised 
 footpaths at the sides. A third kind was the via munita, which 
 in course of time became identical in meaning with viapublica.^ 
 
 ' Orig. XV. l6, 6. Primum Pani dicuntur lapidibus vias stravisse ; postea 
 Romani per omnem pane urbem disposuerunt, propter rectitudinem itinerum et ne 
 plebs essetoHosa. 
 
 ^ Ulpian, Dig. 43, ii, 2. » Livy, xli. c. 27. 
 
 * Smith's ZJjVA of Gr. and Rom. Antiq. art. 'Vise.' According to Signor Lan- 
 ciani, munita means levelled, straightened, and macadamised. Vide Livy, ix. 29. 
 
Africa under Trajan 67 
 
 During the Empire the office of superintendent of public 
 roads was of such honour and distinction that it became the 
 custom to confer it upon those who had been consuls. Julius 
 Caesar is mentioned by Plutarch as curator or superintendent of 
 the Appian Way, and we learn that he spent his own money on 
 its maintenance. Augustus also, we are told, personally accepted 
 the office of curator in the vicinity of Rome. The roads ex- 
 tended to a considerable distance from the capital, the length 
 of the Appian Way being computed at 350 miles. A recent 
 traveller, speaking of this great highway, remarks that though 
 it is much broken in several places and travelling over it very 
 uncomfortable, it is wonderfully well preserved. So hard indeed 
 is the material that it may be said to be polished rather than 
 worn, and in some parts the entire width appears to have been 
 paved with single slabs.' Siculus Flaccus, who lived in the reign 
 of Trajan, designates the public roads as vice puhlicce regalesque, 
 under the charge of curatores, and says that they were repaired 
 at the public expense by redemptores (contractors), a fixed 
 contribution being levied from adjacent landowners. The 
 use of the word corresponding to regales may be traced to 
 Herodotus, who speaks of the oZol ^aa-lXsioi of the Persians, 
 probably the first organisers of the system of public highways. 
 In the book of Numbers we read of the children of Israel 
 asking permission to 'go by the king's highway,' ^ and in our 
 own time we constantly use such expressions as the king's 
 highway and the royal road. There is sufficient evidence from 
 the Geography of Ptolemy, who lived in the reigns of Hadrian 
 and Antonine, and from the Itinerary of Antoninus, which was 
 written in the form handed down to us prior to the time of 
 Constantine, that extraordinary attention was bestowed on the 
 service of the public roads in the provinces of the Empire, as 
 well as in Italy. 
 
 Among the inscriptions found in Africa relating to curatores 
 viarum, the following dedication on a pedestal at Tiddis* 
 (Kheneg) of the time of Hadrian possesses some interest. It 
 gives an idea of the high distinction attached in those days to 
 a seat on a highway board, quatuorviro viarum curandarum. 
 
 ' Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq. art. 'Viae.' * Numbers xx. 17. 
 
 ' l.R.A. No. 2322. Vidi Annuaire de Constantine, art. by General Creuilly, 
 1853, p. 87. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 Roman Africa 
 
 Q • LOLLIO • M ■ FIL 
 QVIR • VRBICO ■ COS 
 LEG • AVG • PROVING ■ GERM 
 INFERIORIS • FETIALI • LEGATO 
 IMP • HADRIANI ■ IN • EXPEDITION 
 IVDAICA ■ QVA • DONATVS • EST 
 HASTA_- PVRA • CORONA ■ AVREA • LEG 
 LEG • X • GEMINAE • PRAET ■ CANDIDAT 
 CAES • TRIB • PLEB -CANDIDAT • CAES • LEG 
 PROCOS • ASIAE • Q VAES T • VRBIS • TRIB 
 LATICLAVIO ■ LEG • XXII • PRIMIGENIAE 
 nil • VIRO • VIARVM • CVRAND 
 PATRONO 
 D-D P - P 
 
 Quinto Lollio, Marci filio, 
 Quirina tribu, Urbico, consuli, 
 legato AugusH provincicB Germania 
 inferioris, fetiali, legato 
 Imperatoris Hadriani in expeditione 
 Judaica, qua donatus est 
 hastapura, corona aurea, legato 
 legionis decima Gemina, prcetori candidato 
 Cmsaris, tribuno plebei candidato Cessans, legato 
 proconsulis Asia, quastori Urbis, tribuno 
 laticlavio legionis vicesimce secundce Primigenice, 
 quatuorviro viarum curandarum, 
 patrono. 
 Decreto decurionum. Pecunia publica 
 
 A long score of indebtedness to the Roman world tempts us 
 to ignore our obligations in such small matters as the placing 
 of milliary columns or milestones on our highways, and to 
 forget that Caius Gracchus, 1 20 years before the Christian era, 
 was the first to recognise their utility for civil as well as military 
 purposes. The system which he adopted was afterwards brought 
 to perfection by Augustus, and from his time no public road in 
 the Empire was without them. The milliaria in general use 
 were short columns, generally of marble, but sometimes of stone. 
 The inscriptions upon them gave the distance from a capital or 
 town expressed in paces, a thousand paces {inille passus) repre- 
 senting a Roman mile, equivalent to 4,854 English feet. Some- 
 times the initial letters M.P. were omitted. The inscription 
 further gave the name of the constructor of the road, coupled 
 with that of the emperor in whose honour it was dedicated. 
 
Africa under Trajan 69 
 
 As a central mark in Rome, Augustus set up a gilt bronze 
 column in the Forum, called the Milliarium Aureum, near a 
 flight of steps which led up to the Temple of Saturn.' On this 
 column were inscribed the names and distances of the chief 
 towns on the roads mentioned by Pliny as radiating through 
 the thirty-seven gates of Rome.^ Outside the city walls the 
 respective measurements were taken from the gates. It may be 
 inferred that each city in the province had a similar milliarium., 
 though not necessarily aureum. Ordinary milliaria abound in 
 North Africa, and by many of them we obtain a clue to several 
 lines of roads which would otherwise have been lost, the date of 
 their construction, and a reliable means of correcting loosely 
 written statements by ancient authors. Few milliary columns 
 of the period of the Casars have been discovered, but those 
 inscribed with the names of Trajan and his successors have been 
 brought to light in nearly every part of the country occupied by 
 the Romans. 
 
 The port of Thabraca (Tabarca), which lies on the northern 
 coast midway between Utica and Hippo Regius, and the road 
 running direct south connecting the town with the main high- 
 way from Carthage, received the attention of Trajan in the 
 early part of his reign. Pliny speaks of Thabraca as a Roman 
 city on the river Tusca, which forms the eastern boundary of 
 Numidia, and quaintly adds that besides Numidian marble 
 and wild beasts 'there is nothing worth noting.'* The port 
 was evidently used for the shipment of wild animals to Ostia 
 for the service of the amphitheatre in Rome, for the export of 
 the rich products of the Medjerda plains, and for the transport 
 of timber for building purposes, and possibly firewood. The 
 Roman remains at Tabarca are scattered over a large area, but, 
 from the absence of refinement in any architectural or deco- 
 rative work yet discovered, the town may be regarded as having 
 been purely commercial. The chief interest of the place in 
 rtiodern times is centred in a rocky island about half a mile 
 from the mainland, crowned by a citadel of picturesque aspect 
 and considerable strength, constructed by Charles V. on the 
 
 ' Middleton's Ancient Rome in 1885, p. 166. Otho and the Praetorian con- 
 spirators who murdered Galba met ad Milliarium Aureum sub cede Satumi. 
 (Plutarch, Galba, 24.) 
 
 ^ Pliny, Hist. Nat. iii. 5. ' Ibid. v. 3. 
 
70 Roman Africa 
 
 completion of his expedition against Tunis in 1535. The 
 edifice, with the walls of defence, has been partly built with the 
 stones of old Thabraka, but no inscriptions relating to the occu- 
 pation of the island by the Romans have yet been discovered. 
 When Peysonnel visited the spot in 1724 the castle was occu- 
 pied by Genoese troops, and the fortifications were armed with 
 bronze guns bearing the arms of the Lomellini, a noble family 
 of Genoa. He speaks of the island as strong and safe, and in 
 a condition neither to fear the Turk nor the Arabs of Barbary. 
 The old road into the interior, which followed for a considerable 
 distance the banks of the ancient river Tusca, now known as 
 the Oued-el-Kebir (the Great River) or the Oued-es-Zan (the 
 River of Oak-trees), appears to have been reconstructed by 
 Trajan. Close to the southern boundary at Fernana, about 
 32 miles from Tabarca, is a milliary column, and 12 miles 
 further south, at the foot of the mountains, another is still 
 existing. 
 
 This region lying between the Mediterranean and the 
 Medjerda plains, occupying an area of about 480 square miles, 
 with a seaboard of less than 16 miles, has been known for 
 a long period as the country of the Khomair (sing. Khomiri). 
 Prior to the French occupation, and dating back many centuries, 
 it was practically an unknown country, avoided by travellers 
 on account of the lawlessness of its inhabitants, and generally 
 marked as a blank on maps of Northern Africa. A tribute in 
 money was paid annually to the emissaries of the Bey of Tunis 
 representing the Sultan of Turkey, but this was invariably done 
 with the payment in one hand and the pistol in the other.^ In 
 fact, these uncivilised people refused to recognise the authority 
 of the Bey on one side of their territory, or that of the Dey 
 of Algiers on the other, preferring independence and a lawless 
 life coupled with poverty and hardship to the doubtful ad- 
 vantages of living under Turkish rule. The configuration of 
 the country, and the capabilities of the soil to produce a suffi- 
 ciency of food with the smallest amount of labour, were all 
 
 ' This historic spot, known as Fernana, where tribute was paid, derives its name 
 from a gigantic cork oak, the branches of which spread considerably over 100 feet. It 
 is a conspicuous object in the landscape, as there is no other tree within many miles. 
 The story goes that, if any soldier of the Bey had attempted to advance beyond the 
 tree, the taxes would have been paid in powder and shot. 
 
r-'--^' 
 
 J-; 
 
 \ f#4 
 
 
 A 
 t ■ 
 
 \ 
 
 J*' 
 
 
 < 
 Q 
 
 
 o 
 
 w 
 
Africa under Trajan 71 
 
 in their favour, and so they have lived on through countless 
 generations in penury and rags, without one thought of striving 
 for a higher life, or the slightest regard for the beauty of the 
 country they called their own. No part of North Africa has 
 been more favoured by nature than this little-known land of 
 the Khomair. Hill and dale clothed with soft verdure succeed 
 each other in pleasant variety ; mountain slopes rugged and 
 picturesque ; forests of cork and olive ; an undergrowth of 
 myrtle and juniper and wild rose ; a land thinly peopled, but a 
 landscape to charm the eye of poet or painter,^ 
 
 Faint traces of the Roman road are apparent in traversing 
 the country, and remains of farm establishments give sufficient 
 indications of a civilised condition in the days of the Empire. 
 It is probable that this road of Trajan's followed the course of 
 a road or track used in earlier times by the kings of Numidia, 
 because it lay in a direct line between the coast and their 
 ancient capital Bulla Regia, now known as Hammam Darradji. 
 It is unfortunate that we have so little knowledge of this 
 old-world metropolis which has a history without records, and 
 ruined monuments without inscriptions. A few years ago 
 a triumphal arch elaborately ornamented was a conspicuous 
 feature on the rising ground. The Thermce, judging from their 
 remains, were on a large scale and covered a considerable area 
 of land. The theatre, the walls of which are still intact, built 
 with large blocks of finely dressed stone, was beautifully situated 
 on a spur of the mountain ; and as the ground at the present 
 time is on a level with the top of the proscenium, some idea 
 may be formed of the alteration of the surface since the final 
 destruction and abandonment of Bulla Regia by the Arabs in 
 the seventh century. The amphitheatre is only indicated by 
 undulations of the surface, and the entire site of the city, nearly 
 a mile long, is so choked with weeds and undergrowth that 
 recognition of the different public buildings is difficult. The 
 Byzantines in their turn contributed largely to the destruction 
 of Roman edifices here as elsewhere, and, as usual, paid no 
 respect to monumental buildings, whether Roman or Numidian, 
 but used them as a kind of quarry for the erection of fortresses 
 and walls of defence. In the centre of the city are the remains 
 of a large Nymphceum, semicircular in plan, a favourite form 
 ' ' Umbriferos ubi pandit Tabraca saltus.' (Juvenal, Sat. x. 194.) 
 
72 Roman Africa 
 
 with the Romans. From the appearance of the fragments this 
 was a work of great beauty, and was ornamented with colon- 
 nades, like other well-known examples in Italy and elsewhere. 
 It is lamentable to add that an inexcusable concession of the 
 stones in this district, for the purposes of the Tunisian railway 
 completed some fifteen years ago, was followed by a destruction 
 of numerous monuments, as well as of a number of inscribed 
 stones which might have thrown some light on the early history 
 of this royal city. According to M. Tissot,^ who made careful 
 investigations of the site in recent years, Bulla Regia appears 
 to have long preserved its Punico- Libyan character, and coins 
 discovered here bearing the crescent and the disc indicate the 
 worship of Baal joined to that of the great goddess of the 
 Carthaginians, Tanith or Virgo Cselestis. 
 
 The Numidian marble referred to by Pliny in his mention 
 of Thabraka came from the quarries at Simittu (Chemtou), one 
 day's journey west of Bulla Regia. Trajan's interest in the 
 town and its beautiful products was marked by the erection 
 of a colossal bridge ovpr the Medjerda, two arches of which and 
 the remains of a quay are still standing. Two hundred feet 
 distant are the ruins of a much older bridge, carrying us back 
 to the time of the Numidian kings. An immense slab oi giallo- 
 antico marble lying in an adjoining meadow bears an inscription 
 relating to Trajan's monumental structures.^ The date of its 
 erection is A.D. 112, when the Emperor was Consul for the 
 sixth time, being the same year in which the stately column 
 was raised in the Forum at Rome in honour of his Dacian 
 victory. 
 
 CAESAR DIVI 
 VAE F NERVA 
 AIANVS OPTIMVS 
 G • GERM • DACIC PONT 
 X TR^B POT • XVI IMP VI 
 COS VI P • P 
 TEM NOVVM A FVNDAMENTIS 
 ERA MILITVM SVORVM • ET 
 PECVNIA SVA 
 
 ROVINCIAE AFRICAE FECIT 
 
 ' C. Tissot, Le Bassin du Bagrada et la Vote Romaine de Carthage h Hippone 
 par Bulla Regia. Paris, Imp. Nat. 1881. 
 2 C. Tissot, ibid. 
 
o 
 
 H 
 
 w 
 
 X 
 o 
 
 H 
 H 
 
 H 
 <i 
 
 W 
 
 O 
 Q 
 
 z 
 
 < 
 
Africa under Trajan 73 
 
 Jinperator Ccesar Divi 
 
 Nerva filius Nerva 
 
 Trajanus Optimus, 
 
 Augustus, Germanicus, Dacicus, Pontifex 
 
 Maxtmus, Tribunitia Potestate XVI, Iwperator VJ 
 
 Consul VI. Pater Patrice, 
 
 Pontem Novum a Fundamentis 
 
 Opera Militum suorum et 
 
 Pecunia sua 
 Provincia Africa fecit. 
 
 The words opera militum. suorum and provincics Africce 
 fecit show that the bridge was undertaken for the benefit of the 
 provinces of Africa under the supervision of the Emperor as 
 chief of the army, and pecunid sud that it was paid for out of 
 the imperial treasury. 
 
 The neighbouring town of Simittu became a colony in the 
 reign of Augustus or one of the emperors of the Julian family, 
 under the title of Colonia Julia Augusta Numidica Simittu, and 
 its citizens, like those of Bulla Regia, were inscribed in the tribe 
 of Quirina. It is described as a town on the high road from 
 Carthage to Hippo Regius (Bone), and four days' journey from 
 the former. The complete destruction of the roads in the 
 vicinity of Simittu, and difficulty of access to this part of the 
 country, were the chief causes of its neglect, and of its remaining 
 unknown and unthought of for so many centuries. Fortunately 
 an inscribed milliary column fixes the site of the Roman town, 
 and gives the date of the construction of a road from Simittu 
 to Thabraca A.D. 129. 
 
 IMP • CAESAR 
 DIVI • TRAIANI 
 PARTHIC • FIL 
 DIVI • NERVAE ■ NEP 
 
 HADRIANVS AVG 
 PONTIFEX MAX 
 TRIE ■ POT • XIII 
 
 COS • III 
 VIAM A SIMITTV 
 VSQ • THABRACAM 
 I 
 
 The monumental remains cover a large area, but, with the 
 exception of the bridge referred to, possess little interest. The 
 
74 Roman Africa 
 
 workmanship generally is coarse and unrefined, and there ' is an 
 absence of those decorative features in marble and stone which 
 are generally to be found in the public buildings of prosperous 
 communities. It is probable that Simittu owed its existence to 
 the proximity of the marble quarries, and that its inhabitants 
 were mostly connected with the working and transport of these 
 valuable products. The marbles were quarried from a number 
 of small hills, about 800 feet above the sea- level, and covering 
 an area of not less than 220 acres. They are of different kinds, 
 principally giallo antico ; but there are many other varieties, 
 especially of the breccia class, of a brownish hue and of beautiful 
 shades of colour. There is no doubt that Simittu attained 
 great celebrity under the Empire on account of the abundance 
 of this rich material, which was worked here extensively and 
 shipped to Rome. Hadrian, we know, valued these products 
 very highly. An inscription informs us that he made the road 
 to the coast to facilitate their transport, and used them freely in 
 the embellishment of his villas at Tivoli and Antium. 
 
 The employment of marble by the Romans as a decorative 
 material cannot be traced farther back than the commencement 
 of the first century B.C. It seems to have been disfavoured on 
 its first introduction, mainly on the ground that it was a Greek 
 luxury ill suited to the taste of the commonwealth. The quarries 
 of Italy had not then been opened, and the only known marbles 
 were the white varieties imported from Greece. Pliny the Elder 
 expresses an opinion on the use of marble, especially in private 
 houses, in a violent diatribe, and vents his indignation against 
 Marcus Scaurus for having set up in front bf his house on 
 Mount Palatine some lofty columns of black Lucullean marble.^ 
 ' Considering, then, this bad example,' says Pliny, ' so prejudicial 
 to all good manners and so hurtful to posterity, would it not be 
 better for the city to disallow such superfluities by wholesome 
 laws and edicts than thus to permit such huge and proud pillars 
 to be raised in front of a private house, even under the nose of 
 the gods, whose images were but of earth and their temples as 
 of potter's clay ? ' Lucius Crassus also, who built himself a house 
 
 ' Middleton, p. 14. Lucullean marble was the product of an island on the Nile, 
 but its position has not been identified, although mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. 
 xxxvi. 2. It was so called because it was specially used in Rome by the Consul 
 L. Lucullus about B.C. 74. 
 
Africa under Trajan 75 
 
 Aon Mount Palatine about B.C. 95, was condemned by Pliny for 
 his extravagance in erecting in the atrium six pillars of ' out- 
 landish marble, although they were but quarried on Hymettus 
 hill' But the first Roman known to employ coloured Numidian 
 marble was M. .(Emilius Lepidus during his year of consulate 
 with Q. Lutatius Catulus, B.C. 78.' Its use as a decorative 
 material was probably encouraged by Sallust when governor of 
 Numidia, B.C. 46. The term Numidian is, however, a misnomer, 
 being applied to the products of Simittu near the eastern 
 boundary of old Numidia, as well as those of Kleber in Algeria, 
 about twenty-one miles north-east of Oran, in the ancient 
 kingdom of Mauritania. Neither of these places has ever 
 been in Numidian territory, but the term may have originated 
 from the shipment of marble at the port of Thabraka, near the 
 mouth of the Tusca, which formed, as previously observed, the 
 eastern boundary of Numidia proper. It is quite certain that 
 what is known as Numidian marble was not found in Numidia, 
 although some quarries at Filfila, near Philippeville, produce a 
 white marble, but no coloured varieties. Seneca, in his ' Epistles,' 
 refers to slabs of Numidian in conjunction with marble from 
 Alexandria: Nisi Alexandrina mannora Numidicis crustis dis- 
 tincta sunt. And Suetonius makes passing mention of a column 
 nearly twenty feet high, raised in the Forum at Rome in honour 
 of Caesar, in the following words : Postea solidam columnam 
 prope viginti pedum lapidis Numidid in foro statuit scripsitque 
 Parenti Patrice. A later writer also mentions these products 
 as distinguished for patches of saffron colour : Numidicum 
 ■marmor Numidia mittet, ad cutein succum dimittet croco similem. 
 The quarries at Chemtou are much in the condition in which 
 they were left by the Romans at the time of the Vandal invasion 
 of the country in the fifth century. Half-quarried blocks lie 
 side by side in the yawning chasms of the rocks, with the 
 mason's marks still legible, and far down the cavernous abyss 
 can be seen the preparations for working one of those lordly 
 monoliths, which still excite our admiration in Rome and else- 
 where.^ One thing very noticeable at the quarries of Simittu is 
 
 ' Pliny, Hisf. Nat. xxxvi. 6. 
 
 ^ The excavations conducted systematically in Rome during recent years under 
 the able supervision of Signor Lanciani are continually bearing testimony to the 
 lavish use of African marble under the Empire. In exploring the site of the cele- 
 
76 Roman Africa 
 
 the absence of economy in the extraction and working of marble. ^ 
 But it must be remembered that imperial edicts overruled laws 
 of economy, and that, if an order were given for so many columns 
 from any particular quarry, they had to be produced regardless 
 of cost. Of the use of marble at Simittu there are no indications, 
 except in the construction of the aqueduct which conveyed the 
 water to the town, a distance of about five miles, and this is 
 mostly built with waste marble from the quarries. Some 
 portions have been reconstructed, probably during the Byzantine 
 occupation in the sixth century ; and it is lamentable to add 
 that a number of inscribed stones with their faces inwards have 
 been built into the piers. Some years ago these quarries were 
 actively worked by a Belgian company, and operations were 
 conducted on a large scale. It is a matter of regret that success 
 did not attend their efforts, and that further proceedings were 
 stopped. The increasing demand for coloured marbles as a 
 material will probably lead to a reopening of the works. The 
 products are unusually varied, bearing Italian names well known 
 to marble merchants, such as marmor bianco, giallo avorio, 
 giallo canarino, giallo paonazzo, rosa carnagione, breccia dorata, 
 breccia sanguigna, bianco e nero antico. 
 
 The other quarries at Kleber in Mauritania Caesariensis are 
 far more extensive, comprising more than 1,500 acres at an 
 altitude of nearly 2,000 feet above the sea. The products are 
 varied. Breccias from dark brown to blood red ; giallo antico 
 of different hues ; cipollino rosso, and more than one quality of 
 white marble. One of the rose-tinted varieties is of so close a 
 texture that trinkets resembling coral in appearance might be 
 made of it, and the paonazzo variety, so called from its exquisite 
 colouring after the manner of a peacock's plumage, is a reddish 
 marble bearing a similarity to the far-famed variety known" as 
 rosso antico. 
 
 Another beautiful product of Mauritania, discovered shortly 
 after the French occupation of Algeria, is that variety of alabaster 
 known as Algerian onyx. The main source of supply is from 
 
 brated Basilica Emilia, tons upon tons of remains of columns of this beautiful 
 material were brought out by the workmen. The pavement of the central hall or 
 nave was found to be composed of slabs of bigio and africano. This basilica, 
 measuring 300 feet in length, was nearly as large as its rival monument the Basilica 
 Julia, which excited the admiration of the poet Statins, describing this noble edifice 
 as sublimis regia Paulli. 
 
Africa under Trajan 77 
 
 Ain Tekbalet, near Tlemcen. Any one who has visited that 
 remarkable Moorish city, which rivalled Granada for its wealth 
 and civilisation in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and took 
 high rank as the capital of a great and powerful nation, could 
 not fail to notice the abundant use of this beautiful material in 
 the chief mosques of the city. The coloured marbles of 
 Mauritania are not to be seen, but Algerian onyx is everywhere.^ 
 With such abundance of coloured marble in North Africa, 
 and so many indications of extensive and laborious quarrying 
 during the Roman occupation, one might expect to find it used 
 in great profusion throughout the country. But this is not the 
 case, for its employment was mostly restricted to the towns on 
 or near the coast. The principal quarries were near the sea, 
 and transmission from port to port was easy. Fragments of 
 shafts or slabs of marble are rarely met with in the monumental 
 Roman remains in the interior of the country. There was 
 abundance of good stone, some of the limestone varieties being 
 almost equal to marble in textdre and appearance. One might 
 be induced to believe that Numidian marble was so highly 
 prized in Rome and the chief cities of Italy that its use was 
 almost forbidden in the African provinces, except for imperial 
 purposes. Roman Carthage, according to Arab writers, was a 
 city of marble. But Carthage was the metropolis of Africa, and 
 was rebuilt, by the order of Augustus, on a scale of great mag- 
 nificence. This is fully attested by El-Bekri and other authors. 
 But the marble of Carthage is now elsewhere. It may be seen 
 in the stately monoliths clustered in twos and threes in the 
 prayer-chamber of the great Mosque at Kairouan, with their 
 capitals and bases of white and grey marble, Greek, Roman, 
 and Byzantine ; in the court and gateway of the mosque ; and 
 in the palaces of the Beys. All these, noble as they are, pale 
 
 ' The late Sir R. Lambert Playfair, H.B.M. Consul-General in Algeria and 
 Tunisia, contributed many interesting reports on the marbles of North Africa, and 
 strove to encourage the working and shipment of these beautiful products. In a 
 paper read before the British Association in Aberdeen (1885), he adds : ' Were I a 
 speculator I might reasonably be distrusted, but as I am performing merely an official 
 duty, I hope I may be credited when I assert my belief that as regards quantity, 
 beauty, and variety, the world contains nothing comparable to the treasures of 
 Numidian marble in the mountain at Kleber. Every one who has visited it at my 
 suggestion has admitted that, far from having exaggerated their importance, my 
 account falls short of the reality.' 
 
78 Roman Africa 
 
 before two wondrous pillars which flank the mihrab. Tradition 
 holds that they were brought to Carthage from Egypt when the 
 city was being rebuilt. El-Bekri tells us that ' Hassan, governor 
 of Africa replacing Loheir, who succeeded Okhbar, founder of 
 Kairouan, brought there from an ancient building two red 
 shafts tinged with yellow, of incomparable beauty.' It is re- 
 corded that a Byzantine emperor offered to purchase them at a 
 price equivalent to their weight in gold. 
 
 The quarrying and shipment of Numidian marble, which 
 had formed so important an industry during five centuries of 
 Roman domination, may be said to have ceased when the 
 Vandals passed like a firebrand over the land. The Byzantines, 
 in their turn, were too much occupied with the erection of 
 strongholds and works of defence to give a thought to works of 
 embellishment. And their Arab successors, who brought with 
 them a love of colour and a taste for Oriental splendour, found 
 in Roman Carthage and other ruined cities such an abundance 
 of marble already worked that the re-opening of the ancient 
 quarries was not at any period a matter of necessity. 
 
 It is worthy of note that the favour shown by the Romans 
 to what is known as the Composite Order, which towards the 
 fall of the Empire showed great elasticity in its treatment, and 
 considerable departure from so early an example as that familiar 
 to us in the Arch of Titus, is apparent on examining the capitals 
 in the mosque at Kairouan. Intermixed with them are several 
 Corinthian capitals of the best type, both in form and ornamen- 
 tation. These would be the work of Sicilian Greeks, who were 
 largely employed in buildings at Carthage. Some few capitals 
 are Byzantine, which must have been the spoil of other coun- 
 tries, for the occupation of Africa by Justinian and his successors 
 was a short one, and was one long series of wars and feuds with 
 the Desert tribes, Similar methods at Cordova produced similar 
 results, Roman Hispania having to give up its treasures of 
 marble to glorify a new creed. 
 
 Twenty years of peace and prosperity in Africa, under the 
 rule of Trajan, had made the name of the Emperor honoured 
 throughout the country. And this was especially the case 
 towards the close of his active career, attested by numerous 
 inscriptions bearing the date A.D. 117. Triumphal arches were 
 conspicuous everywhere, sometimes gracing the principal en- 
 
Africa under Trajan 79 
 
 trance of a town, at others prominently placed in the centre. 
 This was so at Mactar, or oppidum Mactaritanum (Mukther), a 
 large and important agricultural town on the high road from 
 Carthage to Sufetuta (Sbeitla). Of the town of Mactar and its 
 history we have no record. Its position on a broad elevated 
 plateau, bounded on one side by the river Melian, and on the 
 other by the precipitous banks of the Oued Sabon, or River of 
 Soap, rendered it a conspicuous object from the fertile plains in 
 its vicinity. The principal remaining arch, dedicated to Trajan, 
 is an architectural composition of some merit, presenting an 
 order within an order. It exhibits a departure from the usual 
 treatment of this class of edifice, and, although very simple in 
 its features, has an aspect of nobility befitting its purpose. The 
 inscription on the lesser frieze facing south is much worn, but 
 when Bruce visited Mukther in 1765 it was quite legible. The 
 date is fixed by the mention of the twentieth year of the 
 tribunate of Trajan, which was A.D. 117. 
 
 IMP • CAES • DIVI • NERVAE ■ F 
 TRAIANO • OPTIMO ■ AVG • GER • 
 DACIO • PARTHICO • P ■ M • TRIE 
 POTEST • XX • IMP • XII • COS • VI 
 . , . . FAVSTIN • OS • DEDI • DD • PP 
 
 There are remains also of another triumphal arch, forming 
 an approach to the town on the opposite side of the river, and 
 giving indications of a monumental building of a very ornate 
 character. It is now in a dilapidated condition, but, in the 
 absence of any inscription relating to it, one may assign it to 
 the reign of Hadrian, who was honoured in this town a few 
 years later.' The hillside of the ancient Mactar is covered with 
 tombs, some of them having been structures of a decorative 
 character, sufficient to show that the town and its neighbourhood 
 must have been in a very prosperous condition in the second 
 century. Among the inscriptions in the cemetery is a lengthy 
 one in verse, relating to a successful farmer who resided in the 
 town, and who evidently desired that his name and his labours 
 
 ' Drawings of this Arch, which was more than forty-four feet high, are given by 
 Sir R. Lambert Playfair in his work entitled Travels in the Footsteps of Bruce (London, 
 1877), p. 201. It is an ornate composition of the Corinthian order, but has no 
 special merit ; and as there are no remains of any inscription, the date of its erection is 
 uncertain. 
 
8o Roman Africa 
 
 should be held in perpetual remembrance. He says : ' I was 
 the son of a poor man who left me neither house nor money. 
 But I was active and had plenty of pluck, which makes up for 
 everything. I began life as a labourer in the fields. I worked 
 early and late. When harvest commenced I was the first in 
 the fields. Then I became the chief of the gang with whom I 
 worked. I saved money and became owner of a house and 
 farm that were wanting in nothing. I then became a town- 
 councillor, and finally I, having begun life as a working man, 
 ended by taking my seat in the very middle of the assembly 
 over which I presided as chief magistrate. Follow my example 
 by living a blameless life, and meriting by virtuous conduct a 
 peaceful death.' Self-laudatory inscriptions were not uncommon 
 in the days of the Empire. They may be regarded in the light 
 of short memoirs or biographical notices of loyal citizens, who 
 had played their part in the drama of life with benefit to others 
 and much satisfaction to themselves. No . other means of 
 recording their labours was open to them. Journalism had not 
 been created, and printer's ink had not been invented, but the 
 mason and his chisel were ready to hand. It is a question 
 whether human ingenuity will ever succeed in devising so 
 enduring a method of perpetuating the actions' of mankind as 
 that of incised letters on imperishable stone. Another well- 
 known inscription of a similar kind, from a tomb in the outskirts 
 ef Cirta(Constantine), was deciphered many years ago by M. L^on 
 Renier. This monument, discovered in 1855 on the slopes of the 
 cliff leading up to the city, was about 19 feet long and 10 feet 
 wide, and had two stories, both paved with mosaic. Outside 
 the tomb, extending along the fa9ade, was also a pavement of 
 mosaic. In the interior are niches in the walls for receiving the 
 sarcophagi, one of which, when opened, contained a perfect 
 skeleton. On one of the stone sides was a long inscription 
 written in inelegant Latin, and somewhat difficult to decipher. 
 It may be read as follows : 
 
 Hie ego qui taceo versibus mea{m) vita{m) demonstro 
 Lucem clara{m) fntitus et tempora summa, 
 Pracilius, Cirtensi lare, argentariajn exibui artem. 
 Fydes in me mirafuit semper et Veritas omnis. 
 Omnisbtis {sic) communis ego ; cui nan misertus ubique f 
 Risus, luxuriaini) semper fruitus cum caris amicis, 
 
, ^, 
 
 \S.r ^i 
 
 ,1 
 
 ffl "I 
 
 ^\ ,f ;^'^ 
 
 A 
 
 
 6(J 
 
 MONUMENT AT SCILLIUM (KASSERIN). 
 
Africa under Trajan 8i 
 
 Talem post obi turn domina Valeria -non inveni pudica 
 
 Vitam ; cum potui gratam, habui cum conjuge sanctam-. 
 
 Natales honeste meos centum celebravi felices 
 
 At venit pos trema dies, ut spiritus inania mempra {sic) reli{n)quat ; 
 
 Titulos quos legis vivus mee (sic) morti paravi, 
 
 Ut voluit Fortuna ; nunquam. me deseruit ipsa, 
 
 Sequimini tales ; hie vos ex{s)pecto ; venita {sic). 
 
 ' Here I lie in silence, describing my life in verse. I have 
 enjoyed a good reputation and great prosperity. My name is 
 Praecilius. I reside in Cirta, and follow the art of a silversmith 
 My honesty was extraordinary in everything, and I always spoke 
 the truth. I was known to everybody, and my sympathies 
 were with others. I was merry, and always enjoyed entertain- 
 ments in the company of my dear friends. After the decease 
 of the virtuous lady Valeria, I did not find life to be the same. 
 As long as my wife lived I found life agreeable. I have cele- 
 brated a hundred happy birthdays in a becoming way. But the 
 last day arrived when breath was to forsake this mortal body. 
 The epitaph which you read I prepared while waiting for my 
 death. Good fortune, which has never deserted me, wills it so. 
 May fortune accompany you in a like manner through life ! 
 Here I await you. Come !' 
 
 Another inscription, too lengthy to repeat, may be read on 
 the faces of a mausoleum in very fair preservation at Scillium, 
 sometimes called Sctllitana Colonia, but now known as Kasrin. 
 This town was on the southern frontier and on the high road 
 between Sufetala and Theveste. The monument is a conspicuous 
 object amidst a mass of stones and fallen buildings, and is three 
 stories in height, erected on a pyramid of steps now mostly 
 hidden under the surface of the ground. The lowermost story, 
 which is quite plain, is twelve feet square, and has two entrances, 
 each three feet square. The next story, slightly receding from 
 the bottom one, is ornamented with four Corinthian fluted 
 pilasters, of great delicacy of workmanship, on each face (the 
 two central ones on the principal side being spaced a little 
 further apart in order to find room for a lengthy inscription). 
 The top story consists at present of a large niche, square 
 externally, and without any traces of ornamentation or of the 
 statue which filled it. The height of the mausoleum may be 
 estimated at SO feet. At the summit, surmounting a pyramid 
 
82 Roman Africa 
 
 common to edifices of this kind, of which there are many- 
 examples in Roman Africa, was a bronze cock, which, as the 
 quaint inscription informs us, was placed ' above the clouds and 
 so near to heaven that if nature had given it a voice it would 
 have compelled all the gods by its morning song to get up 
 early.' 
 
 In summo tremulas galli non diximus alas 
 
 Altior extreina qui puio nube volat, 
 Cujus si membris vocem natura dedisset 
 
 Cogeret hie omnes surgere majie decs. 
 
 The monument was erected by Flavins Secundus, in honour of 
 his parents and other members of his family, who are fully 
 described in a lengthy inscription nearly covering one entire 
 face. In addition there are no less than ninety hexameters and 
 twenty elegiacs in somewhat pretentious language, in which the 
 charms of the city and the beauties of the neighbourhood are 
 set forth in a graphic manner by a local poet. What constitutes 
 the beauties of this remote spot, not easy of access in the present 
 day, is difficult to discover. The city, delightfully situated on 
 the verge of a plateau, and girt on three sides by the steep 
 banks of a river, is a mass of ruins extending in one direction 
 for nearly a mile and a half The land is bare and treeless, and 
 human habitations, as far as the eye can compass, have long 
 ceased to exist. Clumps of juniper bushes clothe the sides of 
 the ravines, and the river that once ran freely round the city is 
 now a comparatively small stream, bubbling over the rocks and 
 soon lost in the plains, like so many of the rivers of North Africa.' 
 Nearly sixty years ago an intelligent traveller, who visited 
 Kasrin, took special notice of this tomb of the Secundus family, 
 and remarked that if the monuments ' still standing in a country 
 now desolate attest a former prosperity which confounds our 
 imagination, these verses, composed in a remote town scarcely 
 known in history, prove how the civilising influence of Rome 
 had awakened the intelligence and moral nature of a people 
 once numerous and wealthy, but to-day without art or literature, 
 or even settled inhabitants.' " 
 
 ' Job vi. IS: 'My brethren have dealt deceitfully as a brook, and as the 
 stream of brooks they pass away.' Also Jer. xv. 1 8. 
 
 ' E. Pellissier de Reynaud, Description de la Regence de Tunis (Paris, 1853). 
 
Africa under Trajan 83 
 
 The first few lines of the inscription are worthy of mention.' 
 They refer to the founder of the mausoleum and his wife, 
 Flavia Urbana. 
 
 T • FLAVIO • SECUN 
 DO • PATRI ■ PIO 
 MIL ■ AN • XXXIII 
 VIX AN • CX • H ■ S • E 
 FLAVIAE VRBANAE 
 MATRI ■ PIAE • VIX 
 AN • CV ■ H • S • E 
 
 From this we learn that the founder lived to the age of i lo, and 
 his wife 105. Strange to say, other lines in the epitaph savour 
 of a complaint against the transitory nature of human life ! 
 
 SINT • LICET • EXIGVAE • FVGIENTIA • TEMPORA • VITAE 
 PARVAQ • RAPTORVM • CITO • TRANSEAT • HORA • DIERVM 
 MERGAT ■ ET • ELYSIIS • MORTALIA • CORPORA • TERRIS 
 ADSIDVE ■ RVPTO • LACHESIS ' MALE • CONSCIA • PENSO. 
 
 To live to an advanced age was an ordinary occurrence, and 
 extreme longevity was not exceptional in a country proverbial 
 for its salubrity. At Ammsedara (Hydra) a woman who had 
 lost her husband at the age of 82 years and 7 months inscribes 
 on his tombstone, ' You died too soon. You ought to have lived 
 to a hundred. And why didn't you?' Herodotus says that 
 ' there are no people in the world so healthy as Africans,' and 
 Sallust remarks that ' most of them die of old age {plerosque 
 senectus dissolvW), except such as perish by the sword or beasts 
 of prey; for disease finds but few victims.^ Epitaphs of cen- 
 tenarians, like those of the self-satisfied silversmith of Cirta or 
 the two worthies of Scillium, are numerous, but the extreme of 
 longevity seems to have been reached in the neighbourhood of 
 Cirta (Constantine), where a citizen named M. Julius Abaeus 
 closed his career at 131. Close by we find an inscription 
 recording the decease of Julius Gracililius, an old soldier, at the 
 age of 120. Julius Pacatus lived as long, and Julia Gaetula 
 has a record of 125 years. In the ruined village of Temda in 
 old Numidia we find the good life of the aged Sittia Helena 
 still preserved in pleasant memory,^ and at a place called Sila 
 
 ' C.T.L. No. 211. ' Sallust, yw^. xvii. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 20109. 
 
84 Roman Africa 
 
 in the same district another lady had the good fortune to live 
 to the age of iii.^ 
 
 D-M -S D • M • S 
 
 SITTIA -HE C ■ IVLIVS • C • FIL • QVIR 
 
 LENA • SPLEN BARVARVS V • A ■ LXXXV 
 
 DIDISSIMAE -ME H • S • E • O ■ E • B- Q . . . . 
 
 MORIAE • MATER ENNIVS CELLINIANVS 
 
 V ■ A • cm • H SITTIA FORTVNVLA 
 
 S • O • B • Q P ■ FILIA • QVIR ■ V ■ A • CXI 
 H-S-E-0-T-B-Q. 
 
 One other inscription is worth recording, in memory of a 
 priestess at Signs (Ziganiah), about twenty-four miles from 
 
 Cirta.'' 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 IVLIA • VRBA 
 
 NA • SACER 
 
 DOS • MAG 
 
 NA ■ V • A 
 
 CI ■ H ' S • E 
 
 Of the history of Sigus we know nothing, except that it 
 was a place of renown long before the Roman occupation, and 
 was the residence of many of the Numidian kings. So complete 
 has been its destruction that nothing has been left but founda- 
 tions of walls and a few inscribed stones. 
 
 Some parts of the country were evidently not so salubrious, 
 for there is an inscription at Auzia (Aumale) relating to a good 
 woman who lived for twenty-six years without an attack of 
 fever : . . . piissima cultrix pudicitic^^famcz, qua vixit sine febribus 
 annis viginti sex? Another excellent woman is recorded as 
 having lived as long as she could, but without mentioning her 
 leng"th of years : Diis Manibus ^sckpice, Matri carissimai, 
 Zablutius posuit. Vixit annos quod potuit.^ 
 
 Among the many good qualities which marked Trajan's 
 career as a ruler, thoughtfulness for the poor and distressed 
 stands pre-eminent. Sculptured memorials on the numerous 
 edifices raised to his honour are a striking testimony to that 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 19204. ^ C.I.L. No. 19136. 
 
 = I.K.A. No. 3648. 
 
 * I.R.A. No. 1941. M. Tissot observes that the duration of life among the 
 Touaregs averages 80 years. Centenarians are numerous, and instances are given of 
 persons living to the advanced age of 115 to 130 years. (Giographie de la Province 
 cTAfrique, p. 479.) 
 
Africa under Trajan 85 
 
 spirit of benevolence whicti contemporary writers freely acknow- 
 ledge. The force of example, which did not fail to reach the 
 most remote of his subjects, is borne out by an inscription at 
 Sicca Veneria (El-Kef) in the early part of the reign of Marcus 
 Aurelius, setting forth the terms of a charitable endowment 
 on the lines of similar ones on a larger scale originating with 
 Trajan himself. The inscription informs us that P. Licinius, 
 son of Marcus, of the tribe Quirina, surnamed Papirianus, 
 procurator of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, left in 
 trust to his very dear fellow-citizens a sum of money, the 
 interest of which should be expended for ever from year to 
 year in the maintenance of three hundred boys from three to 
 fifteen years of age, and two hundred girls from three to thirteen 
 years of age.^ 
 
 MVNICIPIBVS MEIS CIRTHENSIBVS 
 SICCENSIBVS CARISSIMIS MIHI DARE 
 
 VOLO HS (XIII| VESTRAE FIDEI COMMITTO 
 MVNICIPES CARISSIMI VT EX VSVRIS 
 EIVS SVMMAE QVINCVNCIBVS QVODAN 
 NIS ALANTVR PVERI CCC ET PVELLAE CC 
 
 PVERIS 
 AB ANNIS TRIBVS AD ANNOS XV ET 
 
 ACCIPIANT 
 SINGVLI PVERI -)f IIS MENSTRVOS 
 
 PVELLAE 
 AB ANNIS TRIBVS AD ANNOS XIII 
 
 It is pleasant to record the circumstances attending Trajan's 
 benefaction, mainly on the ground that it serves as a prototype 
 of unnumbered similar charitable institutions still increasing 
 in all parts of the civilised world. In the latter days of the 
 Republic the poor-law question remained an unsolved problem, 
 and continued so under the Czesars. Many attempts were 
 made to promote a more equal distribution of property, but 
 without success. Rome had become a city of millionaires and 
 mendicants. The former had established themselves by rapacity 
 as an oligarchy of wealth, the latter had been gradually attracted 
 to the metropolis by the corn doles, which had become, by long 
 usage, the established right of every Roman burgess settled in 
 Rome. No emperor had dared to repeal so pernicious a regu- 
 
 ' Berbrugger, Revae Africame, i. 273. 
 
86 Roman Africa 
 
 lation. Revolution and anarchy would have been the result. 
 So far from even hinting at its suppression, many of them 
 encouraged it from self-interest, and, with a view to checking 
 disorder in the streets, provided plenty of public entertainments 
 for a dissolute herd of idlers. Public baths were at their service, 
 theatres were enlarged, and exhibitions in the arena were 
 multiplied for their benefit. The outcry for panem et circenses 
 was heard and answered. To meet this costly expenditure the 
 thrifty villager and the hard-working farmer were heavily taxed, 
 with the result that children were too often turned adrift or 
 neglected, and, as there was no law against infanticide, new-born 
 babes were put out of the way or exposed, as a matter of cruel 
 necessity. But the far-seeing Trajan came to their help, and, 
 as it were with the stroke of a pen, gladdened the farmer's 
 heart, and made every villager and every child rejoice in serving 
 so benign a ruler. The form of charity which the Emperor 
 established was novel in conception, and proved far-reaching in 
 operation. Two instances have been handed down to us in the 
 form of mortgage deeds, by which sums of money were lent by 
 the Emperor to numbers of small proprietors, bearing interest 
 at 5 per cent, in one case, and 2\ in the other. The yearly 
 amount of interest was to be devoted without deductions to 
 the maintenance of poor boys and girls in the district. It is 
 fair to assume that these two were not exceptional cases, but 
 that throughout Italy at least similar endowments were made 
 in accordance with the wants of the locality. The better known 
 of the two instances relates to the district of Velleia, near Parma,' 
 and from the descriptive account furnished by the inscribed 
 stone we gather that Trajan advanced a sum of 23,619,580 
 sesterces (187,000/.) to fifty-one landowners, and the interest was 
 deemed sufficient to support 300 children (264 boys and 36 
 girls). The other, also on an inscribed slab found at Bene- 
 ventum, relates to a sinking fund of 414,930 sesterces (3,300/.) 
 lent to sixty-seven proprietors at 2^ per cent, interest. By such 
 enlightened methods agriculture was promoted, labourers were 
 
 ' The distriot to which the benefaction recorded in the inscription applies com- 
 prises Velleia, Parma, Placentia, and Libarna, equivalent to the entire duchy of 
 Parma, and covering about one forty-seventh part of the kingdom of Italy. (Cham- 
 pagny, Lcs Aitlonim, i. 258. Vide J. C. von Orelli, Inscript. Lai. Coll. Turici, 
 J 828 -50.) 
 
Africa under Trajan 87 
 
 in demand to till the fields, an impetus was given to trade and 
 manufacture in the smaller towns, and a generation of little 
 children grew up bearing the additional name of Ulpiani in 
 grateful memory of their imperial benefactor. It is gratifying 
 to add that these little matters of Roman history, in Africa as 
 well as in Italy, come down to us unaffected by the lapse of 
 centuries. The records are not on parchment, nor are they the 
 statements of contemporary authors, but inscriptions in indelible 
 lettering on imperishable bronze or marble. This tablet, un- 
 earthed at Velleia in the middle of the last century, measures 
 10 feet by 6 feet, and weighs nearly four hundredweight. It 
 was thoughtlessly broken up as old metal, but, after infinite 
 labour, was put together, and is now an object of attraction in 
 the Museum at Parma, bearing the title of the Tabula Ali- 
 mentaria of Trajan. The inscription, one of the longest yet 
 discovered, covers 670 lines, and gives the names of the several 
 properties on which money was advanced, with the amount in 
 each case and the names of the owners. It also specified in 
 detail how the interest was to be applied, and how it was to be 
 apportioned among a given number of poor children. 
 
 It was not long before Trajan was confronted with slight 
 disturbances on the frontier, similar to those which had been 
 recurrent under many of his predecessors. Although they were 
 not of a nature to cause alarm, a feeling of unrest was created, 
 and, consequently, the work of colonisation was retarded. The 
 establishment of a permanent encampment at Theveste as the 
 headquarters of a fully equipped Roman legion, and the erection 
 of a line of fortified posts {castelld) on the northern slopes of the 
 Aur^s mountains, had hitherto afforded sufficient protection in 
 a thinly peopled district. But the feeling of security inspired 
 by Trajan's name, and the many successes attending his earlier 
 career, had tempted Roman farmers and small agriculturists 
 to establish themselves in the more remote but fertile portions 
 of old Numidia. Long stretches of arable land, a beautiful 
 climate unequalled in any part of North Africa, abundant 
 water supply, mineral wealth almost at their doors, and forests 
 of cedar and oak, pine and juniper, which exist to the present 
 day, offered attractions for permanent residences and the invest- 
 ment of capital. With this increase of population and local 
 wealth came the demand for greater protection, and this was 
 
88 Roman Africa 
 
 not difficult to meet. The military road which connected 
 Theveste with Sitifis (p. 40), fortified at intervals, and follow- 
 ing for the greater part of the distance the lower slopes of 
 the Aures, brought into communication the following towns : 
 Tinfadi, Vegesela, Mascula, Claudi, Thamugas, and LambcBsis} 
 Of these towns, or rather settlements, Mascula, which was 
 regarded as the key to the Sahara, was the most important 
 from a strategic point of view. We learn that a town was built 
 there at the commencement of the second century, and that 
 it was garrisoned by the 7th company of Lusitanians. At a 
 later period, when Christianity had been firmly established in 
 Roman Africa, it had a brief era of prosperity. Numerous 
 Christian ornaments have been found on the site, and the names 
 of four bishops of Mascula have been preserved — Clarus in the 
 third century, Donatus in the fourth, Januarius at the close 
 of the fifth, and a fourth bearing the same name early in the 
 sixth century. It appears to have suffered terribly about the 
 middle of the fourth century from the incursions of barbarian 
 tribes who banded together for its destruction. An inscription 
 establishes the fact that Publilius Caecina Albinus rebuilt the 
 town about A.D. 370. Prp splendpre feliciunt scsculorum domi- 
 norum nostroruin Valentiniafii et Valentis semper Augustorum. 
 . . . aice . . . re . . . onpni MasculcB . . . a fundamentis con- 
 struxit {atque dedicavif) Ptiblilius Cceiontus Ccecina Albinus vir 
 clarissimus consularis sexfasculis provincice Numidics Constan- 
 tince. During the Byzantine occupation Solomon the general 
 converted Mascula into a garrison town with walls of defence, 
 and finally, when the Arabs swept over the land, its history as 
 a town came to a close. 
 
 The next station of importance on the southern frontier was 
 Thamugas (Timegad), which, at the time of Trajan's accession, 
 appears to have been merely a fortified post. Its charming 
 situation on rising ground more than 3,000 feet above the level 
 of the sea at the intersection of six roads, on the verge of a vast 
 tract of fertile country, and presenting no difficulties in the way 
 of abundant water-supply, induced Trajan to build a town, or 
 rather a city, which should attract citizens of substance from 
 other parts of Roman Africa. The imperial legate pro-przetor, 
 L. Munatius Gallus, in command of the third legion Augusta, 
 received the instructions of the Emperor, A.D. 100, to lay the 
 
 ' Revue Afrkaine, vol. xxi. 
 
Africa under Trajan 89 
 
 foundations, and to proceed with the work as rapidly as possible. 
 At the close of Trajan's reign, A.D. 117, the principal buildings 
 were completed, the town and the neighbourhood adequately- 
 peopled, and general prosperity prevailed. Thamugas was not 
 fortified, nor did it cover a very large area, but it became con- 
 spicuous for the decorative character of its monuments, and for 
 the sumptuousness which is always associated with a life of ease 
 and prosperity. The town, better known by its modern name 
 Timegad, was designated by the Romans as Colonia Marciana 
 Trajana Thamugas or Colonia Ulpia Thamugas. The word 
 Marciana commemorates the public and private virtues of the 
 Emperor's amiable sister bearing that name. Her humanity 
 and good offices to the poor and friendless are testified by all 
 writers of every age, and her services to the Empire caused her 
 name to be regarded with exceptional honour. This excellent 
 princess, who died A.D. 113, was declared by the Emperor to be 
 Augusta and Empress during his lifetime. The word Ulpia is 
 supposed by M. L6on Renier to refer to the veterans of the 
 thirtieth legion 6^/^/(2 Victrix. In recognition of their meritorious 
 services in the Parthian war, Trajan located them at Thamugas, 
 as a garrison for the protection of the town and the neighbour- 
 hood. The inscription referring to this legion exists in duplicate 
 on two octagonal pedestals of white marble. 
 
 VICTORIAE 
 
 PARTHICAE 
 
 AVG ■ SACR 
 EX • TESTAMENTO 
 M • ANNI ■ M • F ■ QVIR 
 MA RTIA LIS . . . MIL 
 |LEG~nT| AVG DVPLC 
 ALAE • PAN N • DEC • AL 
 EIVSDEM > |LEG III | ■ AVG 
 ET XXX . VLPIAE • VICTRIC 
 
 MISSI HONESTA 
 
 MISSIONE . . . AB . . . . IMP 
 TRAIANO .... OPTIMO 
 AVG ■ ■ GER • DAC • PARTH 
 SING ■ HS VIII XX PR ■ MIN 
 ANNI • M • LIB ■ PROTVS 
 
 HILARVS EROS 
 
 ADIECTIS ■ A ■ BE • HS ■ III 
 PONEND .... CVRAVER 
 IDEM ' Q ■ DEDICAVER 
 D • D 
 
90 Roman Africa 
 
 It will be observed that the words LEG III on the seventh 
 and ninth lines are enclosed by deeply incised lines forming an 
 oblong border. This is equivalent to effacement, although in 
 many inscriptions found in Numidia the words have been 
 entirely effaced. This act was done by the order of Gordian 
 III., A.D. 238, as a punishment to the legion for their adhesion 
 to the cause of his brutal rival Maximinus, and aiding the revolt 
 of Capellianus, at that time governor of Numidia and in com- 
 mand of the legion. Gordian not only disbanded the legion, 
 but employed the troops in other services on the banks of the 
 Rhine. 
 
 There is no spot in North Africa which has deservedly 
 attracted so much attention as the site of this old Roman city. 
 Its history may truly be said to be written on marble and stone. 
 Inscriptions relating to its municipal government, with the names 
 of its magistrates faithfully recorded, votive offerings of worthy 
 men and benevolent women, dedications to the emperors who 
 brought peace and prosperity to their doors, and memorials of 
 loyal citizens who desired to be buried on the hillsides which 
 had been so pleasant to them in their lifetime, are all there, in 
 more or less mutilated condition, to tell their own tale of a 
 quiet community long passed away, and, till recently, almost 
 forgotten. Bruce the traveller, who visited the spot in 1765, 
 was the first to make careful drawings of some of the monu- 
 mental remains, and to decipher the leading inscriptions still 
 standing above the surface. Many other explorers of a succeed- 
 ing generation have furnished valuable notes as the result of per- 
 sonal investigation, which may be found in the pages of reviews 
 and other periodicals relating to Algeria and Tunisia. But it 
 was not till Professor Masqueray published his official report in 
 1875-76 that an opinion could be given on the remarkable 
 character of the remains, or on the importance of Thamugas as 
 a link in the long chain of Roman history in Africa. The next 
 valuable contribution to the subject was from the pen of the 
 late Sir R. Lambert Playfair, for many years H.B.M.'s esteemed 
 Consul-General at Algiers. His work, undertaken in 1877, 
 consisted for the most part in following Bruce's track, re-editing 
 his ' Travels in Barbary,' and supplementing the author's notes 
 by much additional information acquired during long residence 
 in the country. The result of M. Masqueray's report was the 
 
Africa under Trajan 91 
 
 placing the ruins of Thamugas under the control of the Service 
 des Momcments historiques, and authorising a systematic explo- 
 ration, which was commenced in 1880. Operations have been in 
 progress almost uninterruptedly since that date, and have enabled 
 the experts engaged on the work to publish from time to time 
 descriptive accounts of their discoveries. From an historical 
 point of view, our knowledge of the ancient city has not advanced 
 much since the issue of the official report, nor is it probable 
 that further investigations will throw any additional light on 
 the history of a city which does not appear to have played any 
 part in the political life of the period. But students of history 
 and archaeology gratefully recognise the patient, conscientious 
 labours of a number of intellectual men, who have successfully 
 explored a spot of such exceptional interest as the site of the 
 Pompeii of North Africa.' 
 
 Our knowledge of Thamugas during the first three centuries 
 of its existence is based upon inscriptions, and although it 
 became a centre of Christianity at an early period when 
 St. Cyprian was bishop of Carthage, A.D. 236, there is little 
 written record of its activity till the end of the fourth century. 
 The Church in North Africa was then split into factions, and 
 Thamugas became the seat of religious agitation, the bishop, 
 Optatus, taking part in revolt against the Emperor. The 
 Vandal invasion was the prelude to its decline as a residential 
 city, and when Solomon the general arrived there, A.D. 535, he 
 found the place in a ruinous condition. Procopius tells us that 
 on the approach of the Byzantine army the inhabitants of the 
 mountains destroyed the place to prevent its occupation by the 
 invaders. Solomon made no attempt to restore the city, but 
 made use of the materials for the construction of a large fortress 
 on the outskirts, and for other works of defence. This huge 
 rectangular fortress forms at the present day one of the most 
 conspicuous objects in the landscape. We also learn that 
 Christianity flourished at Thamugas in the seventh century 
 under the rule of Gregorius, governor of Africa, whose name 
 appears on an inscription on the lintel of the entrance-door of a 
 large church which he built there.^ 
 
 ' MM. Boeswillwald, Ballu , et Cagnat, Timgad,une cite Africaine sous P Empire 
 Homain {¥zxis, 189S-98). M. AXhert'SaWv., Les Jiuines de TimgadCPaxis, \?:^y). 
 M, Gaston Boissier, V Afrique Romaine (Paris, 1895). ' LR.A. No. 1518, 
 
92 Roman Africa 
 
 IN TEMPORIBVS CONSTANTINI IMPERATORIS 
 
 FL • GREGORIO PATRICIO JOANNES DVX 
 
 DE TIGISI OFFERET DOMVM DEI + ARMENVS 
 
 This edifice is in a ruined condition, but we may fix the 
 date at A.D. 641, during the short reign of Constantine III. 
 There are also the remains of six other churches, one of which, 
 from its dimensions, was probably the cathedral. In all cases 
 they are constructed with the materials of destroyed Roman 
 buildings, put together with little thought or care, and designed 
 to meet the present requirements of a new creed, rather than as 
 public edifices for the embellishment of the city. There is 
 reason to believe that after the overthrow of Gregorius by the 
 Arabs, A.D. 647, Thamugas was deserted, and reduced by 
 earthquakes ^ and centuries of neglect to its present ruined 
 condition. The names of several bishops of Thamugas have 
 been handed down : Novatus in the third century, Sextus and 
 Optatus in the fourth, Faustinus in the fifth, and Secundus, who 
 was driven out by the Vandals, in the sixth century. 
 
 Like most towns in the country, Thamugas has apparently 
 suffered more from neglect and abandonment than from any 
 other cause, although there are indications of attempts to destroy 
 it by fire. It was built on a series of hills cut into broad 
 terraces oh the lower northern slopes of the Aures, and was 
 traversed by the high road from Theveste to Lambaesis. The 
 forum and public buildings were on the higher ground, but the 
 principal part of the town was at a lower level. The configura- 
 tion of the ground was favourable to the distribution of water, 
 which appears to have followed the lines of the main streets 
 running northwards. Some of the walls which confined the 
 watercourse still exist, and conduits still perform their original 
 functions ; but there are no remains of any aqueduct, or of 
 bridges over the ravines. The north fa5ade of the buildings 
 forming one side of the forum had a colonnade in its entire 
 length, intersected by a gateway of monumental character. A 
 flight of ten steps within the gateway formed the principal 
 approach to the forum, which measured 162 feet by 14S feet, 
 entirely paved and surrounded by a broad colonnade of the 
 
 ' An earthquake occurred in Africa during the reign of Gallienus, A.D. 267, 
 and another of a more violent nature A,d. 560, during the Byzantine occupation. 
 
Africa under Trajan 93 
 
 Corinthian order, raised two steps above the general area. On 
 the east side was the basiHca, and on the south the theatre. On 
 the west side was the curia or city hall, measuring about 50 feet 
 hy ^2 feet, of which the substructure and parts of the walls are 
 still standing. In front of the curia ' and approached by nine 
 steps, six of which still exist, is a platform about 40 feet long 
 and 12 feet 6 inches wide, raised 6 feet 6 inches above the 
 area of the forum. There was a balustrade or low wall in 
 front of the platform. This platform was undoubtedly the 
 tribunal,^ which held so prominent a place in the public life of 
 the Romans. Here, too, was the sei/a curulis, where the magis- 
 trate sat when transacting public business. The area of the 
 forum is covered with pedestals and inscriptions which are quite 
 legible, and there is reason to believe, from the fragments 
 of statuary which have been discovered, as well as from the 
 nature of the inscriptions, that the entire forum was embellished 
 with statues and dedicatory pedestals to the glory of the 
 emperors, or to perpetuate the good deeds of worthy citizens. 
 
 The principal building was the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus ; 
 in other words, the Capitol. It occupied a commanding position 
 south-west of the city, and stood within a large walled enclosure. 
 The floor of the temple was at a considerable altitude, as 
 there was a stately flight of forty steps to the portico-entrance 
 on the north-east side. The edifice itself was, to use architec- 
 tural phraseology, hexastyle prostyle, having columns in front 
 and at the sides only. They were of the Corinthian order, 
 fluted, and about 45 feet in height. The proportions of the 
 order are similar to those of the temple of Jupiter Tonans in 
 Rome. When Bruce visited Timegad in December 1765, five 
 of the great columns and a portion of the entablature were 
 standing, but these have long since been overthrown. The 
 capitals were beautifully carved, and the cornices and other 
 parts were highly enriched. It is doubtful whether the inscrip- 
 
 ' ' The chief place of meeting of the Roman Senate was called the Curia, from the 
 thirty tribes or Curiae into which Romulus was said to have divided the Populus, 
 after an alliance had been made between the Latins and Sabines. The Curia was an 
 inaugurated building, and therefore a templum, but not sanctum.'' (J. H. Middleton, 
 Ancient Rome, p. 149. Vide also Varro, Ling. Lat. vi. 10.) 
 
 ^ Few of these ancient trilmnalia are remaining. The one at Thamugas deserves 
 special notice, as all the parts are in fair preservation, although the forum was not 
 large, nor remarkable for any display of architectural grandeur. 
 
94 Roman Africa 
 
 tion discovered here in four stones forming a panel, refers to one 
 of the portico-entrances in the large walled enclosure, or to the 
 great portico of the temple itself "^ The date of the inscription 
 would be A.D. 364~375' P'''o inagnificentia sceculi dominorum 
 nostrorum Valentiniani et Valentis semper Augustorum et per- 
 petuorum, porticus Capitolii, series vetustatis absuniptus et usque 
 ad ima fundamenta conlapsus, novo opere perfectus exornatusque 
 dedicavit Publilius Cceionius Ccecina Albinus vir clarissimus, 
 consularis, curantibus ^lio Juliana, iteruni reipublicm curatore, 
 Flavio Aquilino flamine perpetuo, Antonio Petroniano flaniine 
 perpetuo, Antonio Januiariano flamine perpetuo. The magnilo- 
 quence of the inscription prompts the supposition that it refers 
 to the rebuilding of the front of the Capitol with the splendid 
 shafts which adorned the portico. 
 
 Among other public buildings mention may be made of the 
 Basilica, on the east side of the forum. It was about 92 feet 
 long and 48 feet wide internally, without aisles, divided into 
 eight bays, and roofed in one span with a flat trabeated ceiling. 
 At the north end are three niches, in which are the remains of 
 pedestals, but the statues have disappeared. In front of the 
 curia, on the west side of the forum, are two inscribed pedestals 
 undisturbed. One of them is dedicated to Trajan, designated 
 as tribune for the twenty-third time, Emperor for the eighteenth 
 year. Consul for the sixth time, and Pater Patrice. The other 
 refers to the decurions or senators of Thamugas, in commemora- 
 tion of the unanimity which characterised their deliberations, and 
 records the beneficence of C. Publius, son of Caius, of the tribe 
 Papiria, who was raised to the high office of chief magistrate. 
 But the most valuable of the inscriptions was one brought to 
 light in the curia"^ many years ago by M. Masqueray. It gives 
 the names and official titles of sixty-eight duumvirs, quaestors, 
 priests, and other functionaries at Thamugas. The list was 
 continued on another slab found some years afterwards, but the 
 names are scarcely legible. 
 
 The plan and general arrangement of the Theatre on the 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1520. Copied by Renier, De la Mare, and others. 
 
 ' A duumvir literally means one of two men holding office as a'magistrate or 
 commissioner either in Rome or in a town ranked as a colonia or municipium. One 
 inscription (C.I.L. vi. No. 3732) uses the expression duo mr; while another 
 (C.I.L. vi. No. 1 196) refers to duo vtri. It is a question, therefore, whether 
 the word admits of being used in the plural as duumviri. (Smith's Diet. vol. ii.) 
 
Africa under Trajan 
 
 95 
 
 south side of the forum, built into the side of the hill, and sepa- 
 rated from the forum by a broad paved street, are now easily- 
 traced, although the enclosing walls of the superstructure have 
 been overthrown. As usual in Roman theatres, the cavea was 
 a complete semicircle, this one at Thamugas measuring in its 
 extreme diameter 208 feet. A comparison of this dimension 
 with those of the rather smaller theatres at Pompeii and Hercu- 
 laneum, with that at Orange in France, and the still larger one 
 in more perfect condition at Aries, is of some assistance in 
 computing the average population of Thamugas in the days of 
 its prosperity.' The wall of the scena or stage appears to have 
 been embellished with columns and statuary, and lined with 
 slabs of marble. Behind the proscenium was a broad loggia or 
 colonnade about 130 feet in length, and here were found two 
 inscriptions bearing dates A.D. 158 and A.D. 167, dedicatory to 
 the Emperor Antoninus and his two successors, M. Aurelius and 
 L. Aurelius Verus. 
 
 At the intersection of three main roads on the south side of 
 the town, at a distance of about 500 feet from the forum, are 
 the remains of the ThermcB, which have been recently unearthed. 
 They are of considerable extent, covering an area of more than 
 half an acre, and bear traces of work of a palatial character. 
 The walls of the substructure, the mosaic floors of the principal 
 apartments, the bases of numerous columns, and" openings in 
 the walls above the ground-floor level are sufficient to enable 
 an expert to reconstruct on paper this fine edifice. These public 
 baths appear to have been built in the reign of Trajan, and a 
 magnificent inscription^ informs us that they were enlarged 
 A.D. 198, in the time of Septimius Severus, by order of the 
 magistrates and at the expense of the State, Q. Amicius Faustus 
 being the legatus proprcetor? Among other remains of public 
 
 ' Herculaneum . . 
 
 Italy . 
 
 
 
 iSo fee 
 
 t ^ 
 
 Pompeii .... 
 
 Italy . 
 
 
 
 197 > 
 
 
 Timegad . . . 
 
 Africa 
 
 
 
 208 , 
 
 
 Dougga .... 
 
 Africa 
 
 
 
 246 , 
 
 y extreme width 
 
 Philippeville . . 
 
 Africa 
 
 
 
 270 , 
 
 externally. 
 
 Orange .... 
 
 France 
 
 
 
 301 . 
 
 
 Aries .... 
 
 France 
 
 
 
 332 . 
 
 
 Taormina . . . 
 
 « n* A -n-ii.. 7.- «... 
 
 Sicily . 
 J. T<' 7 
 
 
 
 354 . 
 
 / 
 
 ' M. A. Ballu, Les Kuinesde Timgad, p. 181. 
 
 " A legatus was sometimes an envoy or ambassador acting under the directions ot 
 
96 Roman Africa 
 
 buildings worthy of passing mention are those of the macellum 
 or general market. An inscription informs us that a certain 
 wealthy citizen of Thamugas named Plotius Faustus Sertius, of 
 knightly order and in command of the militia force in the 
 district, settled in his native town on retirement from active 
 service, and was honoured by his fellow-citizens with the dis- 
 tinction of Flamen perpetuus} We are further told that this 
 honour conferred on the Sertian family was followed by the 
 erection and presentation of this palatial market, paid for by 
 Plotius Faustus and his wife, Cornelia Valentina. 
 
 The ruined monuments of Thamugas form a pleasing study 
 to the antiquary, and the large assortment of half-legible in- 
 scriptions are a constant delight to the epigraphist. But to 
 the ordinary visitor they impart only a transient interest A 
 labyrinth of walls, an overthrown column, a fragment of sculp- 
 tured ornament, or a few sharply incised initial letters have to 
 him but little meaning. And yet from these isolated masses of 
 stone and marble an expert can often reconstruct, stone upon 
 stone, the work as originally designed, and a few scattered letters 
 will become the basis of a well-worded inscription. Such is the 
 case with the most interesting structure which time has spared 
 in this ruined city. Although in a dilapidated condition, this 
 venerable edifice, known as the Arch of Trajan, still stands 
 erect in honour of the illustrious Emperor and founder of the 
 city. Its battered face exposed to eighteen centuries of wind 
 and weather, its broken shafts and fallen attic, its arches half 
 filled up for the purposes of preservation, and its niches which 
 
 the Senate, and engaged on some diplomatic investigation, either in parts of Italy or 
 in any of the Roman provinces. But the title was generally used (especially in these 
 pages) to designate a lieutenant or deputy-governor attached to the governor of a 
 province. Down to the time of Diocletian imperial provinces were governed by 
 /«^a<8 of consular or prsetorian rank, commonly designated legati Augusti pro pratore 
 {vide p. 32) ; vide Roman System of Provincial Administration, W. T. Arnold 
 (Oxford, 1879). The only exception known is that of Pliny when he was sent to 
 Bithynia as legatus pro pratore consulari potestate (C.I.L. vol. v. No. 5262). Vide 
 Mommsen and Marquardt, Manuel des Antiq. Rom. vol. iii. 
 
 ' K flamen was a priest of any particular deity. Such priests were attached to 
 municipal towns, and an emperor had frequently & flamen assigned to him. With the 
 exception of the elder Faustina, who had more than one. flaminica during the lifetime 
 of Antonine, no empress was allowed the privilege. The term perpetuus designated the 
 appointment for life. Flaminica was the title originally given to the wife of a flamen 
 Dialis (Duovis), said to have been established by Romulus, together with the flamen 
 Martialis. ( Vide Plutarch. ) 
 
o 
 
 H 
 S 
 
 < 
 O 
 
 I? 
 
 H a 
 
 •—1 
 
 < 
 
 H 
 
 o 
 < 
 
Africa under Trajan 97 
 
 were once graced with statues or busts of departed emperors, 
 give a piteous aspect to a noble structure. When Bruce visited 
 Timegad in 1765 the Arch was half buried on its east side by 
 an accumulation of fallen masonry and a heap of soil formed by 
 the alteration of the surface of the ground during many centuries 
 of neglect and abandonment. In 1884 it was in a more 
 dilapidated state, and by this time would probably have been a 
 mass of ruins if the Societe des Monuments Historiques had not 
 come to its rescue. Thoughtful care and patient labour have 
 been eminently successful. The ruined monument is now in a 
 stable condition, and the removal of the debris, together with 
 the bpening up of the old Roman highway and its paved sur- 
 faces, places before us a bit of the Roman world not surpassed 
 by anything that is seen among the ruins of Pompeii. The 
 architectural treatment of the monument is original. Over the 
 side arches are square recesses flanked by small columns of the 
 Corinthian order, supported on decorative corbels, and sur- 
 mounted by a projecting entablature breaking all round. The 
 principal cornice and the cornices of the segmental pediments 
 over the side arches are broken in the same way, producing 
 altogether a very rich effect. Both fagades are similar, but the 
 capitals vary in detail, quaint eagles and other devices being 
 still visible on two of them. The attic, intended to receive the 
 dedicatory inscription, appears to have extended over the whole 
 of the edifice. The original inscription,' found in a fragmentary 
 state many years ago near the forum, may be read as follows : 
 
 IMPERATOR CAESAR DIVI 
 NERVAE FILIVS NERVAE TRAIANVS 
 AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS PONTIFEX MAXIMVS 
 IMPERATOR III TRIBVNICIA POTESTATE IV 
 
 CONSVL III PATER PATRIAE COLONIAM 
 MARCIANVM TRAIANVM THA 
 MVGADI PER LEGIONEM TERTIAM AVGVSTAM 
 FECIT LVCIVS MVNATIVS GALLVS LEGATVS 
 AVGVSTI PRO PRAETORE 
 DEDICAVIT. 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1479. The illustration, showing a restoration of this beautiful 
 monument, was prepared in 1886. Since that time a large number of blocks of 
 stone, then lying under the surface, have been brought to light, and placed, as far as 
 possible, in the positions they originally occupied. This conjectural restoration may 
 be regarded as correct, except in a few matters of detail. 
 
 H 
 
98 Roman Africa 
 
 The third consulate of Trajan fixes the date A.D. 100, being 
 the year of the foundation of the city. The mass of the 
 monument is sandstone, but the principal columns and other 
 decorative features are of very fine white limestone, having all 
 the appearance of marble. The small columns flanking the 
 niches are of coloured marble. The weak point of the monu- 
 ment as an architectural composition is the lowness of the attic. 
 In other respects the proportions are good, and the mouldings 
 and decorative features of a high order. It appears to have 
 been surrounded by statues and dedicatory pedestals, form- 
 ing altogether a monumental group of which the citizens of 
 Thamugas might well have been proud. 
 
 Those who desire to study in detail these monumental ruins, 
 as well as the remains on other portions of the site, are referred 
 to the works already mentioned, as the most recent contribu- 
 tions to our knowledge of Thamugas. The arrangements of 
 private dwelling-houses of more or less pretensions, shops, 
 paved streets, and passages can now be traced, and a general 
 conception of the extent of the town obtained. And in an 
 angle of the forum will be found, in fair condition, the public 
 latrines, with portions of their fittings in excellent preservation.^ 
 One at least of the Emperors paid special attention to providing 
 these sanitary conveniences, and regarded them as a source of 
 revenue, much in the same way as our municipal authorities 
 regard the underground arrangements of modern times, though 
 of a more luxurious character. If we are to believe Suetonius, 
 the idea of putting a tax upon urine originated with Vespasian 
 at a time when the imperial treasury was running dry. Sue- 
 tonius adds that ' Titus blamed his father for imposing such an 
 objectionable tax. Whereupon Vespasian applied to his son's 
 nose a piece of the money received in the first payment, and 
 asked him if it smelt badly. " No ! " said Titus. " And yet," 
 said the Emperor, " it comes from urine." ' 
 
 Judging from fragmentary remains scattered over the site, a 
 variety of marbles appear to have been used for internal deco- 
 ration. The building stone mostly in use was a sandstone from 
 the adjacent hills. It was easily worked and well adapted for 
 rubble walling. A blue limestone was also largely employed, 
 especially for the paving of the principal streets, and for slabs 
 ' Vide M. Albert Ballu, Les Rubies de Timgad, p. 112. 
 
Africa under Trajan 99 
 
 or panels that were to receive inscriptions. In addition a white 
 limestone, in texture and appearance like white marble, was 
 reserved for columns and decorative features of public and other 
 buildings of an ornate character. This excellent material was 
 quarried some twenty miles distant. 
 
 The inscriptions found at Timegad have an interest quite 
 apart from the architectural remains. It seems to have been 
 the custom here from the time of Trajan till the reign of 
 Gordian III., A.D. 238-244, to record on marble or stone the 
 names and titles of citizen benefactors, and consequently an 
 unusually large number of dedicatory pedestals and slabs have 
 been brought to light during the systematic exploration of the 
 city. Here, for instance, is a dedication on a stone found in 
 the forum to a citizen of renown, who had filled several offices 
 of the highest distinction.' 
 
 P lULIO IVNIANO MARTIALINO C • V ■ COS • LEG • AVG ■ PR 
 
 ■ PR • PROVINCIAE 
 NVMIDIAE PROCOS PROVINCIAE MACEDONIAE PRAEF • 
 
 AERARI . MI 
 LITARIS CVRATORI VIAE CLODIAE PRAETORIAE TRIBVNO 
 
 PLEBEI 
 QVAESTORI PROVINCIAE ASIAE PATRONO COLONIAE ET 
 
 MVNI 
 CIPI RESPVBLICA COLONIAE THAMVGADENSIVM DE 
 CRETO DECVRIONVM 
 
 It was also not unusual throughout the Empire to record 
 the payments made by magistrates and others on their election 
 to posts of distinction. The amounts of such payments were 
 fixed beforehand by statute, but they were generally far exceeded 
 by donations of various kinds, sometimes for the erection of some 
 public work, at other times to defray the cost of a statue to be 
 placed in the forum. For instance, a citizen named L. Germeus 
 Silvanus, upon whom the dignity of augur had been conferred, 
 paid to the municipality the sum of 21,200 sesterces (170/.), and, 
 in addition, gave a statue of Mercury and defrayed the expenses 
 of several performances at the theatre. Another inscription, 
 still standing on the west side of the forum, narrates the dedi- 
 cation of a shrine to Fortuna Augusta costing 4,400 sesterces, 
 by two women Annia Cara and Annia, the daughters of two 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2392, LR.A. 1505 ; copied and explained by De la Mare and 
 Renier. 
 
 H 2 
 
loo Roman Africa 
 
 freedmen named Annius Hilarus and Annius Protus ; and the 
 placing therein a statue of the goddess, the cost of which was 
 borne by the two parents, Annius Protus having bequeathed 
 the sum of 22,000 sesterces for that purpose. To celebrate the 
 inauguration, these two sisters paid for an entertainment at the 
 town-hall. In removing the ground a short time ago round 
 the Arch of Trajan,^ an interesting inscription tells us that 
 L. Licinius Optatianus, on being appointed flamen for life, had 
 promised statues costing 20,000 sesterces, which was far in 
 excess of the sum that could have been legally demanded ; that 
 he had added largely to the amount, and altogether had spent 
 35,000 sesterces. In addition, he had made presents to all the 
 senators of Thamugas, had given an entertainment at the 
 town-hall, and defrayed the cost of performances at the theatre. 
 Another worthy Roman, named P. Julius Liberalis, chief magis- 
 trate of the town of Thysdrus (El-Djem), on being appointed 
 flamen of Thamugas for life, during the seventeenth tribuneship 
 of Caracalla, built for the use of the citizens one of two large 
 reservoirs bearing the name of Lacus, to distinguish it from the 
 adjoining one named Fons? Among the inscriptions of special 
 interest, one discovered in the forum many years ago is ex- 
 ceptional.^ It is a list of the principal clerks employed in the 
 legal department of the establishment of the commander of 
 the province. There is the Princeps, who was a sort of general 
 secretary of the provincial government, and was chief of the 
 staff. The Cornicularius was a chief clerk, but with larger powers 
 than are accorded to a similar functionary in modern times. 
 He had control over the Court, both lawyers and suitors, and 
 was the guardian of order ; he wrote down all decisions and 
 sentences, signed them, and was responsible for their execution. 
 The Commentariensis had the control of the prisoners and kept 
 a registry'. It was his duty to transmit every month to the 
 judge a list of persons arrested, giving their rank, age, and the 
 particulars of the crime with which they were charged. The 
 Scholastici were lawyers who assisted litigants in the Court. 
 Their rapacity was well known. They plundered the suitors 
 and did not hesitate to receive payment in kind as well as 
 in money. The Exceptores assisted at hearings, took notes of 
 
 ' Les Ruines de Timgad, p. 109. ' I.R.A. No. 1527 and C.I.L. No. 2391. 
 
 ' Annuaire de Constantine, 1883, xxii. 403. M. PouUe descrip. 
 
Africa under Trajan loi 
 
 what transpired, and kept the registers. The Chartularii had 
 charge of the records, the library, and the written judicial ordi- 
 nances. The Libellensis is supposed to have been a functionary 
 who had charge of the chest containing papers, summonses, 
 and other official documents {scrinimn libelloruni), and received 
 appeals and addresses to the Emperor. He does not appear, 
 from the position he occupies in the inscription, to have been 
 an officer of importance, his duties being strictly clerical. No 
 doubt he received ' tips ' from persons who frequented the Court 
 for general information. All these functionaries received allow- 
 ances of food and wheat in accordance with their rank. 
 
 These few inscriptions, selected from a large number which 
 are fortunately still legible, throw some light on the prosperous 
 condition of this remote African city during the second and 
 third centuries, and give some idea of the public spirit which 
 animated its citizens. Thamugas was essentially a Roman 
 city, founded by Roman colonists under the auspices of the 
 greatest of Roman Emperors. The disposition of the city, the 
 public buildings, the arrangements of dwelling-houses, and the 
 municipal regulations were all based on the same methods 
 which prevailed in the metropolis. Many thousands of names 
 have been brought to light, and they are all Roman names. 
 
 Standing amidst this scene of desolation at the end of the 
 nineteenth century — this wilderness of stone and marble — one 
 is inclined to ask why such a city, with so large an accumula- 
 tion of treasure attesting a high degree of prosperity, should 
 have been erected in this wild and treeless region, where nature 
 presents so many difficulties to overcome, and offers so little 
 encouragement to the cultivation of those gentle arts whic 
 must have flourished here for at least three centuries. You 
 climb the hill above the forum, and, sitting upon the ruined 
 wall of the old theatre, the problem is solved. Those ravines, 
 east and west, where the mountain waters unchecked now rush 
 wildly into the plains, were once water-conduits. You see how 
 they were confined by stone walls, where they supplied the 
 public baths, how they passed under the main streets, and then, 
 descending into the plain, contributed by a proper system of 
 irrigation to that fertility which, to the Roman husbandman, 
 was only another word for abundance. You see the little 
 forum at your feet, with its pretty colonnade, its ranges of 
 
102 Roman Africa 
 
 pedestals of stone and marble and alabaster, its statues and 
 busts of men and women honoured in their lives, its inscriptions 
 recording the lives of its citizens clear and imperishable. On 
 your right you see where the Roman multitude thronged the 
 basilica. On your left stands pre-eminent the magnificent 
 peristyle of the lordly Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and a 
 little lower down the beautiful Arch with its attendant groups 
 of pedestals and statuary, and the Lambsesis road winding 
 gracefully through it up the hillside. These bare mountain slopes 
 were once forests of oak and ash. Those spots on the adjacent 
 hills were cultivated gardens, the delight of the magnates of 
 Thamugas. Beyond were the olive woods covering the spurs 
 of the mountain, and below was the great plain, a sea of 
 fruitful verdure or abundant grain. Thamugas must have been 
 a pleasant dwelling-place seventeen centuries ago. 
 
 No other city of equal importance in North Africa yet 
 unearthed is so intimately associated with the name of Trajan. 
 But the spade and the pickaxe are constantly at work ; and 
 persistent enthusiasm, which is the keynote of archaeology, may 
 one day bring to light his honoured name in many other parts 
 of Roman Africa. 
 
I03 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 AFRICA UNDER HADRIAN 
 A.D. 117-138 
 
 It is not within the range of this outline of Romano- African 
 history to comment upon the public or private career of any 
 of the Emperors, except where they are intimately associated 
 with or relevant to the present subject of inquiry. The Caesars, 
 up to the accession of Hadrian, had governed their African 
 dominions with varying success, but with little personal know- 
 ledge of the country or the native races held in subjection.' 
 Some of them entirely neglected this wealthy appendage to the 
 Empire, while others gave it their fostering care, and encouraged 
 the spread of colonisation by wise edicts and just administra- 
 tion. The active rule and firm policy adopted by Julius and 
 Augustus were the prelude to the establishment of a system 
 of government inaugurated by Vespasian, and continued with 
 beneficial results under a long line of emperors. To Trajan's 
 successful rule was due the era of prosperity which dawned 
 upon Africa at the commencement of the second century, and 
 it remained for Hadrian to follow in the steps of his wise 
 predecessor. Historians and commentators upon the career of 
 this remarkable ruler have often regretted that so little has been 
 recorded of this stirring epoch in Roman history. Contem- 
 porary writers are conspicuous for their silence, but it is fair to 
 assume that numerous treatises of the time emanating from 
 Rome, or well-established schools of literature in Carthage or 
 the chief cities of Africa, have been lost or thoughtlessly 
 destroyed. Suetonius takes rank as an illustrious writer in the 
 early part of the second century ; but, with the exception of 
 the lives of the twelve Caesars and some fragments of other 
 compositions of less interest, his works no longer exist. As the 
 confidential friend and secretary of the Emperor Hadrian and 
 
 ' Julius Csesar was Consul only, but not Imperator, during his African campaign. 
 
104 Roman Africa 
 
 his companion on so many journeys, his writings would have 
 thrown much light on this period of history. At a later date 
 we have Dion Cassius, who devoted ten years to collecting 
 materials for his history of Rome, written in Greek and pub- 
 lished in eighty books. His scholarship was of high repute, and 
 it is a matter of regret that fragments only of the last twenty 
 books have been handed down to us, the remainder having been 
 mutilated or lost. As governor of Roman Africa in the reign 
 of Alexander Severus, a.d. 220-235, he had unusual oppor- 
 tunities of recording his impressions of the country and its 
 inhabitants. Amongst later authors .iElius Spartianus and 
 Julius Capitolinus, who flourished in the days of Diocletian, 
 may be regarded as the most reliable authorities of their time, 
 portions of their principal works being embodied in the volumes 
 entitled Scriptores Historice Augustce. The life of Hadrian, 
 written by the former, covers, it should be observed, no more 
 than a dozen pages, and cannot be definitely classed as either 
 history or biography, but, as a study of character, throws con- 
 siderable light upon the career of this very remarkable Emperor. 
 These authors were followed by Aurelius Victor in the time of 
 Constantius, and at a later period by Zosimus, a man of high 
 distinction in the army of Theodosius, adding considerable 
 lustre to a long line of Roman historians and commentators. The 
 list may be closed with the name of Xiphilin, a learned monk of 
 the eleventh century, who devoted some fifteen pages to a study 
 of Hadrian's career in his compendium of the last forty-five 
 books of Dion Cassius. Occasional notes by other authors of 
 varying repute should also be acknowledged. Fortunately 
 archaeology comes to our aid where written records fail, and, 
 with the further assistance rendered by inscriptions on the coins 
 of his reign, we are able to obtain a fair idea of the intellectual 
 as well as personal character of the renowned Hadrian. No less 
 than fifty-three coins commemorative of his visits to the various 
 provinces of the Empire were issued during the latter part of 
 his reign. Those relating to his African visits are seven in 
 number, with the following letters on the reverse : Africa ; Resti- 
 tutori Ajricce ; Adventui Aug. Africm ; Mauretania S.C.; Ad- 
 ventui Aug. MauretanicB S. C. ; Exercitus Mauretanicus S. C. ; 
 Restitutori Mauretanice S.C} They indicate the countries 
 
 ' J. H. von Eckhel, Traiti iUmmtaire de Numismatique (Paris, 1825), i. 
 486-501. 
 
Africa under Hadrian 105 
 
 visited, but do not give the dates. Perhaps no historian of 
 modern times has more fully realised the versatile character of 
 this gifted Emperor, or has portrayed with more faithful colours 
 the Hadrian we are familiar with in bronze and marble, than 
 Merivale. As pictured by him, Hadrian stands before us 'in 
 face and figure eminently handsome. He reminds us more than 
 any Roman before him of what we proudly style the thorough 
 English gentleman, with shapely limbs and well-set head. 
 Refined, intelligent, an administrator rather than a statesman, 
 a man of taste rather than a philosopher.'' For analytical 
 studies of Hadrian's career, written from two different points 
 of view, the more extensive work of Gregorovius* is full of 
 interest, and the scholarly pages of Le Comte de Champagny' 
 portray in vivid colouring the_ many distinct phases of a re- 
 markable character. We learn from Dion,* who lived in the 
 early part of the third century, that Hadrian 'visited more 
 cities than any other ruler, and to all he was beneficent. He 
 gave them harbours and aqueducts, corn and gold, buildings 
 and honours of many kinds.'* It is not quite clear whether 
 Hadrian made two separate journeys into the interior of Africa, 
 but that he traversed the country A.D. 125 is quite certain, the 
 first visit having been apparently to the coast towns three years 
 previously.^ He appears to have moved from town to town, 
 grasping the most complicated matters of civil and military 
 administration, paying a special regard to the habits and re- 
 quirements of the native races, and adding to the number of 
 colonice and municipia, in accordance with the needs of localities.^ 
 His artistic perception and cultured taste favoured the em- 
 
 ' Merivale, A History of the Romans under the Empire, vii. 493. 
 
 ' Ferd. Gregorovius, The Emperor Hadrian, translated by Mary Robinson 
 (London, 1898). 
 
 ' Le Comte de Champagny, Les Antonins, ii. 4 et seq. 
 
 ' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 5. 
 
 ' Spartianus, c. 13. In Africam transiit ac multum beneficiorum provinciis 
 Africanis attribuit. 
 
 « Orelli, Inscript. Lat. Coll. 3564. 
 
 ' Conspicuous among the towns raised to a higher state was old Utica, hence- 
 forth designated Colonia Julia /Elia Hadriana Augusta Utika. According to 
 Spartianus, c. 20, Thense and Zama were also raised to the dignity of colonics, and 
 Carth^e was renamed Hadrianopolis. There are many other towns mentioned as 
 having been favoured by Hadrian, but many of the inscriptions are scarcely legible, 
 and. the dates uncertain. 
 
io6 Roman Africa 
 
 belHshment of towns with noble edifices, and, like Trajan, he 
 held that the promotion of Art in every form redounded to the 
 glory of the Empire and the welfare of the State. 
 
 Roman Africa had enjoyed the blessings of peace for so 
 long a period under the firm rule of Trajan that the colonists 
 were little prepared for an uprising on the frontier soon after 
 Hadrian had ascended the throne. The southern boundaries 
 were well protected by military posts and large well-organised 
 bodies of troops ; but the western frontier, presenting a long 
 tract of country without adequate defences and thinly peopled 
 by Italian settlers, became the scene of an insurrection by 
 Moors of western Mauritania. The suddenness of the disturb- 
 ance may have been anticipated by the Emperor and the Senate 
 in Rome, who were acquainted with the ambitious designs of 
 some of Trajan's most trusted generals. Among them was 
 Lusius Quietus, a Moorish chief, who had raised a band of 
 mercenaries and assumed a Roman name. The sculptures on 
 the column of Trajan show clearly enough the costume and 
 general appearance of the Moorish cavalry under his command 
 in the Dacian war. The troopers are mounted on little horses 
 without bridles,, and the costume consists of a short tunic 
 gathered up at the shoulders and fastened by a brooch. A 
 somewhat similar garment is still worn by Arabs. The hair is 
 carefully curled and dressed round the head. Each trooper 
 carries a small shield, and, from the bend of the arm and hand 
 we may assume that he was armed with a lance or similar weapon, 
 but this is now effaced. The military success which had attended 
 Quietus had gained for him the appreciation of the Roman 
 legions, and his services to Trajan in the Dacian and Parthian 
 wars, as well as in suppressing a revolt of the Jews in Palestine, 
 had made him the recipient of many honours. But he was 
 over-ambitious and dreamt of sovereignty. As a military 
 leader he may have had some claim to nomination as Trajan's 
 successor, but as a statesman and ruler of mankind he had no 
 qualifications. Fortunately for the Roman people, this cunning 
 half-civilised Moor was not at headquarters when Trajan was 
 lying on his death-bed, with scarcely strength enough to whisper 
 the name of his immediate successor. When the intelligence 
 reached Quietus that the lot had fallen upon Hadrian, his 
 resolution was formed, and henceforth he bided his opportunity 
 
Africa under Hadrian 107 
 
 to throw off the Roman yoke. The Moor had not long to wait, 
 for Hadrian removed him from command in Syria and appointed 
 him governor of Mauritania. Here he instigated an uprising 
 of the Moors with partial success, and, subsequently being 
 accused of conspiring to assassinate the Emperor, was put to 
 death by order of the Senate. This Moorish insurrection was 
 of long duration, but was finally quelled by the military skill of 
 Marcius Turbo, combined with the enthusiasm aroused in the 
 Roman legions by the presence of the Emperor. This was 
 Hadrian's first appearance in Africa, and it was natural that 
 the Senate should attribute the suppression of the rebellion and 
 the success of Roman arms to the skill of their distinguished 
 ruler. Festivals were ordered, and coins were struck in his 
 honour as Restorer of Mauritania, and in gratitude for a revival 
 of security for the colonists of Roman Africa. 
 
 ADVENTVI ■ AVG • MAVRETANIAE ■ EXERCITVS • MAVRE- 
 TANICVS • RESTITVTORI • MAVRETANIAE' 
 
 There is no town of importance in Africa which is intimately 
 associated with Hadrian as its founder ; but the whole colony> 
 even in the present day, bears numerous traces of works of 
 utility and adornment carried out by his instructions for the 
 benefit of the provinces. An inscription informs us that 
 Hadrian visited the camp of the third Augustan legion, which 
 constituted the main body of the African army, and that he put 
 in order the military organisation of the country. The record 
 of this visit has been preserved on two pedestals discovered at 
 Lambessa many years ago. One inscription runs thus : ^ 
 
 IMP CAESA Imperatori Caesari,Traiano Hadriano 
 
 TRAIANO Augusto,fortissimo liberalissimoque 
 
 HADRIANO AVG dedicante Publio Cassio Secundo 
 
 FORTISSIMO legato Augusti pro pratore Veterani 
 
 LIBERALISSIMOQ legionis tertice Augusta qui milt- 
 
 DEDICANTE tare casperunt. 
 
 P ■ CASSIO SECVNDO 
 LEG • AVG ■ PR • PR 
 VETERANI 
 LEG ^ AVG 
 QVI MILITAR 
 COEPERVN 
 
 On the faces of another pedestal bearing a monumental 
 
 ' Eckhel, vi. 198 ; an inscription on a coin. '' I.R.A. No. i ; copied by Renier. 
 
io8 Roman Africa 
 
 column is inscribed the Emperor's address to the legion, 
 covering no less than sixty-three lines. After reviewing the 
 troops he alludes in eulogistic terms to the excellence of their 
 mancEuvres and the handling of their weapons, and praises the 
 arrangements of the camp and the admirable construction of 
 the entrenchments. Among the works of utility associated 
 with his name, the maintenance and extension of the great 
 highways deserve record. Upon a milliary column found in the 
 neighbourhood of Carthage, we read that Hadrian ordered the 
 soldiers of the third legion to pave the military road between 
 Carthage and Theveste,^ and to construct a road from Rusicada 
 (Philippeville) to Cirta (Constantine).^ 
 
 IMP CAESAR EX AVCTORITATE 
 
 DIVI NERVAE NEPOS IMP CAESARIS 
 
 DIVI TRAIANA PARTHICI F TRAIANI HADRI 
 
 TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AN AVG PONTES 
 
 AVG • PONT • MAX • TRIE VIAE NOVAE RVSI 
 
 POT ■ VII COS • III CADENSIS RP CIR 
 
 VIAM A CARTHAGINE TENSIVM SVA PECV 
 
 THEVESTEN STRAVIT NIA FECIT SEX IVLIO 
 
 PER LEG • III • AVG MAI ORE LEG AVG 
 
 P METILIO SECVNDO LEG fll AVG PR PR 
 
 LEG • AVG • PR • PR 
 
 The latter inscription gives us to understand that the work 
 was paid for out of the imperial treasury. 
 
 The one monumental work with which the name of Hadrian 
 will be always associated is the great aqueduct which brought 
 the waters of Mount Zaghouan and Mount Djougar to the cities 
 of Carthage and Tunis.' It is a question whether there is any 
 Roman structure now standing within the vast area of the Empire 
 which bears in so high a degree the impress of imperial will, or 
 attests so visibly the strength of Roman character, as this stately 
 line of piers and arches. ' The waters flow to Carthage,' says 
 
 ' Shaw's Travels in Barbary, p. S73- 'i -'-^ f f - 
 
 * I.R.A. No. 2296, copied by Renier. Vide De la Mare, Explor. de VAlgirie. 
 Also Letrorme, J'ournal des Savants (1847), p. 624. 
 
 ' According to Frontinus (de Aquad. Urb. Rom.), who was for some years curator 
 aquarum in the time of Vespasian, A.D. 74, the first aqueduct constructed by the 
 Romans in Italy was B.C. 231. The Aqtia Trajana, which supplied the Janiculum 
 in the Transtiberine region, bears the dates A.D. 1 10 and 1 1 1 on coins of gold, silver, 
 and bronze. 
 
 The curator aquarum was an officer of great dignity and was appointed for life. 
 The first was Marcus Agrippa (Front. 98-99), who held the office till his death, 
 B.C. 12. (J. H. Middleton, Ancient Rome in 1885, p. 453.) 
 
Africa under Hadrian 109 
 
 El-Bekri, ' on ranges of arches placed one above the other, 
 reaching even to the clouds.' This stupendous work was con- 
 ceived by Hadrian, and commenced, it is said, after his second 
 visit to Africa. There is reason to believe that it was completed 
 as far as Zaghouan during his reign, a length of about thirty-five 
 miles, but the extension to Mount Djougar was not finished till 
 the reign of Septimius Severus. A coin bearing his effigy was 
 struck in the mint at Carthage, having on the reverse a figure of 
 Astarte, as the tutelary genius of that city, seated on a lion in 
 front of a spring of water issuing from a rock. The most 
 gigantic portion of the aqueduct was that across the Oued Melian, 
 mentioned by El-Bekri. It was in fair preservation some sixty 
 years ago, but, a new bridge over the river being necessary in 
 consequence of increasing traffic between Tunis and Zaghouan, 
 the piers and superstructure were wantonly overthrown to provide 
 materials for its foundation. The bridge might have been con- 
 structed a few hundred yards higher up, and this noble monu- 
 ment left intact. It need scarcely be stated that the modern 
 bridge exhibits the usual combination of iron and stone, and 
 has nothing in extenuation to recommend it. 
 
 The great aqueduct, we are told, was a work of necessity. 
 A cry of distress from Carthage had reached Rome. For five 
 consecutive years no rain had fallen in that part of Africa. The 
 cisterns were empty, the land was parched, the harvest was 
 failing, and the grainships for Rome were lying idle in the 
 harbours. There was an abundance of corn in African granaries 
 to meet the immediate demands of Roman colonists and the 
 native population ; but for years past Rome, as well as the chief 
 towns in Italy, had looked to the other side of the Mediter- 
 ranean for their principal supply, and, as the long wars under 
 Trajan had withdrawn a large able-bodied population from 
 agricultural pursuits, the failure of the crops became a matter of 
 grave consideration by the Senate at Rome. There is no need, 
 therefore, to be surprised at Hadrian's desire for a continuance 
 of good harvests in the African provinces. The gods favoured 
 him, for we are told by Spartian that on the day when the 
 Emperor set foot in the country the clouds gathered, the rain 
 fell in abundance, and men's hearts rejoiced.' Little wonder 
 
 ' Quando in Africam venit, ad adventum ejus, post quinquennium pluit, atque 
 idea ab Africanis dileclus est. (Spart. Had. xxii.) 
 
no Roman Africa . 
 
 then that the peasantry regarded Hadrian as a deity, and that 
 his sojourn in the land was marked by unusual gladness ! 
 
 The system of rain-water storage, which the Carthaginians 
 had inherited from the Phoenicians, and had brought to perfec- 
 tion, was continued by the Romans in rebuilding Carthage. 
 The great reservoirs which El-Bekri calls ' the cisterns of the 
 demons ' were restored for the service of the great aqueduct ; 
 and another range of cisterns, called the smaller cisterns, of 
 which there were eighteen, each measuring 93 feet by 19 feet 
 8 inches and 27 feet 6 inches to the crown of the vault, capable 
 of holding upwards of four million gallons, were built for the 
 storage of rain-water. These cisterns are built with rubble stone 
 and remarkably hard mortar, and are coated internally with 
 thin cement, apparently made with marble dust. Some of these 
 cisterns are still in fair preservation and are used by the 
 peasantry. The larger cisterns of the Carthaginians are in 
 ruins. Shaw says ' there were twenty in his time, the dimen- 
 sions being 350 feet by 2$ feet. They were supplied by an 
 aqueduct from Zaghouan, and the channel or duct was 3 feet 
 wide.' At the angles, as well as in the centre of their length, 
 there were circular filters domed over. Even in their present 
 ruined condition the forms of these gigantic reservoirs are easily 
 traced. For a long period the Romans adopted the methods of 
 their predecessors, constructing their cisterns in long parallel 
 basins with very thick rubble walls and rubble vaulting. 
 According to M. Daux and other investigators, there were 
 covered galleries more than six feet wide on each side for the 
 purpose of protecting from the sun the inhabitants who came to 
 draw water. In the plains the cisterns were frequently of poly- 
 gonal form, built with rubble and strengthened by counterforts 
 within and without. Those of a large size were not covered. In 
 some cases a second basin of rectangular shape was added, 
 vaulted over, but with a flat roof externally, and with openings 
 at intervals to facilitate the lowering of pitchers into the water. 
 A range of cisterns of this form may still be seen on the road 
 between Susa and Kairouan. There is another, mentioned and 
 illustrated by Daux, on the road to Aquse Regise, the celebrated 
 warm baths frequented by the kings of Numidia, at the junction 
 of the road leading by Avidus and Sarsura to Thysdrus. A 
 reproduction of the drawing will be found in MM, Perrot and 
 
Africa under Hadrian 1 1 1 
 
 Chipiez's History of Art in Phcenicia. These authors ascribe 
 the two circular basins to the Carthaginians, and the square 
 filter to their conquerors. 
 
 The most remarkable reservoir in North Africa is outside 
 the walls of Kairouan. Here are two large basins of polygonal 
 shape, the larger being 414 feet in diameter and 20 feet deep, 
 having in the centre the substructure of a pavilion, which was 
 probably of an ornate character and enriched with sculpture. 
 Around the smaller basin is a series of niches. Communicating 
 with the larger reservoir are two parallel basins or filters, 
 formerly covered by galleries or arcades. The walls of the 
 great basin are constructed with rubble stones in alternate 
 courses of ten inches and four inches, and strengthened on both 
 sides by counterforts symmetrically placed at intervals, semi- 
 circular on plan and at the top, like a niche reversed. The 
 inner faces of the basins are coated with thin cement. This 
 extraordinary work is attributed by the Arabs, on the sole 
 authority of El-Bekri, to the Aghlabites, who ruled over North 
 Africa at the commencement of the ninth century. In all pro- 
 bability these reservoirs were built during a late period of the 
 Empire, and were subsequently restored by the Arabs. Shaw 
 tells us that the cisterns built by Sultan ben Iglit in several 
 parts of Tunisia are of equal solidity with the celebrated ones 
 at Carthage, and continue firm to the present day. ' The 
 plaster is made of the following proportions : one part of sand, 
 two parts of wood-ashes, and three of lime ; which, after being 
 well mixed, is beaten incessantly for three days and three nights 
 with wooden mallets, sprinkling a little oil and water alternately 
 till the plaster becomes of equal consistency. This is chiefly 
 used in making arches, cisterns, and the terraces or tops of 
 houses. Their pipes were let into each other, and jointed with 
 tow and lime beaten together with oil only and without water. 
 Both these compositions quickly assume the hardness of stone, 
 and are impervious to water.' There is little doubt that these 
 constructive methods were traditional, and originated with the 
 Phcenician settlers.' 
 
 ' The Romans in the time of the elder Pliny knew that water found its own level 
 (Pliny, 'mi- II, xxxi. 57), and were acquainted with the principle of the siphon. Of 
 these siphons one has been noted at Cirta (Constantine), others at Lyons and in Pam- 
 phylia. The finest and the most daring is at Alatri, B.C. 150, capable of supporting a 
 
1 1 2 Roman Africa 
 
 Cisterns and wells play an important part in Oriental life, 
 especially in a dry and thirsty land, where the rainfall is less 
 regular than in more temperate zones, where the river beds are 
 bare the greater part of the year, and where the waters of the 
 lakes are more or less impregnated with salt. The storage of 
 water thus became a science at a remote period, and the paving 
 of streets probably originated with the necessity of storing the 
 rainfall in as pure a condition as possible. Cisterns were con- 
 structed with great care under every house, and public reservoirs, 
 into which the street waters were conveyed, were built in every 
 town and maintained by the municipalities. Under the Romans 
 the reservoirs were kept free from impurities, and general regula- 
 tions to ensure cleanliness were strictly enforced. In later times, 
 under the irregular rule of both Moors and Arabs, these sanitary 
 traditions were wholly neglected. The custom of building 
 cisterns under ordinary dwelling-houses was still preserved, but 
 public reservoirs, the pride of Carthaginian and Roman, were 
 thoughtlessly abandoned. In their place we find throughout 
 the country open ponds fouled by accumulation of mud, without 
 any attempt at maintenance or purification. " The Roman cisterns 
 in North Africa are a remarkable feature. They are nearly all of 
 the same type, consisting of a series of vaulted chambers side by 
 side, the number of chambers varying with the sizes of the towns. 
 Those at Sicca (El-Kef) are a good example of work of this 
 kind, and, though used at present for other purposes, are fortu- 
 nately in excellent preservation. There are no less than thirteen 
 of these chambers, each about 90 feet long, 23 feet wide, and 
 20 feet high, and the original cement lining is in some parts 
 quite smooth and perfect. 
 
 From an inscription on a marble altar discovered near Lam- 
 bessa in 1866,' we have a graphic account of the difficulties 
 experienced, A.D. 152, by the citizens of Saldae (Bougie) in 
 obtaining a supply of water from a spring some fourteen miles 
 distant. We are introduced to the governor of the province, 
 the hydraulic engineer, and the contractor for the work ; and 
 
 pressure of 10 atmospheres. The Romans were unacquainted with cast iron, and no 
 pipe, except of cast iron, could have supported the pressure of such volumes of 
 water. (Sig. Lanciani, Ancient Rome, p. S9-) 
 
 ' Translated by Signor Lanciani, Ancient Rome, p. 6r. 
 
Africa under Hadrian 113 
 
 we learn that an expert named Nonius Datus, attached to the 
 third Augustan legion at Lambsesis, had visited Saldse by the 
 desire of Varius Clemens, governor of Mauritania, and had pre- 
 pared the necessary plans for executing the work. We are 
 further informed that the duct for conveying the water had to 
 pass through an adjacent mountain by means of a tunnel. The 
 contractor, it appears, commenced his borings at both ends, 
 and, whether through carelessness or neglect to follow the lines 
 and levels furnished by Nonius Datus, found that he was 
 making two tunnels instead of one. The engineer was conse- 
 quently sent for, and, on the fulfilment of his mission, presented 
 the following Report to the magistrates of Saldas : ' After 
 leaving my quarters (at Lamb^sis) I met with brigands on my 
 way, who robbed me even of clothes and wounded me severely. 
 I succeeded, however, in reaching Saldae, where I was met by 
 the governor, who, after allowing me some rest, took me to the 
 tunnel. There I found everybody sad and despondent. They 
 had given up all. hopes that the two opposite sections of the 
 tunnel would meet, because each section had already been 
 excavated beyond the middle of the mountain, and a junction 
 had not been effected. As always happens in these cases, the 
 fault was attributed to the engineer for not having taken all 
 precautions to secure the success of his work. What could I 
 have done better ? I began by surveying and taking the levels 
 of the mountain. I marked most carefully the axis of the tunnel 
 across the ridges ; I drew plans and sections of the whole work, 
 and handed them over to Petronius Celer, at that time governor 
 of Mauritania. As an extra precaution, I summoned the con- 
 tractor and his workmen, and began the excavations in their 
 presence, with the help of two gangs of experienced veterans, 
 viz. a detachment of marine infantry {classicos milites) and a 
 detachment of Alpine troops {gtzsati). What more could I 
 have done ? Well, during the four years I was absent at Lam- 
 baesis, expecting every day to hear the glad tidings of an 
 abundant water supply at Saldse, the contractor and his assistant 
 had committed blunder after blunder. In each section of the 
 tunnel they had diverged from the straight line, each towards 
 the right, and had I waited a little longer before coming, Saldse 
 would have possessed two tunnels instead of one.' We learn 
 that Nonius Datus, having discovered the mistake, caused the 
 
 I 
 
114 Roman Africa 
 
 two diverging arms to be united by a transverse channel, and 
 that the arrival of the waters of Ain-Seur was celebrated with 
 extraordinary rejoicings, in the presence of the governor, Varius 
 Clemens, and of the engineer. This little episode is of special 
 interest in our own days, when the earth is being tunnelled in 
 all directions for the service of mankind. 
 
 The total length of the aqueduct of Carthage has been 
 estimated at 54 miles. The actual duct or channel is 3 feet 
 wide and 6 feet high, arched over, and with openings at 
 intervals for inspection and ventilation. The springs from the 
 two mountains were (and are still, I believe) capable of supply- 
 ing 81 gallons per second, or upwards of eight millions of 
 gallons in twenty-four hours. The construction varies in dif- 
 ferent portions. That which was first commenced, nearest to 
 Zaghouan, in the plains of the Oued-Melian, is beautifully built 
 with courses of finely cut stone, each course being 20 inches 
 high. The sizes of the piers average 12 feet wide and 15 feet 
 thick, and the spans of the arches average 15 feet. A roll 
 moulding 20 inches thick forms the impost. The voussoirs of 
 the arches are carefully cut, and the actual duct above these is 
 formed entirely with rubble. The most interesting portion of 
 the aqueduct, as a building construction, is that across the 
 Medjerda plain, within 10 miles of Tunis. It is made of what 
 is known as pis^, being simply the clayey soil of the district, 
 mixed with a certain portion of lime, and built up in sections, 
 after the manner of modern concrete construction. This method 
 of building is attributed to the Phoenicians. Hannibal, during 
 his long sojourn in Spain, raised his fortifications in this way, 
 wherever the material was available. Pliny speaks of pise with 
 rapture on account of its durability and the ease with which it 
 can be put together, giving the name oi formacei to walls of 
 this kind, as made in a forma or frame.' It is quite possible 
 that the Carthaginians found this mode of building prevalent 
 among the earlier inhabitants of North Africa and transmitted 
 it to their successors. The piers in this portion of the aqueduct 
 
 ' Quid? Non in Africa Hispaniaque ex terra parietes , quos appellant formaceos, 
 quoniam in forma circumdatis utritnque duabus tabulis inferciuntur verius quam 
 struuntur, avis durant, incorrupti imbribus, ventis, ignibus, otnnique ccEmento 
 firmiores ? Special etiamnunc speculas Hannibalis Hispania terrenasque turres jugis 
 montium impositas. (Pliny, Bist. Nat. xxxv. 14.) 
 

 
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Africa under Hadrian 115 
 
 are 13 feet wide and nearly 15 feet thick, the spans of the 
 arches being 1 5 feet. The foundations consist of several courses 
 of cut stone, and the superstructure is built up in sections 3 feet 
 8 inches high. On the upper surface of each section, channels 
 6 inches square and 2 feet 3 inches long are left by the insertion 
 of a mould. There were five such channels on the faces, and 
 three generally in the thickness. In these were laid strips of 
 olive-wood i inch or more thick and 6 inches wide. When the 
 material was well consolidated and dry, strong mortar 2^ inches 
 thick, containing a large admixture of wood-ashes, was laid 
 over the entire surface, filling up the channels. Wooden pegs 
 were driven in at intervals in order to ascertain and secure 
 a perfectly level bed for the next section, and so on up to the 
 summit sixty or more feet from the ground. There is a course 
 of cut stone at the springing of the arches, and the voussoirs 
 ■ are 2 feet on the face, but of two or more stones in depth. 
 
 The stability of this form of construction is shown by the 
 excellent condition of portions of the aqueduct now standing, 
 although they have been subjected to repeated earthquakes. 
 In some parts the Arabs, with their usual destructiveness, have 
 removed more than half the stones forming the bases of these 
 gigantic piers without affecting the superstructure, and in others 
 whole piers have fallen or been thrown down, leaving the duct 
 poised in mid-air without apparent support. 
 
 In an article on Pis^^ written some years ago, it is stated 
 that the walls of most of the houses on the banks of the Rhine 
 were built of nothing but earth, with planks of wood laid at 
 intervals in the body of the material, care being taken that the 
 ends of the planks were not exposed to the air. In taking 
 down old houses oi pise the wood has been found to be perfectly 
 sound, and in some cases the original colour had been retained. 
 The rich traders of Lyons, we are told, had no other way of 
 building their country-houses. 
 
 The entire aqueduct of Carthage, as the work of the infidel, 
 would have been destroyed by the Arabs centuries ago if some 
 Eastern story-teller had not woven a legend in its favour, and 
 attributed its construction to a true follower of the Prophet. 
 The story says that, under the Carthaginian rule, a neighbour- 
 ing king, who was a good Mohammedan, fell in love with the 
 
 ' Rees's Cychfadia, art. Pise. 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 Roman Africa 
 
 daughter of a Carthaginian senator and demanded her in 
 marriage. Consent was given on the condition that he brought 
 the waters of Zaghouan and Djougar to Carthage. The work 
 was long and tedious, and at the moment of completion the 
 girl died. A younger sister stepped forward to take her place. 
 The work was finished and the marriage was celebrated. 
 
 The source of the main supply from Mount Zaghouan lies 
 at a short distance from the modern town of Zaghouan, which 
 replaced a Roman village or settlement probably called Zeugi- 
 tanus. But this is purely conjectural, learned archaeologists 
 having given the name of Villa Magna to the old Roman town. 
 There are the remains of a triumphal arch, which Shaw says 
 was decorated with sculpture, but absence of inscriptions deprives 
 this ruined monument of any interest. The name of this town 
 may be synonymous with Zeugitania, the title by which Africa 
 Provincia was known at the time of the Roman invasion. Shaw 
 says that the boundary of the province was at the foot of the 
 mountain now called Zaghouan, and adds that the Zygantes 
 mentioned by Herodotus were the presumed inhabitants of this 
 country. The waters of Zaghouan are not only renowned for 
 their purity, but for certain properties useful in dyeing. At the 
 present time a considerable industry has arisen in the dyeing of 
 the red caps worn in Mohammedan countries, called chachias, 
 in Egypt tarboosh, and in Turkey fez. But the special interest 
 in the place, in connection with the reign of Hadrian, is centred 
 in the monumental remains of a small temple constructed under 
 the spur of the mountain, to mark the source of the water 
 supply and to commemorate the achievement of a magnificent 
 undertaking. The temple is on a small scale, and is placed in 
 the centre of the arc of a semicircular colonnade, the entire 
 composition bearing some resemblance to a Roman theatre as 
 seen from the proscenium, or recalling, on a much smaller scale, 
 the portico of St. Peter's at Rome with its colonnades. The 
 width of this colonnade at Zaghouan is 1 5 feet ; the columns in 
 front were of the Corinthian order, the roof was vaulted, and 
 the back wall resting against a lower slope of the mountain was 
 built with finely cut blocks of stone. In each alternate inter- 
 columniation was a niche for a statue. The total number of 
 intercolumniations was twenty-four, twelve on each side the 
 central temple. The entire area in front, 94 feet wide and 
 

 
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Africa under Hadrian 117 
 
 86 feet long, was paved with large flat stones. The spring 
 flowed under this area, the water passing into a basin of the 
 form of a double horseshoe, to which there was access by a 
 flight of steps at each end. Here commenced the conduits 
 which served to irrigate the adjacent land and to supply the 
 great aqueduct. This ruined structure, originally designed with 
 much care, has beauty of its own apart from its charming 
 position, and, like many other monumental remains in North 
 Africa, is a pleasant memorial of a great people long since 
 passed away. The columns are overthrown, the niches are 
 empty, and the carved capitals have been removed. They may 
 be found, as usual in this country, in some neighbouring mosque, 
 misapplied, wedged up to support a flimsy Arab roof and coated 
 with inevitable whitewash. Modern Tunis, it may be observed, 
 is still supplied with water from the same source, but through a 
 more prosaic channel than the stately duct which once led to 
 Roman Carthage. 
 
 Among other cities in North Africa favoured by the Emperor's 
 notice was Leptis Magna. An inscription on a block of marble 
 discovered by Hebenstreit in 1732 records his name in connec- 
 tion with an aqueduct to the city from the river Cinyphus, at 
 the expense of Q. Servilius Candidus.' The date would be 
 A.D. 119 or 121. 
 
 IMP • CAES • DIVI ■ TRAIANI 
 
 PARTHICI • FIL • DIVI ■ NERVAE . NEPOTE • TRAIANO 
 
 HADRIANO • AVG ■ PONT • MAX • TRIE • POT ■ ■ • COS III 
 
 Q • SERVILIVS • CANDIDVS • SVA 
 
 IMPENSA • AQVAM ■ QVAESITAM • ET • ELEVATAM 
 
 IN • COLONIAM • PERDVXIT 
 
 The comparative paucity of inscriptions in Roman Africa, 
 bearing the name of Hadrian, is somewhat remarkable. With 
 the exception of Septimius Severus, an African by birth, no 
 emperor devoted so much personal attention to the needs of 
 the Roman colonists, or strove by such peaceful methods to 
 attract the native populations to the ways of civilisation, as 
 Hadrian. And yet the records of his active career in Africa 
 are few, and monumental remains bearing his name are not 
 numerous. No period of the Empire was more favourable to 
 
 ' C.i.L. No. 1 1. 
 
ii8 Roman Africa 
 
 the promotion of art or the encouragement of the adornment 
 of cities than the later years of his reign. Since the time of 
 Tiberius the arts, especially that of architecture, had been re- 
 trograding, and it remained for Trajan, as an imperial builder, 
 to give an impetus to the erection of public works both in 
 Rome and the provinces, which should express the magnificence 
 of imperial rule. Trajan cannot be regarded as a lover of art, 
 but rather as a believer in art as an instrument of power and 
 as an expression of grandeur and nobility ; and though he is 
 credited with having rebuilt half the Roman world, he must 
 yield the palm to his successor as the greatest of building 
 emperors. The many-sided character of Hadrian's career has 
 proved an interesting study to the commentators of his time. 
 His success as a peaceful administrator was partly due to an 
 inherent desire to govern by negotiation rather than by force ; 
 but it may be attributed in a great measure to his intimate 
 acquaintance with the habits and wants of the various races he 
 was called to rule over. This was especially the case with the 
 natives of his African provinces, who enjoyed a continuance of the 
 prosperity secured to them by Trajan. It is to Hadrian's credit 
 that he lightened taxation, promoted education, maintained 
 thirty legions in different parts of the Empire, and left to his 
 successor a well-filled treasury. His career as an artist must be 
 taken seriously, for he not only had artistic perception of a high 
 order, but he made himself a master of the technicalities of the 
 various forms of art. The indulgence of building propensities, 
 which were displayed principally in Rome, in his country retreats, 
 and on the outskirts of Athens, formed the chief enjoyment of 
 his life. Wherever the Emperor went he left .some conspicuous 
 mark of his taste in architectural art, and, consequently, when- 
 ever the spade of the explorer has brought to light the name of 
 Hadrian on some inscribed slab, we may expect to find some 
 ruined monumental building that had been raised in his honour. 
 There are many stories handed down to us of his controversies 
 with Apollodorus, the great architect of his time, and the 
 designer of the chief public buildings of his predecessor, but 
 they should be accepted with reserve. That Hadrian was vain 
 of his intellectual and artistic powers, and that Apollodorus was 
 proud of his skill and of a long succession of imperial favours, is 
 beyond controversy. But it is difficult to believe that blunt 
 
Africa under Hadrian 119 
 
 criticism of the Emperor's designs (probably justifiable from an 
 architect's point of view) should be followed by an order of 
 Hadrian to put Apollodorus to death, and that his instructions 
 were carried out forthwith. This is the story as told by Dion, 
 who gives no authority for the statement. Hadrian, we are told, 
 submitted to Apollodorus his design for a Temple of Venus 
 to be erected in Rome, and the architect sent word to the 
 Emperor that the proposed edifice was not high enough ' nor 
 large enough ; that in height it was not important enough for 
 such a thoroughfare as the Via Sacra. The proposed statues 
 were too large and not proportioned to the height of the build- 
 ing, and if the goddesses should feel inclined to rise from their 
 sitting posture, the roof would hinder them.' Spartian makes 
 no mention of this tale, nor does it find a place in the works of 
 other Latin authors who treat of this period of Roman history.' 
 It is satisfactory to note that so many writers of repute give 
 little credence to it, regarding the legend as having originated 
 with some court gossip. Or it might have been the invention 
 of Suetonius, the Emperor's secretary, who was dismissed from 
 imperial service for disrespectful behaviour to the Empress 
 Sabina. 
 
 Few empresses have left a slighter record than the wife of 
 Hadrian. Her marriage was a matter of imperial policy, and 
 does not appear to have been based on affection on either side 
 The little we know of Sabina's public and private life gives 
 evidence of amiability and benevolence. From the day that 
 she entered the palace of the Caesars to her decease, some two 
 years before the death of the Emperor, her time passed unevent- 
 fully, taking little interest in Hadrian's incessant travels, and 
 bearing with equanimity a harshness of conduct to which she 
 became accustomed with advancing years. Whether Sabina. 
 ever accompanied the Emperor in either of his journeys through 
 the African provinces is doubtful, but an inscription found many 
 years ago on a marble pedestal at Saldae (Bougie) renders it 
 probable. The dedication is to the Empress, and is thus inter- 
 preted by Hiibner : ^ 
 
 DivcB Sabina Augusta coloni colonia JuUcb Salditance 
 decreto decurionum, pecunia publica fosuerunt 
 
 ' Vide Ferd. Gregorovius, The Emperor Hadrian, b. ii. c. xxv. Duruy, Histoire 
 des Somains, iv. 395. 
 
 ^ Acad. Berlin, Societas Regia Scientiarum, /Emilius Hitbner, 1885. 
 
I20 Roman Africa 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 AFRICA UNDER ANTONINUS PIUS 
 A.D. 138-161 
 
 Good fortune favoured Antoninus during an uninterrupted 
 reign of twenty-three years. His correct name was Titus 
 Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, which was changed 
 on his assuming the purple to Titus ^lius Hadrianus Antoninus 
 Augustus.^ Rome was then at peace with the rest of the world, 
 and the provinces were reaping the benefits arising from 
 forty years of wise and beneficent government under Trajan 
 and his successor. Slight disturbances arose on the Moorish 
 frontier at the commencement of Antonine's career, but they 
 do not appear to have affected general prosperity, nor to have 
 retarded the work of colonisation in that direction. At subse- 
 quent periods of Roman history the Moors caused an infinity of 
 trouble, and, on one occasion, succeeded in evading the Roman 
 army and encamping for a short time before the walls of 
 Carthage. Pausanias, referring to this particular disturbance, 
 says that ' the Moors form the largest population of the Libyans, 
 who are nomads like the Scythians, and are very difficult to 
 overcome. They travel about on horseback accompanied by 
 their wives and families, and not in vehicles. Antoninus chased 
 them from all parts of Africa held by the Romans and drove 
 them back to the Atlas Mountains.'^ The record of this 
 Emperor's uneventful reign of twenty -three years is almost a 
 blank. Dion's manuscript is unfortunately lost, and Capitolinus 
 devotes only half a dozen pages to his career. Xiphilin, in his 
 abridgment of Dion, has nothing but praise for this gentle 
 peace-loving ruler, and Sextus Aurelius Victor, a reliable author 
 of the fourth century, closes his brief memoir by telling us that 
 
 • Vide Guerin, Voyage en Tunisie, Paris, 1862, Inscript. No. 19, vol. i. p. 100, 
 and No. 183, vol. L p. 411. 
 
 ' Pausanias, Arcadia, lib, viii. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 121 
 
 ' without making any war at all Antoninus ruled the world for 
 three-and-twenty years by his own authority, insomuch that all 
 kings, nations, and people did stand in awe of him, loving him 
 withal. They rather esteemed him to be their Father and 
 Patron than their Lord and Emperor, and with one consent they 
 all sought his decision in their controversies, looking on him as 
 if he had slid down from heaven.' 
 
 Unlike Hadrian, whose life reads like one long day of in- 
 cessant locomotion, Antonine scarcely travelled beyond the 
 outskirts of Rome, dividing his time between duties in the 
 Senate-house and homely pleasures at his country seat at 
 Lorium, some ten miles distant from the capital on the Appian 
 Way. It is true that such a career, undisturbed by wars abroad 
 or the troubles of factious intrigues at home, has afforded few 
 materials for biographers, but it has led historians to consider 
 how far so uneventful a reign of three-and-twenty years con- 
 tributed to the progress of the Empire in the provinces as well 
 as in Italy. In Africa there is little to indicate the direct 
 influence of Antonine's rule. Dedicatory inscriptions are not 
 wanting, and, strange to say, the most remote towns, whose 
 inhabitants were unacquainted with the Emperor's personality, 
 bear testimony to the present day of their goodwill towards so 
 benign a ruler. At CEa, for instance, the modern Tripoli, may 
 still be seen on a ruined arch of great magnificence a much- 
 worn inscription recording the commencement of this monu- 
 mental edifice in the reign of Antonine, and of its dedication 
 when completed to his joint successors M. Aurelius and L. Verus, 
 during the consulate of Scipio CEfritus.^ The grandeur of this 
 arch, which is entirely of white marble and embellished with an 
 unusual amount of sculpture, is specially noteworthy as indi- 
 cating the high esteem in which the Emperor was held by his 
 distant subjects. Such a work would occupy many years. It 
 was evidently not completed at the |time of Antonine's death, 
 and there was nothing unreasonable in dedicating the monu- 
 ment at a later date to the succeeding Emperors. In one of 
 the defiles of the Aures mountains, known as Khanga-Tigaminin, 
 may still be seen the old familiar lettering cut in the solid rock, 
 
 ' Sir R. Lambert Playfair, Travels in the Footsteps of Bruce, p. 280. A drawing 
 of this arch, as it appeared in 1766, gives a fair idea of its magnificence. 
 
122 Roman Africa 
 
 recording the completion of an important public road during 
 his reign.^ 
 
 IMP • CAES • T • AELIO Imperatore Ccesare Tito 
 
 HADRIANO • ANTON INO ^lio Hadriano Antonino 
 AVG • PIO • P • P rm • ET M Augusta, Pio, Pater patna 
 
 AVRELIO • CAESARE • II quartum et Marco Aurelio 
 
 COS • PER ■ • PRASTINA Casare secundum, consiilibus 
 
 MESSALINVM • LEG per Prastinam Messalinum 
 
 AVG • PR • PR . VEXIL legatum Augusti, proprcetore 
 
 LEG • VI • FERR • VIA vexillatio legionis Sextce Ferrates 
 
 FECIT viatn fecit. 
 
 It will be observed that the sixth legion Ferrata referred to 
 was employed in opening up communication across the Aures 
 by means of a military road. This legion formed no part of the 
 army of Africa, but was probably sent thither by the Emperor at 
 a time when the third legion Augusta was engaged in defending 
 the western frontiers against irruptions by the Moors. Some 
 fifty years ago the late General St. Arnaud was conducting a 
 column through this identical pass, and when he had reached 
 the summit and looked down on the Great Desert stretched at 
 his feet, he remarked in the enthusiasm of the moment, ' We • 
 may flatter ourselves we are the first soldiers to pass through 
 this region.' Strange error ! There by the mountain track, on 
 the face of the imperishable rock, was the record of a nation 
 long since passed away — a memorial of a Roman legion who 
 had bivouacked on that very spot more than seventeen centuries 
 ago. 
 
 Among other dedications to Antonine mention should be 
 made of an inscription on the great gateway forming the approach 
 to the principal temples at Sufetula in the far south, now known 
 as Sbeitla. This remote town has played an important part in 
 the making of Roman Africa, and was the scene of the great 
 heroic struggle at a later date between Christian and Moslem 
 for supremacy in that country. Its early history is veiled in 
 obscurity, and its name is supposed by Bruce and other travel- 
 lers to have been derived from the Sufetes, the title held by all 
 magistrates in towns dependent upon Carthage.'' The modern 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 4360. Henzen, Orelliana Collect, vol. iii. No. 6621. 
 
 ' The Roman duumvirs called themselves sufetes in Punic towns, the word 
 appearing on several inscriptions. Vide Guerin, vol. i. p. 429 ; also C.I.L. 
 No. 797. 
 
D 
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 w 
 
 H 
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 W 
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Africa under Antoninus Pius 123 
 
 name of the place, Sbeitla, is an Arab corruption. We learn 
 from the Itinerary of Antonine that it is twenty-five miles from 
 Sufes, changed by the Arabs into Sbiba — a city of renown in 
 pre-Roman times. ' We arrived at Sbiba,' says El-Bekri in the 
 eleventh century, 'a town of great antiquity, built of stone, and 
 containing a college and several baths. The whole country 
 around is covered with gardens, and produces a saffron of the 
 greatest excellence.' Sbiba is now a wilderness. The soil is 
 covered with rough herbage, the once flourishing city is now 
 the home of the jackal, and human habitations are not to 
 be found within a radius of twenty miles. What a change 
 from the lordly days when Sufes took high rank among the 
 earlier Roman settlements, placed under the protection of 
 Hercules, and described as splendidissimus et felicissimus ordo 
 Coloni(2 SufetanceX In the Epistles of St. Augustine we learn 
 something of its later career, when Paganism and Christianity 
 were striving for the mastery, and there is a record of sixty 
 inhabitants of the town suffering martyrdom for having over- 
 thrown a statue, of its protecting deity.^ But Sufes has long 
 since passed away, and the few travellers who explore this 
 trackless region must build up from their imagination the stone- 
 built city with its pleasant gardens, and the hillsides clothed 
 with timber and perennial verdure. Sufetula, on the contrary, 
 still exists as one of the most interesting places in old Byzacene 
 — a city of ruins in a beautiful country, once remarkable for its 
 abundant supply of water, the sweetness of its climate, and the 
 wealth of its inhabitants. It was entirely surrounded by gar- 
 dens and orchards, and the productiveness of the soil is apparent 
 in the present day. Sufetula appears to have been in a flourish- 
 ing condition during the reigns of Antonine and Marcus Aure- 
 lius, and, judging by inscriptions of a later date that are still 
 legible, it must have enjoyed great prosperity long after the fall 
 of the Roman Empire. Of its earlier career we have no record, 
 but its last days, tinged with the romance so dear to Arab 
 writers, have furnished abundant material for the exercise of the 
 imagination. From Ibri Khaldoun we learn that in the year 
 A.D. 647 the Khalif Othman determined to effect the conquest 
 of Africa, and that, having raised a large army in Egypt, he 
 despatched it to Tripoli under the command of his brother, 
 ' This event is still recorded in the Romish calendar for the month of August. 
 
124 Roman Africa 
 
 Abdulla Ibn Saad. At that time Gregorius was governor of 
 Africa, under the nominal suzerainty of the Emperor of the 
 East ; but, finding his popularity increasing among the native 
 races, he threw off the Byzantine yoke and proclaimed himself 
 an independent sovereign. His dominions, according to the 
 same authority, extended from Tripoli to Tangier ; and Sufe- 
 tula, his capital, acquired increased renown from the presence 
 of so powerful a ruler. It was not long before the Mohammedan 
 general, with his well-trained army of some 40,000 men, roused 
 to enthusiasm by victory after victory in their onward march 
 from Cyrene and Tripoli, encamped in the near neighbourhood 
 of Sufetula. The two armies met, and for two days were 
 engaged in mortal combat. Such was the excitement in the 
 Byzantine camp that the daughter of Gregorius, a maiden of 
 rare beauty, did not hesitate to fight at her father's side, and to 
 promise her hand and the sum of 100,000 dinars to any one who 
 would slay Abdulla Ibn Saad. The challenge was taken up by 
 the Arab leader, who offered the same money prize to any one 
 who would slay the renowned Gregorius. We are told that the 
 Byzantines were utterly defeated, that Gregorius was killed, 
 and that the beautiful maid was handed over to Ibn ez- 
 Zobeid, who had slain her father. Sufetula was then besieged, 
 taken, and destroyed. The city was pillaged and the booty 
 divided. So great, indeed, was the plunder, we are told, that 
 every horseman of Othman's army received 3,000 dinars, and 
 every foot soldier 1000 ! The records of Sufetula cease 
 with this calamity, when one of the chief strongholds of the 
 Christian creed was destroyed, and when Christianity in Africa 
 may be said to have received its final blow. The factious 
 spirit of many of the African bishops, their numerous heresies, 
 and their sufferings at the time of the Vandal invasion and for 
 a century afterwards, paved the way for the final overthrow of 
 the Christian Church by the Arabs. And it was aptly remarked 
 by Gibbon in the last century that 'the northern coast of 
 Africa is the only land in which the light of the Gospel, after a 
 long and perfect establishment, has been totally extinguished. 
 The arts, which had been taught by Carthage and Rome, were 
 involved in the cloud of ignorance, and the doctrines of Cyprian 
 and St. Augustine ceased to be studied. Five hundred episcopal 
 churches were overturned by the hostile fury of Donatists, Van- 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 125 
 
 dais, and Moors. The zeal and number of the clergy declined, 
 and the peoples, without discipline or knowledge or hope, sub- 
 missively sank under the yoke of the Arabian prophet.' ' In 
 further testimony of the complete annihilation of Christianity in 
 a land where its influence was paramount for so many genera- 
 tions, we may quote Victor Vitensis, the historian of the Vandal 
 invasion of North Africa, more than two centuries before the 
 fall of Sufetula. He tells us that during the persecution 4,976 
 bishops, priests, deacons, and other clerics were taken to Sicca 
 Veneria (El-Kef) and Lares, and handed over to the Moors, 
 who conducted them into the Desert ! ^ 
 
 To the architect the ruins of Sufetula are among the most 
 valuable of the monumental remains in Tunisia. From their 
 extent and variety, and the fair condition of many of the build- 
 ings, they take rank with those of Lambaesis and Thamugas, 
 and offer to the student excellent examples of Roman archi- 
 tecture before its final decline. 
 
 The principal ruin consists of a rectangular walled enclosure, 
 238 feet by 198 feet, to which access is obtained through a 
 monumental gateway, nearly in the centre of one side, and 
 through smaller openings on the three others. This enclosure, 
 commonly known as the hieron, is at present so encumbered 
 with fallen masonry that accurate measurements are hot easily 
 taken. Moreover, a portion of the enclosure having evidently 
 been rebuilt at a subsequent period (probably during the 
 Byzantine occupation in the time of Gregorius), considerable 
 study of the masonry is necessary to enable any one to give 
 a reliable opinion upon the exact outline of the original walls, 
 the height of the enclosure, and the general surroundings both 
 within and without. The entrance gateway was dedicated to 
 Antoninus Pius, as recorded in an inscription in the frieze, but 
 the lettering, it will be observed, is very incomplete.* 
 
 IVI • HADRIANI • ANTONINI 
 
 . . . DIVI • ■ NERVAE • PRONEP . . . . R 
 . . INO . . . PONT ■ MAX • T . . n • P • P 
 
 ' Gibbon, vol. vi. c. 51, p. 369. 
 
 ^ Victor Vitensis, as he is generally called — a bishop of Vita, a town in the province 
 of Byzacene. ( The Memorable and Tragical History of the Persecutions in Africke 
 under Gensericke and Httnericke, Arrian Kings of the Vandals, London, 1605.) 
 
 ' V. Guerin, vol. i. p. 381. Also Sir Grenville Temple, Excursions m the 
 Mediterranean, Algiers, and Tunis, London, 1835, vol. ii. p. 339. 
 
 K. 
 
126 Roman Africa 
 
 Facing the gateway and within the enclosure were three 
 temples, side by side, the front and back walls of the cellcs 
 being connected by open arches. The back wall of these 
 temples formed one side of the enclosure, and behind ran one 
 of the streets of the city. The central temple, which is of the 
 Composite order, has a cella 44 feet long. The side temples, of 
 the Corinthian order, are somewhat smaller. The porticoes of 
 the temples were all tetrastyle prostyle, the centre one being 
 higher, but in other respects the detached columns were of 
 similar design. Taking the three porticoes, together, there 
 were eighteen shafts, the height of those of the central order 
 being 29 feet, and those of the side temples 25 feet 3 inches. 
 They all stood on lofty stylobates constructed with huge blocks 
 of stone. The side and back walls of the central structure were 
 ornamented with engaged shafts projecting a full half-diameter. 
 The walls of the side structures were ornamented with pilasters. 
 All the porticoes are entirely overthrown. The broken shafts, 
 which were all monoliths, the capitals, the fragments of cornices 
 and other enrichments lie piled up one above the other, forming 
 a majestic and imposing mass. So much material lies buried 
 beneath the surface that it is impossible to say whether the 
 pediments were embellished with sculpture. The decorative 
 character of the cornices and other parts lying broken on the 
 ground favours Jhe supposition that the central edifice, at least, 
 was enriched with figure sculpture. The whole enclosure was 
 paved with large stones, some of which are more than seven feet 
 long. The entrance gateway, already referred to, consists of a 
 large central arch and two side ones, and was decorated with 
 four engaged Corinthian shafts on the outer face. Within the 
 gateway was a portico communicating with a colonnade, which 
 continued round the enclosure till it abutted -against the walls 
 of the side temples. A range of shops stood against one of 
 the side-walls, but these were evidently of a later erection. 
 There is, however, sufficient evidence, after an examination of 
 the details of these monumental buildings, that the temples 
 and the enclosure were of the same date, and may be attributed 
 to the reign of Antonine. The custom of enclosing temples 
 within walls of defence may have originated at a time when a 
 city's treasures were deposited in sacred edifices, and as a means 
 of affording sanctuary and shelter for women and children, like 
 
< 
 
 H 
 
 W 
 
 O 
 R 
 
 s 
 
 H 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 127 
 
 the citadels of primitive times. For instance, the temple of 
 .(Esculapius (the largest fane in Carthage) stood within the 
 citadel, the Parthenon at Athens was within the walls of the 
 Acropolis, and the Temple of Jupiter at Rome was at one time 
 within the Capitol. There is another example at Baalbec, where 
 the enclosure, or so-called hieron, bears some resemblance, though 
 on a larger scale, to the one at Sufetula. 
 
 Among other remains scattered over the site a triumphal 
 arch towards the south of the city deserves mention, although 
 it does not exhibit any features of special merit. An inscrip- 
 tion on the frieze tells us that it was dedicated to the Emperors 
 Maximian and Constantine, and it appears to have been built 
 A.D. 305-306 in memory of the latter.' 
 
 D D D . . . N . . . ER . . . VIS ■ IMP • PE 
 
 INVICTIS • AVG • ITEMQVE • CONSTANTIO • MAXIMIANO . . . 
 
 LISSIMIS - CAESARIBVS ■ ON . . . AVGVSTO 
 
 ISTIC . . IN • PROVINCIA . . SVA . M : . TVTOS 
 
 The remote position of the city has certainly been the best 
 protection of its monuments, and there is little doubt that if 
 there had been any habitations within twenty miles, and ordinary 
 facilities for transport over a country difficult of access, the few 
 buildings still standing would long since have been overthrown. 
 The situation is admirable, on elevated ground at the foot of 
 a range of hills, and on the banks of a river bearing the same 
 name, which has its source some few miles higher up. The 
 water, always tepid, comes bubbling over the rocks, and, rushing 
 towards the plain in whirling eddies, is soon lost in the region 
 of sand. 
 
 In nearly all the inscriptions of this reign the appropriate 
 words Pater patria, abbreviated to P. P., are introduced, for the 
 first time, in conjunction with the more revered title of Pius. 
 This word has a far-reaching significance. It may be said to 
 comprise the higher moral qualities of manhood, and to bring 
 within the range of its application a reverence for the gods as 
 well as a faithful discharge of duty to the State and to every 
 citizen of the Empire. The direct indications of Antonine's 
 work in most parts of Africa are difficult to trace, but his name 
 as the pious father of his country remained a pleasant memory 
 
 ' Sir R. L. Playfair, Travels, p. 182. 
 
128 Roman Africa 
 
 for many succeeding generations. Capitolinus reckons that no 
 less than eight emperors, however unworthy of the distinction, 
 assumed the name of Antonine, and we find that Alexander 
 Severus, who would have honoured the title, modestly refused 
 it on the ground of personal unworthiness, although pressed 
 by the Senate to assume the name. The indirect influence 
 of Antonine's career may rather be sought for in the chief 
 cities and towns of Roman Africa, which at this period had 
 attained a high degree of civilisation, and took rank with 
 Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch as centres of enlightenment 
 and intellectual activity. A century and a half had elapsed 
 since Juba 11. had introduced into his remote capital at Caesarea 
 the elements of Hellenic culture, of which so many traces re- 
 main to the present day. During that long interval Carthage, 
 rebuilt almost by enchantment at the will of Augustus, had 
 gradually attained the position of metropolis of Roman Africa, 
 and its schools, modelled after those at Athens and Corinth, 
 never failed to attract ambitious youths from all parts of 
 Mauritania and Numidia. Hadrumetum, Cirta, Theveste, and 
 other towns had also well-established schools, whose reputa- 
 tion was celebrated throughout the Empire in the age of the 
 Antonines ; and though we have no actual record of the course 
 of study prevailing at that period, the testimony of contemporary 
 writers is indisputable as to the high esteem in which they 
 were held, confirmed in later times by such reliable authorities 
 as St. Augustine, Lactantius, and Salvian.^ It is quite certain, 
 however, that the curriculum included philosophy and rhetoric, 
 law and medicine, mathematics and natural philosophy. Natural 
 history was not forgotten, and painting and architecture were 
 taught by distinguished professors.^ From St. Augustine, who 
 received his elementary education at Thagaste (Souk-Ahras), 
 
 ' Illic (i.e. Carthage) artium liberalium scholm. Illic philosophorum officince, 
 cuncta denique vel linguarum gymnasia vel moruni. — Salvian (5th century), De Gub. 
 Dei, vii. 67. 
 
 ' Inscriptions in honour of professors are not wanting. It may be said that in 
 the African provinces were the elements of a great national university, where the 
 higher branches of science were liberally taught, and where young men from all parts 
 of the country obtained superior education. The university existed from the age of 
 the Antonines to the time of the Vandal kings ; and owing to the influence exercised 
 by many of the teachers, and the abundance of students, the schools of Carthage 
 scarcely yielded the palm to those of Athens or Rome. (Paul Monceaux, Les 
 Africains, Paris, 1894, p. 61.) 
 
H 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 > 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 129 
 
 we obtain a glimpse of the course of complete study desirable 
 for youths who were natives of Africa. From Thagaste, he tells 
 us, he was removed to Madaura in Numidia, where the schools 
 at that time were in high repute, and afterwards to Carthage, 
 where the collegiate system was in operation, and the teaching 
 of the highest class. But in many instances education did not 
 stop there. The Latin of Africa was not the Latin of Rome. 
 It therefore became necessary for any one who was ambitious 
 of high office in public or professional life to make himself 
 acquainted with the Latin tongue as spoken by the educated 
 classes in Rome. Apuleius tells us that when he left Carthage 
 to study law in Rome he found himself quite out of his element, 
 and, learned as he then was as a Greek scholar and a master of 
 African Latin, had to devote himself to the study of Roman 
 Latin."^ African students in Rome were numerous, especially at 
 a later period of the Empire, for we learn from an edict in the 
 reign of Valentinian that, complaints having been lodged of 
 their dissipated habits, they were ordered not to frequent theatres 
 too often, nor indulge in festive entertainments at late hours. 
 Failing obedience, they would be put on board ship and sent 
 back home. 
 
 Numerous inscriptions in North Africa bear testimony to 
 the eagerness displayed by scholars in the acquisition of know- 
 ledge, as well as in putting on record their proficiency in the 
 higher branches of intellectual study. 
 
 D • M • S D ■ M • S 
 
 L • BALBIVS M • DAMATIVS 
 
 BARBARVS VRBANVS 
 
 STVDENS KAR SVMMARVM ARTI 
 
 THAGINI DE VM LIBERALIVM 
 
 FVNCTVS LITTERARVM STVDIIS ' 
 
 V . A . XX . M • VII VTRIVSQ • LINGVAE 
 
 H ■ S • E PERFECTE ERVDITVS 
 
 OPTIMA FACVNDIA 
 PRAEDITVS V • A • XXII 
 D • VII ■ H S E • VIII K • OCTOBR 
 
 A ■ P CLXXXX 
 M. DAMAT • FELIX PATER PIVS 
 FECIT 
 
 ' Apuleius, Meiamorph. I. i. Also Codex Theod. xiv. 9, i. 
 
 K 
 
130 Roman Africa 
 
 The first inscription ' simply records that the deceased was 
 a foreigner and a student at Carthage. The second ^ is to the 
 memory of a learned scholar at Cirta, a master of Greek and 
 Latin {utriusque lingua), and a renowned orator, aged twenty- 
 two years seven days. 
 
 Fuit suorum amator et patrit2; IcEsit nefninein ; clarissimum virorum et 
 equitum Romanorum ^ropinguus ; adfuit eloquentia et indusiria z>z agendo 
 ornatus multis; dictamine facilis extemporali volumina(f) dialogorutn et 
 epistolarum et edyliorum conscripsit. 
 
 This last-mentioned inscription from Announa covers twenty- 
 two lines, but eleven only are legible.^ It tells us of an amiable 
 student of high social position, noted for his eloquence as well 
 as application to many branches of study, in all of which he 
 was distinguished. With pardonable pride the family of this 
 distinguished youth wish posterity to know that the deceased 
 could compose dialogues, idylls, and epistles, and could ex- 
 temporise on any given subject. The name, age, and parentage 
 of this ill-fated scholar whose career was cut short are un- 
 fortunately lost. 
 
 D.M.S. Caledius Rufus Parca quos tribuerunt ter quinos his singulos peregi 
 annos; ingenio non humili quo gratus apud magistros fid; qui dixi 
 scribi pincsi bene ; puer doctrina CBque dedidi mentem ; nam bis septenos 
 cum agerem. annos, notas grcecas quis in commatibus 
 
 Here we have a rriemorial by the deceased himself,* but the 
 date of the drafting of this singular inscription is not given on 
 the lines which have been preserved. There are eight addi- 
 tional lines, but they are not legible. In the above we are told 
 that this youth was held in high esteem by his masters : that 
 from childhood he had devoted himself to study : that he could 
 speak well, write well, and paint well : and that when he was 
 14 years old he could write Greek shorthand — a useful 
 accomplishment in those days. It was not unusual in this 
 country for a man to write his own epitaph, nor was it regarded 
 as a breach of good manners on the part of educated men to 
 use self-laudatory expressions in regard to their own merits or 
 
 ' C.LL. No. 12,152. ^ C.I.L. No. 8500. I.R.A. No. 3338. 
 
 " C.LL. No. 5530 (Wilmanns descrip.). 
 C.L.L. No. 724 (Wilmanns descrip. summo labore). 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 131 
 
 accomplishments. The memorial of the goldsmith of Cirta 
 already referred to is a still more noteworthy example of this 
 class of inscriptions. 
 
 Carthage held its own as the chief intellectual centre of 
 Africa till the fatal invasion of the Vandals, and its renowned 
 university, completed under the reign of Alexander Severus, 
 A.D. 222-235, sent forth into the civilised world enlightened 
 men, trained in the varied schools of literature, science, and art. 
 Rhetoric or oratory appears to have been held in much esteem 
 at Carthage and in other African cities, for Juvenal, who 
 flourished in the time of Trajan, exhorts the Italian professors 
 of the art, who are desirous of making a fortune, to cross the 
 sea to Africa.^ But all the higher branches of learning seem to 
 have been equally encouraged, and their disciples held in 
 honour by the citizens. An instance may be recorded in the 
 case of Apuleius, whose services in the cause of literature and 
 philosophy had reflected distinction upon the university of 
 Carthage. It was resolved to erect a statue in the city to his 
 honour. And this is an extract from the philosopher's reply to 
 the official communication he received on the subject, sufficient 
 to show the estimation in which the African metropolis was 
 held at that period by the educated classes : — ' The grandeur 
 of Carthage is w^orthy that even a philosopher shall sue to it for 
 honour, where all your citizens are learned : amongst w^hom 
 boys learn all they know, adults display their knowledge, and 
 old men teach it. Carthage, the venerable mistress of our 
 Province : Carthage, the celestial Muse of Africa : Carthage, 
 the Camena of those who wear the toga ! ' ^ The remarkable 
 
 ' Juv. Sat. vii. 147, 148. Terence, a native of Carthage and of obscure parent- 
 age, is an exceptional instance. He appears to have been taken to Rome by a slave- 
 dealer and freed by the senator Terentius Lucanus in the days of his youth. His 
 introduction to Scipio Africanus and his colleague C. La;lius was the chief cause of 
 his social success. There is little to indicate African life or manners in any of his 
 writings. 
 
 ^ Apul. Flor. XX. The toga was of various kinds. Its assumption distinguished 
 the civilian from the soldier. There was the toga virilis assumed by Roman youths on 
 their coming of age, celebrated on the feast of the Liberalia, March 17. The toga 
 purpurea or picta took the highest rank, being a purple mantle with gold embroidery. 
 The toga alluded to by Apuleius was the toga pratexta, which was white with a 
 purple hem, worn by magistrates in the colonias and municipia, and was regarded as 
 a robe of distinction. Vide Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Kom, Antiq. ; also Livy, 
 bk. xxxiv. c. 7. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 Roman Africa 
 
 career of this eminent though erratic philosopher and romancist, 
 and the principal works associated with his name, throw a good 
 deal of light on African social life in the age of the Antonines. 
 In his Metamorphoses Apuleius intentionally introduces his own 
 personality as the hero of his story, and, with a touch of 
 pardonable vanity, represents himself as an elegant youth. 
 ' Is it not permissible,' he said, ' even for a philosopher to be 
 of graceful appearance? Was not Zeno, as Plato affirms, 
 remarkable for the graces of his person, and was not Pythagoras 
 the handsomest man of his time ? ' 
 
 Apuleius was born towards the close of Trajan's reign at 
 Madaura in Numidia (now called by the Arabs Mdaourouch), 
 near the southern frontier separating the Roman province from 
 the land of the Getulians. He calls himself half Numidian, 
 half Getulian, and proudly proclaims himself a native of Africa. 
 Among the monumental remains of Madaura which lie scattered 
 over the plain, indicated more by undulations of the ground 
 than by connected masses of masonry, there is nothing left in 
 the present day to attest the importance it held in the second 
 century, but the inscriptions give sufficient evidence of the 
 existence at one time of a large residential population, and of 
 its having been essentially a Roman town. Among the votive 
 tablets are many relating to priests and priestesses of the 
 various temples, Saturn being held, as elsewhere in Roman 
 Africa, in the highest veneration. As late as the time of 
 Theodosius (A.D. 379-395), Madaura was known as a strong- 
 hold of paganism, but the part it played in the movements 
 of Christianity was not conspicuous. The names of several 
 martyrs are recorded, and mention is also made of bishops of 
 Madaura. But Christianity evidently made little progress in 
 this wild part of Numidia, for St. Augustine informs us that 
 paganism predominated there in his time. Apuleius was 
 fortunate in his parentage. His father was in affluent circum- 
 stances, and his position as one of the chief magistrates, 
 duumviri, at Madaura enabled his son to pursue his studies at 
 Carthage, and afterwards at Athens, with exceptional advan- 
 tages. On the completion of his university career Apuleius 
 went to Rome, where he studied law and Latin ; ^ and then, after 
 a brief sojourn at Carthage, indulged his erratic propensities by 
 ' Apul. Flor. 16-18. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 133 
 
 taking ship for Alexandria. Falling ill by the way, he landed 
 at CEa (the modern Tripoli), where an old fellow-student lived 
 with his widowed mother, named Pudentilla, who was destined 
 to exercise so potent an influence on his career. This town, 
 which became a colonia in the second century, is little mentioned 
 by historians. It took rank with Leptis Magna and Sabrata, 
 and the three together constituted a federal union under the 
 name of Tripoli.^ A long era of prosperity came suddenly to 
 an end in the middle of the fourth century, when the territory 
 of the union was invaded by the savages of Getulia. Leptis 
 and Sabrata suffered from the corrupt and vicious rule of 
 Romanus, the military governor of Africa, and subsequently 
 from the Vandal invasion. Their fortifications were destroyed, 
 and the citizens left unprotected against the incursions of the 
 Moors. Procopius ^ tells us that Justinian rebuilt the walls of 
 both cities, and that he succeeded in repeopling Leptis by 
 inducing the inhabitants of the surrounding district to embrace 
 Christianity and settle there. With the Mohammedan invasion 
 the history of the federal union comes to a close, and now, after 
 a lapse of 1,200 years, modern Tripoli, which has risen on the 
 outskirts of ancient Qia, takes rank as a commercial port of 
 great importance on the shores of the Mediterranean, and the 
 capital of the pashalik of the same name. 
 
 After a residence of some months in CEa, Apuleius found 
 favour with Pudentilla, a person of wealth, who had been 
 attracted by the wit and elegance of the young philosopher. 
 We are informed that their marriage took place at some 
 distance from the town, with a view, perhaps, of avoiding the 
 payment of a heavy honorarium, which was customary on such 
 occasions when the principals were in affluent circumstances. 
 The widow had experienced this form of expenditure a few 
 years previously, for we are told that when her eldest son came 
 of age she presented to the town the sum of 50,000 sesterces 
 (400/.). The family approved of the match in spite of the 
 difference of years between the bridegroom and bride. But, 
 alas ! family rejoicings came to an end when the heirs-at-law 
 found that the husband's influence over his enamoured spouse 
 
 ' For an account of the provinces and the city of Tripoli consult Leo Africanus, a 
 Moor, De totius Africa Descriptione., Leyden, 1682. 
 - Procopius, De /€,dific. vi. c. 4. 
 
134 Roman Africa 
 
 extended to the transfer of her property in his favour. Apuleius 
 had many admirers in the city of his adoption, but he had 
 many enemies. His ready wit, his versatile talent and excep- 
 tional brilliancy as a public speaker, had secured for him a 
 high reputation as a scholar and an orator, and his philosophic 
 discourses had gained the approval of the disciples of the 
 school of Plato. But, as a lover of occult science, deeply 
 versed in the mysteries of various creeds, and fascinated by a 
 study of things unseen and unknown, his practices aroused 
 suspicion, and prompted his adversaries to charge him with the 
 exercise of magic in gaining the affection of Pudentilla. The 
 indictment was carefully drafted and comprised the following 
 separate charges : ^ — 
 
 1. The defendant Apuleius purchased fish of very rare 
 kinds. He cut them up in his laboratory and concocted a 
 liquid by which he was enabled to cast a spell over a woman. 
 A slave in his employ named Themison is to be questioned 
 on this matter. 
 
 2. When Apuleius lived with Pontianus (the son of Puden- 
 tilla) he was in the habit of secreting himself in the library, 
 where he kept, carefully hidden, a mysterious talisman in a 
 handkerchief There is an irreproachable witness of this in 
 the person of the librarian himself, a freedman of Pontianus. 
 
 3. Apuleius had a little wood skeleton made, upon which 
 he performed experiments in magic. The artist who received 
 the instructions and executed the work is Saturninus of CEa. 
 He is here now. 
 
 4. Apuleius was in the habit of offering up sacrifices at 
 night-time in the lodgings occupied by his friend, Appius 
 Quintianus. Shortly afterwards Quintianus left, and in one of 
 the rooms, the walls of which were blackened by smoke, 
 feathers of birds were found. Junius Crassus, the owner of the 
 house, will give evidence on this matter. 
 
 5. Apuleius bewitched a young slave named Thallus in a 
 lonely spot near a little altar under the glimmering light of a 
 lantern. As soon as the words of incantation were pronounced 
 the youth fell to the ground senseless. Then the operator 
 
 ' This tabulated statement of charges brought against Apuleius is partly a transla- 
 tion from M. Paul Mouceaux's Les Africains, pp. 292-293. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 135 
 
 brought him back to Hfe. Fourteen slaves in the service of 
 Thallus will confirm this process, and among them Sicinius 
 Pudens, who was an eye-witness. Moreover, several other 
 young people have been similarly bewitched. 
 
 6. Apuleius undertook to heal a sick woman who was 
 brought to his house by a doctor. As soon as the woman 
 entered his room his first glance caused her to fall on the floor 
 senseless. The doctor is to be questioned on this matter. 
 
 7. Apuleius forced Pudentilla by the exercise of magic to 
 marry him. They were no sooner married than he made her 
 assign to him a considerable part of her property. With his 
 wife's money he purchased a splendid estate. Everybody in 
 GEa knows this, and in a letter which we produce Pudentilla 
 herself declares 'Apuleius is a magician and I have been 
 bewitched by him.' 
 
 Such grave charges, apparently supported by facts, would 
 have disconcerted an ordinary man, but Apuleius was cast in a 
 different mould, and any one who reads between the lines of his 
 remarkable defence will note the skilful way in which he fenced 
 the main issues, and how he succeeded in turning the tables 
 upon his calumniators, conciliating the judges, and eventually 
 leaving the court as the hero of the hour. The trial took place 
 at the end of Antonine's reign in the neighbouring city of 
 Sabrata, where the Roman proconsul Claudius Maximus was 
 holding the assizes : and if the whole proceedings were pro- 
 portionate to the lengthy character of the defence, which has 
 been handed down to us intact in the form of the Apologia, 
 the trial must have occupied many days. 
 
 The practice of magic had long been under the ban of 
 Roman law, and continued so till the fall of the Empire. 
 Experts in occult science were regarded as a grave danger to 
 the State, and as far back as the reign of Tiberius special laws 
 were framed with a view to their suppression. But the severe 
 penalties attached to the exercise of various forms of the 
 sorcerer's art did not deter those who regarded sorcery as a 
 means of livelihood, nor that class of enchanter or wizard who 
 ipay still be found in North Africa, exercising the healing art 
 by the aid of incantations, philters, or gesticulations. In the 
 principal towns such men were to be found attracting the 
 
136 Roman Africa 
 
 ignorant, exciting the curious, and amusing the mob by a 
 display of homely wit, sometimes coarse, but always good- 
 humoured, and rarely failing to promote merriment. But it 
 was not the ignorant only who became the prey of the 
 magician. Pliny the Elder tells us of the innate powers of some 
 of the natives of Africa in casting a spell over children, as well 
 as trees and herds of cattle. Wherever the charm took effect 
 death or decay ensued.^ And what is still more remarkable is 
 Pliny's belief in the performance of miracles by human agency. 
 ' I have seen a woman transformed into a man on her wedding- 
 day. The name of the man is Lucius Cossitius, a native of 
 Thysdrus, who was alive when I Was telling the story.''' It is 
 a pity that so enthusiastic a scholar as Pliny did not carry his 
 researches a little further. An account of the experiences of 
 this bisexous individual would have been entertaining as well 
 as instructive to mankind. In the reign of Marcus Aurelius so 
 distinguished a person as Septimius Severus, a native of Leptis 
 Magna, was tried as a magician, and we learn from Spartian 
 that when he was Emperor the proconsul Apronianus was tried 
 for the same offence, condemned and put to death. Under 
 Valentinian a proconsul of Carthage was put to torture for 
 having consulted sorcerers ; ' and in the time of Constantine a 
 philosopher named Sopater, a friend of the Emperor's, was 
 actually condemned to death on the plea that he had cast 
 a spell over the winds and prevented the grain-ships from 
 reaching Byzantium. 
 
 There is no doubt that Apuleius was not only an ardent 
 believer in occult science, but that he practised magic as a 
 student, and not for personal gain. He admits as much in the 
 Apologia. He was also acquainted with the methods and 
 operations of the Christian Church, which afforded him a subject 
 for raillery ; and it may be reasonable to suppose that he 
 attributed the miracles wrought by Divine power in a neighbour- 
 ing land to the same human agency which formed the basis of his 
 own philosophic teaching. At a later period, when Paganism and 
 Christianity were striving for the mastery, the miracles wrought 
 by Apuleius * were compared with those recorded in the New 
 
 ' Pliny, Hist. Nat, vii. 2. 
 
 ' Apuleius, Metamorph. ix. 14. Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 4. 
 
 » Codex Theod. ix. 16, 4-6 ; Annmianus Marcellinus, xxviii. I, 1 7. 
 
 ' Laclantius, Inst. Divin. v. 3, 7. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 137 
 
 Testament, and Pagan and Christian were found fighting in 
 opposite camps, both doing battle in the cause of the super- 
 natural. Apuleius was fortunate in living under the rule of so 
 amiable an Emperor as Antonine, when the conscience of every 
 citizen was respected, and freedom of opinion in matters of 
 religion was tolerated, as far as possible, in every part of the 
 Empire. He was fortunate also in being on terms of intimacy 
 with the proconsul who presided at the assizes. According to 
 the account given in the Apologia, our philosopher entered the 
 court with a light heart, and made merry of the whole proceed- 
 ings. He tells us how he descanted upon natural philosophy, 
 history, and medicine, as well as the mysteries of science ; how 
 he evaded every point which related to the exercise of his powers 
 as a magician ; how he aroused enthusiasm in the court, and 
 even promoted merriment among the judges. As for the charges 
 made against him, serious as they looked at first sight, they 
 could easily be disposed of The fish he had purchased from 
 time to time were ordinary fish, for the purpose of experiments 
 in anatomy. The talisman kept in his library was an emblem 
 of religion, only to be shown to those who had been initiated 
 into the mysteries of his faith. The skeleton referred to was a 
 charming statuette of Mercury, modelled by Cornelius Saturninus, 
 which he was delighted to bring into court and show to the 
 judges. As for the alleged secret sacrifices at night, the evidence 
 rested solely on the statement of a drunken man, who had been 
 paid for bearing false witness against him. Then this man 
 Thallus and his wife, who fell speechless in his presence, were 
 unfortunate epileptics, upon whom it would have been ridiculous 
 to practise magic. Then comes the grave charge of bewitching 
 his wife Pudentilla. ' It may be called witchery,' said Apuleius, 
 ' or anything you please, but what were the facts ? ' The gods 
 had given him good looks, and bestowed on him great talents. 
 He had been charged with undue regard for his personal 
 appearance. ' It is true,' he added, ' that I have not been negligent 
 of my person. I have used a mirror ; I have combed my hair, and 
 I have actually been guilty of cleaning my teeth ! ' What more 
 natural than that a woman of homely features, not particularly 
 beautiful, and certainly no longer young, should feel the power 
 of such attractions as his, and seize the opportunity of obtaining 
 a good husband ! If it was magic, it was nothing more than 
 
138 Roman Africa 
 
 the employment of gifts which the gods had bestowed on him. 
 As for his wife's fortune, he had not touched it, and if he died 
 without issue it would revert to her family. The estate in the 
 country which had been talked about was only a small domain 
 purchased in Pudentilla's name. 
 
 It was doubtful whether the citizens of CEa could regard 
 with favour any one, however talented, who had been suspected 
 of sorcery, and who had openly admitted an intimate ac- 
 quaintance with the mysteries of magic. Apuleius thought so 
 too. He quitted CEa at the close of the trial, and settled 
 permanently in Carthage, where honours of many kinds were 
 showered upon him, far more than on any other philosopher 
 born in Africa. 
 
 However great the merits of this remarkable Apologia, the 
 reputation of Apuleius as a scholar and romancist will always 
 be associated with his better-known work entitled The Meta- 
 morpJtoses, or the Golden Ass. It appears, on good authority, to 
 have been written during the latter portion of his career in 
 Carthage, and, according to a recent writer on the subject, was 
 first mentioned by Capitolinus in his life of Albinus at the time 
 when Septimius Severus and Albinus, both natives of Carthage, 
 were disputing the throne. Severus rallied his competitor for 
 wasting his time in reading old women's tales, and getting old 
 in the company of the Punic fables of Apuleius and literary 
 diversions. The story, as narrated in the Metamorphoses, is a 
 fanciful legend of Greek origin, and, in the words of its author, 
 is made up of a series of fables after the manner of the Milesians.' 
 These fabulous tales, so popular among the Romans, were 
 distinguished both for humour and wantonness, and have formed 
 the groundwork of many a fanciful story in more recent times. 
 Lucius, the imaginary hero of the Metamorphoses, may be 
 accepted as a portraiture of Apuleius himself, a student of magic 
 and a diligent inquirer into the mysteries of occult science. 
 Seeing a sorceress at work one day in her laboratory trans- 
 forming herself into a bird with the aid of some mysterious 
 ointment, Lucius at once resolved to imitate her. But by some 
 mishap he took up the wrong mixture and was changed into an 
 
 ' The raillery of the Emperor was thus expressed : Qutim ilk naniis quibtisdam 
 anilibus occupatus inter Milesias Punicas Apuleii std, et ludicra litteraria consenes- 
 ceret. (Capitolinus, Clod. Albiti. 12.) 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 139 
 
 ass, retaining the spirit of a man. The goddess, who wrought 
 this direful spell, so far favoured the unfortunate ass as to inform 
 it that, after munching some rose-leaves, transformation to human 
 shape would immediately ensue. The adventures of the animal 
 in search of flowers to break the spell form a large portion of 
 the romance, and its experiences in the ways of mankind, some- 
 times humorous, sometimes doleful, read like a satire on the 
 habits of certain classes of African society in the second century. 
 But the patience of the ass was at last rewarded. The goddess 
 Isis appeared at Corinth one night and annouriced the end of 
 its troubles. In short, on the morrow a procession issued from 
 the city on its way to the harbour at Cenchrea to inaugurate 
 the launching of a new ship. At the head of the procession 
 was a priest, who carried in his hand a chaplet of roses. 
 Surreptitiously the ass approached and, munching a few leaves, 
 resumed his human form. 
 
 Interspersed among the pages of this remarkable composition 
 are a number of tales or episodes, as they are called, full of that 
 species of humour which is so conspicuous in the writings of 
 Cervantes, and, in a lesser degree, may be found in the spirited 
 pages of ' Gil Bias.' The fifth episode, entitled ' Cupid and 
 Psyche,' which may be classed as a philosophic allegory, 
 stands pre-eminent, and has had the distinction of attracting 
 more notice from literary disputants than any other of the 
 works of this author. A correspondent of ' Notes and Queries ' 
 (ii. 429, first series;, says : ' This is probably an old folk-tale 
 originally, perhaps an antique philosophic temple-allegory. 
 Apuleius appears only to have dressed it up in a new shape. 
 The tale is still current, but in a form not derived from him, 
 among Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, Scots, Germans, French, 
 Wallachians, Hindoos, and Italians.' And another writer 
 says : ' This fable is a representation of the destiny of the 
 human soul. The soul, which is of divine origin, is here 
 below subjected to error in its prison, the body. Hence 
 trials and purifications are set before it, that it may become 
 capable of a higher order of things, and of true desire. Two 
 loves meet — the earthly a deceiver, who drags it down to earthly 
 things ; the heavenly, who directs its view to the originally fair 
 and divine, and who, gaining the victory over his rival, leads 
 off the soul as his bride.' 
 
I40 Roman Africa 
 
 The position which Apuleius adorned as philosopher and 
 romancist in the Antonine age, and the influence exercised by 
 his genius and personality on African literature, both pagan 
 and Christian, are universally recognised. Tertullian, a native 
 of Carthage and an eminent Christian writer at the end of the 
 second century, may be accepted as a representative of the 
 style of Apuleius. In a later age St. Augustine, who had to 
 combat with his doctrines as a professor of magic, was fain to 
 acknowledge that Apuleius was the most popular of African 
 writers ; and I.actantius remarks that the early pagan contro- 
 versialists used to rank Apuleius with ApoUonius of Tyana as 
 a thaumaturgist, citing various miracles performed by him as 
 equal or superior to those of Christ. 
 
 Carthage was not the only city to send forth literary 
 celebrities. Sicca Veneria (El-Kef) produced the grammarian 
 Eutychius Proculus, one of the tutors of Marcus Aurelius, and 
 renowned for his work entitled De Regionibus. Leptis Magna 
 was the birthplace of Septimius Severus, grandfather of the 
 Emperor of that name. He obtained repute at Rome as an 
 orator, and his talents excited the admiration of Statins the 
 poet. ' Who could ever believe,' he said, ' that a man gifted 
 with such eloquence should come from such a place as Leptis, 
 far away in the region of the Syrtes ? ' Hippone (Bone) was the 
 native town of Servilius Silanus, and Cirta was the birthplace 
 of Festus Postumius, both of whom achieved reputation by their 
 writings. Carthage also produced the renowned grammarian 
 Sulpicius Apollinaris, whose school attracted scholars from all 
 parts of the country. Aulus Gellius, Celsinus, and Pertinax 
 took rank among the most eminent of his pupils. Of the career 
 of Celsinus we know little, but it is probable that he acquired 
 renown as a schoolmaster and grammarian. Gellius, on the 
 other hand, held so prominent a position as philosopher and 
 rhetorician that he figures largely in the history of the Antonine 
 age. There is good reason for supposing that he was a native 
 of Africa, for his name appears on an inscription discovered at 
 Cherchel a few years ago.^ His lifelong attachment to his 
 master Apollinaris, and his intimacy with Herodes Atticus, one 
 of the tutors of Marcus Aurelius, and renowned for his munificence 
 
 ' Waille, Lettre sur les fouilles de Carthage {C. R. de fAcad. des Itiscript. Jan. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 141 
 
 to his adopted city, made him a conspicuous character in the 
 chief cities and universities of the Empire. The publication of 
 the Nodes Africa, a series of notes jotted down from day to day 
 on a variety of subjects and penned by a master hand, formed 
 the climax of his popularity, and provided a fund of original 
 material from which contemporary authors did not fail to borrow. 
 Both Lactantius and St. Augustine did not hesitate to acknow- 
 ledge their indebtedness to Aulus Gellius, whom the latter calls 
 vir elegantissimi eloquii et mulice ac facundcB scientice} But 
 among the pupils of ApoUinaris, Publius Helvius Pertinax 
 achieved the highest honours, beginning life in his father's trade 
 as a small dealer in charcoal, and terminating a remarkable 
 career on the throne of the Cssars. When ApoUinaris gave up 
 his school, Pertinax succeeded him for a short time, but, not 
 finding it lucrative, abandoned teaching and followed the army 
 in various campaigns. Step by step, in a civil as well as military 
 capacity, he filled various offices, and became proconsul of 
 Africa. Finally, on the death of Commodus, he was chosen 
 Emperor by acclamation, and for the short period of eighty- 
 seven days ruled his subjects with wisdom and benevolence. 
 Patriotic administration and honesty in all his actions gained 
 him the affection of every right-minded person in the Empire, 
 and the hatred and distrust of those who were living on the 
 plunder acquired during the reign of his contemptible predecessor. 
 When Pertinax attempted to correct the grave abuses that had 
 crept into the administration of the army, the Praetorian guard, 
 always a powerful body, and occasionally overruling the decisions 
 of the Senate, rose against him, and openly murdered him in 
 the light of day. It was fortunate that the gentle schoolmaster 
 of Carthage, who was proud of his distinguished pupil, was not 
 present when this atrocious crime was perpetrated. Mention 
 must also be made of P. Annaeus Florus, whose birthplace is not 
 known ; but there is little doubt, from his frequent allusions to 
 Africa and the knowledge he displayed in his descriptions of 
 events that had occurred there, that he was a native of one of 
 the African provinces. His epitome of Roman history, entitled 
 EpitonicB de T. Livio bellorum oinnium annorum DCC. libri duo, 
 on which his reputation as a writer depends, has been described 
 ' as rather a panegyric on the Romans than an accurate history 
 ' St. Augustine, De Civitaie Dei, ix. 4. 
 
142 Roman Africa 
 
 of their actions.' During his studies in Rome in the reign of 
 Domitian, Florus was a competitor for a prize of distinction, 
 and in the opinion of the public as well as of the judges was 
 entitled to the first place. But the Emperor refused to accept 
 their decision, on the ground that citizens of Rome should not 
 be held inferior to provincials. Poor Florus was in despair at 
 losing this coveted honour, and he tells us in his own words 
 that he fled from the capital in horror, so crushed by resentment 
 that he forgot the claims of his country and of his dear relatives 
 at home, and like a madman rushed about the world from one 
 place to another. He travelled about for many years, seeking 
 rest and finding none, and at last, by accident rather than from 
 any definite cause, he found himself at Tarraco in Spain. Here 
 he settled, establishing a high reputation for rhetoric, and 
 honoured by the patronage and friendship of the Emperor 
 Hadrian. 
 
 On taking a general survey of the representatives of literature 
 in Africa during the latter half of the second century, Apuleius 
 of Madaura has to share the chief honours with M. Cornelius 
 Fronto, a native of Cirta, the capital of Numidia. Dion Cassius 
 says that Fronto was renowned as an orator in the time of 
 Hadrian, and that, at the close of his reign, he was regarded as 
 the first advocate and pleader of his time. Between this Emperor 
 and the youthful orator there does not appear to have been any 
 intimate friendship — respect for talent on the part of Hadrian 
 and loyal veneration on the part of the scholar. Indeed, Fronto 
 himself says of Hadrian that he ' was not at ease in his presence, 
 but regarded him rather as a deity to be propitiated than a man 
 to be loved.' It was not till Antonine had ascended the throne 
 and had nominated the young princes Lucius Verus and Marcus 
 Aurelius as his successors that we recognise the sweet and gentle 
 nature of Fronto's disposition. The high esteem in which he 
 was held by Antonine, as much for personal character and charm 
 of manner as for literary attainments, caused his nomination as 
 preceptor to the young princes. And this was the turning-point 
 in Fronto's career, marred only by constant ill-health in ad- 
 vancing years, and the troubles and anxieties of a large family. 
 None of his principal works have been handed down unmutilated, 
 leaving us only fragments of history, treatises on various subjects, 
 and voluminous correspondence with his pupils, either as princes 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 143 
 
 or emperors. In the early part of this century, Monsignor Mai, 
 librarian of the Vatican, had the good fortune to discover some 
 of the lost correspondence on palimpsests stored in the Ambrosian 
 Library, and after patient labour succeeded in deciphering them. 
 The first edition was published in Milan in 1815, followed by 
 others in 1823 and 1832, containing additional correspondence. 
 Since then a critical edition, embracing all the discovered docu- 
 ments, was issued at Leipzig in 1867 by M. S. A. Naber. The 
 letters comprised in this correspondence have no claim to literary 
 merit, nor can they be regarded as compositions of a high order. 
 And yet they have exceptional interest. No one can read those 
 genial homely lines without feeling touched by the expressions 
 of love and sympathy which knit together two such kindred 
 spirits as Marcus Aurelius and his tutor, Cornelius Fronto. We 
 get a glimpse of family life in the imperial circle, and a sketch 
 of the sunny boyhood of a sedate and philosophic ruler. In 
 nearly all the letters there is exaggeration of expression, and 
 constant use of superlative epithets, which sound to us unneces- 
 sary and unfamiliar in these more prosaic days. But this was 
 an age of exaggerated phraseology, pardonable as indicating in 
 a measure the joyousness of a people who lived in the brightest 
 epoch of Roman history. Dedicatory inscriptions and vqtive 
 memorials of the time bear testimony to a free employment of 
 high-sounding adjectives. When a municipium was raised to 
 the rank of colonia, the title of splendidissima expressed the dis- 
 tinction conferred upon its citizens. When a parent lost a wife 
 or daughter, carissima, piisshna, dulcissima, were the epithets 
 frequently used ; the memory of students who had been cut off 
 in their youth was preserved in such expressive words as diligen- 
 tissimus or rarissinius ; and a citizen of renown amongst his 
 fellows bore the title of obsequentissimus or koizestissimus, some- 
 times both. Such being the custom of the time, we read with- 
 out surprise the conclusion of a letter from M. Aurelius, the 
 prince (at that time about twenty years of age), to his dear 
 master, Fronto.^ ' Farewell, most eloquent, most learned, 
 most dear, most sweet, most preferred preceptor, most desired 
 friend.' A subsequent letter concludes thus : ' Farewell, my 
 dearest master. My mother salutes you. I am so wearied that 
 
 ' The following letters are taken from a selection of correspondence translated and 
 edited by M. J. McQuige, Rome, 1824. 
 
144 Roman Africa 
 
 I hardly exist.' The prince went out hunting one morning 
 with the Emperor, and on his return, he says in a letter to 
 Fronto, ' I betook myself to my books. Therefore, having taken 
 off my shoes and laid aside my clothes, I remained in bed for 
 two hours. I read two orations of Cato. I think I have taken 
 cold, perhaps because I walked in sandals this morning. There- 
 fore, I will pour oil on my head and go to sleep. Farewell, 
 my dearest and sweetest master, whom I love better than 
 Rome itself.' On another occasion M. Aurelius attended the 
 Emperor at a sacrifice, and in the evening wrote to Fronto as 
 follows : ' Afterwards I went to take some refreshment. And 
 what do you think I ate ? A little morsel of bread, while I saw- 
 others devouring boiled beans, and onions, and pilchards. After 
 that we went to the vineyard, where we laboured and amused 
 ourselves. At the sixth hour we returned home. I studied a 
 little, but without profit. Afterward, sitting with my dear 
 mother on a couch, I prattled of many things. I said, " What do 
 you think my Fronto is doing now?" She replied, " But what 
 do you think my Gratia is doing ? " Then I said, " No. What 
 is our dear sweet little darling Gratia doing ? " While we were 
 talking and disputing which loved you most, the discus sounded. 
 We supped. And now before I turn on my side and snore I give 
 an account of the day to my dear master, whom I could not love 
 more than I do.' Amongst the correspondence is a letter from 
 Fronto to Lucius Verus, on his return from a successful campaign 
 against the Parthians : ' Although illness has long made me 
 weary of my life, yet I do not think that I have lived in vain, 
 nor shall I continue to live with reluctance, since I have seen 
 you return with so much glory obtained by your valour. Fare- 
 well, my dearest lord. Salute your mother-in-law and your 
 children.' 
 
 But the day came when the favoured prince became Emperor 
 and received by letter the congratulations of his old master. 
 This is the reply of M. Aurelius : ' As I am convinced of the 
 sincerity of your affection for me, my dearest Fronto, it is not 
 difficult to persuade me that this day, on which it has pleased 
 the gods to call me to this station, is by you above all others 
 truly and religiously celebrated.' 
 
 Good fortune seems to have attended Fronto's career in 
 everything except health and domestic anxieties. Antonine 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 145 
 
 raised him to the dignity of Consul, and at a later period, when 
 the proconsulships of Asia and Africa were vacant, the former 
 was offered for his acceptance. These were the only provinces 
 of the Empire having senatorial rank, both taking a position 
 somewhat similar to that enjoyed by the Governor-General of 
 India in our own days. But Fronto was dissatisfied. As a 
 native of Africa he had been looking forward to holding high 
 office in his own land and amongst his own people ; but on 
 hearing that the African appointment had been definitely settled 
 with the approval of the Emperor, he declined the proconsulship 
 of Asia on the ground of failing health. Amongst Africans Fronto 
 was deservedly popular on account of his good name, recognised 
 talents, and high social position. As an acknowledgment of 
 the services he had rendered to his countrymen he was made 
 patron of his native city, as well as of the rising town of Kalama 
 (Guelma), on the highway between Hippone on the coast and 
 Cirta, the capital of Numidia. He was also selected by the citizens 
 of Carthage to write a congratulatory address to the Emperor 
 for favours conferred upon their city. Among the vast number 
 of inscriptions discovered at Cirta, there is not one relating to 
 his name or his career, but there is a letter of his extant, ad- 
 dressed to the triumvirs and decurions of the city, acknowledging 
 the benefits conceded to him.^ On the wall of a house at 
 Kalama (Guelma), built into the masonry, may still be read the 
 official notification of Fronto as patron of Kalama, at a time 
 when the town ranked only as a municipium? 
 
 M • CORNELIO 
 
 T • F • QUIR 
 
 FRONTONI 
 
 m VIR • CAPITAL 
 
 Q. PROVING 
 
 SICIL ■ AEDIL • PL 
 
 PRAETORI 
 
 MVNICIPES 
 
 KALAMENSI 
 
 VM PATRONO 
 
 ' Ad Amicos, ii. lo, p. 200. Triumvirs were magistrates who acted as judges 
 in the colonia and viunicipia. They were originally three in number, but were 
 sometimes increased to four to meet the necessities of a town. Sometimes there were 
 only two. 
 
 « C.I.L. No. S3S0, copied by M. Aubin. I.R.A. No. 2717. 
 
 L 
 
146 Roman Africa 
 
 In a subsequent reign it bore the honoured designation of 
 ordo splendidissimus Colonia Kalamensium, or, according to 
 De la Mare, civitas splendidissima Kalamensium. 
 
 There was a group of towns and villages in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Kalama which, at a later period of the Empire, 
 became thickly populated, and, although of no political import- 
 ance, they bear testimony to the success of Roman colonisation 
 in the interior of the country towards the close of the second 
 century. There is nothing remarkable about the monumental 
 remains of Kalama, or of the neighbouring town of Tibilis, now 
 known as Announa. They are not in the best style of Roman 
 art, and are indicative of prosperity rather than culture among 
 the inhabitants. In both cases they cover a large tract of land, 
 and inscriptions, both dedicatory and votive, are numerous. "^ 
 A healthy climate, fertile soil, charming scenery, and sheltered 
 woods must have proved attractive to a good class of citizens. 
 In addition, the proximity of the Aquce Tibilitance, held in high 
 repute for their healing powers in rheumatic affections and 
 cutaneous complaints, may have induced many families to take 
 up their residence in some neighbouring town. The appearance 
 of these waters, heavily charged with carbonate of lime, is extra- 
 ordinary. As they bubble up from the surface of the sloping 
 rock in a well-wooded glen, they fall into a series of cascades 
 and leave behind them in their ilow a deposit of carbonate of 
 lime, which soon hardens and assumes the appearance of white 
 marble. The temperature of the water, never varying, is 203° 
 Fahr., and if the elevation of the source above the sea-level be 
 taken into account, it will be above the boiling-point of water. 
 In some parts cones of deposit have been formed nearly forty 
 feet high, and where the boiling stream has forced its way 
 through crevices in the rock, small islands of evergreens and 
 herbage stand out conspicuously in their cinctures of white. 
 Some of the Roman baths cut out of the rock are still in use, 
 while others have been partly or wholly submerged by an ac- 
 cumulated deposit of at least 1,500 years. The Arabs renamed 
 these waters under the designation of Hammam Meskoutin, or 
 the Accursed Baths, and, as usual, wove a legendary tale about 
 
 ' Charles, Comte de Peysonnel, who visited Announa in 1724, says that 'the 
 numerous ruins show that it must have been a large and beautiful city.' The monu- 
 ments existing in the present day may be assigned to a late period of the Empire. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 147 
 
 them, in order to account for this extraordinary natural phe- 
 nomenon. According to M. Piesse it runs thus : ' An Arab, I'ich 
 and powerful, had a sister whom he thought too beautiful to be 
 married to any one but himself. He determined to marry her 
 in spite of the prohibition of the Mohammedan law and the 
 remonstrances and supplications of the elders of his tribe, whose 
 heads he cut off in front of his tent. After the marriage 
 ceremony, when the accursed couple were about to retire, the 
 elements were set in motion. Fire came out of the earth, the 
 water left its bed, and the thunder pealed forth in a fearful 
 manner. When tranquillity was restored, the Arab and his 
 sister and every one connected with the feast were found petrified, 
 the white cone still representing the actors in this drama.' 
 
 Many other towns shared with Kalama the advantages of a 
 long era of quietude, but their record is a blank. They rose 
 gradually under the civilising rule of the Romans, attained a 
 position in the commercial or agricultural life of the country, 
 and when the Empire came to an end fell by degrees into a 
 distressful condition, preluding their final extinction. Such, 
 no doubt, was the fate of the ancient Verecunda, now known as 
 Markouna. The site is about two miles from Lambessa, and it 
 was probably a suburb of that city. An inscription on a pedestal 
 found among the remains of the ancient forum relates to the 
 water-supply in the reign of Antonine : ^ 
 
 DIVO 
 ANTON N Divo Antonino Augusta, ex cujus in- 
 
 AVG dulgcntia aqua vici Atigustorum 
 
 EX CVI Verecundensis perducta est, dedicante 
 
 AQVA VIC Decimo Fonteio Frontiniano, legato 
 
 AVGVSTOR Augustorum pro pratore, decreto 
 
 VERECVNDENS decurionum, pecunia publica. 
 
 PERDVCTA EST 
 DEDIC 
 D ■ FONTEIO 
 LEG • AVG • PR -PR 
 D-D . P • P 
 
 Inscriptions in all cases afford some clue to the period of 
 greatest prosperity, the healthiness of the climate, and the 
 domestic happiness of the inhabitants. Both at Kalama 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1413. 
 
148 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 (Guelma) and Tibilis (Announa), which may be regarded as 
 representative towns inhabited by large middle-class popula- 
 tions, the words beatissimis temporibus are of frequent recurrence 
 in the reigns of Valentinian and Valens, Theodosius the Great, 
 and Theodosius the younger. The rule of these emperors 
 extended from A.D. 363 to A.D. 450. Among the inscriptions at 
 Kalama there are two relating to the erection and adornment 
 of the theatre, the remains of which are still an attractive object 
 on the outskirts of the pretty little town of Guelma.^ The one 
 relating to the embellishment of the building runs thus : ^ 
 
 AnnicB ^lia L. fil. Restitutce 
 flaminiccB Augustorum perpetucz, 
 ob egregiam in suos cives libera- 
 Utatem, theatro pecunia sua ex- 
 ornando patricB sponte permisso 
 ad referendam gratiam, ordo 
 universus statuas niimero quin- 
 que de publico faciendas decrevit. 
 
 ANNIAE AELI 
 AE • L • FIL • RESTIT 
 AE • FLAM ■ AVGG 
 P • OB • EGREGIAM IN 
 VOS CIVES LIBERA 
 ITATEM THEATRO 
 PECVNIA SVA EXOR 
 NANDA .... RIAE 
 SPONTE P . . . ESSO 
 AD REFERENDAM GR 
 TIAM ORDO VNIVER 
 SVS STATV. . . QVINQ 
 DE PVBL FACIEND 
 DECREVIT 
 
 It will be observed that the munificent donor was the 
 daughter of a flaminica, but there is no date on the inscribed 
 slab to enable us to state definitely under whose reign this public 
 work, including the erection of the five statues, was carried out. 
 It was probably much later than the time of Antonine. There 
 are two other inscriptions at Kalama which have some little 
 historic interest. One of them informs us that in the very happy 
 times of Valentinian and Valens, A.D. 363-375, during the pro- 
 consulate of the most illustrious P. Ampelius, and by the fore- 
 sight of the most illustrious Fabius Fabianus, the water-supply 
 to the town, which had been very indifferent, was now abundant, 
 rushing into the public reservoirs with great noise ; and that 
 Q. Basilius Flaccianus, perpetual flamen, augur, and controller, 
 kept the reservoir in good condition. The other, equally profuse 
 
 ' Restorations of the theatre and baths of Kalama are shown in an interesting 
 work by M. Amable Ravoisi^, Explor. Scientif. de VAlgirie, Paris, 1846. 
 
 2 I.R.A. No. 2765. De la Mare, Explor. cCAlgSrie, Archiolog. pi. clxxxiii. 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 149 
 
 in its wording, tells us that in the most happy reign {beatissiniis 
 temporibus) of Honorius and Theodosius the younger, who 
 shared the throne A.D. 408-423, and with the approval of the 
 two imperial functionaries, both described as viri clarissimi, 
 and one of them amplissimus also, the town, which had been 
 allowed for some time to get into a iilthy state, was put 
 into good condition and made pleasant for visitors at the 
 expense of a worthy man named Valentinus, who had the 
 management of the town revenues, and is appropriately styled 
 honestissimus} 
 
 Beatissimis temporibus dominorum nostrorum Honori et Theodosi semper 
 et ubique vincentiwm administrante Pomp . . . viro clarissim.o amplissimoque 
 proconsule et Thersio Crispino Megethio viro clarissimo legato .... 
 Valentinus vir honestissimus curator rei publicce locum ruinis obsitum., qui 
 antea squalore et sordibus fcedabatur, ad necessarium usum et ad peregri- 
 norum, hospitalitatem in meliorem. siatuin ad usum et aspectum propria 
 pecunia reformavit feliciter. 
 
 The record of Antonine's career is one of almost unbroken 
 peace at home and abroad. To defend the Empire as it was 
 handed to him by his predecessor, and to avoid the sacrifice of 
 a single life in extending its borders, was the political creed of 
 this tranquil ruler of mankind. ' I would rather," said the 
 Emperor, ' save the life of a single citizen than slay a thousand 
 enemies.' A tender regard for the welfare of his subjects 
 showed itself at the close of Antonine's career. When the last 
 hour had come and the officer on guard was waiting in the 
 antechamber for the watchword of the day, the word ^qua- 
 nimitas was muttered by the Emperor with his last breath ; and 
 so he passed away as he had lived, even-minded in all things, 
 loving empire for the sake of doing good, and secure in the 
 esteem and affections of his people. 
 
 This excessive amiability was severely strained on several 
 occasions by the conduct of the Empress Annia Gallia Faustina, 
 called Faustina the elder to distinguish her from her daughter 
 Faustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius. If we are to accept all 
 the evil things said by Latin authors about the wife of Antonine, 
 justice to her memory compels also the acceptance of the 
 Emperor's testimony to her worth. ' I would rather,' said Anto- 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5341. 
 
150 Roman Africa 
 
 nine, ' live with her in the island of Gyaris ' than without her in 
 the palace of the Caesars.' Capitolinus at a later date attributed 
 to Faustina a loose tongue and loose manners,^ while more 
 recent authors do not hesitate to accept the rumours current at 
 the time, without troubling themselves to arrive at the truth. 
 The influence exercised by women for good or evil in the 
 imperial circle during the first two centuries of Empire was 
 considerable, and court scandal and gossip were consequently 
 notorious. Allowance should be made for looseness of anecdote 
 at a period when intrigue and place-hunting found favour in the 
 courts of the palace, and when the rivalry created bitterness of 
 speech and suspicion of motive. When the founder of the Empire 
 said that the wife of Cffisar should be above suspicion, the words 
 may have been prompted by some idle tale of court intrigue 
 that may have reached his ears unexpectedly. Few of the 
 Empresses have left a record untarnished by suspicion ; some of 
 them have been charged with the most heinous offences, without 
 corroborative evidence ; while others, among whom Plotina, the 
 noble wife of the Emperor Trajan, stands conspicuous for public 
 benevolence and the exercise of private virtues, have not escaped 
 the malevolence of idle tongues. Whatever may have been the 
 faults of Faustina, it stands to the credit of Antonine that he 
 declined to tarnish the character of his wife. He honoured her 
 memory, in accordance with the superstition of the times, by 
 ranking her among the deities, and associating her name with 
 his own in an inscription on a temple still forming an attractive 
 ruin in the Via Sacra. The name of Faustina does not appear 
 in any inscription yet discovered in Roman Africa, nor is it 
 mentioned by contemporary authors in connection with any 
 public work or ceremonial. 
 
 But court intrigues in far-distant Rome and domestic differ- 
 ences in the imperial circle possessed little interest to peace- 
 loving, contented citizens in the North African provinces, and 
 
 ' Gyatis or Gyara is an island in the Archipelago, now known as Joura. Criminals 
 were sent thither, (Tacit. Ann. iii. 68, 69. ) Juvenal says : 
 
 Atide aliquid brevibus Gyaris et carcere digntim. 
 Si vis esse aliquid. 
 (Juv. Sat. I.) According to Strabo, the resident population consisted of a few poor 
 fishermen. (Strabo, x. v. 3.) 
 
 - De hujus vxore multa dicta sunt ob nimiam lihertalein et Vivendi faci'iitalem, 
 qua. iste cum aniini dolon coinpressit. (Capitolinus, Anton, c. 3.) 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 151 
 
 the daily life of an Empress, unknown to them in person except 
 on the coins of the time, had nothing in common with the 
 pursuits of a hard-working industrial population. The reign 
 just drawn to a close, uneventful in comparison with the more 
 stirring days of Trajan or the restless activity of Hadrian, has 
 left its mark in the form of unnumbered memorials of private 
 rather than of public life. These records of the time, either on 
 stone or marble, bear ample testimony to a long period of ease 
 and quietude enjoyed by loyal citizens in all parts of North 
 Africa. They tell the old story of human affections, of undying 
 love and tender regard, expressed in a tongue which modern 
 languages fail to equal either in strength or terseness, and in 
 brevity inimitable. What epitaph written in English could 
 set forth in such simple words and in a few short lines the 
 lovable qualities of Geminia Ingenua, so good a mother and so 
 kind a friend, ready to assist any one in need ; and when her 
 last hour had come and her remains were laid to rest in the 
 necropolis at Cirta, her sorrowing relatives placed on record 
 that this worthy woman, who lived to the age of eighty-one, 
 tristem fecit neminem ? ' 
 
 D • M Diis Manibus. Geminia Ingenua, 
 
 GEMINIA • INGE univira, conseruatrix, dulcissima 
 
 NVA • VNIVIRA • CONSE mater, omniuTn hominum. parens, 
 
 RVATRIX ■ DVLCISSIM obnibus {sic) subveniens, innocens, 
 
 MATER • OMNIVM carissima, prcestans, rarissima, 
 
 HOMINVM • PARENS • OBNI vixit annis oUaginta uno. Tris- 
 
 BVS • SVBVENIENS • INNOCE tem fecit neminem. 
 
 NS • CASTISSIM • PRAESTA Oro ut bene quiescat ! 
 NS • RARISSIMA • V • A ■ LXXXI 
 TRISTEM • FECIT ■ NEMINE 
 O • V • B • Q 
 
 The wording of these simple epitaphs is very varied. At 
 Caesarea (Cherchel) we find the virtues of an excellent wife 
 recorded in a different form of phraseology : ^ cum qua vita 
 jucunda, conversatio religiosa, frugalitas honest a, fides cum 
 disciplina exacta est. Sometimes the memorial takes the form 
 of an imaginary conversation between a deceased husband and 
 wife, indicating that the epitaph was prepared during their 
 lifetime and afterwards inscribed on the slab. The following 
 example may still be studied in the museum at Tebessa : ^ 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7384. ■ C.I.L. No. 9520. ^ C.r.L. No. 1954. Wilmanns. 
 
152 Roman Africa 
 
 D ■ M ■ S • IVLIA FORTVNATA PIE VIXIT ANNIS LXII 
 CASTA BONA INVIOLANS RARVM HOC 
 A CONIVGE MVNVS FORTVNATA TIBI SIC PLACET 
 HARDALIO NOMINE DIGNA MEO QVOD TU MIHI KARE 
 SVPERSTES NATORVM NATIS TE INCOLVMI VIGVI 
 
 Loquitur Hardalius : 
 
 Casta, bona, inviolans, rarum hoc a conjuge munus. 
 Fortunaia, tibi ; sic placet Hardalio. 
 Respondet Fortunata : 
 
 Nomine digna meo, quod tu mihi, care, superstes, 
 Natorum natis te incolumi vigui. 
 
 At Sigus in Numidia, now known as Ziganiah, some t.wenty- 
 four miles from Constantine, a man laments the loss of his wife 
 in the following expressive words : ^ conj'ux uno animo, uno 
 consilio, semper fruita mecum. So enviable a spouse is scarcely 
 excelled in worth by the good woman of Madaura (Mdaou- 
 rouch), who is described as a conj'ux rarissima, omni pietate, 
 innocentia, gravitate inorum fecunda, tecusa, karissima? And 
 at Capsa (Gafsa) in the far south, where the sites of old 
 Roman towns are naught but oases in a region of sand, domestic 
 happiness and filial affection have left a pleasant record on im- 
 perishable stone in the memorial of a woman of many virtues 
 
 named Domitia Caesia.^ 
 
 D • M • S 
 DOMITIA ■ CAESIA • OPTIMA 
 
 IN VITA 
 
 PVDICISSIMA FEMINA 
 RARISSIMAE • FRVGALITA 
 TIS ' ET • INDULGENTISSIMA • MA 
 TRONA • VIXIT • ANNIS • LXVIII 
 MONVMENTVM • AGENDVM 
 CVRAVIT • IVLIVS • SENTEANVS 
 FILIVS • EIVS 
 O ■ T • B ■ Q 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5798. ' C./.L. No. 4692 [tecusa rarely used, Wilmanns). 
 
 " C.I.L. No. 134. Capsa has had a long history and, according to Sallust, was 
 a town of great importance at the termination of the Punic wars. Its remote 
 position on the Desert border, forming an oasis of beauty and productiveness, did not 
 prevent the army of Caius Marius from encamping under its walls and destroying the 
 town. But, owing to the fertility of the soil, abundance of water, and direct com- 
 munication with the coast, Capsa soon recovered its old position and continued in 
 prosperity long after the Arabs had swept over the land. ' It is built almost en- 
 tirely,' says El-Bekri, the Arab writer of the eleventh century, ' with galleries of 
 marble ; ' and he adds ' that the ramparts were constructed by Chentian, page to 
 
Africa under Antoninus Pius 153 
 
 The frequent repetition of superlative epithets becomes some- 
 what monotonous, and difficult to appreciate in our more prosaic 
 times. But it must be remembered that these old-world citizens 
 had no other means of giving public expression to their grief 
 in the hour of bereavement, and that the wording of these 
 homely memorials, sometimes extending to twenty lines, was 
 often prompted by the hope that the Dii Manes would not 
 forget the good deeds of those who had passed away from this 
 world. As an example of a thoroughly homely epitaph, one 
 noted by Orelli^ is worthy of mention here, principally on 
 account of the unusual epithets lanifica and domiseda. It speaks 
 well for this beautiful lady Amymone that she was skilled at 
 the spinning-wheel ; but what shall we say of a remarkable 
 qualification expressed in the last word— that she stopped at 
 home and minded the affairs of the house ? 
 
 HIC SITA EST AMYMONE MARCI OPTIMA ET PVLCHERRIMA 
 LANIFICA PIA PVDICA FRUG CASTA DOMISEDA 
 
 The private lives of good fathers and estimable sons have 
 also their full share of imperishable record and of superlative 
 epithets. An eminent citizen of Lambsesis is described as 
 omnibus virtutibus abundatis vir, and a resident of Ammsedara 
 (Hydra) is inscribed as koino bonus rebus hominibusque perneces- 
 sarius, quern qucBrit patrice maximus hie populus. Another 
 dedication on a stone found on the road between Theveste and 
 Cirta is to an excellent father in the following simple words : 
 cujus exiniiam bonitatem et prudentiam non solum parentes, 
 veruni etiam finitimi doluerunt, quam ob rem filii dulcissimi 
 patri rarissimo sestertium nmnmum quinque millibus, incolum.es 
 parentes. At Hippo Regius (Bone) is an inscription of nineteen 
 Imes^ to Lucius Postumius Felix Celerinus, who was not only 
 pontifex and duumvir, but was honoured with the distinc- 
 tion oi flamen Augusti perpetuus. Further lines speak of his 
 innocentiam splendoremque et in patriam suam incomparabilem 
 amorem. 
 
 Nimrod, whose name is still preserved in an inscription that is quite legible.' It 
 need scarcely be said that the walls are mostly destroyed, and that nothing remains of 
 the grandeur of the ancient Capsa. 
 
 ' Jnscript. Lat. ColUctio, J. Caspar von Orelli, 1828-56, Turici, No. 4639, vol. ii. 
 
 P- 319- 
 
 2 /.i7.^. No. 2871. 
 
154 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Such epitaphs as these may be found in nearly all parts 
 of Roman Africa, but any list would be incomplete without 
 reference to a remarkable example of a compact inscription 
 found by Dr. Leclerc on an altar on the site of the Roman 
 station Tingurtia, now known as Tiaret (a modern town in 
 Algeria, on the lower slopes of Djebel Guezzoul).' 
 
 DISMAN 
 
 IBVSTE 
 
 RRISQVI 
 
 CVMQVE 
 
 VIATOR 
 
 TRANSIE 
 
 RISET DI 
 
 XERIS^^VI 
 
 •^TVMVLO 
 
 RVIIII^f 
 
 VESITTI 
 
 BITERLE 
 
 VISETPOS 
 
 TOBITVM 
 
 ITETVVMSIT 
 
 TIBITERR 
 
 ALE VIS 
 
 VALXXII 
 
 Diis Manibus. Terris quicumque viator 
 transieris et dixeris huic tumulo : Rufine, 
 have, sit tibi terra levis, et post obitum 
 item tuum sit tibi terra levis ! Vixit 
 annis septuaginta duobus. 
 
 The wording recalls the less gracious couplet attributed to 
 Horace Walpole on the death of Sir John Vanbrugh : 
 
 Lie heavy on him, earth, for he 
 Laid many a heavy load on thee. 
 
 But here, in this gentle epitaph in memory of Rufinus, the 
 appeal to the passer-by is accompanied by the hope that, when 
 he too passes away, the earth may rest as lightly on his remains 
 as on those of the lamented Rufinus. 
 
 ' J.R.A. No. 3712. Vide Rev. arch. 1852, p. 442. 
 
155 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 AFRICA UNDER MARCUS AURELIUS 
 A.D. 161-180 
 
 No Emperor ever acceded to a throne under more favourable 
 auspices than Marcus Aurelius. Adopted by Antonine at the 
 age of seventeen, when he bore the name of Marcus ^lius 
 Varus, and renamed (according to Capitolinus) ^lius Aurelius 
 Antoninus Pius Cassar in compliment to the Emperor, this 
 fortunate prince enjoyed, till the age of forty, a sunny existence 
 unruffled by political dissensions, the clash of arms, or domestic 
 anxieties. Beloved by his adoptive father, surrounded by friends, 
 with a wife whom he trusted and children whom he adored, 
 Marcus Aui'elius had everything which life could offer to make 
 it one long day of reasonable enjoyment. His affectionate 
 intimacy with the Emperor is amply attested by correspondence 
 and the wording of inscriptions discovered intact in various 
 parts of the Empire. So endearing an epithet as Verissimus, 
 which Antonine added to his name when he was a mere child, 
 conveys an idea of extreme sincerity of character and an earnest 
 desire to probe the truth for truth's sake. His philosophic 
 tendencies were conspicuous in his early years, due as much to 
 temperament as to the guidance of his instructors, selected by 
 Antonine himself Rusticus and Apollonius the Stoic were his 
 masters in rhetoric ; Eutychius Proculus, a native of Cirta, and 
 Frontinius Cornelius his tutors for Latin ; while Cornelius 
 Fronto and Herodes the munificent Athenian roused his en- 
 thusiasm for philosophy. All these men were his intimate 
 friends as well as teachers, and to them we are indebted for 
 having brought to light those gentle qualities which are so 
 conspicuous in the correspondence between the young prince 
 .and his attached friend of African birth, Cornelius Fronto. 
 
 On the death of Antonine, A.D. 161, Marcus Aurelius was 
 free to take undivided possession of the throne and to grasp the 
 
156 Roman Africa 
 
 reins of empire, which had been within his reach for so many- 
 years. But the prince was cast in a different mould from other 
 men, and the bare idea of depriving any one, whose claims to 
 exercise imperial authority, however slight, were recognised by 
 the Senate or the people, would have been distasteful to so just 
 and thoughtful a man. In his earlier days' he had adopted as 
 his future colleague, at the express desire of Hadrian, a little 
 boy named Lucius Ceionius Commodus, whose father had been 
 similarly adopted by that Emperor. To make the connection 
 still more binding, Marcus Aurelius gave him the name of 
 Verus, and a few years afterwards made him his son-in-law. 
 For eight years and a few months the Empire was ruled by 
 these two men conjointly, the one judicious in all his actions, 
 governing with wisdom and with the trained mind of a student 
 and philosopher ; the other, of depraved tastes and dissolute 
 habits, effeminate and extravagant, passing away at the age of 
 thirty-five, the victim of debauchery and riotous living. The 
 name of Verus would long ago have been almost forgotten had 
 it not been for inscriptions in which he figures as joint Emperor 
 with Marcus Aurelius. The monumental remains in Africa, 
 bearing so dishonoured a name, are fortunately few in number, 
 the most remarkable being the ruined triumphal arch at Tripoli, 
 referred to on page 121. The inscription, still unmutilated and 
 easily legible, runs thus : ^ 
 
 IMP • CAES • AVRELIO ■ ANTONIN • AVG • P ■ P • ET • IMP • CAES 
 
 L • AVRELIO • VERO • ARMENICO • AVG 
 SER • S ■ OEFRITVS • PROCOS • CVM • VTTEDIO • MARCELLO • 
 
 LEG • SVO • DEDICAVIT • C 
 CALPVRNIVS • CELSIVS • CVRATOR ■ MVNERIS • PVB • MVNE- 
 
 RARIVS • II VIR Q • Q • FLAMEN 
 PERPETVVS • ARCVS ■ MARMORE • SOLIDO • FECIT. 
 
 This dedication to the two Emperors appears to have been 
 about A.D. 163, at the close of a successful expedition against 
 the Armenians under the conduct of Verus. A traveller who 
 visited Tripoli more than two centuries ago was enraptured with 
 the beauty of this monument and its sculptures. He says : 
 ' There are four gates (referring to this quadrifrontal arch) upon 
 which is a triumphal car with a figure of Alexander drawn by 
 
 ' Travels itithe Footsteps of B nice, p. 281. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 157 
 
 two sphinxes. Below are the heads of slaves. Over the gates 
 are Latin inscriptions. The vaulting is in good condition, with 
 very fine sculpture in high relief. It is all built without mortar 
 or cement. The blocks of marble are from four to five feet 
 thick, and are laid on sheets of lead and held together with 
 cramps.' It is a matter of doubt whether Verus took any active 
 part in securing a victorj' for the Roman arms. His pleasure 
 was not in the battle-field, and his ambition was to obtain the 
 honour of a warrior at the expense of such trusted generals as 
 Avidius Cassius, a Syrian by birth, Statius Priscus, or Pontius 
 Lselianus. The delights of Antioch as a city of revelry, and 
 the voluptuous amusements in the far-famed laurel groves of 
 Daphne, were more to the taste of such a dissolute and worthless 
 ruler of mankind. And yet a triumph was awarded to him 
 by the Senate in Rome for distinguished services ! Similar 
 expeditions to suppress disturbances in Media and Parthia were 
 afterwards undertaken under his command, and with similar 
 results. According to Fronto, Marcus Aurelius was invited by 
 his colleague to share the honour of a triumph A.D. i66, but, 
 as a conscientious man, he unhesitatingly declined to accept 
 reward for services in which he had taken no personal part. 
 The above inscription at Tripoli is of some interest. It clearly 
 tells us that Marcus Aurelius was recognised as Augustus and 
 Pater patria, and that Verus was Augustus also and honoured 
 with the title of Armeniacus. The words marmore solido are 
 unusual. They give indications of the magnificence of this 
 quadrifrontal arch, commenced in the reign of Antonine, and 
 intended as a perpetual memorial of his benign rule. Accord- 
 ing to Capitolinus, the title of Pater patrim was refused by 
 Marcus Aurelius till the return of Verus after his successful 
 expedition against the Parthians, and on the death of Verus 
 he assumed the title of Armeniacus as well as Germanicus. It 
 is quite possible that the letters P. P. on the Tripoli arch 
 were not cut till after the Parthian campaign. The omission 
 of the last of these titles is shown on an inscription at Verecunda 
 (Markouna) bearing the date A.D. 163, the second year of the 
 joint rule of these two Emperors.^ 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1415. 
 
158 Eoman Africa 
 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELIO ■ ANT ....... 
 
 TRIE • POT • XVIII ■ COS II I • P • P • ET IMP . . . 
 ARMENIACO . AVG • IMP ■ Tl • TRIE ■ POT • im 
 
 Imper atari Ccesari Marco Aurelio Antonino Augusta, Pantifici Maximo, 
 Imperatori II. tribunicia patestate XVIII. Consuli III. patri patria, et 
 Imperatori Ccesari Lucia Aurelio Vera Armeniaco Augusta, Imperatori II., 
 tribunicia potestate IIIL, consuli II. Respublica Verecundensium decreto 
 decurionum, pecunia publica. 
 
 Another inscription bearing the full title, but somewhat 
 illegible, may be seen on the attic of a triumphal arch also at 
 Verecunda, and runs as follows, according to L^on Renier's 
 interpretation : ' 
 
 RELIO • ANTONINO • AVG 
 
 THIC ■ GERM • MAX • P • M • TRIE • POT • XXVI ■ 
 
 DIVO • VERO 
 ROCOS • DIVI • VERI ■ PART ■ MAX ■ FRATRI • AVG 
 AN • NEPOTI • DIVI • TRAIAN ■ PARTHIC • PRO • NEP • DIVI • 
 
 NERY • AB • NEP 
 MACER • SATVRNINVS ■ LEG • AVG • PR • PR • PATRON • DEDI- 
 
 CAVIT • D ■ D • P • P. 
 
 Imperatori CcBsari Marco Aurelio Antonino Augusta Armeniaco, 
 Parthico, Germanico, Maximo, Pontifici Maximo, tribunicia potestate XXVI. 
 Imperatori VI., Consuli III, Proconsuli, divi Veri Parthici Maximi fratri, 
 divi Antonini Pii filio, divi Hadriani nepoti, divi Traiani Parthici pronepoti, 
 divi NervcB abnepati, Respublica Verecundensitcm, Marcus JEmilius Macer 
 Saturninus, legatus Augusti pro pratore, pair onus, dedicavit decreto de- 
 curionum, pecunia publica. 
 
 Among other inscriptions worthy of notice there is one still 
 to be seen on the frieze stones of a temple at Lambaesis (Lam- 
 bessa) dedicated to ^sculapius and Health. It runs thus : 
 
 AESCVLAPIO ET SALVTI 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELIVS • ANTONINVS • AVG • PONT • 
 
 MAX • ET 
 IMP • CAES • L • AVRELIVS • VERVS • AVGVSTVS 
 
 This temple appears to have been commenced in the time 
 of Hadrian, and was built, as another inscription informs us, 
 by the third Augustan legion quartered in that town. It is fair 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1419. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 159 
 
 to assume, from the absence of titles, that the above inscription 
 was added at the beginning of the joint reign of these two 
 Emperors.' Fifty years ago this temple of the Doric order, with 
 its lateral chapels and surroundings, formed an interesting group 
 of monumental buildings. The four columns of the tetrastyle 
 portico of the central edifice, sketched by De la Mare in 1846, 
 have long since been overthrown, and now there is little re- 
 maining except the lower parts of the walls of the cella, and 
 a confused mass of stone slabs, both moulded and plain. Fortu- 
 nately, the inscriptions in the subsidiary chapels are still legible, 
 that on the left being dedicated to Jupiter Valens, and the one 
 on the right to Silvanus. In front of the buildings was a large 
 paved court of semicircular form, which still remains in good 
 condition. Each temple was approached by a flight of steps, 
 and a curved colonnade bound together the side-chapels with 
 the central sanctuary. The approach was by a broad avenue, 
 bordered at a later date by a number of shrines dedicated to 
 various deities, many of them being faced with slabs of marble 
 and paved with mosaics. Some of the mosaic patterns are 
 interesting, especially one seen and described by L^on Renier, 
 bearing the following inscription : 
 
 BONVS • INTRA • MELIOR • EXI 
 
 Strange to say, the slab of mosaic bearing these words has been 
 lost. The remains of other memorials are better studied on 
 the spot, and the sculptures and other remains, including fine 
 statues of ^sculapius and his daughter Hygeia, are attractive 
 objects in the local museum. The worship of .^Esculapius was 
 very popular in North Africa, and, according to Pausanias, sick 
 persons desirous of supplicating the deity or his daughter were 
 required to spend one or more nights in his sanctuary for the 
 purpose of observing certain rites ordained by the priests 
 attached to the temple. The remedies were usually revealed 
 to supplicants in a dream. At Lambaesis special provision 
 appears to have been made for such visitors, there being clear 
 indications of a series of buildings grouped round the temples 
 
 ' M. R. Cagnat says that the date of this edifice is a.d. 162, and that the lateral 
 chapels were added successively during the reigns of the Emperors M. Aurelius 
 Commodus and Septiraius Severus. Everything appears to have been completed 
 A.D. 211. 
 
i6o Roman Africa 
 
 and fitted with baths and hypocausts. Whether they formed 
 parts of a large thermal establishment where bodily treatment 
 was practised is not quite apparent. But it is reasonable to 
 suppose that, with the decline of Paganism at a later period, 
 such places were resorted to by wealthy colonists, who held the 
 worship of .iEsculapius as a matter of secondary importance. 
 It is worthy of mention that, at a place now called El Gara in 
 North Africa, within the old province of Mauritania Sitifensis, 
 an inscription still exists bearing the dedication of a shrine to 
 Fortune, Health, and .^Esculapius.^ Here, it will be observed, 
 the old Pagan deity comes last, Fortune holding the first place 
 in public estimation. 
 
 In some inscriptions we find the name of Verus appearing 
 as sole Emperor. At a town called Uzappa, in the province of 
 Byzacene, there is a dedication to Verus by the inhabitants, 
 in gratitude for alleged services in suppressing the revolt in 
 Armenia, the date being A.D. 163-165. The name of Avidius 
 Cassius, whose generalship contributed so largely to the success 
 of the Roman arms, has no place in this inscription, which is 
 one long string of self-laudatory expressions in honour of a man 
 utterly incapable of any generous act.^ 
 
 IMP • CAES • L • AVRELI 
 
 O • VERO ■ AVG ■ ARME 
 
 NIACO • DIVI • ANTO 
 
 NINI • FIL • DIVI • HA 
 
 DRIANI • NEP • DIVI 
 
 TRAIANI • PARTHI 
 
 CI • PRONEP • DIVI 
 
 NERVAE • ABNEP 
 
 P • M • TRIE • POT 
 
 IMP • II ■ COS II 
 
 P • P • D • D • P ■ P 
 
 The lettering in the last line may be read as a bit of irony. 
 It accords the highest distinction of Pater patriai to an Emperor 
 in every way unworthy of the honour. Of Uzappa we know 
 nothing, except that it was raised to the position of a muni- 
 cipium towards the end of the third century. It need scarcely 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8782. 
 
 ^ C.I.L. No. 1 1927. Cagnat. Vide Esp^randieu, Comptes-rendus de VAcad. 
 d'Hipp. a. 1883. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius i6i 
 
 be said that the town has long since been swept away and its 
 existence almost forgotten. 
 
 It is a matter of regret that the chief authorities for this 
 period of African history, embracing the career of such a re- 
 markable Emperor as Marcus Aurelius, should have written so 
 little about his eventful reign. Capitolinus has placed much 
 ill-assorted material at the disposal of biographers, and Dion 
 Cassius has supplied some fragmentary notes, strung together 
 without much forethought and with no attempt at methodical 
 arrangement. Where written records fail, inscriptions and coins 
 are the sure guide ; and whether they relate to the Emperor's 
 achievements in the defence of a vast Empire, or are expressive 
 of the good will shown to him by his subjects for wise adminis- 
 tration and just rule, they are for all purposes to be depended 
 upon as faithful memorials. 
 
 The earlier years of the reign of Marcus Aurelius were 
 troubled by incessant wars, in which the Emperor took no active 
 part. But on the death of Verus the philosopher turned warrior 
 from duty rather than choice, and conducted various campaigns 
 with considerable success. Like most of his predecessors, the 
 thought of crossing the Mediterranean — the mare scFvum., as 
 the Romans called it — was distasteful, partly on account of a 
 somewhat fragile constitution and susceptibility of taking cold 
 after the slightest exposure. To Marcus Aurelius Africa was 
 personally an unknown country, but his regard for this magnifi- 
 cent appendage of the Empire is attested by the vast number 
 of dedicatory inscriptions throughout the provinces. At the 
 time of his accession the turbulent disposition of the Moors 
 in the extreme west, which had caused Antonine some little 
 anxiety at the close of his reign, had been successfully checked, 
 but had never been entirely repressed. With that spirit of 
 impetuosity which characterises southern races, these restless 
 inhabitants of Western Mauritania were not content with 
 making continual raids into the less protected parts of Roman 
 territory, but, taking advantage of disturbances in other parts of 
 the Empire, crossed the Mediterranean with the intention of 
 forcing the Romans to surrender their hard-won possessions 
 in Southern Spain. But this adventurous expedition was not 
 attended with success. 
 
 The rapid spread of colonisation westward in the African 
 
 M 
 
1 62 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 provinces during the last three reigns demanded increased 
 security and better military organisation. It was to these 
 points that the Emperor directed his attention. Outposts were 
 increased, and Lambaesis, the headquarters of a Roman legion 
 established there by Hadrian, was no longer a mere entrenched 
 camp, such as he had inaugurated, but was assuming the appear- 
 ance of a permanently constructed and well-ordered town. The 
 history of Lambaesis is the key to the history of the Roman 
 army in Africa. In the third century, under the firm rule of 
 Septimius Severus, it became one of the most attractive cities in 
 the country ; and even now, after the lapse of seventeen cen- 
 turies, its monumental remains and the wealth of inscriptions 
 discovered on the site bear ample testimony to its importance 
 and prosperity, and to the loyal allegiance of a large population, 
 both civil and military. 
 
 The Roman army, at the time of the accession of Marcus 
 Aurelius, consisted of thirty legions, distributed in various parts 
 of the Empire. A list is given by Marquardt, inscribed on a 
 column of this period, now preserved in the Vatican Museum.^ 
 
 Place. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Names of Legions. 
 
 Lower Mcesia anc 
 
 4 
 
 L Italica, V. Macedonica, XL Claudia, 
 
 Dacia . 
 
 
 XI L Gemina 
 
 Upper Pannonia 
 
 3 
 
 L Adjutrix, X. Gemina, XIV. Gemina. 
 
 Britain . 
 
 3 
 
 II. Augusta, VI. Victrix, XX. Valeria 
 Victrix. 
 
 Upper Mcesia . 
 
 2 
 
 IV. Flavia, VII. Claudia. 
 
 Cappadocia 
 
 2 
 
 XII. Fulminata, XV. Apollinaris. 
 
 Syria 
 
 2 
 
 IV. Scythica, XVI. Flavia. 
 
 Upper Germany 
 
 2 
 
 VIII. Augusta, XXI I. Primigenia. 
 
 Lower Germany 
 
 2 
 
 I Minerva, XXX. Ulpia Victrix. 
 
 Africa 
 
 
 III. Augusta. 
 
 Egypt . 
 
 
 II. Trajana. 
 
 Hispama. 
 
 
 VII. Gemina. 
 
 Judtea 
 
 
 VI. Ferrrata, X. Fretensis. 
 
 Phoenicia 
 
 
 III. Gallica. 
 
 Lower Pannonia 
 
 
 II. Adjutrix. 
 
 Noricum . 
 
 
 II. Italica. 
 
 Rhastia . 
 
 
 III. Italica. 
 
 Arabia . 
 
 
 III. Cyrenaica. 
 
 ' M. R, Cagnat, UArmie Romaine d'Afrique, Paris, 1892. This is an exhaus- 
 tive treatise on the whole subject of military administration in Africa under the 
 Emperors. The author acknowledges his great indebtedness to M. Cagnat for much 
 information on the subject. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 163 
 
 ' In the days of Augustus and his successor, the legion 
 quartered in Africa, with the auxiliary troops employed to 
 defend the frontiers of the provinces, was under the control of 
 the proconsul. But Caligula, whose disposition was wild and 
 uncertain, was led to suspect Marcus Silanus, at that time 
 governor of Africa. To settle any doubts on the matter, the 
 Emperor transferred the command of the legion to an imperial 
 lieutenant, whom he despatched from Rome for that purpose. 
 The result was that, the power of granting preferment being 
 divided between them, dissension arose and a spirit of rivalry 
 aggravated the evil.' ^ But the African legion was supplemented 
 by many others drafted into the country in the time of need ; for, 
 in the index to the volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 
 relating to the African provinces, Wilmanns and others mention 
 the following legions noted in inscriptions as having served 
 in different districts : Apollinaris, Claudia, Cyrenaica, Ferrata, 
 Flavia, Fretensis, Fulminata, Gallica, Hispana, Italica, Mace- 
 donica, Parthica, Primigenia, Scythica, Severiana, Ulpia, Valeria, 
 Victrix, besides various vexillationes, alcB, and cohortes auxiliarice. 
 Twenty-six of these legions were formed before the reign of 
 Trajan, who added the II Trajana and the III Ulpia Victrix. 
 Marcus Aurelius subsequently added the II Italica and the 
 III Italica. In the time of Septimius Severus the list was 
 increased by the addition of the I Parthica, II Parthica, and 
 III Parthica. The names given to the legions originated from 
 various sources, mostly from the countries or provinces where 
 they were raised, or in honour of successful campaigns. For 
 instance, Gemina appears to have been adopted where two 
 bodies of troops levied in the same country formed one legion. 
 The little Fulminata had its origin under peculiar circumstances, 
 which have not been disputed. According to Capitolinus, the 
 Roman army under Marcus Aurelius was sore pressed in the 
 war against the Quadi,^ on account of a long continuance of hot 
 weather and scarcity of water arising from a long period of 
 
 ' Tacitus, Hist. iv. 48. 
 
 ' The Quadi were a powerful tribe located in the south-east of what is now knowri 
 as Bohemia. (Tacit. Hist. iii. 5. 21.) They ceased to exist at the end of the fourth 
 century. Ammianus Marcellinus (xvii. 12) refers to their methods of warfare, which 
 bear a strong resemblance to the tactics of the Boers in the South African war. He 
 says that they had generally three swift horses for every man, and that they were more 
 skilled in skirmishing than at close quarters in a battlefield. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 Roman Africa 
 
 drought. It was represented to the Emperor that one of the 
 legions had been formed at Maltha, where the population was 
 mostly Christian, and that, such was the power of the gods they 
 served, they could obtain by prayer and invocation anything 
 they required from heaven. By imperial command prayers 
 were offered by this legion on behalf of the distressed army, 
 and immediately the clouds gathered, the thunder pealed forth, 
 the lightning flashed, and the welcome rain not only gave life 
 and strength to the parched troops, but contributed largely to 
 subsequent victory and the successful termination of an anxious 
 campaign. This view of the story is supported by Xiphilin the 
 monk, but Dion Cassius has placed on record that the appeal 
 was made, by order of the Emperor, to an Egyptian magician 
 named Arnuphius, who was serving in the Roman army. 
 ' Mercury and other demons that preside in the air ' were invoked, 
 and the desired rain fell. The former version is probably the 
 true one, as well as a further statement by Capitolinus that the 
 Emperor, in gratitude for such remarkable services, issued an 
 edict in favour of the Christians, and bestowed on their religion 
 the title of Fulminans. After the time of Caracalla legions 
 usually took their distinguishing names from that of the reign- 
 ing Emperor, thus making it easy to fix the date of their forma- 
 tion. Augustus was the first Emperor to raise standing armies 
 in Italy as well as in some of the provinces. Before his time 
 bodies of troops were raised for each expedition, and were 
 disbanded at the close of the campaign. This action by Augus- 
 tus gave rise to an increased taxation, which pressed heavily on 
 the people in the earlier days of the Empire, but the Emperor 
 met the annual charge by an imposition of one-twentieth on all 
 legacies and inheritances. This continued till the time of Trajan, 
 who lightened the burden and paved the way for its entire 
 removal in the reign of Antonine. The legion allotted for the 
 defence of Numidia received the title of the third Augusta, and, 
 after its permanent settlement at Lambaesis in the time of 
 Hadrian, does not appear to have quitted Africa. It became 
 the representative legion of the African army. As late as the 
 accession of Diocletian, A.D. 283, when an entirely new system 
 of military organisation was introduced and many of the old 
 legions of the Empire ceased to exist, this time-honoured body 
 continued undisturbed in its old headquarters. Its services 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 165 
 
 were only interrupted for a short period during the struggle for 
 empire between Gordian and his brutal rival Maximinus. This 
 legion paid the penalty of siding with the latter, and was dis- 
 banded by order of the former when he ascended the throne. 
 After a lapse of fifteen years it was reconstituted by Valerian 
 and re-established at Lambaesis. 
 
 No camp in any part of the world has left so many indica- 
 tions of its existence, or so many memorials of military life and 
 administration, as the camp of this Numidian legion. The in- 
 scriptions already discovered and interpreted number more than 
 2,500, and continued systematic exploration is constantly bring- 
 ing others to light of more or less value to the historian as well 
 as to the epigraphist. They are in the form of memorials of 
 soldiers of all ranks who have faithfully discharged their duty, 
 of "dedications to emperors for just and benevolent rule, and of 
 acts of munificence by residents of wealth and renown. One 
 and all they bear testimony to a long period of tranquil enjoy- 
 ment of life in a pleasant and fertile country, to the prevalence 
 of respect paid by soldiers to their superiors, and to loyal 
 obedience to imperial authority. 
 
 The commander-in-chief of the army occupying Numidia, 
 or rather Africa, was at first a proconsul called proconsul pro- 
 vincicB Numidice. He was of senatorial rank, and was selected 
 from among those who had done good service to the State. 
 When Mauritania became a Roman province in the time of 
 Caligula, A.D. 37, a change in military administration, consequent 
 upon the acquisition of so large an increase of territory, became 
 necessary. Supreme military control was then centred in the Em- 
 peror's selected legate, who in other respects was not independent 
 of the proconsul, and whose title was Legatus Augustipro prcetore} 
 Towards the end of the second century, when the African 
 legion had been established at Lambaesis, the military authority 
 of this legate was restricted to that portion of Africa which was 
 regarded as a military province, the title of this high functionary 
 being Legatus Augusti provincia Africa dioceseos NumidicB. 
 And towards the middle of the third century the title was again 
 altered \.o pro prcBtore provincice Numidice, according to two in- 
 scriptions found on the sites of Thamugas and Lambaesis. The 
 
 ' Vide Smith's Diet. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 26. This subject is fully explained 
 in an article by W. W. F. 
 
1 66 Roman Africa 
 
 former reads thus,^ and may be assigned to the reign of Alex- 
 ander Severus : 
 
 P • IVLIO IVNIANO MARTIALINO C • V • COS • LEG • AVG • 
 
 PR • PR • PROVINCIAE 
 NVMIDIAE PROCOS PROVINCIAE MACEDONIAE PRAEF 
 
 AERARI MI 
 LITARIS CVRATORI VIAE CLODIAE PRAETORIAE TRIBVNO 
 
 PLEBEI 
 QVAESTORI PROVINCIAE ASIAE PATRONO COLONIAE ET 
 
 MVNI 
 CIPI RESPVBLICA COLONIAE THAMVGADENSIVM DE 
 CRETO DECVRIONVM 
 
 The only exception worth noting may be seen on an in- 
 scription on a stone slab found on the east side of the forum at 
 Thamugas.^ It is a dedication to si Roman of high distinction, 
 who had served his country in many capacities, the exception 
 appearing on the eighth line, where the words fro frcetore 
 exercitus provincice Africce occur. The inscription is supposed 
 to be of the time of Hadrian. 
 
 A • LARCIO • A • FILIO ■ QVIRINA • PRISCO ■ VI • VIR ■ EQVITUM 
 ROMANOR ■ X • VIR • STLITIB ■ IVDICAND • QVAESTOR 
 PROVINCIAE • ASIAE • LEG • AVG ■ LEG Till SCYTHICAE 
 PED ■ LEG • CONSVLARE ■ PROVINCIAE • SYRIAE ■ TRIB • PLEB 
 PRAETORI ■ PRAEF • FRVMENTI ■ DANDI • EX • S • C • LEG • PRO 
 VINCIAE ■ BAETICAE • HISPANIAE • PROCOS • PROVIN 
 CIAE GALLIAE • NARBON ■ LEG ■ AVG • LEG II AVG ■ LEG 
 AVG ■ PR • PR • EXERCITVS • PROVINCIAE • AFRIC • VII • VIR 
 EPLONVM • COS ■ DESIG • PATRONO • COL • D • D ■ P ■ P 
 
 The Roman castrum, and its diminutive the castellum, or 
 fortified post, played an important part in the subjugation of 
 Africa by the Romans. The castrum, of which so notable an 
 example exists at Lambessa to the present day, was formed in 
 accordance with the traditional rules which had prevailed from 
 an early period. Polybius,' the earliest and perhaps the only 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2392. Descrip. Wilmanns, also De la Mare and Renier. Vide 
 I.R.A. No. 1505. 
 
 " C.I.L. No. 1 789 1. Dessau and Cagnat. Vide PouUe, Rec. de Const, xxii. 
 p. 355. Pallu de Lessen, Les Pastes de la Numidie, 1888, p. 60. 
 
 - Polybius, the Greek historian, was a native of Megalopolis in Peloponnesus, 
 and served his country during the war in Macedonia, which became a Roman province 
 B c. 148. He was taken to Rome as a prisoner of war, but his high attainments 
 and amiable disposition gained him the friendship of Scipio and other distinguished 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 167 
 
 Greek historian who was intimately acquainted with the 
 military operations of his time, and who was present at the fall 
 of Carthage, has left us accurate information about the form 
 and arrangements of a Roman camp. He says that it was an 
 exact square, measuring 2,222 feet each way, and accommodated 
 two legions. Hyginus, an equally reliable authority, describes 
 the camp enclosure of the third century as of oblong form, 
 measuring 2,320 feet by 1,620 feet. The castrum at Lambaesis 
 may be estimated at 1,670 feet by 1,330 feet. It was fortified 
 by a strong wall rounded at the angles and flanked by towers, 
 but without a ditch. Some fifty years ago portions of this wall 
 were standing to a considerable height, but they have since 
 been entirely overthrown. The arrangements of the camp were 
 similar to those described by Hyginus, and the form of the en- 
 closing wall agrees with the particulars set forth in his work on 
 the subject.^ There was a gateway in or near the centre of 
 each of the four sides, and broad roads ran across the enclosures 
 from gate to gate. The principal gate, which was of ornate 
 character, was called Prcetoria, the one in the opposite wall 
 being called Decumana, and those in the side-walls designated 
 respectively as Principia, dextra and sinistra? At the inter- 
 section of these four roads was a large open space where the 
 headquarters of the legion, termed the Prcztorium, was placed. 
 
 In permanent encampments, such as at Lambaesis, this 
 edifice had considerable architectural pretensions. Facing the 
 principal entrance was a large open space, commonly known 
 as Principia, or headquarters, used by the commanding officer 
 
 Romans. He accompanied Scipio to Carthage, and subsequently retired to his native 
 city, where he wiote a universal history, beginning with the first outbreak of hostili- 
 ties between Carthage and Rome, and terminating with an account of the Mace- 
 donian war. Of the forty books comprising the entire work, the first five only are 
 extant, and fragments only of the remainder have been preserved. The twelfth book, 
 treating of the geography of Africa, is unfortunately lost. Polybius was the first 
 author to mention the Moors as Moupoi)jio(, this term being subsequently applied 
 by the Romans to the inhabitants of the whole country first given to Juba II., ex- 
 tending from the river Ampsaga to the Atlantic Ocean. 
 
 ' Hyginus was a land surveyor in the time of Trajan. He appears to have been 
 expert in forming military camps, of which he had made special study. His work 
 De Castrametatione has gone through several editions, but with different titles, such 
 as De Castris Romanis and De Munitionibus Castrortim, 
 
 ^ Ad quatuor portas exercitum instruxit, ut, signo data, ex omnibus fortubus 
 erupt io Item facerent, (Livy, b. xl, c. 27.) 
 
1 68 Roman Africa 
 
 as the place for addressing the troops, corresponding to our 
 parade-grounds.' It was also available for pitching tents for 
 the general and his staff at certain seasons. Near the centre of 
 this open space an altar was erected. The location of the 
 various bodies of troops belonging to all branches of military- 
 service was in accordance with a recognised system, one castrum 
 being almost the exact counterpart of another, although the 
 dimensions may have varied.^ 
 
 The castelium was a fortified and entrenched outpost, either 
 for the defence of the mountain passes, or to preserve the line 
 of communication with towns and villages in the interior of the 
 country. The castella were generally rectangular enclosures 
 with gates like those of the castra. The largest of these en- 
 closures known in North Africa is at El-Kesbat, which 
 measures 780 feet by 460 feet. There is another at Tamesida 
 measuring 300 feet by 184 feet, while that at Ksar Rhelan is of 
 moderate dimensions, being only 100 feet by 81 feet. These 
 fortified strongholds served many purposes. They were not 
 only permanent habitations for small bodies of troops, but they 
 were used as military stores and, in times of disturbance 
 caused by an uprising of any of the frontier tribes, became 
 places of refuge for unprotected colonists and their families. 
 It is not surprising to find that in nearly all the castella yet 
 discovered in this country there are indications of water supply 
 from wells sunk within the enclosures, showing the care and 
 foresight of Roman generals in the selection of fortified posts. 
 At intervals between the castella were small watch-towers for 
 signalling in case of necessity. When any danger was appre- 
 hended a fire was lighted on the summit, the flame of which 
 was visible by night and the smoke by day. In some cases 
 beams of timber were employed, being raised or lowered 
 in accordance with a pre-arranged system of signalling — a 
 primitive form of aerial signalling probably as useful in those 
 days as the highly scientific wireless telegraphy in our own 
 times.* 
 
 ' Tacitus, Ann. b. iv. c. 3. Vide also L'Armee Romaine cCAfrique, p. 675. 
 
 ^ Such was the value attached to obedience to authority in a Roman camp that 
 altars have been found bearing this simple dedication : Discipline Militari. (C.I.L. 
 Nos. 9832 and 10657.) 
 
 ' Si divisa sunt copies, per noctem Jlammis, per diem fumo significant sociis quod 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 169 
 
 Another kind of fortification, which for a long period was a 
 feature in Roman Africa, consisted of fortified farms. Remains 
 of these buildings, as well as similar ones on a larger scale in 
 connection with imperial estates which bore the title of saltus} 
 may still be studied in the less frequented parts of the country. 
 Among the inscriptions relating to this class of building there 
 is one at a farm about eleven miles from Setif, now known as 
 Ain Mellul. It is dedicated to Diana, the date of its construc- 
 tion being, according to Wilmanns, A.D. 234, the last year of 
 the reign of Alexander Severus.^ 
 
 IMP ■ CAES ■ M 
 
 AVRELIVS SEVERVS 
 
 ALEXANDER INVICTVS 
 
 PIVS FELIX AVG MVROS 
 
 KASTELLI DIANENSIS EX 
 
 TRVXIT PER COLONOS EIVSDE 
 
 M KASTELLI 
 
 P CLXXXXV 
 
 It appears to have been built by the colonists for their own 
 protection. Inscriptions relating to fortifications for the pro- 
 tection of larger holdings are not numerous, but the annexed 
 dedication during the short rule of Pertinax, A.D. 192, gives 
 some idea of the wording usually employed : ^ 
 
 PRO SALVTE 
 
 IMP CAESARIS 
 
 P HEL PERTINA 
 
 CIS TRIBVNICIE PO 
 
 TESTATIS COS II P • P 
 
 COLONI DOMINI N 
 
 CAPVT SALTVS HOR 
 
 REOR PARDALARI HA 
 
 NC ARAM POSVERVNT 
 
 ET D • D • 
 
 aliter non potest nuntiari. Aliquanti in castellorum out urbium turribus appendunt 
 trabes, quibus aliquando erectis, aliquando depositis, indicant qua geruntur. 
 (Veg. iii. 5.) Flavius Vegetius Renatus dedicated his work on military institutions to 
 Valentinian. It is best known as De Re militari, but it has other titles, Epitoma 
 Institutortim Rei niilitaris, and Epitotna Rei jnilitaris. 
 
 ' For definition of saltus, vide p. 189. 
 
 = C.I.L. No. 8701. Rec. de Const. 1875, p. 338. Some travellers have noted 
 that the name of the Emperor had been erased in the usual way. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8425. Poulle, Rec. de Const. 1873-74, p. 363. 
 
lyo Roman Africa 
 
 There is another of the time of Aurelian, A.D. 213, which 
 runs thus : Coloni caput saltus horreorum et Kalefacelenses Par- 
 dalarienses aram pro salute eius consecraverunt et nomen castello 
 quern, constituerunt. 
 
 A study of the vast number of inscriptions relating to the 
 camp at Lambassis and the town which sprang up in the 
 immediate vicinity, bearing the title of Respublica Lambcesi- 
 tanorum and made a inunicipiuni by Marcus Aurelius, aided by 
 some valuable notes furnished by the authors of the Corpus 
 Inscriptionum Latinarum, reveals the whole system of military 
 administration by the Romans from the second to the fourth 
 century. And further than this, we get an insight into the 
 domestic life of the troops and their families, and a record of 
 their work in a civil as well as military capacity. 
 
 In the earlier days of the Empire no encouragement was 
 given to soldiers of the legions serving in the provinces to 
 contract matrimony, and consequently a state of concubinage, 
 tacitly approved by the Senate, was found to exist in the chief 
 garrison towns. A married soldier could retain his wife, but he 
 was not allowed to keep her in the camp. Similar restrictions 
 were imposed upon magistrates and other high functionaries, 
 who were not allowed to be accompanied by their wives when- 
 ever they accepted foreign appointments. Suetonius, however, 
 in his life of Augustus, says that the Emperor very reluc- 
 tantly permitted the legates to visit their wives and families 
 during the winter months.' From Tacitus we have a graphic 
 account of a heated debate in the Senate during the reign of 
 Tiberius, when the question of removing such restrictions 
 was proposed. He tells us that a senator named Caecina 
 Severus moved, as a counter proposition, that no magistrate 
 holding office in any province should be accompanied by his 
 wife.^ ' A train of women,' he added, ' introduced habits of 
 luxury in time of peace, and whenever war broke out or 
 disturbances arose they retarded operations by their fears and 
 expostulations, making a Roman army resemble in its inarch 
 the motley assemblage of a barbarian horde. Such was the 
 power of women that they ruled all things, not only their 
 families but courts of justice, and ultimately they would even 
 
 ' Suetonius, Augustus, c. 24. ' Tacitus,"b. iii. c. 33. 
 
o 
 o 
 t) 
 o 
 
 Q 
 O " 
 
 ii 
 
 o " 
 
 H e 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 171 
 
 control their armies.' But this senator was overruled, the 
 restriction was withdrawn, and it was not long before minor 
 functionaries, as well as officers, found themselves peacefully 
 settled with their wives and families in some town or village 
 close to the camp. At Lambaesis the immediate result was 
 a considerable extension of the town extra muros, and the 
 establishment of a large settled population enjoying a high 
 degree of prosperity. Veterans of the third Augustan legion, 
 as well as of the auxiliary forces under the command of Roman 
 officers, became attached to the neighbourhood where they had 
 happily passed so many years of active service, and never left 
 it. In some instances, borne out by votive offerings scattered 
 over the ground, they removed to the adjacent towns of 
 Mascula, Verecunda, or Thamugas. All the inscriptions, as we 
 read them in the present day, whether in the museum at 
 Lambessa or some other local depository, or even in the 
 galleries of the Louvre, may be regarded as faithful registers of 
 daily life and daily work in the service of the Empire. The 
 activity of the Roman soldier, wherever he was quartered, was 
 unbounded. In times of peace he made those magnificent high- 
 ways, portions of which still greet the traveller's eye and excite 
 his admiration as he journeys across the silent plains of North 
 Africa. He constructed fortifications which would have endured 
 to the present day, if they could have escaped the ravages of the 
 Vandals or the wanton neglect of the Arabs. He built bridges 
 and aqueducts in a manner that no other nation has surpassed. 
 Temples and triumphal arches, fountains and baths, theatres 
 and colonnades arose at the bidding of an Emperor, while 
 works of utility and adornment were raised by loyal citizens as 
 enduring memorials of affection for their country. Inscriptions 
 inform us that the building of the city of Thamugas was almost 
 entirely the work of the third legion, and such was the skill of 
 the designers and artificers in their ranks that we find their 
 services employed elsewhere. Soldiers under the Empire, 
 especially in the second and third centuries, appear to have 
 been well cared for and well paid.^ As a single man a soldier 
 could live in the camp or in the neighbouring town. He could 
 
 ' Et non saxum erat ut antehac cubile, sed pluma et flexiles lectuli. (Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, b. xii. c. 4.) This indicates that soldiers were provided with pillows 
 and mattresses, which they took with them in their campaigns. 
 
172 Roman Africa 
 
 save money and, on retirement, could live with ease and com- 
 fort. The pay varied at different periods, but it was more than 
 sufficient for ordinary requirements. The allowances on retire- 
 ment varied also, but it may be reckoned at a sum equivalent 
 to 100/. Some of the soldiers were duplicarii, receiving double 
 pay and exceptional privileges, while others were sesquiplicarii, 
 receiving pay in the same proportion. No inscriptions have, I 
 believe, yet been found in Africa relating to the latter, but 
 there are several quite legible relating to the former, such as 
 the annexed one found at Tipasa, extending to eighteen lines, 
 now deposited in the museum at Algiers. 
 
 DVPLICARIVS 
 EX NVMERVM SINGULARI 
 VM QVI AT MONTE ZELEL 
 INTERCEPTVS EST VI ANS 
 XXXVI Mini DIES X MA 
 TER DVLCISSIO FILIOMFE 
 CIT 
 
 It is the dedication by a mother to her very dear son, who 
 was a duplicarius in a select body of troops, and was killed at 
 Mount Zelel, aged 37 years. On the accession of an Emperor 
 and on special occasions, when it was desirable to secure the 
 good will of the legions in any imperial undertaking, a donative 
 was presented to each soldier.^ Suetonius says that Domitian 
 limited the amount ; but whatever was the sum granted to each 
 man, the moiety was deposited in a savings bank under the 
 control of the s*:andard-bearers bearing the military title of 
 signiferi, who were assisted by men in the ranks called librarii 
 depositorum, in other words, savings-bank clerks. The money 
 deposited was called peculium tastrense? The annexed in- 
 scription on a stone in the cemetery at Lambsesis is a record 
 of filial affection for a signifer of the Augustan legion.^ 
 
 ' Capitolinus states that on the accession of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Venis each 
 soldier received 20,000 sesterces, equal to 156/. Lampridius mentions that Comrao- 
 dus on a like occasion gave large donatives to the army. And we learn from Herodian 
 that Caracalla on ascending the throne gave every soldier 2500 Attic drachms, 
 representing 78/. 2s. dd. To use the words of Spartianus on one occasion, this 
 Emperor enormitate stipendii militibus, ut solei, placuii. 
 
 ' Dig. xlix. 17, II. 
 
 » C.I.L. No. 18280. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 173 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 L • AELIVS • VICT 
 
 OR • SIG • LEG • III • AVG 
 
 VIX- ANIS -XL . . . . 
 
 AELIVS FELIX PATRI 
 
 KARISSIM • FECIT 
 
 In the PrcBtorium was found a dedication to two signiferi, 
 father and son, during the reign of Septimius Severus ; and on 
 an altar in the camp was a somewhat similar one, worth men- 
 tioning,' the two signiferi by whom the memorial was raised 
 having charge of the public market. 
 
 I -O -M -DOL 
 
 P • P ■ FLAVI STVDI 
 
 OSI • SABINIVS Publii Flavii Studiosi Sabinus 
 
 INGENVVS ■ ET Ingenuus et Aurelius Sedatus 
 
 AVRELIVS • SED Signiferi leg. Ill Augtista agentes 
 
 ATVS • SIG • LEG curam macelli votum libentes 
 
 III • AVG • AGENTES animis solverunt cum azutoribus 
 
 CVRA • MACELLI suis. 
 
 V ■ L ■ A • S ■ CVM • A 
 ZVTORIBVS ■ SVIS 
 
 Of higher rank than the standard-bearer was the eagle- 
 bearer or aquilifer, one only being attached to each legion. 
 The following memorial of an aquilifer who was buried in the 
 cemetery at Lambaesis, and whose name was perpetuated by 
 his uncle, is worth recording : ^ 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 ICTVRIO • FELICI 
 
 VIXIT ANOS XXV 
 
 MESSES II DIES XVI 
 
 DISCENS AQVILIFER 
 
 LEG III AVG MEMORIAE 
 
 EIVS POSVIT ISBON 
 
 CIVS SECVNDVS 
 
 AVVNCVLO 
 
 The keeping of slaves was not forbidden in any rank of 
 Roman society, and from two inscriptions found near the camp 
 it would seem that when soldiers were prosperous they had 
 slaves or freedmen in their service. The wording of both of 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 18224. Bull, du Com. iSgo, p. 455. (Masqueray descrip.) 
 » C.I.L. No. 18302. Bull, du Com. 1887, p. 74. 
 
174 Roman Africa 
 
 them is equally clear. Victori Juli Marciani mil. frum. servo, 
 and D. M. Victoris, natione Mauruni, annoruin XX, libertus 
 Numeriani equitis ala I Asturium. 
 
 There is no branch of military service that is not represented 
 at Lambsesis and the neighbourhood. Hundreds of inscriptions 
 attesting the labours of officers and soldiers of the legion, and 
 auxiliaries raised in other countries, form an unerring record of 
 more than two centuries of loyal attachment to the Empire. 
 As the eye traces the long line of familiar lettering, imagination 
 depicts a little world of contented Roman colonists in this far- 
 off settlement, some engaged in the purely military duties of 
 the camp, others actively employed on works of utility or 
 adornment in the town or its vicinity, while not a few, exempt 
 from services of every kind, tilled the soil or cultivated their 
 gardens in the fertile plain or on the hillsides in the neighbour- 
 hood of the camp. So many of the memorial slabs have been 
 removed from the spots where they were discovered that their 
 exact location cannot be easily determined ; but from the fact 
 that the lettering leg. Ill Aug. occurs on most of them, there is 
 no reason to doubt their genuineness as memorials of residents 
 of old Lambsesis. The principal inscriptions of this nature 
 may be studied in the local museum, while some few are 
 imbedded in the walls of more recent structures. All ranks of 
 military and civil life are fairly well represented. Among 
 them are several relating to speculatores of the legion, corre- 
 sponding to modern aides-de-camp or adjutants, of which the 
 following ' may be taken as an example : 
 
 GENIO 
 SCHOLAE SVAE 
 P ■ AVREL ■ FELIX Genio schola sua, P. Aurelius Felix, 
 
 SPECVLATOR speculator, leg. Ill Augusta domo 
 
 LEG • III ■ AVG Thamugada, donum dedit. 
 
 DOMO THAMVGA 
 DONVM DEDIT 
 
 Another found near the camp preserves the memory of the 
 wife of an imperial legate, the monument having been raised 
 by a number of speculatores and beneficiarii of the legion.^ The 
 latter were a class of soldiers exempted, by the favour of 
 commanding officers, from the performance of heavy duties, 
 • C.I.L. No. 2603; I.R.A. No. 132. 2 I.R.A. No. 44. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 175 
 
 and are mentioned by Julius Caesar as beneficiarii superiorum 
 exercituum. 
 
 STATIAE • AGRIPPINAE 
 
 CONIVGIS ■ MODI • IVSTI 
 
 LEG • AVG • PR • PR . CONSVLIS 
 
 SPECVLATORES • ET ■ BENEFICIARI 
 
 Another class of soldiers were the immunes, who were ap- 
 parently freed from all military services, and had settled down 
 in the vicinity of the camp. A pleasing memorial in the follow- 
 ing dedication to a wife, described as conjugi rarissinicB, may still 
 be studied on the spot : ' 
 
 D ■ M Diis Manibus. Flavia Victoria 
 
 FLAVIAE ■ VICTORIAE • CONIVGI conjugi rarissima, vixitannis 
 
 RARISSIMAE • VIXIT • AN ■ XXXIII XXXIII, Julius Extricatus, 
 
 IVLIVS ■ EXTRICATVS • IMMUN ■ LEG immunis legionis III Augus- 
 
 III • AVG • P • V • EX PRECEPTO PIVS tee. Pirn vindicis, ex precepto 
 
 PARENTIBVS FECIT ejus, parentibus fecit. 
 
 A very similar dedication to a matri carissimcB by an im- 
 munis of the same legion was found in the necropolis at 
 Lambeesis : ^ 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 RESTVTAE • DONATAE 
 
 V • A • LXXX HOMVLLIVS lANVARIVS 
 
 IMM LEG III AVG MATRI 
 
 CARISSIME • FECIT • H ■ S • E 
 
 Diis Manibus sacris, Restutce Donata vixii annis octagiiita, Homullius 
 Januarius, immunis legionis teriice Augusta, matri carissitnce fecit. Hie 
 sita est. 
 
 Prominent among soldiers of the legion were the cornicularii, 
 who took rank as assistant officers or subalterns. They were 
 men who had received the adornment of a corniculum for military 
 services, and were held in much esteem. This device was in 
 the form of a little horn attached to the helmet. It was fastened 
 on, but did not form part of the helmet. In the cemetery at 
 Lambaesis a slab bearing the following dedication by a sorrowing 
 stepson, and a centurion of the legion, is interesting, the de- 
 ceased being a veteran of that class : ^ 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 743. ' I.R.A. No. 704. 
 
 ^ I.R.A. No. 771. 
 
176 Roman Africa 
 
 D • M 
 
 C • POMPONI 
 
 O ■ MAXIMO 
 
 VET • EX • COR 
 
 NICVLARIO 
 
 VIX • ANN ■ LXXXI 
 
 IVL • LONGINIANVS> • LEG 
 
 VITRICO • MAER 
 
 The frumentarii, too, were important functionaries in all 
 provinces of the Empire. Although their duties were chiefly 
 in connection with the supply and distribution of corn, they 
 acted in other capacities, such as might be performed by letter- 
 carriers ; and, according to Spartian, they were occasionally 
 employed as spies.' The principal inscriptions relating to these 
 officials have been found in the Appian Way between Rome and 
 the coast at Puteoli, where their headquarters were established. 
 Their attachment to a legion does not appear to have entailed 
 any military service, the duties being essentially of a civil kind. 
 The following affectionate memorial to the wife of a frumentarius 
 attached to the fifth Macedonian legion, and buried at Lambsesis, 
 is clearly expressed : '^ 
 
 VLPIAE ■ PRiS 
 
 CAE • HO • MVL • CON Ulpice Prisca, honestcE mulieri 
 
 IVGI • CARISSIME conjugi carissimcs, M. Flavius 
 
 M • FLAVI ■ CAECI Ccecilius Telesphorianus, Fru- 
 
 LIVS ■ TELESPHORI meniarius legionis quintcB 
 
 ANVS FVM LEG Macedonicce. 
 V MACEDONIC 
 
 Among soldiers of a lower rank the tesserarii held a con- 
 spicuous position, and as there was one in each company or 
 century of one hundred men, according to a statement by 
 Vegetius,' they formed a numerous body in so large a military 
 establishment as that at Lambjesis. The origin of this system 
 of communication by means of tessercB — small tablets of wood 
 bearing the watchword for the night throughout a Roman camp 
 - — is not traced by any ancient author. But we learn that the 
 soldiers selected for their distribution repaired every evening at 
 a fixed hour to the tent or headquarters of the military tribune, 
 and received from him a tessera bearing some mark or inscrip- 
 
 ' Spart. Hadrian, ii. 4. ' '^ I.R.A. No. 622. Also C.I.L. No. 2867. 
 
 " Qui tesseras per contubernia militum nuntiarunt, Vegetius, ii. 7. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 177 
 
 tion which constituted the watchword for the night. This was 
 passed on silently to each company or squadron in rotation, 
 and was finally returned to the tribune. The tesserce were then 
 examined and counted, and if any of them failed to be presented 
 an inquiry was made immediately, and punishment inflicted for 
 the slightest breach of regulations. Frequent mention of tesserce 
 is made by Livy,^ who speaks of the taciturn signuni of a Roman 
 camp. The following inscription relating to a tesserarius may 
 be seen in the public prison close to the ruins of Lambaesis. 
 The last lines are almost illegible, but there is sufficient to 
 indicate that the memorial was dedicated by a custos armorum, 
 whose military duties seem to be clearly defined by this title.* 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 C • TERENTIVS 
 
 SECVND ■ OPITER 
 
 TESSERARIVS 
 
 LEG ■ III • AVG 
 
 VIX • AN XLII 
 
 L ■ FVRNASIDIVS 
 
 AS ARMORVM 
 
 H • E ■ P 
 
 Among the memorials at Lambaesis the following inscription 
 has been found : Caius Cornelius Pietas, armorum custos legionis 
 tertice Augustce, vixit annos quadraginta quinque. Pius f rater 
 fecit? Even the trumpeter is not forgotten, the following 
 memorial to a tubicen legionis by his mother and his wife Rufina 
 being as legible on the stone slab as though it had been the 
 work of yesterday : * 
 
 D • M ■ S 
 
 C • IVLIVS ■ EMERITVS 
 
 TVB • LEG • III • AVG • VIX 
 
 AN • XXXV • M • VIII • MAT 
 
 ET • RVFI • COIVX ■ FECERVNT 
 
 The civil staff attached to the legion preserve their names 
 and their functions in a variety of inscriptions which may still 
 
 ' Livy, xxvii. 46, xxxix. 30. ' I.R.A. No. 1213. 
 
 = I.R.A. No. 556. 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 737. A tubicen (tuba-cano) blew the straight trumpet, in contra- 
 distinction to a liticen (Htuus-cano), who blew the curved trumpet or clarion. Then 
 there was the comicen, the horn-blower. Vide Livy, i. 64 : Cornicines tubicinesque 
 canere jubet, 
 
 N 
 
178 Roman Africa 
 
 be studied in the museum at Lambessa. Among these officials 
 were the inensores, who may be regarded as land-surveyors, 
 though the term is equally applicable to those who measured 
 corn or other kinds of produce ; and when written mensores 
 adificiorum, may designate a class of officials known in modern 
 times as clerks of works. The memorial at Lambaesis to Modius 
 Felix shows how the term was applied : ' 
 
 M • MODIVS • FELIX 
 
 MENSOR LEG • III AVG 
 
 VIX • AN • LX • ARRANI 
 
 SATVRNIN • FE 
 
 Then there were the dispensatores, usually slaves, who had 
 charge of accounts and made payments after the manner of a 
 steward. Their opportunities of enriching themselves at the 
 expense of others are attested by a statement made by Suetonius 
 in his life of Otho, who obtained from a slave whom he had 
 recommended to the Emperor Galba for the office of a dis- 
 pensator the sum of one million sesterces (8,072/.).^ The follow- 
 ing dedicatory inscription to one who had been born in servitude 
 and had faithfully served his master, a retired dispensator of the 
 legion, is worth recording : ^ 
 
 D • M • S 
 HYGINO • SER 
 
 FIDELISSIMO Diis Manibus sacrum Hygino^ servo fidelis- 
 V • A • XXIII simo, vixit annis viginti tribus, Advenius 
 
 ADVENTVS ■ AVG Augusti verna exdispensator legionis tertice 
 VERN ■ EX • DISP Augusta 
 LEG • III • AVG 
 
 A still more interesting one, and in perfect condition, on an 
 altar in the plains of Batna, near Lambessa, was copied by 
 Renier.'' It is a dedication by an arcarius of the legion to his 
 old friend the dispensator, who died in his iiith year. 
 
 D • M • S 
 
 C ASSIO AVGGG NNNVERN Cassia AugustorutnnostrorumiriumvertKS, 
 
 DISP LEG III AVG • P • V dispensatori legionis tertia Augusta Pia 
 
 QVI VIXIT ANN CX ■ MVII Vindias, qui vixit annis centum et decern, 
 
 DXXI VRSINVS ARK LEG mensibus septem, diebus viginti uno. Uf 
 
 EIVSDEM FECIT sinus, arcarius legionis ejusdem, fecit 
 
 B M bene merenti. 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1003. ^ Suetonius, Otho, c. J. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 3291. * I.R.A. No. 493. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 179 
 
 The loyal services of liberti, freedmen, are recorded on 
 several memorial slabs found in the necropolis, such as the 
 annexed dedication by a Roman lady, who laments the death 
 of a freedman named Eutychianus.' Another of equal interest 
 is a dedication to an excellent master by his two freedmen and 
 heirs, Euhodus and Fortunatus.* 
 
 D • M 
 D • M • S L • PVBLICIO 
 
 EVTYCHIA VICTORINO 
 
 NO LIBERTO PATRONO 
 
 IVLIA CANDIDA OPTVMO 
 
 PATRON A PVBLICII 
 
 BENE MERENTI EVHODVS 
 
 FECIT ET FORTVNATVS 
 
 LIBERTI ET 
 HEREDES EIVS 
 
 The architect was an officer of high importance in the work 
 of the legion. He was entrusted with designing military and 
 civil buildings, bridges and aqueducts, and fulfilled such other 
 duties as are now performed by military engineers. The 
 annexed memorial of Cornelius Festus, who died at the age of 
 thirty, is clearly expressed : ' 
 
 D • M ■ S 
 
 M • CORNELIVS • FESTVS 
 
 MIL ■ LEG • III ■ AVG 
 
 ARCHITECTVS ■ VIC 
 
 SIT • ANNIS • XXX 
 
 The medici, doctors, figure largely on memorial slabs. The 
 following dedication medico conjugi dignissimo is rendered inter- 
 esting from the fact that the deceased, who lived to the 
 age of 85 years, 7 months, and 15 days, is styled medicus 
 ordinarius : * 
 
 D • M 
 
 C ■ PAPIRIO • AELIAN 
 
 O • MEDICO • ORDINA 
 
 RIO • LEG • III • AVG VIX 
 
 ANNIS • LXXXV • M . VII 
 
 D • XV • PAPIRIA • VITAL 
 
 IS • CONIVGI • DIGNISSIMO 
 
 • C./.L. No. 3598; /.R.A. No. 851. * I.X.A. No. H15. 
 
 » De la Mare and Renier, /./?.A. No. 547 ; C./.L. No. 2850. 
 ' C./.L. No. 18314. PouUe, /?ec. de Const, xxii. 1882. 
 
 N 2 
 
i8o Roman Africa 
 
 According to Mommsen, an ordinarius was attached to a 
 cohors or company in contradistinction to a medicus, who was 
 the medical ofificer of the legion. But Marquardt is of opinion 
 that the ordinarius should be classed as an assistant physician. 
 Inscriptions to medici are numerous at Lambassis. The two 
 following examples, one from the necropolis and the other now 
 deposited in the Praetorium, are sufficient to indicate the 
 phraseology usually adopted : ' 
 
 D • M D . M 
 
 T • FLAVIVS • ITA T • FL • ONE 
 
 LVS • MED • LEG SIPHORO 
 
 III • AVG MED • LEG • III • AVG 
 
 V • A • X AEMILIVS • FE 
 
 LIX .... SCRI 
 
 Conjugal felicity is the subject of many touching memorials, 
 bearing ample testimony to the existence of a contented, well- 
 ordered community in this thickly populated region of North 
 Africa. What can be more charmingly expressed in one short 
 sentence than the following memorial found near Lambaesis on 
 the road to Diana Veteranorum ? ^ It is a dedication by Julia 
 Ziora, widow of a centurion of the third legion, and her son, 
 Rufinus Vitalis. The words conjugi incomparabili and patri dul- 
 cissimo need no translation. And the last line expresses the 
 last wish of many sorrowing relatives : 
 
 D ■ M • S 
 RVFI RVFI 
 NI>LEG III 
 AVG IVLIA ZI Diis Manibus sacrum Rufi Rufini, 
 
 ORA COIVGI centurioni legionis terticE Augusta, 
 
 INCOMPARABILI Julia Ziora conjugiincomparabili, et 
 
 ET RVFINVS VI Rufinus Vitalis patri dulcissimo, 
 
 TALIS PATRI DVLCISSI feceiunt. Vixit annis guinguaginta 
 
 MO FECERVNT VI guinque. Qui legis die: sit tibi 
 
 XITANNISLV QVILE terra levis! 
 
 GIS Die SITTIBITER 
 RA LVIS 
 
 Not less interesting is another inscription found, north of the 
 forum, in honour of an illustrious wife of an illustrious governor.* 
 
 > I.R.A. Nos. 637 and 641. ' l.R.A. No. 1130. 
 
 » I.R.A. No. 49. Also De la Mare. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius i8i 
 
 It will be noted that the epithets in both cases are represented 
 by initials, and that the memorial was raised during the short 
 rule of the two Augusti, Caracalla and Geta, sons of Septimius 
 Severus, A.D. 211-212. 
 
 AELIAE 
 PROSPERAE • C • F jEHce Prospers, darissima femince, 
 CONIVGI • C conjugi Caii Pomponii Magni, legati 
 
 POMPONII ■ MAGN Augustonctn diiorutn propratore cla- 
 LEG • AVGG • PRPR rissimi viri, prasidis, stratores. 
 C • V • PRAESIDIS 
 STRATORES 
 
 This brief notice of the long array of memorial slabs brought 
 to light in the neighbourhood of Lambaesis may be fitly con- 
 cluded by the following inscription built into the ruined wall of 
 a Byzantine edifice near the city. Imagination depicts the 
 loving care of this soldier of the Empire, who traversed land and 
 sea with the mortal remains of his beloved wife, and raised this 
 stone to her memory in the pleasant land of his adoption : ' 
 
 D • M • S • FLAVIAE • IVLIOSAE CONIVGI VIX AN XXVII 
 M SERVILIVS FORTVNATVS A MILITIIS QVI PER 
 MARIA ET TERRAS RETVLIT RELIQVIAS CONIVGIS EX 
 PROVINCIA DACIA 
 
 The custom of recording on stone or marble the completion 
 of any public work, whether executed by imperial command, or 
 by the exercise of municipal authority, or, as it so frequently 
 happened, through the munificence of private individuals, ex- 
 tended to bridges, aqueducts, reservoirs, public roads, and other 
 works of utility. These were undoubtedly the work of the 
 legions. The construction and maintenance of vice publiccB was 
 always a marked feature of Roman civilisation, and created an 
 amount of interest and enthusiasm that would be difficult to 
 arouse in our more prosaic age. In all the provinces of the 
 Empire may be found innumerable inscriptions relating to the 
 care of highways, and nowhere are they more abundant than in 
 North Africa. Many are mutilated or destroyed, while others, 
 lettered in imperishable limestone, are as legible as on the 
 day when the simple abbreviated words were traced by the 
 
 ' C.I.L. No, 2772. Renier and De la Mare descrip. 
 
1 82 Roman Africa 
 
 mason's chisel. Those which have been preserved relate to the 
 following : '■ 
 
 Theveste to Tacape, iemp. Tiberios, A.D. 14. vide C.I.L. 10,023 
 
 Theveste to Hippo Regius, temp. Titus, A.D. 75 . C.I.L. 10,119 
 
 Theveste to Leptis Magna, temp. Nerva {restit.) . C.I.L. 10,016 
 
 Theveste to Thamugas, /'^w/. Trajan, A.D. 100 . C./.L. 10,186 
 
 Ad Piscinam to Ad Majores, ifewz/.Trajan, A.D. 104-5 m.A . 178 
 
 Rusicadato Cirta, temp. Hadrian . . . I.R.A. 2,296 
 
 Theveste to Carthage, temp. Hadrian . . . C.I.L. 10,048 
 
 Sitifis to Auzia, temp. Hadrian and Sept. Severus C.I.L. 10,363 
 
 Lambsesis to Ad Piscinam, temp. Antonine . C.I.L. 10,230 
 Auzia to Rapidi and further, temp. Antonine, 
 
 A.D. 155 C.I.L. 10,439 
 
 Lambsesis to Ad Piscinam per El-Kantara, Perti- 
 
 nax restit. A.D. 193 C.I.L. 10,238 
 
 Usinaz to Temet-el-Had, temp. Sept. Severus . Eph. Epig. vii. 66 
 Sitifis to Mons, temp. Sept. Severus, rejicit 
 
 A.D. 195 C.I.L. 10,351 
 
 Sitifis to 2,a.xii\, temp. Sept. Severus, reficit 
 
 A.D. 195 . C.I.L. 10,361 
 
 Numerus Syrorum to Altava and further, temp. 
 
 Alex. Severus C.I.L. 10,470 
 
 The importance of the road between Theveste and Carthage 
 is borne out by many inscriptions relating to it, one of which 
 has already been given on p. 108. They mostly bear the date 
 A.D. 123. The extension of this great military highway to 
 Thamugas and Lambaesis was probably honoured in a similar 
 way. So general, indeed, was the sustom of placing on record 
 any operations connected with road construction that even works 
 of repair were not left unnoticed. On a stone pillar about eight 
 feet high, brought to light many years ago by Duveyrier, near 
 the track between the old towns of Tacape and Capsa, an 
 inscription records the construction and maintenance of a road 
 by the third legion in this far-off corner of Roman Africa. And ■ 
 another inscription mentioned by several travellers tells us that 
 they restored viam a Karthagine usque ad fines Numidice provincKZ 
 longa incuria corruptam. atque dilapsain? 
 
 Mention has already been made of the mountain road across 
 the Aures, constructed by the sixth legion Ferrata. There is 
 reason to believe that similar work was performed by other 
 
 ' This list of roads is mostly borrowed from M. Cagnat, VArmh Romaine 
 cCAfrique : vide p. 687 et stq. ' C.I.L. No. 10047. Renier, Temple, and others. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 183 
 
 legions temporarily stationed in the same locality. An inscrip- 
 tion informs us that the legion raised in Palmyra — a city which 
 attained notoriety during the reign of Aurelian — was located here 
 for a considerable period. Among several memorials of this 
 legion encamped at that delightful spot called Calceus Herculis, 
 now known as El-Kantara, the following is the best preserved/ 
 and as a dedication in honour of Caracalla may be noticed here : 
 
 MERCVRIO • AVG • SACR 
 PRO • SALVTE ■ IMP ■ CAESARIS • M • AVRE 
 LI • ANTONIN • AVG • PII • M ■ ANNIVS 
 
 VALENS • LEG • III • AVG 
 
 N ■ PALMYRENORUM ■ PRO • SALUTE 
 SVA ■ ET • SVORUM ■ V • S • L • A 
 
 MALAGBELO 
 
 AVG 
 SANCTO SACR 
 T • FL • MANSVE 
 TVS • LEG • III • AVG 
 V ■ S • L ■ L • M 
 
 A stone panel close by records the dedication of a temple or 
 altar to Malagbelus, who was one of the deities worshipped at 
 Palmyra.^ The toleration granted, at this period of Roman 
 history to the creeds of other countries included in the Empire 
 is indicated by a few dedicatory inscriptions, more especially at 
 Lambsesis, which became the permanent home of soldiers 
 recruited from all parts of the Empire. The following memorial 
 found near the temple of ^sculapius in that city, is somewhat 
 remarkable, being the dedication of a temple to Isis and Serapis 
 by a legatus proprcetor and his wife and daughter. It appears 
 to have been embellished by a portico with columns, the gift of 
 the soldiers of the third Augustan legion, in A.D. 158, towards 
 the close of Antonine's reign : ' 
 
 ISIDI • ET • SERAPI 
 
 L • MATVCCIVS • FVSCINVS ■ LEG ■ AVG 
 
 PR • PR • AEDEM • CVM • VOLTEIA • CORNIFICIA ■ VXORE 
 
 ET • MATVCCIA ■ FVSCINA ■ FILIA ■ AB • ANTECESSORIBVS ' 
 
 SVIS ■ INSTITVTAM • EXVLTATAM ■ ET ■ ADIECTO 
 
 PRONAO • PER • LEG • III • AVG 
 COLVMNIS • SVA • PECVNIA POSITIS • EXORNAVIT 
 
 ' C./.L. No. 2486. Between Biskra and Hammam. Jiec. de Const. 1871-72, 
 p. 425. 
 
 ^ C.I.L. No. 2497. I.R.A. No. 1634. ' r.R.A, No. 23 
 
184 Roman Africa 
 
 Auxiliary troops doing duty in Africa were mostly from 
 other provinces of the Empire. In the early days of Roman 
 colonisation the enrolment of natives of Africa for service in 
 their own country was regarded as a source of danger, mainly on 
 account of the frequent uprising of tribes on the frontier. But, 
 with the spread of civilisation, order and good government were 
 secured, and at the commencement of the third century no 
 danger was apprehended from the enrolment of natives both as 
 cavalry and infantry. There appears, however, to be a record 
 of only three bodies of native troops in any of the African pro- 
 vinces. These were designated respectively as the cohors 
 Maurorum, the ala Numidarum, and the cohors Musulamiorum} 
 The last are mentioned on a slab found by M. Tissot at 
 Ksar Gurai, in the neighbourhood of Theveste. The reading of 
 the four last words, according to Wilmanns, is privilegii vetus- 
 tatis sectam abolevisse. 
 
 EX AVCTORITATE 
 
 IMP CAES TRAIANI 
 
 AVG GER DACICI 
 
 MVNATIVS GALLVS 
 
 LEG PRO PR 
 
 .... FINIBVS MVSVLAMIOR 
 
 .... LEG II VETVSTATIS 
 
 .... TAM ABOLEVIT • 
 
 Of the foreign auxiliary troops, such as the legions Gemina, 
 Cyrenaica, Italica, and others, two inscriptions will suffice as me- 
 morials of their presence in Africa during some period or other 
 of the Roman occupation. The first relates to a distinguished 
 Roman, who had served his country in many capacities, and 
 was lieutenant-general of the third legion Gemina.^ As this 
 slab was discovered in a house in a modern village, which has 
 replaced the once important town of Milevum, it is probable that 
 he was a native of that place. 
 
 Q CAECILIO C V QVIR 
 C V PROCOS PROVINCIAE BAE 
 TICAE SODALI AVGVSTALI LEG 
 LEG III GEMINAE CVRATORI 
 COL PISAVRENTIVM CVRATO 
 RI COL FORMIANORVM PRAE 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10667. The Musulami occapied land in the vicinity of Saltus 
 Beguensis, between Sufetula and Ammaedara. Vide Gu^rin, i. p. 391. 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8207. Ravoisie, Explor. lab. 27. Also Wilmanns. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 185 
 
 Qidnto CcBcilio, Caii Jilio, Quirina tribu, clarissimo viro, froconsuli 
 provincia BceHccb, sodali Augtisiali, legato legionis tertics decimcB Gemince, 
 curatori colonics Pisaurensium, curatori colonia Formianorum, prce- 
 tori .... 
 
 The other, found at Lambessa, is a memorial of a soldier of 
 the second legion Parthica, which was formed in the time of 
 Septimius Severus. According to the inscription this Aurelius 
 Victorinus was a centurion of the fourth pilus posterior^ and a 
 soldier of merit. 
 
 D • M 
 AVRELIO VICTO Diis Manibus, Aurelio Victorino, militi 
 
 RINO MILLEG legionis secundce Parthicce Severiancs 
 
 II PARTH SEVE pif^i fidelis, aterna, centurioni quarto 
 
 RIANAE P FI AE pilo posteriori, qui vixit annos XXX, 
 
 TERNAE>IIII PIL militavit annos VIII 
 
 POST QVI BIXIT {sic) 
 ANNOS XXX MIL 
 ANNOS VIII. . . . 
 
 The name of ^primus pilus is preserved in an inscription 
 discovered near Lambessa on the road to Diana Veteranorum. 
 It is a dedication, by a soldier of that rank serving in the third 
 Augustan legion, to a freedman named Zosimus, whose good 
 memory he desired to perpetuate.^ 
 
 D • M Diis Manibus, Zosimo, liberto 
 
 ZOSIMO LIBERTO Matius Quartus, primus pilus 
 
 MATIVS QVARTVS P P legionis tertia Augustce, bene 
 
 LEG III AVG BENE merenti fecit. 
 MERENTI FECIT 
 
 The monumental remains of Lambsesis as a permanent 
 military establishment, and of the town which sprang up in the 
 immediate vicinity, are not conspicuous for architectural merit, 
 and give little evidence of magnificence of conception or preva- 
 lence of good taste in general design. It must be borne in 
 mind that they were mostly constructed at a late period of the 
 Empire, when Roman art was rapidly declining, and that the 
 
 ' De Urbe Lambase et de Legione tertia Augusta, p. 49. G. Boisssiere, Paris, 
 1877. A pilus was a company of Triarii, so called because they took the 
 third place in any formation, the first or front company being termed hastati, the 
 second being composed of principes. There was a primus pilus, sometimes written 
 primipilus. The primipilarii, sometimes called pilani, were the first centurions 
 of each legion. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2768. Vide Renier, No. 983. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 187 
 
 long since been overthrown and most of the materials re- 
 moved. 
 
 The joint rule of Marcus Aurelius and his unworthy son and 
 successor, Commodus, has furnished numerous inscriptions in 
 North Africa bearing the names of these two Caesars. Although 
 neither of them ever visited this populous and thriving colony, 
 dedications in their honour are not wanting in any of the African 
 provinces ; and it is somewhat gratifying to find that attempts 
 were made in succeeding generations to erase from marble and 
 stone the name of Commodus as a contemptible character in 
 public and private life, and an infamous ruler. As an example 
 of a spoilt child with natural depraved tastes, Commodus stands 
 pre-eminent. To be saluted as Augustus at the age of five, to 
 be conveyed in triumph as imperator through the streets of 
 Rome when he had scarcely turned his sixteenth year, and to 
 take part in the government of a great Empire at the age of 
 nineteen, were sufficient to turn the head of a less giddy and 
 depraved youth. But Marcus Aurelius was either neglectful or 
 over-indulgent, and, with his philosophic training, austere habits 
 of life, and stoical methods of thought, had nothing in common 
 with a youth who regarded life as the arena for incessant folly 
 and unchecked dissipation In the many inscriptions bearing 
 the name of Commodus, there is nothing to indicate that this 
 prince was favoured by the goodwill or respect of the subjects 
 of the Empire, and the presence of chiselled marks against his 
 name in several inscriptions, or total erasure, testifies to the 
 contempt in which his memory was held when a tyrannical rule of 
 twelve years came to an end. What good could be expected from 
 an Emperor whose vanity and arrogance were only exceeded by 
 his depravity ? In addressing the Senate, says Dion Cassius in 
 his brief memoir of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus glorifies his 
 own personality in the following terms as joint Emperor : 
 — ' The Emperor Csesar, Lucius ^lius Aurelius Commodus, 
 Augustus, Pius, Felix, Sarmaticus, Germanicus, Britannicus, the 
 Great Controller of the World, Invincible, the Roman Hercules, 
 High Priest, eighteen times Tribune, eight times Emperor, seven 
 times Consul, Pater Patriae, to the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes 
 of the People, and to the Commodian happy Senate ; Greeting.' 
 
 Among the dedicatory inscriptions, in which an attempt has 
 been made to erase the name of Commodus in a somewhat 
 
i88 Roman Africa 
 
 unusual form, mention may be made of a large panel discovered 
 at El Outhaia,' in a mass of ruins that are probably the remains 
 of the amphitheatre referred to. 
 
 IMP CAESARES M AVRELIVS ANTONINVS ET 
 L AVRELIVS COMMODVS AVG GERMANICI 
 SARMATICI FORTISSIMI AMPHITHEATRVM 
 VETVSTAE CORRVPTVM A SOLO RESTI 
 
 TVERVNT PER I-:-:::::-::::- coh vi commag 
 
 A IVLIO POMPILIO PISONE LAEVILLO LEG 
 AVG PR PR CVRANTE AELIO SERENO PRAEF 
 
 From this we learn that the joint Emperors rebuilt the 
 amphitheatre, and that the work was done by the sixth cohort 
 of the Commageni,^ an auxiliary force quartered in that locality. 
 The usual form of erasure, similar to the method adopted with 
 the third legion during the period of its disgrace, may be 
 exemplified in the two following inscriptions. The first was 
 discovered at Henchir Ain Zaga,' and the other at Vallis,* both 
 in the proconsular province. 
 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELIVS SERAPI AVG SACR 
 
 iC OMMODVS xxxxxxxx PRO SALVTE IMP CAES 
 
 ANTONINVS AVG SARMATI M • AVRELI I COMMODIJ ANTO 
 
 CVS GERMANICVS MAXIMUS NINI PIIxxxxxxxxxx 
 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
 
 Some years ago an interesting inscription bearing the name 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2488. El Outhaia, as it is now called, is an Arab village on the 
 site of the Roman town of Mesarfalta, lying on the highway between El-Kantara 
 and Biskra. At a late period of the Empire it must have been a place of some 
 importance, and is mentioned as the seat of a Christian bishopric. 
 
 ^ The word Commageni ireqtiently occurs in Roman military history, and refers 
 to the auxiliary troops raised in Commagena, a district in Syria lying between Mt. 
 Taurus and the Euphrates, and forming part of the kingdom of Antiochus. The 
 last of that name was deposed by Pompey, B.C. 6g, Syria becoming a Roman 
 province, and the name of Antiochus, which had been associated with the rulers of 
 Syria for about 250 years, becoming extinct. According to Tacitus (Hist. b. ii. 
 c. 81), Antiochus IV. of Commagena was the richest of all the kings who submitted to 
 the authority of Rome. There were no less than thirteen successive kings bearing that 
 name, the last of them alluded to by Tacitus being sometimes called king of Comma- 
 gena, and not of Syria. His career was an eventful one. Dethroned by Caligula 
 and reinstated by Claudius, he was ultimately deposed by Titus, after a reign of thirty- 
 four years, for alleged conspiracy against the Romans. His army rendered great 
 service to its new masters, especially during the reign of Vespasian. At a later period 
 detachments were quartered in North Africa. 
 
 » C./.L. No. 14451. * C.I.L. No. 14792. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 189 
 
 of Commodus was unearthed at a place called Souk-el-Kmis, 
 east of Bulla Regia, and described by M. Tissot There are 
 four columns of letters, each of thirty lines, the first column 
 being unfortunately broken and the words illegible. An 
 interpretation of the three legible columns has been given 
 by Mommsen, from which it appears that the colonists on 
 a certain estate named Saltus Buritanus, had cause to com- 
 plain to the Emperor of the exorbitant demands of a Roman 
 tax-collector named ^lius Maximus. In accordance with a 
 written law, the colonists were bound to provide six days' 
 labour per head of the male population in the course of the 
 year : — two for ordinary labour, two for weeding and cleaning 
 the land, and two in time of harvest. The demands of the 
 government agent being in excess of this stipulation, the colo- 
 nists petitioned the Emperor Commodus for redress. According 
 to the inscription this petition was favourably considered, with 
 the result that the agent and his subordinate officers were 
 restrained from demanding more than the law permitted. There 
 is a tone of piteousness in the wording of the memorial which 
 is very touching. ' We are only poor peasants,' say the peti- 
 tioners in their address to the Emperor. ' We earn our living by 
 the sweat of our brows. Have pity on us poor sons of the soil, 
 and let us not be molested by the tax-gatherers on the estate.' ' 
 Whether this petition ever reached the Emperor in person is 
 doubtful. From his general line of conduct, utter indifference 
 to the wants and aspirations of the people in Rome, and total 
 neglect of his enterprising colonists in all parts of the Empire, 
 we may assume that this grievance was redressed by the governor 
 of the province in the Emperor's name. 
 
 The word saltus as applied to a large domain or estate, such 
 as the Saltus Buritanus above mentioned, is of frequent occur- 
 rence in inscriptions in North Africa. In its restricted sense 
 the word means a large tract of grazing land for cattle, combined 
 with ranges of woodland for shelter. In course of time, when 
 pastoral life gave place to the permanent settlement of colonists 
 on estates possessing these combined advantages, village com- 
 munities sprang up, and in some instances small towns were 
 included in any tract of land that had been recognised as a 
 saltus. The history of some of these estates has a special 
 
 ' C. Tissot, Le Bassin du Bagrada. 
 
190 Roman Africa 
 
 interest in our own times ; one of them, known as the Enfida 
 estate or saltus, in the beylik of Tunisia, having been the subject 
 of a dispute which contributed more than anything else to the 
 French protectorate of that country and its ultimate submission 
 to the rule of France. The causes of this long-pending contro- 
 versy between Kheir-el-Din, the prime minister of Tunis in 
 1879, and the Bey, are too well known to need repetition. 
 After much litigation and a round of diplomatic correspondence, 
 this magnificent estate, comprising more than 300,000 acres, and 
 with a population of about 7,000 settled occupants, was finally 
 handed over in perpetuity to the Soci6t6 Franco-Africaine. 
 The traveller going south from Tunis passes through the 
 middle of this domain, which in form may roughly be described 
 as a parallelogram, lying between the towns of Susa and Ham- 
 mamet on the coast, and Kairouan and Zaghouan in the 
 interior. 
 
 The origin of these vast estates may be traced to the 
 earlier days of Roman colonisation, when successful settlers 
 found themselves involved in dispute with exacting governors or 
 tyrannical emperors. The result was that confiscation ensued, 
 and territory after territory became the private property of the 
 Emperor himself, or of some member of the imperial family. 
 Nero stands conspicuous for his arbitrary conduct and cruel 
 exactions of lands and herds, merely to gratify the whim of a 
 passing hour or the rapacity of some greedy court official. 
 Such was the growth of these estates that, in the time of Trajan, 
 one half of Roman Africa, according to Pliny, was in the hands 
 of six proprietors, the Emperor being by inheritance the largest 
 owner. Fronto, in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius, refers 
 to the great African domain held by Matidia, niece of Trajan, 
 known as the saltus Matidia, and tells us that the Emperor, 
 prompted by delicacy of feeling, refused to accept it at her 
 decease, but was afterwards forced to do so at the instigation of 
 his wife Faustina, whose personal influence over this philosophic 
 ruler of mankind is generally acknowledged. An interesting 
 inscription relating to this estate was brought to light nearly 
 forty years ago in the district of Bou-Areridj in that portion of 
 the Medjerda plains which lies in the province of of Mauritania 
 Sitifensis.' Some dispute appears to have arisen during the 
 ' C.l.L. No. 8812. Vide Rec. de Const. 1864, p. loi. Payen and Renier descrip. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 191 
 
 reign of Alexander Severus as to the boundaries of this property, 
 and we learn from the wording of the inscription that Axius 
 ^lianus, the steward of the estate, engaged the services of 
 Caelius Martialis, a land measurer, to make a survey of the pro- 
 perty and define the boundaries. The words' rationis privatcB 
 seem to indicate that the steward had his own reasons for 
 ascertaining the exact area of the property committed to his 
 charge, but this is conjectural, and the dedication to the Emperor 
 by the inhabitants of Kasturrensis was a fitting conclusion to 
 the whole matter. 
 
 D • M 
 IMP C M AV 
 RELIO SEVERO ALE Domino nosiro Imperatori Ccesare 
 
 XANDRO PIO FELICE M. Aicrelio Severe Alexandra 
 
 Pio Felice Augusto terminationes 
 agrorum definitionis Matidicz ad- 
 signantur colonis Kasturrensibus 
 jussu viri egregii Axi ^liani 
 procuratoris AugusH rationis 
 privatce per Ccelium Martialem 
 agrimesorem. 
 
 AVG TERMINAC . 
 GRORVM DEFE . . 
 CIONIS MATIDIAE A 
 SIGNATVR COLO . 
 NIS KASTVRRE . . 
 IVSSV VE AXI AEL 
 AN I PROC AVG . . 
 PER CAE MARTIA 
 AGRIMES .... 
 
 Another inscription realating to a saltus was discovered by 
 Pellissier at a place now called Henchir-el-Hammam, near the 
 western frontier of Tunisia.^ The name Saltus Massipianus 
 has been preserved on the frieze of a ruined triumphal arch, 
 and if we may judge from the use still made of the hot and 
 cold springs by native Arabs, we may reasonably assume that 
 this spot was resorted to in Roman times as a thermal esta- 
 blishment. The wording of the inscription, deciphered by 
 Pellissier, is sufficiently clear, being a dedication to Caracalla 
 by the inhabitants on the estate, on the occasion of a reinstate- 
 ment of several public buildings that had become dilapidated. 
 
 PRO • SALVTE • IMP • CAES • M • AVRELI ■ ANTONINI • LI 
 BERORVMQ • EIVS ■ COLONI • SALTVS • MASSIPIANI 
 
 AEDIFICIA VETVSTATE 
 CONLAPSA • S • P ■ R • ITEM ARCVVS • DVOS ■ A • S • F 
 
 IVBENTE PROVIN 
 CIALE • AVG ■ LIB • PROC ■ EODEMQVE • DEDICANTE 
 
 ' Pellissier, Description de la Tujtisie, p. 294. Guerin, vol. i. p. 344. 
 
192 Roman Africa 
 
 The public influence of women in imperial circles, so con- 
 spicuous in the reign of Antonine, asserted itself in an equal 
 degree under the rule of Marcus Aurelius. The Empress, 
 commonly known as Annia Faustina the younger, to distinguish 
 her from Annia Galeria Faustina the elder, figures prominently 
 in African inscriptions. It has been remarked on a previous 
 page that the name of the latter does not appear in a single 
 inscription on stone or marble yet brought to light in the 
 country, although medals and coins bearing her effigy abound 
 in a variety of types. The daughter's career, as a Ifeader of 
 imperial society and a prime mover in the court intrigues of 
 the period, differs little from that of her mother, except that 
 love of movement and interest in the conduct of military cam- 
 paigns prompted her to accompany the Emperor Marcus 
 Aurelius in his various expeditions. Latin historians make 
 little mention of the virtues or vices of this remarkable woman, 
 who was honoured during life by the proud title of ' Mother of 
 the Army,' and whose memory was long preserved by statues 
 and dedicatory inscriptions in many towns of the Empire. 
 There is nothing remarkable in the wording of any of these 
 memorials, of which the following, found on the site of Colonia 
 Bisica Lucana, is an example : ^ 
 
 FAVSTINAE 
 
 AVG 
 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELI 
 
 ANTONI • AVG 
 
 PONT • MAX • TRIE 
 
 POT • XV ■ COS • III 
 
 D • D ■ P • P 
 
 If we are to credit the statements of Dion Cassius, Marcus 
 Aurelius declined to make strict inquiry into the conduct of his 
 wife, nor did he act harshly towards those who were said to 
 
 ' Bisica Lucana has been identified with the modern town of Testour, situated on 
 the right bank of the Medjerda, and on the old highway between Carthage and Sicca 
 Veneria. Two milliary columns of the time of Marcus Aurelius were discovered 
 here many years ago ; and an inscription relating to Colonia Bisica Lucana com- 
 memorates the successful campaigns of the Emperor Licinius in the earlier portion of 
 his divided rule. ( Vide Shaw, vol. i. p. 215 ; also Guerin, vol. ii. p. 165.) The town 
 of Bisica is supposed to have been the Visica referred to at a later period as the seat 
 of a bishopric, mentioned by Morcelli, Africa Christiana, vol. i. p. 357, in reference 
 to an episcofus Visicensis. Of the Roman town of Bisica Lucana there is no record. 
 
 I I 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 193 
 
 have been associated with the Empress in attempts at usurpa- 
 tion. But he tells us that on her death the Senate was ordered 
 to set up two statues of silver within the temple of Venus in 
 Rome, one in honour of Marcus Aurelius and the other of 
 Faustina. And as a further mark of honour to the memory of 
 that princess it was ordained that, whenever the Emperor went 
 to the theatre, the golden statue of Faustina was to be set up 
 in the place where she had been wont to sit when alive, and 
 that the ladies of the court should reverence the effigy as though 
 it were the living princess. As marks of personal honour, Mar- 
 cus Aurelius erected a column in the village of Hallala at the 
 foot of Mount Taurus, where Faustina died, and augmented by 
 a large subsidy the endowment of a charitable institution, 
 founded in honour of her mother, and known as the puell(B 
 Faustinian<z. 
 
 The name of the mother of Marcus Aurelius does not 
 appear on any slab or stone or marble yet discovered in North 
 Africa, but it is recorded on a piece of broken pottery brought 
 to light at Hadrumetum (Susa).^ It is inscribed in full, 
 Domitia Lucilla. 
 
 Of the family of the Emperor and his wife Faustina we have 
 scant record, but two memorials of their daughter, Vibia 
 Aurelia, were found at Kalama, and may be seen in the museum 
 in the modern town of Guelma. One of them is here given.^ 
 
 VIBIAE AV 
 
 RELIAE DI 
 
 VI M F DIVI 
 
 SEVERI SOR 
 
 SABINAE 
 
 PATRONAE 
 
 MVNICIPII 
 
 DECVRIO . . 
 
 With the close of this reign terminates one of the leading 
 chapters in Roman history, marking an era in the development 
 of North Africa. The old order of things was passing away, 
 and unconsciously the seeds of decline were being imperceptibly 
 sown. The great Latin families, tracing their descent far back 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10475. 
 
 2 C.I.L. No. 5328. Ann. de Const. 1854-55, p. 163. 
 
194 Roman Africa 
 
 into the glorious days of the Republic, and furnishing emperors 
 for a period of more than two centuries, had ceased to exist. 
 The Julian line became extinct with the death of Nero. The 
 Flavian family, which had contributed so largely to the exten- 
 sion of empire, had lost its authority, and the Antonines came 
 to an end when the wretched Commodus fell by the hands of 
 an assassin. The accession of Marcus Aurelius, whose early 
 career as a prince of the Empire had been conspicuous for 
 popularity, was thought to presage a long run of peace and 
 prosperity. His eleven successful years of independent rule 
 had encouraged the notion that a form of government, based on 
 the creed of some ancient school of philosophy, was preferable 
 to the stirring administration favoured by more active emperors. 
 The world was henceforth to be governed in accordance with 
 the principles enunciated in the groves of Athens ; and the 
 dictum of Plato, that an era of happiness for mankind would be 
 the immediate result, seemed likely to ensue when the Emperor 
 assumed the rdle of a disciple of the school of Zeno. To his 
 credit it may be said that he loyally fulfilled his mission, 
 upheld the doctrines of his youth, and passed away unconscious 
 of the coming storm which taxed the energy and resources of 
 later emperors to dispel. Any further notice of his depraved 
 son and successor Commodus is unnecessary, nor would it 
 throw any light on African history. Everything in connection 
 with this Emperor appears to have been treated with contempt 
 by a later generation, and his name erased from public memo- 
 rials. But his wife, Brutia Crispina, daughter of Brutus Prsesens, 
 was happily saved from the same indignity, clearly indicated on 
 the annexed inscription at Thamugas, found nearly fifty years 
 ago between the Byzantine fort and the remains of the Roman 
 theatre : ^ 
 
 CRISPINAE 
 AVG 
 
 IMP • CAES 
 L • AELI AV 
 RELI • COM 
 MODI • AVG 
 CONIVGI 
 
 D-D P • ] 
 ' I.R.A, No. 1496, noted by De la Mare and CreuUy. 
 
Africa under Marcus Aurelius 195 
 
 The fall of Commodus was followed by the short rule of his 
 two successors, Julian and Pertinax, whose place in African 
 history is almost a blank. The name of the former is not 
 recorded in a single inscription, although he had rendered 
 himself conspicuous for an active career of about seven months. 
 But Pertinax occupies a position of high distinction, and, not- 
 withstanding his short rule of scarcely three months, adorned 
 the throne of the Caesars with the nobility of a true Roman. 
 An African by birth, a native of Hadrumetum, but probably of 
 Latin descent, he was deservedly honoured by his countrymen 
 for patriotic conduct and a blameless career, and, as Dion 
 Cassius informs us, his statue of gold was set up in the Circus 
 Maximus as a permanent testimony of public esteem. Among 
 the inscriptions in North Africa in which the name of Pertinax 
 appears, there is one on a milliariurn at Sba-Meghata, on the 
 banks of the river El-Kantara, and on the high road from Lam- 
 baesis.^ The other, bearing the same date, A.D. 192, is the 
 dedication of an altar to the Emperor by the colonists on one 
 of the African estates." 
 
 PRO SALVTE 
 IMP CAES P HE IMP CAESARIS 
 
 LVIO PERTINA P HEL PERTINA 
 
 CE AVG P P TRIB P CIS TRIBVNICIE PO 
 
 COS II L NAEVIO TESTATIS COS II PP 
 
 QVADRATIAN COLONI DOMINI N 
 
 O LEG AVG P-R CAPVT SALTVS HOR 
 
 PR A LAMBESE REOR PARDALARI HA 
 
 M P LVIIII NC ARAM POSVERVNT 
 
 ET D ■ D 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 4305. L. Renier, Archives des Missions, v. il, p. 446. 
 » C.I.L. No. 8425. PouUe, Rec. de Const. 1873-74, p. 363. 
 
196 Roman Africa 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 AFRICA UNDER SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 
 A.D. 193-21 1 
 
 The Roman world had hitherto been governed by Emperors of 
 European descent. Some were military commanders, others 
 were statesmen or administrators of the highest rank, while not 
 a few were invested with the purple at the bidding of a turbulent 
 populace or to meet the exacting demands of a dissatisfied 
 soldiery. There had been a time when the watchword Senatus 
 populusque Romaniis represented in all its potency the revered 
 authority of the Senate in Rome and the will and determination 
 of the Roman people. But the spell was broken. The rank 
 and authority of the Senators so distinguished in the brighter 
 days of the Republic, and once described by the minister of a 
 foreign potentate as a venerable assembly of kings, ceased to 
 exist under the despotic rule of the Emperors. As a matter of 
 courtesy the Senate was appealed to whenever the throne of the 
 Caesars became vacant, but it was powerless to take independent 
 action, and ultimately became subservient to the will of the 
 army established in various parts of the Empire. It was this 
 assertion of military authority which altered the character of 
 imperial government, and was the chief cause of the internal 
 troubles and dissensions which threatened to destroy the Empire 
 towards the close of the third century. 
 
 On the death of Pertinax there were four claimants to the 
 throne : Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger, Clodius Albinus, 
 and Septimius Severus. The first, whose mother was a native 
 of Africa and of good family, was brought up under the care of 
 Domitia Lucilla, mother of Marcus Aurelius. He was nominated 
 by the Senate, and had purchased the support of the Praetorian 
 guard by offers of large gifts of money. Julianus plays no 
 part in African history. His assumption of the purple was 
 followed by a refusal to pay the promised donatives, and after 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 197 
 
 an uneventful reign of about seven months he was put to death 
 by his own soldiers. Of Pescennius Niger we have no record, 
 and his place in Africa is a blank. But of the two remaining 
 claimants, Albinus and Severus, both of them natives of Africa, 
 there is abundant evidence of their struggle for supremacy 
 in the records of contemporary writers. Albinus, we know, 
 was born at Hadrumetum (Susa), his father's name being 
 Cejonius Postumius. The extreme whiteness of his skin pro- 
 cured for him the name by which he is generally known. Mili- 
 tary success in early life during the reign of Commodus entitled 
 him to high rank in the Roman army, and consequently, when 
 the governorship of Great Britain was vacant, the Emperor 
 nominated him to this distinguished appointment. It is said 
 that when the title of Caesar was offered to him by Commodus 
 he refused, but that subsequently, on the death of Pertinax, being 
 pressed by the Senate and with the concurrence of Septimius 
 Severus, he acquiesced. The pretended friendship of Severus 
 for his powerful rival is clearly expressed in a letter written by 
 Severus A.D. 197, and quoted by Capitolinus. It ran thus: 
 ' The Emperor Severus Augustus to Clodius Albinus Caesar, 
 his dearly beloved and most valued brother. Greeting. After 
 our conquest of Pescennius we sent a letter to the Senate at 
 Rome, which, full of good will towards us, was graciously received. 
 I beg you will display towards the government the same temper 
 of mind which makes you the dear brother of my heart, the 
 brother of the Empire. Bassianus and Geta (his two sons) salute 
 you. Our dear Julia (Julia Domna, wife of Severus) salutes 
 you and your sister. We send to your little boy Pescennius 
 Prineus some presents worthy of his rank and yours.' This 
 letter was confided by Severus to a few trusted companions, who 
 were instructed to induce Albinus to leave the palace, with a 
 view to his being murdered in some little-frequented spot. 
 Albinus suspected that a snare was being laid for him, and, 
 having put the messengers to torture, learnt the truth. He 
 then assembled a big army and met his antagonist in the plains 
 of Gaul. The following year Albinus was defeated and his head 
 carried in triumph through the streets of Rome. His name 
 appears on a broken slab found at Agbia (Ain Hedjah) ' bearing 
 the date A.D. 194, and is also recorded on a stone near Khen- 
 ' C.I.L. No. '549. Temple, ii. p. 30S. 
 
198 Roman Africa 
 
 chela, where some Roman baths named Aquse Flavianse had been 
 established. 
 
 CLODI • SEPTIMI • ALBINI • CAES 
 
 The date is also A.D. 194, but the chief interest attached to 
 this dedication is the recognition of these joint Emperors, one 
 as Augustus, and the other as Caesar.^ The name of the latter has 
 been subject to the usual erasure, probably by the order of Severus. 
 
 PRO SALVTE • ET VICTORIA • DOM-INI • N • 
 IMP L • SEPTIMI SEVERI PERTINACIS AVG ET 
 CLODI ALBIN I CAES AESCVLAPEM . ET ■ HYGI AM 
 DEDICANTE LEPIDO TERTVLLO • LEG ■ AVG 
 PR • PR • C • V ■ M • OPPIVS • ANTIOCHIANVS . . . 
 LEG III AVG II ... E VINDICIS POSVIT ET V • S 
 
 For the first time in Roman history an Emperor of foreign 
 extraction was to take high rank in the long line of Caesars, and 
 the obscure town of Leptis in Africa was to become prominent 
 as the birthplace of that remarkable ruler of men, Lucius 
 Septimius Severus. His association with the progress and 
 development of North Africa, second to none other at that period 
 of the possessions of the Empire, is marked by innumerable 
 inscriptions in most parts of the country. During his reign of 
 eighteen years colonisation spread to the extreme west bordering 
 on the Atlantic ; villages became towns, protection was afforded 
 to settlers on the Desert frontier, and the uprising of turbulent 
 native tribes was almost unknown. This was the climax of 
 Roman Africa. The patronage of the Court was extended to its 
 citizens, and for the first time the African and the Italian shared 
 alike the patronage of the Palace and the favours of the Emperor. 
 The stern rule of Severus and his activity as a soldier had 
 nothing in common with the gentle sway of Antonine or the 
 calm dignity of Aurelius. Tranquillity of life and the pleasures 
 of the metropolis had no charms for his restless intriguing dis- 
 position. We hear of him everywhere. From the banks of the 
 Euphrates to the borders of Scotland there was scarcely a pro- 
 vince of the great Empire which had not shared the favour of 
 his presence, or participated in the benefits of his strong perso- 
 nality. Of distinguished parentage, attaining success early in life 
 in various branches of literature and philosophy, and exhibiting 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 17726. Comptes rendus de P Academic d'Hifpo, a. 1888, pp. 7-64. 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 199 
 
 in manhood a high military capacity, there is little wonder that 
 his countrymen should have honoured the name Severus in most 
 parts of his African possessions. It must be admitted, on the 
 authority of so reliable an authority as Justinus, that Severus was 
 cruel by nature and despotic in administration. And even later 
 writers such as Spartianus and Capitolinus hesitate to attribute 
 to the Emperor one single incident in his career which bears the 
 stamp of clemency or magnanimity. The facts that he caused 
 divine honours to be bestowed on the wretched Commodus, and 
 that a revengeful spirit prompted him to expose in the streets of 
 Rome the heads of his rivals, Niger and Albinus, are sufficient 
 testimony to a savage disposition. But to his credit it may be 
 said that strength of will and force of character secured the regard 
 of his subjects, and gave him the command of the world during 
 the greater part of his imperial career. The increasing power 
 of the army, which had been gradually asserting itself, from the 
 time of the accession of Marcus Aurelius, as a great political 
 factor in Rome and the garrison towns, was not lost on so astute 
 a ruler as Severus. He purchased their goodwill and adhesion 
 to his cause by large annual donations, and on his deathbed is 
 alleged to have said to his sons, ' Live peaceably together, enrich 
 the soldiers, and take no account of the rest of your subjects.' 
 And we are told, on the authority of Justinus, that when he 
 entered Rome in triumph after the final defeat of Albinus, his 
 first public act gave indications of a determination to be' ruler of 
 the army as well as of the Senate and people. Summoning the 
 all-powerful Praetorian guard to appear unarmed outside the 
 city walls, he encompassed them with troops upon whom he 
 could rely. Then, reproaching them for their treachery to his 
 predecessor ' Pertinax, he disbanded them and forbade their 
 settling within a hundred miles of Rome.' 
 
 The large number of dedicatory inscriptions in honour of 
 Severus are in many ways remarkable. In most of them the 
 name of the Emperor 4s associated with his two sons, Caracalla 
 and Geta, invariably termed the Augusti, and in many instances 
 with Julia Domna, his second wife, bearing the proud title of 
 Mater Castrorum. The political influence exercised by women 
 
 ' Gibbon, vol. i. chap. v. The subject is referred to by Herodian, Dion Cassius, 
 and other Latin authors. The dismissal of the Guard was probably witnessed by 
 Dion himself. 
 
200 Roman Africa 
 
 of family at this period is attested by numerous writers, and no 
 name appears more frequently in the inscriptions handed down 
 to us than that of this celebrated Empress. Of the mother of 
 Severus there is nothing to record, but it is reasonable to assume 
 that, like her husband, she was an African and a native of 
 Leptis. Her memory, as the mother of an Emperor and bearing 
 the title of Augusta, is preserved on a slab of stone built into a 
 wall at Constantine.' 
 
 IVLIAE • VICTOR 
 
 MATRI IMP 
 
 CAES • L ■ SEPTI 
 
 MI • SEV • VII 
 
 PERTINACI 
 
 AVGG ET 
 
 TOTIVS 
 QVE DOMVS 
 SEVERIANAE 
 D ■ D • P 
 
 Concerning Marciana, the first wife of Severus, whom he 
 married at Leptis in his early youth and deserted in later years, 
 there is no record ; for, in all probability, she took no part in 
 public life and was content to pass her days in retirement. 
 Fortunately her name may still be read in an inscription in the 
 public gardens at Constantine.^ The word quondam seems to 
 indicate that the tablet was erected during her lifetime when 
 Julia Domna had been declared Empress. There is a touch of 
 sympathy in the wording of this simple memorial to a deserted 
 princess, whom the inhabitants of the renowned city of Cirta 
 desired to honour. 
 
 PACCIAE MAR 
 CIANAE QVON 
 DAM CONIVGI 
 IMP SEVERIAVG 
 PIISSIMI MAXI 
 MI PRINCIPIS 
 RES PVBL TTTI COL 
 CIRTA DD PP 
 
 ■ C.I.L. No. 10868. = C.I.L. No. 19494. 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 201 
 
 Female influence in public affairs was developed during the 
 career of the two Faustinas, but it reached its climax when 
 Julia Domna was raised to the throne. The prominent part 
 played in political life by this remarkable personage is almost 
 unique. A Phoenician by birth and daughter of a priest of the 
 temple of the Sun at Emesa in Syria, she emerged from com- 
 parative obscurity in a remote town to become the most con- 
 spicuous figure of her time. Her mental powers were only 
 excelled by personal charms, and her influence in imperial 
 matters was second only to that of the Emperor himself. But 
 her conduct in private life was notorious and can only be 
 measured by the loose tone of morality which then prevailed in 
 court society. The reins of government appear to have been so 
 essential to her existence that, on the death of Severus, Julia 
 Domna did not hesitate to marry his son and successor Caracalla, 
 although he was her stepson. There is much conflicting evi- 
 dence as to the truth of this statement. Dion Cassius, a person 
 in high authority during this reign, is silent on this subject, but 
 Justinus, who was also a contemporary, endorses the statement, 
 and Spartianus, Aurelius Victor, and others give it their support. 
 The words used by Spartianus are : quemadmodum novercam 
 suam Juliam uxorein duxisse dicatur ; and in his account of her 
 marriage v/ith Caracalla he says, in words that will scarcely bear 
 translation : Quce quurn esset pulckerrima, et quasi per negligentiam 
 se maxima corporis parte nudasset, dixissetque A ntoninus ' Vellem, 
 si liceret;' respondisse fertur, ' Si libet, licet. An nescis te im- 
 peratorem esse, et leges dare, non accipere? ' 
 
 The name of Domna is peculiar. According to Suidas it 
 was a Syrian proper name, but some commentators regard the 
 word as an abbreviation of domina nostra, the Emperor Severus 
 being dominus noster. Among the numerous dedications to the 
 Empress, one at Castellum near Sicca Veneria (El-Kef) possesses 
 some interest, clearly indicating the unusual titles of distinction 
 accorded to her as Mother of the Army, the Senate, and the 
 country.' And another found at Thagaste (Souk-Ahras) gives 
 the name of the Empress followed by that of the Emperor, as 
 though Septimius Severus were a secondary person in public 
 estimation.^ The date of this inscription is A.D. 198, the year 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 15722. ^ C.I.L. No. 17214. 
 
202 Roman Africa 
 
 of his defeat of Albinus and the undisputed assumption of 
 imperial power. 
 
 IVLIAE DOMNAE 
 AVGVSTAE 
 IVLIAE • AVG MATRI CASTRO 
 
 PIAE • FELICI RVM 
 
 MATRI • AVGVS IMP • CAES • E • SEPTI 
 
 TI • ET CASTRO MI • SEVERI ■ PII • PER 
 
 RVM • ET • SENA TINACIS ■ AVG • ARA 
 
 TVS • ET • PATRIAE BICI • ADIABENICI 
 
 SENIORES • KAST PART • MAX • TRIE 
 
 POS • ET • DEDIC POT • VI • IMP • XI • COS 
 
 II • PROCOS • P • P • PACIS 
 PVBL • RESTITVTORIS -D-D 
 
 As an example of a fine inscription of the time, mention 
 should be made of one discovered on a magnificent slab of stone 
 in the temple of ^sculapius at Lambaesis, being a dedication to 
 the Emperor Severus and his family by thirty-six cornicines of 
 the third Augustan legion, all the names being given in full. 
 The interpretation by Renier is as follows : ' 
 
 Pro felicitate et incolumitate saculi dominorum nostrorum Augustorum 
 trium, Lucit Septimii Sever i Pit Pertinacis Augusti, et Marci Aurelii 
 Antonini Augusti,, et Lucii Sepiimii Geta Casaris Augusti, et Julia 
 Augusta matris Augustorum duorutn et castrorum, et Fulvia Plautilla 
 Augusta, Antonini Augusti nostri conjugis. Cornicines legionis tertia 
 Augusta Pia Vindicis. 
 
 The names of the Emperor, his two sons and his wife are 
 followed, it will be observed, by that of Plautilla, the unfortunate 
 wife of Caracalla. So numerous are inscriptions bearing the 
 name of Julia Domna that its omission in imperial dedications 
 is exceptional. The few relating to the Emperor alone are con- 
 spicuous for their length, and for the long array of ancestors 
 whom Severus pompously associated with himself in the line of 
 Caesars, as far back as a fourth generation. Throughout his reign 
 he never seems to have forgotten that he was an African : and 
 we are told by Spartianus that, though the Emperor was greeds 
 litteris eruditissimus, he spoke with a native accent till the later 
 years of his life. His regard for his countrymen is shown in the 
 arrangements of his magnificent palace in Rome, a part of which 
 called the Septizonium was distinguished for its grandeur and is 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2557 ; I.R.A. No. 70. Renier and De la Mare. 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 203 
 
 alleged to have been seven stories in height.' It was placed as 
 a conspicuous object near the road by which travellers from 
 Africa approached the city, and was intended by the Emperor 
 to impress his countrymen with the magnificence of their ruler. 
 The monumental remains in the African provinces, which may 
 be assigned to his reign, are not remarkable for grandeur of 
 conception, with the exception of a triumphal arch at Zanfour, 
 the ancient Assuras. When Bruce visited this spot in 1765 the 
 monument was in fair condition, but since that time the Corin- 
 thian columns which adorned the archway have been overthrown, 
 and the structure generally has a ruinous aspect. It had only 
 one arch, the width being 17 feet 5 inches. The height of the 
 edifice, which was surmounted by an attic bearing an inscription, 
 may be estimated at 41 feet. According to Gu^rin the dedica- 
 tory inscription reads thus : ^ 
 
 DIVO OPTIMO . . . SEVERO PIO AVG • ARAB . . lAB ■ PART • MAX ■ 
 ET IMP • CAES • M ■ AVRELIO ANTONINO PIO • AVG • FELICI 
 
 PART • MAX 
 
 BRIT • MA.X ■ GERM ■ MAX • PONT • MAX • FIL • TRIB • XVIII 
 
 IMP III 
 COS • IIII P • P ■ PROCOS • OPTIMO MAXIMOQVE PRINCIPI ET 
 IVLIAE DOMNAE PIAE FELICI AVG • MATRI AVG • ET 
 
 CASTRORVM 
 ET SENATVS ET PATRIAE VXORI DIVI SEVERI AVG • PI I 
 
 COL • IVL 
 ASSVRAS DEVOTA NVMINI EORVM D-D P ■ P 
 
 The records of Assuras, Colonia Julia Assuras, are very scanty. 
 It is mentioned by Pliny as Oppidum Azuritanum, and is noted 
 in the Itinerary of Antoninus as well as by Ptolemy. For many 
 generations it was a stronghold of Christianity, and was the 
 seat of a bishopric mentioned by St. Cyprian, who addressed 
 one of his epistles to the episcopum et plebem Assuritanorum. 
 The situation of Assuras had much to commend it as a residential 
 town, favoured by charming scenery, surrounded by country of 
 great fertility, and with a river of pure water that never failed. 
 
 • A view of the remains of the Septizonium, as they appeared in the sixteenth 
 century, is reproduced by Signer Lanciani, Ancient Rome, p. 126, from a drawing 
 in the Uffizi Palace, Florence. 
 
 ' Playfair, Travels in the Footsteps of Bruce, p. 208. A drawing is given of this 
 arch as it appeared in Bruce's time. The inscription has been noted by Bruce ; 
 Temple, ii. p. 266 ; and Guerin, ii. p. 90. 
 
204 Roman Africa 
 
 It was girt by a wall of defence of which the foundations remain 
 to the present day, and was approached by two bridges which 
 crossed the river at considerable altitude. 
 
 Conspicuous amQijgthe very few good qualities which history 
 has associated with Septimius Severus was a studious regard for 
 an abundant supply of corn and oil. And so largely did he 
 value the African supply that, when his great rival Pescennius 
 Niger, the governor of Syria, contemplated the invasion of 
 Africa by transporting his army through Egypt and Libya, the 
 Emperor despatched his legions across the Mediterranean to 
 guard the grain stores and prevent their falling into the hands 
 of his enemy. On his death he left corn enough to last seven 
 years, and oil in abundance. As a working Emperor, Severus 
 held his own against any of his predecessors, and when he felt 
 that his last hour had come, he gave as the watchword of the 
 day ' Laboremus.' Associated with him during his latter days 
 were his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, the elder created Augustus 
 by the army, and the younger at the instigation of his mother 
 Julia Dot^na. The following inscription from Gigthis, an almost 
 forgotten town in the province of Tripoli, mentions the three 
 Augusti in connection with the conquest of Britain, but there is 
 no clue to the date nor any special mention of Severus, who 
 commanded in person this ill-fated expedition.' It may be 
 assigned to A.D. 213, the year after the death of the Emperor at 
 Eboracum (York). 
 
 VICTORIAE BRITANNICAE IMPP • L • SEPTIMI ■ SEVRI • PII 
 PERTINACISET M • AVRELII ANTONIN ET P • SEPTIMI 
 GETAE AVGGG • GIGTHENSES • PVBLICE 
 
 Inscriptions relating to Geta alone, who was murdered by 
 his brother A.D. 212, within twelve months after the death of 
 Severus, are few in number, but his memory is preserved on a 
 slab in the museum at Aumale (the ancient Auzia) bearing the 
 date A.D. 205, when this prince had attained his sixteenth year. 
 The dedication is to L. Septimio Getcz, Pontifici maximo, 
 nobilissimo CcBsari Principi juventutis, sufficiently indicating his 
 popularity in his father's lifetime, and the ground for the 
 animosity «if his elder brother. So far was Caracalla impressed 
 with the necessity of his removal that, on his assumption of 
 ' C.I.L. No. lioiS. Bull, du Comite, 1886, p. 46. 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 205 
 
 supreme authority, Geta was declared a public enemy, or, as 
 Spartianus says, Geta hostis est adjudicatus ; artd, with a view 
 to allaying the anxiety of the Empress mother for his safety, 
 it was arranged to divide the Empire between the two Augusti. 
 Geta was to take up his residence either at Alexandria or 
 Antioch, both of them being great cities scarcely yielding to 
 Rome in magnificence, and was to govern all Africa and Asia 
 east of Libya, while Caracalla was to reside in Rome and take 
 over the remainder, including all the African provinces. 
 
 The name of Caracalla (as this Emperor was commonly 
 called) figures largely in African inscriptions during the six 
 years of an unusually active reign, and the long array of titles 
 and distinctions which he assumed were not exceeded by those 
 of any other Emperor. The cruelty inherent in his native race, 
 combined with an utter disregard for human sufferings, seems to 
 have reached its limits in the person of this depraved ruler. 
 No contemporary writer, nor any of the few reliable authorities of 
 a later age, place to his credit a single redeeming quality. And 
 yet the inscriptions (if we are governed by mere words) bear 
 testimony to a magnificence of rule and -the apparent respect of 
 Roman citizens of wealth and renown who had settled perma- 
 nently in the African provinces. Take, for instance, a dedica- 
 tion to the Emperor by a family named Granius, preserved on a 
 slab of white marble which may still be studied in the museum 
 at Philippeville.^ No less than nineteen lines set forth the 
 praises of Caracalla, as though he were an Augustus or a Trajan. 
 To the invictissimo Augusta the inhabitants of Rusicada are 
 called upon to bow the knee. And at Constantine may be 
 read another equally long inscription in which the Emperor is 
 described as maximus, invictissinius, sanctissimus, fortissimus, 
 felicissmius, et super onines prindpes indulgentissimus. The date 
 of this rhapsodic memorial is, according to Wilmanns, A.D. 216.^ 
 There is also a milliarium, which formerly stood on one of the 
 highways out of Cirta, giving Caracalla the distinguishing titles 
 of nobilissimus omnium and felidssimus prindpum. Perhaps 
 the earliest inscription bearing his name was discovered a few 
 years ago in the forum at Thamugas, the date being A.D. 197, 
 according to Wilmanns.^ Its value lies in the exceptional 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7973. Vide ChahormeaxL, Ann. de Constantine, 1860-61, p. 334. 
 2 C.I.L. No. 10305. Ann. de Const. 1858-59, p. 121. ' C.I.L. No. 17870. 
 
2o6 Roman Africa 
 
 wording of the first line, where Caracalla figures as Imperator 
 destinatus, the dedicator being Q. Anicius Faustus, legatus 
 Augtistorum proprcztor. And there is no mention of his younger 
 brother Geta, who had not then acquired any distinctive titles. 
 
 M • AVRELIO • ANTONINO • CAESARI IMPERATORI • 
 
 DESTINATO • IMPERATORIS ■ CAES 
 L • SEPTIMI • SEVERI • PII • PERTINACIS ■ AVG • 
 
 ARABICI • ADIABENCI ■ VINDICIS ET CONDITORIS 
 ROMANAE • DISCIPLINAE • FILIO • DIVI • M • ANTO- 
 
 NINI • PII • GERM • SARM • NEPOTI 
 DIVI • ANTONINI • PII • PRONEPOTI ■ DIVI • HADRIANI • 
 
 ABNEPOTI ■ DIVI ■ TRAIANI • PAR 
 THICI • ET ■ DIVI ■ NERVAE • ABNEPOT • DECRETO • 
 
 DECVRIONVM • PECVNIA • PVBLICA 
 Q • ANICIVS • FAVSTVS • LEG • AVGVSTORVM • PRO • 
 
 PRAETORE • PATR • COL • DEDICAVIT 
 
 Prominent among other inscriptions is one on a milliary 
 column near the well-known tomb of Flavius outside the walls of 
 Lambsesis.' The date is A.D. 215. In this instance the name 
 of Julia Domna is associated with that of the Emperor, but on 
 another military column of the same date, at a place now called 
 Henchir-el-Bidr, the name of the Emperor stands alone.^ 
 
 IMP • CAES ■ M 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVREL AVRELIO SE 
 
 SEV • ANTON • AVG • PL VERO ANTO 
 
 FEL • PARTH • MAX ■ BRI NINO PIO FE 
 
 MAX ■ GER • MAX LICI AVG PAR 
 
 PONT • MAX • TRIB • POT TICO MAXIMO 
 
 XVIII • IMP • nil COS BRITANICO MA 
 
 IV ■ P • P • PROCOS • ET XIMO PONTIFI 
 
 IVL • AVG ■ MAT • AVG CI MAXIMO TRIB 
 
 ET • CAS • ET • SEN • AC PATRI POT XVIII IMP 
 
 A E III COS nil PR 
 
 M • P ■ III OCOS • P • P • AL 
 
 AMBAESE • MI 
 LIA- XIIII 
 
 The similarity of wording in these two inscriptions is 
 noticeable, with the exception of the omission of the name of 
 the Empress-Mother in the latter. Among the dedications 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10263. Wilmanns. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10236. Also De la Mare and Foy, and I.R.A. No. 4303. 
 
Africa under Septimius Severus 207 
 
 conspicuous for a self-laudatory array of titles and a reference 
 to a line of ancestral Csesars extending to the fifth generation, 
 an inscription discovered at Siaga, near the modern town of 
 Hammamet in Tunisia, and taking rank as a civitas in the time 
 of Caracalla, is very complete : ^ 
 
 IMP • CAES • DIVI SEPTIMI SEVERI 
 
 PARTH • ARABICI • ADIABENICI 
 
 MAX ■ BRIT • MAX • FIL ■ DIVI 
 
 M • ANTONINI • PII • GERMANICI 
 
 SARMAT • NEPOT • DIVI • ANTONINI 
 
 PRO • NEPOTI • DIVI • AELI • HADRIANI 
 
 ABNEPOT • DIVI ■ TRAIANI • PAR • ET 
 
 DIVI • NERVAE • ADNEPOTI 
 
 M • AVRELIO ■ ANTONINO • PIO ■ FEL 
 
 PAR • MAX • BRIT • MAX ■ GERM 
 
 MAX • IMP • III • COS ■ III • P • P 
 
 CIVITAS • SIAGITANORVM ■ D • D • P • P • 
 
 And this was the Emperor who formed the monstrous 
 project of killing his own father, who murdered his brother, 
 married his stepmother, forced his lawful wife into obscurity, 
 and terminated an infamous career by murdering both wife and 
 father-in-law for the sole reason that they stood in the way of 
 his ambitious projects! 
 
 The word Caracalla does not appear on any inscriptions or 
 coins. This word or nickname signifies, according to Aurelius 
 Victor in his short history of the Emperor, a large flowing 
 garment hanging down to the ankles, worn by the people of 
 Gallia Lugdunensis (Lyons) where this prince was born and passed 
 the earlier years of his life. His proper surname was Bassianus, 
 after his grandfather, but on assuming the title of Augustus 
 he became henceforth known as Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 
 Severus Augustus. All the inscriptions of his time confirm 
 this. 
 
 The exceptional influence exercised by Julia Domna in all 
 imperial matters was shared towards the latter days of Caracalla's 
 reign by her younger sister Julia Msesa. The career of these 
 two daughters of Phoenicia, whose father Bassianus was an 
 obscure priest at Emesa, and without any claim to nobility or 
 hereditary rank, is truly remarkable ; and it is not surprising to 
 
 ' Shaw, Travels in Barbary. 
 
2o8 Roman Africa 
 
 learn from contemporary writ.ers that they contributed in a 
 large measure to lower the tone of public morality, and to pro- 
 mote a system of corruption baneful to the Empire. The little 
 we learn from the pages of Herodian about the younger sister, 
 who took up her quarters in the Imperial Court by the favour 
 of the Emperor Septimius Severus, portrays a strong-minded, 
 self-willed, unscrupulous woman, tactful in her operations, and 
 seizing her opportunities of acquiring wealth or power without 
 regard for the interests of others. Such was the weight of her 
 authority that Severus gave her the distinguished title of 
 Augusta, and when she died peacefully in old age and one of 
 the wealthiest women of her time, the Senate bestowed on her 
 memory divine honours. The riame of Julia Massa appears in 
 a few inscriptions in North Africa. At the camp at Lambaesis 
 she is described as Augusta avia domini nostri and Mater 
 Castrorum et Senatus. This dedication may be assigned to the 
 reign, of her grandson Elagabalus, A.D. 218-222. Her daughter, 
 Julia Sosemias, sometimes written Soemis according to Dion 
 Cassius, was another Empress conspicuous for activity and 
 intrigue during the last days of the reign of her husband Caracalla 
 and their son Elagabalus. But her record in Africa is restricted 
 to one inscription found at Lambaesis, where she is styled Julia 
 Socsmias Augusta mater Augusti nostri. Far more noteworthy 
 and deserving honourable recognition was the career of Julia 
 Mammaea, the younger sister of Soaemias, and the distinguished 
 mother of the renowned Emperor Alexander Severus. The 
 story of her life, handed down to us by Herodian and other 
 writers, reveals a woman of indomitable will, ambitious of 
 supreme power, and of unbounded avarice. For a space of five- 
 and-twenty years these four women, in their relations as grand- 
 mothers, aunts, or mothers of Emperors, may be said to have 
 ruled the world. In the Senate-house, the camp, or public 
 ceremonials, they were present to share the honours and privileges 
 of empire. In the palace their authority was paramount, and 
 the will of a woman became the will of a submissive Emperor. 
 Julia Domna did not hesitate to take a seat in the Senate-house 
 at Rome, and her niece Soaemias founded and presided over a 
 female parliament in the Quirinal, to regulate what we should 
 call in modern life the social and moral habits of a female 
 aristocracy. 
 
209 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 AFRICA UNDER ALEXANDER SEVERUS 
 
 A.D. 222-235 
 
 When Caracalla, the legitimate son of Septimius Severus, 
 succeeded his father as joint Emperor with his brother Geta, 
 there was every prospect of a continuance of an African 
 dynasty bearing the title of Bassianus, and of giving increased 
 notoriety to the name of an obscure priest of a Syrian temple 
 of the Sun, as father and grandfather of two generations of 
 Emperors. The Julian and Flavian dynasties had passed away 
 with the efHux of time ; the Ulpian family, so called, which had 
 exhausted its energies under the magnificent reign of Trajan, 
 and had contributed so largely to the extension and consoli- 
 dation of the Empire, had almost been lost sight of; and the 
 families which, for the sake of abbreviation, are commonly 
 known as the Antonines, came to an end when the wretched 
 Commodus fell by the hands of an assassin. Hereditary 
 succession had long since been disregarded. For more than 
 two centuries Rome had looked to Italy and Spain to fill the 
 imperial throne, and the approval of the subjects of the Empire 
 had followed the will of the Senate in Rome. But with the 
 fall of the last of the Antonines a new order of things had 
 been established. The will of the people was no longer to be 
 regarded as a factor in political life, but the will of the army 
 was to be paramount, and the Caesar of the future was to be 
 any ambitious adventurer who bid high for their services. The 
 power of the soldiery openly asserted itself when Pertinax fell 
 a victim to the greed of the Prstorian guards, followed a few 
 years later by their deliberate murder of the Emperor Julianas. 
 But their assumption of supreme power reached its climax when 
 it added to the death-roll the name of so estimable a ruler as 
 Alexander Severus. The fall of Caracalla was an opportunity 
 for military adventurers. Wherever the Roman legions were 
 
 P 
 
2IO Roman Africa 
 
 encamped in any part of the wide-spread Empire, a successful 
 general with daring equal to the occasion, and with a promise 
 of large donatives to the soldiers, might claim the right of 
 succession without consulting the wishes of the Senate. Such 
 a man, distinguished for his prowess in many a field of battle, 
 was Marcus Opilius Severus Macrinus (as he is commonly 
 called), a native oi Julia Casarea, the old capital of Juba II. 
 This ambitious soldier was a Moor by birth as well as in habit, 
 for, in common with the fashion of his race, he had an ear 
 pierced to mark his nationality. He had risen from obscurity 
 till he had attained the high distinction of prefect of the 
 Praetorian guard. His short rule of only two months and three 
 days is marked in North Africa by several inscriptions, showing 
 that his son Diadumenianus shared with him the title of 
 Caesar. Like their predecessors, Pertinax and Julianus, these 
 two African Emperors paid the penalty of purchasing imperial 
 power at the hands of a grasping and corrupt army. Accord- 
 ing to Justinus, both father and son were disposed of, as soon as 
 it was discovered that Macrinus endeavoured to reduce their 
 pay and attempted to suppress the luxurious habits which 
 prevailed in the Praetorian camp. The following dedication by 
 the citizens of Diana is recorded on a ruined triumphal arch, 
 and was first deciphered by Peysonnel. It is also noted by 
 Shaw, as well as by Renier and Wilmanns.^ 
 
 IMP • CAES ■ M • OPELLIO • SEVERO • MACRINO ■ PIO • 
 
 FELICI • AVG • PONT ■ MAX • TRIB • POTEST 
 COS • DESIG • P • P • PROCOS • PROVIDENTISSIMO • 
 
 ET • SANCTISSIMO ■ PRINCIPI 
 ET • M ■ OPELLIO • ANTONINO • DIADVMENIANO • 
 
 NOBILISSIMO • CAESARI 
 PRINCIPI • IVVENTVTIS • RESPVBLICA ■ DIANEN- 
 
 SIVM • DEC • EX • DEC ■ 
 
 The epithet providentissimus is unusual, and combined with 
 sanctissimus is difficult to comprehend. It is fair to assume 
 that this monumental arch was erected by the citizens of Diana 
 at the commencement of the Emperor's reign, which was 
 marked at first by toleration, and by the abolition of several 
 taxes that had been imposed by Septimius Severus and his 
 successor. But such epithets were wholly inapplicable to the 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1731. Renier, Milanges d'Epigraphie, p. 198. 
 
Africa under Alexander Severus 211 
 
 rule of Macrinus, which was conspicuous for many acts of 
 cruelty and an utter disregard for the value of human life. 
 Another inscription found on a milliarium discovered at Turris 
 (Telmina) mentions both father and son in connection with a 
 new highway.' But their record is very slight, the name of 
 Macrinus not being associated with any movement that had the 
 slightest influence on the progress and civilisation of North 
 
 Africa. 
 
 IMP • CAES • M ■ OPEL 
 LIVS • SEVERVS ■ MACRI 
 NVS ■ PIVS • FELIX • AVG 
 COS • ET • M ■ OPELLIVS 
 ANTONINVS • DIADVME 
 NIANVS • NOS • CAES • VIA 
 M • STRATAM • NOV 
 INSTITVERVNT- 
 
 mix 
 
 Of their successor Aurelius Antoninus Varius, commonly 
 known as Heliogabalus,^ the less said the better about a loath- 
 some career that did not betray one single quality commend- 
 . able in mankind. As a link in the chain of African history, 
 apart from the disgusting personality of this half-African youth 
 who disgraced the Empire for a space of nearly four years, it 
 brings into unusual prominence the extraordinary influence 
 exercised by his mother Sosemias and his grandmother Julia 
 Msesa. Both these women were ambitious and greedy of 
 power. By the intrigues of the former and the wealth of the 
 latter Macrinus and his son were got rid of, and this stripling 
 just entering his fourteenth year, a legitimate son of Sojemias 
 by her first husband, Varius Marcellus, was declared to be the 
 legitimate son of Caracalla by Soaemias, and consequently the 
 rightful heir to the throne.' Historians of this period have 
 dealt leniently with this depraved ill-trained youth, and con- 
 temporary records on stone or marble are almost a blank. It 
 is some satisfaction to find, in turning over the long pages of 
 published inscriptions which have been brought to light in 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10056. Tissot descrip. 
 
 ^ The name is written in various ways. Lampridius writes it Heliogabalus, which 
 is the direct pronunciation of the Greek word employed by Herodian. On coins it 
 is spelt Elagabalus. English writers usually accept the authority of Lampridius. 
 
 ^ Justinus, in his life of this Emperor, says that he was the son. of Caracalla by 
 his cousin-german Sotemias, and that he was privately begotten in adultery. 
 
 p 2 
 
212 Roman Africa 
 
 North Africa, that the name of Aurelius Antoninus Varius 
 rarely appears, and that the few tablets referring to him are in 
 a more or less fragmentary condition. Among them is one 
 found many years ago in a ruined Byzantine fortress at 
 Lambessa, much defaced and almost illegible, but with the aid 
 of so expert an epigraphist as L6on Renier the stones were put 
 together and the record made complete. It is a dedication to 
 the Emperor by the duplarii of the third legion Augusta on the 
 occasion of the return of the African army to headquarters after 
 a successful expedition in the East. The chief value of the 
 inscription lies in the inclusion of the two Empresses, grand- 
 mother and mother of Heliogabalus, thus perpetuating the 
 career of these two women as sharing imperial power with 
 Caesar himself The wording as interpreted by Renier runs 
 thus: I 
 
 Pro salute domini nostri Im^eratoris Casaris, Marci Aurelii Antonini, 
 Pit Felicis Augusti, pontificis maxim.i,patris patrice , tribunicia potestate, 
 consiilis,proconsuUs, divi Magni Antonini filii, Divi Pit Severi nepotis, 
 et JulicB Masa Augusta, avim Augusti nostri, matris castrorum et 
 Senatus, et Julia Soamiadis Bassiana Augusta, matris Augusti nostri. 
 
 It may be observed that the name of the Emperor's reputed 
 father Caracalla is not mentioned. This omission is noteworthy 
 and helps to bear testimony to the statements of most writers 
 that Heliogabalus had no hereditary claim to the throne. The 
 suppression may be reasonably attributed to the two intriguing 
 Empresses, who virtually ruled the Empire during his reign. 
 The very few other inscriptions are open to doubt, inasmuch 
 as they are equally applicable to Caracalla and to Alexander 
 Severus, who was recognised by the Senate as his successor on 
 the throne. 
 
 The career of Alexander Severus is a pleasant chapter of 
 African history, recalling the brightest days of the Empire 
 under Augustus, Trajan, and Antoninus Pius. His father's 
 name, Genesius Marcianus (supposed to have been a native of 
 Phoenicia), has been almost forgotten, but the memory of his 
 mother, JuHa Mammaea, the sister of Julia Sosemias and the 
 granddaughter of JttUa-JDeama, will be retained to all time. 
 'No one can read the biographical notices of the two Emperors 
 
 ' l.K.A. No. 90. 
 
Africa under Alexander Severus 213 
 
 Heliogabalus and Alexander Severus without being struck with 
 the extraordinary difference in their mental and moral qualities. 
 Both of them were of African descent, with little trace of Italian 
 blood, and both of them passed their early youth as priests in 
 the gorgeous temple of the Sun at Emesa in Syria,' where their 
 great-grandfather Bassianus had ministered during a long life. 
 It has been said that Sosemias and her son represented the genius 
 of evil, while Julia Mammsea and her son impersonated the genius 
 of good.^ This is scarcely borne out by contemporary writers, 
 and although neither of these remarkable women stands forth as 
 an exponent of those higher qualities which command the respect 
 of mankind in our more civilised times, yet the name of 
 Alexander Severus is as conspicuous for everything that was 
 good as that of his predecessor is for all that was bad. His 
 reign of fourteen years was marked by justice to all subjects of 
 the Empire, honesty in all his transactions, and such regard for 
 the welfare of his people that not one single life was sacrificed 
 by his orders in any part of his dominions. Mother and son, 
 sharing the burdens of state and the desire to ameliorate the 
 condition of the people in the provinces as well as in Rome, 
 participated also in the honour of numerous dedicatory inscrip- 
 tions which time has fortunately preserved. More than sixty 
 already discovered in North Africa bear ample testimony to the 
 work of this amiable ruler, whose merits entitle him to the 
 long array of superlative epithets attached to his name. The 
 full title of Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Pius Felix 
 Augustus is sometimes accompanied by dominus noster, and 
 such terms as sanctissimus, fortissimus, and super omnes indul- 
 gentissimus may still be read on several slabs in the local 
 museums of North Africa.^ According to Lampridius, in his 
 
 ' Emesa was a city in Syria, renowned for its magnificent temple of the Sun. 
 According to Ptolemy the geographer, it stood on the eastern bank of the river 
 Orontes. Not far from here the memorable battle took place when the army of 
 Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, was completely routed by the Emperor AureUan. 
 Emesa was made a colonia by Caracalla in honour of his mother's family, and at a 
 later date became the capital of Phoenicia Libanesia. Vide Eckhel for coins of Cara- 
 calla, with the temple on the reverse. 
 
 2 Les Antonins, vol. iii. liv. 7, p. 342. 
 
 ' Herodian says that Alexander Severus was named Alexianus, afterwards 
 changed to Alexander. Lampridius calls this Emperor Aurelius Alexander, and 
 adds that he was a native of Arka in Phoenicia, and called Alexander because he was 
 
214 Roman Africa 
 
 life of this Emperor, the modesty and unassuming character of 
 Alexander Severus were never more apparent than on the 
 occasion when the Senate offered to confer upon him the title 
 of Antonine in memory of his great predecessor. In declining 
 the proposed honour the Emperor, according to the account 
 given in the pages of Lampridius, is stated to have said : 'If I 
 accept the title of Antonine, why not those of Trajan, of Titus, 
 and of Vespasian ? ' And the conscript fathers answered : ' In 
 our eyes the name of Antonine is equal to that of Augustus.' 
 On another occasion the Senate expressed a desire that 
 Alexander should accept the title of Magnus, but once again 
 the Emperor declined. The ordinary wording of a large 
 number of simple inscriptions may be illustrated by the accom- 
 panying dedication on a milliary column, the name of the 
 Emperor having the usual wording, Marcus Aurelius Severus 
 Alexander Pius Felix Augustus. 
 
 IMP • CAE 
 SAR ■ M ■ AV 
 RELIVS • SEVE 
 RVS ■ ALEXAN 
 DER-PIVS • FEL 
 DIVI ■ SEVERI • NEP 
 PONT • MAXIM 
 TRIE • POT • COS 
 P • RESTITVIT 
 XVI 
 
 A far more interesting inscription is one discovered at Lam- 
 bessa many years ago on the Via Septimiana ' not far from the 
 amphitheatre. It is a dedication of an altar to Jupiter, as the 
 preserver of the Emperor, and his mother Julia Mammsea and 
 their family, by a chief magistrate named Lucius Marius Cres- 
 centianus. This tablet, which is in good condition, may still 
 be seen in the praetorium at Lambessa, which has become a 
 local museum of considerable interest.^ Renier's interpretation, 
 which varies slightly from the text, is also given. 
 
 born either in a temple sacred to Alexander the Great, or perhaps on the birthday of 
 the great Macedonian. 
 
 ' The Via Septimiana at Lambsesis was the principal road between the camp and 
 the town. According to an inscription (C.I.L. No. 27o5)it was made by the soldiers 
 of the third legion Augusta in the time of Septimius Severus. Some of the paving 
 slabs are still in existence ; vide Renier, Arch, des Missions Scient. 1851, p. 173. 
 
 2 C.I.L. No. 2620. I.R.A. No. 1406. 
 
Africa under Alexander Severus 215 
 
 I • O ■ M 
 CONSERVATORI 
 IMP • CAES • M • AVRELI • SE 
 VERI • ALEXANDRI • INVIC 
 TI ■ PII ■ FELICIS • AVG • ET ■ IVLIAE 
 MAMEAE ■ MATRIS • D ■ N 
 AVG ■ TOTIVSQ ■ DOMVS ■ DIVINAE 
 L • MARIVS ■ CRESCENTI 
 ANVS • Q • AEDIL • II • VIRA 
 DEVOT ■ NVMINI • EORVM • A 
 RAM • QVAM ■ DEVOVIT ■ SVA 
 PECVNIA • POSVIT. 
 
 Tovi Optimo maximo, conservatori imperatoris Casaris Marci Aicreli 
 Severi Alexandri Invicti, Pit, Felicis Augusti,et Julice Mainmcecz Augusta, 
 matris Augusti, totiusque doinus divince. 
 
 Lucius Marius Crescentianus, qucBstorius, adilicius, duumviralicius, 
 devotus numini eorum, aram, quam devovit, sud pecunid posuit. 
 
 At Ain Tunga, formerly known as Thignica} an important 
 town in Africa Provincia and marked at the present day by 
 extensive ruins, there is a dedication to the Emperor and his 
 mother in which the latter is styled as Augusta and mater 
 A ugusti et castrorum et senatus et patricB. The inscription is 
 on six stones in a fragmentary condition, recording the re- 
 construction of the market A.D. 229.^ This date may be 
 assigned as the climax of his estimable reign, when he had 
 attained his 21st year. 
 
 Imperatori Casari divi magni A ntonini, pii, fetici, divi Severi pii nepoii, 
 Marco Aurelio Severe Alexandra, pio, felici Augusta, pontifici 7naximo, 
 tribunicia potestate VIII, consuli III, pater patrice, et Julice MammcecB 
 augustce matri Augusti et castrorum et senatus et patrice, maceUiim. 
 vetustate collapsum municipiufn Septimium ■ Aurelium Antoninianum. 
 Alexandrianum Herculeum, frugiferum Thignica devotuin numini 
 majestatique earum pecunia publica a sola refecit, itemqice dedicavii. 
 
 Although this Emperor was acclaimed Caesar in the four- 
 teenth year of his age and terminated his career before he had 
 reached his twenty-eighth birthday, yet he was married, we are 
 told, three times. There are no inscriptions relating to one of 
 his wives named Sulpicia Memmia, daughter of Sulpicius, a 
 man of consular rank. Unlike her mother-in-law, Julia Mam- 
 
 ' The four towns, Thignica, Thugga, Agbia, and Thubursicum, were in the same 
 district, and in the third and fourth centuries were in a flourishing condition. 
 * C.I.L. No. 1406. Vide Gu^rin, vol. ii. p. 152. 
 
2j6 Roman Africa 
 
 mzea, whose activity and intrigue were unbounded, this quiet- 
 going princess appears to have taken no part in public life, nor 
 to have exhibited any interest in proceedings outside the court 
 circle. Her career is therefore a blank. And little more is 
 known of another of the Emperor's wives named Sallustia 
 Barbia Orbiana, whose memory has been preserved in an in- 
 scription at Csesarea, which may still be seen in the little 
 museum at Cherchel.^ As the wife of the Emperor she was 
 bound, in accordance with custom, to assume the title of 
 Empress, and probably did so. But Herodian informs us that 
 Julia Mammsea raised her objections to this assumption mainly 
 on the ground that she alone, as Empress-Mother, wished to be 
 called Empress. The same author adds that, in spite of Alex- 
 ander's resistance to his mother's wishes, Orbiana was banished 
 from Rome and ordered to pass the rest of her days in obscurity 
 in a city in North Africa. 
 
 GNEAE ' SEIAE ■ HIERENNIAE • SALLVSTIAE 
 BARBIAE ■ ORBIANAE • SANCTISSIMAE ■ AVGVSTAE 
 
 CONIVGI • AVG • NOSTRI 
 EQQ • SINGVLARES • DEVOTI 
 NVMINI • MAJESTATIQVE ■ EIVS ■ CVRANTE 
 LICINIO • HIEROCLETE • PROG • AVG 
 
 PRAESIDE • PROVINCIAE 
 
 Orbiana, it will be noted, is proclaimed to be sanctissima 
 and augusta, but the name of the Emperor is not mentioned. 
 As a simple record of one who might, under other circumstances, 
 have played an important part in imperial matters, this dedica- 
 tion by the equites singulares is of value. It is a memorial of an 
 ill-starred princess, whom destiny removed from the gaieties of 
 Rome to gratify the ambition and avarice of the Emperor's 
 mother. Perhaps the quieter delights of a provincial city like 
 Julia Caesarea were more to her taste than the intrigue and cor- 
 ruption then prevailing in the metropolis, and daily life was 
 attended by untold pleasures in so sweet a spot. There is 
 no more enticing locality in North Africa than the surroundings 
 of this ruined capital of the enlightened Juba II. The air is 
 sweet and invigorating, the hills are clothed with timber, and 
 the blue waters of the Mediterranean break lightly on its 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 935S- B.evue A/ricaine, i860, p. 156. 
 
Africa under Alexander Severus 217 
 
 picturesque headland. In the third century Csesarea contained 
 a large population of wealthy citizens, descendants of Roman 
 families who had settled there in the days of Claudius to do 
 honour to so kingly a dependent as Juba II. Every traveller 
 who has visited Cherchel can bear testimony to the extent of 
 the ruins of the ancient city and its extensive suburbs. The 
 undulations on the hillsides mark the sites of Roman villas, and 
 it is within the range of probability that the lordly dwelling 
 which became the home of the banished princess may some 
 day be unearthed, and some memorials of her career brought to 
 light. The fate of Orbiana as a dweller in such a 5pot as 
 Cherchel needs little commiseration. 
 
 It is a reproach against Alexander Severus that excessive 
 amiability often caused much injury to others, and that abject 
 deference to his mother's will was a blot in a career which, in 
 other respects, was almost blameless. Like so many of his pre- 
 decessors, who had attempted to correct long-standing abuses 
 in the army and to restore discipline in the garrison towns, his 
 career also was terminated by the hands of a soldier assassin. 
 The decree of the Prstorian guard was omnipotent, and the 
 rule of the sword irresistible. Alexander, as a reforming 
 Emperor, was condemned, and, almost simultaneously, mother 
 and son fell together. If we are to credit Herodian, who shows 
 no favour to Julia Mammsa, Alexander was a victim to the 
 greed and sordid avarice of his mother. To gratify her desire 
 for wealth she forced the Emperor to reduce the pay of the 
 soldiers for the sole purpose of personal aggrandisement. 
 
 In testimony of inherent vitality in the Roman people, 
 the progress of colonisation in the African provinces was not 
 materially affected by these frequent attempts to undermine 
 the constitution and place the Empire at the mercy of the 
 sword. The reign of Alexander, which happily lasted for nearly 
 fourteen years, had been specially favourable to an increase of 
 population in the towns of North Africa,' to the advance of 
 agriculture in the interior of the country, and to the establish- 
 ment of numerous castella and other works of defence for the 
 protection of the frontiers from tribal attacks. For instance, a 
 stone found on the plains of Setif bears an inscription relating 
 to the construction of a castellum Dianense during his reign.' 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8701. Rec. de Const. 1875, p. 338. 
 
2i8 Roman Africa 
 
 IMP ■ CAESAR • M • 
 AVRELIVS • SEVERVS 
 ALEXANDER • INVICTVS 
 PIVS • FELIX • AVG • MVROS 
 KASTELLI • DIANESIS • EX 
 TRVXIT • PER • COLONOS ; EIVSDE 
 M • KASTELLI 
 P • CLXXXXV 
 
 And in the extreme west two other slabs record the presence of 
 a body of troops designated as Numerus Alexandrianus Severia- 
 nus Syroruni} the last word indicating a tribe of that name 
 referred to in the Geography of Ptolemy. 
 
 M. Edouard Cat, in his notice of these two inscriptions in 
 his erudite treatise on the Roman province of Mauritania Ccesa- 
 riensis^ suggests that the original title was abbreviated into 
 Castra Severiana at some later date, partly on the ground that 
 there was a bishop residing there in the fifth century (according 
 to Victor de Vite), who bore the title of Castraseberianensis. 
 The just government of Alexander throughout the African 
 provinces, and a sense of security against disturbances, had 
 attracted citizens from various parts of the Empire. We hear 
 of no political agitation since the fall of Macrinus the Moor ; 
 and inscriptions, which form the best testimony to the general 
 condition of the people, evince a spirit of contentment, respect 
 for imperial authority, and undisguised reverence for an amiable 
 Emperor. It would have been well for the Roman world if 
 Alexander had been permitted to reign for the full term of his 
 natural life and to continue his popular and beneficent rule. 
 Excessive goodwill towards his subjects may be ascribed as one 
 of the causes of his untimely end, together with a spirit of 
 forbearance rarely to be met with in potentates of Syrian origin. 
 We are told by Lampridius, his biographer, that on one occasion 
 both his mother Julia Mammsea and his third wife Memmia 
 upbraided him for his actions in the following words : Molliorem 
 tibi potestatem et contemptibiliorem imperii fecisti. A slight 
 study of the career of Alexander Severus confirms the opinion 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10469. Rev. Afr. i, p. 103. Macarthy descrip. 
 
 ^ This military post occupied an important position west of Pomaria (Tlemcen), 
 and is now represented by extensive ruins, upon which the Arab town of Lalla 
 Maghnia has been built. (Edouard Cat, Essai sur la Province Romaine de 
 Maurelanie CSsarienne, Paris, i8gi.) 
 
Africa under Alexander Severus 219 
 
 aptly expressed by Gibbon, that ' this amiable prince was 
 hardly equal to the difficulties of his situation, and the firmness 
 of his conduct was inferior to the purity of his intentions.' 
 
 The period of nearly fifty years which followed the death of 
 Alexander is marked by constantly recurring internal strife and 
 conspicuous action by the legions in Africa in the cause of order 
 and good government. From A.D. 235 to A.D. 284 no fewer 
 than sixteen emperors ascended the throne in rapid succession, 
 six of them reigning for a few months, the three generations of 
 Gordians for eight years, and Aurelian and Probus being 
 allowed, by favour of the army, to rule respectively for the 
 unusually long periods of 'five and eight years. With the 
 exception of the Gordians, who made Africa the battle-field of 
 the Empire and contributed largely towards the close of their 
 career to promote the welfare of its citizens, no one of these 
 emperors appears to have taken an active part in any great 
 movement in that country, nor, if we are to judge fi-om the 
 numerous inscriptions which have been fortunately preserved, to 
 have aroused the enthusiasm which characterised the rule of 
 Trajan and the Antonines, and, in a lesser degree, of Alexander 
 Severus. That the Roman world should have been governed 
 for a period of thirty-eight years by a Syro-Phoenician dynasty, 
 and that the names of five emperors and four empresses, some 
 of them born on African soil, should have left their mark in 
 the history of the Empire, are facts worth recording in treating 
 of the Roman occupation of North Africa. This dynasty may 
 be briefly tabulated in the manner set forth in Smith's Dictionary 
 of Gr. and Rom. Biog. and MythoL, art. ' Caracalla.' 
 
 Bassianus, 
 a Phc^nician. 
 
 Julia Domna Augusta Julia Mgesa Augusta, 
 
 and wife of Sept. Sev. Aug. wife of Julius Avitus. 
 
 I 
 
 M. Aurelius Antoninus L. Sept. Geta Julia Soeemias Augusta, Julia Mammaea Au- 
 Augusrus, commonly Augustus. wifeofVarius Marcel- gusta, wife of Gene- 
 called Caracalla. lus (a Syrian?) sius Marcianus (a 
 
 I Phoenician ?) 
 
 M. Aurelius Antoninus 1 
 
 Augustus, commonly M. Aurelius Severus 
 
 called Heliogabalus. Alexander Augustus. 
 
 The name of Bassianus was specially honoured by his 
 descendants, for we find it on a dedicatory inscription to his 
 granddaughter Julia Soaemias, found at Velitrae, a city of 
 Latium, on the Alban Hills, in 1765. 
 
220 Roman Africa 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 AFRICA UNDER THE GORDIANS 
 A.D. 236 — 244 
 
 The termination of the Syro- Phoenician dynasty (as it may be 
 termed) by the death of Alexander Severus, who had no issue, 
 left the Empire at the mercy of any unscrupulous adventurer 
 with a reputation for success in the field of battle. A few years 
 previously Macrinus the Moor had ascended the throne for a 
 brief period by the aid of a liberal display of these qualities 
 combined with the cruelty and cunning of his native race. It 
 was now the turn of Maximinus, a Goth, a man of low extrac- 
 tion, to play a similar part in the drama of imperial progress. 
 A shepherd in his earlier days, he had learnt the rude art 
 of attack and defence in protecting sheep and cattle on 
 his native plains from the hands of the marauder. A soldier 
 in middle life, he rose, step by step, till he obtained the com- 
 mand of a legion ; and then, by the promise of large donatives 
 and the employment of various forms of corruption, gained the 
 adherence of his troops in his daring bid for the throne of the 
 Caesars. When the opportune moment arrived for declaring 
 himself Imperator, he unfurled the standard of revolt, in defiance 
 of the will of the Senate, and announced his intention of march- 
 ing to Rome to claim imperial power. Success, though some- 
 times temporary in its achievements, invariably follows daring 
 and promptitude, independently of the justice or iniquity of a 
 cause. Maximinus had little else to depend upon. With a 
 dash of heroism about him, he led his troops undaunted in the 
 direction of the capital, and with the assistance of Capellianus, 
 governor of Mauritania, in stirring up the native races of North 
 Africa against the Roman legions established in the country, 
 seemed to be on the point of attaining the full measure of his 
 ambition. Cruelty and extortion marked his footsteps, and the 
 destructive qualities of a barbarian unaccustomed to civilised 
 
Africa under the Gordians 221 
 
 life showed themselves by his utter contempt for the monu- 
 mental buildings of the great Empire. Whatever may have 
 been his real name, we only know him as Caius Julius Verus 
 Maximinus ; and his son, whom he created Caesar simultaneously 
 with his assumption of the purple, bears the same name as the 
 father. A few inscriptions in North Africa designate Maxi- 
 minus Imperator CcBsar Julius Verus Maximinus Pius Felix 
 Augustus, and his son Maximinus as Caius Julius Verus 
 Maxinius Nobilissimus Ccesar. The most complete and legible 
 record of their joint names may be read on a milliary column 
 near the entrance to an old mosque in Tunis, bearing the date 
 A.D. 237.' 
 
 IMP • CAES • I C • IVLIVS 
 IVERVS-MAXIMINVS-PIVS 
 
 FELIX • AVG • GERM • MAX • SAR 
 
 MAT ■ MAX • DACICVS • PONT 
 
 MAX • TRIE • POTEST • III • IMP • VI 
 
 L • IVLIVS • VERVS • MAXIMUS • NO| 
 BILISSI MVS CAES - IPRINCEPS 
 IVVENTVTIS • GERM • MAX • SAR 
 MAT • MAX • DACICVS • MAX 
 VI AM • A • CARTHAGINE • VS 
 QVE • AD • FINES • NVMIDIAE 
 PROVINCIAE • LONGA ■ INCVRIA 
 CORRVPTAM • AD QVE • DILAP 
 SAM • RESTITVERVNT 
 LXX 
 
 In this inscription the names of both these Caesars 
 are erased in the usual way by marginal lines. Somewhat 
 similar ones of the same year may be seen on two milliary 
 columns in the neighbourhood of Agbia, one on the road to 
 Thubursicum, and the other to Musti. All of them seem to 
 indicate that Maximinus was engaged in repairing the principal 
 highways in Africa, in order to facilitate military operations for 
 a revolt in the spring of the following year. One other inscrip- 
 tion worth noting was found at Gales in the proconsular province 
 of Africa, and is a dedication to Maximinus only et divines 
 domus ejus. This had been erased by Gordian I., but was 
 afterwards restored. 
 
 Three years' rule under such an Emperor, who remained a 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10047. Vi^^ Guerin, vol. i. p. 27. 
 
222 Roman Africa 
 
 barbarian to the end of his career, and whose motto was Nisi 
 crudelitate imperiuni non teneri, was productive of infinite harm, 
 and contributed more to promote the decline of the Empire 
 than the infamous conduct of Caracalla and Heliogabalus. 
 Like so many of their predecessors, Maximinus and his son 
 became the victims of the same men who had raised them to 
 power. The dagger of the soldier said the last word, and, after 
 a short interval of a few weeks, the statues raised in honour of 
 these two Augusti were overthrown and the names of both 
 father and son held in contempt. Their record in North Africa 
 is a blank ; for, with the exception of the milliary stones above 
 referred to, there are no inscriptions indicating one single act of 
 munificence or thought for the welfare of the vast population 
 of this great colony. No words can better express the growth 
 of decay at this period of the Roman Empire than the following 
 paragraph penned by our great historian.^ ' In the decline of 
 Empire, A.D. 200-250, the form was still the same, but the 
 animating vigour and health were fled. The industry of the 
 people was discouraged and exhausted by a long period of 
 oppression. The discipline of the legions, which alone, after 
 the extinction of every other virtue, had propped the greatness 
 of the State, was corrupted by the ambition, or relaxed by 
 the weakness, of the Emperors. The strength of the frontiers, 
 which had always consisted in arms rather than in fortifications, 
 was insensibly undermined ; and the fairest provinces were left 
 exposed to the rapaciousness or ambition of the barbarians, 
 who soon discovered the decline of the Roman Empire.' 
 
 There are few names more intimately associated with the 
 history of Roman Africa than those of the three Gordian 
 Emperors, whose figures pass too rapidly across the stage at 
 this period ; and there is no one in the long roll of Emperors 
 whose actions were so repulsive to the citizens of Rome and the 
 provinces as those of the savage Maximinus. With a rabble 
 army he was spreading devastation everywhere in his course, 
 and seemed to be on the point of assured success when the 
 legions of Africa declared against him. At that time the pro- 
 consul of Africa was a noble Roman of distinguished family, a 
 man of high attainments and commanding universal respect. 
 It was during the reign of Septimius Severus that the Senate 
 ' Gibbon, vol. i. p. 329. 
 
Africa under the Gordians 223 
 
 conferred upon Antoninus Gordianus this coveted distinction, 
 and we are told by Capitolinus that as soon as the Emperor 
 heard of the appointment he wrote to the conscript fathers, 
 ' You could not do anything more agreeable or more pleasant to 
 me than to send to Africa as proconsul so good a man, noble, 
 just, enlightened, and temperate in all things.' Such was the 
 reputation of the man who saved the Empire in a day of peril, 
 and, with some little hesitation excusable in a veteran then 
 entering upon his eightieth year, gave up the quiet enjoyments 
 of provincial life at the call of his country. It appears that 
 Gordian was residing at some country retreat near Thysdrus 
 in Africa Provincia at the time when Capellianus, as the ally of 
 Maxim inus, was inciting the native races to revolt, and we 
 learn from contemporary writers that Gordian was proclaimed 
 Csesar Imperator by the army of Africa in that remote town.^ 
 Gordian then proceeded to Carthage in state to receive the 
 congratulations of its citizens, and from thence despatched 
 messengers to Rome announcing his acceptance of imperial 
 power. But the joy of the Senate at the prospect of ' relief 
 from the cruelties of Maximinus was short-lived, for the troops 
 of Gordian were vanquished by the irregular army under 
 Capellianus, and the eldest son of the Emperor, associated with 
 him as Caesar, was killed. The shock was greater than the aged 
 Gordian could endure. His brain became affected, and in a fit 
 of despair he committed suicide. Great was the consternation 
 of the Senate, presided over by Flavins Valens, who was subse- 
 quently created Emperor with his brother Valentinian. Maxi- 
 minus was at that time encamped at Aquileia with a large army, 
 making preparations for a triumphal entry into Rome, and in a 
 few weeks the fate of the Empire might be sealed, and a reign 
 of military despotism begun. To meet the urgency of the 
 situation, two senators of consular rank and mature years were 
 selected to guard the national interests. One of them, named 
 Marcus Clodius Pupienus Maximus, who had considerable 
 military experience, was sent to Aquileia to give battle to 
 Maximinus ; the other, named Decimus Caelius Calvinus Bal- 
 binus, a man of noble birth and of tried capacity in administra- 
 tive affairs, was to remain in Rome as the guardian of the 
 
 ' Gordian I. received the title of Africanus when he was saluted as Emperor at 
 Thysdrus and taken in triumph to Carthage to be formally proclaimed. 
 
224 Roman Africa 
 
 people. And with a view to securing a continuance of the 
 Gordian dynasty, a grandson of the elder Gordian, at that 
 time a youth about twelve years old, was to be associated with 
 both of them as the Caesar Imperator of the future. An interest- 
 ing inscription on a milliary stone found nearly a mile from 
 Bouhira, in the province of Mauritania Sitifensis, on the slope of 
 a hill covered with ruins, records the names of all three Caesars.' 
 
 IMP CAES M CLODIO PVPIENI 
 
 O MAXIMO PIO FELICI AVG 
 
 PONT MAX TRIE POT COS 
 
 II PROCOS P P ET 
 
 IMP CAES D CAELIO CALVINO 
 
 BALBINO PIO FELICI AVG 
 
 PONT MAX TRIB POT COS 
 
 II PROCOS P P ET 
 
 M ANTONIO GORDIANO NO 
 
 BILISSIMO CAES PI AVG 
 
 NEPOTI DIVORVM GOR 
 
 DIANORVM RES P COL 
 
 NERV AVG SITIF 
 
 MVIIII 
 
 It will be observed that the citizens of Sitifis, in their dedication 
 to the two Emperors and the youthful Gordian, designate each 
 of the former as pontifex maximus. This was a departure from 
 an ancient rule of the constitution, which made the high office 
 of chief pontiff indivisible, and thus established a precedent 
 which ultimately tended to bring the title into disfavour.^ In 
 
 ■ C.I.L. No. 10365. Vide PouUe, Rec. de Const. 1873-4, p. 366. 
 
 * The origin of so distinguished a title as Pontifex maximus is veiled in con- 
 siderable obscurity, and has been the subject of a variety of statements, which may 
 be classed as conjectural. Among ancient authors who have assisted in throwing 
 light on the matter, Zosimus the historian, during the reign of Theodosius, may 
 claim a hearing. He tells us that ' the origin of Pontifices may be traced to a remote 
 period when mankind was unacquainted with the mode of worshipping gods in the 
 form of statues. Images of the deities were first made in'Thessaly. As there were 
 no temples in those days (for the use of such edifices was unknown), they set up 
 figures of their gods on a bridge over the river Peneus, and called those who sacri- 
 ficed to these images Gefhyrcei, Priests of the Bridge (Gr. ycpvpa, a bridge). 
 Hence the Romans, deriving it from the Greeks, called their own priests Pontifices, 
 and enacted a law that kings, for the sake of dignity, should be considered of the 
 number. The first king to enjoy this distinction was Numa Pompilius. After him 
 it was conferred not only on kings, but on Augustus and his successors in the 
 Roman Empire. Upon the elevation of any one to the imperial dignity, the 
 Pontifices brought him the priestly habit, and he was immediately styled Pontifex 
 
Africa under the Gordians 225 
 
 the earlier days of the Republic a pontifex maxinius, as head of 
 the college of priests, was not permitted to set foot out of Italy, 
 but as soon as the Emperors assumed a right to the title this 
 restriction was withdrawn. Julius Cffisar set the example by 
 making an expedition into the province of Gaul after his 
 acceptance from the Senate of this high office. It may be 
 observed that Valentinian II., at the close of the fourth century, 
 was the last of the Emperors to retain the dignity of chief 
 pontiff, and that it remained in abeyance till its assumption by 
 the Christian Bishops of Rome. 
 
 The few months' rule of these two high-minded senators, 
 who succeeded in ridding the world of the tyrant Maximinus 
 and securing tranquil succession to the youthful Gordian, is 
 marked by several incidents affecting the interests of Roman 
 Africa. Fortune for the moment favoured the army despatched 
 from Rome to arrest the progress of the usurping Emperor in 
 his march towards the capital. Maximinus was slain by his 
 own rebellious soldiers, and the troubles of the Empire seem to 
 have terminated. Had Maximinus been successful in his 
 campaign, all Africa would have been in arms, subjecting the 
 country to a long course of barbarity and the many evils 
 inseparable from irregular warfare. In the days of the great 
 Republic, and under the Csesars till the time of Septimius 
 Severus, the authority of the Senate representing the interests 
 of the Empire vk^ould have asserted itself whenever dissensions 
 at home or abroad endangered the State. But the old order of 
 things had passed away. The army was no longer the loyal 
 servant of the Senate, but its exacting master ; and the will of 
 the Prsetorians, prepared for any emergency, was irresistible. 
 The citizens of Rome disputed their authority, troubles ensued, 
 and ultimately Pupienus and Balbinus were sacrificed to the 
 fury of the soldiers. The names of both these Emperors are 
 now almost forgotten in the long array of Caesars of the third 
 century ; but the part they played in the Gordian drama, and 
 their loyalty to their country in the hour of distress, entitled 
 them to a more honourable place than time has accorded them. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when Gord;ian III., at the age 
 of sixteen, was raised to the purple. Possessing all the charms 
 
 maximus. According to Orelli, Gratian was the last of the Emperors to use this 
 title. 
 
 (') 
 
226 Roman Africa 
 
 of youth, an amiable disposition, and an honoured name, he 
 soon endeared himself to his subjects in all parts of the Empire. 
 For a time the Praetorians were quiet, waiting their opportunity 
 to test the military capacity and moral courage of the youthful 
 Caesar. Scarcely had Gordian been seated on the throne when 
 insurrection broke out in Africa. But the Emperor was equal 
 to the occasion. The military qualities he had exhibited in 
 early days, aided by the loyalty of his supporters, nipped the 
 rebellion in the bud, and peace and prosperity blossomed once 
 more under his amiable rule. Numerous inscriptions in North 
 Africa, bearing his honoured name, during this brief period, 
 attest a well-merited popularity. In nearly all parts of the 
 Empire dedications were made expressing satisfaction and con- 
 tentment, many of them referring to acts of munificence and to 
 encouragement given to the arts of peace in Rome as well as in 
 the provinces. In North Africa the titles of the Emperor vary 
 considerably. At Verecunda, for instance, there is a dedication 
 in which he is styled Gordiani nepoti et divi Gordiani sororis 
 Jilio} At Lambaesis we find that the soldiers of Julia Cassarea 
 were not unmindful of their Emperor;^ and on the road between 
 Mostaganem and Mascara a milliarium was found on which the 
 full titles are briefly given.^ The date will be A.D. 239. 
 
 IMP ■ CAES • M 
 
 ANTONIO GORDI DOMINO 
 
 ANO PIO FELICI IN IMP • CAES ■ M 
 
 VICTO AVG VEXIL ANTONIO ■ GOR 
 
 LATIO MILITVM DINO • INVIC 
 
 MAVRORVM TO • PIO ■ FELICI 
 
 CAESARIENS AVG • PONT ■ MAXI 
 
 IVM GORDIA MO ■ TRIE • POT • BIS 
 
 NORVM DEVO P • P • COS ■ PRO ■ CON 
 
 TORVM NVM SVLI • NEPOTI ■ DI 
 
 INI MAIEST VORVM • GORDIA 
 
 ATIQVE NORVM ■ M • P 
 EIVS 
 
 But the most interesting inscriptions are those bearing the 
 rame of his wife Sabinia Tranquillina conjointly with his own, 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1431. '' I.R.A. No. 99, copied by Renier and De la Mare^ 
 
 2 C.J.L. No. 10460. Rec. de Const. 1875, p. 438. 
 
Africa under the Gordians 227 
 
 of which the following, found at a place now called Henchir 
 Adjedj in the neighbourhood of Theveste, is a fair example : ^ 
 
 IMP CAES 
 M ANTONIO 
 GORDIANO PIO 
 FEL AVG ET 
 TRANQVILLI 
 NAE SABINAE 
 AVG EIVS 
 
 A far more important dedication is on a slab discovered at 
 Bir Haddada, the site of a Roman castellum in the province of 
 Mauritania Sitifensis : 
 
 I ■ O ■ M 
 CETERISQ ■ DIS 
 DEABVSQ • PRO • SA 
 LVTE • ADQ • INCO 
 LVMITATE • VIC 
 TORIISQ • D N ■ SAN 
 CTISSIMI ■ IMP • M 
 ANTONI ■ GORDIA 
 NI • INVICTI • PII ■ FE 
 LICIS ■ AVG • ET ■ SABI 
 NIAE • TRANQVILL 
 INAE ■ AVG • CON 
 IVGI • EIVS ■ AVG • N • TO 
 TAQVE ■ DOMO • DIVINA EO 
 RVM -K-B-D-D-S-P 
 
 Here we have in a few lines an invocation to Jupiter and all 
 the gods to protect the Emperor and Empress and their divine 
 family.'' In some instances the dedications are to the Empress 
 only, as in the following at Sigus in Numidia, the date being 
 A.D. 242.^ We know little of the career of Sabinia, except that 
 she was the daughter of a noble Roman named Misitheus (some- 
 times called Timesicles on account of his Greek extraction), or 
 Timasitheus, who was entrusted by his youthful son-in-law 
 with the highest duties of the State, and as prefect of the 
 Prstorians endeavoured to effect much-needed reforms in that 
 powerful body. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10695. ^''- * Const. 1878, p. 32. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8710. Rev. Afriq. 1861, p. 448. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5701. De la Mare, Explor., tab. 53, n. 3. I.R.A. No. 2467. 
 
228 Roman Africa 
 
 SABINIAE TRANQVIL 
 LINAE AVG CONIVGI 
 DOMINI NOSTRI 
 IMP CAES M ANTONI 
 GORDIANI PII FELICIS 
 INVICTI AVG PONT 
 MAX TRIE POT V 
 IMP VI COS II P P 
 PROCOS RESPVBLI 
 CA SIGVITANORVM 
 
 But honourable conduct seems to have been little valued in 
 that corrupt age, and reform in any branch of military service 
 was resisted to the utmost. Misitheus was succeeded in the 
 prefecture by Philip the Arab, and ultimately was sacrificed to 
 make way for his ambitious projects. Although the name of 
 Sabinia has been almost forgotten, it is pleasant to find so 
 many dedications in her honour in remote places in North 
 Africa. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that this Empress 
 had established a good reputation and a degree of popularity 
 among Roman citizens. 
 
 Capitolinus, in his lives of the Gordians, tells us that 
 Gordian III. did much to promote art, and mentions as an 
 instance of his regard for beautiful surroundings that he adorned 
 the peristyle of the family villa in the Prenestine Way with 
 200 columns of marble — 50 of marble of Carystea, 50 of 
 Claudian, 50 of Synnada, and 50 of marble from Numidia — 
 the last probably coming from the quarries at Simittu already 
 referred to. But the name of this Emperor, linked with those 
 of his grandfather and his uncle, will be for ever associated 
 with the remote town of Thysdrus, where Gordian I. was drawn 
 from a peaceful life to raise the standard of resistance against 
 Maximinus the tyrant, and where a monument was raised in 
 their honour, whose magnificent remains still excite the wonder 
 and admiration of every traveller in modern Tunisia. The 
 name of Thysdrus sounds unfamiliar in speaking of the present 
 Arab village of El-Djem and the colossal amphitheatre there 
 bearing the same title. Indeed, were it not for the presence of 
 this structure, the site of the Roman town of Thysdrus would 
 have been diflficult to identify ; and, owing to the absence of 
 inscriptions and records of any kind relating to the amphi- 
 theatre, its ruined surroundings might have remained an un- 
 
'"■^^?Wr-*^53S?5*^ 
 
Africa under the Gordians 229 
 
 solved problem. As to the town itself, we know from the 
 writings of Hirtius that Julius Caesar levied a fine on its 
 inhabitants after the battle of Thapsus, a coast town some 
 twenty miles distant, where the issue proved fatal to the party 
 of Scipio. Thysdrus cannot be said to exist at the present day, 
 but the site is clearly indicated by the disturbed surface of the 
 ground near the amphitheatre, and by the discovery in recent 
 years of a number of tombstones. It could not have been a 
 town of great size or importance at the commencement of the 
 Christian era, for Hirtius tells us that Caesar mitigated the fine 
 on account of the wretched condition of the inhabitants : propter 
 humilitatem civitatis certo nuinero frumenti multat. The exact 
 date of the erection of the amphitheatre is a matter of con- 
 jecture, and is likely to remain so. It is scarcely possible that 
 so gigantic a structure, demanding considerable forethought in 
 design and beset with many difficulties in its execution, could 
 have been planned and commenced during the six weeks' reign 
 of the first of the Gordians. Rather let us assume that when 
 the third of the Gordians found himself securely seated on the 
 throne, with every prospect of enjoying a peaceful reign, his 
 thoughts may have reverted to the little town in Africa where 
 his distinguished grandfather had been raised to the purple. 
 It was the custom to mark the accession of an Emperor in the 
 principal towns by a course of several weeks' festivities, defrayed 
 by the imperial treasury. Perhaps the cost of the amphitheatre, 
 needful for repeated exhibitions of the games of the arena, was 
 defrayed from the same source on the accession of Gordian III. 
 But this is a matter of conjecture, and the whole subject is 
 involved in mystery. Capitolinus, writing in the reigns of 
 Diocletian and Constantine, makes no mention of the amphi- 
 theatre. He alludes to the proclamation at Thysdrus of the 
 first Gordian, and adds in a subsequent paragraph that great 
 festivities were in preparation by Gordian III. for celebrating 
 the thousandth anniversary of the foundation of Rome, com- 
 memorated a few years later by Philip his successor. It seems 
 strange that such a monumental edifice of architectural pre- 
 tensions, covering \\ acres of ground, rising to a height of 
 about 120 feet, and capable of seating more than 30,000 
 persons, should have been passed over without comment by 
 so careful a biographer as Capitolinus. The coins struck in 
 
230 Roman Africa 
 
 the reigns of the Gordians throw little light on the subject. 
 According to Shaw there is one giving a representation of an 
 amphitheatre not hitherto accounted for by medallists. But 
 there is another well-known coin of this era with a somewhat 
 similar representation of an amphitheatre, which undoubtedly 
 refers to the repairing or completing the Flavian amphitheatre 
 at Rome during the reign of Gordian III. The inscription 
 Munificentia Gordiani Aug. is conclusive. In both coins the 
 amphitheatre is shown with three stories of arcades surmounted 
 by an attic, a colossus on one side and a portico on the other. 
 It is quite possible that one coin was struck at Rome, and the 
 other in the mint at Carthage, but they both refer to the edifice 
 at Rome, and the colossus represented is none other than the 
 so-called Colossus of Nero. The comparative silence of Latin 
 authors, and of Arab writers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, 
 such as El-Bekri and Edrisi, on any matter relating to Thysdrus, 
 renders a solution of this question somewhat difficult. Justus 
 Lipsius, the author Qi Admiranda, sive de Magnitudine Romana, 
 written in 1630, gives a list of all the known amphitheatres, 
 but makes no mention of the one at Thysdrus. The Jesuit 
 father, Josephe Gius, who wrote an elaborate description of 
 Aries and other similar edifices, is quite silent on the point, 
 and the Marquis Scipio Maffei,^ when comparing the amphi- 
 theatre at Verona with those at Rome and Capua, boldly 
 asserts that these were the only amphitheatres ever built by 
 the Romans. The rest, including those whose remains may 
 still be seen at Aries, Nimes, Pompeii, and Pola (not mention- 
 ing Thysdrus), he describes as theatres, and not intended for 
 gladiatorial exhibitions. Shaw, who travelled through Barbary 
 1730-38,^ was the first to draw attention to this great monu- 
 ment at Thysdrus, and Bruce, some thirty years later, was 
 probably the first traveller who made a drawing of it. Gibbon 
 the historian gives no clue as to its origin, and accepts the 
 statements of Capitolinus as the groundwork for this period of 
 Roman history. Our own encyclopsedias are also silent, and 
 
 ' Marquis Francesco Scipione Maffei, A compleat History of the Ancient Amphi- 
 theatres. London : 1730. 8vo. Another writer on the subject was Justus Lipsius, 
 Admiranda, sive de Magnitudine Romana, Lib. IV. Editio ultima, Antverpise. 
 MDCXXX. No mention is made of Thj'sdiiis. 
 
 * Shaw, p. 206. 
 
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Africa under the Gordians 231 
 
 some of them ignore the monument altogether. There is little 
 doubt, however, that many inscribed stones, removed from the 
 amphitheatre from time to time, are built into the walls of 
 Arab huts in the adjacent village of El-Djem, and that a 
 systematic exploration of the site of the ancient town would 
 bring to light some record of the building of this gigantic 
 structure. For the present we must be content with traditional 
 history, and assume (there is reasonable ground for the as- 
 sumption) that the building was planned and nearly completed 
 under the Gordian dynasty. The coming celebration of the 
 tenth centenary of the foundation of Rome, for which the 
 Gordians were preparing, would promote the building of amphi- 
 theatres and the completion of those that were in progress, not 
 only in Rome, but in every province of the Empire. Capitolinus 
 tells us plainly that the preparations of Gordian III. were on the 
 most extensive scale, and that his munificence in encouraging 
 the games of the arena was not surpassed by any one of the 
 Roman Emperors. 
 
 Like the aqueduct of Carthage, this monument at Thysdrus 
 is a standing testimony to the force of imperial will, and to 
 the strength and determination so conspicuous in the Roman 
 character. It mattered little to the Emperor whether stone or 
 marble were at hand or transport of materials difficult. In the 
 quarries at Sullectum, some twenty miles distant, stone of excel- 
 lent quality was abundant, and to all appearances this stone and 
 no other was used. What were the appliances for conveying 
 tens of thousands of huge blocks of chiselled stone so long 
 a distance, or how many thousands of forced labourers were 
 employed on the work, we have no means of knowing. It is 
 sufficient for us to regard with amazement the audacity of an 
 undertaking which, in the present day and in the actual con- 
 dition of the country, would be stamped with impossibility 
 Like all the other great amphitheatres of the Empire, the 
 divisions and arrangements of the one at Tkysdrus present no 
 distinctive features, having externally the usual open arcades, 
 each presenting a complete Order. In this one the first and 
 third are of Corinthian Order, and the second Composite. 
 Whether the attic was Corinthian or not we have no means 
 of judging, as only a portion of the inner wall of the top story 
 remains. There were two principal entrances, one of which 
 
232 Roman Africa 
 
 is entirely destroyed. The interior has suffered more than the 
 exterior, owing partly to its having been used as a fortress, 
 but principally to the wantonness . of Arabs, who have been 
 accustomed for centuries to regard the entire edifice as a very 
 cheap and convenient stone quarry. When El-Bekri saw the 
 amphitheatre in the eleventh century, he described the interior 
 as being arranged in steps from top to bottom, and as late as 
 Bruce's visit some portions of the seats and inclines must have 
 been iniact. There is every reason to suppose that the structure 
 was never completed. The short rule of the Gordians, scarcely 
 extending over six years, with whose memory it was intimately 
 associated, was followed by a line of Emperors who had no 
 interest in this obscure town in Africa, so far from the coast. 
 This fact might help to account for so great a monument having 
 been left unfinished. As for the structure itself, there are many 
 indications that it was built with great rapidity with a view to 
 its being used for some special occasion. Nearly every stone 
 has a triangular- shaped lewis-hole on the external face, showing 
 that the raising of the blocks into position was of more con- 
 sideration than the appearance of the work. Again, the arch- 
 stones are not all carefully cut to suit the extrados of the 
 arches, and several of the modillions which adorn the cornices 
 of the three stories are left uncut. There are indications of an 
 intention to carve the keystones of the bottom arcade, but only 
 two of them have been worked (perhaps by way of experiment), 
 one representing the head of a lion and the other the bust of a 
 female, the dressing of the head being in the fashion of the 
 period. The three tiers of arcades appear to have been com- 
 pleted, with the exception perhaps of the cornice, but there is 
 no indication whatever of any of the facing blocks of the attic 
 story having been fixed in position. There is one peculiarity 
 about the structure which is very noticeable. Nearly every 
 course of masonry is of the same height, being within a fraction 
 of 20 inches, the length of the stones averaging 38 inches. 
 In each Order the entablatures are similar, the architrave, frieze, 
 and cornice being each one stone in height. The bases of the 
 engaged columns are in one stone, and the surbases also. The 
 superficial area of this amphitheatre is almost identical with 
 that of the incomplete amphitheatre at Verona, which ranks 
 with that at Capua as one of the largest of provincial edifices 
 
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Africa under the Gordians 233 
 
 of this description. Comparing it with the Colosseum at Rome, 
 there is nnarked variation in the dimensions of repeated features, 
 especially in the proportions of wall spaces and the open arches 
 of the arcades. The extreme major axis may be estimated at 
 489 feet, and the minor axis at 403 feet. The height of the 
 first Order is 26 feet 6 inches, of the second Order 32 feet 
 10 inches, and of the third Order 29 feet 8 inches. Assuming 
 that the attic was intended to be of the same proportionate 
 height as its prototype in Rome, the total height of the external 
 wall, measured from the ground, would have been 124 feet 
 6 inches. The construction itself possesses considerable merit. 
 The stone, a shelly limestone, quite white when quarried, but 
 after long exposure presenting a golden hue, is very beautiful 
 when the sun is low on the horizon, but it did not admit of very 
 fine workmanship. The surface of the stone is excellent, and 
 the vaulting throughout, which is in smaller blocks, is well 
 worthy of study. The stones have not in all cases been well 
 fitted, owing probably to the rapid execution of the work, and 
 consequently the mortar joints, especially in the corridors, are 
 thicker than one generally meets with in the best class of 
 Roman masonry. The proportions of the openings and wall 
 spaces are very pleasing, and the mouldings generally, though 
 simple and frequently repeated, have been well considered. 
 
 The history of this amphitheatre has been a stirring one in 
 later times. Its form and solidity made it useful as a fortress, 
 and we learn that, at the time of the Arab invasion of North 
 Africa, a female chieftain named El-Kahina resisted their ap- 
 proach, taking shelter within the building and sustaining a long 
 siege. In 1697 the tribes of the district refused payment of the 
 annual tribute to the Bey and sought refuge within its walls. 
 Artillery was brought to bear upon the edifice, and a breach 
 equal to one-fourth of the perimeter prevented its ever being 
 used again for a similar purpose. Since that time many of the 
 dislodged blocks of stone have been carried off and the breach 
 made larger. The miserable dwellings of Arabs now clustered 
 round the walls, and even within the lower arcades, present a 
 striking and piteous contrast to the noble workmanship of their 
 predecessors. 
 
 The whole subject of amphitheatres forms an important 
 chapter in Roman history. They are a type of public buildings 
 
234 Roman Africa 
 
 essentially Roman, and are unknown in any country unsubdued 
 by Roman arms. They may be divided into three classes. 
 Those at Capua, El-Djem, Verona, Aries, Nimes, and Pola, all 
 modelled after the Colosseum at Rome, may represent the first 
 class ; those of which we have examples at Psstum, Pompeii, 
 Italica, Caerleon, as well as at Bou-Chater, Oudena, and 
 numerous other towns in North Africa, partly excavated and 
 partly embellished with masonry, may be assigned to the second 
 class ; and others still traceable, of which the one at Dorchester 
 may be recognised as a typical example, being excavations of 
 elliptical form with cut benches of turf, belong to the third class. 
 These are rightly called Castrensian amphitheatres, and pro- 
 bably no Roman castruin in any province, however remote, was 
 unprovided with one of these rough constructions. Montfaucon 
 says that every Roman city had its amphitheatre, and certainly 
 in North Africa there is scarcely a town where the lines of one 
 cannot be traced. 
 
 Gordian III., the last survivor of a short-lived dynasty, shares 
 with Alexander Severus the sympathetic regard of all law- 
 abiding citizens of every age. Like so many of his predecessors, 
 he paid the penalty for honourable conduct. The Pr£Etorians, at 
 the instigation of their prefect, demanded his removal. The 
 youthful Emperor, just entering his twentieth year, was murdered, 
 and Philip the Arab reigned in his stead. The name of Gordian 
 must have continued a pleasant memory in after generations, 
 for we are told by Capitolinus that, by a decree of the Senate, 
 their descendants were to be free for ever, as citizens of Rome, 
 from all the heavy taxes and burdens of the State. It is to be 
 regretted that no Latin inscriptions have been brought to light 
 in North Africa bearing the names of Gordian I. and his son. 
 At Djemila (the ancient Cuiculum) a fragmentary slab has been 
 found somewhat difficult to decipher, but the characters are 
 Greek,^ and the few words that are legible do not convey 
 information of any value. 
 
 ' C.i.L. No. 10895. 
 
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235 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 AFRICA UNDER THE LATER EMPERORS 
 A.D. 244-254 
 
 In the long list of Emperors who crossed the stage in rapid 
 succession towards the decline of the Empire, many may be 
 regarded as puppets in the hands of a faction ; others were 
 invested with the purple by accident rather than by the deliberate 
 will of the people, while a few were mere implements at the 
 disposal of a corrupt and undisciplined army. The short rule 
 of a few months accorded to many of them prevented their 
 taking an active part in administrative affairs outside the walls 
 of Rome, or finding opportunities for visiting any of the great 
 provinces of the Empire. Although Africa was an unknown 
 country to some, yet their names, honoured or dishonoured, 
 may be found recorded on stone or marble in nearly every part 
 of this great colony. To some of the Emperors are accorded a 
 long array of superlative epithets, which the greatest of the 
 Csesars in the better days of the Empire would have hesitated to 
 accept ; while to others are given the customary titles that 
 tradition had assigned to the Csesar of the day. In testimony 
 of the change which had taken place since the days of Augustus, 
 a comparison may be made between the titles accorded to that 
 great Emperor and those adopted by such an unworthy repre- 
 sentative of the line of Caesars as Philip the Arab, who 
 treacherously murdered Gordian III., and ruled for five years 
 more as a military adventurer than as guardian of the interests 
 of a great Empire. But fortune favoured his career far beyond 
 his deserts. The thousandth anniversary of tfie foundation of 
 Rome A.C. 753 was commemorated shortly after he came to the 
 throne, and consequently festivities on an unusual scale were 
 held in every city and town of the Empire. This is partly 
 shown by the large number of inscriptions of that period 
 dedicated to the Emperor and his wife, as well as to his son 
 
236 Roman Africa 
 
 Philip, who shared the imperial dignities, although he was only 
 a child of eight years. Among those brought to light on 
 African soil, the following, selected from a large number, will 
 serve to indicate the tone of national feeling which prevailed on 
 such a memorable occasion. In this instance the immediate 
 cause of rejoicing was the reconstruction of the waterworks at a 
 remote place in Mauritania Sitifensis, now known as Kharbet 
 Zembia, but the dedication is complete, even to the bestowal of 
 invictus on the little boy Caesar.' 
 
 FELICISSIMIS • TEMPORIBVS • D ■ D • N • N • IMP • 
 CAES ■ M • IVLI • PHILIPPI • INVICTI ■ PII FELICIS • ET 
 • IMP • ■CAES'-M'-TVLi'- PHILIPPI • INVICTI PII • FELI- 
 CIS ■ AVG ET MARCIAE • OTACILIAE SEVERAE • AVG • 
 AQVAE • FONTIS ■ QVAE • MVLTO ■ TEMPORE DEPERIERAT • 
 ET • CIVES • INOPIA ■ AQVAE LABORABANT • INSTANTIA- 
 M • AVRELII • ATHONIS ■ MARCELLI • V ■ E ■ PROC ■ AVGG 
 ■ RARISSIMI • PRAESIDIS N PATRONI • MVNCIPII • 
 INNOVATO • OPERE • AQVAE ■ DVCTVS • ABVNDANS • 
 IN • FONTE EST PERDVCTA. 
 
 Sometimes the dedication was to the Empress, shown in an 
 interesting inscription found at Djemila, the ancient Cuiculum, 
 where the designations of wife and mother are clearly expressed, 
 and the full titles of Roman Empresses at this period are set 
 forth.2 
 
 MARCIAE OTACILIAE SEVERAE 
 
 AVG CONIVGI D N IMP CAES 
 
 M IVLI PHILIPPI PII FELIC AVG 
 
 PONT MAX TRIB POT V COS III 
 
 PROCOS P P MAT IMP CAES M IVLI 
 
 PHILIPPI AVG F PII FELICIS 
 
 PONT MAX TRIB POT II COS 
 
 II PROCOS P P PRINCIPIS IV 
 
 VENTVTIS AVG ET CASTRO 
 
 RVM ET SENATVS ET PATRIAE 
 
 RES P CVICVLITANOR DEVOTA 
 
 NVMINI MAIESTATIQ EORVM 
 D D P P 
 
 The prominence given to her name leads one to suppose 
 that Marcia played a conspicuous part in public affairs. Of 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8809. Some attempts at erasure are apparent ; vide Ann. de Const. 
 1860-61, p. 226. ' C.I.L. No. 20139. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 237 
 
 Philip's career we know but little. As an African he might 
 have been expected to associate his name with some city in his 
 native country, or with some great movement affecting the 
 welfare of his African subjects. But the habits of his youth, 
 trained in the rough ways of the Desert, did not lend themselves 
 to any of the gentler arts of civilisation. During the five years 
 of his reign the excitements of the battle-field and the pleasures 
 of the camp proved more congenial to his tastes than the dis- 
 charge of civil and administrative duties. Like his immediate 
 predecessors, he shared a similar fate at the hands of his own 
 soldiers, and the favourite of the hour reigned in his stead. 
 
 Little information can be gathered from contemporary 
 historians about the progress of civilisation in North Africa 
 during the reigns of the short-lived Emperors in the latter half 
 of the third century. Flavius Vopiscus, as a writer, may be 
 regarded as the most reliable, but he is almost silent on the 
 subject. Inscriptions also give little aid, though the wording 
 of a large number of votive memorials and dedications to 
 honoured citizens is sufficient evidence of a spread of content- 
 ment and prosperity, of municipalities increasing in influence 
 and population, and of citizens in the full enjoyment of national 
 security. There were no disturbances to cause disquietude, 
 frontier towns were well protected by numerous castella, and the 
 great central garrison at LambcBsis was strengthened from time 
 to time by the addition of troops drawn from other parts of the 
 Empire. 
 
 The accession of Decius, a native of Bubalia in Lower 
 Pannonia, after the murder of Philip, was favoured by the army 
 and approved by the Senate. His reign for about two years 
 was marked by an incident which affected the welfare of North 
 Africa for at least a generation. Prompted by Pagan fanatics, 
 this Emperor was induced to issue an edict encouraging persecu- 
 tion of Christians in every part of the Empire, with the result 
 that the lives of numerous citizens settled in Africa were 
 sacrificed, and the progress of flourishing law-abiding com- 
 munities was checked in their civilising career. Beyond this 
 we know little of Decius, but from Aurelius Victor, who wrote 
 about a century later, we learn that this Emperor was highly 
 educated, well trained in all the arts, addicted to virtue, and a 
 brave soldier ; and from the pages of Vopiscus we gather some 
 
238 Roman Africa 
 
 insight into the character of Decius from the following expression, 
 referring to the Emperors generally and to the few who could 
 be called good princes : Quam pauci sint principes boni. And 
 then, in his mention of Decius, he says Decium excerpere debeani, 
 cujus et vita et mors veteribus comparanda est. The following 
 inscription on a milliariwm found between the modern villages 
 of Gastonville and Robertville gives the full titles of this 
 Emperor,' the date being A.D. 250 : 
 
 IMP CAES C MESSIVS 
 QVINTVS TRAIANVS 
 DECIVS INICTVS PIVS F 
 ELIX AVG PONTIFEX MA 
 XIMVS TRIBVNICIAE PO 
 TESTATIS CONSVL II PA 
 TER PATRIAE PROCONSVL 
 VIAM IMBRIBVS ET VETVS 
 TATE CONLABSAM CVM 
 PONTIBVS RESTITVIT 
 
 Another interesting inscription on a milliarium discovered 
 in North Africa, bearing the same date, includes the name of his 
 son Herennius, as well as of Hostilianus, both of whom were 
 associated with him in imperial dignity.^ Neither of these 
 Caesars acceded to the throne. In this latter inscription the 
 name of Decius is misspelt, a common failing in Roman lettering. 
 There are about seven inscriptions in North Africa bearing the 
 name of Decius. Decius filius is mentioned in two of them, 
 and Hostilianus in one only, as above recorded. 
 
 IMP • CAES • C ■ MESSIVS 
 
 Q • TRAIANVS • DECCIVS 
 
 INVICTVS • PIVS • FELIX- AVG 
 
 P • M • TRIB • P • COS ■ II ■ P • P • PROCOS 
 
 ET • Q • HERENNIVS • ETRVSCVS 
 
 MESSIVS ■ DECCIVS • CAESAR 
 
 ET • C • VALENS • HOSTILIANVS 
 
 MESSIVS QVINTVS 
 
 There is little need to make more than passing mention of 
 the Emperors between the death of Decius, A.D. 251, and the 
 accession of Diocletian, A.D. 283. Although their names in- 
 scribed in marble or stone have been found in so many parts 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10318. Arch, des Miss. Scieni. 1875, p. 412. 
 ' C.I.L. No. 1005 1. A milliarium formerly to be seen in the ducal palace at 
 Florence, but now lost. Vide Orelli, No. 992. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 239 
 
 of North Africa, the wording of most of the memorials throws 
 little light on contemporary history. In nearly all cases we are 
 confronted with the usual magniloquent titles peculiar to the 
 Emperors of the third century, lacking that dignity of expression 
 and pride of lineage which graced the names of the Csesars till 
 the time of Septimius Severus. Gallus, the successor of Decius, 
 and his rival ^milianus the Moor, who aspired to the purple, 
 might be passed by without comment, were it not for several 
 dedications in their honour on milliary columns. With Gallus 
 was associated his son Volussianus, who shared with his father, 
 after a reign of about two years, the usual fate reserved for 
 Emperors of this period. A column recording their joint 
 names was found at a place called Ngaous in the Hodna, but is 
 now serving as 'a pillar in a neighbouring mosque. The letter- 
 ing was copied by MM. De la Mare and CoUineau, and is thus 
 rendered by these experts : ^ 
 
 IMPP 
 
 DD NN 
 
 CVIBIO TR 
 
 EBON 10 GA Imferatoribus dominis nostris Caio Vibio 
 
 LLO ET C VIBI Trebonio Gallo et Caio Vibio Afinio Gallo 
 
 O A FINIO G Valdumiano Volussiano, invictissimis 
 
 ALLO VALD principibus,pontificibusmaxim.is,Augustis 
 
 VMIAN VOL nostris, bis consuUbus, patribus patricB. 
 
 VSSIANO INVI 
 CTISSIMIS PR 
 CIPIB PP MA 
 AVGG NN II 
 COSS PP 
 
 Of yEmilianus, their successor, we only know that his claim 
 was acknowledged by the Senate, and that he fell a victim to 
 his soldiers after an imaginary reign of a few months. In 
 North Africa the name of this almost forgotten Csesar is recorded 
 on a milliary stone found on the road between Lambsesis and 
 
 Diana.' 
 
 ,JMP CAES 
 M AEMI 
 LIVS AE 
 MILIANV 
 S PIVS FE 
 LIX AVG 
 
 ' I.K.A. No. 1672. ' I.R.A. No. 4338. 
 
240 Roman Africa 
 
 The reign of Gallus had no influence on African progress, 
 nor is there a single monument in that country associated 
 with his name. We are told by Aurelius Victor that he was 
 raised to the purple in the island of Meninx, immortalised by 
 Homer as the island of the Lotophagi,^ but better known in 
 modern times by the name of Djerba. The quotation from this 
 author, Creati in insula Meninge, quce nunc Girba dicitur, implies 
 that both Gallus and his son attained imperial dignity at the 
 same time. Archaeological research has not hitherto been 
 successful in bringing to light the remains of any monumental 
 edifices or other memorial of their reign in that far-off island. 
 There is little in the present day to indicate the character of the 
 buildings which once covered a large area at El-Kantara over- 
 looking the straits which separate Djerba from the mainland, 
 but the wealth of marble and sculptured stones scattered over 
 the surface bears testimony to the existence, at that period of 
 Roman history, of a city of renown, probably the capital of the 
 island, and bearing the name of Meninx. 
 
 The short rule of Gallus, conspicuous for cruelty and in- 
 difference to the welfare of the State, was followed by the com- 
 paratively long and active reign of Valerianus and his son 
 Gal-lienus. Inscriptions relating to these Emperors are numerous 
 enough in all parts of the Empire, and in no country are the 
 dedications more clearly worded than in North Africa. 
 
 Sometimes the names of father and son appear together, as 
 in the following inscription of eight lines on a column at Cirta, 
 now built into the wall of a house at Constantine : ^ 
 
 IMP • CAES ■ P ■ LICINIO Imperatori Casari Puhlio Licinio 
 
 VALERIANO INVICTO Valeriana tnvicto pio felici Augusto 
 
 PIO FEL AVG PONT MAX pontifici inaximo tribunicicE potesiatis, 
 
 ' It seems strange that the lotus referred to in the Odyssey has not been satis- 
 factorily identified. Shaw speaks of the seedra or lotus, in appearance not unlike a 
 blackthorn. This has been recognised as the zizyphus lotus or jujube tree, which 
 bears a fruit hardly eatable in its wild state, but when cultivated is somewhat better. 
 But how does this agree with the passage in Homer? 'Whosoever did eat the honey- 
 sweet fruit of the lotus had no longer any desire to bring tidings nor to return, but 
 to abide with the lotus-eating men, ever feeding on the lotus and forgetful of the 
 homeward way.' Rather let us search for this delectable food, observed the late 
 Sir R. Lambert Playfair, in the island of Djerba of our own times, and claim as the 
 lotus of the ancient world the most beneficent fruit which Providence ever bestowed 
 on man — the honey-sweet date of the modern Arab. 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 1842. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 241 
 
 TRB PPPPROC ET fiatri patrice, proconsuli, et imperatori 
 
 IMP CAES P LICINIO Ccesari Publio Licinio GalUeno invicto 
 
 GALLIENO INVICTO pio felici Augusto pontifici fnaximo, 
 
 PIO FELICE AVG PONT tribunicicB potestatis, patri patria. 
 MAX TRB P P P 
 
 Another interesting inscription, in which many of the words 
 are linked together, may still be seen in the public gardens at 
 Setif. It is a dedication by the veterans residing at Sitifis to 
 the family of Valerian, and bears the names of his son Gallienus, 
 and of his two grandsons Valerianus and Saloninus. This 
 inscription has attracted the attention of several epigraphists, 
 and has been deciphered by Wilmanns, Berbrugger, Creully, and 
 others : ' 
 
 Divo CcBsari Publio Cornelio Licinio Valeriana^ nepoti imperatoris 
 CcEsaris Publii Licinii Valeriani AugusH, filio imperatoris Ccesaris 
 Publii Licinii Gallieni Augusti, fratri Publii Cornelii Licinii Salonini 
 nobilissimi CcEsaris Augusti, colonia Nerviana Augusta Martialis 
 veteranorum Sitifensium, deer do decurionuni, pecitnia publica. 
 
 Of still greater interest is the inscription on a broken milliary 
 column found n^ar Khenschela (the ancient Mascula), being a 
 dedication by its citizens to the three Emperors, father, son, and 
 grandson, coupling with their names Cornelia Salonina, the 
 illustrious wife of Gallienus : ^ 
 
 IMPPP DDD NNN 
 P LICINIO VALERIANO 
 ET P LICINIO EGNATIO 
 GALLIENO PUS FELI ' AV (jzV) 
 GVSTIS ET P CORNELIO 
 LICINIO VALERIANO NO 
 BILISSIMO CAESARI 
 ET CORNELIAE SALO 
 NINAE AVG 
 R-P • M -M 
 
 The last line may be read, according to Wilmanns, Respublica 
 municipii Masculatani. It is gratifying to find the name of this 
 excellent princess, who was distinguished for her virtues, her 
 tender regard for the welfare of the people, and her liberal 
 patronage of the arts of peace, recorded on a pedestal in a 
 remote corner of the proconsular province of Africa, not far 
 from the city of Tunis. This stone was unearthed about forty 
 
 ' LR.A. No. 3282. 2 C.I.L. No. 17680. 
 
 R 
 
242 Roman Africa 
 
 years ago by M. Gu6rin, and, according to his interpretation, 
 is clearly worded.' 
 
 CORNELIAE SALONINAE 
 PIAE CONIVGI • D • N 
 IMP • CAES ■ P • LICINI 
 EGNATI GALLIENI PII 
 FEL • AVG • MVNIC • AVREL 
 VINA • DEVOT • NVMINI 
 MAIESTATIQVE EIVS 
 
 A special value is attached to this discovery, for it proves 
 that the scattered remains where this slab was found, at a place 
 now called Henchir-el-Khanga, are those of the old Municipimn 
 Aurelia Vina, the existence of which had hitherto been un- 
 known. It is probable that the inhabitants of this municipium 
 had good cause for raising this memorial to so worthy an 
 Empress as Cornelia Salonina. 
 
 It was during the reigns of Valerianus and Gallienus that 
 the edict issued by their predecessor Decius for the suppression 
 of Christianity throughout the Empire came into full operation, 
 and was followed by such lamentable results in the chief cities 
 of North Africa. The progress of the Christian Church in any 
 of the Roman provinces is too large a subject to be dealt with 
 in this slight outline of the history of the Roman occupation of 
 this country, but it is so intimately interwoven with the life of 
 the people that it merits more than passing mention. From 
 the time of Nero, whose memory is associated with the first 
 imperial persecution of Christians in Rome, down to the pro- 
 clamation of the edict of Decius, the Church had been subject 
 at intervals to the attacks of Pagan fanatics, and had more than 
 recovered its ground on each occasion. But its existence as a 
 Church, or organised form of a distinct religion, had not been 
 regarded as illegal till Trajan found himself forced to issue an 
 edict for its suppression in order to soothe the growing animosity 
 between votaries of the old and the new cult. During his reign 
 Christian communities were becoming a source of disquietude 
 to provincial governors on account of their extended operations 
 and the social position of many Roman citizens who had em- 
 braced the new creed. From Pliny, the governor of Bithynia 
 and friendly correspondent of the Emperor Trajan, we gather 
 
 ' Vide Gu^rin, Voyage en Tunisie, vol. ii. p. 264. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 243 
 
 some idea of the anxiety whicli troubled him in dealing with 
 recalcitrants in his far-distant province. So rapidly, he tells us, 
 was Christianity spreading that the ancient temples were being 
 deserted, and votive offerings to the gods he was taught to 
 reverence were daily becoming matters of indifference. If such 
 a state of things prevailed in a country of such secondary 
 importance, how much more potent in its results would be the 
 working of a similar movement in so renowned a centre of 
 intellectual thought, and the home of so vast a population, as 
 the city of Carthage ! The schools of rhetoric and philosophy, 
 which had been firmly established there during the rule of the 
 Antonines, had attracted men of eminence from all parts cf 
 the Empire, and had made Carthage inferior only to Rome as a 
 seat of learning in the second century. As a stronghold of 
 Christianity it had asserted its authority in the time of Septimius 
 Severus, when Tertullian, a native of that city and the first in 
 point of date of the Latin Fathers, stands forth pre-eminently as 
 the pioneer of the Church in Africa. The gentle rule of the 
 Antonines had been tolerant of all forms of religion, and had 
 given more tacit encouragement to freedom of thought than was 
 accorded at any later period .of the Empire. For more than 
 eighty years, dating from the accession of Hadrian to the firm 
 establishment of imperial government under Septimius Severus, 
 Christian communities had enjoyed almost unrestrained liberty 
 of action, and had extended the sphere of their operations into 
 remote parts of the Empire. But their labours received a severe 
 check when Tertullian of Carthage, a master of rhetoric, openly 
 preached the new doctrine to not unwilling ears, and helped to 
 provoke an edict by Severus for the suppression of all forms of 
 Christian worship. Some thirty years later Alexander Severus, 
 instigated by his ministers rather than from personal inclination, 
 issued a similar proclamation ; but it was not till the reign of 
 Decius, A.D. 249-251, that Pagan zealots found in the African 
 Church a field for systematic persecution, and invoked the 
 Senate at Rome and the governors of provinces to refuse pro- 
 tection to any followers of the new creed. It is in this stage 
 of the history of the Church that we are brought face to face 
 with the fact that 'it was through Africa that Christianity 
 became the religion of the world. Tertullian and Cyprian were 
 from Carthage, Arnobius from Sicca Veneria, Lactantius and 
 
244 Roman Africa 
 
 probably in like manner Minucius Felix were, in spite of their 
 Latin names, natives of Africa, and not less so Augustine. In 
 Africa the Church found its most zealous confessors of the faith 
 and its most gifted defenders.'^ Cyprian, too, passes across 
 the stage at a period when Carthage was at the height of its 
 renown. It was within the city walls that he pleaded the cause 
 of Christianity, and it was on the summit of the citadel hill, 
 where now stands the cathedral of St. Louis, that Cyprian 
 convened a great Council of the Church, when no less than 
 eighty-seven bishops from the provinces of Africa, Numidia, 
 and Mauritania obeyed his summons. We may pass over the 
 minor persecutions suffered by Christians in Africa during the 
 latter half of the third century, for they all pale in their cruelty 
 before the forcible edict of Diocletian, A.D. 303, which was 
 nothing less than a determination on the part of that powerful 
 Emperor to extirpate the Church for ever from his dominions. 
 For ten years the battle of rival religions raged with terrible 
 severity, and the slumbering passions of Pagan fanatics awoke 
 to deeds of tyranny in every part of the Empire. But the 
 violence of the movement, encouraged at a time when Christianity 
 in Africa was a factor in national life, too deeply rooted to be 
 overthrown by the force of an imperial edict, was the cause of 
 its ill-success. Like all revolutionary measures, animated by 
 the uncontrolled passions of a people, it caused a reaction which, 
 in this case, culminated in the overthrow of the temples of the 
 gods, and the unfurling the banner of the Cross in Italy and the 
 provinces. The rising generation of citizens, who witnessed 
 the cruelty and destruction of life resulting from the edict of 
 Decius, lived to see some thirty years later the religion of Christ 
 preached in basilica and forum in every city and town in the 
 Empire. Nowhere in Africa was this reactionary movement 
 more conspicuous than in Carthage, the metropolis of Africa, 
 and Cirta, the capital of old Numidia. Unnumbered inscriptions 
 brought to light in the latter city and its neighbourhood testify 
 to the weight of authority exercised there by Christian writers 
 in the time of Constantine, and to the affectionate regard in 
 which the first of the Christian Emperors was held by citizens 
 in every rank of life. With the fall of Paganism Cirta ceased 
 
 ' T. Mommsen, The African Provinces, vol. ii. p. 345. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 245 
 
 to exist, and the city of Constantine as a stronghold of 
 Christianity rose triumphantly in its place. 
 
 The activity of the Church in Africa may be said to have 
 come to a close with the Vandal invasion of the country under 
 Genseric A.D. 429, and its last days may truly be associated 
 with the undying memory of the venerable St. Augustine and 
 his revered mother, the saintly Monnica. There are few spots 
 in North Africa more reverenced by travellers, or more endeared 
 to student^ of history, than the site of Hippo Regius, the Ubba 
 of the Carthaginians, the Hippone of the Romans, and the scene 
 of the lifelong labours of St. Augustine. What the Vandals 
 did not reduce to ashes in the fifth century the Arabs did two 
 centuries later, and with the stones of the Roman city the 
 modern town of Bone, one mile and a half distant, was con- 
 structed. Nature has dealt very kindly with this hallowed spot. 
 The hills where Roman citizens were wont to throng are now 
 clothed with perennial verdure, while above the soft covering, 
 grey fragments of Roman wall still rear their heads into the 
 blue air sweet with perfume, for nowhere in all Algeria do the 
 trees put forth their leaves in wilder luxuriance, the olive and 
 the aloe, the acanthus and the pomegranate. And this peaceful 
 shaded spot was once the capital of Eastern Numidia, a seat of 
 commerce and prosperity, and the home of the chief Father 
 of the Church in Africa. This is nature's memorial to one who 
 combined the courage of the Roman with the devotional spirit 
 of a true Christian. 
 
 Among the leading incidents affecting the African provinces 
 during the reigns of Valerianus and Gallienus, mention should 
 be made of the rising of the Quinquegentians, or, as it is 
 commonly called, the Feud of the Five Peoples.^ These five 
 tribes are said to have occupied the region between Sald^ and 
 Cissi, and to have had great reputation for their warlike 
 qualities, (i) The Masinissenses wQxe evidently the descendants 
 
 ' This invasion of Numidia by the Quinquegentians taxed to the utmost the 
 military skill of Maximianus, and his success was the cause of unusual rejoicing. At 
 the close of the campaign Mamertinus {Paneg. Vet. vi. 18) addressed the conqueror in 
 the following words; Tu ferocissimos Mauretanim populos, inaccessis montiutn jugis 
 et naturali munitionefidentes, expugnasti, recefisti, transiulistil One of these five 
 tribes, called the Fraxinenses, were the ancestors, according to M. Berbrugger, of 
 that branch of the Kabyles now known as the Beni-Fraoucen. (Bull, de Corr. 
 Afric. i. p. 257.) 
 
246 Roman Africa 
 
 of followers of the hero of Numidia, and are still to be traced on 
 the right bank of the Oued Sahel. (2) The Jubaleni may be 
 claimed as descendants of the scattered army of the unfortunate 
 Juba I. (3) The haflenses, now known as the Flissa. (4) The 
 Tyndenses, still occupying passes of the Djurdjura under 
 another name. And (5) the Fraxinenses, probably named after 
 their chief Faraxen. The origin of the rising of certain tribes 
 is not stated either by Eutropius or Aurelius Victor, but it is 
 on record that it was not easily suppressed, and that some 
 twenty years later the Emperor Maximianus went personally to 
 Africa for the purpose of quelling the insurrection. Fortunately 
 an inscription found in the temple of ^sculapius at Lambessa 
 comes to our aid, and throws considerable light on a subject 
 about which contemporary authors are almost silent.' The 
 date, according to Wilmanns, is A.D. 260. 
 
 I • O ■ M 
 
 CETERISQ DIIS DEABVSQVE IMMORTALIB 
 
 C MACRINIVS DECIANVS V C LEG 
 
 AVGG PR PR PROV NVMIDIAE ET NO 
 
 RICI BAVARIBVS QVI ADVNATIS IIII 
 
 REGIBVS IN PROV NVMIDIAM IN 
 
 RVPERANT PRIMVM IN REGIONE 
 
 MILLEVITANA ITERATO IN CONFI 
 
 NIO MAVRETANIAE ET NVMIDI 
 
 AE TERTIO QVINQVEGENTANEIS 
 
 GENTILIBVS MAVRETANIAE CAE 
 
 SARIENSIS ITEM GENTILIBVS FRA 
 
 XINENSIBVS QVI PROVINCIAM 
 
 NVMIDIAM VASTABANT CAP 
 
 TO FAMOSISSIMO DVCE EORVM 
 
 CAESIS FVGATISQVE 
 
 Jovi Optimo maxima ceterisque diis deabusque immortalibus, C. Macrinius 
 Decianus, vir clarissimus, legatus Augustorum duorum, pro prcetore 
 provinciarum Numidice et Norici, Bavaribus, qui adunatis IIII regibus 
 in provinciam Numidiatn inruperant, primum in regione Millevitana, 
 iterato in confinio Mauretania et NumidicB, tertio Quinquegentaneis 
 gentilibiis Mauretania Ccesariensis, item gentilibus Fraxinensibus, 
 qui provinciam Numidiam vastabant, capto famosissimo duce eorum, 
 ccBsis fugatisque. 
 
 The two August! referred to are Valerianus and Gallienus, 
 and the dux famosissimus eorum appears to have been, according 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2615. Rev. arch. 1861, p. 55. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 247 
 
 to Wilmanns's interpretation of the inscription, Faraxen, who 
 may have given his name to the tribe of Fraxinenses. There 
 are three other inscriptions in North Africa relating to this 
 disturbance, but none of them throw any additional light on the 
 subject. 
 
 Whatever may have been the merits attributed to Claudius 
 the Dalmatian, who succeeded Gallienus on the throne of the 
 Caesars, there is nothing to indicate that he took any part in 
 African affairs during a short reign of two years. Undaunted 
 bravery combined with administrative ability and great bene- 
 volence of character secured the affection of his subjects, and 
 prompted the Senate on one special occasion to address him 
 as Claudi Auguste, tu f rater, tu pater, tu amicus, tu bonus 
 senator, tu vere princeps. His successful campaign against the 
 Goths justified his acceptance of the new title of Gothicus, and 
 it was probably on his return from this expedition that the 
 citizens of Thubursicum Numidarum, now known as Khamisa, 
 raised a statue or other memorial in his honour with the 
 following inscription : ^ 
 
 IMP ■ CAES • M • AVRELIO ■ CLAVDIO 
 PIO • FELICI • AVG • P ■ M ■ GOTHICO • M 
 PARTHICO • M • TRIE • P • III • COS ■ II • P • P 
 PROCOS • RESPVB • COLONIAE 
 THVBVRS • NVMIDARVM 
 
 The mention of the city itself happens to be of considerable 
 value, because it settles the site of the ancient Thubursicum, 
 which up till that time had been a matter of doubt. Although 
 only partly explored, there is ample evidence, from the extent 
 of the remains, of the existence of a city of great importance 
 and the seat of a large population. The ruined theatre at 
 Thubursicum, for instance, among other monumental ruins, 
 may still be seen, with its stone seats sparsely covered with 
 vegetation, its entrances clearly defined, and a series of rooms 
 grouped around, indicating by its dimensions and arrangements 
 that it was designed to meet the requirements of a populous 
 city. 
 
 In the short space of eleven years following the death of 
 Claudian, no fewer than eight emperors ascended the throne, 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 4876. Rec. de Const. 1866, p. 134. 
 
248 Roman Africa 
 
 two of them only, Aurelian and Probus, reigning for a com- 
 paratively long period of five and six years respectively. 
 Florian, a name almost forgotten, had a career of sixty days, 
 and Tacitus, who merited a long run of imperial power as a 
 reward for his excellent rule, fell a victim to disease or the 
 dagger after a reign of two hundred days. With the exception 
 of Florus their names are all faithfully recorded on column 
 or pedestal in many parts of North Africa, in some instances 
 being simply dedications to the Emperor of the day, while in 
 others the wording employed is of more laudatory character. 
 Aurelian appears to have taken no personal interest in his 
 African possessions, but his brilliant successes in other parts 
 of the world, notably his expedition against the celebrated 
 Zenobia, made his name an honoured one. As an example of 
 a dedication, which may be assigned to A.D. 274, the following, 
 in the form of a milliary column, found near Thamugas, gives 
 the usual titles linked with his name : ^ 
 
 PERPETVO VICTORI 
 OSISSIMO INDVL 
 GENTISSIMO IMP 
 RESTITVTORI OR 
 BIS • L-DOMITIO 
 AVRELIANO PIO 
 FELICI AVG • PONT 
 MAX • TRIE ■ POT • V 
 COS II ■ P ■ P • PROCOS 
 RES • P • COL • THA 
 
 MVG 
 
 Villi 
 
 Aurelian may fairly lay claim to the title restitutor orbis, for 
 during his active career he is said to have delivered the Empire 
 from all her enemies. It is also stated that, on the occasion of 
 one of his triumphal entries into Rome, he exhibited in his 
 train the people of no less than fifteen different nations whom 
 he had subdued. The name of his successor, Tacitus, is 
 recorded on several milliaria in the following words ; ^ and we 
 learn from Vopiscus that, during his short reign, the Senate 
 recovered its ancient dignity and long-lost privileges : 
 
 > C.I.L. No. 10217. « c.l.L. No. 10072. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 249 
 
 FORTISSI 
 
 MO IMPET 
 
 PACATORI 
 
 ORBIS M CLA 
 
 VDIO TACI 
 
 TO PIO FEL 
 
 AVG 
 
 In testimony of this beneficial change in the administration of 
 the affairs of the Empire, both civil and military, the same author 
 quotes a circular letter on the subject which was addressed to 
 the Curia at Carthage, similar letters being subsequently sent 
 to Alexandria, Antioch, Corinth, Milan, Athens, Thessalonica, 
 and to the Curia Trevij^orum. It ran thus : ' The right of 
 bestowing the Empire and of nominating the rulers of the State 
 has returned to the Senate. This precious right should con- 
 tribute to the glory, the permanency, and the security of the 
 Empire and the world. It is to us, then, you must refer on all 
 matters of importance. It is to the prefect at Rome that all 
 appeals must come — those at least which emanate from the 
 proconsuls and the ordinary tribunals. In taking this step we 
 anticipate for you also a return to your ancient dignity ; for, in 
 recovering its old supremacy, the Senate can guarantee the rights 
 of every one.' It is interesting to note that Tacitus, in his 
 desire to beautify the city of Ostia, which had been ennobled 
 by Trajan and other emperors, despatched from the Numidian 
 quarries no less than loo marble columns 23 feet high for the 
 adornment of its porticoes ; and, learning that the roofs of 
 the Capitol at Rome were in bad condition, this beneficent 
 Emperor sold his estates in Mauritania to provide the funds 
 necessary for the purpose. 
 
 So little is known of the other Caesars prior to the accession 
 of Diocletian, that their names might be passed by without com- 
 ment. Inscriptions in Africa are not numerous, and their 
 wording throws little light on the history of this period. Even 
 Probus, whose career between A.D. 276 and 282 was conspicuous 
 for unvarying success, has left few memorials of his activity. 
 From Vopiscus we learn that this Emperor carried his arms into 
 the remote region of Marmarica, lying between Cyrene and 
 Egypt, and stretching far into the great Libyan Desert. 
 Having subdued the tribes which harassed the Roman frontiers 
 
250 Roman Africa 
 
 of Tripoli, he passed on to Carthage and successfully quelled a 
 disturbance which had broken out among the native population. 
 We then find him doing battle with Aradion, an African chief, 
 who had rebelled against Roman authority. To mark his 
 appreciation of the daring of his rival, who was slain in the 
 fight, the Emperor raised a lordly monument in his honour, 
 which Vopiscus describes as being nearly 200 feet in height. 
 From the brief mention of this tomb, which existed as a mound 
 for a long period, it was probably of the same type as the 
 Medrassen, and the tomb of Juba II. already referred to. For 
 all these achievements on African soil only six inscriptions 
 bearing the name of Probus have as yet been discovered. 
 None of them have any special character, either in the form of 
 dedication or the titles of the Emperor. The following 
 memorial on a milliarium at Ain-Hedjah, the ancient Agbia, is 
 worth noting : ' 
 
 IMP • CAESARI 
 M • AVRELIO 
 PROEO • PIO 
 FELICI -AVG 
 PONTIF • MA 
 XIMO • TRIE 
 
 The only variation noticeable in other inscriptions is the 
 addition of the words et tota divina domus. 
 
 The career of Probus's successor, Carus, was too brief to 
 exercise any influence on Roman progress either in Italy or in the 
 provinces, but it proved attractive to Roman citizens in North 
 Africa, in spite of the Emperor's unpopularity with the Senate. 
 There are many dedications in his honour, the inscriptions 
 generally bearing the names of his two sons, Carinus and 
 Numerianus, who were conjointly created Caesars. The following 
 inscription on a column at Ain-Amara, near Tibilis, is a fair 
 example.'' Carinus, his successor, a man devoid of all the 
 qualities which should adorn an Emperor, appears to have been 
 held in honour by African citizens. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. looSj. For a description of Agbia or municipium Agbiensium, 
 vide Gu^rin, vol. ii. p. 144. An inscription at Chidibbia, C.I.L. No. 1329, and 
 another at Testour, C.I.L. No. 1358, are dedications to Probus et tota divina domus. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10157. Vide Poulle, Rec. de Const. 1876-7, p. 538. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 251 
 
 IMP • CAES • M 
 AVRELIO • CARO • IN 
 VICTO- PIO -FELICI 
 AVG • ET ■ M • AVREL 
 10 CARINO • ET • M • AV 
 RELIO NVMERIA 
 NO NOBILISSIMIS CAE 
 SARIBVS • S • S 
 
 The following interpretation of an inscription on a pedestal 
 at Guelma, the ancient Kalama, would have been applicable to 
 a Trajan or an Alexander Severus rather than to so base and 
 worthless a ruler.^ Thus say the citizens of Kalama : Marco 
 Aurelio Carina, nobilissimo Ccesari Augusta, prindpi j'uventuiis, 
 consuli, filii Imperatoris Ccesaris Marci Aurelii Cari, Invicti, Pit 
 Felicis Augusti, patris patrice, tribunicice potestatis II. pontificis 
 viaximi, cansulis, praconsulis, fratri Marci Aurelii Numeriani, 
 nabilissimi Ccesaris Augusti, principis juventutis. Respublica 
 colonicB Kalamensium, curante Macrinio Sossiana, clarissimo viro, 
 curatare reipublicce. The name of the Empress Urbica, wife of 
 Carinus, is wellnigh forgotten, but here on the outskirts of the 
 ruined city of Thamugas, on an octagonal pedestal now built 
 into the enclosing wall of a sewer, a record of her existence may 
 still be read in imperishable lettering.^ 
 
 MAGNIAE 
 VRBICAE 
 AVG • MA 
 TRI CAS 
 
 TRORVM Magnice Urbica Augustce, matri castro- 
 
 SENATVS rum, senatus ac patrice, conjugi domini 
 
 AC PATRI nostri Carini invicti Augusti. 
 
 AE CONIV 
 GI D N CA 
 RINI IN 
 VICTI 
 AVG 
 
 The names of Carinus and Numerianus occur on an inscribed 
 slab found on the north side of the necropolis at Marcouna, the 
 ancient Verecunda. It is a dedication by Marcus Aurelius 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 2726, copied by Gen. CreuUy. 
 2 I.R.A. No. 1512. 
 
252 Roman Africa 
 
 Decimus, vir perfectissimus, presses provincice Numidics. The 
 date is A.D. 284, the year of their accession.^ 
 
 PRO SALVTE IMPP FF DD NN CARINI ET NVMERIANI 
 DIVI CARI GENITORIS EORVM TEMPLVM A FVNDA 
 MENTIS R P MVN VERECVNDENSIVM CONSTITVIT DEDI- 
 CANTE 
 M AVRELIO UECIMO VPPPN 
 
 A very similar inscription of the same date was discovered 
 in another part of the ancient Verecunda, but the dedication is 
 to these joint Emperors as pontificibus maximis. In one in- 
 stance, a milliarium at Ksar Kalaba, the ancient Gibba, the name 
 of Numerian stands alone.^ 
 
 IMP D NOSTR 
 O M AVRELIO N 
 VMERIO NVM 
 ERIANO NOB 
 ILISSIMO CAESA 
 RI CONSVLI DE 
 SIG 
 
 The history of all nations is marked by certain epochs, 
 establishing periods of either rise or decline. The great Latin 
 families, who had stocked the throne of the Caesars for more 
 than two centuries, had long since ceased to assert their claim 
 to power through any collateral branches. For more than a 
 hundred years after the death of the contemptible Com modus 
 the throne was open to any one who combined military expe- 
 rience with the daring of an adventurer. Rank and fortune 
 were totally disregarded by the Senate as well as by the army ; 
 and, in many instances, the man of the hour who seized his 
 opportunities when a vacancy was declared or expected was 
 considered equal to the task of ruling over the then known 
 world. It is a far step from Julius and Augustus, Trajan and 
 Antonine, to Philip the obscure, or Probus the gardener's son. 
 And yet the successor of Carinus, a man sprung from the 
 labouring classes, and commencing life in the lower ranks of 
 the army, succeeded by the mere force of genius in creating an 
 epoch in Roman history conspicuous for the display of some of 
 
 ' I.R.A. 1433, copied and deciphered by Renier. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10283. ^'■'i^ Payen, Ann. dc Const. 1860-61, p. 125. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 253 
 
 the highest qualities of statesmanship. The reign of Diocletian, 
 extending over a period of twenty-one years, is remarkable 
 for an entire change in the administration of the Empire, and 
 for a movement which, in the succeeding century, hastened its 
 collapse. Attempts had been made by previous emperors, 
 notably Marcus Aurelius with Verus as joint Csesar, and still 
 more so in the case of the Gordians, to divide imperial authority. 
 It cannot be said that this initiatory movement was attended with 
 success. But Diocletian was a man of broad views and great 
 determination. He found the Empire to vrhich he succeeded too 
 vast in extent and peopled by too many nationalities, many of 
 them still on the verge of barbarism, to be controlled by a 
 single ruler. Grasping the situation with a more enlarged mind 
 than most of his predecessors, he determined, as a preliminary 
 step, to create two divisions of the Empire, the ruler of each 
 division being clothed with absolute authority over the provinces 
 committed to his charge. To Maximian, a man of obscure 
 origin, sprung from the peasant class, who had been his loyal 
 colleague in many campaigns, he ceded the command of Italy, 
 Spain, Africa, and the western dominions, reserving for himself 
 the rest of the Empire. Their joint rule is recorded on a slab 
 at Lambaesis dedicated to Jupiter and Hercules as guardians of 
 the two Emperors who zx^ pontifices maximi, to which are added 
 the names of Constantius Chlorus and Galerius Valerius 
 Maximianus, who were acclaimed Cassars at the same time : ' 
 
 lOVI ET HERCVLI 
 
 COMITIBVS IMPPM 
 
 DIOCLETIANI ET 
 
 MAXIM IAN I AVGG 
 
 CONSTANTI ET 
 
 MAXIMIANI 
 
 In less than four years after his accession Diocletian again 
 divided the Empire, giving Maximian rule over Spain, Africa, 
 and Italy, ceding Pannonia and Moesia to Galerius, Gaul and 
 Britain to Constantius, the eastern part of the Empire, including 
 Egypt, being reserved for himself. There are several inscrip- 
 tions in North Africa recording the names of these four Augusti, 
 the words pontifices maximi being in all cases omitted. The 
 following inscription, brought to light some years ago in the city 
 ' c.i.L. No. 18230. 
 
254 Roman Africa 
 
 of Kairouan, when some repairs were in progress outside the 
 Great Mosque, is an example of a dedication to the four 
 Emperors on the occasion of the reconstruction of a temple 
 sacred to Pluto : 
 
 DEO • PLVTONI • SACK ■ PRO ■ SALV 
 
 TE • DDDD ■ NNNN • DIOCLETIA 
 
 NI • ET • MAXIMIANI • ET • CONSTANTI ■ ET 
 
 MAXIMIANI • NOBILISSIMI • CAESSSS ■ CO 
 
 TEMPLVM • PLVTONIS ■ LABSVM ■ ET 
 
 DEDICATVM • PER • INSTANTIA ■ FELICI 
 
 C • AELI • FORTVNATI ■ ET • L • C • ANTONI • NARSVA 
 
 TIS ■ MAGG • FD ■ IVB ■ L ■ ET ■ FORTVNATVS ALIQVA 
 
 TIS ■ ARCARIVS • ET • IV ■ HIN • POET ■ MAIEST ■ CVRA 
 
 The rendering of the concluding words in the last line, which 
 is not very legible, is, according to Mommsen, etiam hi numinis 
 potestatem et majestatem curantes} 
 
 A subdivision of the great provinces of the Empire was one 
 of Diocletian's early undertakings. Africa comprised seven 
 sections, one only, (i) Mauritania Tingitana, being attached to 
 the province of Spain, the others being (2) Zeugitania and (3) 
 Byzacena, which had proconsular rank ; (4) Numidia Cirtensis, 
 governed by a consul ; and (S) Numidia Militiana, (6) Mauri- 
 tania Sitifensis, and (7) Mauritania Csesariensis, under the 
 control of a prasses. Among the dedicatory inscriptions to 
 Diocletian alone, there is one in the public gardens at Setif 
 which may be assigned to A.D. 288 : 
 
 D • N • IMP CAES 
 C VALERIO AVRE 
 LIO DIOCLETIANO . 
 INVIC PiO" FEL AVG 
 PONTIF MAX TRIE 
 P V CONS III P P 
 PROCOS 
 
 FLAVIVS PECV 
 
 ARIVS V P PRAE 
 
 SES PROV MAVR 
 
 CAES DEVOTVS 
 
 NVMINI MAIES 
 
 TATIQVE EIVS 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 11217. Descr. Broadley, Tunis, Past and Present, vol, ii. p. 164. 
 Another dedication to the four Emperors was found at Tipasa (about sixty miles west 
 of Algiers), vide S. Gsell, De Tipasa, Mauretania Ctssariensis urbe, p. 102, 
 Algerii, 1894 ; and a third between Macomades and Sigus in the province of 
 Numidia, Rec. de Const. 1867, p. 238. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 255 
 
 According to Wilmanns, the name of the Emperor in the 
 third line has been erased in the usual way, but the interest lies 
 in the recognition of the title presses as president or governor of 
 the province of Mauritania Ccesariensis} 
 
 It is generally assumed that this title originated with Dio- 
 cletian in connection with his new system of provincial ad- 
 ministration, and that a separation of the civil from the military 
 authority necessitated the use of a distinct title for the repre- 
 sentative of civil government. But inscriptions fortunately come 
 to our aid, and give clear indication that the word had long been 
 in common use without any express definition of its meaning. So 
 far back as the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus 
 we find this word prmses on a memorial slab, which may still be 
 studied in the museum at Algiers. It is a dedication to the wife of 
 a legatus Augustorum duorum proprator^ clarissimus vir, presses : 
 
 AELIAE 
 PROSPERAE • C ■ F 
 CONIVGI • C 
 POMPONI • MAGNI 
 LEG • AVGG • PR • PR 
 STRATORES 
 
 the term vir clarissimus indicating, as usual, that the legatus 
 was of senatorial rank. At a still earlier period the word 
 presses had a significance not easy to define, for we find in the 
 time of Vespasian & procurator et presses provincice SardinicB,z.vA 
 a presses provincies Tingitanes. The exact meaning has been 
 well expressed by a recent author in the following words : ^ 
 ' The word prases, as a technical and legal term, designates a 
 governor of equestrian rank. The title of presses, in its proper 
 sense, signifies a governor who is not a senator, i.e. a procurator, 
 and is the sole title of a knight, as a procurator of a province, 
 who is qualified to govern. Presses, in short, is sometimes invested 
 with supreme civil authority in the government of a province. 
 But it is also a general term, and, like the Greek word ■fj'^sixmv, may 
 be applicable to magistrates of the first rank.' In its more extended 
 use the title may even be given to governors of senatorial rank. 
 Pressidis ndmen, says Macer (Dig. i. 1 8, i ), generale est, eoque et 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8474. Vide De la Mare, Explor. tab. 87, also Ann. de Const. 
 1862, p. 173- 
 
 * Gustave Boissiere, Esquisse d'une Histoire de la Conqulte et de P Administration 
 Romaines dans !e Nord de rAfrique, p. 293. Paris, 1878. 
 
256 Roman Africa 
 
 proconsules, et legati Casaris, et omnes provincias regentes, licet 
 senatores sint, prcssides appellantur. From this we may infer 
 that the meaning was not strictly defined till the time of Carinus, 
 exemplified in the inscription (p. 252) where Marcus Aurelius 
 Decimus, governor of Numidia, A.D. 283-285, is designated as 
 V. p. p. p. N. And as one of the last discovered inscriptions 
 relating to a governor of Numidia, who bore the title of legatus 
 and vir clarissimus, the one given by Renier, attributed to the 
 reignof Gallienus, A.D. 260, is the most notable.^ The division of 
 Numidia into two parts, Numidia Cirtensis and Numidia Mili- 
 tiana, appears to have been of short duration. In the camp at 
 Lambessa an inscription, A.D. 286 or 287, records the name of 
 M. Aurelius Diogenes, who was at that time governor of the 
 undivided province of Numidia, and in the citadel at Constantine 
 another inscription, probably A.D. 313, is of a similar character. 
 It is during this interval of about twenty-seven years that 
 may be found on some of the monumental remains the letters 
 V. p. p. p. N. M., vir perfectissimus presses provincice Numidia 
 Militianm ; and on others a reference to the existence of the 
 two Numidias under the government oi ox\e. prczses. 
 
 AELIVS AELIA 
 NVS V P P NVMI 
 DIARVM 
 RET 
 
 Several instances have been furnished by M. Poulle, but in 
 all cases the inscriptions are fragmentary. It is sufficient to 
 state that for a short period there was a Numidia Cirtensis with 
 Cirta for its capital, and Numidia Militiana with Lambaesis for 
 its headquarters, deriving its title from the military character of 
 its population and as the acknowledged centre of military 
 activity in North Africa. Inscriptions relating to the divisions 
 of Mauritania as African provinces are numerous enough, some 
 of them indicating divided control, while others bear record to 
 the appointment of one governor or presses for the two divisions. 
 An inscription at Bougie, the ancient Saldse, is a good example, 
 being a dedication by a prases of the two divisions in honour of 
 the Emperor Constantius II. ; ^ while another found by Feraud 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2615. A long inscription of sixteen lines on the base of an altar 
 found in the temple of jEsculapius at Lambsesis, already referred to on p. 246. 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8932. Ann. de Const. 1858-59, p. 120. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 257 
 
 at a place called Bou Grara, in the province of Tripoli, is worthy 
 of mention on account of the letters P ■ T in the ninth line, 
 clearly meaning provincicB Tripolitance. 
 
 FELICISSIMO AC DIVINA STIRPE 
 BEATISSIMO PRIN PROGENITO 
 
 CIPI D N FLAVIO D N VALENTINIA 
 IVLIO CONSTANTINO NOBI NO AVG 
 
 LISSIMO CAESARI FORTISSIMO 
 
 FLAVIVS TERENTIA PRINCIPI FL 
 
 NVS VP PRAESES PROV VIVIVS BENE 
 
 MAVR CAE ET SITIFENSIS DICTVS VP 
 
 DEVOTVS NVMINI PRAESES P • T NV 
 
 MAIESTATIQVE MINI MAIESTA 
 
 EIVS TIQ EIVS SEM 
 
 PER DEVOTVS 
 
 The dedication is to Valentinian I. and his heirs, and was 
 probably made, like others of his reign, at the close of a successful 
 campaign for the suppression of the Quadi. A somewhat similar 
 inscription was found at Leptis Magna, the words provincice 
 Tripolitance appearing in full : ^ 
 
 DIVINA STIRPE PROGENITO D • N • FORTISSIMO 
 PRINCIPI VALENTIANI VICTORI PIO FELICI A 
 TRIVMFATORE SEMPER AVGVSTO FLAVIVS 
 BENEDICTVS V P PRAESES PROVINCIAE TRIPO 
 LITANAE NVMINI MAIESTATIQVE EIVS 
 SEMPER DEVOTVS 
 
 The joint rule of Diocletian and Maximian, the one possess- 
 ing extraordinary qualities as a statesman, the other an unlettered 
 soldier and coarse in habit, was not only conspicuous for great 
 changes in administration, but for marked activity in protecting 
 the frontiers of the Empire from tribal invasions. As governor 
 of Africa, and invested with absolute power, Maximian found 
 ample opportunities for the exercise of his military qualities on 
 the frontier of Mauritania. The rising of the Quinquegentians, 
 which originated in the reign of Gallienus, when C. Macrinius 
 Decianus was governor of Numidia, A.D. 260, had not yet been 
 suppressed. A new leader named Aurelius Julianus headed the 
 revolt and proclaimed himself Emperor. After several desperate 
 engagements he was defeated by Maximian, who personally 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 12. 
 
258 Roman Africa 
 
 commanded the Roman legions. So decisive was the victory 
 that it gave rise to general rejoicing and the dedication of statues 
 and altars to both Emperors. At Lambessa, for instance, an 
 inscription found in the camp behind the Prsetorium refers to 
 Maximian alone,' and close by was discovered another somewhat 
 similar dedication to this Emperor. 
 
 PIISSIMO IMP 
 
 MAXIMIANO 
 
 INVICTO AVG Piissimo Imperatori Maximiano, invicto, 
 
 AC SVPER OMNES Augusta, ac super omnes retro principes 
 
 RETRO PRINCIPES fortissii7io,principisuo, Aurelius Diogenes, 
 
 FORTISSIMO PR IN vir perfectissimus, prceses provhuia Nu- 
 
 CIPI SVO AVRELIVS midice numitii eius dicatissimus. 
 
 DIOGENES VPPPN 
 
 NVMINI EIVS DI 
 
 CATISSIMVS 
 
 The date of this memorial is probably before the joint abdication 
 of these two Emperors. 
 
 The settlement of these frontier troubles and the restoration 
 of peace throughout North Africa involved a readjustment of 
 control over this vast additional territory acquired by Roman 
 arms. With this end in view, Diocletian subdivided the pro- 
 vinces, making many of them much smaller and consequently 
 more numerous ; and as a further step he divided the whole 
 Empire into dioceses^ each diocese comprising several provinces. 
 To ensure more direct personal control, the Emperor created a 
 new order of state officials, called vicai-ii or vice agentes? These 
 functionaries were to act directly under the Emperor, and were 
 placed in authority over provincial governors of all grades. The 
 whole Empire was divided into twelve dioceses, the largest, Oriens, 
 comprising sixteen provinces, and the smallest, Britannia, with 
 four provinces. Altogether there were, during his reign, loi 
 provinces of different grades throughout the Empire. A glance 
 at the map of Africa in the year 297, clearly indicated by M. 
 Champlouis in his excellent chart, shows how the country was 
 divided into dioceses. Commencing at the eastern boundary we 
 
 ' r.S.A. No. no. 
 
 ^ The word ' diocese,' now applied to a bishop's province, was used in reference to 
 a number of provinces forming a diocese. For instance, in the diocese of Egypt there 
 were ten provinces. 
 
 ' Vicarius may be accepted in its literal meaning, a deputy acting directly between 
 the Emperor and the provincial governors. 
 
. Africa under the later Emperors 259 
 
 find Cyrene, divided into Upper and Lower Libya, attached to 
 the diocese of Oriens. Then we come to the six provinces which 
 constituted the diocese of Africa proper : Tripoli, Byzacene, 
 Zeugitania, Numidia, and the two Mauritanias. Westward was 
 Mauritania Tingitana, which was attached to Spain, as hereto- 
 fore. These subdivisions of North Africa were undoubtedly 
 attended with beneficial results under the autocratic rule of so 
 great a potentate as Diocletian, and it is reasonable to suppose 
 that, after the restoration of peace from one end of the country 
 to the other consequent upon the defeat of Julian, the citizens of 
 the great towns and the Roman colonists, forming a vast agri- 
 cultural and industrial population, delighted to do honour to so 
 successful an Emperor. This is attested by a large number of 
 dedicatory inscriptions. But the day was not far distant when 
 the hand of the master was to be withdrawn, and the throne 
 of the Caisars was to be once more at the mercy of the army 
 and military adventurers. In the revolutionary scheme of ad- 
 ministration affecting every branch of national service, nothing 
 tended more to weaken the Empire than the establishment of 
 four C^sars in different centres. The Senate, as a controlling 
 authority in Rome, ceased to exist, except in name, and Rome 
 was no longer regarded as the metropolis of the Roman world. 
 The Praetorian guard, which had made and unmade Cassars for 
 so many generations, was reconstituted, without authority or the 
 means of exercising it. It had had its day — a long day of 
 luxury and corruption, of authority abused and discipline 
 neglected. And the prefect of that powerful body, hitherto 
 chosen from senatorial ranks, became an ordinary functionary 
 with very limited authority. On the accession of Constantine 
 the Great the Praetorian guard became little more than a 
 police force, exercising its functions as a body-guard at the 
 different centres of government. The. prcefectus prtztorio ■wdiS not 
 abolished, for we find this official referred to in an inscription found 
 by M. Tissot at a spot near Carthager, now known as Henchir 
 Ain-Fournu. Its ancient name was Furnitanum, evidently a 
 town of some importance, as one of the gates of Carthage was 
 named after it. The date of the inscription is A.D. 366, during 
 the reign of Valentinian. The interpretation is by M. Tissot.^. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10609. Fumis or Furnitanum was situated on the slopes of a hill. 
 At a later date it became the seat of a bishop, and was included in the list of towns 
 
 s 2 
 
26o Roman Africa 
 
 CLEMENTISSIMO 
 PRINCIPI AC TO 
 
 TIVS 
 
 . . VALENTINI Clementissimo principi ac totius orhis restitutori 
 
 -NO PRO CONS domini nostri Valentiniano proconsulatu Festi 
 
 FESTI VC SE viri darissimi, secum Antonio Dracontio viro 
 
 CVM ANTONIO DRA clarissimo agente vices prafectorium pratorio, 
 CONTIO VC AGVPP ordo Furnitanus consecravit. 
 ORDO FVRNITA 
 NVS CONSECRAVIT 
 
 Additional interest is attached to this dedication in the use 
 of the words vice agentes, implying that Antonius Dracontius 
 was exercising the duties of vicarius. 
 
 In looking back at this period of Roman history, eventful for 
 the provinces as well as for Rome, one cannot help acknowledg- 
 ing, in the words of a recent writer, that ' Diocletian accomplished 
 a great social change on principles not before recognised in the 
 Western world, and which, to this day, exercise no small in- 
 fluence upon the political condition of Europe.' ^ What Diocle- 
 tian undertook, and what he succeeded in accomplishing during 
 his reign of twenty-one years, as ruler of the Empire, has com- 
 manded the admiration of statesmen in more recent times, but his 
 failure to establish a permanent form of government that would 
 be acceptable to so many nationalities may be attributed to a 
 variety of circumstances far beyond the grasp of human agency. 
 Mr. Arnold has referred to the difficulties under which Diocletian 
 and his successors laboured, and adds that ' Rome had under- 
 taken an impossible task, that of ruling an immense Empire 
 without federation and without a representative system, when 
 the only sources of her power were the supreme central govern- 
 ment and the army. It would be puerile, however, to blame her 
 for not having grasped and applied ideas which were foreign to 
 antiquity, and which have only been worked out by the slow 
 experience of centuries. We should rather wonder at what 
 Rome achieved.'^ With the retirement of Diocletian into 
 private life, A.D. 305, and the simultaneous forced abdication of 
 
 mentioned by Victor Vitensis as having sent a representative to the Council at 
 Carthage, A.1). 411. The Festus referred to in the inscription was proconsul of 
 Africa A.I>. 366. 
 
 ' Smith's Class. Diet., art. 'Diocletian.' 
 
 ^ W. T. Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration, Oxford, 1 879, 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 261 
 
 his colleague Maximian, commenced once again the struggle for 
 supremacy, and for a period of seven years battle after battle 
 was fought without decisive issue, till Constantine the Great 
 brought back peace on earth and goodwill amongst men of all 
 countries and all religions. 
 
 In a division of the Empire between the two Augusti 
 nominated by Diocletian — Flavius Valerius Constantius (or 
 Constantius Chlorus, as he is commonly called), and Galerius 
 Armentarius — the provinces of Africa were allotted to the former. 
 The following inscription from Tibilis, the modern Announa, 
 seems to testify to the supremacy of Constantius,^ A.D. 306. 
 
 Jmper atari Casari Flavio Valeria Canstantia. inmcto, pia,felici Augusta, 
 pantifici maxima, iribunicicB patestatis XIIIJ., Imperatari II., Consult VI., 
 
 patri patrite P. Valerius Antoninus prases pravincia Numidice Cir- 
 
 tensis, num.ini majestaiique ejus devotus, pecunia publica pasuit. 
 
 There is another inscription on a milliary stone found at 
 Muzaiaville, supposed to have been the Tanarainusa of the 
 Romans, where the two names are associated as Caesars and not 
 as Augusti.^ The former of these two dedications was probably 
 to honour the memory of Constantius immediately after his 
 decease, A.D. 306, and the latter records the simple title of these 
 two subordinate Emperors prior to the abdication of Diocletian, 
 A.D. 304, 
 
 FLAVIVS VALERI 
 
 VS CONSTAN 
 
 TIVS ET GALE 
 
 RIVS VALERIVS 
 
 MAXIMIANVS 
 
 NOBILISS 
 
 CAESS 
 
 MP 
 XVIII 
 
 The .short rule of fifteen months enjoyed by Constantius as 
 joint Emperor with Galerius, and his earlier career under the 
 sway of Diocletian, were conspicuous for benevolence and 
 humanity. As the husband of the saintly Helena and the father 
 of Constantine the Great, Constantius merits a high place among 
 the later Emperors, but he was unfortunate in his colleague. As 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5526. ' C.I.L. No. 10445. R^v. Afr. x. p. 359. 
 
262 Roman Africa 
 
 a man of good breeding and liberal education, as well as trained 
 to the exercise of authority, he could have had little in common 
 with so rough and unpolished a man as Galerius. It was equally- 
 unfortunate that, on his elevation to the dignity of Csesar, he 
 was compelled, for political reasons, to renounce his wife 
 Helena, and to accept in her place a spouse nominated by 
 Diocletian. But his happy relationship with the former appears 
 to have governed his actions in later life, and the teachings of a 
 woman, who passed all the days of a long career in endeavours 
 to ameliorate the condition of the Christian populations of the 
 Empire and to further the cause of Christianity, were not lost 
 upon so benevolent and thoughtful an Emperor. Inscriptions 
 relating to Helena are rarely met with. It is therefore gratify- 
 ing to find her name recorded on a pedestal of white marble 
 found at El-Kef, the ancient Sicca Veneria, at one period re- 
 nowned for its Pagan ceremonials, and in later years the adopted 
 home of some of the early fathers of the Christian Church. The 
 dedication is probably the date of her decease, A.D. 326, and is 
 in other respects interesting on account of the unusual wording 
 of the eighth line, curator reipublicce et duovir} 
 
 DOMINAE 
 NOSTRAE 
 FLAVIAE 
 HELENAE 
 
 AVG 
 M • VALER 
 GVPASIVS • V • C 
 CVR • REIP ■ ET ■ D ■ V • DE 
 VOT -NVMINI • MA 
 lESTATIQVE EIVS 
 
 Both in Gaul and Britain, which also fell to the share of 
 Constantius, the Christians suffered neither harm nor persecu- 
 tion, although the edict issued by Diocletian for the suppression 
 of Christianity applied equally to all the provinces of the 
 Empire. It has been stated, but needs more confirmation, that 
 the violent action of Diocletian towards anti-paganism was due 
 to the mother of Galerius, who was known as a rabid supporter 
 of some of the strangest and most revolting rites of Eastern 
 worship. Whether this victim of superstition lived through the 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 1633. Vide V. Guerin, vol. ii. p. 65. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 263 
 
 'age of Constantine is not recorded, nor do contemporary his- 
 torians tell us whether this upholder of Paganism survived her 
 imperial son to witness the temples of her gods overthrown and 
 the symbols of a despised creed car;<l^ed on post and lintel in 
 most parts of the Empire. 
 
 There is considerable doubt whether. Diocletian personally 
 approved of the persecution of the adherents to the new creed. 
 He was no ardent believer in the gods of any section of Pagan 
 worshippers, nor was he addicted during a long reign to the 
 shedding of blood. It has been stated that his wife Prisca 
 respected the creed of the Christians, and not only worshipped 
 secretly at their gatherings, but encouraged her daughter 
 Valeria, the wife of Galerius, to uphold the new faith by dis- 
 seminating its doctrines. As a matter of justice to Diocletian, 
 it may fairly be presumed that his edict of repression was a 
 political necessity and not the outcome of personal animosity. 
 His revolutionary changes in administration had spread discon- 
 tent throughout his dominions, and more especially in Italy. 
 Rome had ceased to be the capital of the world, and the Senate, 
 no longer able to exercise authority as a political body or to 
 assert its rights, as of old, in the selection of an emperor, had 
 become little more than an assemblage of citizens discharging 
 the ordinary municipal functions. Diocletian, moreover, had 
 no personal interest in the welfare of Rome, but regarded 
 Nicomedia, his newly chosen capital in Bithynia, and Milan, the 
 selected residence of his colleague Maximinian, as better located 
 for a dual form of imperial government. His Oriental tastes 
 and sumptuous surroundings gave encouragement to ways of 
 extravagance hitherto unknown in provincial life ; and the 
 burden of taxation, essential to the support of a large army of 
 court officials, pressed heavily upon all classes of citizens. Local 
 resources were drained to fill the coffers of the imperial treasury ; 
 agriculture, unequal to the demands of pitiless collectors, was 
 neglected ; and industrial arts, fostered by Trajan and his 
 successors, received a check from which they never recovered. 
 This assumption of monarchical authority, so little in harmony 
 with the traditions associated with the Empire of the Caesars, 
 proved a death-blow to municipal life, and henceforth the 
 vitality which was so conspicuous in the remote towns of 
 Northern Africa imperceptibly dwindled away into nothingness. 
 
264 , Roman Africa 
 
 Face to face with this decay of national life was the progress of 
 Christianity. Lactantit\s and Eusebius, both of them Africans, 
 and the latter as bishop of Csesarea (Cherchel) on terms of 
 intimacy with the succeecJjng Emperor Constantius, have much 
 to say on these eventful times. It may be that some of their 
 statements present a one-sidfd view of the many problems 
 which were then exciting the niinds of men, both Pagan and 
 Christian ; but there is httle doubl; that such thoughtful men 
 anticipated the fall of the great Eispire, when the 'gods who 
 had protected Rome and its dependencies for nigh a thou- 
 sand years were being deserted, their effigies overthrown, and 
 their temples becoming the home of a new creed. 
 
 The short reign of Constantius is not associated with adminis- 
 trative changes, nor with any memorable events in the progress 
 of Roman Africa, but the close of his career at Eboracum. 
 (York), on an expedition against the Picts, gives him especial 
 interest to all Englishmen. And to all students of Roman 
 history Constantius is a pleasant memory, although his short- 
 lived labours in the cause of humanity were cast into the shade 
 by the magnificent rule of his son and successor, Constantine 
 the Great. 
 
 During the six years that intervened between the death of 
 Constantius and the enthronement of Constantine the Great as 
 sole Emperor, a number of Caesars pass across the stage whose 
 names are now almost forgotten. Their record is little more 
 than a series of struggles for supremacy, sometimes successful, 
 but ultimately terminating in defeat on the field of battle or 
 abject submission to an all-conquering rival. Contemporary 
 historians pass by these minor Caesars without comment, and 
 inscriptions unfortunately render little assistance in elucidating 
 an obscure chapter in Roman history. But their names are 
 there, as usual, on imperishable stone, sufficient to indicate that 
 citizens in the provinces were not unmindful of benefits conferred 
 upon them by an aspiring Caesar at the head of a legion. 
 Among them may be noted Flavins Severus, who was associated 
 with Galerius for a few months. Their joint names are recorded 
 on two milliary stones in North Africa. The reading of the 
 eighth line, according to Wilmanns, is Respublica Romanis 
 restituta} 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10293. ^^'^ Cherbonneau, Ann. de Const. 1860-61, p. 148. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 265 
 
 D D N N 
 
 CAESS 
 FLAVIO VA 
 LERIO SEVE 
 RO ET GALERI 
 O VALERIO 
 MAXIMINO 
 R • PB • JRS • RTA 
 VIII 
 
 Another milliarium on the road from Thamugas to Theveste 
 records the name of Severus only, the reading of the last two 
 lines being Pius Felix Augustus, Respublica colonics LambcBsi- 
 
 tance} 
 
 IMP CAES 
 
 FL • VAL 
 
 SEVERO 
 
 PF AVG 
 
 RPCL 
 
 Another claimant to imperial power was a Phrygian named 
 Lucius Domitius Alexander, who was at one time governor of 
 Africa, but fearing destruction at the hands of Maxentius, son 
 of Maximianus, raised the standard of revolt at Carthage, and 
 proclaimed himself Emperor of Rome. His brief uneventful 
 career merits passing notice on account of an interesting in- 
 scription found at Cirta, which may still be seen in the museum 
 of the new city named after Constantine the Great. The date 
 of the inscription is A.D. 308-310, the governor of Numidia at 
 that period being Scironius Pasicrates, whose name and office 
 are clearly defined.^ 
 
 RESTITVTORI 
 PVBLICAE LIBER 
 TATIS AC PROPA 
 
 GATORI TOTIVS RestitutoripubliccBlibertatisacpropagatoritotius 
 GENERIS HVMANI generis humani nominisque Romani, Domino 
 NOMINISQVE nosiro L. Domitio Alexandra pio felici invicto 
 
 ROMANI DNL DO Augusto,Scironius Pasicrates,virperfectissimus, 
 MITIO ALEXAN prceses provincice Numidia. 
 DRO PF INV AVG 
 SCIRONIVS PA 
 SICRATES VP 
 P P NVMIDIAE 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 4368. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7004, now in the museum at Constantine. Vide PouUe, Rec. de 
 
266 Roman Africa 
 
 The partition of the Empire into four divisions by Diocletian, 
 proclaiming himself and his colleague Maximianus as Augusti, 
 and bestowing upon the two subordinate Emperors the title of 
 Csesar, was not favoured by later rulers, nor was any attempt 
 made by his immediate successor (till forced to do so as matter 
 of policy) to divide imperial authority. Constantine, as the 
 eldest son of Constantius by his divorced wife Helena, became 
 the rightful Emperor on the death of his father, but his claims 
 were disputed by the three most prominent and successful men 
 of the time. In order to assert his supremacy he had a more 
 difficult task to accomplish than had befallen any previous 
 Emperor. For a period of eighteen years Licinius, his brother- 
 in-law and an acclaimed Emperor, was regarded as a sworn 
 enemy, although his services in war were utilised by Constantine 
 for the attainment of his own eirds. For more than four years 
 Maximianus, his father-in-law and a retired Emperor, was 
 carrying fire and destruction into distant parts of the Empire ; 
 and for a period of eleven years Maxentius, his brother-in-law 
 and son of Maximianus, was raising the standard of revolt in 
 Africa and other provinces of the Empire. There are no in- 
 scriptions, yet discovered in North Africa, bearing the joint 
 names of these four Caesars, nor of any two of them, and those 
 which have been brought to light give little information about 
 an obscure period of Roman history. Party spirit must have 
 run high in those turbulent times, when all these four deter- 
 mined men were striving for the mastery, and employing the 
 legions under their command in their several spheres of action 
 to gain the ascendency by some decisive engagement. 
 
 The favour shown to Christian communities by Constantine 
 in the earlier days of his rule, long before his public acknow- 
 ledgment of Christianity, stirred the antagonism of a rough 
 unpolished man like Licinius, who was a stern upholder of 
 Pagan rites. But personal animosity was compelled to yield to 
 the necessities of the hour, and these two strong men, watching 
 each other's movements in the senate-house and the battle-field, 
 were linked together by a bond of mutual interest to rid them- 
 selves of Maximianus and his brutal son Maxentius. Success 
 attended their arms. The former came to a miserable end. 
 
 Const. 1876-77, p. 464. 'Alexander vicarius prafecti praiorio in Africa, AD. 
 308, a JSlaxentio descivit et Carthagine purpuram sunipsit.' (Wilmauus. ) 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 267 
 
 A.D. 310, and two years later the son was drowned in the Tiber 
 in a hurried retreat before the victorious Constantine. A duel 
 for supremacy between two such ambitious and successful rivals 
 was unavoidable, and for twelve years the struggle was con- 
 tinued, resulting in the overthrow of Licinius and the establish- 
 ment of undivided empire under Constantine the Great. Among 
 the dedications in North Africa to the Emperor Licinius, one 
 found at Testour, the ancient Bisica Lucana, is the most com- 
 plete, the date probably being A.D. 316, three years after his 
 marriage with Constantia, the sister of Constantine. 
 
 D ■ N • IMP ■ VALERIO • LICINI 
 
 ANO • LICINIO ■ AVG .... MAX 
 
 SARMATICO • MAX ■ GERMA 
 
 NICO ■ MAX -TRIBVNICIA • POTES 
 
 TATE • X • CONS • V • IMP • X • PATER • PATRIAE • PRO 
 
 CONS • COL ■ BISICA • LVCANA • DEVOTA • NVMEN 
 
 MAIESTATIQVE EIVS 
 
 Various readings of this inscription have been given by 
 experts, but the controversy has turned rather upon the deci- 
 phering of certain letters than the direct meaning of the 
 dedication.^ The family of Licinius was involved in his ruin. 
 An only son by Constantia, and bearing the same name, was 
 put out of the way by order of his uncle Constantine, for fear 
 that he might cause trouble hereafter. This unfortunate little 
 boy, who was honoured with the title of Caesar when scarcely 
 twenty months old was not forgotten by his father s friends in 
 Africa. A milliarium found at Equizetum, about a mile east of 
 Bordj Medjana, records his existence as nobilissimus Ccesar? 
 
 VALERIO LICI 
 NIANO LI 
 CINIO IVN 
 NOBILISSIMO 
 CAES 
 M XII 
 
 It could scarcely be expected that the re-assumption of 
 imperial dignity by Maximianus, after he had only a few years 
 previously solemnly renounced all claims to power, would be 
 regarded either by Constantine or Licinius as anything more 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 1357. Vide Shaw, p. 169. Ximenez, Hist, de Carth, p. 260. 
 » C.I.L. No. 10429. Rec. de Const. 1876-77, p. 629. 
 
268 Roman Africa 
 
 than the action of a usurper. His treacherous conduct towards 
 the former, who had married his daughter Fausta, and his 
 ungrateful treatment of his son Maxentius, brought him to an 
 untimely end. With the abdication of Diocletian the career of 
 Maximianus had virtually closed. This seems to be borne out 
 by inscriptions. As usurping Emperor in his later life, the 
 name of Maximianus is not recorded in any part of North 
 Africa, the only known inscription bearing his name as Impera- 
 tor, given on page 258, being probably a dedication prior to his 
 abdication, A.D. 305. So long as the master spirit of Diocletian 
 controlled the army and the Senate, this turbulent colleague of 
 his was held in restraint, and his passing into forced retirement 
 was a mere cloak for more ambitious projects. In these he was 
 aided by an uprising in favour of his son Maxentius, and by the 
 revolt of L. Domitius Alexander already referred to. Seizing 
 his opportunities Maximianus passed into Africa, subdued the 
 pretender Alexander, and, giving free play to his pitiless pro- 
 pensities, subjected the beautiful city of Carthage to fire and 
 rapine. It may be said that Roman Carthage, second only to 
 Rome at the commencement of the fourth century in its splen- 
 dour and importance, never recovered from the havoc perpetrated 
 during this merciless war. 
 
 The six years' nominal rule in Africa and Italy by Maxen- 
 tius, known as Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maxentius, scarcely 
 merits notice. His claim to the throne rested on his connection 
 with the Emperor Galerius, whose daughter he married, rather 
 than as the son of an unpopular Emperor like Maximianus. 
 Like other ambitious adventurers, he took every advantage of 
 his opportunities, and finding a spread of discontent with the 
 new system of administration inaugurated by Diocletian, he 
 placed himself at the head of a movement, with a view to a 
 restitution of the old order of imperial government. The 
 favours he showered upon the legions attached to his standard 
 gave him the command of a considerable army, and it required 
 all the strategy of Constantine and his generals to destroy the 
 power of such a formidable foe. The decisive battle on the banks 
 of the Cremera, when the retreating forces of Maxentius were 
 drowned through the failure of the Milvian bridge, takes rank 
 with other memorable engagements in the world's history, and 
 has afforded both poet and painter a fitting subject for the 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 269 
 
 exercise of their imaginative powers. The record of Maxentius 
 is a long array of evil-doings, without one single public act of 
 benevolence or humanity. In Africa, where his militarj'- expe- 
 dition was for some time crowned with success, his name is 
 handed down to us in only one inscription on a milliary stone 
 found between Diana and Seriana, now known as Kherbet- 
 Ta^a.^ It adds nothing to our scant information about his 
 career, but the lettering clearly indicates that Maxentius was 
 acknowledged as Augustus only, not as hnperator. 
 
 DMINOS 
 TRO MAX 
 ENTIO AV 
 GVSTO NO 
 BILISSIM 
 
 O VIRO 
 CONSVLI 
 
 When Constantine was proclaimed Emperor on the death of 
 his father he was then nearly forty years of age, and when the 
 followers of Licinius, the last of the rival claimants, were finally 
 subdued, A.D. 324, Constantius had attained the age of fifty- 
 seven. The last thirteen years of his career as sole Imperator 
 were the most eventful for mankind, and were marked by the 
 greatest administrative change that had occurred since the time 
 of Augustus. It was during these peaceful years that Constan- 
 tine conceived the idea of founding a second metropolis of the 
 Roman Empire, making Rome the capital of the Western 
 dominions, and Byzantium, the capital of Thrace, the recon- 
 structed capital of the Eastern dominions, bearing the name of 
 Constantinopolis. The Emperor had the gratification, during 
 the last six years of his life, of watching the growth and mag- 
 nificence of this rival Rome of the East, and of leaving to his 
 sons and successors an Empire at peace within itself, both at 
 home and abroad. So numerous are the dedications in honour 
 of this great monarch that it is difficult to make a selection, 
 even from those recorded in North Africa. It may suffice to 
 state that the gratitude of the citizens for his magnificent rule 
 found expression in the employment of words and phrases 
 hitherto unknown in dedicatory memorials, and that provincial 
 towns seem to have vied with each other in the free use of terms 
 
 1 C.I.L. No. 10382. 
 
270 Roman Africa 
 
 of the most flattering kind. The following inscription from 
 Ain-Rua, near Setif, bearing the date A.D. 319, at a period of 
 his reign when the Emperor was publicly recognising Chris- 
 tianity with favour, gives a full list of his achievements. The 
 dedication, on behalf of the province of Mauritania Sitifensis, 
 bears the name of the presses, Flavius Terentianus, vir per- 
 fectissiinus} 
 
 IMP • CAES • FLAVI 
 
 O • CONSTANTINO 
 
 MAXIMO • PIO • FELICI • IN 
 VICTO ■ AVG • PONT • MAX ■ GER 
 MAXIMO • III • SARM • MAX 
 BRIT ■ MAX • CARP • MAX • ARAB 
 MAX • MED • MAX • ARMEN 
 MAX • GOTH • MAX • TRIE • PO 
 TEST • XVIII ■ IMP • XIII • CON 
 SVL • IIII • PATRI • PATRIAE 
 FLAVIVS • TERENTIA 
 NVS • V • P • PRAESES 
 PROVINCIAE • MAV 
 RETANIAE • SITIF 
 NVMINI • MAIES 
 TATIQVE ■ EIVS • SEM 
 PER • DICATISSI 
 MVS 
 
 Another interesting inscription discovered at Cirta, which 
 may be seen in the museum at Constantine, probably records 
 the gratitude of the citizens after the fall of Maxentius, the 
 words tenebris servitutis oppressam clearly indicating relief from 
 the oppression of a tyrannical ruler. The dedication is by the 
 prasses of the province of Numidia, but the name of this high 
 functionary is illegible. The wording, according to Renier, runs 
 thus : ^— 
 
 Triumphatori omnium gentium ac domitori universarum factionum qui 
 libertatem, tenebris servitutis oppressam, sua felici victoria nova luce illu- 
 minavit et revocavit, domino nostra Flavio Valerio Constantino Maximo^ 
 Pio, Felici, Invicto, Augusto. 
 
 Another inscription found at Utica on a slab of marble, that 
 appears to have been attached to a wall or pedestal by bronze 
 pins, eulogises Constantine as conditor adque amplificator totius 
 
 > C.I.L. No. 8412. Vide Leclerc, Rev. arch. vii. 1850, p. 310. 
 2 I.R.A. No. 1846. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 271 
 
 orlis, and in a dedication found at Thamugas the Emperor is 
 spoken of as pietate prcecipuus, semper et ubique victor. Another 
 variation in wording appears in an inscription which may be 
 studied in the museum at Constantine, the expression being 
 equally significant, fundator pads, virtute felicitate pietate prce- 
 stans, doniinus noster. The great military colony of Lambaesis 
 showed their esteem for such a magnificent ruler in the following 
 inscription, copied many years ago by Renier, and interpreted 
 by him : ^ 
 
 PROVIDEN 
 TISSIMO ET 
 
 CVM ORBE Providentissimo et cum orbe suo reddita 
 
 SVO REDD I libertate triumphanti domino nostra per- 
 
 TA LI BERT A petuo imporatori Flavio Valeria Con- 
 
 TE TRIVMFANT stantina,invictopiafelici Augusto,victari. 
 
 DN PERP IMP FL VAL Respublica colonice Lambasitanotum 
 CONSTANTINO fecit. 
 
 INVIC P F AVG 
 
 VICTOR! 
 RES ■ P . C • L • F 
 
 It will be observed that the honourable distinction pater 
 patricB is omitted, and dominus noster is substituted. This varia- 
 tion is very noticeable during the reign of Constantine. As an 
 example of an abbreviated inscription the following dedication 
 to the Emperor has proved attractive to students of epigraphy. 
 This is probably another memorial of the defeat of Maxentius, 
 A.D. 312, the date of the inscription being the following year.^ 
 
 IMP CAESARI 
 FLAVIO VALERIO 
 CONSTANTINO 
 INVICTO PIO FELICI 
 AVG • P • M • T P VIII CONS 
 III IMP VII PPP 
 VAL PAVLVS VPPPN 
 DNMQ EORVM D 
 D PPP 
 
 It was found at Announa, the ancient Tibilis, which was at 
 that period a town of considerable pretensions, of great commer- 
 cial importance, and the resort of a large population attracted by 
 
 ' I.R.A. No. 218. 
 
 ■ C.I.L. No. 18905. Vide PouIIe, Rec. de Const, xxvi. p. 334. 
 
272 Roman Africa 
 
 the marvellous hot springs in the neighbourhood. These have 
 been already referred to as Hammam Meskoutin, or the Accursed 
 Baths, but known to the Romans as AquE Tibilitanas. The 
 reading of this inscription, according to Wilmanns, is as 
 follows : — 
 
 Tmperatori Casari Flavio Valeria Constantino, invicto pio felici Augusta, 
 pontifici maxima, tribunicia potestatis VIII., canstili III, Imperatari VII., 
 patri patriiE, proconsuli, Valerius Paulus, vir perfectissimus, prases pro- 
 vincicB NumidicB, devatus numini majesiatique eorum, decurionum decreta, 
 pecunia publica pasuit. 
 
 One other dedication to the Emperor deserves notice, as it 
 is the only one in North Africa referring in direct words to the 
 Milvian bridge, which proved fatal to Maxentius and his 
 retreating army. The slab of marble bearing the inscription 
 was found at Caesarea, but unfortunately a portion only of the 
 lettering has been preserved.' 
 
 PONS MVLVI 
 EXPEDITIO 
 IMPERATORIS 
 CONSTANTINI 
 
 We are told by Aurelius Victor that Constantine made his 
 son Crispus by his concubine Minervina, and his son Constantine 
 the younger, born about the same time, Caesars, adding a third 
 in the person of the infant Licinius, already mentioned, son of 
 his old colleague and rival. Of Crispus we only know that his 
 existence could not be tolerated by Fausta, the wife of Con- 
 stantine and mother of Constantine the younger, Constantius, 
 and Constans. Pressure was brought to bear upon the Emperor 
 to put the unfortunate Crispus out of the way, with the result 
 that he was murdered. This is another instance of the cruel 
 abuse of power exercised by Roman Empresses in furtherance 
 of ambitious views for themselves and their families. There are 
 two imperfect inscriptions in North Africa, which may possibly 
 be intended to preserve the name of this ill-begotten Caesar, but 
 neither Renier nor other experts have decided whether they 
 refer to Crispus or his half-brother Constantius. Coins of the 
 period are, however, explicit on this point, as there are many 
 extant bearing the name of Crispus. His removal led to the 
 ' C.I.L. No. 9356. Rev. Afr. iv. p. 221. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 273 
 
 absolute recognition of Fausta's sons as Cssars A.D. 333-337, 
 clearly indicated in the following inscription found at Cirta, 
 which has an imperial ring about it harmonising with the close 
 of the Great Constantine's splendid reign.' 
 
 PERPETVAE VICTORIAE 
 DDD NNN CONSTANTINI 
 
 MAXIMI TRIVMPHATORIS Perpetua Victoria trium dominorum 
 
 SEMPER AVG ET CONSTANTI nostrorum Constantini Maritni, tri- 
 
 ET CONSTANTI . . . ET umphatoris semper Augusti, et Cort- 
 
 CONSTANTIS NOBILISSI staittini, et Constantii, et Constantis, 
 
 MORVM AC FLORENTISSI nobilissimorum ac florentissimonim 
 
 MORVM CAESARVM Ccesanim, Clodius Celsinus, vir cla- 
 
 CLODIVS CELSINVSV'C CONS rissimus, consularis provincim Nti- 
 
 P N DEVOTVS SEMPER midice,devoius sempernumini majes- 
 
 NVMINI MAIESTATI tatique eorum. 
 OVE EGRVM 
 
 In the division of the Empire among these three Czesars, 
 the countries of Spain, Gaul, and Britain were allotted to Con- 
 stantine the younger ; Italy, Africa, and Illyria fell to the share 
 of Constans ; and the rest of the dominions came under the rule 
 of Constantius. The career of Constantine the younger came 
 to an end before he had reigned three years, owing to an unfor- 
 tunate dispute which had arisen between two of the brothers on 
 the subject of limitations of boundaries, especially in the African 
 provinces. One can easily understand how so trivial a matter 
 may have roused the passions of these hot-headed, inexperienced 
 youths, bearing in mind that from the time of Diocletian the 
 country known as Bsetica, comprising nearly half the Spanish 
 peninsula, had always been incorporated with Mauritania Tingi- 
 tana, comprising the western half of Mauritania. The boundaries 
 had not been clearly defined even in the time of Constantine, 
 and it is doubtful whether, even in the present day, the bounda- 
 ries of Morocco and Algeria, which represented the two divisions 
 of Mauritania in Roman times, have been definitely fixed. Still 
 these two youthful Csesars were foolish enough to dispute over 
 a question of boundaries, their armies met to settle the matter, 
 and Constantine the younger was defeated and slain. There 
 are several inscriptions in North Africa recording the names of 
 the two surviving Caesars, many of them remarkable for the 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7on. I.R.A. No. 1848. Ann. de Const. 1853, p. 62. 
 
 T 
 
274 Roman Africa 
 
 introduction of words and phrases not previously employed, 
 flattering to the Emperors and to the distinguished functionaries 
 to whom they were dedicated. The following inscription, found 
 at Cirta, is a fair example of the wording of the time. It is a 
 dedication by the citizens of Cirta, styled colonia Consta7ttince, 
 and the inhabitants of the province of Numidia to their excellent 
 governor Caeionius Italicus, who appears to have been endowed 
 with all the virtues that should adorn the holder of high office.' 
 
 Largifate Dominorum nostrormn piorum A ugustorum duorum Constantii 
 et Constaniis, Ceionio Italico clarissimo atque constilari viro eximio ac sin- 
 gulari virtiitu7n oninmin, ob merita erga se et provindam contmeniice, 
 pafientice, Jortitudinis^ Kberalitatis et mnoris in omnes precipiii. Ordofelicis 
 colonia Co7ista7ttince et provincia Numidia patrono posuit. 
 
 Constans survived his brother Constantine ten years, ruling 
 over Africa with justice and moderation, and promoting the 
 prosperity of the country. The following dedication in an 
 inscription at Cirta bears testimony to the gratitude of his 
 subjects : ^ 
 
 Beatiiiidine domini nostri Constaniis victoris ac triumphatoris semper 
 Augusti, provisa copia qua horreis deerat posteaqitam condendis horrea deesse 
 c<£perunt^ hcBC Vtilcacius Rufiniis^ vir ciarissitmis, prcsfectus pratorio,per se 
 cccpla in securitatein perpetuam annonarice dedicavit. 
 
 His career came to a close by the hand of an assassin named 
 Magnentius, whose ambition prompted him to assume the 
 purple and claim joint rights of empire with the last surviving 
 brother, Constantius II. This occurred A.D. 350. For about 
 three years this despicable Roman governed Africa, more in the 
 capacity of a military adventurer than as an administrator. As 
 a follower of Christianity Magnentius has the unenviable 
 notoriety of being the first Christian to kill an Emperor. But 
 his very name is now wellnigh forgotten, kept alive by a few 
 inscriptions that may still be seen bearing his name. At Tipasa, 
 for instance, in Mauritania Cassariensis, a colonia of wealth and 
 renown till a late period of the Empire, and whose monumental 
 remains are scattered over a large extent of ground, there is an 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7012. Rev. Afr. 1859, p. 135. 
 
 2 C.I.L. No. 4180. Vol. V. Les Pastes de & Numidie, par M. Pallu de 
 Lessen, 1888, p. 199. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 275 
 
 imperfect inscription recording the names of three Augusti, the 
 third being that of Magnentius.'- 
 
 CONSTANTINO 
 CONSTANTIO 
 A MAGNENTI 
 INVICTIS SEMPER 
 AVGVSTIS 
 
 But there is little doubt that the name of Constans had been 
 erased, and that of his murderer substituted. Tipasa was one 
 of the strongholds of Christianity in the time of Constantine the 
 Great, and continued to be so, if one may judge from the large 
 number of Christian memorials that may still be studied on the 
 spot. There are other inscriptions bearing the name of this 
 man Magnentius as Augustus, but they shed no light on the 
 history or progress of North Africa. 
 
 By the death of his two brothers Constantius II. became sole 
 Emperor, ruling for ten years without distinction. An inscrip- 
 tion at Lambaesis implies that he was brought into the world 
 for the benefit of mankind,^ and another at Caasarea refers to 
 Constantine as Restitutor libertatis ac triumphator orbis. 
 
 BONO GENERIS 
 HVMANI PROGE 
 NITO D N FLAV 
 10 CONSTAN 
 TIO NOB AC 
 FLORENTIS 
 SIMO CAES 
 ORDO COL 
 LAMB FECIT 
 
 Beyond these and other similar dedications there is nothing 
 to indicate any marked activity in the African provinces during 
 his reign. Indeed, it may be said that there is no monumental 
 edifice existing in North Africa, whether a triumphal arch or a 
 work of public utility, associated with the names of these three 
 sons of Constantine the Great, nor is there any evidence of 
 material progress during the twenty-three years of joint and 
 separate rule. 
 
 ' De Tipasa, par M. Stephanus Gsell, Algiers, 1894, p. 106. This work 
 contains an interesting account of the remains of Tipasa, and is fully illustrated. 
 ■■^ C.I.L. No. 2720, copied by De la Mare and Renier. 
 
 T 2 
 
276 Roman Africa 
 
 The Age of Constantine, as it may be termed, comprising a 
 period of about sixty years, received additional lustre from the 
 exemplary high-minded conduct of Helena, the wife of Con- 
 stantius I., and mother of Constantine the Great. She was born 
 A.D. 248, and, we are told, favoured Christianity from her early 
 youth. In the course of a long life Helena suffered many vicissi- 
 tudes, but strength of will, coupled with devotion to the cause 
 she advocated, enabled her to overcome the difficulties attendant 
 upon her peculiar position as the divorced wife of an Emperor. 
 Through all the troublous times which preceded the fall of 
 Licentius, this saintly woman fearlessly pleaded the cause of 
 Christ, and when Constantino ascended the throne she beheld 
 the triumphant acknowledgment of the new creed under the 
 auspices of an all-powerful ruler. Although Helena did not live 
 to see the dedication by a Christian Emperor of the new 
 metropolis of the East on the shores of the Bosphorus, yet her 
 last years must have been sweetened by daily thoughts of 
 the success which had attended her lifelong efforts. The 
 features of Helena are familiar to us through coins struck in 
 her honour, but inscriptions bearing her name are not numerous. 
 In reference to the one discovered at Sicca Veneria, already 
 mentioned, it seems opportune to record that there are few 
 places in North Africa of greater interest than the site of this 
 ancient stronghold, whose history dates back, to pre-Roman 
 times when an important Phoenician colony settled here. It 
 acquired notoriety at a remote period from the performances of 
 obscene rites in honour of Venus Astarte as the goddess of 
 voluptuousness. This is proved by a passage in the writings of 
 Valerius Maximus, who lived in the time of Tiberius : SicccB 
 enim fanum est Veneris, in quo se matrona conferebant atque 
 inde procedenies ad qucBstum, dotes corporis injuria contrahebant, 
 honesta nimirum tarn inhonesto vinculo conjugia junctures. Of 
 the temple dedicated to Venus there are no traces, nor is there 
 a single inscription referring to it. Hercules appears also to 
 have had many votaries here, judging from the remains of a 
 temple of that deity of large proportions. But the construction 
 of this building may be assigned, like many others in this ruined 
 city, to the time of Diocletian, certain architectural features 
 peculiar to that period being plainly discernible. Outside the 
 walls once stood a Christian basilica of considerable pretensions. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 277 
 
 The foundations of the external walls, a portion of the sub- 
 structure of the apse, and fragments of marble shafts constitute 
 the sole remains of a monumental edifice which was probably- 
 erected in the time of Constantine. It is a matter of regret 
 that we know so little of Sicca, which had a history of its own 
 long before the Roman occupation, and obtained notoriety in 
 the Jugurthine war as one of the last of Numidian strongholds. 
 Under its Roman name Colonia Julia Cirta Nova, or, according 
 to some inscriptions, Cirtha Sicca, it grew into a large residential 
 city, and received favours and benefactions from successive 
 Caesars.^ Under Diocletian Sicca became a centre of religious 
 controversy and the home of the distinguished philosopher 
 Arnobius. It was within its walls that he wrote his celebrated 
 treatise in favour of Christianity, treating the gods of his 
 ancestors with ridicule, and pioneering a movement which 
 placed Sicca among the leading centres of Christianity in Africa 
 till the time of the Arab invasion. Whatever may have been 
 the link of attachment between the divorced Empress Helena 
 and the citizens of Sicca, there is little doubt that the bond of 
 union was strengthened by the teaching of Arnobius. Her 
 quiet unobtrusive life was no less remarkable for mental 
 activity in every part of the Empire where Christianity was 
 publicly preached. 
 
 The successor of Constantius II., Flavius Claudius Julianus, 
 better known as Julian the Apostate, was a nephew of Constan- 
 tine the Great, and grandson of Constantius I. This Emperor, 
 clothed with full honours as Imperator and Dominus noster at 
 the age of thirty, has received a larger share of attention than 
 his achievements merited, on account of his secession from the 
 Christian Church. But, apart from his predilections for the 
 gods of his ancestors, there is nothing in his short rule of three 
 years, marked by unusual activity, that does not commend itself 
 to the respect of mankind. He was merciful in war, temperate 
 in habits, and amiable in disposition. He may be blamed for 
 his apostasy, but as a ruler of men, both in camp and court, his 
 name has been held in honour. Among the dedications in North 
 Africa there is one at Thamugas on an altar of octagonal form, 
 
 ' C./.Z. No. 1632. Sicca is here called Colonia JuliceVenerice Cirtce Ncruce Sicca. 
 Vide Rev. arch. 1857, p. 129. 
 
278 Roman Africa 
 
 which gives the full titles of the Emperor, commencing with 
 domitor hostium, and omitting the time-honoured distinction of 
 pater patricB, which no longer appears in imperial memorials.' 
 There is no clue to the date of this inscription, but it may be 
 assigned to A.D. 360, the year when Julian received the purple 
 at the hands of the army. 
 
 DOMITORI HOSTI 
 VM • INVICTO 
 IMP • INDVLGEN 
 TISSIMO • PRINCIPI 
 D • N • FL • CL • IVLIANO 
 INVICTO • PIO • FE 
 LICI • SEMPER ■ AVG 
 RESP • ET • ORDO • CO 
 LONIAE • THAMVG 
 CVRANTE • FL . . . . 
 AQVILINO FL • P . . . 
 CVRATORE ■ REI 
 PVB ■ POSVIT • DEDI 
 CAVITQVE 
 
 Another inscription at Csesareais worth recording, on account 
 of its direct allusion to this Emperor as the ' restorer of the 
 religion of the Romans.' "^ The lettering is incomplete and not 
 very legible, but was deciphered and described by M. Poulle 
 many years ago. 
 
 D N FLV CLAV 
 
 DIO IVLIANO 
 
 PIO FELICI .... 
 
 OMN . . . . FE 
 
 . . IE . . . POLLE Domino nosiro Flavio Claudio Juli- 
 
 NTI VIRTV ano, Pio, Felici, Augusio, omnium 
 
 TVM INVICTO perfectione pollente virtutum, invicio 
 
 PRINCIPI RES principi, restiUitori Ubertatis et Ro- 
 
 TITVTORI LI 7nancB religionis ac triumphatori or- 
 
 BERTATIS ET RO bis. 
 
 MANAE RE 
 
 LIGIONIS AC TRI 
 
 VMFATORI OR 
 
 BIS 
 
 • C.I.L. No. 1519. 
 
 2 C.I.L. No. 4326. Vidi Poulle, Rec. de Const. 1869, p. 652, 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 279 
 
 But beyond these and a few other similar dedications 
 Julian has no record in North Africa. With him the rule of 
 the Constantine family came to an end. Of his successor Jovian, 
 who reigned for about seven months and was a true supporter of 
 Christianity, we know very little. The few inscriptions in Africa 
 bearing his name refer to this Emperor as Domino nostra Joviano 
 triuniphatori semper Augusta. 
 
 The tract of country in Eastern Europe called Pannonia, 
 divided into Upper and Lower, furnished many Emperors. 
 Decius, Probus, and Jovian were all natives of that province, 
 and Gratian, the father of Valentinian I., was born, it is said, at 
 Sirmium, the capital of Pannonia. Of Gratian and his achieve- 
 ments we have little knowledge, but his memory is pleasantly 
 preserved in several inscriptions. On a milliarium at Cirta we 
 find the following : MemoricB felicissima vir adque per omnia 
 scBcula celebrandus Gratius pater . . . Valentiniam et Valentis ; 
 and a stone built into the wall of the Kasbah in the same city 
 records the dedication of a statue to the respected father of the 
 two ruling Emperors.' Atque per omnia scecida celebrando 
 Gratiana, patri dominarum principunique nostrorum Valentitiiani 
 et Valentis, nabilium ac triumphatorum semper Augustoi'um. 
 juxta c . . . statuam dedicavit . . . Dracontius, vir clarissimus, 
 vicarius prmfecti per Africanas provincias, curante Valeria . 
 viro egregia, sacerdatale. The inscription is somewhat imperfect 
 but it tells us that Dracontius, a man of senatorial rank, was 
 the vicarius prcefecti of the African provinces under the 
 regulations introduced A.D. 297 for the division of the whole 
 country into dioceses controlled by vicarii. 
 
 When Valentinian I. was proclaimed Emperor at the age of 
 43, on the ground of long and distinguished services both as a 
 soldier and a statesman, he took his younger brother Valens as 
 his colleague on the throne, and a few years later caused his 
 infant son Gratian to be acknowledged as Caesar. In the 
 division of the Empire the provinces of Africa were retained 
 by Valentinian, probably in consequence of rumours of a tribal 
 rising that would need suppression by a strong and experienced 
 hand. The insurrection, however, did not take place till the 
 close of his reign, but it taxed the skill of Valentinian and his 
 
 ' /.i?.^. No. 1S51. VideDsl&M.d.re, ExpIor.de FA/gn-ie. Also Atimiaire, iS^^. 
 
28o Roman Africa 
 
 generals to cope with one of the most formidable disturbances 
 that had occurred since the Roman occupation. The frequency 
 of these frontier uprisings, dating back from the earlier days of 
 the Caesars, had rendered the establishment of a long line of 
 military outposts an absolute necessity. The ruins of these 
 little forts still await the traveller as he wends his way along 
 the Desert fringe, or essays some of the little-frequented 
 passes of the Aures mountains. The disturbances were mostly 
 tribal, arising out of some petty feud between natives and 
 colonists, and took little trouble to suppress. But such a rising 
 as that of Tacfarinas in the reign of Tiberius, and the revolt of 
 Firmus, when Valentinian was firmly established on the throne, 
 were too formidable to be quelled by the ordinary troops 
 stationed at the various outposts. We know that it took 
 Tiberius and his legions seven long years to subdue so formid- 
 able a leader as Tacfarinas, and now Valentinian found himself, 
 at the close of a successful career, face to face with a foe as 
 determined and even more powerful. Between these two native 
 leaders there was a marked difference. Tacfarinas was essen- 
 tially an African, skilled in the art of war after the manner of 
 the Numidians, an intrepid warrior, fearless in battle, and the 
 recognised figure-head of the tribes of the Desert and the 
 mountain fastnesses of Mauritania. Tacfarinas, we know, was 
 subdued by the more scientific strategy of the Romans and 
 fittingly closed his career on the battle-field. Firmus, the 
 antagonist of Valentinian, was a different type of warrior. 
 Although a native of Mauritania, his name betrays Roman 
 descent. Moreover, he lived after the manner of the Romans 
 and adopted their military tactics ; and at the commencement 
 of his revolutionary campaign assumed the purple with all 
 the attributes of a Caesar. The movement was initiated by 
 Firmus with the sole object of wresting Numidia and Mauri- 
 tania from the Romans and proclaiming himself sole Emperor 
 of those countries. With a large army, supplemented by well- 
 disciplined and experienced mercenaries, Firmus had fair pro- 
 spect of success, but fortune favoured the legions of Valentinian. 
 The bold adventurer fell by his own hand, his army was 
 dispersed, and the land of Africa entered upon a career of peace 
 which continued for nearly fifty years. 
 
 The campaigns undertaken by Valentinian in Gaul and 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 281 
 
 Britain, as well as in Africa, were the outcome of necessity as 
 defensive measures rather than as attempts to extend the frontiers 
 of the huge Empire committed to his charge. Anyhow they 
 ^proved a useful field for the display of military skill, and brought 
 into prominence several men of distinction who contributed 
 largely to the Emperor's unvarying success. Conspicuous among 
 them was Theodosius, the most distinguished general of his time, 
 though his name and achievements were overshadowed by 
 those of his more eminent son Theodosius the Great. But to 
 his skill may be attributed the defeat of Firmus and the signal 
 overthrow of the usurper's army. Strange to say, this great 
 revolutionary movement, which had aroused a spirit of in- 
 dependence among native tribes, was held in remembrance for 
 many a long day after. The idea of uprooting the Roman 
 power, especially in the western provinces, passed on through 
 succeeding generations, resulting in the formation of several 
 petty kingdoms which combined subsequent to the Vandal 
 invasion of Africa and were not finally suppressed till the Arab 
 occupation. The most noticeable of these small independent 
 kings was a Moor named Masuna, whose memory is preserved 
 in an inscription discovered at Altava, in the province of 
 Mauritania Csesariensis, and bearing the date A.D. 468-9.'- 
 
 PRO • SAL -.ET • INCOL • REG • MASVNAE • GENT 
 MAVR • ET • ROMANOR ■ CASTRVM • EDIFIC • A ■ MAS 
 GIVINI • PREF ■ DE ■ SAFAR • . IIDIR • PROG • CAST 
 RA • SEVERIN • QVEM • MASVNA • ALTAVA ■ POSVIT 
 ET • MAXIM • PR • C • ALT ■ PERFEC • P • P ■ CCCCLXVIIII 
 
 Pro salute et incolumitate regis Masunce gentium Maurorum et 
 Romanorum castrum cedificatum a Masgivini prcefecto de Safari idir{?) pro- 
 curatore castra Severiaiia, quern Masuna Altava ppsuit, et Maximus pro- 
 curator Altava perfecit. Positum {?) provincia cccclxviiii. 
 
 Procopius mentions a king named Masuna who, in con- 
 junction with Ortaia, incited Solomon, the Byzantine general, 
 to go to war with the King of the Moors A.D. 534. This 
 Masuna may have been a descendant of the one mentioned in 
 the inscription. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 983s, deciphered by Wilmanns. Rev. Afr. 1878, p. 355. 
 
282 Roman Africa 
 
 If the wording of inscriptions offers fair evidence of the 
 popularity of an Emperor, the claims of Valentinian cannot be 
 disregarded. We gather from Marcellinus, the most reliable 
 authority of this period, that this successful ruler of mankind 
 was not of a lovable disposition, and that he was hot-tempered 
 and impetuous. And we may infer that his success during a 
 very active career of twelve years was due to strength of will and 
 conspicuous ability in the conduct of military affairs. From 
 the time Valentinian ascended the throne till the close of his 
 life he had to contend with insurrections in various parts of his 
 dominions, and nowhere did he achieve greater success than 
 in North Africa. The troubles that arose from the rising of 
 Firmus in Mauritania were preceded by a state of affairs in 
 Tripoli which was gradually reducing that province to a con- 
 dition of anarchy. The governor of Africa at that time was 
 Romanus, a man of feeble disposition, inert and rapacious. 
 Taking advantage of his incapacity, the Asturians, who were 
 settled on the frontiers, laid siege to the walled city of Leptis, 
 ravaged the surrounding country, and murdered the agricultural 
 population. The citizens in their distress appealed to Carthage 
 for assistance. Romanus declined, unless the people of Leptis 
 sent him food for his army and 4,000 camels for transport. 
 Such a demand could not be complied with by a starving 
 population undergoing a state of siege. Romanus, comfortably 
 quartered in Carthage, did nothing. As a last resource two 
 ambassadors named Severus and Flaccianus were despatched 
 to the Emperor, taking with them golden images of Victory in 
 honour of Valentinian's recent accession to the throne. Their 
 petition was heard, and Palladius was sent to Africa to redress 
 the grievance and restore order on the frontiers of Tripoli. But 
 the troubles of the citizens of Leptis were not over. Palladius 
 conspired with Romanus to deceive the Emperor and to report 
 that the Roman population had no cause for complaint. Two 
 more ambassadors were accordingly sent by the disheartened 
 citizens, and at last the truth came out. The Roman legions 
 were ordered to Tripoli, the siege was raised, Romanus was 
 cast into prison and Palladius put to death. Gratitude for 
 abundant relief is shown in several inscriptions bearing the 
 name of Valentinian alone, or associated with his younger 
 brother Valens. The dedication to the former and his heirs on 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 283 
 
 a slab discovered at Bou Grara^ (given on p. 257) may be 
 quoted as an example and may be read as follows : 
 
 Divina stirpe progenito domino nostro Vah7ttinia7io, 
 Augusto, fortissimo principi. Flavins Vivius Benedictus 
 vir perfectissim.us, prases provinciiz Tripolitancz, 
 numini majestatique ejus semper devotus. 
 
 Valens, the coadjutor and survivor of Valentinian, has no 
 place in African history. As ruler of the eastern division of 
 the Empire, his headquarters were at Constantinople, and 
 consequently he had no special claim for recognition by the 
 citizens of Roman Africa. His name, however, appears on a 
 slab discovered at Apisa Maius, now known as Henchir Ain 
 Tarf, in the proconsular province.^ 
 
 D • N 
 
 IMP • AVG 
 EL • VALENTI • PIO 
 FELICI VICTORI AC 
 TRIVMFATORI PER 
 PETVO DEVOTVS 
 ORDO MCP APISEN 
 SIVM MAIORVM 
 CVM VALERIC MARINO 
 
 CVR • RP 
 
 The chief value of the inscription lies in the identification of 
 the site of the municipium Apisensiorum majoruin, but nothing 
 is known of the curator reipubliccz named Valerius Marinus. 
 The names of the joint Emperors are found in numerous 
 inscriptions, all varying in their expressions of gratitude for 
 benefits received. The wording on one stone is Domini nostri 
 invictissinii, et fortissimi, et gloriosissimi, and on another, 
 ioto orbe victores? Perhaps the following from Rusicada, which 
 may be still studied in the museum at Philippeville, is the 
 • most complete : ^ 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 10489. Vide Rev. Afr. xx. 1876, p. 508. 
 ^ C.I.L. No. 780. Wilmanns descrip. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 2722. I.R.A. No. 119, copied by Renier and De la Mare. 
 * C.I.L. No. 19852, descrip. Villefosse. Vide Bull. Spigr. de la Gaule, 1881, 
 p. 167 et seq. 
 
284 Roman Africa 
 
 PRO MAGNIFICENTIA TEMPORVM 
 PRINCIPVM MAXIMORVM DOMI 
 NORVM ORBIS VALENTINIANI ET 
 VALENTIS SEMPER AVGG HORREA 
 AD SECVRITATEM POPVLI ROMAN I 
 PARITER AC PROVINCIALIVM CON 
 STRVCTA OMNI MATVRITATE 
 DEDICAVIT PVBLILIVS CAEIONIVS 
 CAECINA ALBINVS V ■ C CONS 
 SEXF • P • N • CONS 
 
 There is another at Thamugas relating to the rebuilding of 
 the portico of the Capitol, fully described on p. 93. And at 
 Cuiculum was found an inscription referring to the dedication 
 of a basilica vestiarium to Valentinian and Valens by P. 
 Caeionius Caecina Albinus. No further explanation is given, 
 although some doubt has been expressed about the correctness 
 of the reading of the letters basili. Whether the edifice was a 
 basilica or an apotheca is of little consequence. It was certainly 
 a public building of some importance, and, to adopt the explana- 
 tion offered by Wilmanns, was negotiatoribus vestiariis inaxime 
 destinatam. Partial explorations of the site of Cuiculum, now 
 known as Djemila, in the old province of Mauritania Sitifensis, 
 have revealed the existence of a city of undoubted magnificence. 
 Of its history and of the part it played in the progress of 
 Roman colonisation we have no record, but the principal in- 
 scriptions scattered among the monumental remains being 
 dedicatory to Marcus Aurelius and Caracalla, there is ample 
 evidence that Cuiculum was a city of wealth and renown at the 
 commencement of the third century. It is within the range of 
 possibility that the remains of the stately edifice where clothes 
 merchants were wont to congregate in the days of Valentinian 
 may some day be identified. 
 
 In most of the dedicatory inscriptions yet discovered in the 
 newly named province of Nuinidia Constantiniana, bearing the 
 names of this Emperor and his brother Valens, we are made 
 familiar with the name of the governor of that province, A.D. 
 364-367, Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus. He was of 
 senatorial rank and bore the distinguishing title of sexfascalis} 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 7975. Ann. de Const. 1862, p. 144. This title of distinction seems 
 to have been first bestowed on Ulpius Mariscianus in the reign of Julian, A.D. 361, 
 vho ■v/a.s Consularis Sexfascalis provincia Nu7nidii:E. (Dig. \. 16.) It was conferred 
 only on governors of senaioria/ piovinzes. {Les Fasl&s de la Nwiiidie, p. 204.) 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 285 
 
 as will be observed in the last-quoted inscription. His munifi- 
 cence is attested by a lavish expenditure on public buildings or 
 the restoration of monumental edifices that had fallen into 
 decay. Whether Valentinian had issued an edict drawing 
 attention to the necessity of repairing ancient monuments in 
 different parts of the Empire we have no means of ascertaining. 
 But the wholesale restoration of public buildings during his 
 reign and those of his immediate successors seems to indicate 
 that many of the edifices erected by the great building 
 Emperors, Trajan and Hadrian, needed thorough repair after a 
 lapse of nearly 250 years. It is possible, also, that in this part 
 of the world, where slight earthquakes were not unknown, some 
 disturbance may have affected public edifices ; and although 
 there is no record of any violent earthquake in North Africa at 
 this period, we have ample evidence of a terrific disturbance in 
 Eastern Europe only two years before Valentinian ascended 
 the throne. From Marcellinus we learn that it spread through 
 Asia Minor, Pontus, and Macedonia, and that Nicomedia, the 
 capital of Bithynia, was entirely ruined. 
 
 The names of the three Emperors Valentinian, Valens, and 
 Gratian, who reigned conjointly from A.D. 367 till the close of 
 375, when Valentinian died, are recorded in many parts of the 
 country. Gratian, the son of Valentinian, was created Caesar at 
 the age of eight, and eight years after was proclaimed hnperator. 
 His elevation to the throne was evidently the cause of great 
 rejoicing, and of many congratulatory dedications. The follow- 
 ing jubilant inscription at Constantine may be assigned to that 
 date, when the popularity of Valentinian as a ruler was every- 
 where acknowledged : ' 
 
 Aureo saculo trium dominorum nostro'ntm invictissimonem principum 
 Valentiniani, Valentis et Gratiani, porticum a fundamentis cceptam et con- 
 strnctam, Annius . . . minus, vir clarissimus, considaris sexfascalis pro- 
 vincicE Numidia Constantina dedicavit et domini tiostri Gratiani principis 
 nomine nuncupavit, curante ac sua pecunia perficiente Nevio ISIumi- 
 diano 
 
 Annius was governor of the province at some date between 
 A.D. 367-375, and it may be assumed that his acceptance of the 
 high office seemed a fitting occasion for dedicating a public 
 
 • C.I.L. No. 7015. Vide De la VLsxe, Explor. tab. 125. Also given by Renier, 
 I.H.A. No. 1852. 
 
286 Roman Africa 
 
 edifice to the youthful Caesar. Another very similar inscription 
 of the same reign was found among the ruins of Cuiculum, the 
 modern Djemila, and may still be read on a slab doing duty as 
 a lintel in the construction of a modern fountain.^ 
 
 PRO BEATVDINE PRINCIPVM MAXIMORVM 
 DDD NNN VALENTINIANI VALENTIS ADQ GRATIANI 
 
 PERPETV 
 SEMPER AVGGG PL SIMPLICIVS VC CONSVLARIS 
 
 SEXFASCALIS PN 
 CONSTANTINAE NVMINI MAIESTATIQ EORVM SEM- 
 PER DICATVS BASI 
 LICAM DEDICAVIT RVTILIVS VERO SATVRNINVS 
 
 VC PRO EDITIONE MV 
 NERIS DEBITI A SOLO FACIENDAM EXAEDIFICAN- 
 
 DAM Q CVRAVIT 
 
 The exact date is a matter of conjecture, but it is possibly 
 of the year 375, when the elevation of Gratian to the throne at 
 the age of sixteen was the cause of general rejoicing. A dedica- 
 tion of a basilica in honour of the three Emperors on such an 
 occasion was, therefore, extremely probable. On the death of 
 his father, Gratian became sole Emperor of the West, and three 
 years later, when Valens came to an untimely end, found him- 
 self in sole possession of the Empire. In the short interval 
 between the death of Valentinian and of his brother Valens, A.D. 
 375-378, another infant Caesar appears on the stage in the 
 person of Valentinian II., the son of Valentinian I., thus 
 sharing the throne with his uncle and brother. In testimony 
 of their joint rule we have an interesting inscription at Cella, 
 south of Sitifis and in the province of Mauritania Sitifensis : '^ 
 
 SALVIS DDD NNN IMPERATORIBVS INVICTIS PRINCIBVS 
 VALENTE GRATIANO ET VALENTINIANO PERPETVIS MAXI- 
 
 MIS 
 VICTORIBVS AC TRIVMFATORIBVS SEMPER AVGVSTIS 
 FLA VICTORIANVS VC PRIM ORDINIS COMES AFRICAE 
 SEMPER VESTRO NVMINI DEVOTVS CASTRAM DEDICAVIT 
 
 The date is probably A.D. 378, in honour of Valentinian II., 
 who was raised to the purple a few days after the death of his 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 8324. This inscription is in excellent condition. 
 ^ C.I.L. No. 10937. Seen and translated by Villefosse. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 287 
 
 father. The words prinii ordinis comes Africcs should be noted 
 as an early example of a new form of title. 
 
 The merits of Gratian as a soldier and an administrator claim 
 little notice — a learned man but a bad ruler, says Aurelius Victor. 
 An inscription at Carpis, near Carthage, records his name a.s faci- 
 ficus dominus noster, but this epithet pacificus is little in accord 
 with the general tcnour of his career. His violent antagonism 
 to the revival of Pagan worship, even in those parts of his 
 dominions where Christianity had hitherto made little progress, 
 roused the animosity of many of his subjects, and led to the 
 desertion of his soldiers during his last campaign against the 
 Goths. Strong nations need strong rulers. This is clearly 
 shown in many instances in this later period when the Roman 
 Empire was tottering to its fall and was saved for a time by 
 the accidental accession of a statesman or soldier of mark 
 called suddenly to exercise supreme power. This was the case 
 during the last four troubled years of Gratian's career, when 
 necessity enforced the co-operation of the most distinguished 
 soldier of his time, and the son of Valentinian's most successful 
 general. It was a.d. 379, one year after the death of Valens, 
 that Gratian raised to the purple this Spanish warrior, whose 
 Byzantine name of Theodosius seems to indicate Greek parent- 
 age. Four years later another Spaniard named Maximus, of 
 whose ancestry we have no knowledge, raised the standard 
 of revolt in Spain and Africa and besought Theodosius to 
 recognise his claim to the western dominions of the Empire. 
 The situation was a critical one, as Maximus, the upholder of 
 Paganism, had the support of many of the provinces and the 
 command of a trained army. With the adroitness of a true 
 statesman Theodosius lured the impatient Maximus to act on 
 the offensive. The rivals met at Aquileia. Maximus was 
 defeated and his army dispersed. Although this usurping 
 Emperor has little place in Roman history, he appears to have 
 secured the regard of his subjects in Africa as well as in Spain. 
 This is attested by an interesting inscription found at Gigthis, 
 in the province of Tripoli, where his name is associated with 
 that of Valentinian II., Theodosius the Great, and Arcadius, the 
 infant son of Theodosius.^ The date of the inscription is 
 A.D. 383-3S8, and the dedication is in commemoration of an 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 27. Vide Guerin, vol. i. p. 228. 
 
288 Roman Africa 
 
 embassy to that distant province. It will be observed that the 
 name of Maximus has been erased in the usual way. 
 
 QVINTO ■ FL ■ P • SAC • PROV 
 SALVIS AC TOTO ORBE VINTIBVS 
 DDDD NNNN FFFF LLLL 
 VALENTINIANO THEODOSIO 
 ARCADIO ET MAXIMO SEMP AVGVST 
 OB MERITVM MAG'NIFICE LEGATI 
 ONIS QVAM PRO VOTO TOTIVS 
 PROVINCIAE EXECVTVS EST ET . . . 
 
 IT QVINTVS VIR LAVDABILIS 
 
 SACERDOTALIS HVIC CVPIENS 
 COMPETENTIBVS MERITIS 
 RESPONDERE TOTIVS PRO 
 VINCIAE CONSILIO AD 
 DECRETO ORDI 
 NIS 
 
 Of the town of Gigthis we have little record. As a seaport 
 it probably existed in Phoenician times. Under the Romans it 
 maintained its position as a thriving municipium till the close 
 of the Empire, and when Christianity flourished in this remote 
 corner Gigthis became the seat of a bishop. The Vandal in- 
 vasion in the fifth century does not seem to have affected its 
 prosperity, nor did the Byzantine occupation at a later date. 
 It was not till the Arabs swept over the land from east to west 
 that the fate of this old-world town was sealed. 
 
 The death of Valentinian II., A.D. 392, placed the Empire in 
 the hands of Theodosius and his son, and in the following year 
 a younger son named Honorius was raised to full honours, 
 although he had only attained his ninth year. It is strange to 
 find a scarcity of memorials in North Africa relating to so dis- 
 tinguished a ruler as Theodosius, whose exploits fully justified 
 the surname of Magnus. The only explanation that can be 
 offered is that Theodosius was probably unknown personally to 
 his African subjects. 
 
 An inscription at Kalama, in the form of a dedication by 
 the citizens of this prosperous colonia, bears his honoured name.' 
 And another found at a place called Henchir-el-Chrib, not far 
 from Bizerta, may fairly be ascribed to his reign, the Emperor 
 being called T\\&oAos\vls perpetuus Augustus Ctzsar. 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5340. I.R.A. No. 2735. Vide De la Mare, ExJ>lor. de VAlgirie. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 289 
 
 D • N • FL • THEODOSIO PER 
 
 PETVO AC VICTO 
 
 RI SEMPER AVG ORDO 
 
 SPLENDIDISSIMVS 
 
 COL • KALAMENSIVM 
 
 LOCAVIT DEDICAVIT 
 
 According to a statement by Aurelius Victor, this distin- 
 guished prince was blessed with many virtues and debased 
 by no vicious propensities. He died at Milan at the close 
 of an eventful reign of sixteen years — a good ruler, a tender 
 father, a loving husband. 
 
 In the division of the Empire between Arcadius and 
 Honorius, the elder brother acquired the Eastern dominions 
 and the younger the Western. This was in accordance with 
 the policy initiated by Diocletian and accepted by Constantine 
 the Great and his successors. The capital of Arcadius was 
 the newly erected city of Constantine, now rising in all its 
 splendour, and destined to play a larger part in the drama of 
 national life than its great founder ever contemplated. The 
 capital of Honorius was to be once again the Roman metropolis, 
 which Diocletian and his successors had neglected in favour 
 of Milan as a more convenient military centre. Italy, Spain, 
 Africa, and Gaul were thus placed under the rule of Honorius. 
 Britain, hitherto regarded as an important appendage of the 
 Empire of the West, played no part in its history at the close 
 of the fourth century. Its remoteness by land and sea had 
 checked the enthusiasm which prompted so many Emperors, 
 from Julius Csesar to Constantius, to convert the island into 
 a Roman province. Under Honorius Roman Britain almost 
 ceased to exist, and the last of the legions which had preserved 
 England from the barbarism of the northern tribes was pre- 
 paring to cross the Channel into the fair land of the Gauls. 
 The history of Africa during the twenty-seven years' effeminate 
 rule of Honorius is almost a blank, relieved only by an insur- 
 rection which caused great anxiety to so timid a potentate. 
 Gildon, a Moor of distinction and a brother of Firmus, raised 
 the standard of revolt soon after the Emperor ascended the 
 throne, and with an army of 70,000 men was making prepara- 
 tions for a decisive encounter with the Roman legions. But 
 ill-success attended his efforts. His troops were routed, and 
 
 U 
 
290 Roman Africa 
 
 Gildon, finding his cause was lost, made away with himself at 
 the coast town of Tabarca. Africa then had peace for twenty- 
 five years, and during that long interval reaped the benefits 
 arising from undisturbed interchange of commercial products. 
 The lull preceded the storm. The semi-barbarous nations of 
 the North, Goths, Vandals, and Huns, were preparing for a 
 trial of strength with the masters of the world, and lay waiting 
 on the frontiers of Southern Europe ready to swoop down 
 upon Rome and the sunny lands of Italy and Spain ; and then, 
 gathering into their ranks irregular troops in their onward 
 march, to cross the seas to spread havoc and desolation among 
 the peace-loving citizens of Roman Africa. So inert a ruler 
 as Honorius, thoughtful only of his own personal safety and 
 regardless of the gathering clouds on the political horizon, has 
 little place in the records of the country. One inscription only, 
 at Altava in Mauritania Caesariensis, a simple complimentary 
 memorial by a citizen of that town, bears his name. Although 
 imperfect and not very easy to decipher, Wilmanns has succeeded 
 in shaping the letters into legible form.^ 
 
 PRO SALVTE CIVI 
 TATIS ALTAVAE 
 ET INCOLVMITATE 
 AVG HONORIO FECER 
 CREP VICTORIVS VE (?) 
 RVS ET GIVES ALTAV (.?) 
 
 The names of the joint Emperors appear in only one 
 inscription yet discovered in North Africa, but they are re- 
 corded on a slab found in Rome in the form of a congratulatory 
 dedication to the two brothers for the suppression of a revolt 
 in Africa. No explanation of this inscription has been given 
 by expert epigraphists, but it is sufficiently noteworthy to find 
 a place here.^ 
 
 IMPERATORIBVS INVICTISSIMIS FELICISSIMISQVE 
 
 DD . NN • ARCADIO ET HONORIO FRATRIBVS 
 
 SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS VINDICATA REBELLIONE 
 
 ET AFRICAE RESTITVTIONE LAETVS 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 9834. W.lmanns. 
 
 ' Orelli, Inscript. Lai Coll. No. 1132. Gruter, 287, 3. This dedication was 
 probably A.D. 398, when Gildon the Moor was defeated in a pitched battle near 
 Theveste and the insurrection brouKht to a close. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 291 
 
 The single inscription in Africa bearing the joint names was 
 found on a pedestal at Nebeul, a small Arab town on the coast, 
 not far from Hammamet in Africa Provincia, constructed with 
 the materials of the old Roman town of Neapolis. There are 
 no records of this ruined settlement, which appears to have 
 been in existence long before the Roman occupation, and to 
 have established in primitive times a reputation for its pottery. 
 Fragments of earthenware, red, yellow, and green, turned up by 
 the plough from year to year, give a colouring to the landscape, 
 and the enduring glazes used by these old-world potters flash 
 in the sunlight and illuminate the surface in all directions. It 
 is gratifying to know that the industry which prospered more 
 than two thousand years ago is still the staple manufacture 
 of the modern town. The date of the inscription is A.D. 400- 
 401, and the rendering by Wilmanns is as follows : ^ 
 
 SAL VIS DD NN 
 ARCADIO ET HONORIO 
 INCLYTIS SEMPER AVGG 
 ADMINISTRANTE DM 
 GABINIO BARBARO 
 POMPEIANO VC PROC 
 P • A • V • S • I • COELIVS TITIANVS 
 VH • EX • T ■ ET ■ NAV • EX • MVN 
 ET EXCVRATORE R • P 
 CVM COELIO RES 
 TITVTO VH FILIO SVO 
 SVMPTV PROPRIO 
 INSTANTIA SVA 
 
 DEDICAVIT 
 
 ADMINISTRANTE 
 PVBLIANO • V • H • F • P • CVRAT • R • P 
 
 Salvis dominis nosiris Arcadia et Honorio indytis semper Augustis, 
 adndnistrante divino mandaiu if) Gabinio Barbara Pompeiano viro claris- 
 sima praconsuli provincia Africce vice sacra judicante. Coelius Titianusvir 
 honestus ex transvecturario et naviculario, ex munerario, et ex ciiratore 
 reipuhliccE, cum Ccelio Restituto, viro honesto, filio suo sutnptu propria in- 
 stantia stia dedicavit, administrante Publiano, viro honesto, flamine per- 
 petua, curaiore reipublica. 
 
 The chief point of interest in this lengthy inscription will 
 be found in the fifth and sixth lines, recording the name of 
 G. Barbarus Pompeianus, the governor of Africa, a.d. 400-401. 
 ' C.I.L, No. 969. Vicls Guerin, vol. ii. p. 249. 
 
292 Roman Africa 
 
 This distinguished Roman has been identified, in recent years, 
 with the owner of a princely establishment the remains of which 
 were brought to light in 1878 by some chance excavations that 
 were being made near the village of Oued-Atmenia, on the old 
 Roman road between Setif and Constantine.^ At a depth of 
 between five and seven feet from the surface, the walls of an 
 extensive range of buildings, with detached pavilions and 
 numerous enclosures, were revealed. So clearly were the build- 
 ings defined, and so perfect was the mosaic flooring, that 
 M. Martin, an architect, was deputed to measure the ruins and 
 prepare drawings of the mosaics. After careful examination 
 it was found that these were the remains of the Baths attached 
 to the country seat of Pompeianus, whose official residence was 
 at Carthage. The arrangement of the Baths does not need 
 any special description. The apartments were not large, but 
 the fittings were of a sumptuous character, coloured marbles 
 and mosaics being freely used. The mosaic floors deserve 
 special notice on account of their pictorial character, two of 
 them representing the stables and racehorses of this princely 
 governor, while others depict in a realistic manner the daily 
 life and amusements of their owner and the costume of the 
 period. The position of the stables represented in mosaic has 
 been ascertained at a distance of 130 yards from the Baths. 
 
 The breeding and training of Numidian horses were much 
 encouraged by the Emperors, perhaps in painful recognition of 
 the wonderful exploit's of the wild cavalry, unbridled and un- 
 saddled, that more than once secured victory to Hannibal 
 during the second Punic war. To the Carthaginians, or rather 
 to her Numidian mercenaries, Rome was indebted for all her 
 knowledge of the horse and its rider ; and the institution of 
 various kinds of chariot races, not only in Rome but in every 
 large town of the Empire, drew the attention of such wealthy 
 men as Pompeianus to the pecuniary and other advantages of 
 a breeding establishment. Some thirty years ago an inscribed 
 stone bearing on this subject was unearthed in Rome. It was 
 deciphered by M. Renan, and was the subject of a paper read 
 
 " Ann. de Const. 1878-80 for a graphic description of these remarkable mosaics 
 by M. A. PouUe. The four drawings, prepared under the direction of M. Martin, 
 have been admirably reproduced in chromolithography. These can be purchased in 
 Paris and are well worthy of study. 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 293 
 
 by him in Rome before the Society des Inscriptions et Belles- 
 Lettres in November 1878. It commemorates the victories in 
 the hippodrome at Rome, A.D. 115-124, of one Crescens, a Moor 
 aged twenty-two, and how during a period of ten years he 
 succeeded, with four horses named Circus, Acceptus, Delicatus, 
 and Cotynus, in gaining prizes of the value of 1,556,346 sesterces, 
 equal to I2,5CX)/. Crescens, the charioteer, was evidently the 
 favourite of the day, occupying a position in the racing world 
 similar to that acquired by so many successful jockeys of our 
 own time, and running the horses of some great proprietor like 
 Pompeianus of Oued-Atmenia. Were it not for the date of the 
 inscription, one might be tempted to suggest that the charioteer 
 referred to on the inscribed stone was identical with the personage 
 represented in the pictorial mosaic. We have in the latter one 
 Cresconius as the chief charioteer, and we have also the horse 
 Delicatus tethered by himself as a favourite animal. The mosaic 
 in the Calidarium is divided into four parts representing the 
 horses and stables. In the first there is a pavilion within an 
 enclosure ; there are the stables and apartments for grooms 
 and charioteers, the name of the proprietor being written above 
 the central edifice ; and below, in two divisions, are six horses 
 covered with horsecloths and attached to four separate mangers. 
 Alius, unequalled for strength, who can leap as high as the 
 mountains, is tethered to the same manger as Pullentianus, the 
 stallion ; then comes Delicatus, the elegant one ; and below are 
 Polydoxus, the glorious one, who, whether he wins or loses, is 
 still beloved, tethered with Titas, the giant ; and in the corner 
 stands Scholasticus, the learned one, apart and by himself as a 
 philosopher should be. In the doorway leading to the Suda- 
 torium is an inscription which is difficult to translate : Incredula 
 Venila Benefica. In this latter chamber is a mosaic in two 
 compartments. In the upper one three pavilions are repre- 
 sented, and in the foreground a lady is seated in a high-backed 
 chair under a palm-tree, a fan in her right hand and a pet dog 
 beside her, in charge of a servant who protects his mistress from 
 the rays of the sun by an umbrella in his left hand. Above is 
 written Filoso Filolocus, probably from filum, a thread, this part 
 of the garden being reserved for ladies as a place for sewing. 
 In the lower compartment is a representation of a park enclosed 
 with a hedge and a fence supported by strong stakes. This is 
 
294 Roman Africa 
 
 the Septum Venationis, as it is written, and, consequently, two 
 hounds are represented giving chase to three gazelles. In the 
 angles are circular basins in which are fish and aquatic plants, 
 and in a corner appears the word Pecuarilocus^ showing that 
 Pompeianus, much as he loved horses and hunting, had tastes 
 also for cattle and the products of the soil. The mosaic on the 
 floor of the atrium is divided into three compartments by a rich 
 framework of flowers, the central one giving a view of the house, 
 having several stories and numerous windows. Attached to 
 the house is a tower surmounted by a balcony or awning, 
 designated in the mosaic as Saltuarii Janus. The roofs of 
 the buildings are covered with square red tiles in patterns, and 
 chimneys or pipes appear above the ridge There are indi- 
 cations also of chimneys above the parapet of the principal 
 pavilion. In the lower divisions Pompeianus himself is de- 
 picted as directing a stag-hunt, and the huntsmen, Cresconius, 
 Argentium, Cessonius, and Neambas — the first mounted on the 
 horse Vernacel — with lances in hand, are in full pursuit, preceded 
 by the dogs Fidelis and Castus. In attendance are Liber and 
 Diaz, the latter from Iberia, but both having their mantles 
 thrown back, Spanish fashion, over the left shoulder. The two 
 end compartments of the design seem to indicate a representa- 
 tion of the close of the day's sport. The chase is over, and 
 the huntsmen are invited to repose, conjuring up visions of 
 attendant houris clothed in gorgeous raiment. Such might 
 have been the intention of the artist in delineating the forms 
 and features of six Asiatic ladies with bejewelled arms and 
 necks, quaintly attired, and with an extravagance of head-dress 
 that would puzzle a coiffeur of our own times. According to 
 M. Tissot, these indescribable females may have been pictorial 
 representations of Numidian female divinities. This remarkable 
 series of mosaics gives some insight into Roman life and 
 customs in North Africa at the close of the fourth century, 
 and bears striking testimony to the peaceful condition of the 
 country in the declining years of the Empire. Sixteen centuries 
 have passed since Pompeianus presided over this lordly retreat, 
 as a patron of the turf and a lover of sport in all its aspects. 
 A few years after his decease the disturbing influence of the 
 invading Vandals must have rendered the maintenance of such 
 an establishment an absolute impossibility, and one can picture 
 
Africa under the later Emperors 295 
 
 the lifework of this distinguished Roman neglected, abandoned, 
 and finally becoming a mere hunting-ground for Vandal or 
 Byzantine, Arab or Moor. 
 
 Honorius takes rank as a long-ruling Emperor, sharing the 
 distinction with Augustus and Constantine. For the last four- 
 teen years of his reign he was associated with the youthful son 
 of his brother Arcadius, bearing the name of Theodosius II. 
 Their joint rule was not marked by any disturbing events in 
 North Africa, except the slight rising already referred to, and 
 consequently the inscriptions bearing their names are mostly of 
 a complimentary character. At Kalama, for instance, a dedica- 
 tion commences with the customary phraseology, Beatissimis 
 temporibus doniinormn nostroruni Honori et Theodosi semper et 
 ubique vincentimn^ and at Bisica the wording of an inscription 
 bears testimony to a sense of tranquillity and contentment 
 during their reign.^ 
 
 POLLENTES IN FINE IMPERIO 
 
 D-D N-N HONORI ET THEODOSI PPS • IMP AVG 
 ADMINISTRANTE FELICE INNODIO VC AMP 
 PROC • PAVSICVM FIRMO VC LEG SVO PERMI 
 HILARIO VA SUA VETVSTAS CVM SIRA 
 
 Pollente sine fine imperio dominoruTu nostroriun Honori et Theodosi 
 perpetuorum semper imperatorum Augustorum administrante feliciter 
 Innodio, viro clarissimo, amplissi7no proconsule provincice Apricce vice 
 sacra judicante cum Firmo viro clarissimo legato siio permittente Hilario 
 vices agente prcztorio Africce .... cum straturis. 
 
 Theodosius II., as the successor of his father, who ruled over 
 the Eastern provinces of the Empire, took no part in African 
 aifairs, although he may be credited with the postponement of 
 the invasion of the country by Vandals. This was effected by 
 bribes and promises. When the former failed and the latter 
 had no prospect of fulfilment, Theodosius was powerless. The 
 invaders crossed the Straits, crept along the southern shores of 
 the Mediterranean, and before twelve years had passed by, 
 Genseric their king was firmly established on the throne at 
 Carthage. With Valentinian III., son-in-law of Theodosius, the 
 family of Theodosius came to an end, and with the fall of the 
 
 ' C.I.L. No. 5341. De la Mare, Explor. tab. i8i. 
 
 2 C.I.L. No. 1358. This inscription is not very legible. The interpretation 
 given is by Wilmanns. Vide Davis, Ruined Cities in Africa, p. 388. 
 
296 Roman Africa 
 
 dynasty the Empire fell too. North Africa has no record of the 
 career of this last of Roman princes, although his name appears 
 on two imperfect inscriptions in the form of dedications to the 
 joint Emperors. Inscriptions terminate also, bringing to a close 
 the series of historic memorials which had .continued uninter- 
 ruptedly to mark the development and success of the colony of 
 North Africa during a period of nearly 600 years. A century 
 elapses before these faithful records of national life begin to 
 appear again in somewhat consecutive form. In the interval the 
 Vandals have been swept away, leaving behind them nothing 
 but marks of ruin and destruction. Petty kings, or rather 
 chiefs of the more powerful native tribes, aided by bands of 
 mercenary adventurers, have established themselves in the 
 mountain strongholds, much in the same way as the Kabyles 
 of our own day have acquired a semblance of authority over 
 large tracts of fertile country not easy of access. These little 
 kings have left a record of their presence on several slabs that 
 have been brought to light. The inscription given on page 281, 
 relating to Masuna rex gentium Maurorum et Romanorum, may 
 be cited as the most perfect, the date being A.D. 468. Any 
 reference to later memorials is beyond the scope of this outline 
 of Roman African history, but inscriptions commence once 
 more in the renowned days of Justinian and Theodora (A.D. 
 534-565), when the Byzantine dynasty was asserting its supre- 
 macy,, and they terminate for ever under Constans II., who 
 closed an uneventful career A.D. 668. The last of the imperial 
 dedications in Africa appears on a large block of white marble, 
 which served as a lintel to the entrance-door of a Christian 
 basilica at Thamugas, and is of the reign of Heraclius II. or 
 Constans II. The wording runs thus: In temporibus Con- 
 stantini {i.e. Heraclii II. or Constantis II.) Imperatoris Bel 
 Gregorio patricio, Joannis, dux de Tigisi, offeret domum Dei 
 Armcnus} Gregorius was the exarch or governor of Africa, 
 whose remarkable career has been already referred to in the 
 description of Sufetula on page 124. 
 
 ' C. I.L. No. 2389. Some doubt has been expressed as to the meaning of the 
 word Bel. Wilmanns is of opinion that it is an abbreviation of Bellicio. Renier 
 and others read the letters Fl. (Flavio), I.R.A. No. 15 18. Tigisis was on the 
 slopes of the Aures mountains, not far from Lambaesis and Thamugas. 
 
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 <». 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 a:(P 
 
 X 
 
 ■> 
 
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 g ^ 
 
 -^ n 
 
 S E 
 
 < J! 
 
 H ^ 
 
 ^ E 
 
 O S 
 
 « i 
 
297 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 No country ever occupied by the Romans possesses, at the 
 commencement of this twentieth century, more remarkable 
 monumental remains or a greater wealth of inscriptions than 
 North Africa. They are there to tell their own tale of national 
 progress of a ci\»ilising people, of Emperors good and bad, of 
 munificent citizens, of scholars eminent in philosophy and skilled 
 in rhetoric, of men and women in all ranks of life obedient to 
 the laws, loyal to their rulers, and leaving behind them a 
 pleasant memory to be faithfully recorded on imperishable 
 stone. If the popularity of any one of the Emperors can be 
 tested by the number of dedications in his honour, some two or 
 three will head the list without fear of contradiction ; while of 
 others, who were raised to the throne at the will of the legions 
 and passed rapidly across the stage as mere adventurers, it will 
 be seen that inscriptions are but few, and in some cases their 
 very names have been erased by an aggrieved or dissatisfied 
 populace. 
 
 The difficulties which beset the Romans in their career of 
 conquest, at the close of the second Punic war, arose in a great 
 measure from the general configuration of the country, which 
 seemed fatal also to the native races in their attempts to expel 
 the invader. The three zones of country, separated by high 
 mountains, never impassable, but presenting natural difficulties 
 in the transport of large bodies of disciplined troops, may be 
 said to represent three distinct regions. On the north was the 
 broad stretch of sea — the mare scEvum which, for so many gene- 
 rations, proved an insuperable barrier to Roman advancement, 
 and on the south the sea of sand — the mysterious desert 
 stretching across the Equator, and unfit for habitation by 
 
298 Roman Africa 
 
 European races.' To these peculiar features of North Africa 
 may be attributed the partial success which attended the rising 
 of frontier and desert tribes at all periods of the Roman occu- 
 pation, fully sufficient to account for difficulties experienced 
 by the Roman legions in suppressing a long series of tribal 
 revolts. Till the time of Trajan, colonisation by the Latin race 
 was confined mostly to the towns already peopled by Cartha- 
 ginians or the descendants of old Phoenician traders. The 
 accession of this princely ruler marks a starting-point in the 
 history of Roman Africa. Under the twelve Csesars progress 
 had been checked by the almost insuperable difficulties attend- 
 ing the invasion of an unknown country, peopled by races 
 whose habits of life and methods of warfare had nothing in 
 common with the more advanced civilisation of the people of 
 Italy, and the islands under Roman domination. Trajan seems 
 to have been born at the right time. His noble bearing and 
 distinguished generalship, coupled with administrative abilities 
 of a high order, roused the enthusiasm of his subjects to a 
 degree unknown since the days of Augustus. The African 
 provinces reaped a full share of benefits from the career of such 
 a ruler. Colonisation was attended with marked success. Cities 
 and towns sprang up at the Emperor's bidding. Native tribes- 
 men found themselves unmolested, their forms of religion and 
 habits of life undisturbed, and encouragement given to a free 
 interchange of commercial products. Under the Antonines the 
 good work still progressed, was checked for a time under the 
 rule of the worthless Com modus, and reached its climax in the 
 strong hands of Septimius Severus. Inscriptions innumerable 
 bear ample testimony to the condition of the African popu- 
 lation at this period, and monumental remains, which still greet 
 the traveller in some of the less trodden parts of this fair land, 
 bear ample evidence of the presence of large communities 
 
 ' It is nearly twenty-five years since Captain Roudaire published his report on 
 the Chotts or lakes forming a large portion of the southern boundary of North Africa. 
 (Etude relative au Projet de Mer Intirieure, Paris, 1877.) His investigations seemed 
 to show that the Palus Tritonitis of the ancients, into which Ulysses sailed, is the 
 stretch of water separating Djerba from the mainland, rather than the inner lake behind 
 the Oasis of Gabes, marked Palus Tritonitis on every map and chart, both ancient 
 and modern, and that in prehistoric times all these chotts were united and formed of 
 themselves an inland sea. ( Vide G. Boissiere, p. 25 et seq. Also Sir R. L. 
 Playfair, Travels, p. 271.) 
 
Conclusion 299 
 
 enjoying the full benefits of civilised life. Carthage, the metro- 
 polis of the East ; Caesarea, the enlightened capital of the West ; 
 Hadrumetum, the flourishing city of the Byzacene ; Saldae, the 
 beautiful city on the hills ; and Leptis, on the shores of the Great 
 Syrtes, took high rank among the commercial ports on the 
 borders of the Mediterranean. And in the interior, Cirta, the 
 capital of old Numidia ; Sitins, the seat of commerce at the 
 crossing of the great Roman highways ; Lambaesis, with its vast 
 military papulation, presenting scenes of activity in times of 
 peace or frontier disturbances ; Thamugas, the city of delight, 
 where Roman citizens loved to congregate and to make their 
 last resting-place when life's work was over ; Calama, Uthina, 
 Thugga, Sufes, and Sufetula — each and all compared favourably 
 with similar cities and towns in Italy, Spain, and Gaul, and 
 have left equally enduring marks of a long career of wealth 
 and prosperity. 
 
 If we turn to inscriptions relating to municipal life, we find 
 that obedience to ruling authority and loyalty to the Emperor are 
 seldom wanting. The discipline which was maintained in Rome 
 till the fall of the Western Empire was equally potent in the 
 provinces. We find the same degrees of magistracy, the same 
 laws so adjusted as not to press too heavily on the old-world 
 traditions of native races, the same gods and ranks of priesthood, 
 and the same public-minded spirit which prompted Roman 
 citizens in all parts of the Empire to ennoble the country of 
 their adoption by works of munificence or general utility. And 
 memorials of men and women in every walk of life are with us 
 also, bearing unmistakable testimony to the existence of 
 contented and well-ordered communities. The expressions may 
 often seem to us exaggerated in these prosaic times, but any one 
 who is accustomed to read the well-known lettering will not 
 fail to note that the ties of family and friendship were rarely 
 forgotten, and that the employment of superlative expressions 
 of endearment and regret was but the utterance of the heart in 
 the hour of grief or bereavement. 
 
 In this closing stage of our inquiry it may be desirable to 
 ascertain, on the basis of monumental remains and inscriptions, 
 whether the achievements of Roman citizens in these African 
 provinces, either in literature or art in their various branches, 
 may be classed as of African growth, and how far the sub- 
 
300 Roman Africa 
 
 jugation of the country may, at any period of the Roman 
 occupation, be said to have been complete.' 
 
 In previous chapters allusion has been made to Carthage 
 and Cirta as the great centres of scholarship, proving as attrac- 
 tive to students in literature and philosophy as the university 
 towns of our own day in Great Britain or other European 
 countries. A long roll of names, mostly bearing the stamp of 
 Italian origin, has been transmitted to us by various contem- 
 porary writers. Some of these distinguished African scholars 
 were descendants of settlers in the early days of colonisation, 
 and may fairly lay claim to be classed as Africans ; while others 
 were of a rambling order, passing from Athens or Corinth, 
 Alexandria or Rome, to take part in some educational move- 
 ment, or to exhibit their skill in some school of rhetoric or 
 philosophy. 
 
 The intimate commercial relations between Carthaginians 
 and Greeks, prior to the Roman occupation, tended to the 
 spread of Hellenism in the coast towns of North Africa ; while 
 the establishment of Greek merchants in the chief cities of 
 Numidia gave an impetus to the general use of Greek among 
 the better educated classes. Micipsa, the Numidian, favoured 
 the intercourse with Greeks, and induced merchants from the 
 islands of the Mediterranean to settle permanently in his 
 dominions. Juba II., again, gave exceptional encouragement to 
 the literature and arts of Greece, and, in the course of his long 
 and prosperous reign, made Caesarea, his capital, a renowned 
 centre of culture and refinement. At a still later period, under 
 the Antonines, Greek was the accepted language of the coast 
 towns. Latin had made little progress, and the Punic tongue 
 largely prevailed among the peasantry and labouring classes. 
 From Aurelius Victor we learn that the Emperor Septimius 
 Severus, a native of Leptis, spoke Punic and Greek. He 
 
 ' The Romans certainly occupied some of the oases in the Desert. At G^ryville 
 in south-western Algeria, the same parallel as El-Aghuoat, are traces of Roman 
 occupation ; also at Besseriani (ad Majores), not far from Chott Molghigh, where 
 a stone bearing the name of Trajan was found. (Duniy, Histqire des Romains, 
 vol. V. p. 478.) 
 
 Paulinus Suetonius, familiar to us as Roman governor of Britain in the time of 
 Vitellius, crossed Mount Atlas with an army and encamped near the desert-river Ger 
 in south-east Morocco. The name of Ger is still preserved. Eph. Epigr. vol. v. 
 fasc. 3 and 4, No. 1043.) 
 
Conclusion 301 
 
 expressed himself easily in the latter, but his knowledge of 
 Latin was slight. This spread of Hellenism continued till about 
 the middle of the third century, when Roman colonisation had 
 so far advanced as to render the use of the Latin tongue an 
 absolute necessity ; and in the age of St. Augustine the use of 
 Greek must have been exceptional, the language awaiting a 
 revival under the Byzantine Emperors after a lapse of 150 
 years. It is reasonable, therefore, to find the literature of 
 North Africa bearing this stamp of Hellenism, and the chief 
 authors of the first three centuries of the Christian era trans- 
 mitting their thoughts in Greek characters. King Juba II., 
 Apuleius of Madaura, Fronto of Cirta, and Tertullian of 
 Carthage, representing different periods and different schools 
 of thought, may be selected from the long list of African writers 
 who preferred to express themselves in Greek rather than in 
 Latin. And at a later period we find such eminent authors as 
 Lactantius and Julius Africanus writing their compositions also 
 in Greek, at a time when Latin had asserted itself as the general 
 language in every provincial town. But in the great teaching 
 centres at Carthage, Hadrumetum, Cirta, and Leptis, which were 
 largely frequented by students of African origin, the arts of 
 writing and declamation were taught in Latin and Punic as 
 well as in Greek, Punic largely prevailing.^ The result was the 
 formation of a literary style of heterogeneous kind, with Greek 
 as a basis, a large admixture of Punic and Libyan expressions, 
 and the free use of Latin words and idioms transported from 
 the other side of the Mediterranean. But the Greek was not 
 the Greek of ^schylus or Sophocles, nor was the Latin the 
 language spoken by Virgil or Horace. In a word, it was 
 essentially of African growth, and, to use the words of an 
 eminent modern writer, it possessed an originality that was 
 remarkable. Perhaps the writings of Apuleius are more familiar 
 to us, even in their translated form, than those of any other 
 African author, and if they have aroused a larger share of critical 
 enthusiasm than has fallen to the lot of any other literary 
 genius of that time, it is due to the versatile talents which 
 made Apuleius pre-eminent among Africans. Whether as 
 romancer, philosopher, orator, writer, or dreamer, Apuleius 
 stands alone, and, as the author of T/te Golden Ass, will always 
 > Vide J. Toutain, p. 168; also G. Boissier, Le Journal des Savants, Jan. iSgj. 
 
302 Roman Africa 
 
 take rank as one of the fathers of romance. Among other 
 African writers who assisted in creating an African literature, 
 Apollinaris of Carthage, the learned grammarian of world-wide 
 reputation ; Fronto of Cirta, skilled in rhetoric and debate ; 
 Aulus Gellius, the renowned author of Noctes Atticce; Severus 
 of Leptis, the grandfather of the Emperor Septimius ; Florus, 
 the poet and rhetorician, and Aurelius Victor, the historian 
 stand out conspicuously in the ranks of Roman literature. Ma- 
 crobius also, a contemporary of St. Augustine, and Capella, a 
 poet and romancer and a native of Madaura, merit a place in 
 the records of African literature. Mention should also be made 
 of Terentianus, the Moor, whose works in prose and verse are 
 still extant, and his rival compatriot Juba, whose work on the 
 metric art established a high reputation among authors at the 
 beginning of the third century.' 
 
 The stamp of originality impressed upon so many literary 
 creations in North Africa is conspicuous by its absence in all 
 that relates to the artistic products of the country. Neither in 
 painting, sculpture, architecture, nor any branch of the decorative 
 arts are there any indications of the influence exercised by 
 climate, habits of life, or national sentiment. Religion in its 
 many aspects, with a long array of deities attached to Various 
 forms of almost forgotten creeds, and legendary history, with its 
 many links of association with the primitive inhabitants of the 
 world, failed to arouse the imaginative faculty. The ideal 
 played no part in the arts of Africa. Monumental remains 
 and fragments of sculpture are numerous enough, but the art 
 was not of Africa. There is nothing to remind us of the soil 
 or the daily life of an ancient people. There is nothing, in 
 fact, of African growth and, to quote the words of an intelligent 
 writer on this subject,^ there is abundant proof of sterility of 
 imagination in all that relates to the artistic products of a great 
 and prosperous people. In testimony of this assertion, the 
 Punic sculptors failed to originate anything in human form to 
 represent their conception of their most ancient divinities. 
 ' When the Latin name of Saturn was substituted for the Punic 
 name of Baal, and when the custom of modelling human repre- 
 
 ' B. Ten Ymv^, Juba Maurusii de Re Metrica Reliquia. Utrecht, 1854. Also 
 Paul Monceaux, Les Africains, p. 390. 
 
 - J. Toutain, p. 113 ; also Melanges de PEcole Francaise de Rome, 1892, p. 97. 
 
Conclusion 303 
 
 sentations of deities became recognised in the country, it was 
 Graeco-Roman art which suppHed the ideas. But the Cronos 
 of Greece and the Saturn of Italy had few attributes in common 
 with the Phoenician Baal. The first two were symbolised by 
 the scythe and the serpent, and the last by the crescent and the 
 disc. Instead of conceiving a new type, such as Alexandrian 
 art had produced in its representations of Zeus-Ammon, of 
 Serapis and Isis, African art was content with adding to the 
 bust of Saturn figures of Helios and Selene, personifying the 
 Sun and Moon. In their language the deity was spoken of as 
 one, though in their art it was triune.' The reason for this 
 absence of artistic proclivities is not far to seek. The race 
 which preceded the Roman was anything but artistic. The fine 
 arts never flourished at Carthage, and certainly every exploration, 
 either on the site of the city itself or of the numerous emporia on 
 the coast, favours this statement. As a tributary of Egypt for a 
 long period the Carthaginians, in spite of their wealth and power, 
 were satisfied with borrowing from their master the skilled pro- 
 ducts of a neighbouring country. And in later years, when 
 Carthage had to contend with Greeks in the fair island of Sicily, 
 resplendent with temples and palaces, embellished with sculp- 
 ture of Ihe best period of Greek art, and rich in works of jewellery 
 and specimens of the plastic art, Hellenism exercised an irresist- 
 ible attraction, testified in a measure by Carthaginian coins 
 which have been transmitted to us almost as perfect as on the 
 day when they were minted. These two consecutive influences, 
 Egyptian and Greek, have left their mark on the numerous re- 
 mains which may still be studied in the galleries of the Louvre 
 or in the museum on Carthage hill, where decorative forms asso- 
 ciated with Egyptian and Hellenic art may be seen side by side 
 It is reasonable to assume that Punic Carthage, at the time 
 of the second Punic war, presented to the Romans an aspect 
 somewhat similar to that of other towns bordering on the Medi- 
 terranean colonised by Greeks, and that the temples and public 
 buildings which adorned the streets of the great metropolis were 
 the works of Greek artists encouraged to settle in this prosperous 
 corner of North Africa. The appearance of other towns on the 
 coast, peopled by Carthaginians and Greeks and the descendants 
 of old Phoenician trading families, is also a matter of pleasant 
 conjecture. Nor can any reliable opinion be formed of the 
 
304 Roman Africa 
 
 appearance of the walled city of Carthage of Roman times, 
 although there is abundant evidence to prove that, at the close 
 of the second century, Carthage was second only to Rome and 
 Alexandria in its external display of wealth and magnificence. 
 Fortunately we can speak with absolute certainty of the condi- 
 tion and grandeur of many of the chief towns already mentioned 
 in these pages, and can compare their public edifices and adorn- 
 ments with those of other countries peopled by Romans. But 
 originality is wanting. Graeco-Roman art, rooted in the golden 
 days of the Republic and in full flower in the active reign of 
 Augustus, became the servant of the Roman in every country of 
 his adoption. North Africa presented no exception to this order 
 of things. Moulded to his own ends and infused with the 
 dominating spirit which characterised his race, the arts of Rome 
 were transplanted to the most distant provinces of the Empire, 
 bearing the same impress of change, progress, and decline as in 
 the metropolis itself In every branch of art, whether in sculp- 
 ture, painting as displayed in the decorative forms of mosaic, or 
 in architectural design, the same monumental remains await our 
 coming, the basilica, the amphitheatre, the triumphal arch ; the 
 aqueduct and the fountain ; the bridge, the temple, and the tomb. 
 They stand before us as examples of dignity of conception, 
 unerringness of line, justness of proportion, fitness of purpose, 
 and soundness of construction. Purity of style is too often 
 wanting. But as memorials of a great people they bear the 
 impress of that strength of character and unswerving purpose 
 which made the Roman name so conspicuous among nations 
 of earlier as well as later times. It may be said of the 
 triumphal arch, the glory of the Empire, symbol of power and 
 progress, that it is a mere monument of the past, for triumphing 
 Czesar with his spoil-laden legions needs it no longer ; of the 
 great Therm(2, which in the later Empire became part of the 
 national life, the club and the caf6 for all classes of citizens, that 
 their value departed with the people who originated them ; of 
 the aqueduct, that its stately aspect has for ever given place to 
 more prosaic forms. The Basilica has been superseded by the 
 Mart, the Exchange, the Court of Justice. Even the colonnade 
 and the portico, which the Roman made his own, and which 
 are still amongst the beautiful of architectural forms, have had 
 their day, though, let us hope, to return again in the cycle of 
 
Conclusion 305 
 
 recurrent change. Granted that the fashion of all these things 
 has passed away, we must admit that the spirit which prompted 
 them is with us still. The growth of nations, the revolutions in 
 public and social life during a period of wellnigh fifteen cen- 
 turies, have failed to dim the Roman name, or to break the spell 
 of his compelling genius. His laws, his language, his literature, 
 his festivals, even his calendar, keep their ground. And in 
 architectural forms do not the Christian cathedrals, or even the 
 simple village church with its nave and aisles, its arcaded lines 
 and its apsidal choir, remind us daily of their Roman prototype, 
 the basilica of the Caesars ? The student goes forth to realise 
 the dream of his youth, the world of antiquity. He bends his 
 steps towards Rome, not the Rome of the Pope, but the Rome 
 of imperial Caesar, for therein lies the spirit of the Roman. 
 The antiquary, in these far-off isles of Britain, unearths and 
 brings to light a pavement of mosaic, a stretch of wall, a frag- 
 ment of pottery, and the interest of a county is in a blaze — 
 kindled by the spirit of the Roman, The traveller in a distant 
 land is attracted by some chiselled stone lying neglected by the 
 wayside. He marks its familiar letters, and, forgetful of aught 
 else, strives to decipher the time-worn sentences ; for on him 
 likewise the genius of Rome has laid a spell. The vital force in 
 all that the Roman originated, or adapted to his own ends, has 
 no parallel in the history of mankind. 
 
 It is difficult to ascertain from the latest Latin authors, or 
 from Byzantine and Arab writers, whether the boundaries of 
 Roman administration were definitely fixed, and whether the 
 subjugation of the country was ever regarded as complete. 
 Fortunately, archaeology comes to our aid, and, as the useful 
 handmaid of history, elucidates many points arising out of these 
 questions. The remains of a clearly defined line of fortresses 
 and military posts stretching across the mountain ranges of the 
 Tell, and along the desert frontier from Cyrene to the confines 
 of Western Mauritania, bear ample testimony to the nature of 
 the defensive measures adopted by the Romans against invasion 
 from the west and south, and to a feeling of insecurity in the 
 presence of native races so little desirous of cultivating more 
 civilised ways of life. Till the close of the Empire these frontier 
 strongholds were mostly occupied by veterans, whose services to 
 the State in times of raid or insurrection are recorded in several 
 
 *x 
 
3o6 Roman Africa 
 
 inscriptions still extant. From the time of their first encounter 
 with the Berbers of the hill country or the rude warriors from 
 the Desert, the Romans must have recognised the almost 
 insuperable difficulties in waging irregular warfare with un- 
 organised tribes, having no seat of government and no settled 
 habitations— here to-day and gone to-morrow, the hillsman 
 secure in some inaccessible mountain retreat, the man of the 
 Desert lost to sight in a whirlwind of sand as he scampered 
 across his trackless domain. This sense of insecurity seems to 
 have been never absent from the Roman mind, and was par- 
 ticularly apparent at a late period of the Empire, when Diocletian 
 attached the province of Mauritania Tingitana to the diocese of 
 Spain, as a means of checking the piratical raids of Moorish 
 corsairs on both shores of the Mediterranean. It was also 
 indicated by the unusual authority given to the commander 
 of the legion in Africa, who, from the time of Caligula, received 
 his orders direct from the Emperor, and exercised more power 
 than the governor of the province. Exceptional circumstances 
 demanded exceptional forms of government, and the defensive 
 measures found necessary for the protection of large communi- 
 ties enjoying all the privileges of civilised life redound to the 
 credit of the Roman world ; yet, looking back at the six centuries 
 of work accomplished by the Romans in their attempt to make 
 North Africa a prolongation of Italy, one is forced to admit 
 that the subjugation of the country was never complete, and 
 that the native races were never conquered. 
 
 The climatic condition and the general aspect of the country 
 in the early days of Roman occupation were much as they are 
 in our own time, except, perhaps, on the southern frontiers over- 
 looking the great Desert. But with the development of Roman 
 civilisation a new order of things changed the face of the land. 
 Recognising the value of natural resources, and bending the 
 elements to his indomitable will in the service of mankind, the 
 Roman colonist controlled the watercourses, constructed gigantic 
 reservoirs to meet the necessities of a thirsty soil, encouraged 
 forestry, and converted a region of desolation into a garden of 
 cultivation. And this is amply borne out in the statements of 
 Arab authors of the seventh century, who are profuse in their 
 praise of the fair land which had fallen into their hands. From 
 Carthage to Tangier, stretching a thousand miles from east to 
 
Conclusion 307 
 
 west, the whole country was clothed with timber, and in many 
 parts of the south olive woods were so dense that you could 
 travel from village to village under a roof of foliage.' 
 
 It may be asserted, with an equal show of truth, that the 
 condition of North Africa as a colony in the present day, and in 
 full recognition of the enlightened policy df. the French, as 
 masters of the larger portion, bears a strong resertiblance to that 
 which prevailed under the broad but sterner rule of the Roman 
 Emperors. We hear of the same occasional disturbances on 
 the frontiers, the same forced submission of the hill tribes, the 
 same difficulties in guarding the outposts from the dangers of 
 tribal revolt, and the same racial antagonism to the methods and 
 habits of civilisation. The Libyan gave place to the Phcenician 
 as a commercial necessity, and surrendered the command of 
 the coast without appeal to arms or the sacrifice of human life. 
 The Carthaginian, in his turn, converted the factories and store- 
 houses of his ancestors into temples and palaces, and a country 
 of traders became the most formidable nation of the old world. 
 The achievements of the Romans are a landmark in the history 
 of mankind, and can never be ignored. Then came the 
 destructive Vandals, followed by the hybrid Byzantines, and 
 with their final expulsion by Arabs the history of antiquity may 
 be said to have come to a close. To-day is but the yesterday 
 of sixteen hundred years ago. ' The Arab has replaced the 
 Phoenician ' (as M. Paul Monceaux has observed),^ ' and the 
 Frenchman has replaced the Roman. But that is all.' The 
 primitive races — the ancient Berbers of the Desert or the moun- 
 tain ranges, are still in possession, preserving their old traditions 
 of tribal and social life, and speaking almost the same tongue 
 
 ' The region known as Byzacena, now forming the southern portion of Tunisia, 
 was covered with olive woods. The prosperity of the country was largely due to the 
 enormous quantity of oil shipped to Italy and other countries. As an instance of the 
 value of this product it is stated that when Sufetula, under the rule of Gregorius, was 
 captured by Arabs, the general commanding the victorious army was amazed at the 
 amount of treasure that had fallen into his hands. ' Whence comes this enormous 
 wealth?' he asked. Looking about him as though in search of some hidden object, 
 a citizen picked up an olive and, laying it before the general, told him that this little 
 fruit was the cause of all their prosperity, adding that the Byzantines, who had no 
 olives in their country, were their best customers. ( Vide Ibn Abd el Hakem, Histoire 
 des Berbires, transl. by De Slane, i. p. 306 ; also Paul Bourde, Les Cultures 
 Frutiiires, T^anis, 1893.) 
 
 » Paul Monceaux, Les Africains, p. 3. 
 
 X 2 
 
APPENDICES 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USUALLY FOUND IN ROMAN 
 INSCRIPTIONS AND NOTICED ON MEMORIAL STONES 
 IN NORTH AFRICA. 
 
 A. C. armorutn custos. 
 A. P. anno provincicB. 
 
 A. P. C. ager publicus Cirtensium. 
 
 B. B. bonis bene. 
 
 B. B. M. M. bonis bene, malis male. 
 B. M. bene merenti. 
 B. M. P. boncB memoria picella. 
 B. M.' V. boncE jnemorice vir. 
 
 B. Q. bene quiescat. 
 
 C. A. curam agente. 
 
 C. F. F. carissimce filia; fecit. 
 C. J. C. Colonia Julia Carthago. 
 C. M. V. clarissimcB memorice vir. 
 
 C. S. F. P. N. C. consularis sexfascalis 
 provincice Numidice Constantino;. 
 
 D. depositus ; dedit ; designatus ; 
 domo ; duplarius. 
 
 D. D. decreto decurionum ; dedit de- 
 
 dicavit ; donicm dedit. 
 D. D. P. P. decreto decurionum pe- 
 
 cunia publica. 
 D. M. E. devotus majestatigue ejus. 
 D. M. S. Diis manibus sacrum. 
 D. N. dominus noster. 
 D. N. M. Q. E. devotus numini m,a- 
 
 jestatique ejus. 
 D. S. F. de suo fecit. 
 
 D. S. P. de suo posuit. 
 
 E. O. B. Q. ei ossa bene quiescant. 
 
 E. V. egregius vir. 
 
 F. C. fieri curavit ; faciendum 
 curavit. 
 
 F. D. filio dulcissimo ; filia dulcis- 
 
 simcB ; fecit dedicavit. 
 F. K. f. filio carissimo fecit. 
 
 F. P. D. M. V . filius patri dulcissimo 
 matri piissimce ; filiies parentibus 
 de meo posuit. 
 
 G. P. R. F. genio populi Romani 
 feliciter. 
 
 H. B. homo bonus. 
 
 H. E. hie est. 
 
 H. E. B. Q. hie est bene quiescat. 
 
 H. E. F. hares ejus fecit. 
 
 H. E. S. hie est situs. 
 
 H. M. F. honesta memoria femina. 
 
 H. M. M. honesta missione missus. 
 
 H. O. B. Q. hie ossa bene quiescant. 
 
 H. P. hares posuit. 
 
 H. Q. B. hie quiescat bene. 
 
 I. O. M. Jovi Optimo maximo. 
 
 L. A. P. libens animo posuit. 
 
 L. D. D. D. loco dato decurionum. 
 
 decreto. 
 L. L. V. S, 
 L. P. P. 
 
 publica. 
 M. B. malis bene. 
 
 latus libens vottem solvit. 
 P. loco publico pecunia 
 
310 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 M. D. M. I. Maier deum vtagna 
 Idaa. 
 
 M. F. memoriam fecit. 
 
 M. K. mater castrorum. 
 
 M. L. miles legionis. 
 
 M. V. P. P. maritus iixori piissimce 
 posiiit ; uxori pia posuit. 
 
 N. M. Q. E. D. nwnini majestatique 
 ejus dicatissimus. 
 
 O. B. Q. T. OSS a bene quiescant tibi. 
 
 P. A. provincia Africa. 
 
 PA. ET MA. pater et mater. 
 
 P. 'H. presses noster; Numidice. 
 
 P. D. D. P. P. posuerunt decreto de- 
 curionum pecunia publica. 
 
 P. F. K. F. pater filio carissimo fecit. 
 
 P. N. C. presses Numidice Constan- 
 tincE. 
 
 P. P. primus pilus. 
 
 P. P.M. S. presses provincice Mauri- 
 tanice Sitifensis, 
 
 P. P. '^ . prceses provincia Numidice. 
 
 P. P. V . parentes pa posuerunt. 
 
 P. S. D. '^. pro salute domini nostri. 
 
 Q. QucEstor. 
 
 Q. M. C. qui militare cceperunt. 
 
 Q. Q, quinquennalis. 
 
 Q. R. Q. T. I. T. E. Q. N. A. LE. 
 fecit. The concluding lines of a 
 dedication to a virgo sancta, age 
 1 8, found near Hydra. The mean- 
 ing of these initial letters has not 
 yet been ascertained. 
 
 S. A. S. Saiumo augusto sacrum. 
 
 S. C. F. C. senatus consulto facien- 
 dum curaverunt. 
 SEX. F. P. N. sexfascalis provincice 
 
 Numidice. 
 S. P. sua pecunia ; sumptu propria ; 
 
 sumptu publico. 
 S. P. D. D. D. sua pecunia dono dedit 
 
 dedicavit. 
 S. P. F. C. suci pecunia faciendum. 
 
 curavit. 
 S. S. sumptu suo ; suis sumptibus ; 
 
 supra scripta. 
 S. T. L. sit terra levis. 
 S. T. T. Lj sit tibi terra levis. 
 S.V.se vivo. 
 
 T. F. I. testamento fieri jussit. 
 V. A. vixit annis. 
 V. C. vir clarissimus. 
 V. E. vir egregius. 
 V. H. vir honestus. 
 V. L. A. S. votum libens animo solvit. 
 V. O. vir optimus. 
 V. P. vir perfecfissimus ; votum 
 
 posuit. 
 V. P. A. vixit piis annis. 
 V. P. A. V. P. vir perfectissimus 
 
 agens vicem prcesidis. 
 V. P. F. uxor piissima fecit. 
 V. P. P. P. N. vir perfectissimus 
 
 prases provincia Numidice. 
 V. S. I. vice sacra judicans. 
 V. S. L. A. F. votum solvit libens 
 
 animo feliciter. 
 V. V. V. vale, vale, vale. 
 
3" 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL KNOWN TOWNS IN THE 
 AFRICAN PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, OR 
 THE SITES OF OTHERS WHICH HAVE BEEN IDEN 
 TIFIED BY INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Provincia 
 
 Byzacena abbreviated thus : 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 
 , , Mauritania Csesariensis abbreviated thus : 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 „ Mauritania Sitifensis ,, 
 
 P. M.S. 
 
 ,, Mauritania Tingitana ,, 
 
 P.M.T. 
 
 „ Numidia „ 
 
 P.N. 
 
 ,, Proconsularis ,, 
 
 P.P. 
 
 „ Tripolitana ,, 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Roman Name 
 
 Modern Name 
 
 Province 
 
 Abuzza 
 
 Henchir Djezza 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 AchoUa . 
 
 
 
 
 El Alia . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Ad Aquas 
 
 
 
 
 Bordj Medjana 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Ad Fratres . 
 
 
 
 
 Nemours 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Ad Majores . 
 
 
 
 
 Besseriani 
 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Ad Medias . 
 
 
 
 
 Medeah. 
 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Ad Mercuriam 
 
 
 
 
 Ain Chabro 
 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Ad Piscinam . 
 
 
 
 
 HammAm 
 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Ad Regias . 
 
 
 
 
 Arbal . 
 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Agbia . 
 
 
 
 
 Hedjah . 
 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Altava . 
 
 
 
 
 Lamorici^re 
 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Althiburus 
 
 
 
 
 *Hr. Medeina 
 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Ammaedara . 
 
 
 
 
 Hydra . 
 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Aphrodisium . 
 
 
 
 
 Phradise 
 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Apisa . 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. Ain Tarf 
 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 ApoUonia 
 
 
 
 
 Mersa Souza 
 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Aquas Cassaris 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. el-Hamescha 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Aquae Calidae 
 
 
 
 
 Hamm4m Righa 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Aquse Regise . 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. Bubuscha 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Aquas Sirenses 
 
 
 
 
 Hamm^m ben Hannia 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Aquae Tibilitanas 
 
 
 
 
 Hamm4m Meskoutin 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Aquae Flavianas 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. Hammdn 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Hr. Abbreviation of Henchir, signifying ruins or remains of antiquity. 
 
312 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Roman Name 
 
 Modern Name 
 
 Province 
 
 Aras 
 
 Tarmunt .... 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Arsacal . 
 
 
 
 Ain Kerma . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Arsenaria 
 
 
 
 Arzeu 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Assuras . 
 
 
 
 Zanfour . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Aubuzza. 
 
 
 
 Hr. Djezza . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Aurelia Vina . 
 
 
 
 Hr. el-Meden. 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Ausum . 
 
 
 
 Akbou . 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Auzia 
 
 
 
 Aumale . 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Avitta . 
 
 
 
 Bou-FIis 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Babba . 
 
 
 
 Narouja. 
 
 
 — 
 
 Bagai . 
 
 
 
 Ksar Bagai . 
 
 
 P.N. . 
 
 Barca . 
 
 
 
 Tolometa 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Berenice 
 
 
 
 Benghazi 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Bescera . 
 
 
 
 Biskera . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Bida 
 
 
 
 Djamaat-es-Saharidj 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Bisica Lucana 
 
 
 
 Testour . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Bulla Regia . 
 
 
 
 Hammim Darradji 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 CcEsarea 
 
 
 
 Cherchel 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Calceus Herculis 
 
 
 
 El-Kantara . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Capsa . 
 
 
 
 Gafsa . 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Carpis . 
 
 
 
 El-Mraissa . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Cartenna 
 
 
 
 Tenes ... 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Carthago 
 
 
 
 Carthage 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Casae 
 
 
 
 El-Midher . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Castellum Medianum 
 
 
 Bordj Sebbalat 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Castellum Tingitanum 
 
 
 Orl^ansville . 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Castra Cornelia . 
 
 
 Kdlat el-Oued 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Castra Nova . 
 
 
 Mascara 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Castra Severiana . 
 
 
 Hadjar Roum 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Cedia . 
 
 
 Hr. urn Kif . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Cella 
 
 
 
 Hr. enNaam. 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Cellse 
 
 
 
 Kherbet Zerga 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Chilma 
 
 
 
 Gilma . 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Choba 
 
 
 
 Ziama . 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Chullu 
 
 
 
 CoUo . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Chusira 
 
 
 
 Kissera . 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Cirta 
 
 
 
 Constantine . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Cissi 
 
 
 
 Dellys . 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Civitas Celtianensium 
 
 
 El-Meraba . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Civitas Urusitana . 
 
 
 Hr. Sudja 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Clupea . . . 
 
 
 Kelibia . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Columnata . 
 
 
 Touknia. 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Cuiculum 
 
 
 Djemila . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Curubis . 
 
 
 Kourba . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Cydamus 
 
 
 Ghad4mes 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Cyrene . 
 
 
 Grenna . 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Diana Veteranorum 
 
 
 Zana .... 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Darnis . 
 
 
 Derna .... 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Equizetum 
 
 
 El Gueria 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Fumis . 
 
 
 El Msaadin . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Furnis Limasa 
 
 
 Hr. Boudja . 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Gemellje 
 
 
 Mltli . 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Gigthis . 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. Bou Ghira , 
 
 , 
 
 P.T. 
 
Appendix II 
 
 Roman Name 
 
 Modern Name 
 
 Provinci 
 
 Gilva 
 
 Aghbal 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Giufis . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Mecherka 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Goris 
 
 
 
 Hr. Draa el-Gamn 
 
 1 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Gurza . 
 
 
 
 Kala'at Kebira 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Hadrumetum. 
 
 
 
 Susa 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Hippo Diarrhytus 
 
 
 
 Bizerta . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Hippo Regius 
 
 
 
 Bone 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Horrea . 
 
 
 
 Ain Zada 
 
 
 
 P.M.S 
 
 Horrea Caslia 
 
 
 
 Hergla . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Icosium . 
 
 
 
 Algiers . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Igilgilis . 
 
 
 
 Djidjelli. 
 
 
 
 P.M.S 
 
 I omnium 
 
 
 
 Taksebt. 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Kalama . 
 
 
 
 Guelma . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Lamasba 
 
 
 
 Hr. MeruSna. 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Lambsesis 
 
 
 
 Lambessa 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 T.ambiridis . 
 
 
 
 KherbetUledArif 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Lares 
 
 
 
 Lorbes . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Lemellef 
 
 
 
 Kherbet Zembia 
 
 
 
 P.M.S 
 
 Leptis Magna 
 
 
 
 Lebda . 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Leptis Parva . 
 
 
 
 Lemta . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Lixus 
 
 
 
 El Araisch . 
 
 
 
 P.M.T 
 
 Macomades Majores 
 
 
 Ksur el-Ahmahr 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Macomades Minores 
 
 
 Mahres . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Mactaris 
 
 
 Mukther 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Madaura 
 
 
 
 Mdaourouch . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Malliana 
 
 
 
 Milianah 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Mascula 
 
 
 
 Ain Khenchla 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Masculula 
 
 
 
 Hr. Gergfir . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Mastar . 
 
 
 
 Ruffach . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Materna 
 
 
 
 Mateur . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Maxula . 
 
 
 
 Rades . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Megalopolis . 
 
 
 
 Soliman. 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Membressa . 
 
 
 
 Medjez el-Bab 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Mesarfelta 
 
 
 
 El Uthaia . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Milevum 
 
 
 
 Mila . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Mons 
 
 
 
 Kasbait . 
 
 
 
 P.M.S 
 
 Murustaga . 
 
 
 
 Mostaganem . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Mustis . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Mest 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Muzuc . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Khaschoun 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Naro 
 
 
 
 Hammim el-Lif 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Naragarra 
 
 
 
 Sidi Yusef . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Neapolis 
 
 
 
 Nebeul . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Neferis . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Bou Beker 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Nepte . 
 
 
 
 Nefta . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Numerus Syrorum 
 
 
 
 Lalla Maghnia 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 CEa 
 
 
 
 Tripoli . 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Oppidum Novum 
 
 
 
 Ain Khadra . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Phua . 
 
 
 
 Ain Fua 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Pomaria 
 
 
 
 Tlemgen 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Portus Divinus 
 
 
 
 Oran 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Portus Magnus 
 
 
 
 St. Leu . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Quiza . 
 
 
 
 Pont du Cheliff 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
 Rapidi . 
 
 
 
 Sour Djouab . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C 
 
314 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Roman Name 
 
 Modern Name 
 
 Province 
 
 Rubrae 
 
 Hadjar-Roum 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Rusazus. 
 
 
 
 Azzouza . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Rusgunia 
 
 
 
 Medina Takious 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Rusicada 
 
 
 
 Philippeville . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Ruspina 
 
 
 
 Monastir 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Rusucurium . 
 
 
 
 Tagzirt (?) . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Rusubeser 
 
 
 
 Zeffoun . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Sabrata . 
 
 
 
 Zourara . 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Saddar 
 
 
 
 
 Ain el-Bey . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Safar 
 
 
 
 
 Ain Temouchent (." 
 
 ) 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Saldae 
 
 
 
 
 Bougie . 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Sarra 
 
 
 
 
 Hr. Bez . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Satafis 
 
 
 
 
 Ain Kehira . 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Scillium 
 
 
 
 
 Kasserin 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Segermes 
 
 
 
 Hr. Harat . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Septem Fratres 
 
 
 
 Ceuta . 
 
 
 
 P.M.T. 
 
 Seressitum . 
 
 
 
 Hr. el-Abuab. 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Serteis . 
 
 
 
 Kherbet Sidra 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Sicca Veneria 
 
 
 
 El-Kef . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Siga . 
 
 
 
 Takenbrit 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Sigus . 
 
 
 
 Zigania . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Sila 
 
 
 
 Sidi el-Abassi 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Simittu . 
 
 
 
 Chemtou 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Sitifis . 
 
 
 
 Setif . 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Subzuar . 
 
 
 
 Sadjar . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Sufazar . 
 
 
 
 Amoura . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Sufes . 
 
 
 
 Sbiba . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Sufetula. 
 
 
 
 Sbeitla . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 SuUectum 
 
 
 
 Salecta . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Tabaria . 
 
 
 
 Mohammedia (?) 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Tacape . 
 
 
 
 Gabes . 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Tagaste . 
 
 
 
 Souk-Ahras . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tagura . 
 
 
 
 Taoura . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tanaramusa Castr 
 
 1 
 
 
 Berouagia 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Taphrura 
 
 
 
 Sfax . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Te epte . 
 
 
 
 Feriana . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Temda (?) . 
 
 
 
 Temda . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tenelium 
 
 
 
 (?) . . . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tepelte . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Blaiet . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Teuchira 
 
 
 
 Taoukra 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Thabraca 
 
 
 
 Tabarca. 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thaca . 
 
 
 
 Zactoum 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Thacia . 
 
 
 
 Bordj Messaoudi 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thala . 
 
 
 
 Thala . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Thamugas 
 
 
 
 Timegad 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Thapsus. 
 
 
 
 Dimas . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Thenae . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Tina . , 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Theveste 
 
 
 
 Tebessa . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Thibaris 
 
 
 
 Hr. Amslmet . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thibica . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Bir Magra 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thibursicum . 
 
 
 
 Teboursouk . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thignica 
 
 
 
 Ain Tunga . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thimbui 
 
 ■us , 
 
 
 
 Hr. Kusch Batihja 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
Appendix II 
 
 315 
 
 Roman Name 
 
 Modern Name 
 
 Province 
 
 Thubba ..... 
 
 Hr. Tobba . . . . 
 
 p.p. 
 
 Thuburbo Majus 
 
 
 
 Hr. Kasbat . 
 
 
 
 p.p. 
 
 Thuburbo Minus 
 
 
 
 Tebourba 
 
 
 
 p.p. 
 
 Thubursicum. 
 
 
 
 Khamisa 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Thugga . 
 
 
 
 Dougga. 
 
 
 
 P.p. 
 
 Thunigabensis 
 
 
 
 Hr. Ain Laabed 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Thysdrus 
 
 
 
 El-Djem 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Tibilis . 
 
 
 
 Announa 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tiddis . 
 
 
 
 El-Kheneg . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tigis . 
 
 
 
 Taourga 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Tigisis . 
 
 
 
 Ain el-Bord . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Timici . 
 
 
 
 Ain Temouchent ( 
 
 ?) 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Timida Regia 
 
 
 
 Sidi Ali-Sedfini 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Tingis . 
 
 
 
 Tangiers 
 
 
 
 P.M.T. 
 
 Tipasa . 
 
 
 
 Tefaced . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Tipasa . 
 
 
 
 Tefesh . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tisurus . 
 
 
 
 Tozer . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Tubuna . 
 
 
 
 Tobra . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Tuburnicus . 
 
 
 
 Ain Tubernok 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Tubusuptus . 
 
 
 
 Tiklat . 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Tucca . 
 
 
 
 Hr. El-Abiod. 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Tuccabor 
 
 
 
 Tukfber 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Tunes . 
 
 
 
 Tunis 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Tuniza . 
 
 
 
 La Calle 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Turris . 
 
 
 
 Telmina. 
 
 
 
 P.T. 
 
 Turris Hannibalis 
 
 
 
 Mahadia 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Uccula . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Dur4t . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Ucubis . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Kauss^t . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Uppenna 
 
 
 
 Hr. Schigarnia 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Usilla . 
 
 
 
 Inchilla . 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Usinaza . 
 
 
 
 Saneg . 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Uthina . 
 
 
 
 Oudena . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Utica . 
 
 
 
 Bou Chater . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Uzappa . 
 
 
 
 Sidi Abd el-Malek 
 
 
 
 P.B. 
 
 Uzelis . 
 
 
 
 Udjel . 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Vaga 
 
 
 
 Beja 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Vallis . 
 
 
 
 Sidi Median . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Vazaivi . 
 
 
 
 Ain Zoui 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Verecunda 
 
 
 
 Marcouna 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Vicus Augusti 
 
 
 
 Sidi Bou Khahila 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Vicus Augusti 
 
 
 
 Hausch Sabra 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Villa Magna . 
 
 
 
 Zaghouan 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Vina . 
 
 
 
 Hr. el-Mden . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Volubilis 
 
 
 
 Ksar Faraun . 
 
 
 
 P.M.T. 
 
 Zabi 
 
 
 
 Beschilga 
 
 
 
 P.M.S. 
 
 Zama Major . 
 
 
 
 Hr. Djima . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Zama Regia . 
 
 
 
 Sidi Amor Djedidi 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Zarai 
 
 
 
 Zraia 
 
 
 
 P.N. 
 
 Zattara . 
 
 
 
 Kef Bu Ziun . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
 Zilis 
 
 
 
 Azila 
 
 
 
 P.M.T. 
 
 Zuccabar 
 
 
 
 Affreville 
 
 
 
 P.M.C. 
 
 Zucchara 
 
 
 
 Ain Djougga . 
 
 
 
 P.P. 
 
3i6 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 CHE.ONOLOGY OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN NORTH 
 AFRICA DURING THE ROMAN OCCUPATION, AND, 
 SUBSEQUENTLY, TILL THE INVASION ^ OF THE 
 COUNTRY BY ARABS. 9.t;.f,r, o< OM'^^V'-", ^.e* 
 
 Battle of Zama and defeat of Hannibal by P. Cornelius Scipio 
 
 Africanus B.C. 202 
 
 Extraordinary career of Masinissa, the greatest of Numidian kings, 
 
 commencing B.C. 212, and terminating ..... B.C. 148 
 
 Commencement of the third Punic War and the siege of Carthage . B.C. 149 
 estruction of Carthage by the Romans under P. Cornelius Scipio 
 ^milianus B.C. 146 
 
 Caius Gracchus sent from Italy 6,000 persons to colonise North 
 Africa and to found the city of Junonia on the site of Punic 
 Carthage B.C. 122 
 
 Rise of Jugurtha, grandson of Masinissa, his seizure of the kingdom 
 
 of Numidia, and commencement of the Jugurthine War . . B.C. 1 1 1 
 
 Defeat of Jugurtha by C. Marius and close of the war . . . B.C. 106 
 
 Death of Jugurtha and subsequent division of the kingdom of 
 
 Numidia B.C. 104 
 
 Kingdom of Cyrene bequeathed to the Romans by Ptolemy Apion B.C. 97 
 
 Export of Numidian marbles to Rome first recorded . . . B.C. 78 
 
 Rivalries of Julius Csesar and Pompey brought into the field Juba I., 
 King of Numidia and great-grandson of Masinissa, who em- 
 braced the cause of Pompey in Africa, about .... B.C. 50 
 
 Julius Caesar landed in Africa to subdue the Pompeian faction 
 and fought a decisive battle at Thapsus, when the armies of 
 
 Metellus Scipio, Cato, and Juba were defeated . . . B.C. 46 
 
 t> North Africa from the borders of Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean 
 "^ — -became-subject to the3dll-of.Rome - . . . . B.C. 46 
 
 Sallust, the historian, appointed Roman governor of Numidia . B.C. 45 
 
 Juba II., son of Juba I., made subservient King of Mauritania by 
 
 the order of Augustus . B.C. 25 
 
 Commencement of the rebuilding of Carthage by the order of 
 Augustus, who sent out 3,000 colonists to assist the natives 
 
 in their work B.C. 19 
 
 / Rise of Tacfarinas, the Numidian, who wages destructive war 
 
 [ against the Romans, which continues for seven years. . . a.d. 17 
 
Appendix III 317 
 
 Death of Tacfarinas, close of the rebellion, and submission of 
 
 native tribes a.d. 24 
 
 Mauritania made a Roman province by Caligula .... a.d. 37 
 Death of Juba II., son of Juba I., closes the line of recognised 
 
 native kings of Mauritania a.d. 40 
 
 Galba, afterwards Emperor, proconsul of Africa .... a.d. 46 
 Vitellius, afterwards Emperor, proconsul of Africa .... a.d. 49 
 Vespasian established the third legion Augusta at Theveste . . a.d. 72 
 Nerva established a colony of veterans at Sitifis .... a.d. 97 
 Foundation of the city of Thamugas under Trajan, and great 
 
 spread of colonisation in North Africa a.d. 100 
 
 Insurrection of Moors under Q. Lusius Quietus suppressed . . a.d. 117 
 Hadrian's first visit to the African provinces, and supposed date 
 
 of the commencement of the aqueduct of Carthage . . . a.d. 122 
 
 Alleged second visit to Africa a.d. 125 
 
 Permanent establishment of the third legion Augusta at Lam- 
 
 bsesis A.D. 125 
 
 Moors invade Numidia, but are suppressed ..... a.d. 138 
 Spread of education in Africa, and rise of Carthage, Cirta, and 
 
 other cities as great teaching centres A.D. 140 
 
 Death of Antoninus Pius, under whose rule of twenty-three years 
 
 the provinces of Africa enjoyed great prosperity . . . a.d. 161 
 Joint rule of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus . . . a.d. 161-169 
 Moors cross the Straits of Gibraltar and invade Bastica . . . a.d. 170 
 The rule of Commodus uneventful in North Africa . . . a.d. 180-192 
 Pertinax, a native of Hadrumetum, proclaimed Emperor . . a.d. 192 
 Septimius Severus, a native of Africa, bom at Leptis, subdues all 
 
 rivals and ascends the throne as sole Emperor .... a.d. 198 
 Great prosperity in North Africa and spread of colonisation . . a.d. 200 
 Severus persecutes Christian communities in Africa and suffers 
 Perpetua and others to be delivered to wild beasts in the 
 amphitheatre at Carthage . . . . . - . . A.D. 203 
 Caracalla raises to the rank of citizens all free inhabitants of 
 
 the Empire a.d. 216 
 
 The rise of Macrinus, a native of Africa, his assumption of the 
 
 purple, and his death the following year a.d. 217 
 
 Heliogabalus, a great-grandson of Bassianus, high priest of the 
 Temple of the Sun at Emesa in Syria, proclaimed Augustus 
 
 at the age of fourteen a.d. 218 
 
 Alexander Severus, a native of Phoenicia, born in the Temple 
 
 of Alexander the Great at Arka, proclaimed Emperor . . a.d. 222 
 Maximinus, a Goth, with the assistance of Capellianus, Roman 
 governor of Mauritania, assumes the purple and ravages 
 
 North Africa A.D. 235 
 
 Popular rising against the tyranny of Maximinus, and proclama- 
 tion of Gordian as Csesar Imperator A.D. 236 
 
 Death of Gordian I. and ofhis son Gordian II A.D. 238 
 
 The great amphitheatre at Thysdrus probably commenced . . a.d. 239 
 
3i8 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Gordian III. reigned successfully for six years and restored tran- 
 quillity in Africa. Assassinated by orders of Philip the Arab, 
 
 who proclaimed himself Emperor a.d. 244 
 
 The thousandth anniversary of the foundation of Rome celebrated 
 with great rejoicing throughout the Empire, and by the con- 
 struction of many pubHc works in Africa A.D. 247 
 
 Philip the Arab murdered by his own soldiers A.D. 249 
 
 Persecution of Christians in Africa under Decius .... A.D. 250 
 
 .(Emilianus, a Moor, alleged to have been raised to the purple 
 in the Isle of Djerba, and acknowledged Emperor by the 
 Senate after the death of Decius a.d. 25 1 
 
 Continued persecution under Valerianus and his son Gallienus . A.D. 256 
 
 The rising of the Quinquegentians, or Feud of the Five Peoples, 
 
 causes great devastation in North Africa ..... A.D. 260 
 
 Successful campaign of the Emperor Probus against the Mar- 
 
 marides on the eastern borders of Roman Africa . . . A.D. 280 
 
 Diocletian divides the Empire and allots the African provinces 
 
 to Maximianus .......... A.D. 284 
 
 Final suppression of the rebellion of the Quinquegentians . . a.d. 303 
 
 Abdication of Diocletian and temporary abdication of Maxi- 
 mianus , A.D. 304 
 
 Rapid spread of Christianity throughout North Africa . . . A.D. 305 
 
 Commencement of the Donatist schism, which was political as well 
 
 as religious, in the reign of Constantius A.D 305 
 
 The city of Thamugas, as well as other large towns in Numidia, 
 
 suffered from the Donatist heresy A.D. 323 
 
 Constantine the Great convoked the Council of Nicsa in Bithynia, 
 when 318 bishops attended and condemned the doctrines of 
 the Donatists A.D. 325 
 
 Constantine the Great laid the foundations of Constantinople . A.D. 330 
 
 Julianus, the Apostate, receives the submission of the African 
 
 provinces on the death of Constantius ..... A.D. 361 
 
 Rebellion of Moors under Firmus, who was defeated by Theodo- 
 
 sius, father of Theodosius the Great, about .... A.D. 370 
 
 Restoration of many public buildings in North Africa in the reign 
 
 of Valentinian and Valens , . A.D. 364-375 
 
 Rapid spread of Christianity in Africa under Theodosius the Great, 
 
 who died A.D. 395 
 
 Rising of Gildon, a Moor and brother of Firmus, at that time mili- 
 tary governor of Africa in the reign of Honorius . . . a.d. 397 
 
 Defeat of Gildon by Stilicho, a Vandal captain .... a.d. 398 
 
 St. Augustine created bishop of Hippo ...... a.d. 395 
 
 St. Augustine convenes a Council at Carthage, when 566 bishops 
 
 were present . a.d. 411 
 
 Bonifacius appointed governor of Africa A.D. 422 
 
 The African provinces enjoyed peace and prosperity till the death 
 
 of Honorius ... a.d. 423 
 
 Invasion of Africa by Vandals under Genseric . . . a.d. 429 
 
Appendix III 319 
 
 Bontfacius defeated by the Vandals at Hippone .... a.d. 431 
 
 Carthage taken by surprise by the army of Genseric and the Vandal 
 
 kingdom founded in North Africa ...... a.d. 439 
 
 Valentinian III. abandons to the Vandals the Proconsular Pro- 
 vince, Byzacena, and a portion of Numidia .... a.d. 442 
 
 All North Africa in the possession of the Vandals .... a.d. 476 
 
 African Council convened by Himeric, king of the Vandals. 474 
 sees sent representatives. The bishops suffered terribly and 
 
 were deprived of all their possessions a.d. 484 
 
 Hilderic, the Vandal king, favours Christianity, recalls the bishops, 
 
 and recognises Boniface as Primate of Africa .... a.d. 524 
 Belisarius, the Byzantine general, lands at Capoudia (Caput Vadia), 
 
 not far from Thysdrus, and defeats Gelimer and the Vandal army a.d. 533 
 Solomon, his successor, chases the Vandals from Africa . . a.d. 534 
 
 Destruction of Thamugas by Moors A.D. 535 
 
 Solomon constructs fortifications outside all the principal towns, but 
 
 destroys the pubUc buildings of the Romans .... a.d. 539 
 
 Heraclius I. proclaimed Emperor 610, died a.d. 641 
 
 North Africa overrun by Arabs a.d. 646 
 
 Gregorius, governor of Africa, resisted the Arabs, and was defeated 
 near Tripoli. Sufetula, his capital, fell into the hands of the 
 
 invaders a.d. 647 
 
 Destruction of Carthage by Hassan a.d. 698 
 
 Queen Kahina, the Joan of Arc of Numidia, resists the Arabs, and 
 
 defeats them near Thamugas ....... a.d. 703 
 
 She entrenched her army in the amphitheatre at Thysdrus and 
 subsequently engaged Hassan in a decisive battle at the foot of 
 the Aurfes mountains, and was defeated ..... a.d. 705 
 
 All North Africa submits to the followers of Mahomet, and Islamism 
 
 is firmly established a.d. 750 
 
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X' 
 
 INDEX 
 
 /Emilianus, the Moor, his short reign. 
 Inscriptions relating to him, 239 
 
 iEsculapius, Temple of, at Lambsesis, 
 and its remains, 159 
 
 African legion first located at Theveste, 
 44 ; removed to LambjEsis, 162 
 
 Agathocles, the Sicilian, invades North 
 Africa, 3 
 
 Albinus, Clodius, memorial of, 198 
 
 Algerian onyx, its varieties and where 
 found, 76 
 
 Amphitheatre at Thysdrus, its construc- 
 tion and arrangement, 231 ; its use as 
 a fortress, 233 ; the principal ones 
 compared, 234 
 
 ApoUodorus, the architect, 62 ; the story 
 of his disgrace, 119 
 
 Apuleius of Madaura, 132 ; his career 
 and remarkable gifts, 1 34 ; notice of 
 his principal works and account of 
 his trial, 135-I39 
 
 Aquse Tibilitanae, a remarkable spring ; 
 legend relating to it, 146 
 
 Aqueduct of Carthage, 109 ; its con- 
 struction, 1 14 ; legend relating to it, 
 
 "5 
 Army, the Roman, in the time of Marcus 
 
 Aurelius, 162 
 Assuras, monumental remains of, 203 
 Augustine, St., Bishop of Hippo, 245 
 Augustus, dedication to, at Mascula, 42 
 Aurelian, Emperor, memorial of as 
 
 Restitutor Orbis, 248 
 
 Bagradas, river, its pecuharities ; legend 
 
 of Regulus and his army, 20 
 Bassianus, the founder of a dynasty, 207 ; 
 
 his pedigree, 219 
 Bocchus, king of Mauritania, and his 
 
 treacherous conduct, 15 
 Boundaries of Roman Africa difficult to 
 
 define, 305 
 Bulla Regia, its remains, 71 
 Byzacene, the region so called, 58 
 
 C/!ESAR, Julius, victory at Thapsus, 17 
 
 Capellianus, Roman governor of Mauri- 
 tania, incites the natives to revolt, 
 223 
 
 Caracalla, his arch at Theveste, 47 ; his 
 rule in Africa, 205 ; inscriptions relat- 
 ing to him, 207 
 
 Carinus, Emperor, memorials of, 251 
 
 Carpitana, name of a town recorded in 
 an inscription, 64 
 
 Carthage, Punic, destroyed, 13 ; magni- 
 ficence of Roman Carthage, 24 ; 
 heights of buildings in the city, 24 ; 
 the aqueduct, 109 ; its construction, 
 114 ; a great intellectual centre, 131 ; 
 its renowned scholars, 141 
 
 Carthaginians store their rain-water, 
 system adopted, no 
 
 Carus, Emperor, memorials of, 251 
 
 Castella, described, in various parts of 
 North Africa, 168 
 
 Castrum at Lambsesis described, 166 
 
 Christianity, rise of in Africa, 242 ; 
 leaders of, 243 
 
 Cirta, capital of Numidia, 8 ; made a 
 seat of government by Augustus, 26 ; 
 tomb of the silversmith, 80 ; the birth- 
 place of Pronto, 142 ; its schools, 128 ; 
 renamed by Constantine, 274 
 
 Cisterns, Punic, at Carthage, 112; 
 Roman and others in the country, no 
 
 Claudius, M. Aurelius, Emperor, his 
 short reign, memorial of, 247 
 
 Cleopatra Selene, wife of Juba II. , 26 
 
 Colonise explained, 36 
 
 Colonisation of North Africa, first at- 
 tempted by C. Gracchus, 33 
 
 Commagena, an auxiliary force raised in 
 that country employed in Africa, 188 
 
 Commodus, Emperor, his worthless rule, 
 187 ; his name erased, 189 
 
 Concrete construction explained, 22 ; its 
 application, 114 
 
 Configuration of North Africa, a bar 
 to complete occupation, 297 
 
 Y 
 
322 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Constans, son of Constantine the Great, 
 
 his rule in Africa, inscriptions relating 
 
 to him, 274 
 Constantine the Great, he defeats Lici- 
 
 nius and becomes sole emperor, 267 ; 
 
 inscriptions relating to him and his 
 
 sons, 270-273 
 Constantius Chlorus, Emperor, merits 
 
 of, his rule influenced by his wife 
 
 Helena, 261 
 Constantius, son of Constantine the 
 
 Great, memorials of, 275 
 Cornelia, Salonina, wife of Gallienus, 
 
 Emperor, memorial of, 241 
 Cothon, meaning of the word, 21 
 Crispina, wife of Commodus, memorial 
 
 of, at Thamugas, 194 
 Cyrene, its foundation, 4 ; transferred to 
 
 the Romans by Ptolemy Apion, 18 
 
 Decius, persecution of Christians in 
 
 Africa, 237 ; inscriptions relating to 
 
 him, 238 
 Dioceses explained, 258 
 Diocletian, his remarkable rise, 253 ; 
 
 inscriptions relating to him, 259 ; 
 
 persecution of Christians in Africa, 
 
 263 ; division of the Empire, 266 
 Domitius, L. Alexander, governor of 
 
 Africa, proclaims himself Emperor, 
 
 26; 
 
 Education, spread of, in Africa in the 
 
 second century, 128 
 Egrilianus, C. Cornelius, his munificence 
 
 at Theveste, 48 
 El-Kahina, the Joan of Arc of North 
 
 Africa, 233 _ 
 Emesa in Syria and its Temple of the 
 
 Sun, 213 
 Epitaphs of worthy men and women, 
 
 Faustina the younger, memorials in her 
 
 honour, 192 
 Fertility of the soil of North Africa 
 
 attested by Pliny the Elder, 57 
 Firmus, a distinguished Moor, heads a 
 
 revolt against Valentinian and is 
 
 defeated, 280 
 Fronto of Cirta, his friendly relations 
 
 with Marcus Aureliu';, 143 ; his 
 
 career, 145 ; memorial at Kalama, 
 
 14s 
 
 Galea, afterwards Emperor, proconsul 
 of Africa, 41 
 
 Gallienus, son of Valentinian, memorial 
 
 of, 241 
 Gallus, Emperor, successor of Decius, 
 
 inscriptions relating to, 239 
 Genseric, invasion of North Africa, 245 
 Geta, inscription relating to him, 204 
 Getulians, 5 
 Gordian I. proclaimed Emperor at Thys- 
 
 drus, 223 ; his defeat by Capellianus 
 
 and suicide, 223 
 Gordian II., his short career, 223 
 Gordian III., several memorials in his 
 
 honour, 224-227 ; a promoter of art, 
 
 228 
 Gracchus, Caius, his attempts at coloni- 
 sation unsuccessful, 14, 33 
 Gratianus, Emperor, inscriptions relating 
 
 to him, 286 
 Gregorius, governor of Africa, 91 ; his 
 
 defeat by the Arabs, 124 ; inscription 
 
 relating to him, 296 
 Gyaris, island of, 150 
 
 Hadrian, his first visit to Africa, 105 ; 
 
 second visit, inspection of the camp 
 
 at Lambsesis, 107 
 Hadrumetum, an ancient port, 65 
 Helena, mother of Constantine the 
 
 Great, memorial of, 262 
 Heliogabalu s, his contemptible reign, 211; 
 
 inscription bearing his name, 212 
 Herennius and Hostilianus, sons of 
 
 Decius, memorials of, 238 
 Hippo Diarrhytus, its rise as a colony ; 
 
 peculiarity of its currents, 64 
 Historians, the principal ancient authori- 
 ties on North Africa, 103 
 Honorius, his weak rule, 289 ; memorials 
 
 of, 290 
 
 IcosiUM, the ancient Algiers, an inscrip- 
 tion mentioning it, 42 
 
 Inscriptions, self-laudatory, 80, 82, 130; 
 the last Roman one, 296 
 
 JOL, afterwards Julia Csesarea, a Phoe- 
 nician port, 26 
 
 Juba I., his sad end, 17 
 
 Juba II., his distinguished career, 25 ; 
 his patronage of literature and the arts, 
 26 ; his existing sepulchre described, 
 27 
 
 Jugurtha, his remarkable career, 15 
 
 Julia Csesarea, capital of Juba II., its 
 monumental remains, 31 
 
 Julia Domna, 49 ; her extraordinary in- 
 fluence, 201 ; memorials in her honour, 
 202, 203 
 
Index 
 
 323 
 
 Julia Msesa, her distinguished position, 
 
 208 
 Julia Mammsea, 208 ; her influence over 
 
 her son, Alexander Severus, 217 
 Julianus, the Apostate, memorial of, 278 
 
 Kalama and its remains, 146 
 Khomair country and its people, 70 
 Kleber near Oran, its marble quarries, 
 76 
 
 LamB/ESIS, the camp at, 166 ; its arrange- 
 ments, 167 ; inscriptions both military 
 and civil, 172-181 
 
 Latifundia explained, 14 
 
 Legion, the third Augustan, its services, 
 165, 171 ; its temporary disgrace, 90 ; 
 reconstituted, 165 
 
 Leptis Magna, its antiquity, 6 ; birth- 
 place of Septimius Severus, 140 ; a place 
 of renown, 198 
 
 Licinius, Emperor and supporter of 
 Paganism, opposes Constantine the 
 Great and is defeated, 267 
 
 Livia, wife of Augustus, dedication to, at 
 Zama, 42 
 
 Longevity, many examples of, 83 
 
 Lucius Domitius Alexander, governor of 
 Africa, incites a revolt ; inscription 
 relating to him, 265 
 
 Macrinus, the Moor, assumes the purple, 
 
 210 
 Mactar, ruins of, 79 
 
 Madaura, the birthplace of Apuleius, 132 
 Magistrates, gifts and money payments 
 
 on their election, 99 
 Magnentius, the usurper, a memorial of, 
 
 27S 
 Magnia Urbica, wife of the Emperor 
 
 Carinus, memorial of, 25 1 
 Marble quarries in North Africa, 72, 75, 
 
 76, 77 
 Marcia Otacilia, wife of Philip the Arab, 
 
 memorial of, 236 
 Marciana, wife of Septimius Severus, a 
 
 memorial of, 200 
 Marcius Turbo, the general, his victory 
 
 over Lusius Quietus, 107 
 Mascula, a seat of Christianity, 88 
 Masinissa, his remarkable career and 
 
 foundation of a powerful kingdom, 12 ; 
 
 his supposed sepulchre, 29 
 Masuna, a Moorish king, memorial of, 
 
 281 
 Mauritania, its frontier undefined, 273 ; 
 
 divisions of under Claudius, 32 ; and 
 
 under Diocletian, 53 
 
 Maxentius, son of Maximianus, raises 
 the standard of revolt in Africa, 266 ; 
 defeated by Constantine, 269 
 
 Maximianus, his joint rule with Diocle- 
 tian, 257 ; inscriptions relating to him, 
 258 ; his abdication, 260 ; his re- 
 assumption of power, 266 
 
 Maximinus, his revolt and defeat, 220- 
 225 
 
 Maximus, an upholder of Paganism, 
 raises the standard of revolt in Africa 
 and is defeated by Theodosius, 287 
 
 Medjerda, vagaries of the, 20 
 
 Medrassen, the tomb of Numidian kings, 
 described, 30 
 
 Memmia, second wife of Septimius 
 Severus, 218 
 
 Memorials of good women, 151; and of 
 students, 130 
 
 Meninx, island of, its celebrity, 240 
 
 Milliaria, their origin, 68 ; the Milliarium 
 Aureum, 69 
 
 Milvian bridge, an inscription relating 
 to it, 272 
 
 Monasteria, meaning of, 65 
 
 Municipia explained, 35 
 
 Native troops in the Roman army in 
 Africa, 184 
 
 North Africa, division of, 32 ; configura- 
 tion of the country, 38 
 
 Numerianus, son of Carus, memorials of, 
 251 
 
 Numidia contributes to the success of 
 the Romans, 10 
 
 Numidian marble, when first used, its 
 transport, 75 
 
 CEa, its prosperity and monumental 
 remains, its associations with Apuleius, 
 
 133 
 Onyx, Algerian, 76 
 Orbiana, wife of Alexander Severus, her 
 
 banishment to Csesarea ; memorial of, 
 
 216 
 Ostia, its importance under the Empire, 
 
 and present condition, 59 
 
 Paccia Marciana, wife of Septimius 
 
 Severus, memorial of, 200 
 Pertinax, Emperor, memorials relating 
 
 to him, 195 
 Philaeni, legend of the, 6 
 Philsenorum Arse, site of, 5 
 Philip, the Arab, murders Gordian IIL, 
 
 235 ; his rule, inscription relating to 
 
 him, 236 
 
324 
 
 Roman Africa 
 
 Pisi, method of building with, described, 
 114 
 
 Plautilla, wife of Caracalla, mentioned 
 in an inscription, 202 
 
 Pliny the Elder in praise of fertility of 
 soil of North Africa, 57 
 
 Pliny the Younger, his intimacy with 
 Marcus Aurelius, 60 
 
 Pompeianus, a governor of Africa, his 
 country seat, and its interesting re- 
 mains, 292 ; inscription recording his 
 name, 291 
 
 Pontifex Maximus, origin of the title ex- 
 plained, 224 
 
 Praecilius of Cirta, his tomb and re- 
 markable epitaph, 81 
 
 Prseses explained, 255 ; inscription re- 
 cording the use of the title, 257 
 
 Praetorian guard : temporary disband- 
 ment, 199 ; their despotism and cruelty, 
 225 
 
 Pr^torium at LambjEsis described, 186 
 
 Prefect of the Prastorian guard, a man of 
 high distinction, 259 
 
 Priscus, Marius, proconsul of Africa, 
 tried for corrupt practices, 61 
 
 Probus, Emperor, memorial of, 250 
 
 Proconsuls, corrupt practices, 60 
 
 QuADi, and their tactics, 163 
 
 Quietus, Ijusius, governor of Mauritania, 
 
 107 
 Quinquegentians, their rebellion, 245 ; 
 
 defeated by Maximian, 258 
 
 Regulus, M. Attilius, his attack on 
 
 the Carthaginian fleet, 3 
 Reservoirs in North Africa : one near 
 
 Kairouan described. III 
 Roads, classes of, 40, 66 ; super- 
 intendents of, 67 ; principal roads at 
 
 end of second century, 182 
 Romans, our indebtedness to them, 305 
 Romanus, governor of Africa, brought to 
 
 trial and condemned, 282 
 Rome, the thousandth anniversary in 
 
 time of Philip the Arab, 235 
 Rufus, L. Passienus, honoured with a 
 
 triumph, 42 
 
 Sabina, wife of Hadrian, 119 
 
 Sabinia Tranquillina, wife of Gordian 
 
 III. : memorials of, 227 
 Saldae, and its water supply, 112 
 Sallust, proconsul of Africa, 25 
 Salltis, meaning of, 189 ; the principal 
 
 ones, 191 
 Scillium, its monumental remains, 82 
 
 Scipio Africanus and the close of the 
 second Punic war, 1 1 
 
 Septimiana explained, 214 
 
 Septizonium explained, 203 
 
 Severus, Alexander, 213 ; inscriptions 
 relating to him, 214 ; subject to his 
 mother's influence, 217 
 
 Severus, Septimius, his powerful rule, 
 199; inscriptions, 200-203 
 
 Sexfascales, inscription relating to, 284 
 
 Sicca Veneria in the time of Constantine, 
 276 
 
 Sigus, an old Numidian city, 84 
 
 Simittu : Trajan's bridge, 72 ; its re- 
 nowned marble quarries, 74 
 
 Sitifis, its rise and prosperity, 5 1 
 
 Sittius, Publius, his services, 34 
 
 Sosemias, Julia, mother of Heliogabalus, 
 208 ; memorial of, 212 
 
 Soldiers, privileges of, 1 70; their 
 services in times of peace, 171 5 me- 
 morials of, 173-185 
 
 Solomon, the Byzantine general, 46 
 
 Sophonisba, story of, 8 
 
 Students, memorials of, 130 • 
 
 Sufes, a noted town, 123 
 
 Sufetula, its rise and prosperity, 123 ; 
 its last days, 1 24 ; monumental re- 
 mains and inscriptions, 126 
 
 Syphax, his wayward career, 7 ; his 
 defeat, 9 
 
 Tacfarinas, the Numidian : his strug- 
 gles with the Romans, 34 ; his defeat 
 after seven years' war, 35 
 
 Tacitus, Emperor, merits of, 249 
 
 Temple at Theveste converted into a 
 canteen, 51 
 
 Thabraca, its position and remains, 
 69 ; island of, 70 
 
 Thamugas, its foundation, 88 ; later 
 history, 91 ; monumental remains, 
 92 ; inscriptions, 100 
 
 Theodosius, the general, his successful 
 campaigns, 287 
 
 Theodosius the Great, memorials of, 
 289 
 
 Theodosius II., 295 
 
 Theveste, its history, 44 ; the basilica, 
 45 ; other monumental remains, 
 46-51 
 
 Tholus, meaning of, 47 
 
 Thysdrus, the town of, 229 ; its amphi- 
 theatre described, 230 ; subsequent 
 history, 233 
 
 Tiberius, dedication to, 43 
 
 Tibilis, its extensive remains, 146 
 
 Trajan, his interest in the provinces of 
 the Empire, regulates the corn supply 
 from Africa, 55 ; his benevolence, 85 
 
Index 
 
 325 
 
 Tripoli, monumental remains of, 156 
 Triumph, explained by Gibbon : tri- 
 umphal arches, their origin, 49 
 
 Uthina, remains of its theatre, 234 
 Utica, its antiquity, 19 ; structural re- 
 mains : causes of its decay, 20 
 
 Valentinian, his rule in Africa, 280 ; 
 the Emperor's joint rule with Valens : 
 inscriptions relating thereto, 284 ; re- 
 stores public buildings in Africa, 285 
 
 Valerianus, memorial of, 241 
 
 Vandals, record of their expulsion from 
 Africa, 45 
 
 Verecunda, its inscriptions, 147 
 
 Verus, the Emperor, and his joint rule 
 
 with Marcus Aurelius, 156 
 Vespasian establishes third Augustan 
 
 legion at Theveste, 41, 44 
 Veterans, establishment of, 35 
 Vicarius, the term explained, 258 
 Vitellius, proconsul of Africa, 41 
 Volussianus, son of Gallus, memorial of, 
 
 239 
 
 Zaghouan, description of its monu- 
 mental remains, 116 
 
 Zama Regia, its position, and battle of, 
 10 
 
 PRINTED BV 
 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
H Classifieb Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 33 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)- - 11 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
 MOIRS, &c. - - - - - 7 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS - - - 26 
 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
 LATIONS, ETC. - - - - 19 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 MENT, &c. - . . . . 29 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 
 &c. - - 18 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 21 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 12 
 FINE ARTS {THE) AND MUSIC - 30 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 
 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 j 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND I 
 
 SCIENCE OF - - - - - 17 
 LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY, 
 
 &c. 14 I 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 PHILOSOPHY I, 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 WORKS - - - - - - 3 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 2 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 NOMICS 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - - - . 
 
 RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 STONYHURST 
 SERIES - 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 COLONIES, &c. - - - - 
 
 WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 OF 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) 
 
 (T. K.) - 
 
 (E. A.) - 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 Adeane(J. H.)- 
 Adelborg (O.) - 
 jEschylus 
 Ainger (A. C.) - 
 Albemarle (Earl of) 
 Allen (Grant) - 
 AUgood (G.) - 
 Angwin (M. C.) 
 Anstey (F.) 
 Aristophanes - 
 Aristotle - 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) 
 
 (Dr. T.) - 
 
 Ashbourne (Lord) 
 Ashby (H.) 
 Ashley (W. J.) - 
 Avebury (Lord) 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - 
 
 3.19 
 
 14.15 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 zg 
 
 8 
 
 26 
 
 19 
 
 Z5 
 3 
 29 
 21 
 19 
 14 
 9.20 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 3. 17 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 Bacon - - 7. '4. '5 
 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 
 Bagehot (W.) 7, 17, 27, 31 
 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 
 Bailey (H. C.) - - 21 
 Baillie (A. F.) - - 3 
 Bain (Alexander) - 15 
 Baker (J. H.) - - 31 
 (Sir S. W.) - 9 
 
 AUTHORS 
 
 Page 
 ir, 18 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 AND EDITORS. 
 
 Balfour (A. J.) 
 
 (Lady Betty) • 
 
 Ball (John) 
 Banks (M. M.) - 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 S.)- - - 18,27.31 
 Barnett (S. A. and H.) 17 
 Baynes (T. S.) - - 31 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 21 
 Beaufort (Duke of) - 11, la 
 Becker (W. A.) 
 Beesly (A. H.) - 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 
 Besant (Sir Walter)- 
 Bickerdyke (J.) 
 Bird(G.) - 
 Blackburne (J. H.) • 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 
 Blount (Sir E.) 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 
 Bowen (W. E.) 
 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 (Lord) 
 
 Bray (C.) - 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 
 Brown (A. F.) - 
 
 (J. Moray) 
 
 Bruce (R. I.) - 
 Bryce (J.) - - - 
 Buck (H. A.) - 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 12, 13 
 
 20 
 
 13 
 
 2r 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 Page 
 26 
 
 Buckland (Jas.) 
 Buckle (H. T.) - 
 Bull (T.) - 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 Burns (C. L.) - 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 Cameron of Lochiel 13 
 Campbell(Rev.Lewis) 18,19 
 Camperdown (Earl of) 8 
 Cawthorne(Geo.Jas.) 13 
 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 
 
 Childe-PembertonCW.S.) 8 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell 
 
 (H.) - - - II 
 Christie (R. C.) - 31 
 ChurchilK W. Spencer) 3, 21 
 Cicero - - - 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 
 Clodd (Edward) 
 Clutterbuck (W. J.) - 
 Colenso(R. J.) 
 Conington (John) - 
 Conway (Sir W. M ) 
 Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) 
 
 & Howson (Dean) 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 
 Corbin (M.) - 
 Corbett (Julian S.) - 
 Coutts (W.) - 
 Coventry (A.) - 
 Cox (Harding) 
 
 19 
 16 
 18,25 
 10 
 30 
 19 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - z 
 
 Crawford (J. H.) - 2 
 
 (R.) - - . I, 
 
 Creed (S.) - - 3 
 Creierhton (Bishop) -4, 5, 
 
 Crozier (J. B.) - - 8, i 
 
 Ciistance (Col. H.) - i' 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 
 
 Dale (T. F.) - - i; 
 Dallinger (F; W.) - 
 Dauglisb (M. G.) - i 
 
 Davidson (W. L.) 15, 17, ij 
 Davies (J. F.) - 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 De Balis (Mrs.) 
 De Tocqueville (A.) 
 Devas (C. S.) 
 Dickinson (G 
 
 (W. H.) - - 3 
 
 Dougall (L.) - - 2 
 Dowden (E.) - - 3 
 Doyle (A. Conan) - 2 
 Du Bois (W. E. B.)- 
 Dufiferin (Marquis of) i: 
 Dunbar (Mary F.) - 2 
 Dyson (E.) - - 2 
 
 Ebrington (Viscount) i 
 Ellis (J. H.) ■ - I 
 R. L.) - - I 
 
 •L.) - 
 
 ■ 16, i: 
 
 Erasmus 
 Evans (Sir John) 
 
 8.3: 
 3^ 
 
INDEX 
 
 Falkiner (C. L.) 
 Farrar (Dean) - 
 Fitzgibbon (M.) 
 Fitzmaurice (Lord E.) 
 Folkard (H. C.) 
 Ford (H.) - 
 
 (W.J.) - - 
 
 Fountain (P.) - 
 Fowler (Edith H.) - 
 Francis (Francis) 
 Francis (M. E.) 
 Freeman (Edward A .) 
 Fremantle (T. F.) - 
 Fresnfield (D. W.) - 
 Frost (G.)- 
 Froude (lames A.) 4,8,10,22 
 Fuller (F. W.) - - 4 
 Furneaux (W.) - 24 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 
 Gathcrne-Hardy (Hon. 
 
 A. E.) - - 13 
 Geikie (Rev. Cunning- 
 ham) - - - 31 
 Gibbons (J, S.) - 13 
 Gibson (C. H.)- - 14 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 9 
 Goethe - - - 20 
 Going (C. B.) 
 
 OF 
 
 Pag,e 
 
 4 
 - 17, 21 
 4 
 4 
 13 
 13 
 13 
 
 Gore-Booth (Sir H. W.) 12 
 
 Graham (A.) - - 4 
 
 (P. A.) - - 13 
 
 (G.F.) - - 17 
 
 Granby (Marquess of) 13 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - - 8 
 
 Green (T. Hill) - 15 
 
 ■Greene (E. B.)- - 5 
 
 ■Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - - 15 
 'Gross (C.) - - 4, 5 
 
 ■Grove (F. C.) - - 11 
 
 (Mrs. Lilly) - 11 
 
 ■Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 22 
 
 ■Gurnhill (J.) - - 15 
 
 'Gwilt (I.) - - - 25 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 10,22,31 
 
 Hake (O.) - - - 12 
 
 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 9 
 
 Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 5 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 
 
 Harding (S. B.) - 5 
 
 Harmsworth (A. C.) 12 
 
 Harte (Bret) - - 22 
 
 Harting(J.E.)- - 13 
 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 25 
 
 Hassall(A.) - - 7 
 Haweis (H. R.) - 8, 30 
 
 Head (Mrs.) - - 30 
 
 Heath (D. D.) - - 14 
 
 Heathcote (J. M.) - 12 
 
 (C. G.) - - 12 
 
 (N.) - - - 10 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 von) - - - 25 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 Col. G. E. R.) - 8 
 Henry (W.) - - 12 
 Henty (G. A.) - - 26 
 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 13 
 Herod (Richard S.) - 13 
 Hiley (R. W.) - - 8 
 Hill (Mabel) - - 5 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 11 
 Hime (H. W. L.) - 19 
 Hodgson (Shadworth)i5, 31 
 Hoenig (F.) - - 31 
 Hogan (J. F.) - - 8 
 Holmes (R. R.) - 9 
 Holroyd (M. J.) - 8 
 Homer - - - ig 
 Hope (Anthony) - 22 
 Horace - - - 19 
 Houston (D. F.) - 5 
 Howard (Lady Mabel) 22 
 Howitt (W.) - - 10 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 25 
 Huish (M. B.) - - 30 
 Hullah (J.) - - 30 
 Hume (David) - - 15 
 (M. A. S.) - 3 
 
 AUTHORS 
 
 Page 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 5 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 5 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 ■ II, 13.31 
 Ingelow (Jean) - 20 
 
 Ingram (T. D.) - 5 
 
 Jackson (A. W.) - 9 
 
 James (W,) - - 15 
 
 Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 30 
 
 lefferies (Richard) - 31 
 
 Jekyll (Gertrude) - 31 
 
 Jerome (Jerome K.) - 22 
 
 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 31 
 
 Jones (H. Bence) - 25 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 5, 22, 31 
 
 Justinian - - - 15 
 
 Kant (I.) - - - 15 
 
 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 5 
 
 Kelly (E.)- - - 15 
 
 Kent (C. B. R.) - 5 
 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - 12 
 
 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 15 
 
 Kingsley (Rose G.) - 30 
 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 5 
 Knight (E. F.) - - 10, 12 
 
 Kbstlin G.) - - 8 
 
 Kristeller (P.) - - 30 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 
 Lang (Andrew) 5, 11, 12, 14, 
 r8, 20, 22, 23, 26, 32 
 Lapsley (G. T.) 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 11, 
 Laurie (S. S.) - 
 Lawley (Hon. F.) - 
 Lawrence (F. W.) - 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29, 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 5, 16, 
 Lees (J. A.) 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 
 Levett- Yeats (S.) - 
 Lillie <A.) - 
 Lindley (J.) 
 Loch (C. S.) - 
 Locock (C. D.) 
 Lodge (H. C.) - 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) 
 Longman (C. J.) 
 
 (F. W.) - 
 
 (G. H.) - -II, 
 
 (Mrs. C. J.) - 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 
 Lucan _ _ _ 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 
 Lyall (Edna) - 
 Lynch (G.) 
 
 (H. F. B.)- 
 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 
 
 (Hon. A.) - 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 6, 
 
 AND EDITORS— (jonimwc 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 25 
 
 31 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 II. 13 
 
 14 
 
 II. 13 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 16 
 
 23 
 6 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 
 Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 
 Mackail (J. W.) 
 Mackenzie (C. G.) - 
 Mackinnon (J.) 
 Macleod (H. D.) 
 Macpherson (Rev. 
 
 H. A.) 
 Madden (D. H.) 
 Magniisson (E.) 
 Maher (Rev. M.) 
 Malleson(Col. G.B.) 
 Marchment (A. W.) 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 
 Maryon (M.) - 
 Mason (A. E. W.) - 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 
 Matthews (B.) 
 Maunder (S.) - 
 Max Muller (F.) 
 
 9, 16, 17, 18, 23, 32 
 
 30 
 9. 19 
 
 14 
 6 
 17 
 
 12, 13 
 14 
 22 
 16 
 
 5 
 23 
 
 8 
 32 
 23 
 14 
 32 
 25 
 
 Page 
 Millias (J. G.) - - 14 
 Milner (G.) - - 32 
 Monck ("W. H. S.) - 16 
 Montague (F. C.) - 6 
 
 Moon (G. W.) - - 20 
 Moore (T.) - - 25 
 
 (Rev. Edward) - 14 
 
 Morg:an (C. Lloyd) - 17 
 Morris (Mowbray) - 11 
 ■_(W.) 19, 20, 23, 30, 32 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) 
 Murray (Hilda) 
 Myers (F. W. H.) - 
 
 Nansen (F.) 
 Nash (V.) - 
 Nesbit (E.) 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 
 Nichols (F. M.) 
 
 15 
 
 23 
 
 8,31 
 
 Ogilvie (R.) - - 19 
 Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 8 
 
 Oliphant (N.) - - 6 
 Onslow (Earl of) - 12 
 Osbourne (L.) - - 24 
 Paget (Sir J.) - - 9 
 
 Park(W.) - - 14 
 Parker (B.) - - 32 
 Passmore (T. H.) - 32 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 R.) - - - 12, 14 
 Pearson (C. H.) - 9 
 Peek (Hedley) - - 12 
 Pemberton (W. S. 
 
 Childe-) - - 8 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - 12 
 Pennant (C. D.) - 13 
 Penrose (Mrs.) - 26 
 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 11,23 
 Pitman (C. M.) - 12 
 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) 12 
 Pole (W.) - - - 14 
 Pollock (W. H.) - II, 32 
 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 29 
 Poore (G. V.) - - 32 
 Pope (W. H.) - - 13 
 Powell (E.) - - 7 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 
 Prevost (C.) - - 11 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - 12 
 Proctor (R. A.) 14, 25, 28, 29 
 
 5 
 7 
 ?, 21 
 3.7 
 23 
 7 
 19 
 
 May (Sir T. Erskine) 
 Meade (L. T.) - 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) 
 Merivale (Dean) 
 Merriman (H. S.) 
 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 
 Randolph (C. F.) - 
 Rankin (R.) 
 Ransome (Cyril) 
 Raymond (W.) 
 Reid(S. J.) 
 Rhoades (J.) - 
 Rice (S. P.) - - 10 
 Rich (A.) - - - 19 
 Richardson (C.) - 11. 13 
 Richmond (Ennis) - 16 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 
 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 16 
 
 Ridley (Sir E.)- - 19 
 
 (Lady Alice) - 23 
 
 Riley (J. W.) - - 21 
 Roget (Peter M.) - 17, 25 
 Romanes (G.J.) 9,16,18,21 
 9 
 
 14 
 5 
 
 24 
 
 Mill (John Stuart) - 16, 17 
 
 (Mrs. G. J.) 
 Ronalds (A.) - 
 Roosevelt (T.) - 
 Ross (Martin) - 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 
 
 cesca) - - - 32 
 
 Rotheram (M. A.) - 29 
 
 Rowe (R. P. P.) - 12 
 
 Russell (Lady) - - 9 
 
 Saintsbury (G.) - 12 
 
 Sandars (T. C.) - 15 
 
 Sanders (E. K.) - 8 
 Savage- Armstrong(G.F.)2i 
 
 Seebohm (F.) - - 7. 9 
 
 Selous (F. C.) - - IJ, 14 
 
 Senior (W.) - - 12, 13 
 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 
 
 Shakespeare - - 21 
 
 ; Shand (A 1.) - - 13 
 
 [ Shaw (W. A.) - - 7, 31 
 
 Shearman (M.) - 11 
 
 Sheppard (E.) - 
 Sinclair (A.) 
 Skrine (F. H.) - 
 Smith (C. Fell) 
 
 (R. Bosworth) - 
 
 (T. C.) - - 
 
 (W. P. Haskett) 
 
 Somerville (E.) 
 Sophocles 
 
 Soulsby(LucyH.) - 
 Southey (R.) - 
 Spahr(C. B.) - 
 Spedding (J.) - - 7, 
 Stanley (Bishop) 
 Stebbing (W.) - 
 Steel (A. G.) - 
 Stephen (Leslie) 
 Stephens (H. Morse) 
 Sternberg (Count 
 
 Adalbert) - 
 Stevens (R. W.) 
 Stevenson (R, L.) 21,24 
 Storr (F.) - 
 
 Stuart-Wortley(A.J.) 12 
 Stubbs (J. W.) - 
 Suffolk & Berkshire 
 
 (Earl of) - - II 
 Sullivan (Sir E.) - ^ 
 Sully (James) - 
 Sutherland (A. and G.) 
 
 (Alex.) - - 16, 
 
 (G.) - - - 
 
 Suttner (B. von) 
 Swan (M.) 
 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - 
 Symes (J, E.) - 
 
 Tallentyre (S. G.) - 
 Tappan (E. M.) 
 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 
 Tebbutt (C. G.) 
 Terry (C. S.) - 
 Thomas (J. W.) 
 Thornhill (W. J.) - 
 Thornton (T. H.) - _ 
 Todd (A.) - 
 Toynbee (A.) - 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 6, ; 
 
 (G. M.) - 
 
 TroUope (Anthony) - 
 Turner (ri. G.) 
 Tyndall (J.) - - 8, 
 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - 
 Unwin (R.) 
 
 Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 
 Van Dyke (J. C.) - 
 Virgil 
 
 Wagner (R.) - 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 
 Walford (L. B.) 
 Wallas (Graham) 
 
 (Mrs. Graham) - 
 
 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 
 Walrond (Col. H.) - 
 Walsingham (Lord) - 
 Ward (Mrs. W.) - 
 Warwick (Countess of) 
 Watson (A. E. T.) - 11, 
 Weathers (J.) - 
 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 
 Sidney) 
 
 (T. E.) - - 16, 
 
 Weber (A.) 
 Weir (Capt. R.) 
 Wellington (Duchess of) 
 West (B. B.) - 
 Weyman (Stanley) - 
 Whately(Archbishop) 14 
 Whitelaw (R.) - 
 Whittall(SirJ. W.)- 
 Wilkins (G.) - 
 
 (W. H.) - 
 
 Willard (A. R.) 
 Willich (C. M.) 
 Witham (T. M.) 
 Wood (Rev. J. G.) - 
 Wood-Martin (W. G.) 
 Wyatt (A. J.) - 
 Wylie (J. H.) - 
 Zeller (E.) 
 
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:26 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 27 
 
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