CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library DS 442.5.M25 1914 ^''^riil.?S;iSi.Y.?.,,R,?,t"*s 0* '""lia :'roni 1746 3 1924 023 646 528 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023646528 THE DECISIVE BATTLES OF INDIA. COLONEL G. R. MALLESON, C.S.L Froiitni-iiree to "The Drrhiic nuttier of luihn" THE DECISIVE BATTLES OE INDIA FROM 1746 TO 1849 INCLUSIVE : BY COLONEL G. B. MALLESON, C.S.L AUTHOR OF "THE BATTLE-FIEtDS OF GERMANY," '* HISTORX OF AFGHANISTAN," "FINAL FRENCH STRUGGLES IN INDIA AND ON THE INDIAN SEAS," " HISTOniT OF THE FRENCH IN INDIA," " AMBUSHES AND SURPRISES FROM HANNIDAL TO THE INDIAN MUTINT," ETC. iSrhi (Biiition. WITH A PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR, A MAP, AND FOUR PLANS. " Nullum numen abest si sit prudentia ; nos te, Nos facimus, Fortuna, deam "— Juvi nai,. LONDON: REEVES & TURNER, 83 CHARING CROSS ROAD, W.C. MCMXIV lAll Bights Beserved.l [Fourth Editioir.^ 1914. A Re-issue with corrected Index. Printed hy The New^J'emple Press, 17 Grant Road, Croydon. St. Wats's ColUgt, «mton, IN WHOSE CLASSIC HALLS I NUIiTURED THAT LOVE OF LITERATURE WHICH HAS BEEN THE JOY AND CONSOLATION OF MY LIFE, AND ON THE HILLS IN WHOSE VICINITY I LEARNED TO FIGHT MV "DECISIVE BATTLES," THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED WITH REVERENCE AND AFFECTION. lb PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION. Since this work was first published in 1883 two large editions of it have been exhausted, and the demand for it still con- tinues. Under these circumstances the publishers have asked me to prepare for the press an edition which, from the smaller size and lesser price of the volume, should bring it within reach of those who may hitherto have been deterred from read- ing it. I have responded to this wish with the greater pleasure in that a critical re-perusal of the work, and a careful re-com- parison of its contents with the authorities upon which it is based, have convinced me that in no other history is the story of how we won India told with more attention to the real causes of our action, and with a greater resolve to tell the whole truth without respect of persons. That in this latter object I have succeeded is, I venture to think, proved by the fact, that although the twelfth and thirteenth chapters of the book refer to events which happened within the memory of living men, some of whom acted therein a very considerable part, not a single line of those chapters, during the five years they have been under the eyes of the public, has been impugned or even questioned. The reason is that the narrative rests upon the sure foundation of facts ; is supported by evidence which is irrefutable; and is therefore absolutely proof against attack. This remark applies not only to the chapters I have mentioned, * This in reference to thie tliird edition. viii Preface to the New Edition. but to every chapter in the book. Never have I taken more pains to be certain that the pages of a work bearing my name contain no statement which cannot be verified. With reference to the remarks made on the Russian advance to India in the preface to my second edition, I may be per- mitted to state, that since those remarks were penned (June 1885), the Government of India, wisely directed by Lord Dufferin, has taken steps to render our road to Kandahar easy, and the frontier on that side impregnable. G. B. Malleson. %th May, 1888. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. When the first edition of this work appeared, two years ago, the dark cloud now threatening our Indian Empire was but a little speck on the horizon, no bigger than a man's hand. The book simply — to use the expression of the critics — told the story of how we had won India. We are now entering upon a period when we shall be called upon to defend the Empire we so greatly gained. Upon this point let there be no mistake in the public mind. Let us at least be honest to our own con- sciences. A great Power does not go to enormous expenditure to conquer merely sandy deserts. Every previous conqueror of the deserts which Russia has subdued has aimed at the subjugation of the fertile lands beyond them. The rulers of Russia are not less intelligent than were Alexander, Mahmoud of Ghazni, Chengiz Khan, Taimur, Eabar, Nadir Shah, and Ahmad Shah Durani. Since the days of the first Peter they have pursued a steady and persistent course towards a definite end. Russia is now at the very gates of Herat. No one can peruse the admirable paper by Captain Holdich, R.E., which, written on the spot, was read at the Royal Geographical Society on the 23rd March last, without being convinced that the pre- sent vacillating rulers of India have allowed her to take pos- session of the several points which command the passes leading to that city. The acquisition of such positions is the natural X Preface to the Second Edition. step to the possession of Herat itself. Nor should any man delude himself with the belief that the possession of the valley of the Herirud will satisfy the ambition of Russia. Why should it? It did not satisfy the greed of the conquerors in whose footsteps she is treading. When those conquerors had seized the outer gate of India, they naturally passed through it. Much more readily will Russia do so, when she notices that we have neglected to secure the inner gate — the gate of Kandahar — which, if strongly barred and defended by men the equal of those whose exploits are described in this volume, would yet check her advance ! It is, then, at a time when we may at any moment be called upon to defend the great Dependency of Hindustan, that I offer to the public the second edition of a work which has endeavoured faithfully to describe the mode in which that Dependency was acquired. The thoughtful reader will not fail to discern an enormous difference between our method and the method of Russia. In the tenth chapter of another work, now about to appear, "AMBUSHES AND SURPRISES," I have indicated Russia's principle. I have shown how she watches, intriguing with its principal inhabitants, on the border of a doomed country till she feels herself strong enough to step across it. No sooner does she achieve complete success than she intimidates the aboriginal inhabitants by wholesale slaughter. Thus did she act towards the Tartars of the Crimea; towards the Circassians of the Caucasus; towards the Nomads of the Kizil Kiim and the Kara Kiim ; thus, within the last hve years, towards the Akhal Turkomans. Not in this way did the British behave towards the races of India. In all their onward progresses they had the assent and support of the populations who desired to maintain law and order. The decadence of the Mughul rule was proceeding rapidly when Clive first landed in Bengal. Then the buffalo was to the man who held the bludgeon. These pages show how, under English rule, the buffalo is the property of the man, woman, Preface to the Second Edition. xi or child who has the legal right to possess it. We have shed no blood except on the battle-field, and the blood we have shed there has been the blood of the oppressors of the people. I am anxious to take this opportunity of expressing my ac- knowledgments of the very kind manner in which this work has been received by the Press, and by the Public. The verdict of the former has been unanimous in its favour. Two days after it was ushered into the world the Times honoured it with a leading article. The reviews of the journals rnore par- ticularly devoted to literature were equally encour3.ging. I have taken advantage of some of these to correct one or two errors which had escaped me in the first reading. I have pro- fited, likewise, by a well-founded suggestion made by the AthencBtim, to add a chapter containing an account of the two sieges of Bharatpiir. This chapter is based mainly upon Thorn's " War in India," and the " Memoirs of Viscount Combermere." One word more. Heretofore the invader from the north, who, holding Herat, has endeavoured to penetrate into India, has invariably succeeded. He had to contend either against a feebler race or degenerated descendants from his own parent stock. That is no longer the case. India is held by men who have in no way degenerated from their forefathers. Some of the Englishmen now in India helped to fight the four last battles recorded in this book. The men who won India, and their comrades not one whit inferior to them, can, if not thwarted by timidity at home, successfully defend India. This is a conviction which, I am confident, will not fail to force itself upon the minds of every one who shall read and ponder over the great record contained in this volume ! G. B. Malleson. 27 West Cromwell Road, 1st June, 1885. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDmON. This volume contains the story of the conquest of the several races of India by our countrymen. ' To this purpose are de- voted eleven out of the twelve chapters of which it is composed. The remaining chapter, the first in order in the book, is the key to all others; for it records an event, but for the occur- rence of which the battles which follow might have been in- definitely postponed. It was the victory of Paradis on the Adyar, over the army of the native ruler of the Karnatak, which inverted the position of the Europeans on the eastern coast, and of the children of the soil. The battles which illustrate the story were all, in the truest sense of the term, decisive battles. It cannot be denied that some of them showed a small list of casualties, and, in many, the numbers on one side at all events were few. If I may judge from some criticisms which have appeared, this fact alone would be held to be sufficient to remove those battles from the category I claim for them. There are some critics who judge of the importance of a battle solely by the amount of slaughter produced on both sides. There is no need for me, I am certain, to point out to the intelligent reader that the criterion thus set forth is altogether a false one. The status of a battle can be decided only by its results. If those results prove decisive — decisive, that is, of the campaign, decisive as Preface. xiii to the consequences, decisive as to the future permanent posi- tion of the combatants — then, though the casualties be ever so few, that battle is a decisive battle. Take, for example, the first battle described in this book, that between the French and the Karnatak troops at St. THOME. The French num- bered 230 Europeans, and 700 sipahis. Their loss did not exceed 20 men. Yet that battle changed the face of southern India. It made the European traders the masters, whose aid was eagerly sought for by the native princes who had previ- ously despised them. That battle brought the French and English face to face in the Karnatak. The contest took, almost at the outset, the form of a duel between two men, both men of consummate genius — Clive and Dupleix. The ability of Clive to carry out himself the conceptions of his teeming brain — an ability denied to his rival — gave him an advantage which turned the contest in his favour. That contest cannot be said to have been decided by the splendid defence of Arkat, for, a few weeks later, the French had re-occupied the province of which Arkat was the capital. But it was decided at Kaveripak, a battle passed over with singular neglect, relative to its im- portance, by such historians as Mill and Thornton, by a bio- grapher such as Malcolm, and even by Macaulay. Yet it is not to be questioned but that the victory of Kaveripak, promptly followed up, caiised the surrender of the French army before Trichinapalli, and gave the British a preponderance which they never after entirely lost. That battle, won by the daring, the coolness, the resolution of Clive, against numbers greatly superior, settled for the time the pretensions of the French in southern India. In Bengal, the intervention of the conqueror was called for a few years later, to avenge the cruelties inflicted by the native ruler upon his countrymen. Those cruelties were avenged at PlaSSEY, one of the most decisive battles ever fought. Plassey gave the English a position in Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa, akin to that I c xiv Preface. of overlord. The native ruler whom they appointed paid them homage, and agreed to undertake no foreign enterprise without their approval. But other European nations had planted settlements in Bengal, and, after the capture of Chandranagar, the chief of these was the Dutch. That people, jealous of the advantages which Plassey had gained for the English, made a great effort to surprise and trip them up. But Clive, cool and ready, was too much for them, and the decisive battle of BiDERRA quenched for ever their aspirations. Then came another, a very desperate and final struggle for the possession of the three provinces. The native troops, led fact that Durand's article was unsigned, and that it criticised by men with their hearts in the national cause, fought better than they had ever fought before. But again were the Eng- lish, commanded by a warrior of the first class — the careful and daring John Adams — too much for them. The battles of Katwa and Gheriah, and finally the decisive battle of U'NDWAH Nala, attested the superior discipline of the British soldier, the more skilful leading of his general. U'ndwah Nala decided for ever the fate of the three pro- vinces, and brought the English frontier to the Karmnasa. There it touched the territories of the vassals and tributaries of the Nuwab-Vazir of Awadh (Oudh). The contact pro- duced war — a war unsought by the British, who desired nothing so much as to consolidate the territories they had but just acquired — but a war caused solely by the desire of the Nuwab- Vazir to aggrandize himself at their expense. After some fluctuations of fortune, the result of the hesitations of Carnac, that war was terminated by the brilliant victory gained by Munro at Baksar. Baksar advanced the English frontier to Allahabad, and even to detached positions beyond it. The scene had shifted, even before this, to southern India. The French there had made a desperate effort to recover their fallen fortunes. Not only did the attempt fail, but, by a Preface. xv stroke of genius, Clive, through his lieutenants, wrested from them, by the victory of KONDUR and the storming of MACHHLi- PATANAM, a province the importance of the possession of which could not be too highly estimated; for the manner in which that province was gained, more, even, than the actual gain, secured for the English an influence at Haidarabad which has ever since gone on increasing. But the British hold on southern India was not yet secure. In the decay of the Mughul empire, an adventurer of low- birth, but of commanding talents, had usurped authority in the Hindu kingdom which had existed on the highland plateau overlooking the Karnatak towards the east and the sea-coast towards the west. Having by degrees absorbed all the petty native states within his reach, and having measured his strength — not, on the whole, unequally — with the English, that ad- venturer determined at length to make a supreme effort to become the arbiter of India south of the Krishna. The war that ensued became, then, a war of life and death for the foreigners who had by degrees constituted themselves the pro- tectors of the Karnatak. Never were the English in such danger. But for the obstinacy of one solitary Frenchman — the Chevalier D'Orves — they must have succumbed. Saved for the moment by that obstinacy, they were still forced to risk the fate of their dominion on the issue of a single battle. It was the hard-fought victory of PORTO Novo which, giving the first check to the conquering career of Haidar All, secured for the English time to accumulate their resources, and eventu- ally to baffle his aims. Those aims once baffled, the invader once forced to retire within the limits of his dominions, his entire subjugation became the object which no Governor of Madras could omit from his political calculations. When, at last, the opportunity did offer, this object was achieved without much difficulty. The overthrow of the Muhammadan dynasty in Maisiir, made possible by Porto Novo, brought the English face to xvi Preface. face with the Marathas. The aggressive action of those hardy warriors had, even in the time of Aurangzib, shaken the Mug- hul empire to its very basis. After the death of that sovereign they, too, began to dream of universal dominion. Everything seemed to favour them. They gradually absorbed the larger part of western and central India, and made rapid strides towards the Jamna. Suddenly they met with an unexpected opponent in the shape of Ahmad Shah Durani, the leader of the Afghan invaders. The hotly-contested battle fought at Panipat (1763), gave the Marathas their first decisive check. Gradually, however, they recovered from that terrible over- throw, and, under the leadership of a very remarkable man who had fled from the field, not only reconquered all they had lost, but gained infinitely more. Masters of the imperial cities of Dihli and Agra, of the north-western provinces as far as Aligarh, they at length beheld before them only two possi- ble rivals — one of them indeed, the Sikhs, almost too young to be seriously regarded as a rival — and the English, ruling from the mouths of the Ganges to Kanhpur, and possessors of Bombay and Madras. The inevitable contest with the more powerful of the two rivals, preceded by circumstances which not only deprived the Marathas of their great leader, but which paralyzed one, and forced to temporary inaction another, of their four great confederacies, came at last. It was a fight for supremacy throughout India. For southern and western India the question was decided at ASSAYE; for northern India at Laswari. Though further lessons became necessary, no serious question of rivalry for empire between the British and the Marathas was possible after Laswari. The victorious issue of the Maratha campaign extended the English frontier virtually to the Satlaj. For forty years the great sovereign who ruled beyond that river recognized, often sorely against his will, the policy of keeping on terms with his powerful neighbours. His death, and the anarchy which ensued in his kingdom, broke the spell It is hard to say how Preface. xvii Ranjit Singh, had he been then alive, and in the prime of life, would have acted during the Kabul disasters of 1840-41. In a military point of view, he would have been master of the situation. Fortunately for the English, the Sikh chieftains were, at the critical time, occupied with intrigues for power; they had no guiding mind to direct them, and the occasion was allowed to pass. But, from the day of Ranjit's death, the contest between the two nations had become inevitable. For four years before the invasion occurred, warnings of its certain proximity had been incessant. The English had made such preparations to meet it as were possible without exciting the jealousy of a high-spirited people. When at length, in- spired by chiefs who only desired to ensure their own safety by the destruction of the Prastorians who threatened them, the Sikh army crossed the Satlaj, and the English hurried up their troops to meet them, the greatness of the danger was recog- nized. Two things alone, at this conjuncture, preserved India to tlie English. The first was the unaccountable halt of the invaders for several days on the south bank of the Satlaj ; the second, the detachment of a few troops only instead of a whole army to Mudki. There was even then time to repair mistakes. But the splendid valour which had all but won FiRUZSHAHAR on the first afternoon of the hght, was neutral- ized by the treachery of the Sikh leaders. The battle which might have been a victory became a defeat; a defeat which virtually decided the campaign, for SOBRAON was but the com- plement of Firiizshahar. The peace which followed was but a patched-up peace. The Sikh nobles had been gained over, but the Sikh people had not been subdued, and they knew it. Resolutely they bided their time, seized the first opportunity to rise, and fought their old enemy once more; this time not for empire, but for inde- pendence. How the contest, undecided by Chilianwala, was brought to a hnal issue at GUJRAT I have told at considerable, but I hope not unnecessary, length, in the last chapter. xviii Preface. It will be seen, then, that this book has for its aim to describe the steps by which the English, after subduing their Euro- pean rivals, conquered, one after another, the several races which inhabit India; how Bengal, the provinces north of the Karmnasa, the Maisiir, the Maratha confederacies, the Panjab, received the blow which paralyzed them. Sometimes the para- lyzed territories were swallowed up at once; sometimes they were left paralyzed to be swallowed on the first fitting oppor- tunity. But there they were, harmless, impotent as far as rivalry was concerned; capable of making, indeed, a blow for defence, but never again striking for victory. Such was the state of the Bengal of Mir J'af ar after Plassey ; of the Bengal of Mir Kasim after U'ndwah Nala; of southern India north of the Krishna after Machhlipatanam ; of the same region south of that river after the peace which followed Porto Novo ; of the Maratha confederacies after Assaye and Laswari; and, I may say, notwithstanding Chilianwala, of the Sikhs after Firiizshahar. One word more regarding the method of the book. The reader will perceive that whilst each chapter describes the par- ticular battle which gives it its name, it is linked informally, yet very really, to the chapter which precedes it. Further, that wherever it has seemed necessary — in the chapters, for in- stance, describing the battles of Plassey, of Baksar, of Porto Novo, to a certain extent of Assaye, and of Firiizshahar and Sobraon — I have given a sketch either of the previous history of the people, or of the family which gave political existence to the country they inhabited. This is especially the case with the chapters referring to Haidar Ali and the Sikhs. In writing this book I have gone as far as possible to ori- ginal documents, or to the writings, published and unpublished, of contemporaries. Thus, for the first chapter, that on St. Thome, and for the third, that on Kondur and Machhlipata- nam, I have relied on the memoirs of Dupleix and Moracin, with the correspondence attached to each {pieces justificahves). Preface. xix on Orme, on Colonel Stringer Lawrence's Memoirs; for the second chapter, relating to Plassey and the early history of Bengal, and for the fifth, Biderra, I have consulted Stewart's " History of Bengal," Orme's " Military Transactions," the " Siyar-ul-Muta'akherin," Caraccioli's "Life of Clive," Ive's "Voyage and Historical Narrative," Grose's "Voyage to the East Indies," Holwell's "Indian Tracts," and Broome's "His- tory of the Bengal Army"; for the sixth, U'ndwah Nala, and for the seventh, Baksar, the "Siyar-ul-Muta'akherin," Vansit- tart's "Narrative of Transactions in Bengal," the "Asiatic Annual Register," Williams's " Bengal Native Infantry," Francklin's " Life of Shah Aulum," Verelst's " English Govern- ment in Bengal," Wheeler's "Early Records of British India," and Broome's "History of the Bengal Army"; for the eighth chapter, Porto Novo, I have relied mainly on Wilks's " History of Southern India," on "Transactions in India," on "Memoire de la derniere guerre," on Grant Duff's "History of the Marathas," and on information acquired during a residence of seven years in the Maisiir country ; for the ninth and tenth, Assaye and Laswari, I have depended on the despatches of the two Wellesleys, on Grant Duff's History, on Thorn's "War in India,'' on the "Annual Register," and on the "Asiatic An- nual Register.' I am indebted likewise to the writer, whose name I have been unable to ascertain, of an article in the Cal- cutta Review, on the Duke of Wellington's career in India, for many useful indications. The eleventh chapter demands a more special notice. The portion relating to the rise of the Sikh nation is based upon Cunningham's "History of the Sikhs"; the account of the battles on Cunningham's History, on an article in the Calcutta Review (vol. vi.), by the late Sir Herbert Edwardes, on private letters, and on minute personal investigation. I dismiss the despatches of the day as utterly unreliable, abounding in ex- aggerations of all sorts; worthy, in that respect, to be classed with the bulletins of Napoleon. But Cunningham is a great XX Preface. authority. His History is a very remarkable one. Joseph Davey Cunningham belonged to the corps fruitful of great men — the Bengal Engineers.* His talents early attracted the attention of Lord Auckland, anxious to select a young officer to train for the work of a political agent on the Satlaj fron- tier; and, without any solicitation on his part, he was ap- pointed assistant to Colonel Wade, then in charge of the British relations with the Panjab, and the chiefs of Afghan- istan. Holding that ofhce, Cunningham was present at the interview which took place, in 1838, between Lord Auckland and Ranjit Singh. In 1839 he accompanied Shahzadah Taimur and Colonel Wade to Peshawar, and he was with them when they forced the Khaibar pass, and laid open the way to Kabul. In 1840 he was placed in administrative charge of the district of Lodiana; towards the end of that year, he, then under the orders of Mr., now Sir George, Clerk, the agent for the Governor-General, once more traversed the Panjab to Peshawar; during part of 1841 he was in magisterial charge of the Finizpur district; and towards the close of that year he was, on the recommendation of Mr. Clerk, deputed to Thibet to see that the ambitious rajahs of Jamii surrendered certain territories which they had seized from the Chinese of Lhassa, and that the British trade with Ludakh was restored to its old footing. He returned in time to be present at the interview between Lord Ellenborough and the Sikh chiefs at Firuzpiir (December, 1842). Appointed subsequently personal assistant to Mr. Clerk's successor. Colonel Richmond, and then employed in important duties in the Bahawalpur territory, Cunningham, very studious by nature and greedy of knowledge, was able to acquire a fund of information regarding the Sikhs, unequalled at the time in India. It was by reason of this knowledge that, * The names of the first-class men, whom I have known personally, rise at once to the recollection ; men, for instance, like Lord Napier of Magdala, Sir Henry Durancl, Baird Smith, George Chesney ; but the list is too long, for other names remain. Preface. xxi when the Sikh war broke out, Sir Charles Napier ordered him at once to join his army then occupying Sindh. For the same reason, Sir Hugh Gough, after Firuzshahar, summoned him to join his head-quarters; detached him to accompany Sir Harry Smith to Badiwal and Aliwal, and retained him near his person on the day of Sobraon. Cunningham, then, had enjoyed peculiar opportunities of knowing the Sikhs. He had lived with them for eight years during a most important portion of their history. He had enjoyed intercourse, under every variety of circumstances, with all classes of men, and he had had free access to all the public records bearing on the affairs of the frontier. It had even been one of his duties to examine and report upon the mili- tary resources of the country; and, being essentially a worker, a man who, if he did a thing at all, could not help doing it thoroughly, he had devoted to the task all his energies and all his talents. No one, then, was more competent than this honest and ex- perienced officer to write a history of the Sikh people — a his- tory which should tell the truth, and the whole truth. Cir- cumstances favoured the undertaking of such a task by Cun- ningham. As a reward for his services he had been appointed to the political agency of Bhopal in central India. He found the life in that quiet part of the world very different to the all-absorbing existence on the frontier. To employ the leisure hours forced upon him then he conceived the idea, as he knew he had the means, of writing a history of the Sikhs. This intention he communicated to superior authority, and he cer- tainly believed that his plan was not disapproved of. The work appeared in 1849. Extremely well written, giving the fullest and the most accurate details of events; the book pos- sessed one quality which, in the view of the Governor-General of the day, the Marquis of Dalhousie, rendered the publication of it a crime. It told the whole truth, the unpalatable truth, regarding the first Sikh war : it exposed the real strength of xxii Preface. the Sikh army; the conduct of, and the negotiations with, the Sikh chiefs. The book, if unnoticed by high authority, would have in- jured no one. The Panjab had been annexed, or was in the process of annexation, when it appeared. But a despotic Government cannot endure truths -which seem to reflect on the justice of its policy. Looking at the policy of annexation from the basis of Cunningham's book, that policy was un- doubtedly unjust. Cunningham's book would be widely read, and would influence the general verdict. Now, Lord Dal- housie was not only a despot, but a despot who hated the ex- pression of free opinion and of free thought; he would be served only by men who would think as he bade them think. That an officer holding a high political office should write a book which, by the facts disclosed in it, reflected, however indirectly, on his policy, was not to be endured. With one stroke of the pen, then, he removed Cunningham from his appointment at Bhopal. Cunningham, stunned by the blow, entirely unexpected, died of a broken heart ! Lord Dalhousie could crush Cunningham, but he could not crush his work. The truths given to the world by this con- scientious and faithful historian will for ever be the basis upon which a history of the Sikh war, worthy of the name of history, will be written. In my chapter on Firuzshahar and Sobraon, then, I have adopted the view which Cunningham put for- ward, and which my own subsequent investigations absolutely confirmed. The conclusions arrived at regarding the Sikh leaders obtain a strong support, moreover, from the fact that, after the war, the men who received the largest rewards, and the greatest share of the British confidence, were Lai Singh and Tej Singh, the two leaders who, nominally at the head of the war party, had betrayed their followers ! With respect to the actual fighting, I have consulted, I repeat, and to a great extent followed, the narrative of the campaign written by Sir Herbert Edwardes in 1846, in the Preface. xxiii Calcutta Review. The article has since been republished with the name of the author attached to it.* I have relied on the same authority (Edwardes's "Year on the Panjab Frontier") for the true story of the events which preceded, and which immediately followed, the rebellion of Mulraj in 1848. The campaign which ensued was described and criticised at the time by one who took a part in it — the late Sir Henry Durand. A cool, able and impartial critic, favouring no one and blaming where blame was deserved, Durand has left a record which it is impossible to ignore. The article, which appeared in the Calcutta Review for June, 185 1, and which has since been republished with the name of the author attached (" Selections from the Calcutta Review "), must be consulted and- studied by every one who would wish to understand events as they actually happened. Indeed, Durand's article bears the relation to the second Sikh war which Cunningham's book bears to the first. One remarkable fact in connection with it is that both articles were written by Engineers, and both were written at Bhopal. Durand suc- ceeded Cunningham as political agent at that place ! The fact that Durand's article was unsigned, and that it criticised only military manoeuvres, saved him from any open expres- sion of the wrath of the Saturn who had devoured his pre- decessor ! The military dispatches of the second Panjab campaign are as unreliable and as worthless as those of the first. They were denounced at the time, in the most uncompromising manner, by the Indian Press. Some other contemporary memoirs are not much better. But I have studied very care- fully for the purposes of this, as I did for the purposes of the first Sikh campaign, the letters of officers written at that time. I have likewise made considerable use of a little work written on the campaign, some five years ago, by an officer * "Selection? from the Calciitin Bcricw." Calcutta: Thos. S. Smith. xxiv Preface. formerly in the 24th Foot — Captain Lawrence-Archer* and which appears to me .to be a model of the style in which such a work should be written. It remains now to add that these decisive battles have, during the past twelvemonth, appeared as articles in the pages of the Army and 'Navy Magazine; that the actual fighting details of one of them, Plassey, occur in my "Life of Lord Clive." In the same worli appears also a description of the battle of Kaveripak ; but, in this volume, many details have been added to it. The other battles have been compiled and written expressly for this series. I have found it difficult to obtain reliable plans of the earlier battles. I have given, therefore, but three, relating to those not of the least importance — Plassey, Chilianwala and Gujrat. To supply, as far as possible, the omission, I have arranged that the map accompanying the book shall contain the name of every important place mentioned in its pages. * "Commentaries on the Panjab Campaign of 1848-49." London; W. H. Allen and Co. CONTENTS. PAGE Preface to New Edition ... ... yii ,, Second Edition ... ... ... ix „ First Edition ... ... ... ... xiii CHAPTER r. St. Thome ... ... ... , . j CHAPTER Tr. Kavekh'ak ... ... ... ... ... ... 18 CHAPTER ![[. Plassby 35 CHAPTER IV. KONDUR AND M-iCUHLlPATANAM ... ... ... ... ... 72 CHAPTER V. BiDEKEA 108 CHAPTER VI. U'ndwah Nala ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 125 CHAPTER VII. B.AKS,\ii 163 CHAPTER VIII. Porto Novo 208 xxvi Contents. CHAPTER IX. AssAYE ... ... ... 257 CHAPTER X. Laswari ... 280 CHAPTER XI. Bhaeatptjr ... ... ... 293 CHAPTER XD. FlBtJZSHAHAE, AND SoBRAOX ... 335 CHAPTER Xlll. Chili ANWALA and Gujeat 377 Index 439 LIST OF PLANS, MAPS, ETC. Portrait . *o /"cc title page. Map of India. . ■ «* end. Plan of the Battle of Plassey . to face page 59. ,, Fortress of Bharatpvir ,, 313. . Battle of Chilianwala _ ,, 414. " „ Gujrat ■ , 429. THE DECISIVE BATTLES OF INDIA. CHAPTER I. ST. THOME. The story of the rise and progress of the British power in India possesses peculiar fascination for all classes of readers. It is a romance sparkling with incidents of the most varied character. It appeals alike to the sympathetic qualities of the heart and the colder calculations of the- brain. Whilst it lays bare the defects in the character of the native races which made their subjugation possible, it indicates the trusting and faith- ful nature, the impressionable character, the passionate appre- ciation of great qualities, which formed alike the strength and the weakness of those races — their strength after they had been conquered, their weakness during the struggle. It was those qualities which set repeatedly whole divisions of the race in opposition to other divisions — the conquered and the willing co-operators to the sections still remaining to be subdued. There are few studies more alluring than the study of the habits and manner of thought which made this process possible. The student will most certainly discover faults, B 2 The Decisive Battles of India. indigenous and imported, the former the result mainly of an over-refinement of civilization, the latter pertaining to or de- rived from the Muhammadan invader. But in the combination of astuteness with simplicity, of fearlessness of death and conspicuous personal daring with inferiority on the field of battle, in the gentleness, the submission, the devotion to theii leader which characterized so many of the children of the soil, he will not fail to recognize a character which demands the affection, even the esteem, of the European race which, chiefly by means of the defects and virtues I have alluded to, now exercises overlordship in. Hindustan. Of the different sections of the story of the rise and progress of the British power not one so well illustrates the qualities I have referred to as that which relates the earlier phases of the conquest of the country. In those earlier days the position of the European trader and the native of India was the direct converse of the position of the present day. Then, the Euro- pean trader was the vassal, holding his lands as a rent payer, and on condition of good behaviour, recognizing the native ruler of the province as his overlord. It was a consequence of this well-recognized position that, when, in 1744, war broke out between France and England, and the governor of Madras made preparations to attack the French settlement of Pondi- chery, the governor of that settlement, M. Dupleix, appealed to the Nuwab of the Karnatak, not,, indeed, to afford him aid, but to command his English tenants to renounce the threatened attack. It never entered into the head qf the Madras governor either to question the right of the Nuwab to issue the order, or to dispute it. Nay, more : when the English governor, pro- fessing his readiness to obey the Niiwab as far as his own power extended, expressed a regret that his authority did not reach the English fleet, which, he stated, was under the separate orders of the English commodore, and when the Niiwab answered that he should expect all English officers who came to the Koromandal coast to respect his government, the Eng- loj §uii§Snj:ts spiqD I^au jo su-EST;jT2d 3q:i sb ;q§noj qsiiSu^ puu qouaij ^q:^ gt/i o; Xpuanbasqns qSnoq^^y -maqi ujaDuoo ApB3J§ pip ^i Xjpa^qnopuf^ suoi^bu ueadojng; oav; aq; Awzd -puud SuiuiaouoD as;;^^ "b sb ps^BSj; uaaq SBq :jDafqns aqj^ ■Xao:^STq UBipuj-o^SuY Jo ja^iJAv Ai3A3 Xq pp^ uaaq SBq ';sbod ^Bq; o^ nuaoBfpB SB3S UBipuj avfl JO sj3;bm sqj ui puB ;sbod [BpuBuioio;^ aq; [|b j3ao X;iioq;nB suiajdns siq jo jjb^bujb^]; aq; JO qBMnj^j aqj Xq 'Sf/i m 'uopjassB aq;^ paMo^joj qDiqAV s;uaAa aq; ui jo^dbj uibiu b sb papB uoniquiB qouaj j; MOfj •uajjods XpBaj^B aABq j qoxqAv jo japBJBqD aAHBU aq; ui spajap puB sarujjiA JO uopBuiquiOD ^Bq; 'puooas aq; !uoT;iquiB qouajjj ';sj;g aqj — sasnBD oav; o; Bipuj ui aiiduia Jiaq; aAvo qsi[Su7[ aq; ;Bq; 'pauoi;sanb aq uaAa ;ouubd qDiqM ;dbj b ;nq ';dbj afqBJjJBUiaj b si ;]; jo ;qSnoq; uaaq aABq uaAa ;ou ppoM uoi; -rqoAaj aq; ';sbod aq; uo sjap;as Xjuo aq; uaaq pBq qsijSug aq; jt ;Bq; uiJijfB puB 'jaq;jnj uaAa o§ Xbui j aiqissoduii uaaq aABq 's;uaAa ^{b ;b ami; ;Bq; ;b 'ppoM uoi;rqosaj b qons 'auiq -uiOD p^noAV aoj uSiaaoj b Xq papBAUi Xj;unoD uBadojng b jo s;uB;iqBqui aq; sb auiqmoo o; ajqB uaaq saAi;BU jo sassBp jjb pBfj •;! papiB Xpnouijoua qDiqAS. puiui aAi;BU aq; jo sSuijjjoav aq; uoi;BjapisuoD o;ui ua^jB; aABq Avaj ;ng aSuBqo aq; pa;B; -idiaaid qaiqM sjapBj; UBadoJng |baij aq; jo ;j:Bd aq; uo uot;aB aq; auiuiBxa o; Xjuo paaBD aABq s;uapn;s jo X;iiofBai aq; 'jaAa -M.oq 'X][;uaDai li;uf^ •Xjo;siq UBipuj X[jBa jo ;uapn;s XiaAa o; UMOu>i SI pauiB;;B sbav ;jnsai siq; qaiqAv Xq saDUB;suinojiD jo uoi;BUiquiOD sno|pAiBiu aqjL "pa;jaAui Xj[BDi;DBjd auiBDaq uoi; -isod siq; — sq;uoui Avaj b ui Xbs jsduiib ;qSiiu j — iBaX auo uj •pa>[DB;;B aq ;qSiui aq uaqAii paopaAO ;Bq; jo uo,i;aa;oad aq; xuiBp o; X^uo ;qSu aq; passassod ajj ■Xj;unoD aq; jo pj0{ aq; jo spuB{ aq; jo uoijjod 13 JO '[B;uai paxg b uo 'jaidnaoo ;uauBuiJ[ad aq; Xjduiis sbm japBj; UBadojng; aqj^ 'S^/i jBaX aq; sb a;B| os Bipuj ujaq;nos ui siiB^B JO a;B;s aq; sbm qong -qDuajj; aq; uodn >pB;;B ||B mojj asiMa>iq uiEjsqB o; ;aa]j aq; jo japuBuiuioa aq; uodn jiBAaid o; paua;sBq 'Sui;Bj;suoraai uiojj jbj 'joujaAoS qsq 4 The Decisive Battles of India. supremacy, they became within a very few years the arbiters of the position. The dynasties and chiefs under whose shadow and on whose behalf they fought have for the most part disappeared or been despoiled — despoiled in course of time, after success had been attained, by the very European race enlisted in the beginning to support their claims. Tanjur, the Karnatak, Trichinapalli, Madura, all tell the same story. Rightly, then, in one sense, have English historians of the period treated the subject as a matter affecting principally the rival European traders who, under the shadow of native chief- tains, were really fighting for predominance, I might even say for supremacy, in Southern India. Sufficient attention has not, I think, been paid, hitherto, to the train of thought which influenced many of the natives of that and of later periods, nor has it been duly considered how the combination of the qualities I have referred to, their fidelity to their temporary masters, and their appreciation of heroic qualities displayed by those masters, contributed to bring about the result. These are questions which must be ex- amined in connection with the scenes which occupy the most prominent position in the drama — the scenes in which the Europeans fill a prominent place. In each successive scene of each successive drama there was always one decisive point. Round that point were grouped the hopes, the wishes, the fears, the secret ambitions of thousands. In those days, and even to the present day in India, the decisive point of each scene was and is a battle. Whether it were a battle of giants or a battle of pigmies, whether the slain were many or were few, that battle, when it was decisive, changed the destinies of princes and of peoples. It has appeared to me, then, that a short and succinct account of the decisive battles of India — decisive as they affected the predominance of one European race, first over its European rival, and secondly over the children of the soil — would afford an opportunity to bring into prominence those qualities of the natives to which I have St Thome. 5 so often alluded. The battles I have selected mark, each one, a new epoch, some of them even a revolutionary epoch, in the history of India, and contain within themselves a full and complete explanation of the sudden and remarkable trans- formation of which I have spoken — the transfbrmation within a few short months of a vassal tenantry into a position of virtual sovereignty. They will explain even more than that; they will explain how it was that the natives of India worked freely, loyally, with their eyes open, and with all their might and main, for their own subjection to a foreign power. By a striking example I have shown how the relative posi- tions of the native rulers and the European traders towards each other were from the beginning placed on a distinct and well-defined basis. The established order of things which forced the governor of the English settlement to obey, sorely against his inclination, the command of the Nuwab of the Karnatak to abstain from all hostile action against the French, revealed relations between the two races which were not, appar- ently, lightly to be shaken. That command, and the obedience paid to it, made it abundantly clear that the European settlers occupied towards the ruler of t}ie country a position precisely analogous to that now mairitained by the native princes of India towards their European overlord. The European settlers were allowed then, as the native princes are allowed now, complete administrative action within the territory held by them, but they, like the native princes of the present day, were prohibited from waging war against each other. For defence against an enemy the native ruler had then, as the European overlord has now, to be trusted to. The principle acts well now, because the European overlord really possesses the power to carry it out. It failed on the Koromandal coast because, on the first attempt to enforce his authority, the native ruler was baffled. His failure manifested itself in the first pitched battle between the European settlers and the native" 6 The Decisive Battles of India. overlord. The battle was perhaps more than any, certainly as much as any, ever delivered, a decisive battle. It was fought on the same lines as subsequent battles between the Europeans and the natives of India have been fought ; it showed the dis- cipline, the skill, the inventive power of the few, opposed to the bad generalship, the untutored valour, the want of cohesion, the absence of patriotic feeling, of the many. Eut it was the first of its kind. It broke a spell which, unchallenged, might have exerted its influence for many years. It inverted, almost immediately, not openly, yet most really, the positions of the vassal and the overlord. From the day on which it was gained supremacy in Southern India became the fixed idea in the brain of the illustrious governor of the people who had won it. In the course of time the idea passed, almost unconsciously, to his successful rivals. They certainly had not dreamed of it in the earlier days. That it finally became a part, though for long years an unwritten part, of their creed, was, however, the certain and logical consequence of the battle which first con- veyed to the native rulers of Southern India the conviction that the Europeans, whom they had allowed to settle on their coasts, were able to dictate terms even to them. Thenceforth the position of vassal and overlord, recognized as binding in 1745, was broken, never to be re-imposed. It happened in this wise. The English, ordered by the Nuwab. in 1745 to abstain from all hostilities against their French rivals, had obeyed; but in 1746, the French finding themselves superior' on the coast to the English, possessing a fleet which had driven away that of their rivals, an army largely outnumbering theirs, deemed the moment too opportune to be lost. The clumsy action of the English governor 'Came to aid their endeavours to persuade the native overlord, the Niiwab of the Karnatak, to allow them power of unrestricted action. That governor, warned of the French intentions, had appealed to the Niiwab to issue to his rivals the prohibition which had been imposed upon himself the preceding year; St. Thome. 7 but, whether from ignorance or from thoughtlessness, he had committed the grave offence of sending his messenger empty- handed into the presence of the Nuwab. The latter was still smarting under this barbaric insolence, as he considered it, when there arrived, laden with choice and costly presents from Europe, a messenger from M. Dupleix, Governor of Pondi- chery. The Niiwab was an old man, and he had the reputa- tion of being a capable man; but on this occasion he allowed his feelings to dictate his policy. One word from him, and the French preparations would have been stayed. He would not speak that word. Whilst his better instincts withheld him from giving absolute sanction to the plans of the French, his preference for that people, and his anger against the English, combined to stifle the prohibitory sentence which would have enforced his true policy. The silence was fatal to him and to his race. Unfettered by prohibition, the French sent an ex- pedition against Madras (September, 1746). Before the place had actually fallen, the Nuwab, recovering from his infatua- tion, had dispatched to Pondichery, on a swift dromedary, a messenger bearing a letter to Dupleix, in which he expressed his surprise that the French should have waged war in his territories, and .threatening to send an army to enforce his orders unless the siege were immediately raised. Dupleix was too accustomed to deal with the natives of India to hesitate as to the reply he should give to this citation. His main object was to expel the' English from Madras. Whether that place should fall permanently to the French or to the: Niiwab was a matter, for the moment, of only secondary importance. He, therefore, replied that his object in attacking Madras was to secure the interests of the Nuwab, as on its conquest the English would gladly pay him a large ransom for its restora- tion; that for that purpose the French would at once make it over to him on its surrender. These were mere words intended only to gain time. Before the Niiwab could form a decision 8 The Decisive Battles of India. to act, or not to act, Madras had surrendered to the French (21st September, 1746). As soon as the Nuwab learned that Madras had fallen he dispatched his son, Maphuz Khan, at the head of 10,000 men, mostly horsemen, to take up a position in the vicinity of the fort, so as to be ready to receive it when the French should be ready to evacuate it. But when one week, then two, three, and even five weeks passed, and the French still answered all his demands for the surrender with evasions, the suspicion that he had been duped began gradually to take possession of the mind of the Asiatic ruler. Up to the end of the fifth week the P'rench had been able to offer an excuse for their conduct, which had, at all events, the appearance of validity. The disputes between La Bourdonnais and Dupleix — the former pledged to restore Madras to the English for a consideration, the latter resolved to keep it for his nation — had — La Bourdon- nais being in possession — tied the hands of Dupleix. But on the 23rd October the departure of La Bourdonnais left Dupleix free to act. Still he did not keep his promise to the Niiwab. He had no intention of keeping it, for he had resolved to risk rather the fury of his overlord ; he had trans- mitted orders to his lieutenant, Duval d'Espremenil, to hold Madras at all hazards, and against all enemies whatsoever. The Nuwab, for a long time cajoled, lost patience at last. Two days after the departure of La Bourdonnais he directed his son, Maphuz Khan, to lay siege to Madras, and to drive out the French just as the French had driven out the English. He had no idea whatever that this would be a matter of any difficulty. The French . had always carried themselves so humbly, they had professed so much respect for Jiimself, for his officers, and for his people, that he had believed that this behaviour was but the outward expression of conscious in- feriority. He knew that their white soldiers numbered from five to six hundred, and that their native levies were as numerous. His son commanded ten times that number, and St. Thome. 9 many more levies were marching to support him. He had, then, but to demand admittance within the fort. Who would venture to refuse to comply ? Sharing such thoughts, Maphuz Khan presented himself, on the 26th October, before the town. Entrance having been refused, he took up a position commanding its water-supply. The French governor, M. Duval d'Espremenil,* father of the politician who made himself so prominent in the last of the old French parlements, had not been bred a soldier, but he pos- sessed courage, ccmmonsense and energy, which, against such an enemy, more than supplied the want of military training. Under instructions from Pondichery he had, on the approach of Maphuz Khan, drawn the whole of his troops within the walls of the fort, determined to offer only a passive resistance to the army of his suzerain. But when Maphuz Khan showed himself very earnest in the attack, when he began to erect a battery, and when he occupied a position which cut off the water- supply of the town, then d'Espremenil found it necessary to abandon his passive attitude. At first he ventured only to fire upon the men engaged in erecting the battery ; but though this act of vigour drove away the assailants from the mound on which they were working, it did not affect those engaged in diverting the water, for these were out of range. More decisive measures were thus forced upon him. It had become a question either of unconditional submission to a suzerain who had been irritated and defied, or of an attack upon his troops. D'Espremenil wisely chose the second course. On the night of the ist November he made all the preparations for a * Duval d'Espremenil was likewise son-in-law of Dupleix, and second member of the Council of Pondichery. He possessed, to a degree which would be considered rare even in these days, a knowledge of the people of India, their language and their customs. In 1747 he had the hardihood to disguise himself as a Brahman, and visit the most famous temples and pagodas of India. He succeeded, without being discovered, in pene- trating the holiest recesses into which no one but a member of that sacred caste was allowed to enter. lo The Decisive Battles of htdia. sortie. Early on the following morning 400 men with two field-pieces sallied from the fort to attack the portion of the besieging force which was guarding the spring which supplied the town. As this handful of men advanced, the guns behind their centre, on the point previously indicated, the enemy's horsemen, who had mounted in all haste, moved towards them with the intention of charging them. The French at once halted, extended from the centre to allow their guns to move to the front, then, when the enemy had come within range, they opened fire. That the reader may understand the feelings which animated the horsemen of Maphuz Khan before the French guns had fired at all, and the bewilderment which came over them after the second discharge, it is necessary I should state that the practice of artillery, as understood by European soldiers, was not at all comprehended in Southern India. It is true that the native chiefs possessed guns, but not only were these guns, as a rule, uncared for, or so old that it was a positive risk to fire them, but the natives were so unskilful in their manage- ment that they thought they had done well when they dis- charged them once in a quarter of an hour. Never having been engaged in warfare with Europeans, they had no idea that it was possible to fire the same piece five or six times in a minute. Their invariable practice, then, was to await the first discharge of an enemy's artillery, then, in the full belief that they had a good quarter of an hour before them before the fire could be renewed, to advance boldly and rapidly. Their feelings, then, when the French guns opened upon them on the occasion of the sortie I am describing, may be easily imagined. That discharge killed two or three horses only. What other thought could then have possessed the Indian horsemen but this, that at the expense of those horses they had the enemy in their power? Amongst themselves, cavalry could always ride down infantry ; and now the infantry before them had thrown away their one solid support. They St. Thome. 1 1 were preparing to use to the best advantage the quarter of an hour thus, in their belief, foolishly granted them, when another flash from the same guns, followed with great rapidity by another and another and another, came to show them that they had been living in the paradise of fools, that they had before them a new kind of enemy, an enemy of whose strange and fearful devices they knew nothing. More even than the sight of the emptying saddles in their midst, the contempla- tion of the unknown process came to weaken their morale. Imagination added horrors to visible slaughter. After a few moments' hesitation they turned and fled in disorder. D'Espremenil had not only regained his water-supply — he had not only forced the enemy to raise the siege — ^he had gained a victory over the minds and imaginations of the Indian soldiers the consequences of which were permanent. He had driven in the thin end of the wedge which was to bring to the ground the whole fabric of the Mughul empire. There was needed, however, a stronger, a more decided blow of the mallet to drive in the wedge a little further, to prevent the close of the fissure caused by the first. A cortiparatively few men of the army of Maphuz Khan had witnessed the magic power of the French guns. Those few men had been panic-stricken; they had communicated their panic to their comrades; their comrades had fled they knew not why. The original fugitives when questioned doubtless varied their replies. No one could positively declare the actual number of hostile guns. After all, they began to argue, the victory might have been the result of skilful management. They came by degrees to the belief that the French must have had several guns, and that they had fired only two at one time, then two more, whilst the others were reloading. This would explain much of the mishap. At the end of a few hours, after the subject had been well ventilated, and the heroes of the flight had recovered their equanimity, it probably was so explained. At all events, the dismay of the native soldiers evaporated. 12 The Decisive Battles of India. Maphuz Khan had lost seventy men by the &re of the French guns. He had raised the siege, and had taken up a position two miles to the westward of Madras. He was there when, on the day following his discomfiture, he learned that a French force, marching frorti Pondichery to Madras, would arrive at St. Thome, four miles to the west of that place, the following morning. By this time big talk and bluster had succeeded the panic of the previous morning. Maphuz Khan, who had not been one of the fugitives, and who probably attributed the defeat of his soldiers to a sudden but ordinary panic, was burning to avenge himself on the audacious Europeans. He immediately, then, took a step worthy of a great commander. Resolving to intercept the approaching force before it should effect its junction with the garrison of Madras, he marched that evening (3rd November) on the town of St. Thome, and took up a strong position on the northern bank of the river Adyar, at the very point where it would lie necessary for the French to cross it, and lined the bank with his guns. The detachment which was approaching consisted of 230 Europeans and 700 sipahis. There were no guns with i';. But its commander, Paradis, was a man to supply any deficiency. A Swiss by birth, and an engineer by profession, Paradis had been selected by Dupleix, in the dearth of senior officers of the military service, for command in the field. Paradis amply justified the discernment of the French governor, for he had been born with the qualities which no soldier can acquire — decision of character, calmness and energy. The movements of Maphuz Khan had not been so secretly carried out as to escape the notice of the French within Madras. Aware of the approach of Paradis, and divining the motives of Maphuz Khan, d'Espremenil had at once dispatched a messenger to the former, recommending him to defer an engagement with Maphuz Khan until the garrison of Madras should have time to operate on his rear. But events would not allow Paradis to delay the contest. At daybreak on the St. Thome. 13 morning of the 4th November that officer approached the south bank of the Adyar. He beheld the whole space between the north bank of that river and the town of St. Thome — a space about a quarter of a mile in length — occupied by the hostile army, the bank itself as far as eye could reach lined with their guns, each gun well manned. There they were, horse, foot and artillery, more than 10,000 in number, barring the road to Madras. If Paradis entertained any doubt as to the motives which swayed the leader of the masses on the northern bank a dis- charge of artillery directed against his advancing troops quickly dispelled it. Under such circumstances, to await on the south bajik tlje promised co-operation appeared to him a proceeding fraught with peril. A halt where he was would be impossible, for he was under the fire of the enemy's guns; he must fall back, even though it should be only a few hundred yards. Such a movement would, he thought, expose him, un- provided with guns, to a charge from the enemy's horsemen, eager to avenge their defeat of two days previously. His Europeans were fighting for the first time on Indian ground, his native t^nop^ were raw levies. With such material could he, dare he, encounter the risk ol retiring ? On the other hand, a bold advance would inspire his men and discourage the enemy. Such thoughts coursed through the brain of Paradis as his men were advancing under fire. His resolution was immedi- ately taken. His bold spirit had solved in an instant the problem as to the method to be pursued when European troops should be pitted against the natives of India. That method was, under all circumstances, to advance to close quarters. With a cool and calm decision, then, he plunged without hesitation into the waters of the Adyar, and led his infantry to attack the three arms of the enemy, ten times their superior in numbers. Up to the moment of reaching the south bank of the Adyar 14 The Decisive Battles of India. the French force had not suffered very much from the fire of the enemy's guns. The aim had been bad and the guns had been ill-served. They were still, however, dangerous, and the troops felt that their capture would decide the day. Without drawing trigger, then, they followed Paradis to the bank of the river; then, wading through it, delivered one volley and charged. The effect was electric. The Indian troops, unaccus- tomed to such precipitate action, gave way, abandoned their guns, and retreated as fast as they could into the town. The walls of the town had many gaps in it, but the Indians had taken the precaution to cover these on the western face with palisades. Behind these palisades they now took refuge, and from this new position opposed a strong front to the advanc- ing force. The French, however, did not allow them time to recover the spirit which alone would have made a successful defence possible. Advancing, and always advancing in good order, and firing by sections as they did so, they forced the enemy to abandon these new defences. The defeat now became a rout. Falling back on each other in the narrow streets of the town, the enemy's horse and foot became mixed in hope- less confusion, exposed, without being able to return it, or to extricate themselves, to the relentless fire of the French. Maphuz Khan himself, mounted on an elephant, had made his escape early in the day. His troops were less fortunate. Their very numbers impeded their movements. When, at last, in small bodies, in twos and threes, they made their exit from the northern gate and attempted to hurry away with the bag- gage and camp equipage that yet remained to them, they found themselves face to face with the body of Europeans sent by d'Espreinenil from Madras to co-operate with Paradis. Then they abandoned everything, baggage, horses, oxen, rams, even hope itself, and fled across the plain in wild confusion. The French were too much occupied in plundering their camp to pursue them further. But the terror which had struck into their souls was proved by the fact that they made no attempt SL Thome. . 15 to unite in masses till they had covered many miles in the direction of Arkat, and then only to fall back with all possible speed upon that capital of the Karnatak. Such was the decisive battle of St. Thome. "It was now," writes Mr. Orme, the contemporary historian of that period, "more than a century since any of the European nations had gained a decisive advantage in war against the officers of the Great Mughul. The experience of former unsuccessful enter- prises, and the scantiness of military abilities which prevailed in all the colonies, from a long disuse of arms, had persuaded them that the Moors were a brave and formidable enemy ; when the French at once broke through the charm of this timorous opinion, by defeating a whole army with a single battalion." "It may be well asserted," writes another author,* in lan- guage which I now reproduce, "that of all the decisive actions that have been fought in India there is not one more memorable than this. Not, indeed, that there has not since been displayed a daring equal to that of Paradis, or that numbers as dispro- portionate have not, within the memory of the living, achieved a victory as important. The circumstance which stamps this action as so memorable is that it was the very first of its kind, that it proved, to the surprise of both parties,- the overwhelm- ing superiority of the European soldier to his Asiatic rival. Up to that moment the native princes of Southern India had, by virtue of their position as lords of the soil, or as satraps of the Mughul, arrogated to themselves a superiority which none of the European settlers had ever thought of disputing. With the French, as we have seen, it had been a maxim of settled policy to avoid the semblance of hostility towards them. We have noticed how Martin and Dumas and Dupleix had toiled to effect this end. When at last Dupleix, to avoid a more dangerous contingency, accepted the dreaded alternative of * "History of the French in India." 1 6 The Decisive Battles of India. hostility, he did so more in the hope that he might find some means to pacify the Niiwab whilst the siege was in progress than in any expectation of routing him in the field. And now, suddenly, unexpectedly, this result had been achieved. From being the suppliants of the Niiwab of the Karnatak, the vassals whose every movement depended upon his licence, the French, in a moment, found themselves, in reality, his superiors. The action at St. Thome completely reversed the positions of the Niiwab and the French governor. Not only that, but it in- augurated a new era, it introduced a fresh order of things, it was the first decided step to the conquest of Hindustan by European power. Whe'rher that power were French or English would depend upon the relative strength of the two nations, and even more on the character of the men by whom that strength should be put in action. The battle which introduced this change deserves, then, well to be remembered; and, in recalling it to our memories, let not us, who are English, forget that the merit of it is due, solely and entirely, to that great nation which fought with us the battle of empire on Indian soil, and did not win it," I find it difficult to add anything to this true description of the consequences of this most decisive battle. It was the prelude to many more resembling it in results. But not one of those which followed was fought under circumstances precisely similar. Prior to the sortie of d'Espremenil from Madras, which may be taken as the first part of the battle which so quickly followed it, the prestige, the morale, were on the side of the children of the soil. The humble traders had, before 1746, never thought of questioning the authority, or of doubt- ing the power, of the satraps of the Indian provinces. It was the striking, the momentous, I might almost say the eternal, consequence of those two acts of the same drama, that the prestige and the morale were transferred from the natives — from chief and follower alike — to the European settlers. Of Sf. Thome. 17 almost every subsequent battle between the European and the Asiatic it may be said that, in consequence of that transfer, it was half won before it had been fought. This was the magic power which the France of the Bourbons won in November, 1746, and which she subsequently transferred, not willingly, to England. CHAPTER II. KAVERIPAK. The results of the decisive victory gained by Paradis at St. Thome were soon manifested. The influence of the French became supreme in the Karnatak. Three years after that event the governor of Pondichery was able to establish the prince whose cause he had espoused in the Subadarship of the Dakhan, a position greater than that now occupied by the Nizam. Another nobleman, likewise protected by him, he had pro- claimed Niiwab of the Karnatak, with the possession of the whole of that province except Tanjur and Trichinapalli. The time had not arrived when a European power could openly assert supreme dominion, but in January 175 1 almost the whole of south-eastern India recognized the moral predomin- ance of Pondichery. The country between the Vindhayan range and the river Krishna, including the provinces known as the Northern Sirkars, was virtually ruled by the French general whose army occupied the capital of the Subadar of the Dakhan. South of the river Krishna the country known as the Karnatak, including Nellur, North and South Arkat, Madura and Tinne- velli, was ruled virtually from Pondichery. The only places not subject to French influence were Madras, restored to England by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; Fort St. David, Kdveripdk. 19 within a few miles of Pondichery, held by the English; T.anjiir, whose Rajah had not acknowledged the supremacy of the French nominee; and Trichinapalli, held by a riva.1 candi- date for the Niiwabship, supported by the English. Madras and Fort St. David were, under the circumstances of the peace with England, unassailable; but everything seemed to point to the conclusion that Trichinapalli and Tanjiir would speedily fall under the supremacy which had successfully asserted itself over the other portions of the Karnatak. A large army, sup- ported by a; French contingent, was marching on Trichinapalli. The English, by the loss of Madras, by the failure of an attempt made in 1748 to capture Pondichery, and by the ill- success which had attended them when opposed to theFrench at Valkunda, had gained the unhappy reputation of being unable to fight. There seemed to be no power, no influence, capable of thwarting the plans which the brain of Dupleix had built up on the firm base of the victory gained by Paradis at St. Thome. Nor, had the French possessed a real soldier capable of conducting military operations — had their troops been led by a Clive, a Stringer Lawrence, or even by a Paradis — could those plans have failed of success. It happened, however, for their misfortune, that at this particular epoch their forces were com- manded by men singularly wanting in the energy, in the decision, in the rapid coup d'ceil essential to form a general. At first it seemed that this misfortune \yould not be' necessarily fatal ; for if it were true that their army besieging Trichina- palli was led by men who would dare nothing, the English allies of the defenders possessed commanders of mental calibre certainly not superior. As the French were vastly superior in numbers it was clear that, the commanders on both sides being equal, the victory must in the end be with them-. But they had made no provision either for time or for the unforeseen. When their plans seemed gradually verging towards success, and the fall of Trichinapalli— by the slow process. of famine — rseemed 20 The Decisive Battles of India. to loom in a not very distant future, a young Englishman, not yet a soldier, though endowed by nature with the talents which go to form a finished commander, had suddenly burst into the province of Arkdt, had seized the capital; then, resisting for fifty days, and finally repulsihg, a besieging native army, aided by Frenchmen exceeding his own European garrison in numbers, had proved conclusively to the world of Southern India— to use the actual words used by the famous Maratha leader, Murari Rao — " that the English could fight." The splendid diversion made by Robert Clive in northern Arkat was not in itself decisive of the fate of Trichinapalli. The French and their native allies continued to press the siege, though in the same slow and perfunctory manner as before. The fate of Southern India depended upon the fall of that place. The time e:p,ployed to besiege Clive in Arkat gave the French precious opportunities to take it. They threw them all away. They attempted nothing. Fancying that Clive was, at Arkat, in a trap whence he could never emerge to trouble them, they still trusted to the slow process of starvation. They were aroused from their fools' paradise by the intelligence that the young Englishman had forced the besiegers to retire ; had sub- sequently beaten them in a pitched battle, and was then engaged at Fort St. David in raising troops to march to the relief of the besieged Trichinapalli. Fortune, however, had not yet abandoned the French. Tlie blind goddess was content to give them one more chance. Whilst Clive was preparing a force to march to the relief of Trichinapalli, the energetic governor of Pondichery incited his native allies to raise a fresh army, and to send it — well sup- ported by French soldiers — not only to reconquer north Arkat, but to threaten Madras itself. He argued, and argued soundly, that such a diversion would, in the attenuated condition of the English garrisons, render it imperative on Clive to forego his march op Trichinapalli, and hasten to the defence of the threatened posts. These — if the French and their allies would Kdvenpdk. 21 only display energy and resolution — might be captured. The fall of Trichinapalli would not fail to follow. At first events fully confirmed the anticipations of Dupleix. No sooner had Riza Sahib, the Indian chiet whom Clive had repulsed from Arkat and defeated at Arni, felt that the pro- vince was relieved from the awe inspired by the presence of the young Englishman who had conquered hitn, than re-uniting his scattered troops, and calling to him a body of 400 Frenchmen, he appeared suddenly at Punamalli (17th January, 1752). The only English troops that could possibly oppose him were shut up, to the number of about a hundred, in Madras; about 250 were in Arkat. The allied French and Indian forces were, therefore, practically unopposed in the field. Using their advantages — I will not say to the utmost, for, placed in their position, Clive would - have employed them far more eifectively — the allies ravaged the territory belonging to the East India Company down to the very seaside ; burned several villages, and plundered the country houses built by the English at the foot of St. Thomas's Mount. The fact that peace existed between France and England probably deterred them from attempting an attack upon Madras. They worked, however, as much damage in its neighbourhood as would affect very sensi- bly the revenues of the country, and then marched on Kanchi- puram (Conjeveram). Having repaired the damages which the English had caused to the fortified pagoda of this place only a very short time before, they placed in it a garrison of 300 native troops; then moving to Vendaliir, twenty-five miles south of Madras, established there a fortified camp, from which they levied contributions on the country around. Although the forts of Punamalli and Arkat invited attack, they attempted no serious military enterprise. Their aim was so to threaten the English as to foixe them to send all their available troops into the province of north Arkat, and thus to procure for the French besiegers of Trichinapalli the time necessary to capture that place. They were to run their heads against nc 22 The Decisive Battles of India. walls, to keep their troops fresh for the emergency which was certain, when it should come, to demand all their energies, and then suddenly to strike the one blow which would secure the supremacy of the French in Southern India. It was an ex- tremely well-devised plan, and it very nearly succeeded. In the outset it met with the success which had been hoped for. It procured a respite for Trichinapalli. Clive, engaged at Fort St. David in making preparations for the relief of that place, was suddenly ordered to proceed to Madras, and to use there to the best advantage the means he would find at his dis- posal. ■ Clive set out, reached Madras early in February, found there about lOO Europeans and a few half-drilled native levies, and expectations of the daily arrival of about the same number of Europeans from Bengal. A few days later these expectations wer^ fulfilled. The interval had been employed in ordering up four-fifths of the Europeans and 500 of the sipahis forming the garrison of Arkat, in drilling the native levies, in raising others, in laying in stores for a campaign, and in obtaining information regarding the enemy. Clive soon learned that the allies lay still at Vendalur, apparently waiting to receive him there. On the 20th February the troops from Bengal arrived; on the 21st Clive received information that the garrison of Arkat would march in, the following morning. No time was to be lost if Trichinapalli were to be saved. On the 22nd, then, Clive set out from Madras, and, joined that day by his old soldiers from Arkat, marched at once in the direction of Vendalur. His united force consisted of 380 Europeans and 1,300 sipahis, with six field-pieces. Marching all night, he hoped to be able to Surprise the enemy early the following morning. But it formed no part of the French plan to await the arrival of Clive in their camp at Verlfdaliir. Well served by their spies, they were acquainted with all the move- ments of their enemy. On the night preceding the day, then, on which Clive set out from Madras, the French and their allies, acting on a plaii' preconcerted to puzzle the English Kdverifdk. 23 leader, quitted Vendaiur, and marched in different directions. Re-uniting at Kanchipuram, they hurried by a forced march to Arkat, hoping to surprise its reduced garrison. With this object in view they had corrupted some of the native soldiers within the fort, and had pre-arranged with these to make a signal, to which, if all were satisfactory, their friends were to reply. They entered the town of Arkat very early in the morn- ing, and made the signal. Receiving no response, they con- cluded—what was the fact — that the plot had been discovered. Then, reverting to their tactics of marching away in different directions, they quitted Arkat, only to re-unite at Kaveripak and occupy there a position, in which it had been pre- deterinined, even should the attempt on Arkat succeed, to receive Clive. They had marched fifty-eight miles in less than thirty hours. The French plans showed very skilful calculation. It will be clear to the reader that their object had been to alarm Clive regarding their real aims, to draw him on by forced marches towards a position where he could only fight at disadvantage. The attempt on Arkat would, they knew, incite the English leader to desperate exertions. They divined, moreover, that pressing to its relief, and marching by night, he would fall into the trap they had laid for him, for marching on Arkat he riiust traverse the town of Kaveripak. Before he could reach it they would have several hours for rest and preparations. Their anticipations were realized almost to the letter. Clive, we have seen, had set out from Madras on the 22nd, with the object of surprising, by a forced march, the hostile forces at Vendaiur. He had not proceeded quite half-way, however, when intelligence reached him of their sudden dis- appearance from that place and their dispersion in different directions. The second portion of the intelligence left him no option but to push on to Vendaiur with all speed, to make there the necessary inquiries. He arrived there about three o'clock in the afternoon to find the enemy had disappeared, no one 24 The Decisive Battles of India. knew, or no one would say, whither. A few hours later certain intelligence reached him that they were at Kanchipuram. That place was twenty miles distant. It was nine o'clock; his men had that day marched twenty-five miles; but they had had a rest of five hours, had eaten, and were in good spirits. Clive, therefore, pushed on at once, and by a forced march, reached Kanchipuram about four o'clock on the morning of the 23rd, to find that the French and their allies had been there only once again to disappear. He felt certain now that they would attempt Arkat. Without positive intelligence, however, and with troops, who, for the most part, without any previous train- ing, had marched forty-five miles in twenty-four hours, he felt it unadvisable to move further. Contenting himself with sum- moning the pagoda, which surrendered on the first citation, he ordered his troops to rest. A few hours later his conjecture was confirmed by positive information that the French were in full march on Arkat. Certain that a crisis was approaching which would demand all the energies of his men Clive did not disturb their slumbers. Arkat is twenty-seven miles from Kanchipuram. Although Clive entertained no doubt whatever that the former place would resist successfully the attempt which, he now felt sure, the French and their allies would make upon it, he was natur- ally anxious to reach it with as little delay as possible. Accordingly, after granting the troops a few hours' sleep and a meal, he started a little after noon, on the road to Arkat. Towards sunset his troops had covered sixteen miles, and had come within sight of the town of "Kaveripak. They were marching leisurely, in loose order, totally unsuspicious of danger, when suddenly, from the right of the road, from a point distant about 250 yards, there opened upon them a brisk artillery fire. That fire proceeded from the French guns. That the reader may clearly understand the position, I pro- pose to return for a moment to the French and their allies. I have already related how, in the early part of this very day, Kdveripak. 25 their combined forces, after having vainly attempted Arkat, had marched on Kdveripak, and taken up there a strong posi- tion, barring the road to Clive. In numb^-rs they were superior to him, but mainly only in cavalry. Clive had no horsemen with him. His enemy had 2,500. In other respects they ex- ceeded him only slightly, having 400 Europeans to his 380, 2.000 sipahis to his i. joo, and nine guns and three mortars to his six guns. I have searched the French records in vain to find the name of their European commander. In this respect he has been fortunate, for the conduct he displayed on this occasion was not of a character to evoke the gratitude of his nation. The commander of the natives, and nominal com- mander of the whole force, was Riza Sahib, son of the titular Niiwab of the Karnatak. The position they occupied had been extremely well chosen. A thick grove of mango-trees, covered along its front on two sides by a ditch and bank, forming almost a small redoubt, fortified on the faces towards which an enemy must advance, and open only on the sides held in force by the defenders, covered the ground about 250 yards to the left of the road looking eastward. In this the French had placed their battery of nine guns and a portion of their infantry. About a hundred yards to the right' of the road, looking eastward, and almost parallel with it, was a dry watercourse, along the bed of which troops could march, sheltered, to a great extent, from hostile fire. In this were massed the remainder of the infantry, Euro- I>ean and native. The ground between the watercourse and the grove and to the right of the former was left for the cavalry to display their daring. The allies were expecting Clive, and were on the alert. They had hoped that, marching unsus- piciously along the high road, he would fall into the trap they had laid, and that what with the guns on his right, the infantry on his left, the cavalry in his front, and his own baggage train in his rear, escape for him would be impossible. We have seen that Clive did fall into the trap. Marching 26 The Decisive Battles of India. unsuspiciously along the high road, the fire from the guns in the grove on his right gave him the first warning of his danger. That fire, fortunately, was delivered a little too soon, before the infantry had reached a corresponding point in the water- course. Still his position was full of peril. He was thoroughly surprised. Before he could bring up his own guns many of his men had fallen, whilst the sight of the cavalry moving rapidly round the watercourse, and thus menacing his rear, showed him that the danger was not only formidable but immediate. It was ever a characteristic of Clive that danger roused all his faculties. Never did he see more clearly, thinlc more accur- ately, or act with greater decision than when the circumstances were sufficiently desperate to drive any ordinary man to despair. He was true to his characteristic on this eventful evening. Though surprised, he was in a moment the cool, calculating, thoughtful leader, acting as though men were not falling around him, and the difficulties to be met were entirely under his control. As soon as possible he placed three guns in' a position to reply to the enemy's fire. Detecting at the same time the use which might be made of the watercourse, both for him and against him, he directed the main body of his infantry to take shelter within it. Then, to check the movement of the enemy's horsemen round the watercourse, he hurried two of his guns, supported by a platoon of Europeans and 200 sipahis, to a position on his own left of it; whilst at the same time, to clear the space around him, he directed that the baggage carts arid baggage animals should march half a mile to the rear tinder the guard of a platoon of sipahis and two guns. Giving his orders calmly and clearly, with the air of a man confident in himself and in his fortunes, he saw them carried out with precision, before the enemy, using badly their opportunity, had made much impression upon him. Still the chances were all against him. He could not advance under the walls of that mango grove fortress bristling with Kdveripdk. 2 7 guns. He could not retreat in the face of that cavalry. Hfe must fight at great disadvantage on the ground he occupied. The truth of the last proposition soon made itself apparent. On his left, indeed, his men in the watercourse just held their own. They exchanged a musketry fire with the French ad- vancing from the other end, but neither party cared or dared to have recourse to the decisive influence of the bayonet. Beyond that, the enemy's cavalry were kept in check, for though they made many charges against the infantry and two guns on the English left of the watercourse, and even against the platoon in charge of the baggage, they made them in a manner which showed that the morale of the European gave him a strength not to be measured by numbers. In a word, they did not dare to charge home. But though- he held his own in the other parts of the field, Clive was soon made to feel that on the right he was being gradually overpowered. The vastly superior fire from the guns in the grove fortress came gradually to kill or disable all his gunners and to silence his guns. It was a situation which, Clive felt, could not be borne long. Those guns must be silenced or else . The historian of that period, Mr.. Orme, says that "prudence seemed to dictate a retreat." If prudence so counselled, it was that bastard prudence, the bane of weak and worn-out natures, the dis- regard of which gained for Clive all his victories, which alone made possible the marvels of the Italian campaign of 1796, the too great regard to which made Borodino indecisive and entailed all the horrors of the Russian retreat. Such prudence, we may be sure, presented itself to the minds of many fighting under the orders of Clive, but not for one single instant to the mind of Clive himself. Without cavalry, to abandon the field in which he had been beaten to a victorious enemy largely furnished with that arm, would be to court absolute destruc- tion. And the destruction of Clive's army meant the fall of Trichinapalli, the permanent predominance of French in- 2 8 The Decisive Battles of India. fluence throughout Southern India. That was the stake fought for at Kaveripak. No, there was no alternaJtive. It was ten o'clock. The hght had lasted four hours and his men were losing confidence. The grove fortress must be stormed — but how? If the enemy possessed a real commander it was impossible. The experience of Clive in warfare against the combined forces of the nations then opposed to him had, however, led him to the conclusion that confidence often produced carelessness. What if the grove fortress could be entered from the open faces in its rear? It was just possible that, in the confidence inspired by having to meet an enemy advancing only from the front, the French might have left these unguarded. It was a chance, perhaps a desperate chance, but worthy at all events of trial. Thus thinking, Clive, selecting from the men about him an intelligent sergeant, well acquainted with the native language, sent him, accompanied by a few sipahis, to reconnoitre. After an interval which, though brief, seemed never-ending, the sergeant returned with the happy intelligence that the rear approaches to the mango grove had been left unguarded. The incident which followed showed how completely Clive was the master-spring of the machinery. He had decided — should the report of the sergeant prove satisfactory — to take 200 of his best Europeans — that is considerably more than half, for by this time nearly forty of the 380 had been killed and more had been wounded — and 400 natives, and lead them, preceded by the sergeant as guide, on the desperate enterprise. He so far carried out his scheme that he withdrew the men, to the number and of the composition mentioned, from the water- course, and marched stealthily in the direction indicated by the sergeant. But the departure of this considerable body, and above all, the departure of the leader himself, completed the dismay of the troops left behind in the watercourse. They suddenly ceased firing, and made every preparation for flight. Some of them even quitted the field. The sudden cessation Kdveripdk. 29 of firing revealed to Clive — when he had already proceeded half way on his expedition — that his presence was absolutely required on the spot he had recently quitted. He, therefore, made over the copimand of the detached party to the next senior officer, Lieutenant Keene, and returned to the water- course. He arrived there in the very nick of time. His ilien, confused, dispirited, and disheartened, were running away. Fortunately the enemy had taken no advantage of their de- moralized condition. Clive went amongst them, and succeeded, though with difficulty, in restoring order and in inducing them to renew their fire. To ensure the success of the other move- ment, it was only necessary that they should impose on the enemy at this point. Influenced by the presence of Clive they did this, but it is doubtful whether they would, in their then state, have ventured, even under his leading, upon anything more daring. To induce them to act as they did act it was absolutely necessary that Clive should remain with them. Meanwhile Keene's detachment was proceeding on its perilous enterprise. Making a large circuit, that officer reached — at about half-past ten o'clock — a position immediately opposite the rear of the grove, and about 300 yards from it. He then halted, and calling to him one of his officers who, fortunately, understood French perfectly (Ensign Symmonds), directed him to advance alone, and examine the dispositions made by the enemy. Symmonds had not proceeded far when he came to a deep trench, in which a large body, consisting of native soldiers — whose services had not been required in the watercourse — were sitting down to avoid the random shots of the fight. These men challenged Symmonds and prepared at first to shoot him, but deceived by his speaking French, they allowed him to pass. Symmonds then made his way to the grove and boldly entered it. The sight that met his gaze was eminently satisfactory. The guns were manned by men en- gaged in directing their fire against the English position on the high road. Supporting these guns and gunners were about 30 The Decisive Battles of India. a hundred French soldiers, whose attention was so entirely absorbed by the events in front of them that they paid no attention to their rear, which was entirely unguarded. It now became the object of Symmonds not only to return, but to return by a way which should avoid the sipahis in the ditch, as much to ensure his own safety as to hnd a clear road for his own countrymen. Fortune came to the aid of his calm and cool self-possession. Taking a direction to the right of that occupied by the sipahis in the, ditch, he rejoined his party without meeting a single persoji. Success was now certain. Keene at once gave the order to advance. Proceeding by the pa'th by which Symmonds had returned, he marched unper- ceived to within thirty yards of the enemy's Europeans. Halting here, he poured into them a volley. The effect was decisive. Many of the Frenchmen fell dead; the remainder were so astonished that, without even attempting to return the fire, they turned and fled, abandoning guns and position; every man anxious only to save himself. In the heedlessness of sudden despair many of them ran into a building at the further end of the grove which had served, as a caravanserai for travellers. It was running into a trap, a, trap, moreover, in 'which they were so crowded that they could not use their arms. The English followed them' up closely, and seeing their defenceless condition offered them quarter on condition of surrender. These terms were joyfully accepted, and the Frenchmen coming out one by one delivered up their arms and, to the number of sixty, constituted themselves prisoners. Many of the sipahis escaped. The battle was now gained, for though the troops in the watercourse — ignorant of" the events passing in the grove — continued their fire some time longer, the arrival of fugitives soon induced them to abandon their position and seek safety ill. flight. The field being thus cleared, . Clive re-united his force,, and halted on the field under arms till daybreak. Sur- veying the horizon by the light of' the early piorn hot an enemy Kdverifdk. 31 was to be seen; Fifty Ffenchmen. and 300 of their native soldiers lay dead on the Held; besides these there were many wounded. He had captured nine field-pieces and three mortars, iand he had sixty prisoners. On his own side he had lost in. killed, mainly from the fire of the enemy's guns, forty Europeans and thirty sipahis. A great number of both were likewise wounded. i.But the guns he had captured and the prisoners he had made constituted but an infinitesimal portion of the real advantages Clive had gained on this well-fought field. Sir John Malcolm attributes to the battle of Kaveripak the distinction "of restoring," or "rather," he says, "of founding the reputation of the -British arms in India"; for before that "no event had occurred which could lead the. natives to believe that the Eng- lish; as soldiers, were equal to the French." That was most undoubtedly its moral effect. D'Espremenil's sortie from Madras and the victory of Paradis at St. Thome had revo- lutionized the relative positions of the natives and the French settlers. It had given the latter a moral preponderance, fore- shadowing supremacy, in Southern India. In that moral pre- ponderance the English had, at first, a very light share. They had fallen back before the greater daring and energy of their European rivals. They had done little to impress, generally, the minds of the natives. The famous Maratha leader ex- pressed the prevailing opinion of his countrymen when he stated that prior to Clive's heroic defence of Arkat he had been convinced that the English could not fight. But even the favourable impression created by that brilliant feat of arms had been partly neutralized by the fact that another and a !larger body of Englishmen had allowed themselves to be cooped up and besieged in Trichinapalli. Had the English lost the day at Kaveripak there can be no doubt but that the favourable impression created by Arkat would have been re- placed by the' feelings which had preceded it; and the defence of that fortress would have been universally regarded as the 32 The Decisive Battles of India. exception which proved the rule. The moral effect of Clive"5 great victory, then, was greater even than to confirm the belief created at Arkat that the English could fight. It produced the conviction not only that they could fight, but that they could fight better than the French. It transferred to the English, in fact, the moral preponderance which d'Espre- menil and Paradis had gained for the French at Madras and St. Thome. In the history of decisive battles it becomes, then, the logical sequence of Paradis' victory. Its material results were not less important. On the mode in which it was decided depended the possibility of the relief of Trichinapalli by the English before that place should succumb by famine or by arms to its French besiegers. On the successful defe'nce of Trichinapalli depended whether English influence or French influence was to predominate in Southern India. Had that place fallen, French influence would have been assured for ever. That nation virtually ruled the dominions now known as those of the Nizam, including the districts called the Northern Sirkars. They only wanted Trichinapalli and Tanjur to complete their control of Southern India, the inde- pendent kingdom of Maisiir alone excepted. Had Clive been defeated at Kaveripak it would have been impossible to relieve Trichinapalli. The French power would have received so great an accession of strength, moral and material, that the English would have found sufficient employment for their soldiers in the defence of their own possessions. Trichina- palli, even if it had not been attempted, would have been starved into surrender. Materially, then, as well as morally, may the victory gained by Clive be classified amongst the decisive battles of India. It was a very decisive battle. Materially, as well as morally, it caused the transfer of preponderance in Southern India from the French to the English. It made possible the relief of Trichinapalli, and ensured the surrender of the largest French army which had till then fought in India. That sur- Kdveripdk. 33 render gave the English a position, which, though often assailed during the thirty years that followed, they never wholly lost, and which extending year by year its roots, can now never be eradicated. In other respects the battle of Kaveripak is well worthy of study. The Fi'ench lost that battle by their neglect to guard the weak points of their position. Had they possessed a com- mander who knew his business they might have won it before Clive made his forlorn attempt against that point. With their immense superiority of artillery on their left, in a secure posi- tion there, they had- but to advance their centre and right, strengthened with every available man, to have forced Clive from his position. Their numerous cavalry would have com- pleted his discomfiture. Not possessing a daring leader, they waited in their grove fortress for the slower but apparently not less certain process; for the consequences sure, under ordinary circumstances, to result from a superior artillery fire, with cavalry handy to complete its effect. Adopting this slower process, knowing the character of the leader opposed to them, they should have guarded with more than ordinary care the weak points of their own position. Neglecting to do this, they gave that leader a chance which ruined them in the very hour of their triumph. On the other side, this battle revealed, more than any of his previous encounters, the remarkable characteristics of Clive as a commander. Granted that he was surprised. On this point I will simply remark that a general unprovided with cavalry, pursuing an enemy well furnished with horsemen, compelled by circumstances outside his own immediate sphere of action to strike boldly and to strike at once, can with difficulty avoid walking into a trap such as that laid for Clive at Kaveripak. But mark his readiness, his coolness, his decision, his nerve, his clear head and his calm courage, when he found himself com- promised. Without even the shadow of hesitation he acted as though he had no doubt as to the issue. Inspiring his men D 34 The Decisive Battles of India. with a confidence in himself which may be termed absolute, he moved them as a player moves his pawns on a chess-board. Doubtless his death would have been followed by disaster. This became apparent when for a few moments he left the men in the watercourse to superintend the decisive movement to his right. But there is not a single great commander to whom the same remark might not apply. Deprived of its head, the body will always become inert. At Kaveripak the discord caused by the short absence of the leader from his accustomed place on the field, and the restoration of confidence produced by his return, proved very clearly how the spirits of the men rested on him, how without him their confidence would have vanished. Victory is to the general who makes the fewest mistakes. Granted, as I have said, that Clive committed one great initial error by being led into a trap. That was his only error. He repaired it in a manner which deserves to be studied as an example to all commanders. But for the enemy who, having caught him, let him go — for the want of enterprise displayed by their cavalry — for their supineness, their neglect of ordinary military precaution — for the marked absence of leadership on their side — the historian cannot find words too strong to ex- press condemnation. They thoroughly deserved their defeat. It is a curious fact that the darkness, which in the outset seemed to favour their plans, ultimately gave opportunity for their overthrow. Clive could not have made his turning move- ment by daylight. So much the more worthy of condemnation is the carelessness which gave opportunities to a leader who had proved himself on other fields to be as enterprising and as daring as he was tenacious and fertile in expedients. CHAPTER III. PLASSEY* In the year 1644 there was a great commotion in the palace of the Great Mughul at Agra. The clothes of a favourite daughter of the reigning Emperor, Shah Jahan, had caught fire, and the princess had been severely burnt before the flames could be extinguished. In vain did native physicians of great learning and celebrity employ their skill and devote their time to effect a cure. To soothe the anxiety of the sorrowing father, some courtiers reminded him of the reputation which certain settlers from a distant country, carrying on their trade at Surat, had acquired for proficiency in the healing art. Catch- ing at the idea, Shah Jahan dispatched forthwith a messenger to the town on the Tapti, bearing a request that the foreign settlers would place at his disposal one of their most skilful practitioners. The settlers hastened to respond, and deputed * Long usage has, in this case, as in the cases of Calcutta, Pondiohery and Bombay, sanctioned an incorrect spelling. The proper rendering of the name of this place is Palasi, from the palas tree (Butea frondosa), which used to abound in the vicinity. The " A'ln-i-Akbari " makes special mention of the palas as the wood of which the balls for the game of changdn (hockey) by night were made in the time of Akbar. "His Majesty also plays at changdn on dark nights, which caused much astonishment, even among clever players. The balls which are used at night are set on fire. For this purpose palas wood is used, which is very light, and bums for a long time." — Blochmann's A'in-i-Akbari, page 298. 36 The Decisive BaiiLes of India. Mr. Gabriel Boughton, surgeon of the East India Company's ship Hopewell, to attend the bidding of the ruler of India. Mr. Eough;on reached Agra, and succeeded in completely curing the princess. Asked to name his own reward, the patriotic Englishman allowed the opportunity of enriching himself to pass, and preferred to the Emperor the request that he would issue a firman granting permission to the English to trade in Bengal free of all duties, and to establish factories in the province. The firman was granted, and Mr. Boughton, taking it with him, set off at once to Rajmahal, where the Viceroy of Bengal, Sultan Shuja, second son of the Emperor,, held his court. Seven years before the event just recorded the Siirat mer- chants had obtained a firman which permitted them to trade in Bengal, but which restricted them to the port of PipH, in the province of Orisa. The trade to this port had been opened,, but the results had been so unsatisfactory that in 1643-4 the question whether the establishment at Pipli should be main- tained or broken up was under the serious consideration of the Court of Directors. The question was still pending when Mr. Boughton arrived with the revivifying firman at Rajmahal. His good fortune accompanied him to that place also. One of the royal ladies of the zenana of Sultan Shuja was lying ill; in the opinion of the native physicians hopelessly ill. Boughton cured her. Thenceforth the gratitude of the prince was unbounded. It displayed itself during the twelve years that followed in the- assistance afforded to the Englishman in carrying out his scheme for establishing the trade in Bengal on an efficient and a permanent basis. Under his protection factories were estab- lished at Hugli, and agencies at Patna and Kasimbazar, and a little later at Dhakah and Baleshwar (Balasore). The privilege of free trade throughout the provinces of Bengal and Orisa was likewise granted for the annual nominal; payment of Rs. 3,000. Plassey. 37 The violent changes which occurred in the native dynasties during the forty years that followed did not practically affect the position thus secured to the English. But in the beginning of the year 1689, in consequence of the tyrannical conduct of Niiwab Shaista Khan, governor of the province for the Em- percr Aurangzib, the Company's Agent-in-Chief, Mr. Job Charnock, quitted Hugli with his subordinates, and sailed for Madras. Fortunately for English interests, Shaista Khan was succeeded during the same year by Ibrahim Khan. This man, known to our countrymen of that period as "the famously just and good Nuwab," invited the English to return. Mr. Charnock complied (July 1690), but instead of proceeding to his old quarters at Hugli he established the English factory at the village of Chatanati, north of the then existing town of Cal- cutta,* twenty-seven miles nearer to the sea than the station he abandoned. Mr. Charnock survived the removal only eighteen months. At this time the English settlers had no permission to fortify Chatanati, and their military establishment consisted of only 100 men. A rebellion against the Nuwab which broke out in Bengal in 1695, under the leadership of Subah Singh, a Hindu zamindar of Bardhwan, forced them to solicit, and enabled them to obtain, permission to defend themselves. They pro- ceeded at once to erect walls of masonry, with bastions or flanking towers at the angles, round their factory. The bastions were made capable of bearing guns, but in order not to excite the suspicion of the Niiwab, the embrasures were built up on * Calcutta, or, as it was spelt by the natives, "Kalikata," is men- tioned in the " A'in-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl, written in 1596." The village of Chatanati extended from the present mint to the Soba bazaar. For these and other details regarding the making of Calcutta I would refer the reader to a very remarkable pamphlet, "Calcutta during the Last Century," written and given as a lecture by the late Professor Blochmann, M.A., whose untimely death in 1878 was a deadly blow to Orient&l investigation. The little pamphlet, which ought to be pre- served, was printed by Mr. Thomas Smith, City Press, Bentinck Street, Calcutta. 38 The Decisive Battles of India. the exterior with a facing of wall, one brick thick. This was the origin of the old fort, also called Fort William. It covered the site of the localities now known as Fairlie Place, the Custom House, and Koilah Ghat Street. Before the walls had been quite completed an attack was made upon it by the insurgents, who had set fire to the villages in the neighbourhood, but they were repulsed.* On account of the rebellion Ibrahim Khan was removed by the Emperor, who, after a short interval, sent his grandson. Prince 'Azim u'sh Shan, to govern the province. From this prince, by means of a present of Rs. 16,000, the English ob- tained a grant of the three villages of Chatanati, Gobindpur, and Calcutta, with the lands adjacent to their fortified factory. As the wall of fortification occupied a portion of the ground appertaining to the village of Calcutta, that name was, for the first time, applied to the whole settlement (1699). The Company by this cession came to occupy the position of a zamindar, possessing administrative powers within the limits of the grant, and paying a yearly rerltal to the overlord. In consequence of these acquisitions the Bengal settlement was raised to the rank of a Presidency, with a governor, or, more correctly, a president in council, independent of Madras. The council of the new president was to consist of five members, inclusive of himself.t In 1699 a new English company made a settlement at Hugli, in rivalry with the old company. The seven years which fol- lowed were principally marked by negotiations between the servants of the two companies. These terminated in 1706-7 by their fusion under the title of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies. Hugli was * Mr. Wheeler states that the rebels were "routed by fifty English soldiers in front of the factory at Chatanati." — Early Becords of British India. t These were — the president, a vice-president and accoraptant, a warehouse-keeper, a purser of marine and a receiver of revenues and general manager Plassey. 39 abandoned, and the strength of the United Company was con- centrated within the limits of the three villages I have men- tioned. Thenceforth, and for the ten years which followed, the contention was between the English settlers and the native lords of Bengal, the former persistently striving to extend free commercial intercourse with Bengal and to strengthen their forti&cations, the latter constantly endeavouring to exact larger revenues from the English zamindars. A circumstance, not dissimilar to that which had procured for the English the permission to establish factories and to trade freely in Bengal, came about this time to improve their fortunes and to extend their influence in the province. In 1 7 1 3 the President of the Council despatched to the Court of Dihli an embassy composed of two European gentlemen, an Armenian interpreter, and a surgeon. The name of the surgeon was William Hamilton. When the embassy reached Dihli, Farrakhsiyar, great- grandson of Aurangzib, had but recently, by the defeat at Agra of his uncle, Jahandar Shah, obtained the throne of the Mughul. This prince had been suffering for some time from a complaint which had baffled all the skill of his physicians, and which compelled him to defer a marriage upon which he had set his heart, with a Hindu princess of Rajputana< Hamilton cured him. To show his gratitude, the Emperor, after the manner of Shah Jahan, requested him to name his reward. Hamilton, as patriotic and as careless of self-interest as Boughton, asked that the privileges granted to his country- men in Bengal might be extended, and that they might be relieved from the exactions and oppressions of the Governor of Bengal. The Emperor promised to comply, and, after some delay, issued (1717)* a hrman confirming all previous grants to the English company, authorizing them to issue papers which, bearing the signature of the President of the * Hamilton d'ed that same year at Calcutta. 40 The Decisive Battles of India. Council, should exempt the goods named therein from exam- ination or duty, and bestowing upon them the grant of thirty- eight villages about and below Calcutta, on both sides of the river, on payment of an annual ground-rent. He likewise placed the use of the mint at Murshidabad at their disposal. These privileges and this grant greatly increased the pros- perity of Calcutta. For the ten years that followed its progress was enormous. Its trade rapidly developed, the shipping belonging to the port increased to 10,000 tons, and, what was of very great importance, the town attracted the wealthy natives of Bengal. These, by degrees, bu'lt houses in and near to it, and brought the influence of their wealth to sustain and increase its prosperity. It should be added that the Arm rule of the Nuwab of the province, Murshid Kuli Khan, contributed not a little to this result. Originally op- posed to the new favours extended to the English settlers, especially to that portion of them which would have given them the command of both sides of the river, he had forced them to agree to a compromise which, whilst it did not inter- fere with their trade, prevented them from obtaining a position dangerous to the interests of the Mughul. He likewise insisted that the free passes should neither be transferable, nor used for the purposes of inland trade, but should be strictly con- fined to the goods of the Company intended for export. These trade rules were insisted upon, not only by Murshid Kuli Khan, but by his son-in-law, Shuja d'd din Khan, who succeeded him on his death, in 1725, and who administered the province for the fourteen years that followed. The firm hand of the Niiwab, and the strict compliance with his reasonable regula- tions on the part of the settlers, combined throughout this period to augment the influence and increase the wealth of the Company. Shuja d'd din Khan was succeeded in Bengal in 1739 by his son, Sarfaraz Khan, a debauchee. During his incumbency there occurred that terrible invasion of Nadir Shah, which gave Plassey. 41 the most fatal blow to the stability cf the rule of the Mughul. The subversive feeling, the result of this catastrophe, extended even to Bengal. Ali Vardi Khan, who had risen from the posi- tion of menial servant to the Niiwab of that province to be Deputy-Governor of Bihar, rose in revolt The despotic con- duct of Sarfaraz Khan had alienated the wealthy and respect- able classes of the province. The great mercantile family of the Seths, the Rothschilds of Bengal, favoured the rebel. His very generals betrayed him. When he marched to crush Ali Vardi Khan with a force vastly superior, they arranged that the guns should be loaded with powder only. The conse- quences were such as might have been expected. When the decisive battle ensued at Ghiriah in January 1741, Sarfaraz Khan was slain, and his nobles and soldiers at once saluted Ali Vardi Khan as Xuwab of the three provinces of Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa. The blow dealt by Nadir Shah at Dihli had so crushed the power of the Mughul that this revolution passed unnoticed. Ali Vardi Khan transmitted a handsome offering in money to the Emperor, Muhammad Shah, and was confirmed as Xuwab of Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa, just as any other adventurer who might have supplanted him, and have forwarded a like sum of money, would have been equally confirmed. It was, in fact, the recognition of force — the same recognition which was claimed, and fairly claimed, by the people who afterwards, also by force, supplanted the successor of Ali Vardi Khan. This prince ruled the three provinces for fifteen years, from 1741 to 1756. His reign was a continued struggle. He had scarcely succeeded to the position gained on the field of Ghiriah when he was called upon to make head against a Maratha invasion. This invasion was the prelude to many others. They occurred every year from 1742 to 1750. They brought with them terror, desolation, often despair. Ali Vardi Khan resisted the invaders gallantly, and defeated them often. But in the end their numbers and their pertinacity wore him 42 The Decisive Battles of India. out; and when, in 1750, they had mastered a great portion of Orisa, he was glad to conclude with them a treaty whereby he yielded to them Katak, and agreed to pay a yearly tribute of twelve lakhs of rupees for Bengal and Bihar. These invasions had not, however, interfered with the rising prosperity of the English settlement. Its security, in fact, in- vited more wealthy natives to take up their permanent abode within its bounds. Ali Vardi Khan, whilst continuing the privileges granted by his predeceESors* had merely called upon the English, as he called upon all the zamindars of Bengal, to contribute to the expenses of the defence of the province. But such was their prosperity, that in one instance, when the Niiwab was hard pressed, they had paid him without difficulty three lakhs of rupees. Not but that the alarm caused by the Maratha invasion did not reach even Calcutta. But the Eng- ' lish, prescient in their policy, took advantage of the universal feeling to ask for permission to dig a ditch and throw up an intrenchment round their settlement. The permission was ac- corded and the work was begun; but when three miles of it had been completed, and there were no signs of the approach of the Marathas, its further progress was discontinued. The work, some traces of which still remain, gave a permanent name to the locality, and to this day the slang term "the ditch" is often used to express the commercial capital of Bengal. Per- mission was granted at the same time to erect a wall of masonry with bastions at the corners, round the agency at Kasimbazar. From the peace with the Marathas to 1756 nothing occurred to disturb the tranquility of the English. On the 9th of April of that year, however, their protector, Nuwab Ali Vardi Khan, died, and was succeeded by his favourite grandson, Siraju'd daulah. This prince, who has been painted by historians in the blackest colours, was not worse than the majority of Eastern princes born in the purple. He was rather weak than vicious, unstable rather than tyrannical, had been petted and spoilt by Plassey, 43 his grandfather, had had but little education, and was still a minor. Without experience and without stability of character, suddenly called upon to administer the fairest provinces of India and to assume irresponsible power, what wonder that he should have inaugurated his accession by acts of folly ? Surrounded from his earliest youth by flatterers, he had been encouraged to imbibe a hatred towards the foreign settlers on the coast. Their rising prosperity and their wealth, in- creased largely by rumour, excited, there can be no doubt, the cupidity of these brainless flatterers, and these, in their turn, worked on the facile nature of the boy -ruler. The result was that Siraju'd daulah determined to inaugur- ate his reign by the despoiling of the English settlers. Charging them with increasing their fortifications and with harbouring political offenders, he seized their factory at Kasimbazar, imprisoned the garrison, and plundered the property found there (4th June, 1756). Five days later he began his march towards Calcutta with an army 50,000 strong, attacked that place on the 15th, and obtained possession of it on the 19th June. I would willingly draw a veil over the horrors of the Black Hole. That terrible catastrophe was due, however, not to a love of cruelty on the part of Siraju'd daulah, but to the system which inspired the servants of an absolute ruler with a fetish- like awe for their master. There can be, I think, no doubt that the Niiwab did not desire the death of his English prisoners. Mr. Holwell himself acquits him of any such intention, and attributes the choice of the Black Hole as the place of confine- ment to the ill-will of the subordinate.* As to the catastrophe * "I had in all three in-terviews with him (the Niiwab), the last in Darbar before seven, when he repeated his assurances to me, on the word of a soldier, that no harm should come to us ; and, indeed, I believe his orders were only general that for that night we should be secured ; and that what followed was the result of revenge and resentment in the breasts of the lower jemadars to whose custody we were delivered, for the number of their order killed during the siege." — Mr. Holwell's Narrative. 44 ^ he Decisive Battles of India. itself, its cause was the refusal of the subordinates to awaken the Niiwab. That refusal might have been caused either by fear or by ill-will ; but it was their refusal, not the refusal of the chief, who was actually asleep. Thus much, but no more, may, in bare justice, be urged on behalf of Siraju'd daulah. For his conduct after the catastrophe not a word can be said. It is not upon record that he resented it. Most certainly those about him made him believe that the action had been planned with the best motives to draw from the English a confession as to the place where their wealth and treasure were hidden. His first act when he saw Mr. Holwell was to insist upon such confession being made. He expressed no regret, he extended to the captives no compassion, he spoke only of hidden treasures and their place of concealment. By his conduct he placed himself in the position of an accessory after the act. The political result of the capture of Calcutta was the uprooting of the English settlements in Bengal. Of those who formed the garrison of Calcutta some had been killed, others had been removed as prisoners to Murshidabad,* the remainder had taken refuge on board the English vessels which were waiting, at Falta, the arrival from Madras of the troops who should avenge their wrongs and restore the fallen fortunes of the Company. The news of the surrender of Kasimbazar reached Madras on the 15th July. Five days later a detachment of 230 Euro- pean troops, commanded by Major Kilpatrick, of the Com- pany's service, sailed from Madras. They reached Falta on the 2nd August. On the 5th of that month only did the story of the capture of Calcutta and its attendant consequences reach Fort St. George. Although the forces at the disposal of the Coast Presidency were not more than sufficient to meet the attack from the French which was believed inevitable — France and England being on the brink of a rupture — it was * These were subsequently released, and joined the fleet at Falta. Plassey. 45 resolved, after some hesitation, to despatch with all convenient haste a fleet and army to restore British fortunes in Bengal. The discussions leading to this conclusion, and afterwards those relating to the choice of a commander, caused very great delay, and it was not till the i6th October that the fleet con- veying the little army sailed. The first ship reached Falta on the nth December. All the others, two only excepted, arrived on or before the 20th. Of the two exceptions, one, the Marl- borough, laden with stores, was so slow that she reached Cal- cutta only towards the end of January; the other, the Cumber- land, grounding off Point Palmyras, was compelled to bear away to Vishakpatanam (Vizagapatam), and reached the river Hugli in the second week of March. The commander of the military force was Robert Clive. The victory gained by this officer at Kaveripak had produced the most decisive results. It had enabled the English to relieve Trichinapalli, to force the surrender of the entire French army, to bestow the Nuwabship of the Karnatak upon their own nominee : in fine, it had caused the transfer of the predom- inance in Southern India south of the river Krishna from the French to our countrymen. In January 1753 Clive put the seal to his victories by the capture of the fortresses of Kovilam and Chengalpatt. In the following month he sailed for Eng- land. There he was received and feted as a hero. Of the same age as Bonaparte when Bonaparte made the marvellous campaign of 1796, he had acquired for his country advantages not less solid than those which the great Corsican was to gain in that campaign for France. After a sojourn of more than two years in his native country, Clive, holding the commission of lieutenant-colonel in the King's army, was sent to the Koro- mandal coast as Governor of Fort St. David. For a while his services were diverted to Western India, where, in conjunction with Admiral Watson, he attacked and reduced the piratical stronghold of Ghiriah. Thence he proceeded to Madras in 46 The Decisive Battles of India. time to be selected as the commander of the troops who were to conquer Bengal. Clive's force, consisting, exclusive of the men in the Cumber- land, of 800 Europeans, 1,200 native soldiers, and a due pro- portion of artillery, joined the remnants of Major Kilpatrick's detachment, which had been much reduced by disease, on the 20th December. Just seven days later the fleet ascended the Hugli. On the 29th the enemy were dislodged from the fort of Bajbaj. The action which took place there, whilst in its details it reflects no credit on the generalship of Clive, was yet so far decisive in its result that it terrified the enemy's general into the abandonment of Calcutta. That place, left with a garrison of only 500 men, surrendered, without attempting a serious resistance, on the 2nd January. Prompt to strike, and anxious at once to terrify the Niiwab and to replenish the coffers of his countrymen, Clive, three days later, dispatched a force to storm and sack Hugh, reputed to be the richest town within a reasonable distance of Calcutta. On the 9th the place was taken. The victors found, to their disappointment, that the more valuable of its stores had been, in anticipation of the attack, removed to the Dutch factory at Chinsurah. But Siraju'd daulah had not yet been terrified. Raising an army said to have consisted of 18,000 horse, 15,000 foot, 10,000 armed followers, and forty guns, he marched on Calcutta. Clive, who was encamped at Kasipur, observing, on the 2nd February, that advanced parties of the Niiwab's army were defiling upon the plain to the right of the Damdam road, and there taking up a position threatening Calcutta, made an in- effectual attempt to hinder them. The Nuwab arrived with his njain body on the 3rd, and encamped just beyond the general line of the Maratha ditch. The following morning Fortune directed to the happiest results an action which seemed at first pregnant with destruction to the English. It had been the intention of Clive to surprise the Niiwab's army and to seize his person; but, misled by a thick fog, he found himself at Plassey. 47 eight o'clock in the morning in the middle of the enemy's camp and encompassed by his troops. He extricated himself by simply daring to move forwards. The intrepidity of the attempt so intimidated the Nuwab that he drew off his army, and on the gth February signed a treaty, by which he restored to the English more than their former privileges, and promised the restoration of 'the property seized at the capture of Calcutta. But Clive was not yet satisfied. War had been declared between France and England. His experience in Southern India had shown him how dangerous to English interests would be an active alliance between the French and a strong native power. In the Karnatak he had been able to balance one native force against another. In Bengal such a policy was impossible, for the Niiwab was supreme, and his great officers had not as yet shown themselves impressionable. Then, again, Clive's orders had been to return with his little army to Madras as soon as he should have reconquered Calcutta. But how, in the face of the possibility of an alliance between the Nuwab and the French, could he abandon Calcutta ? To do so would be, he felt, to court for the English settlement permanent destruction. The French general, Bussy, was supreme at Haidarabad, possessed in real sovereignty the northern Sirkars, and rumour had even then pointed to the probability of his enteiring into negotiations with the Niiwab of Bengal. Under these circumstances the clear military eye of Clive saw but one course consistent with safety. In the presence of two enemies not yet united, but likely to be united, he must strike down one without delay. He would then be able to oppose to the other his undivided forces. On this policy Clive acted. In spite of the prohibition of the Niiwab, he struck a blow at the French settlement of Chan- dranagar (Chandernagor), intimidated or bribed to idleness the Niiwab's general marching to its relief, and took the French fort (March 23rd). This high-handed proceeding filled the mind of Siraju'd 48 The Decisive Battles of India. daulah with anger and fear. It is impossible for a fair- minded reader to examine the circumstances which surrounded this unfortunate Prince from the time when Clive frightened him into signing the treaty of the gth February until he met his end after Plassey, without feeling for him deep commisera- tion. His attitude was that of a netted tiger surrounded by enemies whom he feared and hated, but could not crush. Imagine this boy, for he had not yet seen twenty summers, raised in the purple — for his birth was nearly contemporaneous with the accession of his grandfather to power — brought up in the lap of luxury, accustomed to the gratification of every whim, unendowed by nature with the strength of character which would counterbalance these grave disadvantages, in- vested with a power which he had been taught to regard as uncontrollable — imagine this boy set to play the game of empire against one of the coolest and most calculating warriors of the day, a man perfectly comprehending the end at which he was aiming, who had mastered the character of his rival and of the men by whom that rival was surrounded, who was restrained by no scruples, and who was as bold and decided as his rival was wavering and ready to proceed from one extreme to another. But this does not represent the whole situation. The boy so unevenly pitted against the English- man was further handicapped by a constant dread of invasion by the Afghans from the north and by the Marathas from the west. He was afraid, therefore, to put out all his strength to crush the English, lest he should be assailed on his flank or on his rear. This dread added to his native uncertainty, and caused him alternately to cringe to or to threaten his rival. But he was more heavily handicapped still. I have said that his rival was restrained by no scruples. The truth of this remark is borne out by the fact that whilst the unhappy boy Nuwab was the sport of the passion to which the event of the moment gave mastery in his breast, the Englishman was engaged slowly, persistently and continuously in undermining Plassey. 49 his position in his own Court, in seducing his generals, and in corrupting his courtiers. When the actual contest came, though individuals here and there were faithful, there was not a single great interest in Murshidabad which was not pledged to support the causeof the foreigner. The Niiwab had even been terri&ed into removing from his capital and dismissing to Bhagulpur, a hundred miles distant, the one party which would have been able to render him effectual support, a body of Frenchmen commanded by M. Law ! The final crisis was precipitated by a curious accident. Whilst the wordy contest between the Calcutta Council and the Niiwab which marked every day of the three months which followed the capture of Chanadrangar was progressing, Siraju'd daulah, always distrustful of the English, had located his army, nominally commanded in chief by his prime minister, Rajah Dtilab Ram, and supported by a considerable corps under Mir J'afar Khan — a high nobleman who had married his aunt — at Palasi, a town in the island of Kasim- bazar — called an island because whilst the base of the triangle which composed it . was watered by the Ganges, the western side on which lies Palasi is formed by the Bhagirathi, and the eastern by the Jalanghi. Palasi is twenty-two miles from Murshidabad. Clive and the Calcutta Council had taken great offence at the location of the Niiwab's army at Palasi, and had affected to regard it as a sign of hostile intent towards themselves. When the relations between the two rival parties were in a state of great tension, a messenger arrived in Calcutta, the bearer of a letter purporting to come from the great Maratha chieftain of Birar, and containing a proposal that he should march with 120,000 men into Bengal and co-operate with the English against the Niiwab. For once the clear brain of the director of the English policy was at fault. Clive could not feel quite sure that the letter might not be a device of the Niiwab to ascertain beyond a E 50 The Decisive Battles of India. doubt the feelings of the English towards himself. Various circumstances seemed to favour this view. But if his vision was for a moment clouded, the political action of Clive was clear, prompt, decided and correct. Treating the letter as though it were genuine, he sent it to Siraju'd daulah, ostensi- bly as a proof of his confidence, and as the ground for a re- quest that he would no longer keep his army in the field. The plan succeeded. The letter was genuine. The Niiwab was completely taken in. He recalled his army to Murshidabad. For the first time since he had retreated from Calcutta he believed the friendly protestations of the English. Never had he less cause to believe them. At that very time the Seths, the great financiers of Murshidabad, were committed against their native ruler; Mir J'afar had been gained over by the English; the Dewan, Rajah Dulab Ram, was a party to the same compact. The bargain with the two latter had been drawn up, and only awaited signature. The conduct of Siraju'd daulah himself gave the finishing touch to the conspiracy. Up to the moment of the receipt of the Maratha's letter his fear of the English had somewhat restrained the tyrannical instincts in which he had been wont to indulge at the expense of his own immediate surroundings. But the frankness of Clive in transmitting to him that letter had produced within him a great revulsion of feeling. That revulsion was accompanied by a corresponding change of con- duct. Secure now, as he believed, of the friendship of the English, he began to threaten his nobles. Mir J'afar, the most powerful of them all, was the first intended victim. But this chief, quasi-independent, would not be crushed. Taking refuge in his palace, and summoning his friends and followers, he bade defiance to the Niiwab. Whilst thus acting towards his master, he urged upon Mr. Watts, the English agent at Murshidabad, to press that the English troops should take the field and commence operations at once. The treaty by which Clive and the English Council had Plassey. 51 engaged to raise Mir J'afar Khan to the quasi-royal seat of his master, on condition of his co-operation in the field, and of his bestowal upon them of large sums of money, had by this time reached Calcutta, signed and sealed. Clive then had no further reason for temporizing. He boldly then threw off the mask, and marched, on the 13th June, from Chandranagar. The same day Clive dismissed from his camp two agents of the Nuwab, instructing them to notify to their master that he was marching on Murshidabad, with the object of referring the English complaints against him, which he enumerated, to a commission of five officers of his Government. He gave the names of those officers. They were the men who had con- spired with him against their master. Mr. Watts, the English agent, had received, previously, in- structions to leave Murshidabad the moment he should con- ceive the movement opportune. He and his subordinates fled from that place on the 13th June, and reached Clive's camp in safety. The evasion of Mr. Watts caused the scales to fall from the eyes of the unhappy Siraju'd daulah. He saw on the moment that the English were in league with Mir J'afar. Always in extremes, he was as anxious now to conciliate, as an hour earlier he had been eager to punish, his powerful vassal. His overtures caused Mir J'afar to make a show of submission, whilst he secretly warned Clive. The other conspirators made similar pretences. The Niiwab then ordered the army to march promptly to take up its former position at Palasi. But here again he was met by unlooked-for opposition. When the leaders of an army are disaffected, indiscipline almost invari- ably permeates the rank and flle. So it was now. Large arrears were owing to the men, and they had no great inclina- tion to risk their lives for a personal cause. For it had come to this. The cause did not present itself to their eyes as one in which the national interests were concerned, as one which in- volved the independence of Bengal. To the vast majority it seemed merely to balance one chieftain against another — 52 The Decisive Battles of India. Siraju'd daulah, the grandson of a usurper, against Mir J'afar, the most powerful noble of the province. It took three days to restore order among the soldiers, and this result was effected only by the distribution of large sums of money, and of pro- mises. The delay was unfortunate, for the army did not reach its position at Palasi till the 21st (June). Meanwhile, Clive, marching from Chandranagar on the 13th, arrived, on the i6th, at Palti, a town on the western bank of the Bhagirathi, about six miles above its junction with the Jalanghi. Hence he dispatched, on the 17th, a force composed of 2CO Europeans, 500 sipahis, with a field-gun and a small howitzer, under Major Eyre Coote, of the 39th Foot, to gain possession of Katwa, a town and fort some twelve miles dis- tant. The occupation of Katwa was important, for not only did the fort contain large supplies of grain and military stores, but its position, covered by the little river Aji, rendered it suffi- ciently strong to serve as a base whence Clive could operate against the island. The native commander at Katwa surren- dered the place to Eyre Coote after only a show of resistance. Clive and the rest of the force arrived there the same evening, and at once occupied the huts and houses in the town and fort. It was a timely shelter, for the periodical rainy season opened with great violence the very next day. A few miles of ground and the river Bhagirathi now lay between Clive and Siraju'd daulah. Since his departure from Chandranagar the former had dispatched daily missives to Mir J'afar, but up to the time of his arrival at Katwa he had received but one reply, dated the i6th, apprising him of his reconciliation with the Nuwab, and of his resolve to carry out the engagements he had made with the English. On the 20th, however, two communications, bearing a more doubtful signifi- cance, were received. The first was the report of a messenger returned from conveying a message to Mir J'afar. This man's report breathed so uncertain a sound that Clive wrote to the .Select Committee in Calcutta for further orders, expressed his Plassey. 5,3 disinclination to risk his troops without the certainty of co- operation on the part of Mir J'afar, and his resolution, if that co-operation were wanting, to fortify himself at Katwa and await the cessation of the rainy season. The second communication, received the evening of the same day, was in the form of a letter written by Mir J'afar himself the previous day, just as he was starting from Palasi. In this he stated that he was on the point of setting out ; that he was to be posted on one flank of the army ; that on his arrival at Palasi he would dispatch more explicit information. That was positively all. The letter contained no suggestion as to con- cert between the two confederates. This letter did not go very far to clear away the embarrass- ment which the communication of the messenger had caused in the mind of the English leader. The questions "how to act," "whether to act at all," had to be solved, and solved without delay. Could he, dare he, with an army consisting, all told, of 3,000 men, of whom about one-third only were Europeans, cross the Bhagirathi and attack an army of some 50,000 men, relying on the promises of the commander of less than one-third of those 50,000 that he would betray his master and join him during the action? That was the question. Should he decide in the negative, two alternatives presented themselves : the one, to fortify himself at Katwa and await the cessation of the rains ; the other, to return to Calcutta. But was either feasible? After having announced to all Bengal his intention to depose Siraju'd daulah — for his plans had been the talk of the bazars and of the camp — could he, dare he, risk the loss of prestige which inaction or a retreat would involve? Could he, dare he, risk the cooling of his relations with his native confederates, their certain reconciliation with their master, a possible uprising in his rear ? Advance without the co-operation of Mir J'afar seemed to be destruction ; a halt at Katwa would be the middle course — so dear to prudent men — involving always a double danger; the third course, the 54 The Decisive Battles of India. retreat to Calcutta, meant an eternal farewell to the ambitious and mercenary hopes that had been aroused. Balancing the ■pros and cons in his mind, Clive, keenly alive to the import- ance of producing an impression upon the minds of the natives by display and by numbers, dispatched that evening a press- ing letter to the Rajah of Bardhwan, begging hirn to join him, if only with a thousand horsemen. He then summoned all the officers in his camp above the rank of subaltern to a council of war. There came to that council, including Clive, twenty officers, some of them, such as Eyre Coote, of the 39th, and James Kil- patrick, of the Madras army, men of capacity and mental power. The question Clive put before them was whether, under existing circumstances, and without other assistance, the army should at once cross into the island of Kasimbazar, and at all events attack the Nuwab; or whether they should fortify themselves at Katwa and wait till the monsoon was over, trusting then to assistance from the Marathas, or some other native power. Contrary to all custom, Clive gave his own vote first, and invited the others to follow his example in order of seniority. Clive voted against immediate action. On the same side voted Major Kilpatrick, commanding the Company's troops, Major Archibald Grant, of the 39th, Cap- tains Waggoner and Corneille, of the same regiment. Captain Fischer, Bengal Service, Captains Gaupp and Rumbold, Madras Service, Captains Palmer and Molitor, Bombay Service, Captain Jennings, commanding the Artillery, and Captain Par- shaw, whose service I have been unable to ascertain. Major Eyre Coote took a view totally opposed to theirs. That gallant soldier showed the capacity for command . which he possessed, and which he displayed throughout a long and distinguished military career, when he declared in favour of immediate advance, on the following grounds. First, he argued, they had met with nothing but success ; the spirit of the troops was high, and that spirit would be damped by delay. Plassey. 55 Then he urged that delay would be prejudicial in another sense, inasmuch as it would allow time for the French leader, M. Law, who had been promptly summoned from Bhagalpur to join the Niiwab, to arrive; that his arrival would not only greatly strengthen that ruler, but would impair the efficiency of the English force, because the French who had been enlisted into its ranks after the fall of Chandranagar would take the first opportunity to desert. Finally, he protested with all his force against the half measure of halting at Katwa. If, he declared, it were thought not advisable to come to immediate action — though he held a contrary opinion — it would be more proper to return to Calcutta at once. He dwelt, however, on the disgrace which such a measure would entail on the army, and the injury it would cause to the Company's interests. Major Eyre Coote was supported in his view by Captains Alexander Grant, Cudmore, Muir and Carstairs, of the Bengal Service; by Captain Campbell, of the Madras, and by Captain Armstrong, of the Bombay Service. The majority against him, however, was thirteen to seven. By nearly two to one the council of war decided not to fight. The members of the council separated, and Clive was left alone. The decision had not relieved the anxiety which pressed upon him. Strolling to a piece of ground shaded by a clump of trees, he sat down, and passed in review the argu- ments which had been urged on both sides. A thorough soldier himself, a man who had proved on more than one field that boldness was prudence, and that bastard-prudence carried within it the germs of destruction, he could not long resist the soundness of the views which had been so forcibly urged by Eyre Coote and his supporters. At the end of an hour's re- flection all doubt had disappeared. He was once more firm, self-reliant and confident. Rising, he set out to return to his quarters. On his way thither he met Major Eyre Coote. Simply inforniing him that he had changed his mind, and 56 The Decisive Battles of India. intended to fight, Clive entered his quarters and dictated orders for the passage of the river the following morning. Deducting the sick and a small guard left at Katwa, the army directed to march against the Niiwab consisted of 950* European infantry and lOO European artillery, 50 English sailors, a small detail of native lascars, and 2,100 native troops. The artillery was composed of eight 6-pounders and two small howitzers. Obeying the orders issued the night before, this little force marched down the banks of the Bhagirathi at day- break of the 22nd June, and began the crossing in the boats which had accompanied it from Chandranagar. It encoun- tered no opposition, and by four o'clock the same afternoon it was securely planted on the left bank. Here Clive received another letter from Mir J'afar, informing him that the Niiwab had halted at Mankarah, a village six miles from Kasimbazar, and there intended to entrench himself. The Mir suggested that the English should march up the eastern side of the tri- angle which forms the island and surprise him. Such an operation would have cut off Clive from his base, which was now the river Bhagirathi, and have entailed a march round the arc of a circle, whilst his enemy, traversing the chord, could sever him from all his communications. It was not very hopeful to receive such advice from a confederate, himself a soldier who had commanded in many a campaign. Clive met it in the direct and straightforward way calculated to force a decision. He sent back the messenger with the answer that he would march towards Palasi without delay ; that the next day he would march six miles further to Daudpiir; but that if, reaching that village, Mir J'afar should not join him, he would make peace with the Niiwab. The distance to Palasi from the camp on the Bhagirathi, whence this message was dispatched, was fifteen miles. To accomplish those fifteen miles a little army marched at sunset * In these wei'e included two hundred men of mixed native and Portu- guese blood. Plassey. 57 the same day, the 22nd, following the windings of the Bhagirathi, up the stream of which their boats, containing their supplies and auxiliary stores, were towed. After eight hours of extreme fatigue, the overflow of recent inundations causing the water to' rise often up to their waists, whilst a deluge poured upon them from above, they reached, weary and worn- out, at one o'clock in the morning of the 23rd, the village of Palasi. Traversing this village, they halted and bivouacked in a large mango grove a short distance beyond it. Here, to their surprise, the sound of martial music reached their ears, plainly signifying that the Niiwab was within striking distance ot them. The mango grove which formed the bivouac of the Englis.h force was, in fact,, little more than a mile from the Niiwab's encampment. It was 800 yards in length and 300 in breadth, and was surrounded by an earth-bank and ditch. In its length it was diagonal to the river, for whilst the Bhagirathi flowed about flfty yards from its north-west angle, four times that distance intervened between it and the south-western corner. The trees in it were, as is usual in India, planted in regular rows.* Just beyond the grove stood a hunting-box belonging to the Nuwab, surrounded by a masonry wall. Of this Clive, as soon as the sounds of martial music to which I have adverted reached his ears, detached a small force to take possession. It is now time that I should explain how it was that such music came to be in his close vicinity. The reader will recollect that in consequence of the mutiny of his troops at Murshidabad the Niiwab had been forced to delay his march from that place till the 19th June. On that day he set out, but on that same day he heard of the arrival of the English army at Katwa. Judging from his knowledge of the character of their leader that they would cross the Bhagi- jrathi and march on Palasi without delay, he came to the con- * The last of these 'tress, Mr. Eastwick informs us, fell some years ago, and has been eaten by white ants. — Murray's Handbook of Bengal, 1882. 58 The Decisive Battles of India. elusion that he had been forestalled at that place, and that it would be better for him to halt at Mankarah and watch thence the course of events. But when, on the 21st, he learned that Clive was still halting at Katwa, his resolution revived, and he marched at once to his old encampment near Palasi, about one mile to the north of the grove of which I have spoken. He had taken his post here twenty-six hours before the English reached the grove. His army was strong in numbers. It consisted of 35,000 infantry of all sorts; men not trained in the European fashion, but of the stamp of those which may be seen in the present day in and about the chief towns of the territories of native princes of the second or third rank. They were, in fact, men imper- fectly trained and imperfectly armed, and, in the rigid sense of the word, undisciplined. His cavalry, said to have amounted to about 15,000, was better. They were mostly Patans from the north, the race of which the Indian irregular horse of the present day is formed, excellent light cavalry, well mounted, armed with swords or long spears. His artillery was better still. It consisted of fifty-three pieces, mostly of heavy calibre, 32, 24 and i8-pounders. But what constituted its greatest strength was the presence with that arm, to support the native gunners and to work and direct their own field- pieces, of forty to fifty Frenchmen — who had been allowed to remain when Law with the main body had been dismissed- — commanded by M. St. Frais, formerly one of the Council of Chandranagar. These men were animated by a very bitter feeling against the Englishman who had despoiled their flour- ishing settlement. This army thus strong in numbers occupied likewise a strong* position. The entrenched works which covered it rested on the river, extended inland in a line perpendicular to it for about 200 yards, and then swept round to the north-east at an obtuse angle for about three miles. At this angle was a re- doubt mounted with cannon. Three hundred yards east of SuZcAsv BATTLE OF PLASSEY JUrve. 23^I7S7 Scale, J^mcH*^ -JtnU^ 1 -> 1 il l — (■ ^^a^ REFERENCE. A Position of the British army at eight in the morning. B Guns advanced to check the fire of the French. C Niiwab's army in three divisions. D The tank occupied up to 3 p.m. by the French supported in their rear by Mii din Khan. E F The redoubt and mound taken at half past four o'clock. The Niiwab's hunting-box. Plassey. 59 this, and in front of the line of entrenchments, was a hillock covered with jungle, and about 800 yards to the south, nearer the grove occupied by the English, was a tank, and 100 yards still nearer a larger tank. Both of these were surrounded by large mounds of earth at some distance from their margins. It is important to keep the mind fixed on these points when following the movements of the two armies. At daybreak on the 23rd the Nuwab's army marched out of its entrenchments and took up the following positions. The French, with four iield-pieces, took post at the larger tank, nearest the English position, about half a mile from it. Between them and the river, and in a line with them, were placed two heavy guns under a native officer; behind them again, and supporting them, were the Nuwab's best troops, a body of 5,000 horse and 7,000 foot, commanded by his one faithful general, Mir Miidin Khan, by the side of whom served the prince's Hindu favourite, Mohan Lai. From the rearmost position of Mir Miidin the rest of the army formed a curve in the direction of the village of Palasi, the right resting on the hillock covered with jungle, of which I have spoken, the left on a point cover- ing the south-eastern angle of Clive's grove, at a distance of about 800 yards from it. The intervals were crammed with dense masses of horse and foot, artillery being interspersed between the masses or columns. The troops forming this curve, numbering about 45,000, were commanded by the traitor con- federates. Rajah Diilab Ram, Yar Liitf Khan and Mir J'afar. The first was on the right, the second in the centre, Mir J'afar on the left, nearest the English. The position was a strong one, for the English could not attack the point which barred their progress — that occupied by the French and Mir Miidin Khan — without exposing their right to a flank attack. In fact, they were almost surrounded, and, unless treason had played her part, they had been doomed. From the roof of the hunting-box Clive watched the move- ments, as they gradually developed themselves, of the army of 6o The Decisive Battles of India, Siraju'd daulah. As Mir Mudin took up his position, as the corps of Mir J'af ar, Yar Lutf and Diilab Ram poured out their myriads until not only' did they outflank the mango grove his men occupied, but threatened, with the extreme end of the arc they formed, to even overlap his rear, he could not conceal his astonishment at the numbers against whom he was about to hurl his tiny band. "What if they should all be true to their master!" was a thought which must more than once have tra- versed his brain as he witnessed that long defiling. It was too late to think of that, however, and Clive, true to his military instinct, which in the time of danger was always sound, resolved to meet this bold display by a corresponding demon- stration. Accordingly he ordered his men to advance from the grove, and drew them up in line in front of it, their left resting on the hunting-box, which was immediately on the river. In the centre of the line he placed his Europeans, flanked on both sides by three 6-pounders; on their right and left he posted the native troops in two equal divisions. He detached at the same time a small party with two 6-pounders and two howitzers to occupy some brick-kilns about 200 yards in front of the left (the native) division of his little army. By eight o'clock in the morning of this memorable day the preparations on both sides were completed. The French under St. Frais opened the battle by firing one of their guns, which, well directed, took effect on the British line. The discharge of this single gun was the signal for the opening of a heavy and continuous fire from the enemy's whole line, from the guns in front as well as from those in the curve. The English guns returned the fire with considerable effect. Still, however true might have been the aim of the English gunners, the disparity in numbers, in the weight of metal, and in guns, was too great to allow the game to be continued long by the weaker party. Though ten of the enemy's men might fall to one of the English, the advantage would still be with the enemy. Clive was made to feel this when, at the end of the first half-hour, Plassey. 6i ihirty of his men had been placed hors de combat. He accord- ingly determined to give his troops the shelter which the grove and its bank would afford. Leaving still an advanced party at the brick-kilns, and another at the hunting-box, he effected this withdrawal movement in perfect order, though under the shouts and fire of the enemy. These were so elated that they advanced their guns much nearer, and began to fire with greater vivacity. Clive, however, had now found the shelter he desired, and whilst the balls from the enemy's guns, cutting the air at too high a level, did great damage to the trees in the grove, he made the bulk of his men sit down under the bank, whilst small parties should bore holes to serve as embrasures for his field-pieces. From this new position his guns soon opened fire, and maintained it with so much vigour and in so true a direc- tion that several of the enemy's gunners were killed or wounded, and every now and again explosions of their ammunition were heard. The protection afforded by the bank soon diminished the proportion of the casualities of the Eng- lish, whilst there was no abatement of those of the masses opposed to them. Still, at the end of three hours, no great or decisive effect had been produced, the enemy's fire had shown no signs of slackening, nor had their position varied. No symptoms of co-operation on the part of Mir J'afar were visi- ble, nor, in the face of such enormous masses of men, who had it in their power, if true to their prince, to surround and over- whelm any party which should attempt the key of the position, held by Mir Miidin Khan, did any mode of bettering the con- dition of affairs seem to offer. This was certainly the opinion of Clive, when, at eleven o'clock, he summoned his principal officers to his side. Nor could he, after consultation with them, arrive at any other conclusion than this — that it was advisable to maintain the position till after night-fall, and at midnight try the effect of an attack on the enemy's camp. The decision was sound under the circumstances, especially as it was subordinate to any incidents which might, in the long 62 The Decisive Battles of India. interval of twelve hours, occur to alter it. Such an incident did occur very soon after the conference. There fell then, and continued for an hour, one of those heavy pelting showers so common during the rainy season. The English had their tar- paulins ready to cover their ammunition, which in consequence sustained but little injury from the rain. The enemy took no such precautions, and their powder suffered accordingly. The result was soon shown by a general slackening of their fire. Believing that the English were in a similar plight, Mir Mudin Khan advanced with a body of horsemen towards the grove to take advantage of it. The English, however, received him with a heavy grape fire, which not only drove back his men, but mortally wounded their leader. This was the crisis of the day. As long as Mir Mudin lived the chances of Siraju'd daulah, surrounded though he was by traitors, were not quite desperate. The fidelity of that true and capable soldier might, under any circumstances, save him. But his death was a loss which could not be repaired. It is probable that some such conviction penetrated the heart of the unfortunate young prince when the news- of the calamity reached him. He at once sent for Mir J'afar, and besought him in the most abject terms to be true to him and to defend him. He reminded him of the loyalty he had always dis- played towards his grandfather, Ali Vardi Khan, of his rela- tionship to himself; then taking off his turban, and casting it on the ground before him, he exclaimed, "J'afar, that turban thou must defend." Those who are acquainted with the manners of Eastern nations will realize that no more pathetic, no more heartrending, appeal could be made by a prince to a subject. Mir J'afar Khan responded to it with apparent sincerity. Placing — in the respectful manner which indicates devotion — his crossed hands on his breast, and bowing over them, he pro- mised to exert himself to the utmost. When he made that gesture, and when he uttered those words, he was lying. Never Plassey. 63 had he been more hrmly resolved than at that moment to betray his master. Quitting the presence of the Niiwab he galloped back to his troops, and dispatched a letter to Clive, informing him of what had happened, and urging him to push on immedi- ately ; or in no case to defer the attack beyond the night. That the messenger did not reach his destination till too late for • Clive to profi-t by the letter detracts not one whit from the baseness of the man who, fresh from such an interview, wrote and sent it ! But Mir J'afar was not the only traitor. The loss of his best officer, coinciding with the unfortunate damping of the ammunition, had completely unnerved Siraju'd daulah. Scarcely had Mir J'afar left him when he turned to the com- mander of his right wing, Rajah Diilab Ram, for support and consolation. The counsel which this, man — likewise one of the conspirators — gave him was of a most insidious character. Playing upon his fears, he continually urged him to issue orders to the army to retire behind the intrenchment ; this order issued, he should quit the field, and leave the result in con- fidence to his generals. In an evil hour the wretched youth, incapable at such a moment of thinking soundly and clearly, followed the insidious advice, issued the order, and, mounting a camel, rode — followed by 2,000 horsemen — to Murshidabad. The three traitorous generals were now masters of the posi- tion. ,Their object being to entice the English to come on, they began the retiring movement which the Niiwab had sanc- tioned. They had reckoned, however, without St. Frais and his Frenchmen. These gallant men remained true to their master in the hour of supreme peril, and declined to quit a position which, supported by the troops of Mir Miidin, they had maintained against the whole British force. But Mir Miidin had been killed, his troops were following the rest of the army, and St. Frais stood there almost without support. T9 understand what followed I must ask the reader to accom- pany me to the grove. 64 The Decisive Battles of India. I left Clive and his gallant soldiers repulsing the attack which cost the Niiwab his one faithful commander. The vital consequences of this repulse never presented themselves for a moment to the imagination of the English leader. It never occurred to him that it might lead to the flight of the Nuwab, and to the retirement of his troops from a position which they had held successfully, and from which they still ■ threatened the grove. There can be no doubt but that, at this period of the action, Clive had made up his mind to hold the grove at all hazards till nightfall, and then, relying upon the co-operation of Mir J'afar and his friends, to make his supreme effort. Satisfied that this was the only course to be followed, he had entered the hunting-box and lain down to take some rest, giving orders that he should be soused if the enemy should make any change in their position. He had not been long absent when Major Kilpatrick noticed the retiring move- ment I have already described. He did not know, and pro- bably did not care, to what cause to attribute it; he only saw that the French were being deserted, and that a splendid opportunity offered to carry their position at the tank, and cannonade thence the retiring enemy. Quick as the thought he moved rapidly from the grove towards the tank with about 250 Europeans and two fleld-pieces, sending an officer to Clive to explain his intentions and their reason. It is said that the officer found Clive asleep. The message, however, completely roused him, and, angry that any officer should have dared to make an important movement without his orders, he ran to the detachment and severely reprimanded Kilpatrick. A glance at the situation, however, satisfied him that Kilpatrick had only done that which he himself would have ordered him to do had he been on the spot. He realized that the moment for decisive action had arrived. He sent back Kilpatrick, then, with orders to bring on the rest of the army, and continued the movement which that officer had initiated. St. Frais, on his side, had recognized that the retreat of the Plassey. ' 65 Nuwab's army had compromised him, and that he was quite unable, with his handful, to resist the whole British force, which, a few minutes later, he saw issuing from the grove in his direction. Resolved, however, to dispute every inch of the ground, he fired a parting shot, then, limbering up, fell back in perfect order to the redoubt at the corner of the intrench- ment. Here he planted his field-pieces ready to act again. Meanwhile, two of the three divisions of the enemy's army were marching towards the intrenchment. It was observed, however, that the third division, that on the left, nearest ta the grove, commanded by Mir J'afar, lingered behind the rest, and that when its rearmost -file had reached a point in a line with the northern end of the grove the whole division wheeled to the left and marched in that direction. Clive had no means of recognizing that these were the troops of his confederate, but, believing that they had a design upon his baggage, he detached a party of Europeans with a field-piece to check them. The fire of the field-piece had its effect, in so far that it prevented a further advance in that direction. But the division continued to remain separate from the rest of the Nuwab's army. Clive himself, meanwhile, had reached the tank from which St. Frais had retreated, and had begun thence a vigorous can- nonade of the enemy's position behind the intrenchment. What followed can be well understood, if it be borne in mind that whilst the leaders of the Nuwab's army had been gained over, the rank and file, and the vast majority of the officers, were faithful to their master. They had not been entrusted with the secret, and being soldiers, and superior in numbers to the attacking party, they were in no mood to permit that party to cannonade them with impunity. No sooner, then, did the shot from the British cannon begin to take effect in their ranks, than they issued from the intrenchment — cavalry, infantry, and artillery — and opened a heavy fire upon the British force. The real battle now began. Clive, seriously incommoded F 66 The Decisive Battles of India. by this new move on the part of the enemy, quitted his posi- tion and advanced nearer to the intrenchment. Posting then half his infantry and half his artillery on the mound of the lesser tank, the greater part of the remaining moiety on a rising ground 200 yards to the left of it, and detaching 160 men, picked natives and Europeans, to lodge themselves behind a tank close to the intrenchment, he opened from the first and second positions a very heavy artillery &re, whilst from the third the musketry fire should be well sustained and well aimed. This masterly movement, well carried into execution, caused the enemy great loss, and threw the cattle attached to their guns into great confusion. . In vain did St. Frais ply his guns from the redoubt, the matchlockmen pour in volley after volley from the hillock to the east of it, and from the intrenchments. In vain did their swarthy troopers make charge after charge. Masses without a leader were fighting agains a man whose clearness of vision was never so marked, whose judgment was never so infallible, whose execution was never so decisive, as when he was on the battle-field. What chance had they, brave as they were, in a battle which their leaders had sold? As they still fought, Clive noticed that the division of their troops which he had at first believed had designs on his baggage still remained isolated from the rest, and took no part in the battle. Suddenly it dawned upon him that it must be the division of Mir J'afar. Immensely relieved by this discovery, inasmuch as it freed him from all appre- hension of an attack on his flank or rear, he resolved to make a supreme effort to carry the redoubt held by St. Frais, and the hill to the east of it. With this object he formed two strong detachments, and sent them simultaneously against the two points indicated, supporting them from the rear by the . main body in the centre. The hill was first gained, and carried without firing a shot. The movement against the re- doubt was not less successful, for St. Frais, abandoned, isolated, and threatened, had no resource but to retire. The Plassey. 67 possession of this position decided the day. Thenceforward all resistance ceased. By &ve o'clock the English were in the possession of the whole intrenchment and camp. The victory of Plassey had been won ! It had cost the victors seven Euro- peans and sixteen native soldiers, killed, thirteen European and thirty-six natives wounded. Plassey was a very decisive battle. The effects of it are felt this day by more than two hundred and fifty millions of people. Whilst the empire founded by the Mughuls was rapidly decaying, that victory introduced into their richest province, in a commanding position, another foreign race, active, capable, and dariftg, bringing with, them the new ideas, the new blood, the love of justice, of tolerance, of order, the capacity of enforcing those principles which were necessary to infuse a new and a better life into the Hindustan of the last century. There never was a battle in which the consequences were so vast, so immediate, and so permanent. From the very morrow of the victory the English became virtual masters of Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa. During the century which followed but one serious attempt was made, and that to be presently related, to cast off the yoke virtually imposed by Plassey, whilst from the base it gave them, a base resting on the sea, and, with proper care, unassailable, they were able to extend their authority beyond the Indus, their influence amongst peoples of whose existence even Europe was at the time pro- foundly ignorant. It was Plassey which made England the greatest Muhammadan power in the world; Plassey which forced her to become one of the main factors in the settlement of the burning Eastern question; Plassey which necessitated the conquest and colonization of the Cape of Good Hope, of the Mauritius, the protectorship over Egypt; Plassey which jave-to the -sons »of her middle classes the .finest field for the development of their talent and industry the world has ever known; to her aristocracy unrivalled opportunities for the display of administrative power ; to her merchants and manu- 68 The Decisive Battles of India. facturers customers whose enormous demands almost com- pensate for the hostile tariffs of her rivals, and, alas ! even of her colonies; to the skilled artisan remunerative employment; to her people generally a noble feeling of pride in the great- ness and glory of the Empire of which a little island in the Atlantic is the parent stem, Hindustan the noblest branch; it was Plassey, which, in its consequences, brought consolation to that little island for the loss of America, and which, whilst, in those consequences, it has concentrated upon it the envy of the other nations of Europe, has given to her children the sense of responsibility, of the necessity of maintaining a great posi- tion, the conviction of which underlies the thought of every true Englishman. Yes ! As a victory, Plassey was, in its consequences, perhaps the greatest ever gained. But, as a battle, it is not, in my opinion, a matter to be very proud of. In the first place, it was not a fair fight. Who can doubt that if the three principal generals of Siraju'd daulah had been faithful to their master Plassey would not have been won ? Up to the time of the death of Mir Miidin Khan the English had made no progress; they had even been forced to retire. They could have made no impression on their enemy had the Niiwab's army, led by men loyal to their master, simply maintained their position. An advance against the French guns meant an exposure of their right flank to some 40,000 men. It was not to be thought of. It was only when treason had dene her work, when treason had driven the Nuwab from the field, when treason had removed his army from its commanding position, that Clive was able to advance without the certainty of being annihilated. Plassey, then, though a decisive, can never be considered a great, battle. There was that about the events preceding it, occurring during its progress, and following it, which no honourable man can contemplate without disgust and repulsion. Not one actor in the drama was free from the stain which connection Plassey. 69 with dishonour always entails. The bargaining of Clive and the Calcutta Council with Mir j'afar and the other traitors, the episode with Omichand, though they form no part of the military history of the battle, cannot be wholly ignored when considering its consequences. The greed for money, the ever increasing demand for the aug- mentation of the sum originally asked for, the dis- honouring trick by which a confederate was to be baulked of his share in the spoil ; these are actions the contemplation of which makes, and will always make, the heart of an honest man burn with indignation. Then, to single out one, the chiefest of the conspirators, Mir J'afar Khan. This man had possessed honourable instincts. Ten years before Plassey had been fought Ali Vardi Khan had removed him from his com- mand because he had retreated before the Marathas. The officer who replaced him advanced and defeated those war- riors; then coming to Mir J'afar, offered to make him governor of Bihar if he would aid in deposing Ali Vardi. Mir J'afar refused then : — but in 1757 we see this man — then so loyal — conspiring with a foreign people, of whose power he was con- scious, to seat himself on the throne — for virtually it was a throne — of his master. To accomplish this selfish personal end he hesitated not to become a perjurer of the deepest dye ; to doom to a violent death the nephew to whom he had sworn obedience, and to sacrifice the future of his country. If the people of India do indeed writhe under the sway of their foreign conquerors they have to thank this Mir J'afar Khan, this man who sold their three richest provinces to the English that he might enjoy the mere pageantry of royalty. It was indeed the merest pageantry. Soon was he made to learn that bitter truth that, by his own act, dominion in Bengal had departed from the Mughiil. A tool, a cipher in the hands of the foreigners for whom he had betrayed his master, he was allowed to rule, never to govern. Well for him that he did not possess the power to dive into futurity and behold the yo The Decisive Bailies of India. representative of his name and office, an unhbnoured pensioner of the people he had called in to subdue his country ! The name of Siraju'd daulah has been justly held up to obloquy in connection with the catastrophe of the Black Hole. Although, as I have shown, the Nuwab had not designed the death of our countrymen, still he made himself an accessory after the act, and must, therefore, bear the blame of the deed. Yet the hearts of those who condemn him most will scarcely steel themselves to the pity which the contemplation of his subsequent fate inspires. From the time when Clive beat up his quarters before Calcutta, to the hour of his death, the life of Siraju'd daulah was one of constant alarm and dread. He knew not whom to trust. He felt that he was betrayed, but he could not feel sure by whom. Confident one day that Clive was his enemy, believing the next that he was his friend — he could not resolve to offer him decided opposition, or to disarm in his presence. His vacillation, the child of uncertainty, com- pleted his ruin. The body of Frenchmen whom, to please Clive, he had sent to Bhagalpur, might have saved Plassey. When he could no longer resist the conviction that Clive was his bitter, his irreconcilable enemy, he called to his councils the very men who had sworn to betray him ! Could there be a harder fate than this for a young boy suddenly raised to power, and not yet satiated with the follies of youth ? At Plassey, again, he was betrayed ; betrayed at the moment when, had he been loyally supported, he might have rid himself for ever of the hated English. Inexorable fate still pursued him. Fleeing from the field, he reached Mursbidabad that night, only to learn in the early morn of the defeat of his a:rmy. Terrified by the prospect before him, he embarked at dusk, accompanied by his favourite wife, on a boat prepared for him by one still faithful adherent, hoping to reach the French advancing under Law from Bhagalpur. But at Rajmahal the strength of the rowers failed them, and he took refuge for the night in the buildings of a deserted garden. Here he was Plassey. 71 discovered and betrayed — again betrayed — and brought, bound like a common felon,- into the presence of Mir J'afar. Trembling and weeping, he implored his life. It was a scene which recalls to the English reader another scene acted some seventy years previously between Monmouth and James II. Mir J'afar was as inexorable as James. That night, by the express order of his son, Miran, Siraju'd daulah was stabbed to death in his cell. He was more fortunate, and certainly still less to be despised, than was Mir J'afar. Whatever may have been his faults, Siraju'd daulah had neither betrayed his master nor sold his country. Nay more, no unbiassed Englishman, sitting in judgment on the events which passed in the interval between the 9th February and the 23rd June, can deny that the name of Siraju'd daulah stands higher in the scale of honour than does the name of Clive. He was the only one of the principal acl^ors'in that tragic drama who did not attempt to deceive! CHAPTER IV. KONDUR AND MACHHLIPATANAM* I HAVE already shown how the battle of Kaveripak virtually decided the fate of India south of the river Krishna. There still remained north of that river and south of the Vindhayan range the large territory belonging to the Siibahdar of the Dakhan, covering almost the entire northern portion of the peninsula, bounded on the west by the Western Ghats, and on the east only by the sea. This important territory was then, and was likely to remain, under French influence, that influence being maintained by the presence at Haidarabad of a con- siderable body of French troops, commanded by an officer of rare intelligence and capacity, the Marquis de Bussy. It was soon made to rest on a basis still more solid. In 1753, an in- trigue, set on foot by Sayud Lashkar, Minister of the Subah- dar, to rid his master of the French, had been completely defeated by the energy and resolution displayed by the French general. Marching on Aurangabad, where the court of the Siibahdar held high revelry at the time, Bussy had virtually dictated his own terms. These terms comprehended the cession, with zamindari rights, to the French, of the provinces, * The English of a hundred and thiry years ago chose to call this place, which is written and pronounced by the natives Machhlipatanam, or the "town of fish," Masiilipatam, a nam© which conveys no meaning whatever. The " Machhli " was evidently first corrupted into " Masli " ; later on the "Masli" became " Masuli." This barbarism has been con- tinued down to the present day. Kondilr and, Machhlifatanam. 73 of Elur, Shrikakolam (Chicacole), Kondapilli, and Murtazan- agar* the guardianship of the person of the Subahdar, and the transfer to Bussy himself of an authority very similar to that now exercised by a British Resident at a native court. By this arrangement the French were relieved of the necessity of relying upon the favour of the Subahdar — the cession of so important a territory making them practically independent. The districts so ceded, inclusive of the territories in and about Machhlipatanam, previously granted in 1750, covered 470 miles of sea-coast from the Chilka lake to the south bank of the Gundlakamma. It stretched inland to distances varying from thirty to a hundred miles, was watered by the Krishna, the Gundlakamma, and the Godavari, and contained the im- portant towns of Ganjam, Shrikakolam, Vijiyanagaram, Vishakpatanam (Vizagapatam), Koringa, Yanun, Machhli- patanam, £]ur, and Nizampatanam. It possessed an area of about 17,000 geographical miles, and yielded an annual revenue of four hundred thousand pounds sterling. The forests within its limits abounded with teak. One of its dis- tricts was famous for its manufacture of cloths, another for its growth of rice. Nor was it wanting in capabilities of defence. Resting on the sea on the one side, it was covered on the other by a chain of mountains running at unequal distances nearly parallel with the coast. These mountains were covered with forests, then almost impenetrable, and traversed by three or four passes capable of being held by a very few men against an army. In fine, to borrow the language of Mr. Orme, "these territories rendered the French masters of the greatest dominion, both in extent and value, that had ever been pos- sessed in Hindustan by Europeans, not excepting the Portu- guese at the height of their prosperity." * The names of these districts underwent subsequently a partial re- vision. Shrikakolam was divided into Ganjam, Vishakpatanam and Rajahmahendri. Machhlipatanam absorbed Elur and Kondapilli ; Murtazanagar became Guntur. 74 The Decisive Baltics uf J iidia. From December, 1753 to July, 1758 these territories were administered, under the general supervision of Bussy, by a French agent residing at Machhlipatanam, M. Moracin. At the disposal of this official Bussy placed a force of 150 Europeans and 2,500 native troops. He farmed the revenues to Vijiydrdm Raji, Rajah of Vijiyanagaram, a man conspicuous for character and ability. Of the manner in which the country was administered under this high official, one of the greatest of the English authorities, the late Captain Grant Duff, wrote in terms of high praise: — "The rent was moderate, enforced without rigour; accurate accounts were prepared, and most of the here- ditary officers, if not those possessing rent-free lands, were confirmed in their property — facts which do Bussy and his nation great honour." One of the first cares of Bussy, after obtaining possession of his new districts, had been to expel the few English from the places they had occupied in and near Machhlipatanam. This was a matter of policy for one who held it to be danger- ous that a rival European interest should take root within the borders of Franco-Indian territory. During the four years and a half that followed nothing occurred to affect the stability of the French rule. In the various intrigues by which Bussy was occasionally hampered at Haidarabad the possession of the northern Sirkars proved to be of all the value he had antici- pated. They became the seat of French power, from which Bussy was enabled on more than one occasion to turn the tables on his enemies. Never did the French hold upon them appear more secure than in the beginning of 1758. But never was the French hold 'upon them in greater danger than at that particular period. At the end of April of that year, a con- siderable French force, commanded by the Count de Tally, had arrived at Pondichery with the avowed intention of ex- pelling the English from Southern Ind^a. From the moment of his landing to the period of his embarkation as a prisoner on board an English vessel Tally's movements were character- Kondiir and M achhlifatanam . 75 ized by a rashness, by a contempt for the Indian experience of others, which seem the peculiar property, even in the present day, of men possessing ability and reputation, but whom Nature has endowed with one-sided minds. An initial success did indeed attend his first movements. He expelled the Eng- lish from Fort St. David. The next move he contemplated was against Tanjiir. But before he set out on this expedition he despatched an order to Bussy to repair at once to Arkat, leaving no French troops at the court of the Siibahdar, and only as many in the northern Sirkars as would suf&ce to main- tain them. The command of these and the general supervision of the province he directed Bussy to entrust to the Marquis de Conflans, an of&cer new to Indian affairs, but just arrived from Europe; and, as if still further to embarrass French interests in the province, he removed Moracin at the same time. This letter of recall painfully affected alike Bussy and the Siibahdar. It called upon the former to renounce, for an un- certain issue, the work of the best years of his life, to leave the province he had won for France a certain prey to the victors in the struggle which was then beginning. Xot so would he have acted had the supreme direction been entrusted to his hands. Whilst fighting for the Kamatak, he would never have relinquished his hold upon provinces the possession of which, combined with the influence over the Siibahdar which it assured, would have comjjensated for defeat even in the Kamatak. But, as he wrote to Lally, there was one thing which he had always known how to do better than anything else, and that was to obey. Five days after he received the order, after a painful parting with the Subahdar,* he set out from Haidarabad at the head of 250 European and 500 native troops. He reached Waiiir, on the north bank of the Krishna, on the 3rd of August. Here he made over the charge of the * "Salabat Jang," writes Mr. Orme, "took leave of Bussy with the utmost despondency, called him the guardian angel of his life and fortune, and foreboded the unhappy fate to which he would be exposed by his departure." 76 The Decisive Battles of hidia. northern Sirkars to M. de Conflans. The next day he turned his back for ever on the provinces which he had gained for his country by the exercise of firmness, energy, intuition, and knowledge of native character, such as have been rarely equalled, even in India. His successor, M. de Conflans, younger brother of the general who commanded at the same period the French army of Ger- many, had, up to that time, placed on the record no achieve- ment to illustrate his family name. A courtier in a corrupt court, he lacked the talents and the experience which were necessary to succeed in a task which had taxed all the great qualities of Bussy. From the moment of his taking charge his difficulties began. At first he had to deal with a people to Vvhom he was a stranger, who were strange to him, and always ready to test the qualities of a new administrator; a little later he had to meet the combined dangers of insurrection and invasion. Very soon after Conflans had taken charge of the northern Sirkars a rumour reached those districts that the main French army, which was to reconquer Southern India, had been com- pelled to beat an ignominious retreat from before the walls of Tanjur. The rumour, promptly confirmed, gave birth to a conviction in the minds of one or two disaffected nobles that the time had arrived Vvhen an attempt to shake off the foreign yoke might be successfully made. Prominent amongst these nobles was Anandraz Gajapati, son and successor of the chief, Vijiyaram Raji, who had administered the provinces with marked ability. The son had not, however, inherited the pre- dilections of the father, and, dissatisfied at certain changes which Bussy had introduced on the death of Vijiyaram, he had from that moment become a conspirator. Before the dep'arture of Bussy had even been contemplated, Anandraz had made overtures to the English in Madras, and when he became convinced that the paucity of their troops would not allow him to hope for any assistance from that quarter, he had Kondur and Machhlipatanam. jj transmitted similar proposals to Bengal. Before he could receive a reply, the discomfiture of the French army before Tanjiir, following on the departure of Bussy, induced him to strike a blow on his own account. Summoning all his retainers, and enlisting as many men as it was possible to attract to his standard — amounting in al! to about 3,000 — he suddenly (2nd September, 1758) marched upon and took possession of Vishak- patanam, hauled down the French and planted the English flag, made prisoner the French chief, and plundered the French factory. Having done this, he dispatched a second messenger to Calcutta, charged to inform the chief of the Bengal Presi- dency of all he had accomplished, to assure him that the native chiefs of the country were unanimous in their desire to be rid of the French rule; and that, with the assistance of a very small body of Englishmen, he would engage to drive them out of the country. This messenger reached Calcutta early in October. The letters which he carried, and the message of which he was the bearer, were duly laid before the Calcutta Council. To every member of that Council, with one exception, his schemes seemed rash, chimerical and dangerous. Bengal was threat- ened at the time by an invasion from the Shahzadah, eldest son of the Great Mughul, and the feeling of the Murshidabad darbar was unmistakably hostile. To denude the Presidency, at such a conjuncture, of a large body of troops, in order to support the revolt of ,a chief who had been able to muster only three thousand followers, seemed in the eyes of the majority, to be little short of madness. The exception to these views was the Governor, Robert Clive. The experience in the Madras Presidency of this ruler of men induced in his mind the con- clusion that, although the weakening of the British force in Bengal would entail some risks, yet the prospects opened out by the letters of Anandraz were so brilliant, and promised results so decisive, that sound policy counselled closing with his offers, and acting upon them without delay. Clive realized. 78 The Decisive Battles of India. in fact, that the success of an expedition sent from Bengal would transfer from the French to the English not only the valuable districts on the coast, but the predominant influence till then exercised with so much effect by the former at the court of the Siibahdar of the Dakhan. A diversion of this nature would likewise prevent the French in the northern Sirkars from aiding Lally in the designs which, it was known, he was about to put in action against Madras. Whatever might be the result of the struggle then waging in the Karna- tak, the transfer of those districts and of that influence would compensate for disaster, or add enormously to the solidity of a victory. It was impossible that he should go there. He must remain to ward off the evils threatening Bengal. But he had at hand an officer not second even to himself in capacity on the field of battle. This was Lieutenant-Colonel Forde, an officer who had risen to the rank of Major in the 39th Foot, and whom, by reason of the coolness and ability he had displayed under many trying circumstances, Clive had recently summoned from Madras to command the Company's troops in Bengal. It was a characteristic of Clive, that he was entirely devoid of military jealousy. He always sought out the best men he could find, and trusted them implicitly. He trusted Forde on this occa- sion. Having first carried his point in Council, he made over to him 470 Europeans, i,goo native troops, six 6-pounders and a small battering train, and bade him sail for Vishakpatanam, disembark his troops, and drive the French from the northern Sirkars. Forde sailed on the 12th, and arrived at Vishak- patanam on the 20th October. Meanwhile Conflans had been doing little to re-establish his outraged authority. Having under his orders a force com- posed of 500 seasoned European troops, men trained by Bussy, and inspired by the recollection of many a victory — of 4,500 native troops, and a brigade of artillery, he might by marching with all speed on Vishakpatanam have crushed this rebellion Kondur and M achhlifatanmn. 79 in the bud. When the news of the revolt of Anandraz reached him he was at Machhlip^tanam, about a hundred and eighty miles from Vishakpatanam. An easy march of five days would have taken him to Rajahmahendri; thence, to Vishak- patanam, twelve days would have sufficed to march with ease and comfort. The rebellion had broken out on the 2nd Sep- tember. Making every allowance, then, for difficulties. Con- flans should have been able to reach Vishakpatanam some days before the English force under Forde had even sailed from Calcutta (i2th October). But instead of using speed, the French leader displayed a hesitation which it is possible to explain only on the grounds that he believed himself to be face to face with a formidable insurrection, and that he feared to commit himself without assistance. Instead, then, of marching at all, he sent messenger after messenger to Lally, then straining every nerve to undertake the siege of Madras, begging him to send troops to strengthen him. It was only when he received an intimation from Lally that he had directed Moracin to proceed with 300 men to support him, but that meanwhile .^t behoved him to act with vigour, that he marched at all on Rajahmahendri. This delay had been of enormous advantage to Anandraz. Ore proof of the little vitality of his rebellion is to be traced in the fact that, notwithstanding all his endeavours, he had in six weeks been able to increase his force to a strength of 5,000 men, and these for the most part a very miserable rabble. But few of them had fire-arms; the large majority only spears and bows and arrows. His main strength consisted in a body of forty Europeans, deserters and renegades of all nations, to whom he had entrusted four field-pieces. But neither these, nor the rabble with which they were associated, would have withstood for half an hour the force of Conflans had Conflans only chosen to advance. This delay gave the English their opportunity. To herald the approach ^f Forde, these had dispatched an agent with 8o The Decisive Battles of htdia. several assistants to Vishakpatanam, alike to encourage the revolted Rajah, to re-establish their, factory, and to prepare the place for the reception of an armed force. Forde arrived off the coast on the 20th October, and without delay disem- barked his troops and stores. This operation and the provision of bullocks and means of transport took up some days, and it was not before the ist of the following month that his army was able to move. Meanwhile the English agent was endeav- ouring to negotiate a treaty with the Rajah on the terms which he subsequently subscribed to. The main points of this treaty were that the Rajah should pay all the extra expenses of the British force while it should co-operate' with him; and, in the event of success, he should assign to the English all the coun- try between Vishakpatanam and Machhlipatanam, whilst the territory inland belonging to native chiefs in the French interest should be transferred to himself. Meanwhile Conflans — forced into action by letters from Lally — had reached Rajahmahendri. The day after his arrival there he learned that an English force had landed on the coast. Conscious that the opportunity of crushing the rebel Rajah had escaped him, he resolved to take up a commanding position, difficult to assail, if not impregnable, and to await in it the movement of the combined forces. For this purpose he selected a position about forty miles from Rajahmahendri, within sight of the fort of Peddapur, and commanding all the approaches from Vishakpatanam. Here he entrenched himself. His force consisted of 500 Europeans, 5,000 native infantry and about 500 native cavalry; his artillery amounted to thirty-six pieces of sorts. He was still in this position when, on the 3rd December, Forde, who had at length surmounted the many difficulties to which I have referred, came in sight of it. The numbers on both sides were about equal ; for whilst Forde had under his own orders 470 Europeans and 1,900 sipahis, with six guns, Anandraz accompanied him with his 40 Europeans, his ragged rabble of 5,000 men, 500 horsemen and four guns. Kondur and AI achhlipatanam. bi Forde, after reconnoitring the French position, came to the opinion that it was too strong to be attacked. He, therefore, took possession of a village called Chambol, between three and four miles from the French camp, and almost as strong and commanding. For four days the two armies remained watching each other; the leaders on both sides thinking the position of the other unassailable. On the 8th December, however, it occurred alike to Forde and Conflans, almost simultaneously, to make an attempt to place his enemy in a false position. The plan of Conflans was to send six guns, guarded by a respectable force, to occupy a small height which had been neglected by Forde, but which, Conflans had been assured by an intelligent deserter, commanded his camp. Of the confusion which the sudden opening of a fire from these pieces would cause Conflans would hold his army in readiness to take advantage. He flxed the night of the 8th for the carrying out of this project, so that the guns might open flre at daybreak on the gth. Forde, on his part, designed another plan for the same morning. Tired of looking his enemy in the face without attacking him, he had arranged with Rajah Anandraz, also on the 8th, that the whole force should quit the encampment at Chambol, at a quarter past four o'clock the following morning, and move to a point whence it would be easy to reach, by a short cut, the main road leading to Rajahmahendri. The march was to be a short one; only three miles, to the village of Kondur. It will be noticed that if the two rival plans had been carried out at the same moment, and with the same order and exactness, the English plan would have foiled the French plan. The French guns, in that case, would have reached the coveted eminence only to bombard a post which had been vacated. But, as it happened, of the three parties to the two transactions, one was unpunctual. This one was the Rajah. The French guns started for their destination at night, and reached it before daybreak. At daybreak their whole force was under arms, G 82 The Decisive. Battles of India. ready for any emergency. Forde marched in the direction of Kondiir at a quarter past four o'clock, but the Rajah and his troops had no thought of starting for two or three hours to come. It resulted from this delay that a few minutes after daybreak he and his followers were unpleasantly aroused from their slumbers by the deadly messengers dispatched by the six French guns which commanded their camp. The fi.re of these guns was indeed most deadly and effective. The panic and confusion which it caused amongst the Rajah's half-armed followers is not to be described. Terrified out of his wits, the Rajah sent messenger after messenger to Forde, begging him to return. These met Forde — -who had been equally surprised by the fire — hastening to the Rajah's rescue. The latter and his followers had meanwhile bestirred them- selves to hurry on in the direction Forde had taken. The allied parties, therefore, met; then turning, they hurried on to Kondiir, which they reached in safety. The partial success achieved by the French guns was fatal to Conflans. Ignorant of the exact state of affairs, he became confirmed in his belief of the truth of the story told him by the deserters, that the English force was composed of raw levies, and he was satisfied now that his guns had frightened them from their position at Chambol. He resolved to take instant advantage of their panic, as he believed it to be, and to act with his whole force. About midway between the new position taken up by the English and the position occupied by the French was a small village. Whilst the troops of Forde were entering Kondur, those of Conflans were approaching this village, and taking up such a position that Forde could not advance without fighting, nor fall back without exposing himself at a disadvantage. Conflans, however, did not content himself with obtaining this good position. Still under the belief that the English force was composed of panic-stricken raw levies, he marched on towards Kondur. Forde had not been half an hour in that Kondiir and M achhlifatanam. 83 place before he discovered first the enemy's native troops, and presently their whole line, at a distance of about a thousand yards from his left flank, moving on him in good order. It was then half -past eight o'clock. Forde instantly pre- pared for the inevitable battle. He placed the Rajah's troops, not yet recovered from the morning's panic, on the extreme right and left of his line ; next to them he disposed his trained native soldiers, and in the centre, the English, including the Rajah's forty Europeans, with the guns equally divided on their flanks. He then advanced to take up a good position. Before, however, he had advanced far, the enemy's guns opened fire. Forde then halted his line in a position the centre of which was covered by a field of Indian corn which had grown so high as to conceal his Europeans entirely from the view of the advancing enemy. Connected with this fact was another, apparently of no moment whatever, but which combined with it to exercise a very decided influence on the battle about to ensue. This was, that whereas in the contests in Southern India between the French and English the native troops in the service of both nations had been dressed in white, it had become the custom in the colder climate of Bengal to assimilate them in respect of clothing to their European comrades. The native soldiers, then, whom Forde had brought from Calcutta wore red coats. It was the first time that the French had met native soldiers so attired. Conflans, meanwhile, had advanced in an oblique line towards the English with the intention, apparently, of turning their left flank. But when he noticed the movement in advance of which I have spoken, he halted, and directed his guns to open fire. This fire was very soon after replied to by the English, and was kept up on both sides for about forty minutes. At the end of that time Conflans, impatient for a more decisive result, ordered his army to renew its oblique advance, and to fall upon the troops on the left of the field of Indian corn, whom he believed to be Europeans. His orders were obeyed 84 The Decisive Battles of India. to the letter. His men advanced with great alacrity, and attacked the red-coated sipahis simultaneously in front and on their flank with so much vigour that, notwithstanding all the exhortations of Forde, they broke in disorder, many of them, headed by the Rajah's followers, running for shelter as far as Chambol, pursued by the enemy's horse. This easy success over an enemy who was not the enemy he was believed to be was fatal to the French. Believing that this first shock had won the battle for him, Conflans, with the im- petuosity worthy of a Rupert, resolved that it should be decisive. Without stopping to inquire whether there might not be other enemies behind the field of Indian corn, he detached several platoons of his European force to join in the pursuit. These platoons started off, and were marching in haste without order, when they were suddenly confronted by the whole line of English troops, moving solidly to take up the position from which the red-coated sipahis had been driven.- The positions of the two armies were at once reversed. Between the solid and compact array of the English, and the surprised and scattered platoons of the French, the contest could not be doubtful. In vain did the latter endeavour to reform, to get together. Whilst they were still endeavouring, in the manner of men taken suddenly at a disadvantage, to bring about this result, the English line had opened a rolling fire, beginning from the left and reaching gradually to the right. The effect of this fire was so decisive that before the last musket on the right had been discharged the French had broken their ranks, and were running as fast as they could, without order or. formation, to regain their guns, which were about half a mile in their rear. Whilst matters had been thus progressing on the English left and centre the French sipahis on their left had been pressing the English right, and, for the moment, with some show of advantage. Forde, however, well aware that the contest in that quarter would be decided by the action of the Europeans Kondur and M ackhlipatanam. 85 in the centre, paid little heed to that part of the field, but, the moment he observed the French run in the manner I have described, he pressed on his Europeans, supported by the sipahis who had just given way, but who had now rallied, in hot but orderly pursuit This was the more necessary as the ground was open, the enemy's field guns were sufficiently numerous, counting thirteen, and, with a little time at their disposal, the French might yet have turned the fortunes of the day. He pressed on so vigorously, that although the French reached the shelter of their guns, they had time only to fire one or two rounds before his mfen, charging home, drove them from their pieces. The day was thus virtually gained. The attack of the French had been repulsed, they had lost thirteen guns ; the English were masters of the ground on which the battle had been fought. War has produced leaders who would have been satisfied with a result so brilliant. Not of such a school was Forde. He belonged to the class of men who believe that no satisfactory result has been achieved if anything yet remains to be accomplished. The French had been repulsed ; they had not been thoroughly beaten. Forde resolved to improve his advantage by attacking their camp. He halted till all his own sipahis, and possibly the Rajah's troops, should join him. Regarding the former, there was little delay. The native left wing had, we have seen, rallied after their first defeat and had rejoined him. The contest on his right had been decided in the manner he had anticipated; the French sipahis had fallen back when they had seen their centre and right routed; their retreat enabled the English right wing to rejoin Forde. The Rajah's troops, however, • could not be induced to come on. To his cavalry, who, it was thought, might be useful in the pursuit which every .one now considered ceftain, message after message was sent, "but" — to use the language of the contemporary historian, Mr. Orme — 86 The Decisive Battles of India. "they could not be prevailed upon to quit the shelter of a large tank, at that time dry, in which they, his foot and him- self " — Rajah Anandraz — "in the midst of them, had remained cowering from the beginning of the action." Forde, however, cared little for the Rajah and his rabble. As soon as his own sipahis had all joined, and he had made all his preparations, that is, about one hour after the capture of the French field-pieces, he advanced to attack the French camp, leaving, that nothing might retard his march, the fi.eld-pieces, which were drawn by bullocks, to follow. A deep hollow way traversed the country leading to the French camp. Behind this all their troops had rallied, and their heavy guns had been planted so as to defend the passage of the hollow way. Several shots from these were fired as the English approached. These pressed on, however, and the defenders, not yet recovered from the effect of their defeat in the plain below, did not stay to meet them. As the English halted to give their fire, the French went suddenly to the right-about, abandoned their camp, and retreated, every man seemingly as he listed, in the utmost confusion, in the direction of Rajahmahendri. The English then took possession of the camp with all its ordnance, ammunition, stores, tents and camp equipage. The only things which the French succeeded in preserving from their hands were four small pieces and two camels laden with money and papers, which Conflans had dispatched to Rajahmahendri, there to await his orders, on the first repulse of his force. Conflans himself, accompanied by his commandant of artillery and staff, fled without making any attempt to rally his troops, and, riding hard, reached Rajahmahendri before midnight. In the first and second divisions of the fight, and in the pursuit, he lost thirty-two pieces of cannon, and a hundred and fifty-six men, including officers, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, besides a number of native soldiers. The English loss amounted to forty-four Kondur and M achhlifatanam. 87 Europeans, and fi.ve officers killed and wounded, in addition, likewise, to many sipahis* Such was the battle of Kondur, written then, incorrectly, as was the custom of our countrymen — one of those clinging customs which men find so difficult to shake off — Condore; a battle won solely by the genius and resolution of the English leader, Lieutenant-Colonel Forde. It was with design that that officer had placed his red-coated sipahis in a position to attract the first attack of the French. Knowing the character of that nation, he had dared to risk the defeat of his left wing, in order that he might the more surely and with the greater effect smite the enemy when, scattered and careless, they would least expect him. He succeeded because he dared ; he dared, because he had full reliance, first, on himself, on the coolness and calmness with which he could, in the storm of battle, direct a well thought-out movement; and, secondly, on the troops who had shown themselves during their service in Bengal thoroughly ha-ndy, amenable to the guidance of a skilful leader. Forde displayed, likewise, on that day a second quality, the possession of which is rarer than is gener- ally supposed. He showed that he knew how to follow up a victory. Many a man would have been satisfied with the re- pulse of the first attack and the capture of thirteen guns. On Forde the repulse of the first attack had the effect of bringing him to the resolution that within the limit of the northern Sirkars there should never be a second; that he would turn this repulse into a defeat which should be decisive and irre- trievable. Of such stuff are made the leaders of men who never know failure, and of such stuff was Forde. The defeat was made irretrievable. The very same day Forde dispatched a battalion of sipahis under Captain Knox to follow up the enemy and to prevent their rallying. Knox pressed on so vigorously that he reached the vicinity of Rajah- * Cambridge's "War in India," second edition, published in 1762. 88 The Decisive Battles of India. mahendri on the evening of the pth. He was reinforced during the night by two more native battalions. The fugitives had ■entered that town before him, but the spirit which had induced them to abandon their camp had entered with them. The sight of the red-coated sipahis, undistinguishable from Euro- peans, deprived them of whatever nerve they had till then retained. . Although Rajahmahendri occupied an elevated position on the north bank of the Godavari, and contained within its walls a mud fort in which were stored considerable supplies and some guns, the French had no thought of defend- ing it. Their sole hope was to escape. The sight in the dis- tance of the red-coats stimulated this hope. No sooner had darkness set in than they began to give vitality to it by evacu- ating the place.^ The Godavari, however, presented great diffi- culties to the operation. This noble river, which, at Rajah- mahendri, has in the rainy season a width of nearly two miles, was in those days not crossed without much previous arrange- ment. Confusion, the child of panic, added on this occasion to the natural difficulties of the passage. The result was that when, at daybreak on the loth, Knox forced his way into the town, he found fifteen Europeans hovering on the bank, eagerly expecting a return boat. He distinguished another party just landing on the southern bank, and about to disem- bark the guns and stores which their boat contained. His action was prompt and decisive. Making prisoners of the fifteen Frenchmen, he opened a fire from the guns in the fort on those who were landing on the opposite bank ; and although it is certain that the missiles did not reach them, yet the boom- ing of the guns and other demonstrations added so to the terror of the fugitives that they fled for dear life, leaving their guns behind them. These Knox at once secured. Forde, with the remainder of the force, reached Rajahmahendri the follow- ing day. Conflans and his troops fled to Machhlipatanam. But Forde was not yet satisfied. The large plan which had loomed before Clive, and which he had adopted — the plan Kondur and M achhlifatanam. 89 which would secure for the English in the northern Sirkars and in the councils of the Siibahdar of the Dakhan the place which till then had been occupied by the French — could not be carried out so long as a single Frenchman remained in the former. Now the French still held Machhlipatanam and the districts adjoining. Machhlipatanam was by far the most important place in the province. Situated on the north side of the mouth of a branch of the river Krishna, on the western shore of the Bay of Bengal, it was in those days famous for the various branches of industry which it supported and en- couraged. In its trade it rivalled Madras. Its cession to the French in 1750, and the subsequent expulsion from it of the English agents, had been regarded as a great misfortune. In fact, the possession by the French of Machhlipatanam and of the towns dependent on it, Kondapilli and Eliir, gave that nation a base whence it would be easy to move, on a con- venient opportunity, to the recovery of the more northern dis- tricts. So long, then, as Machhlipatanam remained to the French, Forde's work was but half done. Forde was not the man to leave his work unfinished. But it was necessary for him to strike quickly. The state of affairs in Bengal and at Madras was such that at any moment he might be recalled. His main difficulty was the provision of funds. He had no money; but before moving from Vishakpatanam the Rajah, Anandraz, had promised to supply him. But in the flush of the success, towards which he had contributed nothing but intense personal fright, Anandraz would not only give no money, he even declined to refund twenty thousand rupees which Forde had in the earlier days advanced to him. It was only after six weeks' negotiation, under considerable pressure, on the giving of a solemn undertaking that all the sums ad- vanced by the Rajah should be considered as loans, and that the revenues of all the districts south-west of Godavari which might be reduced should be divided equally between the Company and the Rajah, that the latter at length relaxed his go The Decisive Battles of India. purse-strings. Much precious time, however, had been lost. In fact, the end of the third week of January had arrived before Forde — who, the better to bring his influence to bear on the Rajah, had fallen back to the fort of Peddapiir — could make arrangements for the forward movement he had so long contemplated. But on the 28th of January he, though with great trouble, completed those arrangements and did move. Crossing the Godavari, he marched on and occupied Eliir (6th February), an important provincial capital near the great Kolar lake. But here he was forced to make another halt. The Rajah, pro- crastinating according to his wont, had not yet brought the promised supplies. It was necessary to wait for the Rajah. Forde, however, was not the man to allow time to slip away unemployed if he could lind the means of utilizing it. He set to work, therefore, to ascertain how far he could disturb the preparations which the French had made to hinder his further progress. Conflans, fleeing from the field of Kondiir, had reached Rajahmahendri, and had as speedily left that place without making any attempt to rally his forces, without even paying any heed as to their fate. He did not deem himself safe, in fact, till he reached Machhlipatanam. When, however, he found that Forde did not follow him across the Godavari, that he had even fallen back on Peddapiir, he recovered part of his courage, and turned his attention to the defence of the country that still remained to him. He was by no means destitute of resources. Notwithstanding his losses at Kondiir he still had under his own personal orders upwards of seven hundred men, the gaps made by those losses having been more than replenished by the garrisons he had left behind him; he had the certainty that Moracin, at the head of three hundred men, was coming by sea to his assistance; and, in consequence, of his urgent entreaties, Salabat Jang, Siibahdar of the Dakhan, was marching with an army to support him. Re- Kondur and M achhlipatanam. gi garded from the point of numbers, then, the prospects of the French were very promising. They required but one thing to make success for them an absolute certainty — that was the possession of a man to command them. Unfortunately for them, in Conflans they had a leader who could not lead, a man whose lack of mental capacity was only equalled by his deficiency in the lower quality of personal courage. The crisis which was now approaching offered to a man pos- sessing any pretensions to capacity a rare opportunity. The chiefs of the country south of the Godavari were still French in their sympathies; the country abounded in places capable of offering stubborn resistance to an invader ; armed assistance was approaching. To throw every possible difficulty in the progress of the invader till that assistance should arrive, or — ^what was of scarcely less importance — till Anandraz should grow tired of furnishing him with supplies, was the course which would have recommended itself to a man of even average intelligence. But Conflans possessed neither average intelligence nor average courage. He ordered the abandonment of Eliir, which possessed a very strong mud fort, and was in other respects advantageously situated. He remained himself shut up within Machhlipatanam. The utmost of which he was capable was to send into the field, under the command of an officer named Du Rocher, a force which he called "an army of observation," composed of twO' hundred European and two thousand native troops, with four field-pieces, to watch the strong places in which he had allowed garrisons to remain. One of these strong places was Narsipiir, twenty miles south-east of Eliir. This place was garrisoned by one hundred European and about three hundred native troops, under the command of M. Panneau, chief of the French factory there. To understand clearly the position, the reader will bear in mind that Eliir, in which Forde and his army were now halt- ing, waiting for Rajah Anandraz, lies forty -eight miles due 92 The Decisive Battles of India. north of Jilachhlipatanam, held by Conflans; that Narsipiir l:es twenty miles south-west of Eliir, on the north bank of the mouth of the Godavari; whilst Du Rocher's "army of observation" had taken up a position nearly due west of Eliir, and thirty miles distant from it, with the object, apparently, of giving a hand to the army of the Siibahdar. Narsipur, then, was isolated, more distant from Conflans and Du Rocher than from Forde. Noting this, Forde resolved to take it before it could be relieved. With this object, taking first the precaution to secure, by a threat of destruction in case of refusal, the neutrality of the zamindar of the district, Forde despatched, a day or two after his arrival at Eliir, a battalion of sipahis, under his best officer, Captain Knox. Panneau appears to have been a man formed in the mould of Conflans. The moment he heard that the English sipahis were marching against him, and that the zamindar of the district had been "got at," he caused to be sunk or destroyed all the ammunition he could not carry away abandoned Narsipur, and marched off to join the army of observation. Knox found in the place only a few old guns. At length Rajah Anandraz arrived, and Forde was able (ist March) to march. Crossing the great Kolar lake, which was then nearly dry, he arrived on the 3rd in the vicinity of a small but strong fort, called Konkal, garrisoned by thirteen Frenchmen and two companies of sipahis, corhmanded by a sergeant. This sergeant was a man of a higher natural stamp than either Conflans or Panneau. He had received the day previous a letter -from Du Rocher, requiring him to defend the fort to the last extremity, and promising to march to his relief. The sergeant did defend the place to the last extremity, re- pulsed two attacks, and only gave way when the gates were battered in and the English rushed in in overwhelming num- bers. The small relieving party sent by Du Rocher, learning in time of the disaster, fell back to rejoin him. Forde pushed on from Konkal, and on the 6th March arrived before Kondur and M achhlipatanam. 93 Machhlipatanam. Conflans up to that day had occupied a very advantageous position in the town, about two miles from the fort of Machhlipatanam. He had here five hundred Euro- peans and two thousand sipahis, whilst close at hand was Du Rocher's army of observation, which hitherto had observed nothing. It was important to the French to maintain their position in the town, as it contained an abundant supply of water, whereas there was none in the fort, except a certain amount hoarded up in cisterns. The position would have been difficult to attack, and a retreat from it, had a retreat been necessary, would have been covered by the guns in the fort. But Conflans had not forgotten Kondur; he would not risk a second action. When Forde approached he retired behind the defences of the fort. That fort was well capable of offering a prolonged defence. An irregular parallelogram, with an average length of about eight hundred yards, and a breadth of from five to six hun- dred, it stood nearly a mile and a half from the sea-shore, on the edge of a sound or inlet of the sea, upwards of five hun- dred yards in breadth, and was surrounded on the three other sides by a morass of considerable extent. This morass varied in depth in different parts, from three to eighteen feet. The outline of the works consisted of eleven bastions of various sizes and shapes, connected by long curtains; round the whole was a palisaded berm and a wet ditch, but no glacis; the escarp and the counterscarp were earth faced with masonry. The reader will not fail to observe that the face of the fort, which rested on the inlet of the sea — the southern face — was practically unassailable. Nor did the three other faces fail to offer extraordinary difficulties. A range of sand-hills ex- tended on the western and eastern sides of the fort to about half a mile inland. On the eastern side they approached to within eight hundred yards of the fort, and — the morass lying between them and it, and a creek running between- the two — ■ they formed here the nearest point whence the place could be 94 The Decisive Battles of India. assailed. The town which Conilans had evacuated, lay nearly two miles to the north-west of the fort, and was also sur- rounded by the morass. The mode of communication between the two was by means of a narrow raised causeway, about two thousand yards in length, leading to the north-west bastion of the fort, in which was the only gateway. The last hun- dred and twenty yards of this causeway were formed into a long cafonniere, which, at the part furthest from the fort, terminated in a strong ravelin. On the 7th March Forde invested this strong place with a force inferior in Europeans to that which defended it. Regu- lar approaches being out of the question, he took up a position on the sand-banks I have described as being within eight hundred yards of the eastern face of the fort. Here he began to erect his batteries. From the 7th to the 25th March Forde was engaged in erecting these batteries. During this period he was exposed to difficulties and obstacles sufficient to madden any man. Scarcely had he sat down before Machhlipatanam when Du Rocher's army of observation woke into sudden life and acted on his communications. Du Rocher's movements towards Rajahmahendri, and the. threats, which he took care should be reported, that he would make a raid upon the ancestral domains of Rajah Anandraz, so terrifi.ed the latter, that he closed his hands, and refused to advance money to his allies, or to pledge his credit on their behalf. The effect of this, coming at a moment when the British treasure-chest was empty, and when Forde depended for its replenishment on supplies known to have arrived at Rajahmahendri, or, failing them, on Anandraz, was most disastrous. To add to his troubles, certain intelligence reached him that the Siibahdar of the Dakhan, the ally of the French, with an army forty thousand strong, was approaching. Was it possible for a position to be apparently more hope- less than that of Forde at this conjuncture (i8th March)? Koiidiir and Machhlipaianam. 95 He was besieging an enemy who, strong in their superior num- bers and the mud walls behind which they fought, literally laughed at him. His communications were cut off, and the supply of money on which he depended to pay his troops was threatened by the enemy; his native ally was abject with terror, and ready to betray him; the overlord of the country was marching at the head of an army forty thousand strong to force him to raise the siege. That was his position on the 1 8th March — a position full of despair, not offering one ray of hope. But his cup of troubles was not yet full. Up to that date Forde had managed to subsist his army by using the prize-money gained by the troops, but not yet distributed, by expending all his own private funds, the private funds of his officers, and the money which otherwise would have gone to pay his soldiers. One consequence of this was that his troops were several months in arrears of pay. This alone was a hardship ; but when they saw, for they could not help seeing, that their hard-earned prize-money had disappeared, that nothing was left, that their food was bad and insufficient, that they were engaged on an impossible enterprise — they, too, lost heart. On the 19th the European troops broke into open mutiny, and, turning out with their arms, threatened to march away. Forde, by a mixture of firmness and tact, succeeded in quieting them^ and assuring them that their money was on its way from Bengal, persuaded them to return to their duty. Four days later the money, which had reached Rajahmahendri, was, to preserve it from the French, hurriedly shipped on board boats to be conveyed to the coast town of Kakinada, and was thus lost for the time to the English. The next day Du Rocher entered Rajah- mahendri, and made as though he would march on Vishak- patanam. The day following (25th March), the English batteries were sufficiently completed to enable Forde to open fire. The bombardment which then began continued to the 6th April, without any substantial result. It is true that it 96 The Decisive Battles of India. demolished many houses in the fort and made many breaches in the bastions. But not only were the breaches made by day repaired by night, but the French, erecting a battery on the unapproached side of the inlet, poured in during this time a iire which, taking the English batteries in flank, caused con- siderable damage. To add to Forde's embarrassment, the day after his batteries had opened, the Siibahdar of the Dakhan, Salabat Jang, arrived at Baizwara, forty-four miles from Machhlipatanam, and sent an express to Rajah Anandraz ordering him to quit the English camp and join his standard. These items of intelligence reached the English camp on one and the same day. They appeared to bring the mis- fortunes of Forde to a climax. .Rajah Anandraz showed his appreciation of their importance by marching off the next morning, without notice, in the direction of his territories. When, however, it was pointed out to him that between him- self and his territories there was Du Rocher, and that his only chance of prosperity, perhaps even of existence, lay in contributing as far as he could to the success of the English, he returned. Meanwhile, Forde himself opened out negotia- tions with Salabat Jang. The result was a ray of light. Salabat Jang consented to receive an English envoy in his camp, and, meanwhile, to remain at Baizwara. But this ray of light was soon succeeded by a darkness blacker even than that which had heralded its appearance. On the 5th April there fell heavy rain, which added greatly to the swampy nature of the morass. The following day intelligence arrived that Salabat Jang had broken up his camp at Baizwara, and was marching on Machhlipatanam, and that Du Rocher, retracing his steps from Rajahmahendri, was hurrying to effect a junction with him. That morning the senior artillery officer reported to Forde that not more ammuni- tion than was sufficient for two days' service of the batteries remained in store ! The issue had now greatly narrowed itself. It had become Kondur and M achhlipatanam. 97 a battle to the death between two men, Forde and Conflans, with every advantage on the side of the latter. However greatly though Forde might dare, Conflans had only to remain firm to baffle him. Let him but display ordinary in- telligence, ordinary courage, ordinary forethought, and he had him safe and secure in the hollow of his hand. According to every rule of war Forde, in fact, was lost. With fewer than four hundred Europeans and about fourteen hundred sipahis, he had before him a fortress which defied him, behind him an army which he could not beat; his ammunition, his supplies, his funds were alike exhausted. Never was a commander, not even Wellington before Talavera, in a position so radically false. He was in a trap, apparently lost. If Forde had been Conflans he had been lost indeed, with- out redemption. It is too much to say, looking at the record of the men who were his contemporaries, of men such as Clive, as Eyre Coote, as Caillaud, as Munro, and as Adams, that if he had not been Forde he had been lost. But this, at least, may "be asserted, that if he had not held a double first-class degree in the university of nature, if he had not possessed to a supreme extent the qualities which mark men amongst their fellow-men, and if, it must in fairness be added, he had not been opposed to a leader who in all qualities, soldierly or other, ranked as much below the ordinary humanity of the age as Forde ranked above it, he could not have emerged from the crisis in which he found himself with success, or even with credit. As it was, his conduct stands out a brilliant example to all men beset by difficulties. He faced them with coolness : he met them with a calm determination to conquer them. No sooner had Forde become aware that the avenues behind him were closing up, and that he had but two days' ammuni- tion left, than he determined to bring matters to an issue by attempting to storm Machhlipatanam. Success there would be success everywhere. Defeat there would be no greater H 9 8 The Decisive Battles of India. calamity than the calamity which stared him in the face on the sand-hills on which he stood. Resolved, then, to make a supreme effort to conquer — to venture all to obtain all — Forde, on the morning of the 7th April, opened a fire from his batteries so fierce, so continued and so concentrated, as to surpass all his previous efforts. Cal- culating that the tide would be at its ebb about midnight, that then the depth of the water in the ditch of the fort would not exceed three feet, he ordered the whole of his force to be under arms at ten o'clock. To mislead the enemy as to the intended point of attack, he directed the fi.re equally upon all the bastions, and, to prevent their repair, he continued it to the latest moment. He had resolved to make the real attack on the bastion mounting ten guns at the north-east angle of the fort, but — again to mislead the enemy — he ordered that Captain Knox should distract them by making a demonstra- tion, to be converted, if necessary, into a real attack, against its south-west angle, between the bastion resting on the sound and that to the north of it. At this point the broad swamp, bounded externally by a small rivulet, served the purpose of a ditch, and rendered the face apparently impregnable; but Forde had discovered, on the night of the 6th, that the passage through the swamp, though difficult, was practicable. In a desperate attempt desperate efforts must be resorted to, and il was considered possible that this point, considered impreg- nable, might be left comparatively unguarded. Still further to distract the attention of the garrison, it was arranged that Rajah Anandraz, with all his following, should proceed along the causeway and make an attack upon the ravelin covering the caponniere. At ten o'clock that night the various attacking parties were under arms awaiting the signal. As the party led by Captain Knox, comprised entirely of sipahis, seven hundred in number, destined to wade through the swamp and attack the south-west angle, had a longer distance to traverse, they started first. Kondur and M achhlipatanam. 99 The main attack, formed in three divisions, and composed of three huildred and twelve European infantry, thirty gunners, thirty sailors, and seven hundred sipahis, was to set out about half an hour later, but some time was lost in waiting for the officer appointed to command it. Captain Callander, and even- tually the party started without him. The camp was then left in charge of Rajah Anandraz. It was arranged that he and his followers should remain halted there till they should hear the sound of attack from one or the other quarter — it having been settled that neither attack should begin before midnight, but that each party was free to act the moment the gongs of the fort should strike twelve — and that then they should advance to the attack of the ravelin. Precisely at twelve o'clock the sound of firing from the direction of the southern face of the fort proved that Knox had begun operations. Rajah Anandraz at once sent his men along the causeway, whence they opened a musketry fire on the ravelin, which served at least to distract the attention of the defenders. Leaving them at this task, I propose to follow the main attack. Setting out a good half-hour late, this party — lead by Captain Fischer — proceeded across the morass from a point opposite the bastion they intended to storm. Not- withstanding all their efforts, the unfortunate delay in starting interfered with the symmetry of the projected assault, for before they could reach the ditch they heard the fi.re indi- cating that Knox had begun his task. Rendered more eager by this sound they marched on as fast as they could, up to their knees in mire, across the swamp, and up to the middle in water and mud in crossing the ditch. The first division had just waded through the latter, and were engaged in tearing up the palisades on the berm, when the French, who had dis- covered them only just before they had reached the palisades, gathered on the breach, whilst other of their troops opened an artillery and musketry fire from the next bastions on their right and left. This opposition, however, only increased the lop The Decisive Bailies of India. ardour of the assailants; and whilst the first division, com- posed of Europeans and sipahis, led by Captain Fischer, attacked the breach, the second, composed only of sipahis, under Captain Maclean, replied to the hre from the bastion on their right; and the third, composed only of Europeans, led by Captain Yorke, answered that pouring on them from the left. Several men were killed, however, before Fischer succeeded in gaining the breach; but no sooner had he accom- plished this feat than Yorke's men, clambering up, joined him, and the united parties, turning to the left, seized the bastion whence Maclean had been fired upon. This left a clear way to Maclean's party. But before his men could clamber up Fischer turned along the ramparts to the right to secure the bastions in that direction. Leaving him for a moment, I must follow the fortunes of Yorke. Fischer had but just set off when it was reported to Yorke that one of the guns was on the bastion he had gained, ready loaded. Yorke at once brought it to bear along the southern face of the rampart, and was preparing to follow in the same direction, when he beheld a body of French sipahis advancing between the foot of the rampart and the buildings of the town, with the object of reinforcing the Frenchmen on the bastion, of the capture of which they were evidently not aware. With rare courage and presence of mind Yorke ran down to the detachment, and, seizing the French officer who commanded it, bade him order his men to lay down their arms, as the defences of the place had been gained. Surprised and half stupefied, the officer obeyed; his men laid down their arms and were sent as prisoners to the conquered bastion. Yorke, observing that the way below the bastion was free from inter- ruption, and broader than the rampart, then brought his men down and pushed along it parallel to the rampart. He had successfully reduced and secured two out of the three bastions which still remained on that face when an everit occurred which had almost marred the success of the whole plan. Kondur and M achhlifatanmn. loi Yorke's men had followed him at first with alacrity, but as they pressed on in the darkness, separated from their comrades, towards unknown dangers, their leader had discovered, not only that their alacrity had vanished, but that it was difficult to urge them on. This difficulty became more marked after the second bastion, counting from that by which the stormers had entered, had been gained. Many of them held back when Yorke, after securing his prisoners, urged them to advance. They had yielded, however, to his threats and persuasions, when suddenly they came upon a small building close to the rampart. It was simply an expense magazine ; but some of the men who had stopped from curiosity to examine it, discovering that it contained gunpowder, called out "a mine, a mine!" The words had scarcely been utter«d before the whole division ran back panic-stricken, leaving Yorke, who was marching at their head, alone, with two native drummer-boys, who con- tinued to beat the Grenadiers' March. In vain did they beat; not only would not the men advance, they ran back to the bastion by which they had entered, and, disregarding their officers who tried to rally them, began to debate whether they should not leave the fort. They were discussing this question when Yorke, whose patience had been exhausted, appeared amongst them. Infuriated at what he heard, he jumped to the breach and threatened to kill the first man who should offer to come near it. Yorke was an old 39th officer, and there were some men in the grenadier company he was leading who had served in that regiment. These, ashamed of their previous behaviour, at once sided with him; their example became con- tagious, and in a minute Yorke found thirty-six devoted men ready to follow him. At the head of these, and leaving the others to follow as soon as their officers could bring them round, Yorke started off, always with the two rrertive drummers at his side, to resume his task. But the delay caused by this blind panic had given the enemy tinie to rally. The officer who commanded the third I02 The Decisive Battles of India. and last bastion, towards which Yorke had been advancing when, his men recoiled in the manner I have described, had brought down a gun loaded with grape and pointed it towards the roadway along which the English were advancing. When they arrived within a few yards of it he fired it. The effect was most disastrous. Yorke himself, always in front of his men, was struck down with a ball through each thigh ; the two native drummers were killed at his side; several of the men were killed, and sixteen were wounded. The survivors carry- ing with them their wounded captain, fell back to the breach and to the two bastions beyond it, where Forde was with a small reserve. There they awaited the result of -the movements of Fischer. I have already recorded that when, on gaining the breach, Yorke had moved along the rampart to the left, Fischer had moved to the right. He gained without difficulty two bastions in that direction. The third was connected with the caponniere covered by the ravelin which Rajah Anandraz was feebly assailing. But feeble as was his assault, the effect on the French garrison was just as great as if it had been made with vigour. The French officer who commanded at the ravelin, losing all thought of the common danger, and treating as serious an attack which the slightest perception would have shown him to be a simple demonstration, allowed himself and the hundred men with him to be isolated — to be kept from the important part of the field of action; for Fischer, advancing from the second bastion, and taking in at once, as he approached the third, the position of affairs, promptly closed the gate leading to the ravelin. Just as he had done this, Captain Callender, whose want of punctuality had, it will be remembered, delayed the advance for more than half an hour, appeared on the scene and assumed command; as the party, however, advanced to the fourth bastion, a stray shot from that post killed him, and Fischer resumed it. Whilst matters were thus progressing to the right and left of Kondur and M achhlifatanain. 103 the breach, where was Conflans? Roused from his slumbers by the musketry discharge of Knox's false attack, that officer had not quitted his house, but had increased the general con- fusion of the garrison by sending to the various posts repeated and contradictory orders, based on the exaggerated reports which reached him every minute. Never very strong in his head, he was driven wild by the fact that the attack was made on four different faces of the fort, and he had not the sense to distinguish the feigned from the real. First, Knox's attack had alarmed him. He had met that by sending to his southern face the greater part of his reserves, when a very few only would have been sufficient, for Knox had been unable to cross the swamp, and his men had no ammunition beyond that which they carried in their pouches. Then, Rajah Anandraz, as powerless to cause him evil as was Knox, had disquieted his nerves. It would have been easy for him, on the first alarm, to send to the ravelin^ and ascertaining how feeble was the attack, and how easily the position could be held by twenty men, to have drawn off the remainder to meet the only assalilt which was really formidable; but he did nothing of the sort, and thus another hundred men were isolated. Again, when the breach was stormed, the fact that the rampart was assailed on the right and left simultaneously completed his mental prostration. A few reserves well in hand might yet have retrieved the day, might have converted the repulse of Yorke's men into a defeat, and might have checked the advance of Fischer. But, as I have said, the double attack of the storm- ing party, combined with the continued rattle of musketry from the assailants of the southern face, and of the ravelin, finished him. Believing that all was lost, he sent a messenger to Forde to propose to capitulate on honourable terms. This happened just at the moment when the ammunition of Knox's party was all but exhausted, when Yorke's men, repulsed, were bearing their wounded leader back to the breach whence they had started, when Callender, dropping from the clouds, had I04 The Decisive Battles of India. been shot dead. Forde, who had joined Maclean's men on the rampart, was eagerly watching Fischer's advance, upon the progress of which the fate of the fort seemed to depend, when he received the offer of capitulation. He answered it in a manner becoming one who felt it necessary to complete the discouragement of his foe. The surrender, he replied, must be a surrender at discretion : the garrison must instantly lay down their arms, and constitute themselves prisoners. Con- flans acceded — and the contest ceased. The garrison laid down their arms. The most important stronghold of the French fell into the hands of our countrymen. Mr. Orme has well remarked that "the improbability of the attempt" on Machhlipatanam "was the principal cause of its success, for its garrison from the beginning had regarded the siege with mockery, and, being in daily expectation cf the arrival of a body of troops which were coming by sea from Pondichery, had concerted that the army of observation, joined by this reinforcement, and a great detachment if not the whole of Salabat Jang's army, should then surround and attack the English army." Yes — but admitting that mockery, the result, but for the incapacity of their leader, would un- doubtedly have corresponded to their an\;icipations. It would have been so if a Forde had occupied the place of Conflans ; it would have been so if a man of ordinary intelligence had occupied the position of the French leader. After all, the work was the work of one man. It was the consequence of a display of daring, of calm courage, of cool calculation, not surpassed in the history of the world. Imagine once more the position of Forde, his gun-ammunition reduced to a supply barely sufficient for two days, facing a fortress garrisoned by an army superior to his own, cut off from his resources, two armies behind him, and another expected daily on the coast. All way of retreat for him by land was cut off; to remain where he was was impossible. He might, it is true, have embarked his troops on board the ships which were on Kondur and Machhlipatanam. 105 the coast, but such a course he rejected as dishonourable. In whichever direction he might attack, he must meet a superior force. In a moment of supreme danger Forde chose the straight, direct and simple course, which, not in war only but in every other circumstance of life, it becomes a man to follow. He followed it, and won ! At the storming of Machhlipatanam Forde lost twenty-two Europeans killed and sixty-two wounded, among the -former two officers. Of the sipahis, who vied with the Europeans in courage, fifty were killed and a hundred and fifty wounded. He captured a hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, besides many military and other stores. The garrison which surren- dered numbered five hundred Europeans and two thousand, five hundred and thirty-seven natives, the latter all capable of hearing arms, but of whom only a proportion were trained sipahis. When he stormed the place the army of Salabat Jang was within fifteen miles of it; Du Rocher's army of observation was still nearer. A week later, ships conveying a corps of three hundred Frenchmen under Moracin appeared off the coast. Had he failed, then, Forde would have left few traces of his enterprise behind him. His success, well earned, gained for England the five dis- tricts which had constituted the most valuable possession of France in Hindustan — the districts constituting the province of the Northern Sirkars, and including those now known as Ganjam, Vishakpatanam, Rajahmahendri, Machhlipatanam and Guntur. Salabat Jang, after a little bluster, signed, on the 14th May, a treaty conferring upon the English, as a free gift, the whole Sirkar of Machhlipatanam with eight districts, as well as the sirkar of Nizampatanam, and the districts of Kondavid and Wakalmannar. ' ■ ' Three years after this date, Nizam All, who had succeeded Salabat Jang, offered the whole of the Sirkars, with the ex- ception of Guntur, to the English, on condition of their aiding io6 The Decisive Battles of India. him with troops. They declined, but, four years subsequently, the grant of the whole, made at the instance of Clive by the Court of Dilhi, was confirmed by the Subahdar, then and ever subsequently known as the Nizam. The right of the English to those Sirkars has never since been questioned. But the cession of the Northern Sirkars was not the most important result obtained by the storming of Machhlipatanam. From the date of that capture the paramount influence at the Court of Haidarabad was transferred from the French to the English. By the treaty made by Salabat Jang on the 14th May the French were not only expelled, they were forbidden to have a settlement in that country. The corps of Moracin which had landed at Ganjam was, after a few fruitless efforts to disturb the new arrangements, completely dispersed. Du Rocher, it is true, lingered some time longer. But the fiat had gone forth. The victory of Forde laid the foundation of that predominance at the Court of the Nizam which, placed some forty years later on a definite basis by Marquess Wellesley, exists at the present day. Rightly, then, may Kondur and Machhlipatanam rank among the decisive battles of India. Few battles have pro- duced more brilliant results. If Kaveripak was the turning- point in the contest between the French and English for the possession of Southern India south of the Krishna, the capture of Machhlipatanam most assuredly secured for them the authority they now command and the influence they now exer- cise in the provinces lying between that river and the Vind- hayan range. One word regarding the man who gained for his country that splendid position. Forde had been recommended by Clive to the Court of Directors for the command of the Com- pany's troops in Bengal. The recommendation was not listened to. Nor, though immediately after his expulsion of the French from the Northern Sirkars, Forde proceeded to Calcutta to gain, in the vicinity of Chinsurah, another victory Kondur and M achhlipatanam. 107 over another European enemy of superior force, did he receive any proof of the gratitude of the corporation he had served so well. In spite of this neglect his name has descended to this generation, and it will descend to posterity, as the name of a great Englishman, of one who nobly upheld the honour of his country, and who, by the display of a calm and cool courage, aided most materially in laying the foundation of the British Empire in India. CHAPTER V. BIDERRA. Of the five great maritime powers of the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries Holland was the second to enter into com- mercial communication with India. Not less the spirit of adventure than the desire to snatch for their country the trade and to injure the resources of her Iberian enemies animated her children in th^s great enterprise. Spain was her first enemy, but in 1580 Portugal had been united to Spain. From that date all the efforts of Holland, in the East, were directed to transfer, to herself the position and the influence which had been acquired in that part of the world by the latest component portion of the empire of her mortal foe. She succeeded almost beyond her hopes. In the Chinese seas, in the Malay peninsula, in Java, in Sumatra, in Ceylon, in India, her troops gradually prevailed. The hostility, once excited, survived the severance of Portugal from Spain. In 1646 Holland had planted an agency at Chinsurah on the river Hugli, twenty miles north of Calcutta. But, fourteen years later, in one year, she expelled the Portuguese from theii possessions south of Goa on the western coast, and from Naga- patanam,* and all the others on the eastern. * "The city of snakes," so called from " Naga " (a snake), and "patanam" (city). With t}ieir usual carelessness regarding the correct 108 Biderra. 109 The general affairs of the Dutch in the East were not, how- ever, directed from the soil of India. In i6ig they had built in Japan a city which they called Batavia, and which they destined te be the capital and head-quarters of all their pos- sessions in that quarter of the globe. Gradually, as they settled in Bengal, as they seized the possessions of the Bortu- guese, and established themselves in Ceylon, in Sumatra, and in the Malay peninsula, this plan assumed consistency. In the beginning of the eighteenth century Batavia had become the recognized capital of all the Dutch establishments in the East. There resided the Governor-General and the Council of the Dutch Indies, and to them all the other possessions, great and small, were subordinate. These possessions were ranked in grades, some being ruled by a governor, some by a chief or director; some by a commandant, some simply by an agent. On the Malabar coast of India, Kochin, properly called Kuchi, was the head-quarters of the Government. On the eastern coast, Nagapatanam first, afterwards Balikat, occupied a simi- lar position. In Bengal Chinsurah was the head-quarters of a director presiding over all the other factories on that side of India. This arrangement was in force at the time when Siraju'd daulah sacked Calcutta in 1756. The Dutch and the French at Chinsurah and at Chandranagar had purchased immunity from a similar catastrophe, by the payment each of a large sum.* They had no idea at the time that, from the misfortune of their rivals, there would be a rebound which, in its course, would likewise overwhelm them. rendering of Indian proper names, the English of a century and a half ago transmuted this singularly expressive name into Negapatam — placing the accent on the last syllable — a name utterly meaningless. The barbarism continues at the present day. * The Dutch paid 450,000 rupees ; the French, 350,000— the difference in favour of the latter being a consequence of their having furnished the Nuwab with two hundred and fifty chests of gunpowder. no The Decisive Battles of India. How the English repaid the Nuwab for his attack on Cal- cutta, and how the rebound affected the French at Chan- dranagar, has been already related. We have seen how Mir J'afar succeeded Siraju'd daulah. From that date English influence, gradually but steadily progressing, became para- mount throughout the three provinces. In vain did Mir J'afar struggle against the yoke he had imposed upon himself. He could not shake it off. To purchase English aid he had mort- gaged the resources of the State. The assessments which were imposed to pay off that mortgage alienated many of his most influential followers, and turned against him the hearts of his people. In spite of himself, he was forced, on every emergency, to call in the aid of the English. He had to invoke that aid first against his people, then against some of his nobles, and finally against an attack from the north. Of course he had to pay for it. New trading advantages, new concessions, news transfers of land, followed each transaction. He felt that he was more and more involving himself in a net from which there was little hope of extrication; that his allies were becoming every day more and more his masters. But what was he to do ? In his secret council-chamber, conferring with his son and his intimates, he bewailed the fatal necessity which forced him to be the suppliant of the race to which he owed his throne, and implored them to suggest a remedy. For long, not even the astutest among them could point to one. Sud- denly, however, a faint wail from the Hugli was wafted to his ears. At first it attracted no attention, but as it increased in volume and persistency, and changing its tone, finally resolved itself into a suggestion, he turned to it with increasing eager- ness, until he became satisfied that he had at last discovered the plan which would rid him of his foes. The wail came from the Dutch at Chinsurah. The conces- sions granted by Mir J'afar to the English, more especially the monopoly of the saltpetre trade, the right given to them to search all the Dutch, vessels coming up the Hugli, and to Biderra. 1 1 1 prevent the employment of other than English pilots, had caused great exasperation in the Dutch colony. Their trade, likewise, had been seriously affected. That of the English, on the other hand, fostered by the Niiwab, had at the same time proportionally increased. The position may thus be described. The English, in virtue of the consequences of Plassey, were prospering to an extra- ordinary degree ; the Dutch, in virtue of the same consequences were declining in influence and wealth; the Nuwab was anxious to shake off the yoke imposed upon him by the Eng- lish. It was not long before the feeling of resentment enter- tained by the two last produced a firm unde»standing against the first. The Nuwab first listened to the remonstrances of the Dutch against the privileges he had, to their detriment, granted to their rivals. In return he questioned them about their power, their resources, their ability to carry out a great plan. This exchange of questions led to confidence, and a secret agreement was arrived at in virtue of which the Dutch promised to procure from Batavia a force sufficient, in men and ships, to expel their rivals from Bengal; whilst the Nuwab, concealing his complicity, should secretly prepare his army to co-operate with them at the opportune moment. The arrange- ment embodying this plan was arrived at in November 1758. The time for action seemed to the contracting parties to be singularly favourable, for in the preceding month Clive had despatched a great number of his available troops, under Forde, to the Northern Sirkars. For the defence of Calcutta and the British factories in Bengal, and to assert the British influence at the court of Mir J'afar, there remained, then, in Calcutta, little more than three hundred English, and two weak battalions of native troops. It is true that Clive was there as governor, but Clive was so little suspicious of danger, so confident in himself, and so bent on using all his resources to aid in the defeat of the French, then threatening Southern 112 The Decisive Battles of India. India, that he was despatching all the reinforcements from England, as fast as they arrived, to Madras. No moment, then, could be more opportune for the con- spirators. Conscious of this, the Dutch war-party at Chin- surah, which then enjoyed an ascendancy in the councils of the director, pressed their plans on the supreme Government at Batavia, and urged immediate action. In the meanwhile, and before Batavia could respond, Mir J'afar had been forced, sorely against his will, to appeal once again to the protecting arm of Clive. Threatened by an invasion from the north, led by the rebellious son of the Emperor of Dihli, Mir J'afar, doubtful of his ofvn followers, had invoked the assistance of the English. Clive had speedily repelled the invasion. As a reward, the Niiwab had bestowed upon him a large personal jaghir, and in the month of June following (1759) had accom- panied him to Calcutta. Whilst there he received from the Dutch a private intimation that their plans were approaching maturity. Mir J'afar stayed then but a short time in Cal- cutta; but he returned to that place in the October following, professedly again to visit Clive, really to be near at hand when the expected crisis should occur. Meanwhile, as far back as August, rumour had spoken of the expected arrival of a large Dutch force. During that month, in fact, a Dutch vessel, having on board a considerable number of Malayan soldiers, had arrived at the mouth of the Hugli. Clive at once informed the Niiwab of the event, whilst he took, precautions to prevent alike the passage of the ship up the river and the landing of the soldiers. The Dutch authorities, called upon to explain, declared that the vessel was really bound for Nagapatanam, and had been driven to the Hugli by stress of weather; that as soon as she could provide herself with water and provisions she would resume her voyage. She did so, eventually, although a clandestine attempt of the Dutch master-attendant to convey eighteen of the Malayan Biderra. 113 soldiers to Chinsurah in his official barge — an attempt dis- covered and frustrated — threw some doubt on the explanation. But, in the October following, whilst Mir J'afar was in Cal- cutta, the real attempt was made. . In that month seven armed ships, full of troops, European and Malayan, arrived at the mouth of the Hugli. Clive hastened to inform the Niiwab of this invasion. The Nuwab, forewarned, affected to treat the matter lightly, and announced his intention of proceeding at once to his own town of Hugli, to summon thither from Chin- surah the Dutch authorities, and to insist upon their at once dismissing their ships, or in case of their refusal, of chastising them and driving them out of Bengal. Mir J'afar did proceed to Hugli; he did summon to his presence the Dutch authori- ties. What actually passed in secret conference cannot be known, but the historian has the authority of Clive himself for asserting that Mir J'afar ''received them in a most gracious manner, more like friends and allies than enemies to him and to his country." A few days later the Niiwab wrote to Clive to inform him that he had granted the Dutch some in- dulgences with respect to their trade, and that they had en- gaged to leave the river with their ships and troops as soon as the season would permit. The occasion was one of those which brought into the strongest light all the higher qualities of Clive. In the presence of danger his intellect was always clear, his judg- ment always unerring, his actions always prompt and resolute. Not for a moment was he taken in by the specious letter of the Niiwab. Reading between its lines, he saw not only that the Dutch had no intention of sending away their ships, but that they had obtained the Niiwab's assent to bring them up to Chinsurah. He at once resolved, to use his own emphatic words, that they ''should not" bring them up. The events of the few days immediately following came to justify his prescience. Certain information reached him that the Dutch ships had weighed anchor, and were moving upwards, that I 1 14 The Decisive Battles of India. Dutch agents were actively engaged at Chinsurah, at Kasim- bazar, and at Patna, in raising troops, and that at these acts the Niiwab was conniving. The position was such as would have driven an ordinary man to despair. On board the Dutch vessels in the river were seven hundred Europeans and eight hundred Malay troops, well armed and equipped; at Chinsurah were a hundred and fifty Dutch soldiers, and native levies daily increasing in num- ber ; behind the Dutch was the Niiwab, as ready now to act as he had been at Plassey, the moment Fortune should seem to declare in their favour. To meet this enemy Clive had at Calcutta three hundred and thirty Europeans and twelve hun- dred sipahis. It is true that he had other detachments scattered over the province, but the nearest of them was too distant to be available at the crisis then impending. But in this hour of danger Clive was cool, calm, self-reliant, even confident. He took at once every possible precaution. He sent special messengers to summon all available men from the outposts; he called out, to defend the fort and the town, the militia, amounting to three hundred men, five-sixths of whom were Europeans; he formed half a troop of horse of some twenty to thirty volunteers, and enlisted as infantry nearly a similar number of men who could not ride. Of the four English vessels then in the Hugli he despatched one, the smallest, with an express to Admiral Cornish, then cruising on the Arakan coast, asking for immediate aid; the three others he ordered up to aid in the defence of the town. The batteries which commanded the most important passages of the river near the town, Tannah fort and Charnock's battery,* were greatly strengthened : heavy cannon were mounted at each, as well as on the face of the new fort. Fort William, commanding the river. Just at this moment Colonel Forde, fresh from the * The fort of Tannah was five miles below Calcutta, on the right bank of the river; Charnock's battery was nearly opposite to it. Biderra. 1 1 5 storming of Machhlipatanam, arrived, accompanied by Cap- tain Knox. To the first Clive assigned the comiriand of the whole available force; to the latter that of the parties at Tannah fort and Charnock's battery. These preparations were made not a moment too soon. In the second week of November, the Dutch, finding further delay would not screen them, threw off the mask, and forwarded to Calcutta a long remonstrance, recapitulating all their griev- ances, and threatening vengeance and reprisals unless the English should renounce their claim of the right of search and all opposition to the free progress of their ships and their vessels. Clive replied, with a specious audacity, that the Eng- lish had offered no insult to the colours, had not attacked the property, and had infringed no privilege of the Dutch; that if their boats had been stopped and searched, and the advance of their troops opposed, it had been by the express direction of the Niiwab, acting with th^ authority of the Emperor. He concluded by referring them to the Niiwab, and by offering his services as a mediator on the occasion. Notwithstanding the tone of this reply, Clive — as he records himself — was not a little embarrassed as to the course he should adopt in case the Dutch, continuing to advance, should pass the batteries below Calcutta. The responsibility of Commencing hostilities against an ally of England was very great, and Clive and the Council felt grave doubts as to whether the Court of Directors would hold him justified in incurring it. From further anxiety on this head he was saved by the con- duct of the Dutch. The reply of Clive, containing, as it did, expressions which, though true in the letter, were the reverse of true in their plain signification,* exasperated them to a * Though Clive had the authority of the Niiwab for the acts com- plained of by the Dutch, it was an authority which he had himself solicited for the protection of British interests ; and the Niiwab, who had given him that authority, had encouraged and even implored the Butch to pay no regard to it, as having been extracted from his necessi- ties, and being therefore void. 1 16 The Decisive Battles of India. degree beyond endurance. Without attempting further dip- lomatic intercourse, they attacked and captured seven small English vessels, lying off Falta, tore down the English colours, and transferred the guns and stores they carried to their own ships. Amongst the captured vessels was the despatch-boat carrying Clive's letter to Admiral Cornish asking for assist- ance. At the same time landing troops at Falta and Riapiir, they burned the houses and effects of the English agents stationed there. Their ships then stood up the river. Having no pilots, however, their progress was necessarily slow. This action on the part of the Dutch reassured Clive. He at once sent a despatch to the Niiwab, apprising him of the acts of violence which had been committed, and stating his wish that as the quarrel lay only between the Dutch and the English it might be fought out between those two nations alone. Whilst, however, asking no direct assistance, he added that the Niiwab would convince him of his sincerity and attachment if he would "directly surround their (the Dutch) subordinates, and distress them in the country to the utmost." Whilst thus writing to the Niiwab, Clive directed Forde to take possession of Barnagar (Barnagore); to cross then the river with his troops and four field-pieces to Shirirampiir (Serampore); and to march thence on Chandranagar ; the object being not only to strike terror into Chinsurah, but to be ready to intercept the Dutch troops in case they should endeavour to gain that place by land. I shall describe in its proper place the manner in which these instructions were executed. Meanwhile the Dutch ships were moving upwards. On the 2 1st they anchored in Sankral reach, just below the point of the fire of the English batteries. The next day they landed their troops — seven hundred Europeans and eight hundred Malays — on the right bank of the river, with directions to march to Chinsurah. They then dropped down to Melancholy Point. This action cleared the ground for Clive. He had now two Biderra. 117 distinct objects before him, each to be met on its own ground. The landing of the Dutch troops had severed them from their base, the ships which had conveyed them. To attack and overthrow these troops before they cohld gain a vityN base — that at Chinsurah being the only possible one — and at the same time to attack and destroy the old base — the Dutch ships— these were the clear and definite objects at which he aimed. Sending information to Forde of the landing and march of the Dutch troops, and directing Captain Knox, with the parties at the batteries, to join that officer with all possible expedition, he proceeded to deal with the Dutch ships. I have stated in a previous page* that before the commence- ment of hostilities Clive had but three ships of any size at his disposal, and that he had directed these to come up close to Calcutta, so as to aid in the defences of the town. They were three Indiamen — the Duke of Dorset, 544 tons, Captain Forrester; the Calcutta, J^i tons, Captain Wilson; the Hard- wicke, 573 tons, Captain Sampson. They all carried- guns. When the senior officer. Captain Wilson, who acted as Com- modore, received the order to bring his ships nearer to Cal- cutta, the Dutch squadron had already passed him. He had therefore followed it up steadily, anchoring some distance below it. But when, on the 23rd, the Dutch squadron, after having landed its troops, fell back to Melancholy Point, Wilson made as though he, in his turn, would pass them; but the Dutch commodore, noticing his intention, sent him a message to the effect that if he persisted in the attempt he would be fired upon. Wilson, having no orders to engage, at once desisted, but sent a report to Clive. Clive's answer was clear and determined. He directed Commodore Wilson to send at once a despatch to the Dutch commodore, demanding immediate restitution of the vessels, property, and British sub- jects he had seized, a full apology to the English flag, and his * Page 114. 1 18 The Decisive Battles of India. immediate departure from the river. If these terms were not complied with. Wilson was directed to attack the Dutch squadron. To understand the nature of the task which Clive had im- posed upon this brave sailor I may mention that whereas Wilson had at his disposal only three vessels, each capable of carrying at the most thirty guns, the Dutch squadron was composed of four ships, the Vlissingen, the Bleiswyk, the Wel- geleegen, and the Princess of Orange, each carrying thirty-six ; of two, the Elisabeth Dorothea and the Waereld, each carrying twenty-six; and of one, the Mossel, carrying sixteen guns. It was a force which exceeded his own by nearly two to one. On the 24th Commodore Wilson transmitted his demand. It was promptly refused. Upon this Wilson weighed anchor and stood for the Dutch squadron. Captain Forrester, in the Duke of Dorset, the best sailer of the three, took the lead, and soon laid his ship alongside the Vlissingen, which bore the flag of the Dutch commodore. He had scarcely taken up this position when the wind changed, and his consorts were unable for some time to come near him. With great gallantry, how- ever, Forrester attacked his antagonist, and though the mark himself for the first half-hour of other ships in the Dutch squadron, he stuck to her, and, after a contest which lasted two hours, forced her to strike. But before this had hap- pened the Hardwicke and the Calcutta had succeeded in approaching the other ships. So well were they managed, and so hot was the fire they maintained, that in a very short time two of their smaller adversaries cut their cables and fled, whilst a third was driven on shore. The other ships main- tained the contest till the Vlissingen had struck, when, with one exception, they followed her example. The exception was the Bleiswyk, the captain of which made his way to Kalpi, the English ships being too crippled to follow him. He was not, however, destined to escape. At Kalpi he met two Eng- lish ships, the Oxford and the Royal George, which had Elder fa. iig arrived at the mouth of the Hugh' two days before, and were rtow hastening upwards. They made an easy capture of the last of the Dutchmen. In this most brilliant action the loss of the English in killed was very slight. The Duke of Dorset, though riddled through and through, though ninety shot were in her hull and her rigging was cut to pieces, and though many of her crew were wounded, did not lose a single man. The Dutch lost, in killed and wounded, upwards of a hundred men. On the Vlissingen alone thirty were killed and more than double that number wounded. It was an action worthy to be compared with the best achievements of the British navy. Thus successfully had been carried out one of the two clear and distinct objects which Clive had determined to accom- plish. I turn now to record the manner in which he dealt with the other. The reader has seen that Clive had no sooner heard of the debarkation of the Dutch troops, and of their march towards Chinsurah, than he sent information to Forde, and directed Captain Knox to join him with the troops manning the two river batteries. I proceed now to examine the manner in which those two officers improved their opportunities. Obeying the first orders transmitted to him on the 19th November, Forde, at the head of a hundred Europeans, four hundred native troops, and four guns, had the following day attacked and capturfed the Dutch factory of Barnagar. Cross- ing the river to Shirirampiir, he marched thence towards Chandranagar, and encamped, on the night of the 23rd, in the French gardens south of the fort. It had been his intention to march the next morning and take up a position nearer Chin- surah, which lies only three miles north of Chandranagar. But the Dutch had not noticed in vain the advantage which taking initiative gives to fighting men. They did not take into con- sideration the fact that about fifteen hundred of their own troops were marching on Forde's rear, and that if they could only hold their own in Chinsurah till their arrival they would I20 The Decisive Battles of India. place Forde between two fires. They resolved to anticipate them. They therefore sent their whole available force, amount- ing to a hundred and twenty Europeans and three hundred native soldiers, frcm Chinsurah on the evening of the 23rd, and bade them take up a position in the ruins of Chandranagar, and hinder the further progress of the English. In that posi- tion, supported by four field-pieces, Forde found and attacked them on the morning of the 24th. The numbers were about equal on both sides, but on that of the English the soldiers, native and European, had been inured to Indian warfare. The result was never doubtful. Forde drove the Dutch from their position up to the very walls of Chinsurah, and captured their guns. That evening he was joined by Knox. This junction raised his numbers to three hundred and twenty Europeans and eight hundred native infantry and fifty European volun- teer cavalry. The Niiwab had also placed about one hundred horsemen at his disposal, not to fight, but to spy. From the prisoners he had taken, and from other sources, Forde learned that same evening that the Dutch force landed from the ships would certainly arrive the following day. He at once sent off an express to Clive, stating that he thought he had a fair prospect of destroying the enemy, but that he re- quired explicit instructions as to the course he should pursue. Clive was engaged in playing whist When this note reached him. Fie read it ; then, without quitting the table, he wrote on the back of it in pencil, "Dear Forde — Fight them immedi- ately. I will send you the Order in Council to-morrow," and dismissed the messenger. Armed with this authority, Forde, early on the morning of the 25th, took up at Biderra,..,about..audway between Chand- ranagar and Chinsurah, a position commanding the road to the latter place. His right rested on the village of Biderra, his left on a mango-grove, both of which he occupied; his front was covered by a broad and deep ditch. Securely planted behind this, his guns commanded the treeless plain Biderra. 121 in front of it. It was the very best position that could have been taken, for whilst very defensive, it commanded all the approaches. At about ten o'clock in the morning, the Dutch force, led by Colonel Roussel, a French soldier of fortune, was seen advancing across the plain. As soon as the enemy arrived within range the four guns of the English opened fire; but, notwithstanding the gaps they made, the Dutch pressed on. At last they reached the ditch. This obstacle, of the existence of which they were ignorant, stopped them. The halt caused great confusion, as the men in the rear, ignorant of its cause, continued to press on. This confusion, and the exposure, at the same time, to a concentrated fire of small arms from their enemies, some posted in the village, some in the grove, were fatal to the Dutch. After many gallant endeavours to sur- mount the difficulty, they fairly turned. Forde used the first moment of their wavering to launch at them his English cavalry. The small number of these was not at the moment apparent to the enemy, and the charge, made at an opportune moment, forced their masses back in disorder. Seeing the effect produced, that tlie Dutch were fairly beaten, the cavalry of the Niiwab, who had not responded to the invitation to accompany their European comrades in the first charge, dashed forward and completed the defeat. The Dutch and Malays, fresh from the confinement of shipboard, the latter unused to fight cavalry, were ridden over in their efforts to escape. No victory was ever more decisive. Of the seven hundred Euro- peans and eight hundred Malays comprising the Dutch force, a hundred and twenty of the former and .two hundred of the latter were left dead on the field; three hundred in about equal proportions of both were wounded; whilst M. Roussel, fourteen of his officers, three hundred and fifty Dutch, and two hundred Malays were made prisoners.* Some sixty * I have followed, in the main, the account of this contest -given by the Dutch East India Company. T'ide Grosse's "Voyage to the East Indies," vol. ii, page 376. 122 The Decisive Battles of India. Dutchmen and two hundred and fifty Malays escaped, and of the former only fourteen eventually succeeded in finding their way to Chinsurah. In this brilliant manner did Forde carry out the second dis- tinct object aimed at by Clive. The policy of the latter had been carried out to the letter. By vigour, decision, and darirjg, a danger greater than any which since January 1757 had threatened the British settlement in Bengal, had been encoun- tered and overthrown. Of the secret understanding between the Dutch and the Niiwab there can be no doubt whatever. Clive entertained none. The Niiwab, in fact, groaning under the restraints imposed upon him by the British connection, was anxious to substitute for a foreign master a foreign ally. His troops were ready for action. Had the Dutch squadron beaten the three English ships in the river, and had Forde been, van- quished at Biderra, these troops would ha\e joined the Dutch in an attack upon Calcutta. If that attack had succeeded, the Nuwab, grown wise by experience, would have arranged with the Dutch terms far less galling to himself than thos,e which had made him little more than a pageant sovereign guided by English counsels. This conspiracy had been defeated by the calm decision of Clive, by the gallantry, skill, ^nd daring of Forde and of the officers and men, sailors as well as soldiers, who were en- gaged. The victory on the Hugli, and the victory at Biderra, brought the Dutch, hitherto so threatening, to the feet of the English governor; not only for mercy, but for protection. They sorely needed the latter. Three days after the battle, Miran, the son and heir of the Niiwab, arrived from Murshid- abad with six thousand horse. Up to that moment the great opponent of the English alliance, the secret instigator of the intrigues with the Dutch, Miran had come down in the hope of dictating his own terms, if, as he hoped, the English had been beaten. But' finding them victorious on all points, the Dutch broken — almost annihilated — he, with characteristic versatility, Biderra. 1 2 3 at once changed his tone. The yoke of the English must still be borne. His policy must be to ingratiate, not to offend. In this view he spoke of nothing less than the extermination of the Dutch, of expelling the remnant of them from Bengal. To protect themselves from the consequences of these threats, the Dutch implored the aid of the enemy whom they had so gratuitously provoked. Clive displayed a mastery of states- manship, the greater inasmuch as it bore the appearance of signal generosity. After the victory of Biderra, he had responded to the submission of the Dutch by ordering Forde to cease all hostilities. He now proceeded to Chinsurah, and succeeded in effecting an accommodation between the Dutch and the Niiwab. But the terms of the accommodation bore the impress of the practical mind of a man who was resolved that no opportunity should ever again be afforded to the Dutch to wage war against the English in Bengal. For, whilst he persuaded the Niiwab to confirm all the trading privileges pre- viously accorded to that people, and gave them permission to maintain a hundred and twenty-five soldiers for the protection of their factories at Chinsurah, at Kasimbazar, at Patna, and at Baleshwar (Balasore), he compelled them to send away their squadron with those prisoners recently taken by the English, who would not serve the conqueror; to discharge all the native soldiers whom they had raised; and to agree never to carry on hostilities, to enlist or introduce troops, or to erect fortifica- tions, within the limits of the three provinces. The other terms of the accommodation were not less satis- factory. The Dutch agreed to disavow the conduct of their fleet, to acknowledge themselves as the aggressors, and to pay three lakhs of rupees to cover all the losses sustained by the English, and the expenses of the war. This decision was sub- sequently approved by special commissioners of the two nations appointed in Europe to examine into the whole ques- tion. The conduct of Clive was declared by this impartial tribunal, to have been marked by a prudence, a judgment, and 124 The Decisive Battles of India. a generosity such as to entitle him to unqualified com- mendation. For us — judges after an interval of more than a hundred and twenty years — there remains something more than a mere confirmation of this verdict. We have to render justice to the hand as well as to the head, to the scholar as well as to the master. Without detracting for one instant from the supreme qualities manifested by Clive at this crisis, we must not fail to render homage to the man who, fresh from the storming of Machhlipatanam, decisively foiled, with a force inferior in numbers, the attempt to establish an Indo-Batavian empire, on the field of Biderra. CHAPTER VI. UNDWAH NALA. The secret alliance of Mir J'afar with the Dutch had been one of the consequences of Plassey. That battle had given the new Niiwab, bound hand and foot, into the hands of the Eng- lish. They were henceforth his masters. Mir J'afar was in all external affairs but a pageant ruler. To satisfy the de- mand of his allies he had pledged his credit and oppressed , his people. The alliance with the Dutch was an attempt to shake off a galling yoke. How, thanks to the prescience of Clive and the skill and valour of Forde, it failed, I have described. Thenceforward Mir J'afar gave up the secret struggle. He resigned himself to his fate. Very soon after the attempt of the Dutch to replace the English in Bengal had been foiled at Biderra Clive quitted India. For the moment he made over charge of his govern- ment to Mr. Holwell; but a few months later the real suc- cessor, Mr. Vansittart, selected by Clive himself, came round from Madras and assumed the reins of office. A very few days after his arrival Mr. Vansittart was called upon to decide in Council an important question vitally affecting the immedi- ate future of Bengal. The decision at which the Council arrived, and the policy which followed that decision, im- perilled, and went very far towards undoing, the great work of Clive. Almost immediately after Clive had quitted India the provinces ruled, by Mir J'afar were assailed by a formidable 125 126 The Decisive Battles of India. army under the prince who had previously invaded it as Shahzadah, but who had just become, by the death of his father, King of Dihli and titular Emperor of India. This change in the position of the invader made the attempt far more formidable than that which had preceded it. The Nuwabs of Tirhut and of Piirnia, and many lesser nobles, dis- contented with the existing rule, declared in his favour; and, to add to the danger, a considerable body of Maratha horse- men joined him. But, formidable as seemed this invasion, the skill and de- cision of the English officers, Major Caillaud, Captain Knox (distinguished at Machhlipatanam and Biderra), and others, and the valour of their men, sipahis as well as soldiers, com- pletely foiled it. Hostilities were begun in February 1760. Before the end of July the Emperor and his allies had been twice defeated on the field, whilst an attempt was made by the former to take Patna by storm, though aided by a body of Frenchmen under M. Law, had been decisively repulsed. The campaign would have been still more fruitful of results but for the supineness and refusal to advance displayed by the young Niiwab, Miran, only son and declared heir of Mir J'afar, who commanded the Bengal forces on the occasion. Towards its close it had become evident that Miran was in communication with the Emperor, and a strong opinion pre- vailed that he was awaiting only a favourable opportunity to betray his allies. For him the opportunity never came. On the night of the 2nd July, 1760, a day following many in which the young Nuwab and his followers had shown extreme reluctance to follow up the retreating enemy, Miran was struck dead by lightning. His death raised primarily the question of the succession. Mir J'afar had other sons, but they were illegiti- mate, and of tender age. The opening of the question of the succession led, it will be seen, to the consideration of another question, still more fruitful in consequences. U'ndwah Ndld. 127 Three weeks after the death of Miran, Mr. Vansittart arrived in Calcutta to assume the government of Bengal. The gravity of the crisis, which had been minuted upon by his acting pre- decessor, Mr. Holwell, and by his colleagues in Council, forci- bly impressed him. He at once summoned Major, now Colonel Caillaud from the army to add the weight of his advice as to the proper course to be followed. In the discussion which followed the arrival of Colonel Caillaud opinions were divided. That officer supported the policy recommended by Mr. Holwell, to the effect that the opportunity should now be seized to reduce the Nuwab of Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa from his quasi-independent position to his proper status of Siibahdar, subordinate to the Court of Dihli; that the Company should become the Diwan of the Emperor with complete financial control; that the monetary transactions between Calcutta and Murshidabad should be settled, the Company receiving certain districts in lieu of the money due; and that the Nuwab should be made to discharge the large rabble army which consumed his revenues. This opinion was not without its recommendations in the eyes of the Council, and, but for the opportune arrival of an envoy from the Niiwab, a man of great tact and ability, charged to congratulate the new governor, it might have prevailed. The envoy from Murshidabad, admitted to the secret deliberations of the Council, managed, however, to bring its members to a decision beneficial alike to his own private interests and to their own. The new envoy was Mir Muhammad Kasim Khan, generally called Mir Kasim, son-in-law of Mir J'afar. Mir Kasim had become, by the death of Miran, the most prominent personage in the three provinces. The Nuwab had not seen more than sixty summers, but he was older than his years, for the worries of the preceding four years had told upon a constitution which, since his accession to power, had been tried by dissipation. His eldest surviving son was scarcely thirteen. Under these 128 The Decisive Battles of India. circumstances Mir Kasim, forty years old, a man of iron will, quick decision, large views, and free from scruples, stepped naturally into the place to which his relationship to the Nuwab entitled him. Once in that place, he determined to use it to his own advantage. Mir Kasim had, in common with many other nobles of Murshidabad, recognised with intense dissatisfaction the fact that the battle of Plassey had bound the Nuwab, hand and foot, to the English alliance, and that the English alliance meant the transference to Calcutta of the secret rule over the three provinces. Every transaction since Plassey — the sup- pression of the risings within, the repulse of the two invasions from without, the crushing of the Dutch — had confirmed and strengthened the predominance of the English. Mir J'afar had become simply a tool in their hands, an unwilling tool, it is true, but a tool whom the circumstances of every year forced to be more submissive. Against this position the whole soul of Mir Kasim had revolted. But up to the time of the death of Miran he had been powerless. The jealousy of his weak, vicious, and dissolute brother-in-law had excluded him, latterly, from all influence. A thunderbolt, however, had re- moved that obstacle from his path, and Mir Kasim, on the steps of the throne, without a rival, resolved at once to stretch out his hand to clutch the sceptre falling from the grasp of his enfeebled father-in-law, and, having secured it, to take such measures as, in a short space of time, would restore the lost power of the Nuwabs, and make him, in very deed, ruler as well as governor of the best portions of the three provinces. Such was the man who, in September 1760, came to Calcutta to congratulate Mr. Vansittart on his assumption of the office of governor. Admitted to the deliberations of the English councillors, Mir Kasim, feeling his way carefully, soon came to the conclusion that there was not one amongst them who could not be bought. His father-in-law had bought their pre- decessors : he would ascertain their price and buy them. U'ndwah Nctld. 129 Bringing, then, to bear on the discussions the arguments, at once skilful and temperate, of an accomplished man of the world; admitting and condemning the laxity displayed by Mir J'afar with regard to his monetary engagements; insinu- ating, gradually even asserting, how, by the pursuance of a different method, it would be easy for a ruler of the three provinces to carry out engagements still more onerous, and to gratify to the full any personal aspirations, Mir Kasim at length won over the Calcutta Council. They came at last to the conclusion to discard the scheme propounded by Major Caillaud, and to accept in its stead one which had been shadowed out in the course of the discussions by the clear- headed but unscrupulous envoy of Mir J'afar. On the 27th September they signed with that envoy a treaty in virtue of which it was arranged that all the real power in Murshidabad should be transferred at once to Mir Kasim, the title and its honours, with a considerable income, being secured, during his lifetime, to Mir J'afar; that a firm friendship should exist between the English and Mir Kasim, his enemies being their enemies, and his friends their friends; that whenever required, the English would be ready to support Mir Kasim in the man- agement of his affairs with troops; that for all the charges of the Company, of their army, and of provisions in the field, Mir Kasim should assign them the districts of Bardhwan, Midnapur, and Chatgaon (Chittagong), and should grant sanads for the same; that certain advantages in the purchase of chunam in the Silhat district should be secured to the Eng- lish ; that the jewels pledged by Mir J'afar should be redeemed by cash payment ; and that no agreement should be made with the Shahzadah (then titular Emperor) without the joint coun- sels of the contracting parties, those counsels to be directed to the point of preventing him from gaining a footing in the three provinces. Such were the open stipulations. Those of a private nature were advantageous only to the members of the Calcutta Council. In fact, as the price of the foregoing K 130 The Decisive Battles of India. treaty, Mir Kasim had promised to pay, as soon as possible after his installation, the following sums: — To Mr. Vansit- tart, five hundred thousand rupees; to Mr. Holwell, two hun- dred and seventy thousand; to Messrs. Sumner and MacGuire, each two hundred and fifty-five thousand; to Colonel Cail- laud, two hundred thousand;* to Mr. Culling Smith and to Captain Yorke, one hundred and thirty-four thousand each. He pledged himself likewise to advance five hundred thou- sand rupees on loan to the Company for the expenses of the war on the coast. Three days after the signature of this treaty Mir Kasim set out for Murshidabad to prepare for the part that would soon devolve upon him. Mr. Vansittart followed two days later to break the decision to Mir J'afar. In the interviews which took place on Mr. Vansittart's ar- rival at Murshidabad, 15th, i6th, and i8th September, Mir J'afar showed a not unaccountable disinclination to relinquisti any portion of his authority, and to accept Mir Kasim as chief minister. Mir J'afar was, in fact, in the hands of the Hindu financiers, and these, divining the ambitious schemes of his son-in-law, had resolved at all hazards to baffle them. Mr. Vansittart appears to have been touched by the pleadings of the old Niiwab, and under their influence to have been more than half inclined to leave matters as he had found them. But Mir Kasim was at his elbow to remind him that he had gone too far to be able to retrace his steps, to insinuate that the promise of the stipulated douceurs was based upon the per- formance of a defined contract, and to declare that if there were any alteration in the scheme which was to invest him with absolute power he must withdraw from Murshidabad to * It is but just to the memory of Colonel Caillaud to state that he had adhered to his own proposal, had voted against the treaty with Mir Kasim, and had left India before he was aware that any sum had been stipulated for on his behalf. The money was paid to Mr. Vansittart, and Colonel Caillaud first learned from his agents in England that a sum to that amount was standing at his credit. It may be presumed that he then accepted it. U'ndwah Ndld. 131 provide for his own safety. These considerations decided Mr. Vansittart to adhere to the compact. Mir J'afar had been, on the i8th, granted only twenty-four hours to consider the proposals which the English governor had made him, to constitute Mir Kasim as virtually mayor of the palace. When, on the ejipiration of that period, Mir J'afar had vouchsafed no reply whatever, the English troops and the division commanded by Mir Kasim surrounded his resi- dence. Well, indeed, on that eventful morning, might the thoughts of the old man have carried him back to a period little more than three years distant, when, on the field of Plassey, he, too, in secret compact with these same English, had betrayed his kinsman and master to obtain the seat which another kinsman was now by similar means wresting from him. What to him had been the power thus basely and dis- honourably obtained ? All the agonies of the preceding fifty- eight years of his life paled before those which he had suf- fered during the three years he had ruled as Niiwab in the usurped palace of Siraju'd daulah. He could not but contrast his position, threatened by the men to whom he had sold his country, with that which he would have occupied if, at Plassey, \\z had been loyal to the boy relative who had, in the most touching terms, implored him to defend his turban. With the prestige of having been the main factor in the destruction of the insolent foreigners who had since dictated to him, and who now threatened to dethrone him, he would have-wielded a real power ; his name would have been honoured ; his country would have been secure. But now: — a glance from the window of his palace showed him the red-coated English soldiers rally- ing round the standard of his kinsman in revolt against him. Would Mir Kasim show him more mercy than he had shown to Siraju'd daulah? The recollection of the fate to which he had abandoned his kinsman and master must have passed through his mind when, after having first threatened to resist, he declared to the English Commissioners who waited upon 132 The Decisive Battles of India. him, that under no circumstances would he place his life in the power of Mir Kasim. As the only possible alternative he declared his readiness to resign the administration entirely, and to retire to live, as a private gentleman, in the territory of the Company. The alternative was at once agreed to. De- claring that he would not trust himself to Mir Kasim for a single night, the Niiwab then and there placed himself under the protection of a European guard, and started the following morning for Calcutta* Mir Kasim had now attained the height of his ambition. He was ruler of Bengal, Bihar, and Orisa. But he had not enjoyed his new authority many days before he, too, experi- enced the enormous difficulty of having to satisfy from an empty exchequer the demands of a grasping ally. Mir Kasim found the treasury of Murshidabad exhausted; the accounts in a state of inextricable confusion. The demands upon him were at the same time most pressing. He had, above all things, to satisfy his own army, then greatly in arrear; to pay the English troops engaged at Patna in showing front to the Emperor; to furnish the English with at least a portion of the promised loan. It must be admitted that he displayed under these circumstances, considerable energy and a great force of character. He made the Hindu financiers, who had fattened on the absence of control in the time of his pre- decessor, disgorge their gains ; and he introduced a simple and rigorous system into the treasury department. By these means he was able, in a very brief period, to pay his own and the English troops, and to remit to Calcutta half the promised subsidy. Into the details of the contest which followed between the allied troops of the English and the Nuwab' and those of the Emperor, and which terminated by the peaceful investiture of Mir Kasim by Shah Alam at Patna as Nuwab of the three * Here he took up his residence at Chitpiir, two houses in that suburb having been provided for himself and his suite by the Company. U'ndwah Ndld. 133 provinces (March, 1761), and by the subsequent withdrawal of Shah Alam to Dilhi, I do not propose to enter. It will suffice to say that the brunt of the fighting fell upon the English, and that the conduct of his own troops whenever they were brought under fire convinced Mir Kasim of the necessity of a reform in his army as stringent as that which he had intro- duced into his treasury. Mir Kasim was a man of a stamp very different to that of his father-in-law. The pliant disposition which had caused the latter to bend on every decisive occasion to the will of his European masters did not belong to his nature. He had from the very first resolved to be master in his own house. He had used the English to procure him power; but he never trusted them as Mir J'af ar had trusted them. In a short time he came to hate them with all the intensity of bitter and brooding hatred. He had full reason to do so, for the annals of no nation contain records of conduct more unworthy, more mean, and more disgraceful, than that which characterised the Eng- lish Government of Calcutta during the three years which fol- lowed the removal of Mir J'afar. That conduct is attribut- able to one cause, the basest and meanest of all, the desire for personal gain by any means and at any cost. It was the same longing which has animated the robber of the northern clime, the pirate of the southern sea, which has stimulated individuals to robbery, even to murder. In point of morality, the members of the governing clique of Calcutta from 1761 to 1763, Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Warren Hastings excepted, were not one whit better than the perpetrators of such deeds. On the 20th October, 1759, Colonel Clive, writing to Mr. Vansittctrt, then his destined successor, used the following words : " The expected reinforcements will, in my opinion, put Bengal out of all danger but that of venality and corruption." Clive had reason to write thus. After his departure, a venality and corruption such as he even had never dreamt of, came 134 The Decisive Battles of India. almost to destroy the work which he had founded. I will briefly state how. I have already mentioned that Mir Kasiiri had covenanted to pay certain sums to the members of the Calcutta Council to support his ambitious plans. Mir Kasim performed his covenant. But he had scarcely done so when the majority of the members of Council whom he had bought either retired or were removed, and their places were filled by men greedy of gain, careless how they obtained it, and deeming that the shortest road to their end lay in compassing the ruin of Mir Kasim, in order to make a market of his successor.* These men were at the end of 1761 in a majority in the Council, and controlled its policy. Mr. Vansittart had but one steadfast supporter, Mr. Warren Hastings. The policy which led to the crisis I am about to describe was not the policy of those two gentlemen. Before describing that policy I must trace in a few words the earlier measures taken by Mir Kasim. His first resolution was to be master in his own domains. As soon, then, as peace had been concluded with the Emperor, he removed Ramnarain, Governor of Patna, a staunch adherent of the English, but who had amassed enormous wealth by plunder and peculation. Then, to strengthen "his own position, a,nd to be further from the English, he removed his capital to Munger.t a place on the right bank of the Ganges, three hundred and seventy-one miles by the river route from Calcutta, and containing a fort regarded in those days as of great strength. To this- strength Mir Kasim made additions. His next task was to pay off all his obligations to the English, the failure to do which had, he well knew, proved the bane of his predecessor. This, by strict * This actually was done in 1763, and again in 1765. t Incorrectly spelt "Monghyr" by many Englishmen, though whence they derive the letter "h" it is hard to say. The sjiperfluous introduc- tion of this letter is, however, a common failing with some classes of our countrymen. U'ndwah Ndld. 135 financial control, by insisting upon regular payments, and, as I have already stated, by compelling those to disgorge who had taken advantage of the disorder of the State to fill their pockets, he accomplished. At the close of 1762 he had not only paid off all the debts of the State, but his revenue returns showed an excess of income over expenditure. Free on this point, he next turned his attention to the formation of an army on the European model. He had witnessed the point of excellence to which it was possible to bring the sipahis by sub- mitting them to the European system and the European dis- cipline, and he well knew that without such training no native army would ever stand against the English. To bring about such a result amongst his own troops he set to work to re-form a large portion of his army on the model which had excited his admiration. He sought out everywhere European adven- turers, especially Frenchmen and foreigners whose dislike to the English he could not doubt. To these adventurers he en- trusted the remaking of his army. He bestowed upon them high grades, and assigned to them large salaries. Amongst the wandering outcasts, eager for service and adventure, came tiie Alsatian Reinhard, better known as Sombre orSamriii, and the Armenian, Markar; both of them men of ability, but in both of whose natures the love of life and the love of gain had quenched every noble aspiration. For the moment, how- ever, these men and their associates applied themselves to their task with an assiduity which promised the best results. Before the close of 1762 Mir Kasim had, ready for action, armed, trained, and disciplined in the European fashion a force of twenty-five thousand infantry, and a regiment of excellent artillery-men. Provident in all things, he had during the training of these men set up a large foundry for casting cannon, and this foundry had provided' him with guns as serviceable as any which could be brought against him. These preparations, his move to Munger, his repairing and strengthening of the fortifications of that place, the reform of 136 The Decisive Battles of India. his revenue system, haEd been inspired by one motive — distrust of the English. Good reason had Mir Kasim for that dis- trust. Less than two years after the departure of Clive, the Council of Calcutta had become a hot-bed of "venality and corruption." Those two kindred vices, which Clive had with prophetic insight denounced as the only two evils which could undermine the British edifice in Bengal, reigned there supreme, unchecked by all save by Vansittart and Warren Hastings, and checked inadequately for all practical results even by them. The cheek of every honest Englishman must burn with shame as he reads the account of the policy adopted by the leading men amongst his countrymen in India a hundred and twenty years ago, towards the native ruler who had bought from the Calcutta Council his position, and whose only subse- quent fault in their eyes was his endeavour to protect his subjects from European extortion. The sad story may be summarised in a few words. To enrich themselves and the Company, the Council of Cal- cutta had passed an enactment in virtue of which country goods supplied with European passes should be a:llowed to descend the river free of transit duty, whilst goods unprovided with such passes should pay a heavy tax. The English flag flying over a boat or a fleet of boats, and the appearance on board of natives dressed as English sipahis, were sufficient to exempt the boat or boats from search. This system, originally intended to enrich a few high-placed Englishmen, had been so abused that the whole system of trade had become disorganised. It had been bad enough when the civil servants of the Company had practically in their own hands the monopoly of the trade. But, in course of time, these sold their rights to others, until matters had arrived at such a point that it was impossible to discover who had, or had not, the right to use the British flag and employ men dressed as English sipahis. Whenever the revenue officers of the Nuwab made an attempt to stop the traffic, however illegal it might U'ndzvah Ndld. 137 be, they were seiz'ed by the nearest English agent and punished. The results of this shameful and oppressive system were that the respectable class of native merchants were ruined, whole districts became impoverished, the entire native trade became disorganised, and the Nuwab's revenues from that source suffered a steady and increasing declension. In vain did Mir Kasim represent, again and again, these evils to the Calcutta Council. In vain did Mr. Vansittart press upon that Council the necessity of reform. Supported only by one member, he was powerless to repress the rapacious instincts, already whetted by enjoyment, of his colleagues. The evil at length reached a height when it was necessary to do something. After many stormy discussions it was agreed that Vansittart should visit the Nuwab at Munger, and agree to a compromise which should meet the views of both parties. Armed, as he believed, with full powers, Vansittart visited the Niiwab at Munger. It should be borne in mind that although the conference which ensued took place between two men both honest in their intentions, both convinced of the radical vices of the existing system, and both anxious to arrive at a compromise which should at least contain the elements of fairness and equity, yet that one, the Englishman, was heavily handicapped by the knowledge that the views of the majority of his Council went far beyond his own. It is not, under these circumstances, surprising that the compromise which was ar- rived at contained provisions not only greatly, but unduly, favourable to the English. The high contracting parties, after much discussion, agreed to terms, beyond which Mr. Vansittart would not — possibly, with the knowledge of the Council behind him, could not — yield. They agreed that whilst the English should pay nine, the natives should pay tWenty-five per cent, on all goods passing the borders of the Nuwab's domiiiions; that, to prevent abuses, the English passes should be signed by the English agent and countersigned by the revenue officer of the Nuwab through whose circle the goods should pass. It 138 The Decisive Battles of India. is but fair to add that the Nuwab acceded to this compromise with great reluctance. He considered its provisions quite in- adequate to check the evils. At the earnest request of Van- sittart, however, he promised to give it a fair trial, warning him, at the same time, that if it should fail he would have no choice but to throw the whole trade open and give his own subjects an equal chance with the servants of the Company. But the Council of Calcutta would not allow the scheme even a fair trial. Greedy of gain, careless of the public in- terests, they refused to ratify the agreement, insisting that the trade carried on by and for the English should — ^the article of salt alone excepted — be subjected to no duty whatever. Upon salt they expressed their willingness to pay a duty of two-and-a-half per cent., but they declared that in all disputes which might occur between their own people and the Niiwab's officers the English agents should hear and decide. Mir Kasim, incensed at the nature of the English demands, well aware that compliance with them would bring ruin upon his own subjects, replied by a decree which put into action the alternative of which he had warned Vansittart. He abolished all import duties whatever, and established free trade throughout his territories. This bold and prudent measure — for, even if judged by the result, defeat and ruin in a righteous cause were preferable to the lingering torture to which the policy of the Calcutta Council would have subjected Mir Kasim — roused all the worst passions of the corrupt clique ruling in the English capital. Declaring that their own trade was affected by the edict, and that the action of the Niiwab was tantamount to a declaration of war, they made preparations to resist it. Prominent in urging a decided course, in treating the Nuwab as though he had no more title to a fair consideration than arj underling caught in an act of flagrant disobedience, was Mr. Ellis, one of the new members of Council, a man of violent passions, who had recently been appointed to the U'ndwah Ndld. 139 agency of Patna. But if Mr. Ellis took the lead, other Mem- bers of Council— Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Hay, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Verelst — were not slow to follow. These, one and all, had come to the conclusion that when an independent Niiwab of Bengal should dare to move in a direction contrary to that which had been urged upon him from Calcutta, there was but one remedy, and that remedy was force. For the moment, however, it was determined, in deference to the strong representations of Vansittart and Warren Hastings, to endeavour, in the first instance, to persuade. A deputation, composed of Messrs. Hay and Amyatt, proceeded accordingly from Calcutta to wait on the Nuwab. They found him, whilst firmly resolved to adhere to the policy which he declared with the most perfect truth was the only policy capable of saving the industrial classes of his dominions from absolute ruin, yet anxious, almost painfully anxious, to avoid hostilities. Whilst negotiations were yet pending, information reached the Niiwab that Mr. Ellis was making preparations to seize his city of Patna, and that a fleet of boats laden with ammuni- tion and other stores to enable him to effect that purpose was just then touching at Munger. Under these circumstances Mir Kasim pursued the only course which, in his position as Viceroy of the three provinces, under no bond of service to the English, was open to him. He refused to allow the hostile convoy to proceed; he required that the two English members of Council should not leave Munger; and he sent an envoy to Calcutta requesting the Governor to disavow the conduct of Mr. Ellis, and to direct the removal of the detachment of English troops and sipahis from Patna to Munger, at which place, in the presence of his own army, they would not be prepared to commit any sudden act of hostility. The Council at Calcutta not only refused to comply with this request — they treated the making it as an act of hostility. They sent instructions to Messrs. Hay and Amyatt to leave 140 The Decisive Battles of India. Munger forthwith, and either to return to Calcutta or to pro- ceed to Patna"^ as they might find practicable. They decided, further, that as soon as the safety of these gentlemen had been assured they would employ their only remedy. , But before these instructions had reached Munger, Mir Kasim, still anxious for peace at any price short of sacrificing his own independence and the happiness oi his people, had requested Mr. Amyatt to proceed to Calcutta to represent to the Council the cruel position in which the open and undis- guised warlike preparations of Mr. Ellis had placed him; that he was still anxious for peace, but that if war were forced upon him he must defend himself and his people. Pending the return of Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Hay and the subordinate mem- bers were detained as hostages for the safety of the officers of the Nuwab then in Calcutta. They were treated with great civility and respect. Before, however, Mr. Amyatt could reach Calcutta Mr. Ellis had precipitated the crisis. Believing that Messrs. Hay and Amyatt had left Munger, and inferring that their departure permitted him to avail himself of the permission to • take aggressive measures should he find the Nuwab bent upon making war, that gentleman marched from the English factory with all the British troops he could collect, early on the morn- ing of the 25th June, hoping to surprise the city of Patna before the reinforcements, which he knew to have been sent from Munger, could reach it, and whilst its people and its garrison were sleeping the sleep of profound trust and con- fidence. He so far succeeded that he gained possession of the city, with the exception of a large building, built of stone, within it, and of the citadel. The English troops, flushed with thdi" easy success, dispersed to plunder, whilst Mr. Ellis, equally delighted, returned to his camp to breakfast, and to pen the usual magniloquent despatch, announcing a great victory over men who had not fought. Far differently did those whom by his action he had made U'ndwah Ndld. 141 enemies employ their time. Whilst some of the Nuwab's troops, recovering from their surprise, were using every means to strengthen their position, their, leader Mir Mehdi Khan, hastened towards Munger to represent in person to the Nuwab the outrage to which his city had been subjected. On his way thither Mir Mehdi met, at Fatwa, the advanced-guard of his master's troops, of the trained brigade, in fact, icomnianded by Markar, the Armenian, to whom I have already made allusion. Fatwa lies only eight miles from Patna, and Mar- kar, learning that the two strong places in the city still held out, and that the English had dispersed to plunder, determined to hasten up his men, then to push forward and recover the city. He carried out his plan with great gallantry, charged and captured the English guns posted at the gate of the city and bearing on the road by which he advanced, drove his panic-stricken enemy out of the city, and, pursuing his advan- tage, laid siege to the English factory. Mr. Ellis and the officer commanding the troops. Colonel Carstairs, finding, after a few days' experience, that it would be impossible to defend the factory against a determined enemy, evacuated it on the night of the 29th June, and, crossing the Ganges, commenced a movement towards Chapra in the hope to gain Awadh (Oudh). They had defended the factory, however, just long enough to render their escape impossible. The Nuwab had no sooner heard of the re-capture of Patna by Markar, than he had despatched his other trained brigade, under Samrii, to Baksar, to cut off retreat in case the English should retire. With an enemy in front pursuing — for Markar followed them on the 30th — and another enemy barring their retreat, the case of the English force, harassed, moreover, by the severe rainy season, was desperate. The resources to which they might have trusted with any hope of success, those of daring and energy, appear to have been conspicuous by their absence. They had but one chance of escape — that was to make a daring onslaught on one or other of the divisions of the 142 The Decisive Battles of India. enemy's army. Looking at the subsequent events of the cam- paign, it is not too much to say that such an attack, ably planned and energetically carried out, must have succeeded. The detachment, however, preferred to await the attack of the enemy. The result was never doubtful. Though, on this occasion (ist July, 1763), the men individually displayed their wonted bravery, they fought without plan and without cohesion, and when their commander, Colonel Carstairs, and eight other officers had fallen, the survivors, hopeless of a successful resistance, laid down their arms.'* They were con- veyed by the victors prisoners to Patna. In anticipation of the capture or defeat of the English party, the Niiwab had prepared a protest, dated 28th June, the accusing character of which was the more galling because the allegations it contained were absolutely true, against the conduct of Mr. Ellis. This protest, as soon as his anticipa- tions were realised, he forwarded to Calcutta. In it Mir Kasim charged Mr. Ellis with having attacked his city of Patna like a robber in the night; with having plundered the bazaars, robbed the merchants, and slain the unoffending citizens. For this — sarcastically observed the Nuwab — Mr. Ellis himself had personally given him satisfaction by supplying him with the arms and ammunition of which he stood in need. But that satisfaction still left the Company his debtor. From it the Niiwab demanded a reparation similar to that which Cal- cutta had claimed for the . treatment accorded to it in 1756. Passing from that single action, he next reviewed the policy of the Company, as represented by the Calcutta Council, towards himself. He charged upon that Council that, after * Colonel Broome, in his "History of the Bengal Army," states that ' ' judging from two official returns of the force shortly prior to its destruction, it appears that nearly 300 Europeans and upwards of 2,500 natives must have been killed or suri'endered on this occasion, and that seven officers of artillery and twenty-nine officers of infantry were slain on the field, died of their wounds, or were made prisoners, or subsequently perished." U'ndwah Ndld. 143 having made with him a treaty, "to which they had pledged the name o£ Jesus Christ,'' by virtue of which he had made over to them three districts for the avowed purpose of paying the expenses of an army which should support him and pro- mote his affairs, they had used that force for his destruction. He called upon them, therefore, to return to him the three years' rent which they had misapplied, to restore the three districts, and to make compensation, likewise, for the violences and oppressions exercised during the same time by the English agents within his territories. This letter reached Calcutta on the 7th of July. A day or two prior to its arrival the air had been filled with rumours to the effect that a great disaster had befallen the British arms. Mir Kasim's allusion to the fate of Mr. Ellis went far to confirm those rumours. The Calcutta Council then pro- ceeded to put into action the arrangements which they had, during the few da:ys preceding, been negotiating with the late Nuwab, Mir J'afar Khan. The terms upon which Mir Kasim had bought the Siibah- dari of the three provinces from the Company's agents have been stated in a preceding page. It was his misfortune that some of the members of Council who had profited so largely from his liberality and punctual payment had left the country some twelve months after he had been installed, and had been succeeded by men whose love of gain had been whetted by the sight, almost, of transactions in which they had had no share. These men looking about for plunder, and gauging the character of Mir Kasim, had clearly seen that the only chance which could possibly occur to gratify their ravenous instincts during his lifetime was to provoke him in such a manner as to afford them the opportunity of selling his office to another. This was the instinct which had animated them from the very first. It was to provoke a contest which could only have such a result that Mr. Ellis had attacked Patna. It was to attain it that the Calcutta Council had refused to 144 ^he Decisive Battles of India. ratify the liberal concessions which the Niiwab had made to Mr. Vansittart. One strong proof of these assertions is to be found in these two facts; one, that in the middle of the preceding April they had given instructions to the commander of their forces how to act under certain circumstances, all connected with hostilities against the Nuwab; the other, that so -far back as that date, when the only question between the Company and Mir Kasim was the question of commercial duties, which Messrs. Anjyatt and Hay were then discussing at Munger, they' had begun to enter into negotiations with Mir J'afar. That veteran intriguer was found to be ready once again to betray his country. The three years' miserable experience he had had of office without authority had not sickened him. He had still children, and for them, in his eyes, a degraded in- heritance — also probably to be purchased — offered greater attractions than the repose of an everyday life. Mir J'afar, then, clutched at the offers which were made him. He agreed to confirm the cession of the three districts made by Mir Kasim; to levy the ancient duties on all but the English traders, who were to be free of all duties excepting one of two-and-a-half per cent, upon salt; to maintain a force of 12,000 horse and 12,000 foot, and pay thirty lakhs of rupees for the expenses of the war ; further, to make a donation of twenty-five lakhs to the army and half that sum to the navy; and, finally, to indemnify private individuals for all losses they had suffered.* * It was stated at the time this clause was agreed to that the amount would not exceed five lakhs of I'upees. Eventually it amounted to fifty- three lakhs. " So strong," writes Colonel Broome, "was the prevalence of iDersonal interest over public duty, that although" (at the conclusion of the war) "the claims of the Company were still undischarged, moi'e than half these amounts for compensation were extorted from the Niiwab, and the money immediately lent to Government at 8 per cent interest by their own servants, who — however regardful of private advantage — were rapidly sinking the pecuniary affaii's of the Company into a state of ruin. According to Mr. Scrafton, the Niiwab was in fact 110 more than a banker for the Company's servants, who could draw U'ndwah Nctld. 145 Having obtained from the low ambition of Mir J'afar the advantages which the patriotism of Mir Kasim had refused to them, the Calcutta Council on the 7th July — the date on which they received the protest I have referred to — issued a declara- tion of war against Mir Kasim, and invited all his subjects to return to their allegiance to Mir J'afar. From that date it was a war for existence between Mir Kasim and the English. Victorious, he would extend to them neither mercy nor con- sideration; defeated, he knew he could expect neither. Let us pause for a moment to consider the chances of the combatants. On the one side was Mir Kasim, wielding the resources of three rich provinces, possessing a well-stocked treasury, an army 40,000 strong, trained to a great extent on the European system, and large supplies of ammunition and materiel. He was ready for war, his troops were flushed with the first vic- tory gained in the open field in Bengal by purely native troops over Europeans. Added to this, he was a man of clear head and strong character, who thoroughly understood his position, who knew full well that not to be victorious was to be beaten, and that defeat meant utter and absolute ruin. On the other side the English began the war under a demoralized Govern- ment; a Government each component part of which cared a great deal for itself, very little for the general weal. Thus, whilst the senior members of the Government were rich, the Government treasury was empty. When the war broke out, it was found difficult to furnish the military chest even with the msignificant sum of 10,000 rupees. Though the army had been placed on a war footing the preceding April, the force ready to take the field in July did not number more than 850 Europeans and 1,500 natives. Though it possessed abundant supplies of ammunition and small arms, yet in guns it was far inferior to the enemy. It will be seen, then, that whilst the force with which the English began this campaign was upon him as often and to as great an amount as they pleased." — History of the Bengal Army, page 497. 146 The Decisive Battles of India. smaller than that which fought at Plassey,* that of the enemy was far stronger, far better trained, and far more united, than that which had succumbed, less to English arms than to treason, at that memorable fight. The comparison between the rival combatants would not be complete if I were to omit from consideration the generals on both sides. Here the English had an advantage which com- pensated for every other deficiency. Mir Kasim Khan, clear- headed though he was on the political scene, had no genius for leading an army. Some writers have even questioned his personal courage. OtherSit again, have recorded their opinion that policy dictated his leaving the command to his generals. If that were the case, I cannot help thinking it was a mis- taken policy. In more than one contest in the war the presence on the field of a great personage would have produced a unity of action, the want of which was fatal. After a careful study of all the evidence, I dismiss as utterly unworthy of credit the charge of want of courage. Having regard to the great talents and clearness of vision of Mir Kasim, I cannot think that any consideration would have kept him from the place where he believed his presence would be useful. I am forced, then, to the conclusion that, like many other men of supreme ability in the cabinet, he had no genius for war, and felt that his presence on the field of battle would interfere with the independent action of his generals. It was a misfortune — as the result proved a fatal misfortune. The leader of the English army, Major John Adams, was on the other hand, a man possessing supreme capacity as a leader. Trained in the school of Clive, Adams had suc- * At Plassey the English had 950 Eui-opean and 2,100 native troops. t The able writer of "Transactions in India from 1756 to 1783," himself a contemporary, states that Mir Kasim was inured to the hard- ships of the field; "that he united the gallantry of the soldier with the sagacity of the statesman," but that "he did not hazard his own pei-son in any engagement where his officers might have made a merit of their treachei'y in betraying him." U'ndwah Ndld. 147 ceeded to the command of the united forces of the Crown and the Company in Bengal on the departure of Major Caillaud (1762). No one could have been more fitted for the position. To calmness and coolness on the field of battle Adams united great decision of character, a clearness of vision not to be sur- passed, a power of impressing his own will upon others. He could plan a campaign and lead an army. He knew how to maintain the strictest discipline and to win the love of his men. It is not too much to say that never has the British army produced a soldier more capable in all respects. Had he lived he would undoubtedly have risen to the greatest dis- tinction. In the few years of his active life he illustrated the art of war by a campaign which has been placed by a military writer* on a level with the most famous campaigns of an- tiquity, and which will not lose from comparison with any in the world. Such were the leaders under whom the war began. On the 5th July, acting under orders from the Council, Major Adams had directed the detachments forming the component parts of the force I have enumerated to march from their several cantonments ~ in the Mednipiir and Bardhwan districts, so as to form a junction at or near Murshidabad. But long before they could reach that city Mir Kasim's irregular troops had forced the English troops occupying the factory there to sur- render. The victorious army, reinforced immediately after- wards by a trained brigade which had marched upwards from Birbhum under the command of Muhammad Taki Khan, one of Mir Kasim's best generals, had marched then on the village of Palasi, and had taken up a position there with the view of intercepting the detachments of the English force as they should arrive, or, if need were, of the entire English force. Major Adams, meanwhile, marching slowly, reached Katwa — famous in the story of Clive's march six years before — with the bulk of his force on the i6th July. The next morning * The late Colonel Arthur Broome, " History of the Bengal Army." 148 The Decisive Battles of India. he crossed the Bhagirathi, and took post at the village of Agardip. There, on the 17th, whilst waiting for a convoy under Lieutenant Glenn, he was joined by the newly-installed Niiwab, Mir J'afar. On the same day, the first encounter, subsequent to the' declaration of war, took place. Glenn's detachment, which was escorting a convoy of cattle, grain, and treasure, and which was composed of a battalion of native troops and six guns, was attacked on the morning of the 17th, near the banks of the A'ji river, by a large force of irregular troops, mostly cavalry, despatched for that purpose by Muhammad Taki Khan. Contemporary historians* rate the number of the at- tacking party at 17,000 men. Fortunately, they had no guns. Glenn, who, besides his European sergeants and a small detail of gunners, had no Europeans, offered to this attack a most determined resistance. Again and again did the enemy, eager for the plunder, charge home. The ground was not favour- able for them, and his sipahis behaved with the most splendid, courage. Three times, however, did the enemy capture the- guns and treasure, but three times did the sipahis, returning to the charge, force them to let go their hold. At length, after a fight which lasted four hours, the enemy drew off, repulsed and baffled. Glenn's loss had been severe, but theirs had been enormous. Glenn did not content himself with merely re- pulsing the enemy. He marched straight from the field of battle on Katwa, only to find the town evacuated by Adams- and the fort occupied by Mir Kasim's troops. Without the smallest hesitation he attacked and carried the latter, the gar- rison making only a feeble resistance. The next day he joined the main force, bringing with him not only the convoy he had escorted, not only grain and cattle found in the fort of Katwa, but the prestige of the first victory. Meanwhile, Muhammad Taki Khan had advanced from Palasi towards Agardip, and had taken up a position on the- * Caraccioli's "Life of Clive " ; the " Sayur-id-Mnta'akhkhirin." U'ndwah Ndld. 149 left bank of the Bhagirathi, nearly opposite Katwa, barring the road to Adams. Owing to some jealousy on the part of their commanders, the irregular troops, which had been so maltreated by Glenn on the 17th, refused to join him, but took up a position in rear of his left flank, too far off to render him support. Major Adams, on the morning of the 19th, advanced to attack him. The battle which followed was one of the bloodiest and best contested of the whole war. Muhammad Taki himself and the Rohilahs and Afghans, of whom he had formed a chosen corps, behaved with unsurpassed courage. Long the issue was doubtful. At one time it seemed as though the English were about to succumb. Muhammad Taki, who possessed just those qualities in which Mir Kasim was de- ficient, perceived, or thought he perceived, a wavering in their ranks, and, to confirm it, charged their flank with his chosen horse. At the very point selected however, Major Adams had placed a party in ambuscade. A timely volley from the men so placed, just as the hostile leader was making a charge which he believed would give him victory, decided that day. That volley laid low, with a bullet through his brain, the gallant Muhammadan leadei: and many of the brave band which followed him. Victory was then assured to Adams. He captured the enemy's camp, all their guns, their cattle, and their stores. He bivouacked that night on the field of battle, within sight of the shooting-box so famous in the story of the battle of Plassey. The irregular horsemen, who had fought Glenn the day before, and who might have decided the victory, and with it the war, in favour of Mir Kasim, took no part in the action, and retired after it had been decided. The history of India abounds in instances of such unpatriotic conduct. Indeed, it may be affirmed that few things have more contributed to the success of the English than the action of jealousy of each other of the native princes and leaders of India. Adams halted for three days on the field of Katwa — for 150 The Decisive Battles of India. such was the name given to the battle — then, following the route which Clive had pursued in 1757, marched on Murshid- abad. The remnants of the beaten army had, however, taken up a strong position two miles south of that city, their front covered by a large tank called Motijhil. Eut well posted as they were for defence, the troops of Mir Kasim were still under the influence of the defeats on the A'ji and of Katwa. When vigorously attacked they gave way, and hastened to join the army which, comprehending the brigades trained so carefully on the European model, Mir Kasim had caused to assemble at Sriti. The day following Adams escorted Mir J'afar, more than ever a pageant Niiwab, m triumph into Murshidabad. The town of Siiti lies thirty-seven miles from Murshidabad, on the direct road from that place to Danapur. It was at this place that Mir Kasim had resolved to flght his decisive battle — a battle which should drive the English into the sea, or be the certain precursor of his ruin. The position had been ex- tremely well chosen. Strong by nature, it had been rendered still stronger by art. Intrenchments covered his whole front, whilst the nature of the country guarded it from being easily turned. To it Mir Kasim had sent his best troops. The brigades Samrii and Markar were there; the trained cavalry of Assad'uUah was there; the rocket-men of Mir Nasir Khan, fresh from the recovery of Patna, were there; the survivors of the men who had fought so bravely at Katwa were there, eager now to wipe out the recollection of their defeat. Alto- gether, there were assembled in that camp of Siiti 28,000 fight- ing men of a good stamp, 8,000 of whom were cavalry.* This force was supported by a powerful artillery, manned in a great measure by Europeans and Eurasians. It wanted but one man, a skilful leader, such a man as the Muhammad Taki Khan, whom they had lost at Katwa, to make success, humanly * Many writers placed the numbers higher but the contemporary evidence pf the author of " Transactions in India " seems decisive on the point. U'ndwah Ndld. 151 speaking, absolutely certain. It had not that man; it was not even inspired by the presence of the prince for whom it was fighting. Mir Kasim, who might have calmed the jealousies of rival commanders, and have directed a decisive movement on the field of battle, remained throughout this important part of the campaign, at Hunger. Perhaps it was owing to the absence of Mir Kasim, perhaps to the confidence of his generals, who wished, probably, to engage on a plain in which the enemy might not only be re- pulsed, but annihilated, that the decisive battle was not fought at Siiti. The English army, strengthened to 1,000 European and nearly 4,000 native troops had, marching northwards, just crossed the Bansli, near the point where that river joins the Bhagirathi (2nd August), when it found itself in face of Mir Kasim's tropps drawn up to oppose them. The position chosen by the latter betokened alike over-confidence and stern resolution to achieve a decided result. For whilst it allowed the English the advantage of having their flanks covered by the two streams, it ensured their destruction in case of defeat. The streams which guarded their flanks would equally bar their flight. This, doubtless, was the reason which decided the enemy to quit the intrenched camp; from that they might have repulsed the enemy, here they hoped to annihilate him. The position taken up by the Bengal army barred the road to the English. In the centre were the trained brigades of Samru and Markar; on the right was Mir Assad'ullah Khan with his trained cavalry and 12,000 irregular infantry; the rocket-men were on the left of the trained brigades, and on their left again was a small brigade commanded by Shir All Khan, flanked on his left by the river. The village of Gheriah, about a mile distant from the scene of action, gave its name to the plain. Major Adams had no sooner recognized the presence of the enemy in force, than he formed his line of battle and ad- 152 The Decisive Battles of India. vanced. He placed his Europeans, composed of the 84th and Bengal European Regiment* in the centre, with three bat- talions of sipahis on each flank, the guns in the intervals, and one battalion of sipahis as a reserve. The action began with a discharge of artillery from both sides. Under cover of this, the infantry advanced, and the European troops in the centre were soon engaged with the trained brigades of Samru and Markar, slightly, at first, to the advantage of the former. No sooner, however, had Mir Assad'ullah observed the battle joined in the centre, than he hurled his cavalry against the left wing of the English. So well-directed was the charge, so impetuous the onslaught, that the English wing was rolled up and broken. Their sipahis fought well, but the force of the shock had been too great; the wing was forced back, and the men of the left portion of it were cut to pieces, or driven into the Bansli. Major Adams had noticed the charge and its result without being able to avert the evil which he foresaw. He had hastened, however, to take measures to repair the mischief by ordering to the spot the reserve and two guns, under Major Carnac. But before this reinforcement could arrive, the leading division of the enemy's cavalry, led by a very gallant officer, Badru'din Khan, had, pursuing its victori- ous career, made an intervention to favour Samru and Markar, by attacking in the rear the troops with whom they were main- taining an almost equal combat. Charging with the same impetuosity as when their comrades broke the left wing, the enemy's horsemen captured two of the English guns, and caused great confusion in their ranks — a confusion which was aug- mented by a simultaneous attack made on their front by the rocket-men of Mir Nasir Khan. Although, whilst this was happening in the centre, Carnac had, with the reserve, suc- ceeded in rallying some of the remnants of the broken left wing, and in restoring the semblance of order, the position of * Now tlie Royal Munster Fusiliers. U'ndwah Ndld. 153 the English was now extremely critical. Their left wing was virtually gone, their centre was in extreme danger, their reservfcs were exhausted. One vigorous attack on their right, and all was over with them. Fortunately for them, however, the commander of Mir Kasim's left wing, Shir Ali Khan, pos- sessed neither the dash, the intuition, nor the knowledge when to strike, which had characterised the other leaders of the army. He made his attack so cautiously and so feebly, that Adams, divining how he could be dealt with, left half a battalion to oppose him, and moved the remainder of his right wing, with great rapidity, to support the endangered centre. This timely aid, and an opportune movement made simultaneously by the rapidly-recovering left, enabled the 84th and the Company's regiment to disengage themselves. In a timely charge they recovered the two guns, wounded Badru'din, and so imposed upon Assad'ullah Khan, who was advancing, as he believed, to complete his victory, that he wavered and fell back. Major Adams took advahtage of the first retrograde step which this leader took to order an advance of his whole line. This charge decided the day. The enemy's cavalry fell back before it with increased rapidity. In vain did Mir Nasir Khan, placing his rocket-men in the bed of a small nala, attempt to check the progress of the pursuers; he was driven from his position. Samru and Markar, the leaders of the trained brigades, had fought fairly well as long as victory seemed inclined to shine upon them; but they were evidently deeply imbued with the principle that it was better to live to fight another day than to sacrifi.ce themselves and their men, for, as soon as the English centre had shown a disposition to rally, they had begun to withdraw from the field. They withdrew, however, in good order, and their attitude imposed a check on the ardour of the pursuers. The victory, however, was gained. Seventeen guns and a hundred and fifty boats laden with stores fell into the hands of the conquerors. They bought their triumph dearly. Their 154 The Decisive Battles of India. actual loss in numbers I have not been able to ascertain, but it is stated to have been greater than on any previous encounter between the Europeans and the natives of India. Certainly, never was a battle more fiercely contested ; never at one period of its duration did defeat seem more assured ; never were native cavalry better led; never did men show greater courage. The coolness of Adams and the steadfastness of the Europeans combined with the want of vigour of Shir Ali Khan and the selfish instincts of Samru and Markar to snatch victory out of the fire. The battle of Gheriah was a battle which well deserves to be remembered. It inflicted a blow, a very heavy blow, on the enemies of England. But it was not decisive. The enemy quitted the field, but not in disorder ; they quitted it to take up a stronger position, well prepared to receive them, and already occupied by men whose numbers would do more than fill the gaps already made in their ranks. This position was called the U'ndwah Nala, a small stream giving its name to a strong pass leading into the hilly districts of Rajmahal. In the plan of campaign he had drawn up, Mir Kasim, whilst calculating on the preponderating chances of a decisive victory at or near Palasi in the first instance, or, in case of a reverse there, at Siiti, had not forgotten that the chances of the field of battle were uncertain, and that it might be necessary, for a third time, to grapple with his foes. But regarding the issue of the third contest there should, he was resolved, be no doubt whatever. He had, then, carefully selected a position of amazing strength, which could be held by a few against many, which could not be turned, and which it would be necessary for his enemy to attack in front. U'ndwah Nala offered such a position. The rivulet, which at that season of the year, July and August, was swollen to the dimensions of a river, drained a deep morass to the right and left of the road, which formed a sort of narrow causeway across it. This road was entirely commanded by the pass. In U'ndwah A' did. i55 the view of a possibility of a defeat at Siiti, Mir Kasim had fortified this pass in a manner so as to render it all but impregnable. In front of the rivulet and on the extreme left of the position, he had thrown up an intrenchment, which, rest- ing on the Ganges, and running thence in a south-westerly direction for about a mile, abutted upon a steep, isolated hill which he had likewise strongly fortified; from this point the intrenchment branched in a more southerly direction across the road and round the main spur which formed the right side of the pass, and terininated amid ravines and scarped precipices far beyond it. He had made the ramparts of this intrenchment sixty feet thick and ten feet high; he had surmounted them by a parapet eighteen feet thick and seven feet high, and along the entire front on the plan he had caused to be dug a ditch sixty feet wide and twelve feet deep. To reach this ditch the morass had still to be traversed. Under his instructions batteries had been erected at convenient intervals, and upon them he had mounted more than a hundred pieces of cannon. Some distance to the rear of this intrenchment was the old line of works — which it had in a measure superseded — and the U'ndwah Nala, the steep banks and swollen waters of which formed a natural defence. This nala was crossed on the line of the road by a stone bridge, to guard which a strong detach- ment had been told off. Such was the position, between the rivulet and the new intrenchment, to which Mir Kasim, on learning the result of the battle of Gheriah, had ordered his reserves, composed of a brigade 4,000 strong, trained in the European fashion, commanded by an Armenian named Ara- toon,and three irregular brigades, mustering in all about 12,000 men, infantry, cavalry and artillery, commanded by the best officers who still remained to him, Mir Najaf Khan, Mir Himmat Ali and Mir Medhi Khan. As a measure of security, and to be ready for every emergency, he dispatched his family and treasures to the strong fortress of Rotasgarh, on the Son, but he himself still remained at Munger. 156 7"^.!? Decisive Battles of India. Gheriah had been in a certain sense a surprise to Mir Kasim. He had fully counted upon victory; but the battle, fought in the open and in a position more favourable to the English than to his own troops, had only just been lost. At U'ndwah Nala he could oppose to them a stronger position, a greater number of troops, and a far more numerous artillery. There did not seem a single ilaw in his arrangements. If the small body of English and English-trained natives could force that pass in the face of the 40,000 men who, on the arrival of the army beaten at Gheriah, would be there to defend it, no strong places, no opposition, no army in the world could stop them. On the other hand, repulse to them would mean destruction. On the battle about to ensue, then, he deliberately placed the issue whether the three provinces should belong to a Niiwab ruling independently of the English, or to the English. If he were beaten he could offer no resistance that could possibly avail ; if the English should be beaten the result of Plassey was undone, the labours of Clive were rendered fruitless. Two days after the battle of Gheriah, the beaten army of the Niiwab joined, behind the intrenchments of U'ndwah Nala, the reinforcements he had sent thither from Hunger. Mean- while Adams, indulging his troops with a two days' halt, marched on the 4th, ahd on the i ith arrived at Palkipiir, a small village about four miles from the enemy's position. In front of that village, and in a line nearly parallel to that position, Adams formed his camp. Here he remained about three weeks, busily engaged in constructing fascines and gabions, in erecting batteries, in landing heavy guns, and in repulsing the harassing attacks of the enemy. Even when, on the twenty-fourth day, he opened fire from the three batteries he had constructed, the nearest of which was about three hundred yards from the enemy's intrenchment, he found, that though manned with siege guns, the fire produced little or no impression on the massive ramparts which Mir Kasim had thrown up. A very small breach had, indeed, been effected U'ndwah Ndld. 157 close to the gateway near the river, but it was very imperfect. Nearer he could not advance his guns, nor on the other face could he move his infantry, for the morass, saturated at that time of the year, covered the position. The difficulties which presented themselves on all sides were, indeed, sufficient to make the bravest despair. Not even Mass^ha, before the lines of Torres Vedras, felt more acutely than did, on this occasion, the English leader, the hopelessness of his position. But a chance denied to the Prince of Essling, was granted to Adams. In the brilliant novel of "Coningsby," Sidonia lays down the aphorism that an individual, even against a vast public opinion, i^ divine. The aphorism is true, although the conditions under which it operates are sometimes startling. It was the act of a single individual which converted the despair of the English into confidence; it was the consequence of that act which changed the confidence of Mir Kasim's army into despair. The individual who on this occasion performed the divine function for the English army was a repentant deserter. This man, originally in the service of the Company, had, for some unknown reason, deserted to Mir Kasim, and now, either from a desire to re-ingratiate himself with his old masters, or from a love of treachery for its own sake, he prepared to betray him. Creeping out of the defensive position on the night of the 4th September, he made his way to the English camp and offered, on condition of pardon, to point out a ford in the morass by which the troops might cross and attack the rampart defending the isolated hill which commanded the enemy's position. Adams, persuaded that the representations made by the deserter were correct, resolved to take advantage of them without delay, and fixed the following morning for the purpose. That night he made the necessary preparations, told off the assaulting parties, arranged the signals to be made under all eventuali- ties, and prepared for every possible misadventure. Three hours before daybreak the storming party, composed of the 158 The Decisive Battles of India. grenadiers of the 84th and the- Company's European regiment, and of two battalions of sipahis, the whole commanded by Captain Irving, set out to cross the morass; at the same time the bulk of the remaining force, led by Captain Moran, moved into the trenches for the purpose of distracting the enemy by a false attack, to be converted, if necessary, into a real one. Another portion of it, formed into a reserve, under Major Carnac, was held in readiness to move rapidly on any point where its presence might seem desirable, whilst a fourth, and much smaller party, was left to guard the camp. I propose first to follow Captain Irving and the stormers. The deserter had correctly represented that the morass might be forded, but neither he nor the English leader had sufficiently appreciated the difficulties which fighting men carrying their muskets and ammunition would experience in the operation. So deep was the ford that the men, moving through it with difficulty, were compelled to carry their muskets and pouches on their heads, whilst the scaling-ladders necessary to effect their purpose were similarly conveyed by the native followers. Had but one of the defenders been on the alert, the entire storming-party must have been destroyed. Fortunately for those who composed it, not a sign of life appeared in the enemy's works, and the storming-party suc- ceeded in reaching the base of the ramparts without being discovered. Irving had given strict orders to move as silently as possible, and to use only the bayonet. A few of the enemy were found asleep under the parapet. To dispatch these with the bayonet, to plant the ladders, to begin the ascent, was the work of a few seconds. Before, however, the leading files could reach the summit the alarm had been given, and the enemy rushed in confusion to ascertain the cause of the dis- turbance. But before they could collect their ideas the stormers had gained the rampart, and, driving the enemy before them, had taken possession of the stockade on the summit of the isolated hill ! The history of war cannot show U'ndwah Ndld. 159 an achievement more ably planned, more effectively carried out! The light of a torch suddenly kindled and held aloft in the centre of the most important position of the enemy gave the signal to Moran in the trenches that the first act in the drama had been successfully played. It was for him now to make his attack a real one. Preluding it with a heavy fire froin the guns in the advance battery, Moran, under the cover of its smoke, moved as rapidly as possible towards the imperfect breach of which I have spoken. At length he reached, and with great difficulty crossed, the ditch. Even then he seemed at first to have gained little, for the breach was found to be very steep, and wide enough only for one person. Had the enemy displayed the smallest conduct, or the faintest courage, the attack on this point must have failed. But it is a pecu- liarity of the Oriental nature that surprises, sudden attacks, and attacks made in the night, so completely discompose it, so interfere with the power of thought, that for a long time after the shock one instinct, and one only — that of self-preservation — is able to assert itself. On this occasion the combined suddenness and daring of the shock added to the mental con- fusion which the sight of the burning torch on the summit of the isolated hill had caused. The enemy were in no real danger had they kept their heads. But utterly distracted, they allowed the English, baffled at the breach, to plant scaling-ladders against the rampart. By these a few men entered and opened the gate to their comrades. Then all was, ever; Moran's party, feeling to the right, gave their hand to Irving's party descending from the hill, and the two, combin- ing, swept all before them with irresistible fury. The enemy's troops were incapable, by circumstances, of flight ; by mental ■ paralysis and confusion from making an effective resistance. Flight was denied them, because a guard of their best troops, posted on the bridge crossing the nala (stream), had received positive instructions to fire upon any troops who should i6o The Decisive Battles of India. attempt to cross it. This order, issued with the design of forcing the native troops to fight to the last, was carried out to the letter. The result was most disastrous to Mir Kasim's army. Attacked in front by the British, fired upon from the rear by their own men, and suffering, as I have said, from moral and mental paralysis, his troops were shot down in hundreds. The passages which might have served as an issue were speedily blocked up by the dead. In despair many threw themselves into the river and were drowned. Some tried to cross the U'ndwah, but the steepness of its banks barred their flight. Many threw down their arms and begged for quarter, which was not refused them. But the loss of life was terrible. It was computed at the time that 1 5,000 men perished either during the attack or from its consequences. Those who did escape from the assailed points stole away in twos and threes, skirting the hills and hiding in caverns. The reserve in the old lines, composed of Samru's and Markar's brigades, attempted a show of resistance, but it was only a show. They soon sought safety in flight, the only portion of the splendid army of the previous day that was not absolutely broken ! Such was the battle of the U'ndwah Nala — one of the most glorious, one of the most daring and most successful feats of arms ever achieved. It was, in every sense of the word, a most decisive battle. Adams did not merely defeat the army of Mir Kasim, he destroyed it. The blow had been so great that a rally thenceforth was impossible. In one morning, with an army 5,000 strong, of whom one fifth only were Europeans, Ad^ms had stormed a position of enormous strength, defeated 40,000 and destroyed 15,000 men, captured upwards of a hundred pieces of cannon, and so impressed his power on the enemy that they had no thought but flight. They made no attempt to stop at Rajmahal, which was fortified, or to defend the passes of Sikrigali and Tiriahgali, both of which were naturally as strong and as defensible as that from which they had been driven. Mir Kasim, on whom adversity had the U'ndwah Ndld. i6i effect of developing the cruel side of his nature, had shown his resentment at the result of the battle of Gheriah by consigning to death the native noblemen whom, he held in confinement. He displayed his passionate rage at the total defeat of U^ndwah Nala by threatening the slaughter of the English prisoners he still retained at Patna. He carried out this threat as soon as he heard of the surrender of Hunger. A few lines yet to show how decisive had been that morning's achievement. Marching from the field of battle, Adams cap- tured Rajmahal on the 6th September, occupied Hunger, which, though strongly fortified, made no resistance, on the ist October, and recovered Patna on the 6th November. On the fall of Patna Hir Kasim quitted Bihar, and proceeded, with the followers who still remained to him — the most important had submitted to the English — to implore the protection of the Nuwab of Awadh (Oudh). One word more with respect to the hero of the war. In little more than four months Major Adams had begun and brought to conclusion a campaign which did more than confirm the advantages which Clive had gained for his country by the victory of Plassey. Contending with a comparatively small force against a prince whose soldiers had been drilled after the European fashion, who was served for the most part by officers of tried ability, who was well furnished with cannon manned by Europeans, and with supplies; who, moreover, was supported by the sympathy and affection of his people — Adams, in the short period I have stated, defeated him in three pitched battles, drove him from his dominions, virtually re- conquered Bengal and Bihar, the capital of which he stormed, captured 400 pieces of cannon, and carried the Company's arms to the banks of the Karamnasa. Regarded as a military achievement it can compare with any in the history of the world. It was possible only on the condition of the display of military conduct of the highest order, of gallantry, devotion and tenacity on the part of the troops. All these qualities M 162 The Decisive Battles of India. were displayed to a degree which never has been surpassed. Whether we look at the genius of Adams, the tenacity of Glenn, the conduct of Knox, who again greatly distinguished himself, of Irving, of Moran, and the other officers, and of the men who served under them, we fail to find a flaw ; we can see only that which is worthy of admiration. Nor were the political results less important. If Plassey made the Siibahdar of the three provinces a pageant ruler under the influence of Clive, the campaign of Major Adams gave those provinces to the English. Thenceforward there was only a titular ruler possessing no real power — a prince who, until he was still further to be despoiled, was, to repeat the expressive language of Mr. Scrafton, "no more than a banker for the Company's servants, who could draw upon him as often and to as great an amount as they pleased." The cam- paign concluded by Adams at the Karamnasa, subsequently continued by Carnac, and victoriously concluded by Munro against the Niiwab-Vazir of Awadh, assured more than the predominance, it assured the absolute supremacy, of the English. It is painful to add that the great soldier who had produced the results I have recorded did not live to return to his native land. The climate, the fatigues and anxieties of the cam- paign, had so told upon him that after the expulsion of Mir Kasim from the three provinces he made over his command to Major Carnac, and proceeded to Calcutta. He died, unhappily, just as he was about to embark for England, i6th January, 1764, leaving behind an unsurpassed reputation as a soldier. Those who may study the history of his great achievements will, I am confident, endorse and confirm this verdict of his contemporaries. CHAPTER VII. BAKSAR. How the battle of U'ndwah Nala completely destroyed the power of Mir Kasim; how, skilfully and promptly followed up, it forced him to evacuate Patna, and, crossing the frontier of Bihar, to throw himself into the arms of the Niiwab-Vazir of Awadh (Oudh) ; how the most influential nobles of the country then submitted to the British : has been already told. By his great victory Major Adams had brought the British standards to the Karamnasa; but in bringing them to that border-line of Bihar, and in forcing the defeated ruler of the three provinces to cross it, to receive a hearty welcome from the powerful satrap of the Mughul Empire whose dominions he would then enter, Major Adams had come upon a new enemy, an enemy not at all disinclined to look him in the face, to dispute with him the possession of the three provinces, to conquer which from Mir Kasim had required three pitched battles, several minor combats and a siege. The province of Awadh (Oudh) had not escaped the great Muhammadan invasion of the twelfth century. The decisive victory gained in 1194 by Shahab'u'din Muhammad over Jaichand Rai the Hindu sovereign of Kan 6j, had been followed by the complete conquest of the neighbouring provinces. Thenceforth Awadh had become an integral portion of the empire ruled by the sovereign of Dihli, when, then, in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, the illustrious Akbar welded mto one compact whole the provinces which had been con- 164 The Decisive Battles of India. quered by Muhammadan invaders of various races, Awadh came naturally into the general system. It was reckoned as one of his most important provinces, for it virtually included all the districts watered by the river Ganges, from Shah- jahanpiir to the Karamnasa. In the disruption of the Mughul empire which followed the death of Aurangzib, in 1707, the powerful nobles, each figlfiting for his own hand, had sought to secure for their respective families, in permanent possession, provinces or districts which they might claim as their own. Whilst one family appro- priated the large territory known as the Dakhan, another the Karnatak, a third Bengal and Bihar, the representative of a fourth looked with longing eyes upon Awadh. This was Saadat Khan, an adventurer of a Khorasani family of traders who- had but recently come to Dihli, at the Court of which he struggled for paramount influence with the famous Chin Killich Khan. In 1722 Saadat Khan, then Vazir of the empire, procured his own nomination to the government of the province he had coveted, under the title of ' Nuwab- Vazir. He began immediately to employ all the means in his power to render the office hereditary in his family. He succeeded. On his death in 1739, his nephew and heir, Abdu'l Mansur, better known under the name of Safdar Jang, succeeded him in both offices; and on Safdar Jang's death, seventeen" years later, his son, Shuja'u'd daulah, assumed his title and position without a murmur from any quarter. The accession of Shuja'u'd daulah to the rule over Awadh, in 1756, was contemporaneous with the accession of Siraju'd daulah to the Siibahdari of Bengal. The new ruler of Awadh had not been an inattentive observer of the events which had followed, in that province, the proceedings of its young and in- experienced Niiwab. He had noticed how he had run his head against a race of foreigners from beyond the sea; and how that race of foreigners had in return deposed him. For the moment he was too much occupied with his own affairs to give very Baksar. 1 65 much attention to the events passing outside his own domains. But when the death of the Emperor Alamgir II, in 1759, had enabled him to achieve the project contemplated by his great- uncle, of establishing himself, on a basis secure and permanent, in the province over which he ruled as Nuwab-Vazir, Shuja'u'd daulah began to inquire more narrowly into the events which were passing in the provinces adjoining his own dominions. There did not then (1760) seem very much to disturb him. The foreigners from beyond the sea appeared to acquiesce in the rule of the Niiwab of their own making. But an ambitious Muhammadan ruler is always glad to foment disturbances in the dominions of a neighbour. When, therefore, the war broke out between Mir Kasim and the foreigners, the attention of Shuja'u'd daulah, till then spasmodic, became fixed. Ideas of aggrandi-sement for himself began to flit through his brain. Whichever of the two rivals might conquer, the victor must be weakened : then would come his turn. It would be no slight achievement, after having secured his own independence in Awadh, to add three fertile provinces to his dominions. Full of these ideas, Shuja'u'd daulah levied an army at Lakhnao, and summoned his vassal, Balwant Singh, Rajah of Banaras, whose dominions adjoined Bihar, to prepare for the campaign which he declared ,to be impending. The result of the battle of U'ndwah Nala had made it clear to Shuja'u'd daulah that it was with the English, and not with Mir Kasim, that he would have to fight for Bengal. He made preparations accordingly. He deemed it of especial import- ance to have Mir Kasim in his camp, not only because he repre- sented, from a Muhammadan point of view, the cause of national independence, nor even, although that was of no little importance, because he disposed still of the trained battalions of Samru and Madoc — but because he had still money. The treasures which, after the battle of Gheriah, Mir Kasim had dispatched to the strong fortress of Rotas, were still at Rotas. Fetween Rotas and the northeirn bank of the Karamnasa the 1 66 The Decisive Battles of India. communications were as yet uninterrupted. But they might not be so for long. It was of the greatest importance to act with vigour and promptitude. The fall of Patna rendered the situation still more difficult. Mir Kasim had, in anticipation of that event, sent to Rotas for his family and for his treasures. Any delay in their arrival would be fatal. Fortunately for the common cause, no such delay occurred. When the convoy from Rotas reached Mir Kasim, the English were still tv.o days' march in his rear. Mir Kasim mounted his retinue and his property on camels, and started for the Karamnasa. Just before reaching its banks, an opportune letter, dispatched by the Niiwab-Vazir reached him. In that letter, and in the flyr leaves of the copy of the Koran which accompanied it, Shuja'u'd daulah promised him protection and support. The receipt of an invitation so solemn decided Mir Kasim, against the advice of many of his friends, to throw himself into the arms of the Nuwab-Vazir. He accordingly crossed the Karamnasa. Meanwhile, however, events had happened in North- Western India and in Bundelkhand which had modified, if they had not altogether changed, the intentions of the Niiwab-Vazir. Although by the death of Alamgir II, Shah A'lam had become titular King of Dihli and Emperor of India, he had not, up to this time, been able to seat himself on the throne of his ancestors. His capital was still occupSied by some of the Afghan victors of Panipat, and an attempt made by Shah ATam, about this very time, to recover it, had resulted in signal failure. His army had, in consequence, gradually so dwindled down that it could only be regarded as a body of followers, without discipline, without proper arms, without organisation. Of all the sections of his subjects, the Rohilahs alone had remained faithful to him. This anomalous condition of affairs — the capital occupied by foreigners, and the King a wanderer — had stimulated the ambition of many a powerful noble to follow the example which had been set by the rulers of the Baksar. 167 Dakhan, of the Karnatak, of Awadh, and of Bengal, to create for his own family an independent kingdom from the now separating portions of the Mughul empire. Amongst the first to adopt this course was the Rajah of Bundelkhand. Bundelkha'nd, the country of the Bundela Rajputs, was separated solely by the river Jamna from the dominions of the Nuwab-Vazir of Awadh. The independent action of the Rajah of that country would, under any circumstances, have affected him. It affected him very considerably indeed, when the Rajah, not content with independence, proceeded to aggres- sion; when at the head of an army deemed by himself to be irresistible, he crossed the Jamna and began to overrun the districts of his neighbour. It became, then, a matter of very serious consideration with the Nuwab-Vazir whether he should not renounce his designs upon Bengal, and march, rather, against the invader from Bundelkhand. Whilst he was yet pondering over the course he should adopt, he was visited at Lakhnao by the fugitive Emperor, Shah A'lam, who, bestowing upon him the flattering title of Protector of the Empire, earnestly besought him to espouse his cause. Nothing was further from the mind of the Nuwab-Vazir than to render to the Emperor the only assistance he really wished for — the assistance of an army to recover Dihli ; but the ruler of Awadh was far too sensible of the advantages which would accrue to himself from the presence in his capital, and in his camp, of the representative of the authority of the Mughul, to reject his advances. He welcomed Shah A'lam, therefore, with great respect and heartiness, and persuaded him to accompany him on the march he was then about to undertake to Allahabad. Before quitting Lakhnao, the Nuwab-Vazir had dispatched to Mir Kasim the letter and the Koran of which I have already spoken. A little later, however, there came to give him grave cause for reflection, first, the news pf tlje inv0,saofi of the Rajah of Bundelkhand, and, secondly, letters from Mir J'afar inform- ing him of the collapse of Mir Kasim and his party, and most 1 68 The Decisive Battles of India- earnestly beseeching his friendship and alliance. The con- sideration that the friendship of the last would enable him to deal effectually with the first, caused the Niiwab-Vazir to repent that he had given so pressing an invitation, accom- panied by a safe-conduct, to Mir Kasim. However, his pre- parations had been made, and he set out for Allahabad. But when he arrived at that city, he found that Mir Kasim had preceded him thither. It was necessary that he should pay his guest the first visit. Accordingly, with great ceremony, and escorted by 10,000 horsemen, the Nuwab-Vazir, the very day of his arrival, proceeded to the camp of Mir Kasim. As he entered the camp he satw, drawn up to do him honour, the battalions and the artillery of the trained brigades of Samrii and Madoc, the men well set-up, well armed, uniformly dressed — the gunners smartly arrayed after the manner of the English. The Niiwab-Vazir had never seen European troops. The sight, then, of sipahis clothed and drilled according to their fashion, and presenting a .striking contrast to the soldiers of his experi- ence, made a deep impression upon him. He had entered Mir Kasim's camp all but resolved to dismiss him from his dominions; he left it, after the interview, all but resolved to use him for his own purpose. His mind, however, was not absolutely made up. In concert with the Niiwab-Vazir, and with his entire concurrence, the Emperor had already dispatched a letter of congratulation and of friendship, with a dress of honour to Mir J'afar. This friendly missive had persuaded the latter that he had nothing to fear from his rival, that Mir Kasim would enter the dominions' of the Niiwab-Vazir only to be expelled from them, and he had persuaded the English that it was unnecessary to challenge the enmity of an independent prince by pursuing their defeated enemy across the Karamnasa. But Mir J'afar had not given sufficient weight to the consummate ability of his son-in-law. We have already noticed the impression which the skilful array of his troops produced upon the mind of the Baksar. 1.69 Niiwab-Vazir. Mir Kasim hastened to confirm and strengthen this impression. We have seen how, three years before, he had bought the members of the Calcutta Council. He still had plenty of money. With that money he now bought the ministers and favourites of the Niiwab-Vazir and of the Emperor. He did even more. Setting forth, in a plain un- varnished statement, the proceedings of the foreigners from beyond the sea; showing the Nuwab-Vazir how, in six years, they had risen from the position of humble and dependent traders to be masters of the three richest provinces of the Empire; and reminding him that, according to the ideas of an aggressive race, the process of absorption never is complete so long as anything remains to be absorbed; that the frontier of the foreigners now touched the domains of his vassal, the Rajah of Banaras, and that, therefore, he himself would most certainly be the next victim : he induced Shuja'u'd daulah to return to his earlier idea — that which had for its aim the con- quest of Bengal, the expulsion of these foreigners. But one difficulty remained to bar the full acceptance of this policy; and that was the invasion of the Rajah of Bundel- khand. Mfr Kasim was equal to the occasion. He offered to proceed at once, with his own troops only, against the Rajah of Bundelkhand, provided that on his return successful from the enterprise the Niiwab-Vazir would at once invade Bihar. Shuja'u'd daulah closed immediately with the offer. Mir Kasim promptly marched to the banks of the Jamna and attacked the army of the Bundelkhand Rajah. The enormous relative superiority of soldiers disciplined after the European fashion to the irregular armies of the native princes at once asserted itself. We have seen how in their desperate struggle for the three provinces the soldiers of Mir Kasim had suc- cumbed to the English. The very same soldiers gained an easy victory over the Rajput warriors of Bundelkhand. The campaign was short but decisive. Beaten in two pitched battles, the invading Rajah hastened to retreat within his own 170 The Decisive Battles of India. borders; nor did Mir Kasim relax his hold until he had rendered his enemy incapable of pursuing further the contest, and had forced from him a renunciation of all his ambitious plans. Mir Jyasim then returned to Allahabad, to hnd the Niiwab-Vazir dazzled by his exploits and eager now to afford liim the assistance which he desired. The terms of the co-operation were speedily settled. Mir Kapim, whose wealth was far from being exhausted, agreed to pay his powerful ally eleven lakhs of rupees a month, from the day that his army should cross the Ganges. In return he received a promise that as soon as the English should have been beaten, Mir Kasim should be restored to the Siibahdari, on the condition of paying a yearly tribute to the Emperor and of maintaining a body of disciplined troops ready always to aid the Niiwab-Vazir. It was further arranged that the treasures and property of the English and of Mir J'afar should be divided between the contracting parties. There were no more delays. The combined armies set out at once, reached Banaras on the 7th March (1764), and immedi- ately made preparations for throwing a bridge of boats across the Ganges. Whilst they are engaged in that operation I propose to trace the movements of the enemy they were march- ing to encounter. Various causes combined to offer to the enterprise of the Niiwab-Vazir and Mir Kasim many chances of success. The first of these was the change in the English command. After driving his enemy across the Karamnasa, Major Adams, whose abilities had so much contributed to the success of the cam- paign, had been forced by the state of his health to proceed tp Calcutta. He had been succeeded for the moment by Major Knox, one of the heroes of Machhlipatanam and Biderra; but the fatigues and exposure of the campaign had told upon Knox, and he was forced in a very few weeks to resign the command to Captain Jennings. Jisnnings was an artillery officer who had served through the Plassey campaign. He Baksar. 171 possessed considerable merit., but he laboured under the dis- advantage of knowing that he held the chief command only till his successor should be appointed. This knowledge ren- dfeted him unwilling to assume any unforese&n responsibility. Jenriings was the less disposed to cross the Karamnasa in pursuit of Mir Kasim, because of the hopes entertained by Mir J'af ar, and communicated by him to the Calcutta Council, that his rival would receive no assistance from the ISTiiwab-Vazir. The interchange of compliments and assurances between the courts of Lakhnao and of Murshidabad fully justified Mir J'afar, veteran intriguer as he was, in entertaining such a belief. He could offer more than could Mir Kasim, he could offer peace and alliance whilst the Niiwab-Vazir should march against the Bundelas; he never dreamt that Mir Kasim would render a service which could bind the Niiwab-Vazir to him by the ties of confidence. This ilhision constituted the second cause which gave to the projected invasion its greatest chance of success. The third cause arose from the undermining process adopted by the agents of Mir Kasim. That Niiwab had left in the provinces he had quitted a large number of partizans — men who preferred an independent prince of their choice to a ruler dependent upon, under the control of, and upheld by, the foreigner. Amongst these partizans were men of great ability, who, seeing the collapse of force, endeavoured to obtain their end by ruse and intrigue. They submitted, then, to the in- evitable, acknowledged Mir J'afar, and then proceeded to work in the dark for the restoration of his rival. The great obstacle in their way was that army of Englishmen and of English- trained sipahis which had driven Mir Kasim across the border. But the English portion of that army contained not only some Englishmen who were discontented; it contained likewise many foreigners, some the remnants of the Dutch beaten at Biderra, others Frenchmen driven from Chandranagar, and others, adventurers from other parts of EHrotie. Upon the 172 The Decisive Battles of India. lower stratum of the natures of these men, and upon the sipahis, the conspirators set instantly to work. After Mir Kasina had crossed the Karamnasa, the English field force remained for some time encamped at and near Sawant, a small town on the river Durgawati.* Here, on the 26th January, it was joined by a reinforcement from Eardhwan, commanded by Captain Maclean. With this re- inforcement" there came also two French companies from Madras, who had formed part of the expedition sent from that presidency against the Manillas, and who had there dis- played many symptoms of 'indiscipline. On arriving at the camp on the Durgawati, these two companies were broken up and reformed into three. A long halt in a country which offered no field for employ- ment; the presence in the camp of an unusually large number of foreigners — for, in addition to the three French companies, to the Dutch, the Germans, and other adventurers, there was a fourth French company, commanded by Lieutenant Claude Martine, subsequently the founder and endower of the Martiniere in Lakhnao — afforded to the friends of Mir Kasim the opportunity for which they had been waiting. They had, a few weeks earlier, made proof that the English soldiers were not above temptation, for, just before Major Knox resigned his command, they had induced three of them to quit their colours. These men had, indeed, been recaptured, but, owing to the confusion resulting from a change of command, they had escaped the punishment they had merited. Their good fortune was not likely to act as a deterrent to others. The conspirators now set to work on a more systematic principle. They were immensely aided at this crisis by the conduct of the English Government. In the earlier days of the campaign, when everything depended upon the devotion, the valour, the endurance of the English soldiers and their native comrades, * The Durgawati joins the Karamnasa about twenty-seven miles above the point where the latter empties itself into the Ganges. Baksar. 173 Mir J'afar had promised the nien of the Bengal army that, should they emerge victorious from the campaign, they should receive a handsome donation. This promise had, with the sanction of the Calcutta Council, been communicated officially to the army. Yet when the campaign was over, when the devo- tibn, the valour, and the endurance of the English and the English-trained sipahis had won for Mir J'afar all that he had demanded, the Calcutta Council withheld the promised reward. Mir J'afar was ready enough to pay it, but his finaiiees were under the virtual control of the Calcutta Council, and its members, always ready to help themselves, closed their ears to the just demands of their soldiers. The first manifestation of the ill-feeling caused and nur- tured in the manner I have described, took place on the 30th January (1764), when the European troops, assembled under arms on the parade ground, refused to obey the word of com- mand. Captain Jennings, who then commanded, was told on the spot by one of their ringleaders that the conduct of the men was prompted by the want of faith of the Government in the matter of the donation promised by the Nuwab; that they had performed their allotted task, had, after a campaign 'of extraordinary severity, seated Mir J'afar on the masnad; that two months had since elapsed, spent in idleness on the banks of the Durgawati; that they saw no signs of the pay- ment of the promised reward; that, considering themselves aggrieved and defrauded, they had resolved to refuse further service until their wrongs should be redressed. For the moment Jennings paci&ed the men, and induced them to return to their duty by promising to write to Calcutta and support their claims, and by assuring them that, to his knowledge, a sum of money was then on its way to the camp, and that from this he would pay an instalment of the pro- mised donation. And, in fact, on the day following, he issued ah order, in which, whilst exhorting the men to emulate by their good conduct in camp their gallantry in the field, he 174 The Decisive Battles of India. pledged his word of honour that the verbal assurances he had given them should be carried out as soon as possible. Three days later Jennings endeavoured to check the spread of the mutirious feeling by detaching the companies in which it had chiefly manifested itself on command to the Karamnasa. But the evil had taken too deep a root to be eradicated either by smooth words or by paltry expedients. It should always be borne in mind that amongst the Europeans now remaining in camp the foreign element was largely repre- sented. That element, indeed, comprehended two-thirds of the entire number, and the men composing it had been worked upon by the agents of Mir Kasim ! When, then, after the lapse of twelve days, the promised payment had not been made, these men persuaded their comrades to act. At their suggestion the entire European infantry turned out, and elect- ing from their own ranks a commander bearing the name of Straw, with the title of Major, compelled the lascars to draw out six field-pieces and place them in position on the flanks of the battalion. It was only by extraordinary exertions on the part of their officers that the sipahis were induced to refrain from joining their European comrades in this movement. Jennings acted on this occasion with promptitude and vigour. Riding up to Straw, he seized him by the collar, and an- nounced his intention of carrying him to the quarter-guard as the ringleader of the mutiny. The mutineers forced him, however, to let go his hold, and declared their intention, as they saw no prospect of receiving their money by remaining where they were, of marching to Patna, taking up on their way their comrades who had been detached to the Karam- nasa. A long parley followed, Jennings using all his efforts to pacify the men, and even promising to raise a portion of the money from the private funds of the officers. To his advice and promises they paid, however, no regard; finally, to end the matter, Straw gave the order to march to the Karam- nasa. The men set out at once in that direction ; but to reach Baksar. 175 their destination, they had to pass through the camp of the Nuwab. Mir J'afar, forewarned of all that was going on, met the mutineers as they were entering his camp, and pro- mised to pay them a lakh of rupees on the spot, the balance before one o'clock of the following day, if they would return to their duty. At this crisis, however, the influence of the foreigners and of the men whom Mir Kasim had bought, came into play. These persuaded their comrades to disregard the offer of Mir J'afar and to carry out their original intention. The mutineers, therefore, pushed on for the ICaramnasa. But Jennings did not yet despair of bringing them to reason. Ordering the officers and non-commissioned officers to follow the mutineers and to reason with them, he galloped across country to the camp on the Karamnasa, and detaching thence the Europeans encamped there in a direction nearly opposite to that by which their comrades were approaching, turned out the two battalions of sipahis with the two 6-pounders in the camp. Meanwhile, however, events were happening in the ranks of the mutineers which gave a new colour to thfe transaction. Obeying the orders of Captain Jennings, the officers and non- commissioned officers had followed the men, and, mingling with them, had all but persuaded the English portion of them to listen to reason. This was far from suiting the purpose of the foreigners. They threatened to drive the officers from their midst, and at length induced their English comrades to persevere in their design. Upon this some of the oificers de- sisted; others, however, continued to persevere. Amongst the latter was a French lieutenant, to whom I have already made allusion, Claude Martine. As Martine continued to exhort his countryman, one of the mutineers, likewise a Frenchman, took him aside, and told him that his exhortations were use- less, that the men had made up their minds that the plea of the money and of the march to Patna was only a blind, that they had pledged themselves to the Nuwab-Vazir of Awadh, 176 The Decisive, Battles of India. and were now on their way to cross the Karamnasa and enter his dominions. He concluded by assuring Martine that if he would put himself at their head, he should be their general ! Astounded at this revelation, Martine gave an evasive reply, and made his way back to the camp in search of Jennings. Not finding him there, he took the same way across country which that officer had followed, reached the Karamnasa before the mutineers, and communicated the information he had re- ceived. He had hardly done so when the mutineers arrived, and seeing that the sipahis had no serious intention of op- posing them, took possession of the two field-pieces. Again did Jennings harangue them, this time with fuller knowledge of their real intentions. His serious tone, his ex- posure of the real aims of the men who were misleading them, produced a marked effect upon the English portion of his lis- teners. Straw himself, the whilom commandant of the band, was one of the first to recognise that he had been duped. Not only did he admit his fault, but he exerted himself to his utmost to induce his comrades to return to their duty. The consequence of Jennings's exhortations, of a promise of free pardon, and of the exertions of repentant sinners like Straw, was soon visible. By two and threes the English came over to stand or fall by their commander. Impatient at this, the foreigners, fearful of further desertions, broke off the con- ference, and, giving the order to advance, to the number of 300 crossed the Karamnasa. They were accompanied by about 600 sipahis, amongst whose battalions, whilst Jennings was haranguing the Europeans, the Mughul horsemen, devoted to a man to Mir Kasim, had been extremely busy. But the English officers bad not abandoned the task of per- suasion. Some seven or eight of them followed the mutineers, and, mixing in their ranks, induced about 80 Europeans and 300 sipahis to return. Conspicuous in these efforts, so long as the English officers were present was a Sergeant Delamarr, a man born in London of French parents, and who, as a ser- Baksar. 177 geant of the 84th, had so greatly distinguished himself during the recent campaign that Major Adams had promised him a commission. Major Adams had died, and the promise had not been kept. Delamarr had seen other non-commissioned officers who had rendered far inferior services promoted and provided for, whilst he was still kept in the background. Dissimulating his resentment, he, under the cover of zealous sympathy with his officers, became the. soul of the mutiny. So much did the officers trust him, that on this critical occasion one of them had lent him a horse to follow and use his per- suasions with the men. Delamarr did follow with the seven or eight officers to whom I have referred, but when they had left with their repentant following, he put himself at the head of the remainder, and declared he would show them the way to fortune and glory. If the Nuwab-Vazir had been close at hand to receive and to encourage the malcontents as they crossed the Karamnasa, the situation would have been serious indeed. But the march into an unknown country, where no welcome awaited them, acted upon a large number of the mutinous soldiers as a plunge into a cold bath acts upon a drunken man. It com- pletely sobered them. The further they advanced the more did their confidence vanish. The cautious German element was especially affected by considerations which grew stronger every moment. By degrees every man of that nationality fell out and retraced his steps. Of the whole force there finally joined the Nuwab-Vazir at Allahaliad a hundred and seventy-three deserters, of whom only three were Englishmen. The remainder were almost all Frenchmen. The majority of them joined the brigades of Samrii and Madoc. The more intelligent were received into the special service of the Niiwdb- Vazir, and were subsequently entrusted with subordinate commands. Meanwhile, with the return of the repentant deserters, order had been restored in the British force. The receipt of a lakh N 178 * The Decisive Battles of India. of rupees from Mir J'afar enabled Captain Jennings to make a timely distribution of a part of the promised donation, and his men, touched by this liberality, and free from the pressure of their French comrades, evinced not only shame for their conduct, but a desire to atone for it by some striking act of service. An opportunity soon presented itself. In his distribution of the Niiwab's money Jennings had paid the European soldier more than six times the amount he had allowed to the sipahi.* The gross unfairness of the proportion produced a marked effect upon the minds of the men who had to a very great extent resisted the pressure put upon them by their European comrades and by their co-religionists to desert. To them it appeared in the light of a premium upon revolt. They resolved, therefore, to obtain their rights by the means which in the case of their European comrades had proved so suc- cessful. Accordingly, on the morning of the 13th February, the day after the issue of the order directing the distribution, the sipahis turned out in tumultuous order on their parade- grounds. Jennings at once ordered the European battalions and the artillery under arms. He had no need to incite them to do their duty. He found them only too eager to wipe out, by an attack upon the men who had presumed to follow their example, all recollection of their contumacy. An extra- ordinary scene followed. The Europeans occupied a position which cut off one native battalion from the other. For a time no movement was made by either party. Suddenly, however, the sipahi battalion on the extreme left advanced in a tumultti- ous manner towards the Europeans. Rightly conjecturing that the object of the sipahis was not to make an assault but to effect a junction with their comrades, and especially anxious * The proportions were — to all sergeants, and to corporals and bom- bardiers of the artillery, 80 rupees each ; to corporals of infantry and gunners, 60 rupees each ; to private soldiers and drummers, 40 rupees each ; to havildars (native sergeants), 12 rupees each ; to naiks (native corporals), 9 rupees each; to sipahis 6 rupees each. Baksar. 1 79 to avoid a contest which, however it might terminate, could not fail to prove fatal to English interests, Jennings, with great presence of mind, controlled his troops so far as to force them to refrain from drawing a trigger. The moment was very critical, for the discharge of a single piece must have precipitated a conflict. The sipahis came on in tumultuous order, passed through the Europeans, and joined their com- rades on the other flank. Two of the native battalions then marched towards the Karamnasa; of the other two present, one, though clamorous and excited, was restrained by its officers; the fourth showed no disposition to mutiny; a fifth, on duty in the camp of the Niiwab, was kept under control; two others were on detached duty on the Karamnasa; and it was to join these, which had already displayed disaffection, that the two revolting battalions now marched. Jennings and his officers followed them, and by promising them the same concessions which had been accepted by the other battalions, he succeeded in inducing them to return to their duty. Similar concessions ensured the loyalty of the two battalions on the Karamnasa. The concessions were that the share of the native rank and file should be increased from less than one-sixth to one-half of that awarded to their Euro- pean comrades. It is strange that a revolt, which, in the cases alike of the Europeans and the sipahis, might have been attended with the most serious consequences, should have been precipitated by the conduct of the authorities, and that, in both instances, it required the breaking of the bonds of discipline to force those authorities to consent to an act of simple justice. The delay in carrying out a solemn obligation in the one case, and the insult offered to the sipahis in the other, imperilled without necessity the British hold upon Bengal. Captain Jennings, hoping that a change of quarters might have the effect of effacing the recollection of the scenes of the previous fortnight, marched, as soon as order had been i8o The Decisive Battles of India. restored, to Sahasram (Sasseram). Here he remained for a fortnight and then moved to Hariganj on the Son. On the 5th March Major Carnac arrived at that place to take command. . Major Carnac was not one of the glorious illustrations of the old Indian army. He possessed few of the qualities which are required in a general. Careful of his own comfort, ab- sorbed by a love of the acquisition of money, then very pre- valent amongst the high officials of India, he displayed neither energy nor enterprise. With far greater means at his disposal than had been possessed by Major Adams, he accomplished much less. He paid but little attention to the comfort of his troops, who, however, disliked him less on that account than for the distrust he evinced on many occasions of their capacity to beat the enemy. The intense dislike felt towards him by his officers and pien, and which can be traced in all the corres- pondence of the time, was increased by the semi-regal state with which, whilst careless for others, he shrouded himself. It was his delight to pitch his camp at some distance in the rear of that of his army, and, whilst living in it a life of luxury and ease, to leave the details of his command to sub- ordinates. That his officers and men gauged his military capacity aright was shown some years later, when his conduct in the campaign against the Marathas imperilled Western India.* The first act of Major Carnac after assuming command gave evidence of the want of enterprise which was his besetting fault as a general. I have already described how, after the fall of Patna, Mir Kasim had proceeded to the fort of Rotas, and, mounting the members of his family and all his portable treasure upon camels, had succeeded in escorting both across the Karamnasa. But many valuables, not to be transported in that easy manner, had been left at Rotas. To secure these * I allude to the conduct which led to the shameful convention of Wargaon. Baksar. 1 8 1 likewise, Mir Kasim had dispatched in February, from Alla- habad, one of his ablest officers, Shekh Ishmail Bey, with a chosen body of troops and a supply of cattle. The enter- prise had not been so secretly conducted but that it came to the knowledge of Mir J'afar. Mir J'afar communicated the information to Jennings, and Jennings, on the 2nd March, had despatched a party to intercept the convoy, and, if possible, to take possession of Rotas. Three days later Carnac assumed the command. His first act was to recall the intercepting party, at that time within a few miles of its destination. Carnac had found ready to his hand a force consisting, in spite of the recent desertions, of 750 European infantry, 150 artillery-men, about 70 cavalry, some three or four hundred native cavalry and seven battalions of native infantry, a total strength of about 6,000 men. He knew well, moreover, that reinforcements of both races were on their way to join him, and that the Europeans would arrive some time in April. With- out counting these, he had an army larger than that with which Clive had fought at Plassey, numerically stronger than that other at the head of which Adams had conquered Katwa, at Gheriah, and at U'ndwah Nala, and he was, moreover, sup- ported by the army, 12,000 strong, of Mir J'afar. His own men were especially eager for the fray. They were tired of inaction, and they greatly longed for an opportunity to wipe out, by gallantry in the field, every recollection of their in- subordination on the banks of the Durgawati. Their hopes in this respect were, however, soon dispelled. Although, on his way to join, Carnac had received precise information regarding the movements of the Niiwab-Vazir and Mir Kasim, knew that they had quitted Allahabad, and had calculated that they would reach Banaras a day or two after his assumption of the command of the British force, he remained for some days unaccountably idle. In another way he pursued a line of conduct not less irritating to his troops. i82 The Decisive Battles of India. As though he distrusted them, he ordered his own tent to be pitched, not in the camp of his army, but in the camp of his ally, Mir J'afar, separated from that of his army by the river Durgawati. To lessen the inconveniences which might arise from such a course, he — two days after his arrival — issued an order directing that all reports were to be made to his second in command. Major Champion, "who, when there is anything extraordinary, will report to the Commander-in-Chief." This conduct, and the apparent determination of Carnac not to move, caused considerable discontent, and for a moment there appeared symptoms of the renewal of the disturbances which had only recently been subdued. Prompt measures — amongst them the despatch to Calcutta of Claude Martina's French Company, and the disbursement of the remainder of the Nuwab's donation — checked these for the moment, and the brooding discontent was further dissipated by the issue, on the 1 2th, of an order to move forward. On the 17th the army reached Baksar. The delay of more than a week, however, had given the enemy — who had, we have seen, reached Banaras on the 7th — time to prepare and throw across the Ganges a bridge of boats. If we may form a conclusion from his correspondence, Carnac had never intended to anticipate them at that place. He had formed a resolution to halt at Baksar; to await there the nego- tiations which Mir J'afar was carrying on with the Rajah of Banaras, and which, according to the calculations of those days, were likely to be pecuniarily more profitable even than a successful campaign, and it was with a feeling of relief that, two days after his arrival at that place, and when the tracing of the intrenchments with which he designed to cover his camp had been begun, he learned that the enemy had successfully placed their bridge of boats, and were engaged in crossing the Ganges. He resolved to await them where he was. This Fabian conduct by no means corresponded to the views of the Calcutta Council. Whatever opinion we may form of Baksar. 183 the moral character of the gentlemen who formed that Council, we are bound to do justice to their political foresight. These men, the colleagues of Clive and of Adams, had, though not soldiers themselves, gleaned from the action of those leaders a very clear view of the manner in which a war with a native prince ought to be conducted. They had noticed that, alike in Southern India and in Bengal, Clive had been successful because he had attacked. Adams had followed the same system. What faith, then, could they place in a plan, the principle of which was entirely opposed to that with which unbroken success had made them familiar? If Carnac was right, they argued, Clive and Adams had been wrong. To argue that' Clive and Adams had been wrong was an absurd- ity; therefore it was the new system which was defective, and must be abandoned. Full of this conviction, the Council sent orders to Carnac to cross the Karamnasa and proceed to act against the enemy. Carnac received these orders on the 24th. He at once despatched an officer to arrange for throwing a bridge across the Karamnasa, and wrote to the Council that their orders would be obeyed as soon as he should have collected a suffi- cient supply of grain. This collection of grain, however, was a mere excuse to evade the orders he had received. - For the next twelve days he remained encamped at Baksar, and when on the 3rd April he received another despatch from the Council urging more decisive measures, he called a council of war. A council of war never fights. Carnac forced a decision favourable to his own views by proving that the army had not a supply of provisions sufficient to permit them to advance. He did not tell them that the army might have had a suffi- cient supply of provisions if he had made serious efforts to obtain it. Some of the members of the Council did not shrink from expressing that opinion. But it was declared to be now too late, and, although the enemy's army was marching upon them, the Council decided to retreat on Patna. 184 The Decisive Battles of India. On the followng day, the 4th, the army fell back, and on the 13th reached Danapiir. On the 14th the European rein- forcements, augmenting the army by nearly 200 Europeans and as many sipahis, reached Patna. The Europeans at once joined the army in the field. At Danapiir, Carnac halted five days. The murmur of his troops, and certain information that the enemy were approach- ing the Son — a river most difficult to cross in the face of an enemy — induced him to announce his intention of marching to prevent them. But again he was too late. The very day after he had set out he had a rough proof that the enemy had been beforehand with him; for his own tent, pitched as usual at a distance from the camp, was threatened by a detachment of their cavalry, and he himself was roused from the occupa- tion of a game of whist to run for refuge amongst his own sipahis. This adventure, which reflected little credit on the intelligence department,* had the effect of inducing Carnac to abandon the unmilitary habit of encamping at a distance from his men. Certain now of the proximity of the enemy, Carnac dis- patched his European cavalry — consisting of about seventy men inclusive of officers — under Captain Hay, with instruc- tions to engage them, then suddenly to retire and draw them into an ambuscade. Hay had not even set out when Carnac changed his mind, without, however, informing Hay of the change. The consequence may be imagined. Hay obeyed orders literally ; engaged the enemy at so great an advantage, that the latter sent forward considerable bodies of troops to support their broken advance-guard; then fell back, drawing the enemy's masses after him to the grove, to which the in- fantry intended for the ambuscade should have been sent. To * For secret-service money, attendance, and table-money. Major Carnac drew the unprecedentedly large allowance of Rs. 11,291.8.0 per mensem, a sum greatly exceeding those drawn by his predecessor and successor for similar purpooes. Baksar. 1 85 his amazement, not a man was to be seen, and Hay, recklessly abandoned to his fate, had great difficulty in extricating himself from his false position. The near approach of the enemy forced the British army, two days later, to fall back on Patna. After a harassing and disorderly march, it reached that place on the 25th, and took up an intrenched position, part of which was already occupied by the army of Mir J'afar. The left of this position rested on the Ganges, then made a sweep round the eastern side and a portion of the southern side of the city, then, receding, ran parallel to its western side. It was thus covered for three parts of its extent by the guns mounted on the city walls. Its front was defended to the same extent by a low rampart and a deep ditch. Mir J'afar's army occupied the left portion of the intrenchment, the extremity of which rested on the Ganges; the English sipahis, the part covered by the south-west bastions of the city wall, and protected by the intrenchment; the Europeans, the most vulnerable portion of the line, running parallel to the western side of the city, not covered by the rampart guns, and open towards the front. The force occupy- ing this intrenchment numbered — including Mir J'afar's army of 12,000 men and about 1,000 Europeans and English sipahis within the city — 19,000 men. It was the largest force ever, till then, put into the field against an enemy in Bengal; it was certainly the first that had allowed itself to be beleaguered. Leaving their commander. Major Carnac, engaged in com- pleting his preparations for its defence, I propose to return to the Nuwab-Vazir and Mir Kasim. We left those potentates entering Banaras on the 7th March, and we have heard of them quitting that city by the bridge of boats they had thrown over the Ganges on the 17th. The object being to reach Patna, the direct route led the army to Baksar, a distance of sixty-two miles. The passage of the Ganges proved, however, to be an operation far longer than had been anticipated; indeed, had Major Carnac displayed 1 86 The Decisive Battles of India. the smallest enterprise, it might have proved fatal to the in- vaders. When rather less than one half of the force had crossed to the opposite side, the bridge suddenly gave way. What an opportunity for Carnac ! At this very time he was frittering away his energies at Baksar ! Some days elapsed before the bridge could be repaired, and it was not till the 2nd April that the enemy's army, reunited on the southern bank, was in a position to march towards Baksar. The information that it had marched compelled Carnac, as we have seen, to make a hasty retreat towards Patna (4th April). The Niiwab-Vazir reached Baksar on the gth April, and, learning the somewhat erratic movements of Carnac, resolved to make an effort to cut him off from Patna. He pushed on, therefore, with all speed, crossed the Son unopposed, on the 17th and 1 8th, and sent to the front the reconnoitring party which, as we have seen, surprised and almost captured Carnac on the 20th. Whilst Carnac was planning the counter-attack which he failed to support, the Nuwab-Vazir detached on the 2 1st, a considerable body of troops to cut off his army from Patna. This operation, which if carried out in its entirety might have produced serious results, was frustrated only by an accident. Carnac being in want of provisions, had ordered a battalion of sipahis and three guns, to escort, on the 22nd, a convoy from Patna to his camp. Captain Smith, who com- manded this escort, happened to receive information during his march, of the approach of the enemy's detachment. He was on the line by which the enemy must advance, and close to an extremely strong position formed by the bed of a tank with mud embankments on every side. He promptly took possession of this natural fortress, and when the enemy approached, gave them a reception so unexpected and so warm, that, imagining their purpose had been discovered, they re- nounced the enterprise and rejoined the main army. How Carnac fell back from that army, and after a some- what disorderly retreat, took up a strong position under the Baksar. 187 walls of Patna, has been already told. The next day the armies of the Emperor, the Niiwab-Vazir and Mir Kasim, about 40,000 strong, of whom, however, not more than 12,000 were regular troops, and the larger proportion of the remainder cavalry, took up a position fronting him. The Emperor, Shah A'lam, was on the right opposed to Mir J'afar; Mir Kasim, with his trained brigades, and having his head- quarters at Bankipur, opposed the right wing of Mir J'afar and the left wing of the English; the Niiwab-Vazir, with his head-quarters at Lohannapiir, occupied the ground facing the south wall of the city, and opposed the right wing of the English. It was altogetheir a new position for the contending parties; an English force 19,000 strong, thus bearded in their camp by an enemy whose troops, though exceeding them in number by nearly two to one were, for the most part, of a quality greatly inferior. But prestige — the prestige gained at Plassey, at Katwa, at Gheriah and at U'ndwah Nala — still fought for the English. That prestige had so impressed their enemies with their prowess, that for a week they hesitated to attack. During that period the English and their allies remained passive behind the trenches. On the 2nd May, however, information reached the Niiwab- Vazir which forced a decision of some kind. He learned that a detachment of English troops between two and three hundred strong, commanded by Captain Wemyss, was approaching Patna. It was already too late, even had it been possible, to send a force to crush them; Patna, and the army under its walls, barred his way; he resolved, therefore, to attempt to «rush that army before the reinforcements should arrive. At daybreak of the following day (May 3rd), he made the attempt. The English being the most formidable of his enemies, and the most exposed, he formed up his line of battle so as, if possible, to overwhelm them, whilst, by a feigned attack, he should prevent Mir J'afar from detaching troops to i88 The Decisive Battles of India. their aid. The English, it will be recollected, occupied the right of the line parallel to the southern face of the city, the left touching the troops of Mir J'afar under the south-western bastions of the city. It should be added that their strongest point was a slight eminence close to, and under the fire of, the south-west bastion. Leaving the troops of the Emperor to amuse Mir J'afar, the Niiwab-Vazir ranged his own army in the following order. On his right, nearly opposite the mound of which I have spoken, he placed his own choicest soldiers, supported by 3,000 Rohilah horse ; immediately to the left of these, the 'divisions of his Minister, Behni Bahadur, and of the Rajah Balwant Singh, of Banaras; to their left again, a body of 5,000 fanatics, all perfectly naked, and covered with paint and ashes. Formed next to these troops, and facing the English line, where it receded and ran parallel to the western face of the city, were the troops of Mir Kasim. Samrii occupied, with his Europeans and five battalions of regular sipahis and sixteen guns, the post of honour on the right, touching the 5,000 fanatics. Next to Samrii were the cavalry and irregular infantry, flanked by the rocket-men of Mir Kasim. The Niiwab was in the rear with the reserve. A distant cannonade naturally preluded the attack. Under cover of its fire the Nuwab-Vazir advanced, and, sheltered by some buildings which served as intrenchments, opened and maintained for some time a musketry-fire on the enemy. The task allotted to Samrii was more difficult. His men had no cover, and they were called upon to beard the British troops in the open. They advanced with great precision, but no sooner had they come within range than they were received with so hot a fire, that after several attempts to induce them to press on, Samrii drew them off to the protection of a hollow way, nearly half-a-mile from the intrenchtneht. On the enemy's left, affairs had not progressed much better. It is true that Mir Kasim's horsemen made several gallant charges, and. Baksar. 1 89 supported by their infantry, did their utmost to storm the eminence in advance of the English line, held by Captain Wilding with a company of sipcthis; whilst at the same time his rocket -men used every effort to turn the extreme right of their line. Though they did not succeed, their attack pro- duced the effect of occupying the attention of a large portion of the English force, and thus gave an opportunity to the enemy's leader to concentrate all his efforts on another part of the line. The Niiwab-Vazir, in fact, noticing how thoroughly Mir Kasim's troops were occupying the English on their left, resolved to make one determined effort to crush their right. For this purpose he brought up his guns close to the intrench- ment, and opened a very heavy fire, sending word to Mir Kasim to send either Samru or his reserves to support him. The fire was continued for some time with great vigour, but the Niiwab-Vazir looked in vain for the support he had solicited from Mir Kasim. Irritated at last beyond measure, he despatched a peremptory message to his ally. But Mir Kasim, great in council, had no head on the battle-field. There he was incapable of even issuing an order. In vain did the message reach him ; he neither sent his own troops nor gave an order to Samni. Compelled to rest solely on his own re- sources, the gallant ruler of Awadh ordered then the 5,000 naked fanatics to attack the angle of the intrenchment — a point where it was defended solely by Europeans. The fana- tics rushed forward with great impetuosity, with wild shrieks and gestures, presenting a very formidable appearance; but the English received them with a volley so well directed, that many of them were laid low and the remainder scattered in disorder. They had scarcely cleared the way, however, when the Rohilah horsemen galloped at full speed to accomplish the allotted task. These gallant men met, however, no better suc- cess. The solid fire from the unbroken line of unconquered Englishmen emptied many a saddle, and compelled the sur- vivors to fall back to rally. igo The Decisive Battles of India. It was now half -past two. The attack, begun at noon, had been foiled at all points. Still the Niiwab-Vazir did not despair. He had fought with great vigour; the cavalry and the rocket-men on his right had displayed signal courage, but the rest of the army had scarcely fought at all. Neither from Samrii, from Behni Bahadur, nor from the Rajah of Banaras, had he received any support. As for Mir Kasim's reserves, the English artillery-fire, passing over the hollow in which Samrii lay esconced, had put them to flight long before. The Niiwab- Vazir, then, did not feel himself beaten because his first attack had failed. He resolved to make one more bid for victory. Forming up in line his own troops and those of his immediate dependents, he made a gallant advance, still unsupported either by Samrii or Mir Kasim, against the British line. So gallantly did his troops charge home, that, for a moment, it seemed as though victory were about to crown his efforts. The English line wavered, a part of the intrenchment was forced, and some prisoners were made. One effort more, and victory ! A similar thought crossed the minds of the English. With calm determination they closed their ranks and presented a new front to the advancing foe, this time not to be broken. Just at this moment, too, the guns from the south-west bastions of the city opened fire with great effect on the enemy's line. The soldiers of the Niiwab-Vazir displayed, notwithstanding, prodigies of valour. They did not retire until the battle had gone irretrievably against them. Beaten but not disgraced, the Niiwab-Vazir fell back, send- ing, as he did so, a contemptuous message to Mir Kasim, to the effect that he should renew the action the following day with troops more to be depended upon than those led by him- self and by Samrii. The English were anxious to pursue him, to turn the repulse into a complete defeat, but were withheld, to their great indignation, by Carnac. The victory, then, was almost barren. The Niiwab-Vazir carried off all his guns, left no prisoners, and returned to the position he had occupied Baksar. 191 before the fight. The losses on both sides were never certainly stated; but there can be no doubt but that the enemy suffered far more than the English. Though the reinforcements commanded by Captain Wemyss safely reached Patna, Carnac still remained on the defensive. He sent, indeed, parties, one to put down insurgents, into the Saran district, and ventured upon one or two skirmishes; but, judging from the reasons he himself assigned, he dreaded, though at the head of the largest force till then employed by the English in Bengal, to attack the enemy in their intrench- ments, lest the attack should fail. Possibly his inaction was due to the fact that whilst the armies faced one another before Patna, he himself was carrying on negotiations with the Nuwab-Vazir and the Emperor, and that, as the result showed a year later,* he found negotiating more profitable than fighting. The approach of the rains at last forced the Niiwab-Vazir to retreat. On the 30th May he broke up his camp, and, not pursued by Carnac, though Carnac was at a very early hour made acquainted with the movement, fell back upon Baksar, where, with fertile provinces behind him, and resting upon the river, he resolved to await in an intrenched position the ap- proach of the English army. Leaving him there, I return to relate the very important measures which now began to affect that army. On the 28th June, Major Carnac was, by an order of the Court of Directors, removed from the Company's service. His removal was due to causes which bore no reference whatever to his conduct of the campaign, at that time unknown in Eng- land. But it was, nevertheless, a great satisfaction to the Cal- cutta Council, who had lost all confidence in him, and an intense relief to the officers under his command. * In 1765, when again at the head of the army, Carnac wrung from the improverished Emperor a donation, for himself individually, of two lakhs of rupees. 192 The Decisive Battles of India. His successor was Major Hector Munro. Munro, who belonged to the 89th Foot, was on the point of embarking for England with the officers and men of his regiment, who had not volunteered for the Company's service, when he received the intimation that his services were required to command the army in Bengal. Taking with him the remnant of his own regiment and of the 90th, he proceeded to Calcutta, and ar- rived there at the end of May. He remained there a short time at the request of the Council; acquainted himself, as far as he could, with the views of its members, and with the state of affairs generally; had interviews with Major Carnac and with Mir J'afar, who had likewise quitted the field; then started off and joined the army, strengthened by the arrival of fresh troops, on the 13th August. Munro was the very opposite of Carnac. Not a great tac- tician, he was a daring, dashing warrior, always on the al^rt, ready for any enterprise, however foolhardy it would appear. He disdained the ceremonious pomp and stately ceremony in which Carnac had delighted. To him danger, privations, diffi- culties, were as nothing. To set out stealthily with a lightly equipped force, and dash without warning upon an enemy, was a warfare after his heart. Time was to show him, in another part of India, that such tactics might be turned against himself by a resolute and watchful enemy ; but in Bengal, the prestige acquired by the English allowed them to dare greatly with impunity. But Munro had his difficulties likewise. Scarcely had he joined when the sipahi battalions displayed, in a worse form, those mutinous symptoms which had with difficulty been re- pressed a few months previously, on the Diirgawati and the Karamnasa. After some less important manifestations, re- pressed without difficulty, the men of Captain Galliez's bat- talion, the oldest corps in the service, rose at Manji, imprisoned their officers, and declared their intention of serving no loiiger, as the promises made to them had not been kept. A battalion Baksar. 193 stationed at Chapra, the 6th, commanded by Captain Tre- vannion, was at once despatched to Manji to bring the mutineers to reason. The 6th proved, as Captain Trevannion believed they would prove, loyal to their colours; and the mutineers, taken by surprise, surrendered themselves as prisoners to their native comrades. They were at once embarked upon rafts and conveyed to Chapra. Munro was awaiting their arrival at that place. Having received information of the date and of the hour on which he might expect them — eight o'clock on the morning of the 13th — he had assembled the troops of the station, European and native, on the parade ground. The prisoners were at once landed and dfawn up in front of their loyal comrades. Their own commanding officer then, at Munro's request, selected fifty of the ringleaders. From these fifty he again picked out twenty-four, and these Munro brought at once before a general court-martial on capital charges of mutiny and desertion. The court found them guilty, and sentenced them to be blown 'from guns. Munro' was a humane man, averse from bloodshedding unless in cases of absolute necessity. But the times were critical. Misplaced leniency would, he felt, endanger the whole fabric of British dominion in Bengal. The easy condonation of the events on the Karamnasa had alone rendered possible the mutiny of Manji. He accordingly directed that the sentence of the court should be carried into effect. The sentence was about to be executed — four of the con- demned mutineers were being tied to loaded guns, when four of their comrades stepped forward and declared that as they belonged to the grenadier company, and had occupied the post of honour on the field of battle, they claimed their right to it on the present occasion. The request of these gallant men was complied with ; they were tied to the guns and blown away ! The action of these men, the calmness with which they met O 194 The Decisive Battles of India. their fate, their tragic end, produced an immense effect upon the spectators. There was scarcely a dry eye on the parade ground. Detestation for the crime had been effaced by admir- ation for the romantic heroism of the criminals. On the loyal sipahis the effect was different. They could not bear to assist at the slaughter of men of their own blood — sent to that slaughter for a cause with which in their hearts they sympa- thised. The murmurs in their ranks became irrepressible, and their commanding officers, stepping forward, interpreted those murmurs by declaring to Munro that their men would not allow the execution to proceed. Again was the moment critical. Any faltering on the part of Munro would have made the sipahis masters of the situa- tion. Fortunately he was equal to the occasion. Directing the officers of the artillery to load their guns with grape, he drew up the marines on one side of them and the European grena- diers on the other; dismissed the commandants to their regi- ments, and gave orders to. the sipahis to ground their arms. Instinctively they obeyed him. Firmness and decision are qualities which can always command Asiatics ! The execution then, proceeded. Sixteen of the remaining men were blown away; the remaining four were sent to Moniah and executed in a similar manner in the presence, of the two battalions there stationed, who had recently evinced a disposition to mutiny. Having, by this decided conduct, weeded his army of the " perilous stuff " which might have ruined it and him, and having reorganized his force, Munro issued, on the 6th October, the welcome order to advance. Bearing in mind the great superiority in cavalry possessed by his opponent, he resolved to leave a considerable body of men to protect Bihar, whilst with a select and lightly-equipped force he should execute his favourite manoeuvre of beating up the enemy. The force he selected for this purpose consisted of nearly 900 Europeans — artillery and infantry — eight battalions of sipahis, and the Mughul horse, now increased to a thousand men. Of this Baksar. 195 force two sipahi battalions and about a hundred Europeans were at Chapra. Whilst he himself, then, should advance from Bankipur by the direct route, Munro directed that the Chapra force should set out from that place under Major Champion, and form a junction with him at Kalvarghat on the Son, on the loth. At the same time a ninth sipahi bat- talion (Captain Goddard's), was ordered to surprise Rotas, and then join the main body at the same point. These arrangements having been completed, Munro set out en the gth October from Bankipur. He reached Kalvarghat on the loth, only to find the opposite bank of the Son occupied by the enemy. A passage which might have been extremely difficult was rendered easy by the timely arrival of Major Champion. That officer was more than true to his appoint- ment, for he had marched up the west bank of the Son, and was therefore in a position to take in flank the enemy sent to oppose the advance of Munro. The enemy, not liking the new position, resolved to reserve their energies for another day, and, after a demonstration against Champion, fell back in the direction of A'rah. The British force then crossed and halted. The following day it was joined by Goddard. The army being completed by this arrival, Munro divided it into three divisions, assigning them to Majors Champion, Pemble, and Stibbert. On the 13th he again advanced. He found A'rah evacuated; but as he pressed on, his advanced guard, commanded by Champion, came upon a body of the enemy's horse drawn up on the further bank of the Bonas nala, close to the spot where, ninety-three years later, Vincent Eyre gained his ever-memorable victory. Champion easily dispersed the horsemen, but, following them up too quickly, was led, about a mile beyond the nala, into a village in which the enemy had planted an ambuscade. The leading files, suddenly assailed from the houses, turned rein and galloped back, pursued by the enemy, who emerged not only from the village but from the groves in the neighbourhood. Following 196 The Decisive Battles of India. up their advantage, the enemy charged and put to flight the Mughul horse, notwithstanding the efforts of their European officers. They then dashed across the bridge, sabring all who came in their way ; but noticing, a few hundred yards beyond it, two companies of sipahis drawn up to receive them, they fell back, contented with their morning's work. They had killed or severely wounded seventy-two of their adversaries. They themselves, though not unscathed, suffered far less. This surprise caused a greater exhibition of caution on the part of the English. Thenceforth they strengthened the advance-guard by the addition of two companies of Europeans and two guns. On arriving at their ground every day they were practised likewise in the order of battle to be observed in the event of being- attacked in camp or on the march. Their further progress continued to be harassed by cavalry attacks; but the presence of* the guns prevented a recurrence of the disaster of the bridge over the Bonas nala. At length, on the 22nd October, Munro reached the plain of Baksar, and beheld the enemy's army drawn up in front of their intrenchments. The two armies remained in presence for a short time, neither prepared to attack. At the end of an hour, the Nuwab-Vazir withdrew his troops within their lines, whereupon Munro moved into the position marked out for his men, and convened a council of war. While they are deliber- ating, I propose to record the events which had occurred in the camp of the Nuwab-Vazir, subsequent to his arrival at Baksar. The army which had fought against the English at Patna, and which, repulsed before that place, had retreated on Saksar, had had three nominal leaders, but only one directing head. The Emperor was virtually a state prisoner, lending only to the cause the halo of the imperial title. Mir Kasim had held an independent command in the attack on Patna. But his conduct in that engagement had brought the Nuwab-Vazir to the resolution to rid himself of him altogether. He acted to Baksar. 197 this end with the cunning which, in an oriental nature, occu- pies the place of prudence. Mir Kasim still had money; he still possessed a certain amount of influence. Until that money should be spent and that influence be dissipated, the Niiwab-Vazir would seek, by the njeaps d^ar to an Asiatic, to prepare to become possessor of his property and to inherit that influence. The day at last arrived when, whilst they were in the intrenchment at Baksar, Mir Kasim's treasures became exhausted. Then, in conformity with his plan, the Nuwab- Vazir treated him with marked and studied insolence. After some by-play, the whole truth burst upon Mir Kasim. He discovered that his troops, the trained brigades of Samrii, his Europeans, had been secretly bought by his ally ; that all his friends except one solitary attendant were prepared to desert him. The very same day he was robbed, by the Nuwab-Vazir's orders, of the few valuables that remained to him, confined as a prisoner, and the day after the appearance of the English force at Baksar, placed upon a lame elephant, and dismissed, as one who had brought bad luck to any cause, from the camp.* Undisputed master, now, of the legions, possessing courage and no inconsiderable military skill, Shuja'u'd daulah might fairly hope to give a good account of the comparatively small force which was about to assail him in his intrenchments. He could still dispose of some 40,000 men, one-third at least of whom were trained warriors, and this time they would not be assailing men behind intrenchments covered by a fortres.s — they themselves would have the advantage of the cover. His position was really a strong one, the left flank covered by the Ganges, the right by the Torah nala, and the whole front covered by earthworks. Well might he calculate that, before * The story is told in detail in the " Sayar il Muta'akkhirin." Mir Kasim eventually found his way to Rohilkhand, where, after many \ icissitudes, hs became a pensioner of the upright and virtuous Najib'u'd daulah, Lsft by his death without a protector,' he eventually died in Dilhi in extreme poverty, his last shawl being sold to pay for his winding sheet. — Asiatic Annual Register. 19-8 The Decisive Battles of India. his right flank could be turned or his centre forced, the weight of his greatly superior numbers would tell. There is an impulse, however, in the nature of the Latin and the Oriental races which makes it impatient of delay, which upsets all the calculations of prudence. At Dettingen, at Talavera, and on many other fields, the French have volun- tarily flung to the winds the natural advantages which would have secured to them victory. We have seen how, at Gheriah, Mir Kasim's army, leaving its strong intrenchments, marched into the open to meet the English. And now, at Baksar, the Niiwab-Vazir pursued the same course. He had sighted the English army on the morning of the 22nd. He had waited for them in his intrenchments all that day. As they did not attack him, he resolved to attack them on the following morn- ing. At daybreak he moved out of his intrenchments accordingly. We left Munro, meanwhile, presiding at the council of war which he had summoned after dismissing his troops on the morning of the 22nd. There were ofiicers present who, during the stay of the army at Baksar under Carnac, had gained a. thorough knowledge of the ground ; two, even, who had sur- veyed the position now occupied by the enemy. After a brief consultation it was resolved to give the main body of the troops a rest on the 23rd, and to attack the intrenchment on the 24th; that a strong detachment should endeavour then, to turn the right of the position, whilst the main body should assail it in front; that, meanwhile, trenches and false batteries should be thrown up on the 23rd opposite the enemy's left, so as to delude them with the idea that the English intended to proceed by regular approaches. The Niiwab-Vazir disconcerted all these arrangements by boldly challenging a combat on the 23rd. His army was dis- covered, soon after" daybreak, marching in battle array towar4s the English camp by Major Champion, who had been detached with a party to prepare the false approaches of which I have Baksar. 199 spoken. Champion at once sent word to Munro, and Munro, after galloping to the front to reconnoitre, ordered his men to form up in the order of battle in which he had practised them during the line of march, and which would enable them, if threatened by cavalry, to form, on the moment, an oblong square. That order was in two lines. In the front line the Royal troops, composed of the Marines, and details of the 84th, 89th, and 90th Regiments, commanded by Captain Wemyss, occu- pied the right centre; fowr companies of the Company's Euro- pean troops — two belonging to Bombay, and two to Bengal — commanded by Captain Macpherson, the left centre. Flank- ing these two centres, on the right and on the left, were two battalions of sipahis. In the intervals between these four battalions were two six-pounders; in the intervals between the Royal and the Company's Europeans were four six-pounders; on the extreme flanks were one twelve-pounder and two six- pounders. In the second line, about 200 of the Bengal European Bat- talion occupied the centre, with two battalions of sipahis on either flank, two six-pounders filling up the spaces between the Europeans, and the natives, and two being posted on either flank. The cavalry was divided into two divisions. One of these, supported by four companies of sipahis taken from the battalions in the second line, was posted at a village to pro- tect the baggage; the other, commanded by Captain Hay, occu- pied a position fifty paces behind the centre of the front line, supported by a reserve composed of the European grenadiers. The force numbered, exclusive of officers and sergeants, 857 Europeans, of whom 71 were artillerymen, and forty cavalry; 5,297 sipahis, and 918 native cavalry (Mughul Horse); or a total of 7,072. It had twenty-eight guns. The right wing of the front line was commanded by Major Champion, and the left by Major Hibbert. Major Pemble commanded the second line; Captain Hay, as I have said, the cavalry, with 200 The Decisive Battles of India. the reserve; and Lieutenant Vertue the cavalry and sipahis guarding the baggage. It remains only to describe the position. To the left and in front of the left wing was an extensive morass, and beyond that a village ; in front of the right wing a large grove, between which and the village on the left the space was clear; to the right of the grove, beyond the extreme right of the line, was another village. These points, the villages and the grove, had been occupied by the enemy before the English line could be formed. The Niiwab-Vazir had been allowed, indeed, plenty of time to consider the ground upon which he now resolved to hght; and it must be allowed that in his choice he had displayed considerable skill. His position was, indeed, formidable. His left, which, resting on the Ganges, occupied the fort and vil- lage of Baksar, was composed of the division of Behni Bahadur, several native battalions officered by the foreigners who had deserted from the Karamnasa in the preceding Febru- ary, supported by a chosen body of horsemen raised by the Niiwab-Vazir in Awadh, and known as the Shekhzadi,* com- manded by Shekh Gulam Khadar. In the centre were the trained brigades of Samru and Madoc, consilsting of eight battalions of sipahis and eight field-pieces worked by Euro- peans, and supported by a mixed body of horse and foot, 6,000 strong, commanded by Shuja Kuli Khan. In this centre, on either flank of the trained battalions, were powerful bat- teries of heavy guns, worked by trained native gunners under European superintendence. The right wing was composed of the division of the Rajah of Banaras, a large body of Rohilahs, horse and foot, and 5,000 Afghan cavalry, known as the Durani horse, from the fact that the majority of them had served under Ahmad Shah Durani at Panipat. The reserve, composed mainly of cavalry, was posted in the rear. The * Literally, the sons of the Shekh. Baksar. 201 Niiwab-Vazir, though he commanded the whole army, took especial direction of the right wing. The Niiwab-Vazir advanced slowly towards the English ferce until, judging himself within range, he halted and opened fire from his heavy guns in the centre. He had judged correctly, and Munro, finding that his own guns were not of sufficient calibre to reach the enemy's lines, whilst his men were a target for theirs, gave the order to advance. This for- ward movement was especially trying, as the morass in front of the left wing was unfordable and had to be turned, and this under a heavy fire from the enemy's guns and rockets. But never did British troops behave more steadily than on this trying occasion. Calmly and deliberately as on the parade ground they accomplished the manoeuvre. Meanwhile, as they advanced within range, the guns of their centre and of their right wing opened fire, with a better aim than that of the enemy. The morass at length cleared, the line was re- formed, and the advance continued. Just at this moment the Durani Horse, galloping up, threatened the left flank. Again, as on parade, the two British lines executed the manoeuvre to which they had been accustomed, and promptly forming into an oblong square, poured in a fire of grape and musketry so galling that the Duranis recoiled. An attempt by the same horsemen made immediately afterwards, in conjunction with the Shekhzadis, on the baggage, was more successful. The whole of this fell into their hands. Flushed with this success, the two bodies of horsemen charged impetuously the rear line of the British. The charge, though repelled, was repeated and repeated, the enemy be- having with the greatest gallantry, many of their men falling in hand-to-hand contest in the very ranks of the assailed. Amongst these was their heroic leader. Not even his loss, however, checked their ardour, nor did the survivors retire imtil the heapsd-up bodies of. their comrades, dead and dying, 202 The Decisive Battles of India. convinced them of the impossibility of breaking down the solid British wall before them. Whilst his cavalry were thus maintaining their reputation on the rear of the British lines, the infantry of the Niiwab- Vazir were, under his own personal directions, using every endeavour to gain the victory which should make him master of the three provinces. A battery of heavy guns had been moved to the village overlapping the right of the British line, beyond the grove immediately in their front, and the fire from it had already produced something like a wavering in their right wing as it advanced. Munro, perceiving this, recog- nized that the critical moment had arrived when, if he did not wish to allow the conviction to steal over his men that they were overmatched, he must achieve some striking success. He accordingly ordered a battalion of sipahis to charge the vil- lage. This feat was performed with great gallantry and skill by Lieutenant Nicoll, Adjutant-General of the sipahis. This officer, making a detour, surprised the enemy, and drove it out at the point of the bayonet. No sooner had this been accomplished than Munro, sending another battalion to support Nicoll, directed him to carry his success further, and attack the grove. The enemy, however, was by this time on the alert, and they received Nicoll with so much resolution, and with numbers so superior, that they forced him back. An oppor- tune charge of cavalry completed his discomfiture. A decisive moment had now arrived. If the enemy could maintain themselves in the grove, the ultimate victory must be with them. Samru and Madoc were at least holding their own in the centre; on the right the Niiwab-Vazir had not lost an inch of ground. Could he repulse the English once more from the grove, and then overwhelm them with a charge of cavalry, the day would be his own. No one recognized the position more clearly than Munro. He felt that unless he could carry the grove he was beaten. He resolved, therefore, to carry it at all hazards. Baksar. 203 That there might be no mistake this time, Munro supported the battalions already in advance, and whxh he further strengthened, with his entire right wing, and directing them to trust only to the bayonet, sent them forward. Had the enemy only shown resolution, the contest might have been doubtful ; but the pertinacity of the English daunted them; they could not view with firmness the sight of the dark masses advancing against them. As soon, therefore, as the English entered the grove, the enemy gave way, leaving twenty-seven guns behind them. A volley from the victors hastened their retreat, but they formed up again on the left of the line, and presented there an unbroken front. Still the battle, though more favourable to the English,, was not yet decided. A mistake made by the commander of the mixed horse and foot, Shuja Kiili Khan, who was supporting the brigades of Samrii and Madoc, came, however, opportunely to give the final touch to the impending catastrophe. This officer had no sooner heard the volley which the English had p'oured upon the infantry retreating from the grove, than, elated as he was with the promising aspect of affairs, he came to the unfortunate conclusion that they were the troops of the Nuwab-Vazir who had fired it — the retreating English who had received it. The moment, then, had arrived, he thought, to complete the victory. Without communicating with anyone, then, he moved round the skirts of the morass, and charged the English left wing in front and in flank. But here again English steadiness, never more conspicuously displayed than on this memorable day, baffled the gallantry of the enemy. The men on the left wing, natives and Europeans, repulsed charge after charge, and at length compelled the baffled sur- vivors of the enemy, who had lost their gallant leader, to retire broken and in disorder. That leader had paid more than his life for his mistake. His discomfiture was the signal for the retreat of the whole line.' Munro at once gave orders for a general advance. Riding 204 The Decisive Battles of India. to the head of his troops he thanked them for their conduct, told them that the victory was now in their hands, and, taking off his hat, gave three cheers, to which the men responded. The battalions then broke into columns, and pushed on to improve their success. Fortune again favoured them. The Niiwab-Vazir, who was formed of a good fighting material, and who had not spared himself during the battle, had, on seeing the victory on which he had counted escape from his grasp, taken up a new position to check pursuit and, if possible, to restore the battle. He would probably have succeeded in doing the first. But, un- fortunately for him, Behni Bahadur, who had occupied the fort and village of Baksar, had not heard of the defeat of the main body. Himself dismounted and his men in loose order — chatting, probably, regarding the victory they believed had been gained — they were surprised by the sudden apparition in their m:dst of the English soldiers. To mount, to flee, all in disorder, was the simultaneous thought of several thousands of men. The consequent rush of terrified fugitives was fatal to the new dispositions taken up by the Niiwab-Vazir. • Thenceforward all was over. There was nothing for it but flight — or pillage. The Durani horse, true to their Afghan instincts, chose the latter alternative, and set to work with a good will to plunder the camp of the master for whom they had fought. The Nuwab-Vazir himself succeeded in crossing the Torah nala with his regular brigades, his moneys and his jewels; but no sooner had he seen them on the opposite bank than, like Napoleon after Leipsic, he ordered the bridge of boats to be destroyed. The rear of the force and all the camp-followers were thus exposed to destruction. Still they pushed on; some into the stream, elephants, camels, horses, men and bullocks all mixed together, the same animal instinct inspiring them all. The result was terrible. In this struggle for life, writes the native chronicler, so many perished that at last a bridge, three hundred yards long, was formed of their Baksar. 205 bodies, over which the survivors escaped ! It need scarcely be added that across that bridge the victors did not follow them. Such was the battle of Baksar; a battle in all respects a test battle, won by courage, endurance and, above all, by discipline and steadiness. If we may say that the English were fortunate in possessing as a leader a man so cool, so enterprising, and yet so firm and decided, as Hector Munro, we must also admit that never before had they encountered an enemy in all respects so formidable. Shuja'u'd daulah, Nuwab-Vazir of Awadh, was the most skilled native leader of soldiers in India. Contemporary writers declare that if he had lived in the palmy days of the Mughuls, his force of character, his astuteness, and, above all, his qualities as a general, would have placed him in the very front rank. The same writers proceed, whilst lamenting the fortune which brought him, at a critical period, in contact with a race physically superior, and which had attained a higher standard in the practice of arms, to point to the statesmanlike wisdom which admitted defeat, recognized that the conqueror was not to be withstood, and eventually bound him towards himself and his family by ties of friend- ship. Such a leader was no unworthy opponent even of Munro; and the most critical will admit that he fought the battle with skill and resolution. He cannot be held responsi- ble for the mistakes of Shuja Kiili Khan and of Behni Bahadur — mistakes, the first of which ensured his defeat, and the second made of the defeat a rout. Again, his men, especially his cavalry, fought most bravely. Witness the charges on the second line of the English, the first defence of the grove, the firm attitude of the disciplined brigades. But for the wonder- ful steadiness of the English those charges would have brought them victory. It was that steadiness, as conspicuous here as it was on the hill of Albuera and on the field of Waterloo, which not only saved Bengal, but gained for our countrymen the north-west provinces of India. For those were the stakes. The English risked tt ^ three 2o6 The Decisive Battles of India. provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orisa; the Niiwab-Vazir the north-western provinces from Shahjahanpiir to the Karamnasa. They fought to decide to whom both should belong. That was the practical issue. Had the English been badly beaten — and defeat would have meant annihilation — Shuja'u'd daulah would not have stopped short of Calcutta. What were the consequences of his defeat? Baksar was fought on the 23rd October, 1764. By the following February the English had subdued the country as far as Allahabad, including Banaras and Chunar; in March they had overrun Awadh, occupied Faizabad and Lakhnao, beaten the enemy at Karrah, again at Kalpi on the Jamna, and finally forced the Niiwab-Vazir — a "houseless wanderer" — to throw himself upon their generosity. The extent of the territory conquered alone prevented the English from, at the time, taking the fullest advantage of their victory. From motives of policy they restored to its owner the greater part of the stake, all of which, nevertheless, the victory of Baksar, well followed up, had won for them. Clive, who arrived from England in time to negotiate the treaty, would have given back nearly the whole of it. But circumstances were too strong for him. The victory of Baksar advanced the English frontier practically to Allahabad.* That victory cost the English 847 in killed and wounded; of these loi were Europeans, and nine of these, again, were officers. The enemy's loss was more severe. Upwards of 2,000 men lay dead on the field, and many more were wounded. The victors captured 133 pieces of artillery, the standing camp, and all the personal effects of the enemy. Exclusive of the number of articles plundered, the booty, when sold, realised upwards of twelve lakhs of rupees ! Whether regarded as a duel between the foreigner and the * The English held that place nominally for the Emperor till 1771, when they sold it to the Niiwab of Awadh for fifty lakhs of rupees. They continued, nevertheless, to garrison it. It was formally transferred to the English in 1801. Baksar. 207 native, cr as an event pregnant with vast permanent conse- quences, Baksar takes rank amongst the most decisive battles ever fought. Not only did the victory of the English save Bengal, not only did it advance the British frontier to Allaha- bad, but it bound the rulers of Awadh to the conqueror by ties of admiration, of gratitude, of absolute reliance and trust, ties which made them for the ninety-four years that followed the friends of his friends and the enemies of his enemies. For that constancy of friendship England repaid them in 1855-6 ! CHAPTER VIII. PORTO NOVO. The present Kingdom of Maisur* (Mysore) is bounded on the north-west by Dharwar, in the Bombay Presidency, and by the Portuguese territory of Goa; on the north-east and east by the districts of Ballari, Kadapa and the Karniil : on the south- west by the province of Kurg ; on the south-east by Arkat ; and on the south by the Nilgiris. At the time when the genius of its Muhammadan ruler made its name formidable to the Eng- lish, Maisur comprehended an extent of territory far greater. Not only did it include southern India as far as Travankur, but its ruler held likewise a portion of south and north Arkat, and made his influence felt sometimes even to the very walls of Madras. For a moment, it seemed even possible that Madras itself might be swallowed up. It is of the campaign which forced him to relax the firm grip he had taken. o£- the- Karna- tak, and which so far as related to the danger of the pre- dominance of Haidar All in southern India was decisive, that I propose now to write. Very little is known of the early history of Maisur. Accord- ing to the preserved tradition two young men of the tribe -of * The name Maisur is abbreviated from " Mahesli A'sur" — the buffalo- headed monster — said to have been slain by the goddess Kali, who, under the title of Chamundi — the discomfiter of enemies — is an object of special worship in the country. Porto Novo. 2og Yadava left the court of Vijayanagar in search of adventure, at a time when the influence of the Rajahs of Vijayanagar extended over nearly the whole of southern India; reached the little fort of Hadava, a few miles from the site of the present town of Maisiir, and rescued from a marriage which would have disgraced her the only daughter and heiress gf the petty lord of the soil. The elder of the two then married her, and became the founder of the Hindu dynasty which still governs the province. Such is the tradition. The little domain acquired by the marriage enjoyed for many years that followed the inestim- able advantage of attracting no notice from its larger neigh- bours. It is known, however, that in 1524 a descendant of the Yadava intruder, Kam Raj by name, moved the capital from Hadava to Maisur, and that in 1571 another successor, Hira Kam Raj, not only refused to pay tribute to Vijayanagar, but took possession cf Shrirangapatam (Seringapatam), and greatly enlarged his borders. From the date of his rule the enlargement became progressive. In the course of a few years (1638), the hero of the race, Kanti Reva Narsi Raj, whose ex- ploits are to this day, far more than those of the Muhammadan Haidar All, the favourite themes of the bards and story-tellers of Maisur, and whose stone bed is still preserved in the royal palace, came to increase further the ancestral territories. In the reign of his successor, Dtid Deo Raj, those dominions assumed the dimensions of a kingdom. It was this rajah who placed on the hill overlooking Maisur, popularly known as the hill of Chamundi, the colossal figure of Shiva's bull, which, for the beauty of its design and the skill with which it had been executed, commands to this day admiration. By this time the kingdom had become sufficiently large to attract the notice and the jealousy of the neighbouring poten- tates. We hear of one rajah levying tribute from Trichina- palH; of another attacking Madura, of the son of another defeating the Marathas in a pitched battle. It was on the P 2IO The Decisive Battles of India. strength of this victory that the descendant of the Yadava adventurer, Chik Deo Raj, felt emboldened to send an embassy to the great Aurangzib. The Mughul emperor rejoiced to virelcome as a friend one who had been able to defeat his bitterest enemies, received the embassy with great cordiality (1700), conferred upon the Rajah many titles of honour, and conceded to him the right of sitting upon an ivory throne. The descendants of Chik Deo failed, however, to maintain by force of arms the position which that sovereign prince had acquired. We find his grandson, Diid Kishen Raj, compelled, in 1724, to buy off, by the payment of a million sterling, the attack made upon him by the Niiwabs of Karniil, Kadapa and Savamir, and the Maratha chief of Gutti. Two years later the Marathas extorted a similar price for their forbearance; and, although the money expenditure was to a large extent made good by the capture, in 1728, of Savendrug, the accumulated treasures of which fell into the hands of the Maisiir Rajah, still the Hindu dynasty never recovered from the blow which the payment of the money for release from the demands of a conqueror always inflicts. It was about this time that the power of the Rajahs of Maisiir glided from their hands into the hands of their heredi- tary ministers, the Dalwais. It was a custom not unknown to Hindu races. In had prevailed in the great Maratha dynasty enthroned in western India. Whilst the descendants of Sivaji was a pageant sovereign, the Peshwas descending in an heredi- tary line exercised all the power. And now the principle took root in Maisiir. The Dalwais were said by tradition to be descended from the younger of the two Yadava ad'^entufets who had laid the foundation of the kingdom. The same tra- dition affirms that the right to hold in perpetuity the office of prime minister had been made, at that early period, hereditary in their family. It was only, however, when the royal dynasty began te show signs of decrepitude and decay that the right was offensively asserted. In 1736 the representative of the Porto Novo. 211 Dalwai family, Deo Raj, was a man of remarkable ability. The reigning prince being distinguished for his vices, Deo Raj deposed him, placed on the throne a distant relative to exercise the ornamental functions of royalty, whilst he himself, as mayor of the place, should really govern. This Dalwai, Deo Raj, restored the fortunes of Maisur by defeating in a pitched battle the army of Dost All, Niiwab of the Karnatak. When he felt his strength begin to decay, he made over his power to his brother, Nanjiraj, a man whose abilities were but little inferior to his own. Under the com- mand of Nanjiraj, the Maisurians stormed the stronghold of Deonhalli, and took a prominent part in the contest, nominally between Chanda Sahib and Muhammad Ali, really between the French and the English, for supremacy in the Karnatak. Alike in the storming of Deonhalli, and in the contests which followed, Nanjiraj was greatly assisted by the skill, the valour and the enterprise, displayed on every occasion by a Muhammadan soldier of fortune whom he had enlisted under his banners, and to whom, after a time, he entrusted very high commands. The name of this soldier of fortune was Haidar All. Haidar All was the second son of Fateh Muhammad, a naik or com- mander of peons, or irregularly-armed infantry, in the service of the Niiwab of Sera. Fateh Muhammad, after a career which might be termed successful, for he had been able to attach to his name the coveted title of "Khap," and to receive the jaghir of Budikota, was slain in one of those sanguinary contests which followed the attempt of the Siibahdar of the Dakhan to found an independent principality in southern India. At that time his elder son, Shabaz, was nine years old ; the younger, Haidar, was seven. The death of the father obliterated the recollection of his services. Under the pretext that some moneys had not been accounted for by the deceased naik, the son of the man for whom that naik had given his 212 The Decisive Battles of India. blood demanded payment from the widow and her children, and, when compliance with the demand was evaded, he did not hesitate to apply torture, in its most cruel and ignominous form, to the two boys, and probably, it is said, to their mother. Young as he was, Haidar neither forgot nor forgave the in- dignity ; nor did he fail to avenge it. The death of his father and the subsequent misfortunes of his family deprived Haidar All of the advantages of educa- tion. To the end of his life he had never mastered even the faculty to read and write. His character as a young man was peculiar. He was always in extremes. Impatient of restraint, he would absent himself for weeks from his family, and pass his time in voluptuous riot; then, suddenly awaking, would proceed to the opposite extreme of abstinence and excessive exertion. The political disorders of the age at length forced him to take a decided part. His brother, Shabaz Sahib, had, some time previously, through the kind offices of a Hindu officer of rank, obtained a position as a subordinate officer of peons in the service of the Dalwai. By good conduct he had gradually risen to the command of two hundred horse and a thousand peons, and at their head he formed part of the army which, in 1749, was besieging Deonhalli. Haidar, tired of an aimless life, joined that body of men as a volunteer. His service at the siege settled his future career. Daring, cool and resolute, Haidar distinguished himself as the first on the field of danger, the foremost in every fray. He did more than that. It was Haidar who suggested the plan by which the enemy was to be baffled, the manoeuvre which was to pre- lude success. He attracted the attention of the all-powerful Nanjiraj ; and Nanjiraj, always eager to attach talent to him- self, appointed him, on the fall of Deonhalli, to command a body then consisting of fifty horsemen and two hundred foot- men, gave him orders to recruit and augment it, and placed him in charge pf the principal gate of the conquered fortress. From this time the rise of Haidar was assured. We find Porto Novo. 213 him in the following year combating the Marathas, and, by a visit to Pondichery, laying the foundation of that regard for the French which lasted to the end of his days. In 175 1-2 we hear of him, his corps augmented to a thousand, fighting before Trichinapalli, and distinguishing himself in every encounter. The following year he was appointed by Nanjiraj to take charge of the important fortress of Dindigal, ceded by Muhammad All. At this time his command was increased to 1,500 horsemen, 3,000 regular infantry and 2,000 armed foot- men, with four guns. It is generally believed that at this period of his life his mind first conceived those ambitious designs which he afterwards so effectually carried out. It would take foo long, and it would be foreign to the pur- pose of this work, to narrate the means by which Haidar Ali gradually built up for himself an enduring position in the Maisiir State. It must suffice to state that his wonderful knowledge of men, and the address which was born of that knowledge, soon made him the most popular man in southern India; that, aided by a confederate, Kande Rao, whom he placed at Maisiir to watch the proceedings of the court, to furnish him with information, and to support his demands, he made himself in a very short time necessary to the Dalwai; that when, in 1758, the Dalwai, Deo Raj, died, and the Maisiir army mutinied to obtain its arrears of pay, Haidar All, by means peculiarly his own, settled their claims ; that having thus assumed the character of a general benefactor of the State, he took care that his troops should take all the guards of the fortress of Shr-irangapatam ; that he then compelled the Marathas who had invaded Maisiir to quit the country and to renounce their claims on the territories previously ceded to them in pledge; that, on his return, he was received by the pageant Rajah, and now, by his means, the almost pageant Dalwai, in full darbar, and greeted with the title of Bahadur, or hero, which was ever afterwards affixed to his name; that, having felt his power, he then, acting under the shadow of the 214 The Decisive Battles of India. name of the Rajah, turned all his influence against his original benefactor, the Dalwai, Nanjiraj, forced him to relinquish all his appointments, to proceed in retirement to Kunnur, some twenty-five miles west from Maisur, and appointed his own adherent, Kande Rao, under the name of Diwan, to fill the vacated post; that Kande Rao having a little later, in collusion with the Rajah, turned against him, and even defeated him in the field, Haidar, by an artifice which did great credit to his imaginative powers, crushed his enemy and more than recovered his position; that, as a consequence, he assumed charge of the whole country, assigning three lakhs of rupees for the personal expenses of the Rajah, and one lakh for those of Nanjiraj ; that he then increased the dominions of Maisur, by the defeat of Murari Rao, the conquest of Bednur, of Bellari, the submis- sion of many independent chiefs, the extension of his terri- tories to the Malabar coast ; more than doubling the extent and more than quadrupling the resources of the kingdom, which was now virtually his own. In 1766, the pageant Rajah having died, Haidar, after a mock installation of his successor, resumed the grant of three lakhs, plundered the palace of its jewels, and confined the Rajah within its four walls. Thence- forth he was supreme. In the course of these events, of which I have given the briefest possible summary, Haidar All had never come in con- tact as a principal with the English. He had met them in the field before Trichinapalli, and that was all. The time was now approaching when his experience of them was to be more varied. The English, after the position gained by their decisive victory over the French in southern India had been confirmed and established by the peace of Paris (loth Febru- ary, 1763), had proceeded on lines widely different from those on which they had travelled in Bengal. There they had effec- tually asserted themselves, and controlled the policy of the puppet they had set up. But in southern India they had been content with playing "the secondary part in politics, the first Porto Novo. ;2I5 in the field." They allowed, in fact, the puppet whom they had placed on the semi-regal throne of the Karnatak to pursue his own foreign policy, and they were content blindly, and without inquiry, to fight for that policy. Now, Muhammad All, whom British efforts alone had placed in a position of power, had entertained a great jealousy of the rising power of Haidar, and he had formed an alliance to crush him with Nizam Ali, Siibahdar of the Dakhan, and with the Marathas. In the campaign which they contemplated, both Muhammad Ali and the Siibahdar designed to place the English in the front line of battle. The English, no longer under the direc- tion of a guiding mind, were not unwilling. They were con- tent — to use the words of the contemporary historian, Colonel Wilks — "to engage in the contest in the exclusive character of dupes." Haidar Ali was equal to the occasion. He possessed one great advantage, that he fought for one hand, and that hand his own. His enemies were animated by four interests, all really opposed the one to the other. By the payment of thirty- five lakhs of rupees, and the cession — intended only to endure until he was able to re-occupy it — of some territory, he bought off the Marathas. He then cajoled the Siibahdar, Nizam Ali, to renounce his alliance with Muhammad Ali, and, conjointly with himself, to invade the Karnatak. Entering that country, Haidar fought — 3rd September, 1767 — with the English at Changamah a battle, which, whilst it was so far a victory for that people, inasmuch as they repulsed every attack, was fol- lowed, two hours later, by their retreat to Trinomalli from the position which they had victoriously maintained. To Trino- malli Haidar and his ally followed them. He might then have starved them into surrender, for his own position before it was unassailable. Pressed by his ally, however, he again tried the fortune of war, and on the 26th September moved into the plain to attack his enemy, led, as on previous occasions, by Colonel Joseph Smith; attacked him; and was defeated 2i6 The Decisive Battles of India. with great loss of men and of material. One result of this defeat was recrimination between the two allies, each casting the blame of the mishap on the other. The formidable char- acter, up to this point, however, of the invasion may be realized from the consideration of the fact that, whilst the battle was being fought, Tipu (Tippoo), then a boy of seventeen, under- going for the first time "the baptism of fire," was engaged, under the guidance of an experienced officer, Ghazi Khan, in plundering the country houses of the Members of the Council of Madras.* The defeat of Trinomalli was a blow, but it was not a de- cisive blow. It warded off for a time Haidar's meditated attack upon Madras. For a month after its occurrence Haidar remained encamped at Kallimodu, in the district known as Baramahal, watching the movements of the English army. He soon ascertained that the English leader was adopting a system of which he would be able to take advantage, the system of cantoning his army in three places, each at a great distance from the other — Kanchipuram, Wandiwash, and Trichinapalli. The moment he ascertained that the distribution had been completed, Haidar broke up his camp, captured Tripatiir and Vaniambadi, and laid siege to Ambiir (15th November). Ambiir was a strong place, situated on the summit of a mountain of pure granite, accessible only on one face, termin- ating the valley of Bareunahal, on the north, and overlooking the fertile valley which, forming a right angle with Baramahal, extends to the eastward down to Velur and Arkat. It is about a hundred and ten miles from Madras. When Haidar ap- proached it, it was garrisoned partly by the troops of the native Kiladar, or commandant, partly by a small body of English troops under Captain Calvert. Again did British skill and British valour baffle Haidar. Calvert, despite of the discovered treachery of his native ally, * The houses on the Adyar and in other localities outside the fort. Porto Novo. 21/ the Kiladar, made an excellent defence, and kept Haidar before the place a time sufficiently long to enable Colonel Smith to re-collect his scattered forces and advance to his relief. Then came the turn of Haidar to fall back. He effected this operation with considerable skill ; covered with his own army the retreat of the more disorganized forces of his ally, the Siibahdar; risked a skirmish, to gain this object, with the English at Vaniambadi; then, abandoning that place and Tripatiir, fell back on the previously prepared and strongly fortified position of Kaveripatam. The fortifications of Kaveripatam were so formidable that Smith, who had closely followed up Haidar, would not, under the circumstances, have ventured to attempt them. But the dis- cord, the divisions, the perplexities, which reigned in the camp of the allies, came soon to relieve him from all anxiety. Haidar maintained a bold front only until his own heavy guns and baggage, and the greater portion of the army of Nizam Ali, with Nizam Ali himself, had had time to re-ascend the ghats leading to the elevated plateau of Bangalor. As soon as he heard that this ascent had been safely accomplished, he fol- lowed himself, leaving behind him only a strong division, chiefly cavalry, to watch the English. Again, unwittingly, had he lost an opportunity. He had lost the chance which comes always to those who know how to wait. For the two days previous to his retirement the English army had been without food ! His retreat alone enabled them to fall back, in security, to search for it ! The campaign effectually detached Nizam Ali from Haidar. That potentate returned to his alliance with the English. It had further the result of giving birth to a hope of inde- pendence amongst the recently subdued chiefs on the Malabar coast. To crush this nascent feeling, Haidar, with great skill and promptitude, transported his army by forced marches before Mangalur (May 1768); compelled the bulk of the Eng- 2i8 The Decisive Battles of India. lish garrison* who had been sent to feed the insurrection, to take refuge in their boats; the remainder, consisting of the sick and wounded, to surrender. Having, by this vigorous action, crushed every spark of rebellion on the coast, Haidar re-ascended the ghats, and prepared on the Maisiir plateau for the campaign he intended to inaugurate on the cessation of the rainy season. Meanwhile the English army, divided into two divisions, led respectively by Colonels Smith and Wood, had been engaged, preparatory to an ascent of the plateau, in driving the garri- sons of Haidar from the strong places occupied below the passes, from Vaniambadi on the north to Dindigal and Pal- ghat on the south-east and south-west. On the 8th June, an advanced division, commanded by Colonel Donald Campbell, ascended the pass to Budikota, reduced Venkatagadi, and thence opened out the pass leading to the vale of Veliir. Campbell next bribed the Kiladar of the strong fort of Mal- wagal, one of the strongest in the country, and with the con- nivance of that traitor took possession of it. Colonel Smith's main division then advanced, and, joined by Colonel Camp- bell, took Baghir on the 28th June, and Hussiir (Ossoor) on the nth July. At this place the army halted, waiting partly for the recovery from sickness of Muhammad Ali, Nuwab of the Karnatak, who was with it, partly for the appearance of Colonel Wood on the south-western surface of the plateau, and the junction of Murari Rao, from whom a promise of co- operation had been obtained. Murari Rao joined with 3,000 horse and 2,000 irregular footmen on the 4th August. The very same day saw Haidar Ali, returning from his victorious expedition to the western coast, march into Bangalor. The two principals in the contest were now within striking distance — for Hussiir is but twenty-four miles from Bangalor * These who thus embarked consisted of 241 Europeans and 1,200 sipahis. The sick and wounded amounted to eighty Europeans and 180 sipahis. Porto Novo. 219 — nor did any great length of time elapse before their troops came in contact. Having ascertained that Murari Rao was encamped about half a mile to the right of the English posi- tion, Haidar, on the night of the 22nd August, made an at- tempt to beat him up. The attack failed. Haidar then, having made sufficient provision for the safety of Bangalor, resolved, with the instincts of a great commander, to move with great rapidity to the eastward and overwhelm Wood before that officer could have notice of his approach. Meanwhile Wood, having completed the conquest of the strong places to the south-west, had returned to Baramahal, and, unsuspicious of danger, was marching through a long defile to Budikota. Haidar, endeavouring to conceal his move- ments from Smith, and believing that that officer would be content to await Wood's arrival at Maliir, two marches short of Budikota, had taken up a position whence he could open an enfilading fire on Wood's men as they should emerge from the defile. He had not calculated, however, on the energy of Colonel Smith. That officer, divining Haidar's plans, far from halting at Maliir, had marched not only to Budikota, but beyond it, and had taken up, unknown to his enemy, a position on the other side of the defile. Haidar, then, was effectually baffled. Indeed, but for the ill-advised action of Colonel Wood,* which informed him of the vicinity of Smith, and enabled him to make a precipitate retreat, he could scarcely have escaped a great disaster. The English, after the junction, marched to Kolar, whilst Haidar made a circuitous march, at once to recruit his army and to overawe the vassals whom his ill-success had incited to acts bordering on rebellion. At length he, too, considerably reinforced, approached Kolar. He was not very eager for * On emerging from the defile Wood, who had just received private intimation of the close vicinity of Smith, halted to fire a feu-de-joie. This gave the alarm to Haidar and enabled him to escape. Smith so severely reprimanded Wood, that the latter resigned his command. He was replaced by Colonel Lang. 2 20 The Decisive Battles of India. combat. In every encounter in the field with the English he had been worsted. But something he must attempt. One half of his territories and a large number of his strong places were in the possession of the enemy. Those territories and strong places he must recover. But how ? The answer was not very clear at the moment. Still in the prime of life, he never questioned the possibility of success. But many things made him anxious for a speedy settlement, and, influenced by the hope to obtain one, he made advances to the English. He proposed to pay ten lakhs for the ex- penses of the war, and to cede to them the country below the passes, known as Baramahal — the country intervening between the passes and the dominions of Muhammad All* — ^between Vaniambadi and Palghat. The English, however, flushed with victory, and eager for money, pressed upon Haidar the necessity of his paying the entire expenses of the war, cal- culated at a very extravagant rate, of his yielding tribute to Muhammad All, of making concessions to Murari Rao, and of surrendering a territory very much larger than Baramahal. Haidar, indignant at these demands, broke off the negotiation, and appealed to the God of armies. The appeal was not made in vain. Rarely have rapacity and extortion met with a prompter punishment. Driven to bay, the wild and untutored genius asserted itself. I have already told how, corrupting the Kiladar, Colonel Campbell had by a strategem mastered the strong mountain fortress of Malwagal. Adopting the same process of corruption, Haidar now recovered it. Knowing that the English would not per- mit such an important place to remain in his hands, Haidar then, selecting his choicest troops, moved at their head, un- perceived, into a position from which he could operate on an advancing enemy in such a manner as, humanly speaking, to ensure their destruction. His first anticipations were realized. * Now constituting the northern portion of the Shelam (Salem) districts. Porto Novo. 221 The English, eager to recover Malwagal, detached a force under Colonel Wood, now restored to command, to retake it. From his lair Haidar watched his enemy engage himself in the difficult ascent, capture the lower fort, and attempt in vain the stronghold on the summit. The next morning he sent a small and apparently isolated party to skirmish near the Eng- lish position, with orders to fall back if they should be pursued. Wood fell into the snare, followed the light horse- men who challenged him, until suddenly Haidar was upon him. Never did the soldiers of Maisiir behave better. Em- boldened by a confidence which their numbers, their splendid position, the isolation of their enemy, gave them, their in- fantry charged home with the bayonet — and with effect. They carried point after point, drove the English from one position to another, and were on the very verge of consummating their triumph, when, suddenly, an act of heroism — a strategem in- spired by genius — baffled them. On the English side all was lost, when Captain Brooke, who had been left, wounded, to guard with four weak companies the baggage, the sick, wounded, and followers, in the lower fort, noticing the im- pending disaster, conceived a plan which, carried out with spirit and vigour, might avert it. He had observed a flat-sur- faced rock, rising at the edge of the jungle on the left flank of the enemy. To th_s rock he moved silently through the jungle with every man who could crawl, and two guns. Unperceived, he mounted the two guns, loaded with grape, on its summit. Then, suddenly discharging them on the dense masses of the enemy, he showed his detachment, the men waving their caps with joy, and shouting "Smith! Smith!" each shout followed by a hurrah. Haidar's troops, to whom the name of the com- mander-in-chief of the English army was familiar, seeing the shouting soldiers, rushed to the conclusion that the main army had come up to relieve their comrades. Wood's men drew the same conclusion. The result was a sudden pause in the till then victorious attack, on the one side, a return of 222 The Decisive Battles of India. confidence on the other. Wood drew his men together, took up a stronger position, and opposed a new front to the enemy. Haidar, who had soon discovered the strategem, was unable to recover the advantages of which its exercise had deprived him. The moral superiority which surprise had given him had vanished. After some more desperate efforts to break the English, he gave up the attack. He had lost, it was sur- mised, about i,ooo men; but he had killed eight officers and 229 of his enemy, and had captured two guns. Both sides had expended nearly the whole of their ammunition. Though he had not succeeded in destroying Wood, Haidar drew good augury from the events of the day. He had num- bers on his side, numbers which the resources of the country enabled him to maintain, and he felt that a few more such battles as that of Malwagal would place him in a position to dictate rather than to ask for terms. He maintained his posi- tion then, until fresh supplies of ammunition should reach him. Meanwhile the conduct of the English was marked by the vacillation which accompanies a divided command. The presence with the army of the Niiwab of the Karnatak, and the position which he assumed as supreme director of the opera- tions, in which the English were to play the part of allies sub- ordinate to himself, had greatly embarrassed Colonel Smith. The embarrassment now reached so great a height that that officer wrote to represent to the Council at Madras the impos- sibility of carrying on successful operations on such a system. The result was that Muhammad Ali was invited to Madras, avowedly to consult with the Council regarding the plan of the campaign. To deprive the invitation of its real signifi- cance, Colonel Smith was asked to accompany him. The com- mand of the army was thus left (14th November) with Colonel Wood, who, being a fair specimen of the class which succeeds, on the strength of vigorous self-assertion and small successes, in establishing a great reputation, was believed by the Council to be their only general. Porto Novo. 223 Meanwhile Haidar, taking advantage of the inactivity which these changes had caused in the English camp, had, after one or two demonstrations, marched rapidly on Hossiir and be- sieged it. Wood, now commander-in-chief, proceeded at the head of about 4,000 men, of whom 700 were Europeans, with the usual proportion of artillery and two brass i8-pounders, to relieve the place. He reached Bagliir, about four miles short of it, on the 17th. Leaving in this walled town all his baggage, his stores, his camp-equipage, and the two brass 18- pounders, he set out the same night with the intention of sur- prising the enemy's camp. But Haidar had been a close ob- server of his movements. Learning or divining his adversary's expectations, he had withdrawn his troops from the siege, and taken up a position to the north-west of Hossiir. No sooner did he notice that Wood's advanced guard was entering that place, than, masking his operations by a cloud of cavalry, he interposed his whole army between the main body of the Eng- lish and Bagliir, and, still covered by his cavalry, dashed against that place. Bagliir was styled a walled town. But its walls, made of mud, were from fifteen to twenty feet high, and but eighteen inches thick at the summit. It was garrisoned by one of Muhammad All's best native regiments, commanded by Cap- tain Alexander, and encumbered with the baggage, not yet arranged, which had been left behind by Colonel Wood. Against it, thus in a state of disorder, Haidar dashed with the full strength of his artillery and infantry. He did not dash in vain. The two brass i8-pounders, left outside because the gate was too narrow to admit them, fell first into his hands ; the town and the greater part of the baggage followed. Alexander and his regiment had but just time to make their way into the fort. Haidar made no attempt upon that. All his care was directed to see that the captured guns and the spoils were promptly despatched on the road to Bangalor. This done, he followed, knowing well that Colonel Wood, on 224 The Decisive Battles of India. discovering the ruse to which he had been a victim, would promptly retrace his steps. It was so, indeed. Some hours elapsed before Wood had ascertained the direction taken by Haidar's infantry and artillery, but the moment the conviction Hashed upon him he returned to Baglur. He arrived there to see in the extreme distance Haidar's army en route to Bangalor, driving before it his two heavy guns, some 2,000 of his draught bullocks, and nearly the whole of his stores, baggage and camp equipage.. He could not follow him. Uncertain how to act, he threw the stores and ammunition that remained to him into Hossiir and then marched — the evening of the 21st — to Alya, on the road to Kolar, where there was a small further supply. On his march thither, Haidar, who had safely disposed of his trophies, suddenly attacked him. Wood, whose dash and energy up to this point had led him into misfortune, now tried opposite tactics, and, when a vigorous charge might have forced a pas- sage for himself and his men, contented himself with a defensive attitude — an attitude which, without bettering his position, cost him before nightfall 7 officers, 20 Europeans and 200 sipahis. But Haidar had not finished with him. Know- ing the real character of the man, he, as soon as the shades of evening fell, made a show of retreating to a distant position. Wood, deceived as to his real intentions, thought the moment opportune to complete the movement he had begun in the afternoon. Accordingly, about 10 o'clock at night, he gave the order to advance. Scarcely, however, had he cleared the ground on which he had fought, than Haidar was upon him. All night long was he engaged in repulsing attacks on his rear and on his flank. When day broke a fresh column of the enemy appeared in his front. Wood was now compelled to halt and place his men amongst the rocks, with which the country abounded,, their faces to the enemy. Here for several hours they offered a gallant and successful resistance. About noon, however, their ammunition all but exhausted, utterly Porto Novo. 225 worn out, they were on the point, of succumbing, when Haidar, apparently to them without cause, drew off his troops. Good cause, however, had Haidar. A relieving force, gallantly led by Major Fitzgerald, appeared on his flank. Leaving his work unfinished, he drew off his troops, and returned towards Bagliir. Fitzgerald's movement was one of those brilliant deeds which stamp an officer. It was entirely spontaneous. Rumour had brought to him, at Venkatagadi; where he was posted with a small force, intelligence of the surprise at Bagliir. Deeming that Wood's position might be critical, he called in all his detachments and marched in the direction he thought it likely he would take. The firing on the morning of the 22nd fixed that direction beyond a doubt. He pushed on, and arrived just in time to save the British force from destruction. The events of those four days had completely shattered the only general of the Madras Council. On the representation by Fitzgerald of the state of the army, Wood was removed from command, and was replaced by Colonel Lang. Haidar, who was kept well informed of all the movements in the British camp, no sooner learned than an officer other than Smith* had succeeded Wood, than he prepared to execute the plan he had long meditated, the plan which of all others com- mended itself to his natural genius, that of carrying the war into the enemy's country. Most effectually did he pursue that plan. Remaining for the moment himself on the plateau of Maisiir, he dispatched his best general, Fazal Ullah Khan, with instructions to burst upon the lowland country by the gateway of Koimbatiir (Coimbatore). That officer, feeling his way, set out in November at the head of a well-organized party of 7,000 in- fantry and cavalry, well provided with guns, forced the passes * Haidar was in the habit of saying that he would always avoid, if possible, fighting with Smith, but that he would fight AVood wherever he might meet him. Q 226 The Decisive Battles of India. of Kaveripiiram and Gujalhati, occupied Koimbatur on the 4th December, and, pushing on south-eastwards to Darapuram, drove the sipahi garrison, commanded by Captain Johnson, from that place to the very gates of Trichinapalli. Haidar himself, on learning from his lieutenant that Koimbatur had been secured, descended eastward by the passes of Pallikod and Tapur into Baramahal. He was preceded by crowds of emissaries, who spread the information far and wide that he had destroyed the British army, and was now marching to the conquest of Madras. The russ completely discouraged the garrisons, cons.sting mostly of the Niiwab's sipahis, of the strong places, and these fell before him with a rapidity scarcely surpassed by that which characterised the yielding of the garrisons of the strong places of Prussia after the defeats of Jena and Auerstadt. Lang, as soon as he had received in- formation of the movement, had dispatched Fitzgerald with a well-equipped corps of 5,000 men, of whom one-hfth were Europeans, to follow the daring ruler of Maisiir. Fitzgejald, notwithstanding his rapid marches, could for a long time only trace the course of Haidar by the places which had surrendered to him. At one time he arrived almost within striking distance of him; but Haidar, by a skilful movement, induced his adversary to march to Trichinapalli, in the belief that he him- self was about to attack that stronghold; then, profiting by his adversary's error, he took possession of the considerable town of Kariir, and pressed forward thence to invest the more strongly garrisoned Yirod (Erode). Then occurred an event previously unparalleled in the his- tory of English wars in India. On his march to Yirod, Haidar intercepted, attacked and completely destroyed a detachment of 50 Europeans and 200 sipahis, sent from that place to procure supplies from Karur. Flushed with his victory, he pressed on to Yirod, and, displaying a flag of truce, demanded the services of an English surgeon. The surgeon came, dressed the wounded, and returned. Haidar then, again under Porto Novo. 227 a flag of truce, requested that Captain Orton, the commandant, would come out to confer with him regarding the capitulation of the place, promising him that he might return if terms were not agreed to. Orton, who, it is said, had dined, complied. At the interview which followed, Haidar pointed out to Orton that the officer second to him in command, Captain Robinson, had violated his parole, by carrying arms against him after having given his word not to serve during the remainder of the war; and added that the dereliction in this respect of Robinson absolved him from the maintenance of his own promise. He therefore required Orton to write an order to Robinson for the surrender of the place, engaging in that case for the safe conduct of the whole garrison to Trichinapalli. Orton resisted for twenty-four hours, but in the end he yielded to pressure, and Yirod surrendered. Having thus, by his daring march, recovered, in the space of six weeks, the whole of the country which it had taken the English two campaigns to wrest from him, two untenable places excepted, Haidar dispatched the corps of Fazal Ullah to operate from Dindigal upon the provinces of Madura and Tinneveli, whilst, crossing the Kaveri, he directed his own march to the eastward, along the northern bank of that river. It was whilst he was engaged in this march (January, 1769) that the Madras Government, bitterly regretting the insanity which had prompted them to refuse the fair terms pressed upon them by Haidar in the month of August preceding, made advances for an accommodation. Negotiations followed. Captain Brooke, an officer of high character and ability, was deputed to the camp of the great warrior, and was at once accorded an interview. The con- versation which followed was of a most interesting character. Haidar, who could be frank and straightforward when it suited his purpose, opened his whole soul to his visitor. He told him plainly that their ally, the Niiwab of the Karnatak, had been alike the cause of the war, the cause of the rejection 228 The Decisive Battles of India. of his offers in August, and that he would be the cause of its continuance; that he had ever wished and tried to be on terms of solid friendship with the English, but that Muhammad All had always baffled his efforts. Proving his case by references to facts which could not be denied, he expressed his willing- ness still to make peace with the English, if they would exclude Muhammad Ali from their councils, negotiate for their own interests only, and send Colonel Smith, or a Member of Council, with full powers to treat. He added that the moment -was especially critical; that the Marathas were at the very moment contemplating an invasion of southern India; that he would much prefer to ally himself with the English against that marauding people; but that he could not consent to be the victim of both; if the English refused his alliance, he was bound to accept that of the Marathas. Captain Brooke found it difficult to gainsay any of these assertions; but he had no power to treat on so broad a basis. He could only forward to Madras a detailed account of the conversation, and await instructions. The result, after a vain attempt to induce Haidar to accept terms falling far short of his own proposals, was the dispatch to the British camp of Colonel Smith and Mr. Andrews, the former to assume command of the army, the latter to proceed to Haidar's camp to negotiate. After some tedious delays, Mr. Andrews agreed to convey personally to Madras the terms beyond which Haidar would not give way, and a truce of twelve days was agreed upon to await the reply of the Council. That reply proved unfavourable, and hostili- ties were resumed on the 6th March. Haidar was equal to the occasion. Knowing that the Madras Council, alarmed for the safety of Madras, had, in the manner of the Aulic Council, invested Colonel Smith with very restricted powers, he resolved to strike a blow which they should feel. After some manoeuvres designed to puzzle the enemy, he marched with his whole army southward, to draw away the English. Smith, believing it to be Haidar's inten- Porto Novo. 229 tion to march southward, then to turn suddenly and pounce upon Madras by the route followed by Paradis in 1746, felt bound to follow his army. No sooner had the rival forces reached a point nearly 140 miles south of Madras, than Haidar struck his blow. Directing his main body to retire through the pass of Ahtiir, as if marching westward, he, with a select body of 6,000 horsemen and 200 of his choicest infantry,* dashed suddenly at the Presidency town. Marching 130 miles in three days and a half, he found- himself with his cavalry, on the 29th March, within five miles of Madras, t He at once dispatched a letter to the Governor, stating that he had come for peace, and requesting that Mr. Dupre, whose character he esteemed, might be sent to him to negotiate. The Governor complied, and Mr. Dupre was sent to St. Thomas's Mount, where Haidar had his quarters. Orders were at the same time transmitted to Colonel Smith to abstain from hostilities, and to halt at a fixed distance — in excess of thirty miles — from Haidar's main army. Haidar, in fact, was master of the situation. The native town and the private houses of Madras were at h_s mercy. In the panic which his arrival had caused, the fort itself might have fallen. He was in a position to dictate his own terms, and, virtually, he did dictate them. The main provisions of this treaty were as follows: 1st, That all hostilities should cease between the contracting parties and their allies; 2nd, That in case of either of the con- tracting parties being attacked, they should, from their respective countries, mutually assist each other to drive the enemy out ; 3rd, That the treaty should include the Presidency of Bombay; 4th, That all prisoners taken on both sides should be promptly released; 5th; That all conquests made on both sides should be restored, except the fort of Karur and its * Formed of men such as are now in the Maisur palace who can run then- ten miles in the hour. t The infantry arrived the following morning. 230 The Decisive Battles of India. districts, which would be held by Haidar. With the Niiwab of the Karnatak, Muhammad All, Haidar persistently refused to negotiate. The difficulty was solved by the English negotiating in their own name, for their own possessions and the Karnatak — Muhammad Ali agreeing officially to signify his consent to the procedure — a promise which, by the way, he did not keep. I must pass lightly over the next eleven years. In their course, Haidar was invaded by the Marathas; invoked, and was refused, the assistance of the English; made, after a bad defeat, a disadvantageous peace with the invaders; then con- quered and annexed Kiirg (Coorg); then avenged himself on the Marathas, and recovered more than he had lost; seized the Ballari districts and Gutti; -extended his dominions south- wards; discussed with the Marathas a .scheme for a general alliance against the English; but, his clear vision recognising the certain ascendancy of that people, offered to them an alli- ance whereby, yielding to them on the east, for a sum of twenty lakhs of rupees, the lowland districts of Baramahal, of Shelam (Salem), and of Ahtiir, he should keep for ever the Maisur plateau, and the country to the coast on the west. The rejection of these terms made him resolve to drive the British from southern India. With this view he turned his earnest attention to the French — now recovering their influence — and between whom and the English hostilities were now impending. In 1778 the expected war between the rival European nations broke out in India. Before Haidar was ready to intervene, Pondichery, beleagured on the 8th August, had fallen (i8th October). Flushed with their victory, the English sent their fleet to attack Mahe. The conquest by the English of a town such as Pondichery, on the eastern coast, separated by large tracts of territory from his own possessions, had only caused to Haidar the regret which is naturally produced in the mind of a man by Porto Novo. 231 the strengthening of his enemies and the weakening of his friends. But the case of Mahe was far different. On the western coast, contiguous to his own dominions, the possession of Mahe by the English would be a standing threat to himself. It would give them an eye to see, a base whence to strike at his very heart. When, therefore, the Governor of Madras inti- mated to Haidar his intention of sending an expedition to reduce Mahe, the ruler of Maisiir replied explicitly that he should regard such an attack as a breach of the understanding which had placed the possessions of the European powers on the western coast virtually under his protection, and that in the event of the Governor carrying out his intention he should retaliate by detaching a body of troops to lay waste the province of Arkat. Undeterred by this declaration the Governor of Madras persisted in his determination. The English fleet sailed, and, in spite of the fact that Haidar dis- played the Maisur standard on the walls of Mahe, took pos- session of the place (March, 1779). As soon as Mahe had fallen, the Governor, to still the resentment of Haidar, dis- patched an envoy to offer explanations and excuses. The envoy selected was Mr. Gray, formerly of the Bengal Civil Service. Whilst in his selection of that gentleman no fault can be found with the Governor and Council of Madras, it must be admitted that the offerings with which he was charged were of a nature to convey at once insult and contempt. To the powerful prince, accustomed to receive handsome presents, the Madras Government sent only a saddle and a gun; the former not only made of pigskin, and therefore totally un- suited as a present to a Muhammadan, but of such a shape that to ride upon it would have been a trial. Nor was the gun much better. It was made to load at the breech; but the ammunition sent with it could only be used, and used ineffec- tually, in the ordinary manner. Haidar, who, in his reception of Mr. Gray, had displayed considerable temper, returned 232 The Decisive Battles of India. these valuable presents. In the interview which followed* he plainly told the British envoy that he had satisfied himself that the English were a people to whom no treaties could bind ; that in 1769 he had come to terms with them, and that they had promised to aid him in case he should be attacked; but that when, the following year, he was attacked by the Marathcis and demanded the promised aid, it was refused him; that, since then, the English had conquered Tanjiir, though that place had been guaranteed by treaty; on various occasions had afforded aid to his rebellious subjects; and, with respect to Mahe, had deliberately chosen a course which they knew must lead to war. Haidar concluded with these significant words : " Formerly I was of opinion that the English excelled all other nations in sincerity and good faith; but, from late ex- perience, I am convinced that they have no longer any pre- tensions to those virtues." Mr. Gray was dismissed without further audience. Once resolved on war, Haidar determined it should be war with a vengeance — a war which should exterminate his enemies. He assembled at Bangalor an army, 83,000 strong, extremely efficient in all its departments, attached to it a corps of 400 Frenchmen, and in June set forth on his expedition. Of all the wars undertaken against the foreigner m southern India, this was the most popular. For its success, fervent prayers were offered alike in the mosques of the Muhammadans and the temples of the Hindus. The inhabitants of the villages through which his army passed turned out to help the national leader, to invoke for him the protection of Heaven. In the person of Haidar were concentrated the hopes of the popula- tions of southern India. Descending the passes, and marching through the terri- tories below them, Haidar maintained the most perfect order * It was not, properly speaking, an interview, for Haidar declined to sae Gray. A confidant of Haidar's conveyed to Haidar the envoy's explanations, and to the envoy the replies which Haidar dictated. Porto Novo. 2-33 and discipline. It was only when he entered the country which formed the semicircle of which Madras was the centre — the country peculiarly British — that he marked his advance by merciless desolation, by the burning of towns and villages, and the deportation of the population. The English, so bold in their action regarding Mahe, had made no preparations to m.eet the war, of the breaking out of which — if they should persist in that action — Haidar had fairly warned them. Almost before they had made a single movement in their defence, Haidar had established his head-quarters at Kanchi- puram (Conjeveram), forty-two miles from Madras. Information that Haidar, with his centre and part of his right wing, was at Kanchipuram; that his left wing, com- manded by his son, Tipii Sahib, was proceeding by forced marches towards Guntur; that a portion of his right wing, under his second son, Karim Sahib, had penetrated to Porto Novo, some twentyT&ve miles from Fort St. David, reached Madras on the 24th July. At that date the forces at the dis- posal of the Government at Madras and in its immediate vicinity, consisted of the 73rd Highlanders, the Madras Euro- pean Regiment, four regiments of sipahis, and some artillery- men, in all S,2og men. But at Guntur, 225 miles from Madras, Colonel Baillie was stationed with a corps amounting, of all arms, to 2,813 ^^"1 ^^^d, on the first news of the outbreak of hostilities, orders had been transmitted to him to march with all haste to Kanchipuram, at which place he would be joined by the whole available English force from Madras. Yet, so dilatory had been the proceedings of the English, and so rapidly had Haidar moved, that the latter had occupied the place appointed for the junction, Kanchipuram, before Baillie had set out from Guntur, whilst Tipii Sahib was on his way to that place, and before an English soldier had moved from St. Thomas's Mount ! Here was a dilemma ! Who were the men at Madras cap- able of meeting it ? 2 34 The Decisive Battles of India. The Commander-in-Chief of the Madras army was the Hector Munro whom we have seen so daring, so eager to court danger, so ready in resources, so calm and cool under fire, when combating the Niiwab-Vazir of Awadh at Baksar. When I introduced hinj on that occasion to the reader, I stated that the daring tactics which were admirably adapted to the occa- sion then under record, might be turned against himself by a resolute and watchful enemy. The occasion had now arrived for Munro to show . whether to the brilLant qualities , of the dashing leader he added the cautious skill of the tactician, whether acting with vigour he could act also without passion. It so happened that the then existing law required that the Commander-in-Chief should remain at Madras itself, to com- plete the complement of the Members of Council. Were that law to be enforced, the command of the troops in the field would devolve upon Lord M'Leod, an officer who had just arrived from England in command of the 73rd ; and, in fact, this officer did receive the order to proceed to Kanchipuram, to effect there the designed junction with Baillie. But Lord M'Leod was far too clear-headed a man to carry out, without remonstrance, a military movement which, in his opinion, would involve the English force in a destruction extending possibly to Madras itself. In a remarkably able and judicious letter he pointed out the inevitable consequences to Baillie of still insisting upon the junction at Kanchipuram, and urged that that officer should be at once directed to change his course to Madras. This opinion so nettled the Commander-in-Chief that he resolved to assume the command h.mself, and to prove practically that his own opinion was correct. An illegal ar- raftgement was made to complete the quorum in Council, and Sir Hector Munro assumed the command of the army in the field. Before setting out, he directed Colonel Braithwaite, who commanded at Pondichery, to move with his force of 1,500 men of all arms to Chengalpatt, and thence to Madras; and Colonel Cosby, who was at Trichinapalli, to march with his Porto Novo. ■ 235 force of 2,000 sipahis, two regiments of the Niiwab's native infantry, and two guns, from the north bank of the Kolrun, to act on the enemy's communications. We shall see that the dispositions of Haidar rendered it impossible for either of these officers to carry out their < orders. Having issued them, and equipped his force, Munro set out, on 25th August, for Kanchipuram. Meanwhile, Haidar had not been idle. Leaving Kanchi- puram, he had, on the 12th August, invested Wandiwash, a town to the south-west of Madras and Chengalpatt, distant from the former seventy-two miles, and from Arkat thirty- eight. Its central position thus invested it with a vast im- portance, and Haidar was so sensible of its value that he had purchased its native commandant, who had agreed to deliver it up on the appearance of Haidar's army before it. But, this time, the presence of mind and daring pf a single Englishman baffled Haidar. The record is remarkable, though happily not unique, in the history of our country. Colonel Braithwaite, who, we have seen, had received orders to march from Pondichery to Chengalpatt, was well aware that the occu- pation of Wandiwash by the enemy would checkmate him, and that the only chance he had — a slender chance at the best — of preventing that occupation was to detach an officer, upon whom he could depend, to replace the Kiladar in the command. He selected for this purpose Lieutenant Flint, an officer whose name betokened his resolute and daring character. Flint, ac- companied by a hundred sipahis, made a rapid and fatiguing march across unfrequented paths, successfully avoided the enemy's army, then hovering round the place, and reached the vicinity of Wandiwash the forenoon of the nth August. He at once sent a message to the Kiladar announcing his approach, and demanding admission. The Kiladar, already bought by Haidar, returned for reply that he would be fired upon if he should attempt to come within range of the fort's guns, and sent a party to stop him at the verge of the esplanade. Flint, 236 The Decisive Battles of India. however, advanced, and meeting the party, used the influence which prestige had already secured for the European in India to persuade the officer in command of it that he had mistaken his orders. He continued to advance, pending a reply to the reference made to the Kiladar; again, when that reply was unsatisfactory, pfending an answer to the second, until he had arrived within musket-shot of the ramparts, which were lined with troops; the gates, also, were shut. Flint then halted, and sent a message to the Kiladar to the effect that he had a letter from the Nuwab, his master, which he was authorized to de- liver into his hands only. The Kiladar, after some hesitation, agreed to receive the letter in the space between the gate and the barrier of the sortie. To this space Flint was admitted with four attendants; men whom he had fully instructed as to his intentions. He found the Kiladar seated on a carpet, at- tended by his officers, thirty swordsmen, and a guard of a hundred men. After the usual compliments, Flint admitted that he had no letter from the Niiwab, but merely the order of his own Government written in communication with Muhammad AH, which was fully equivalent to a letter; and that the order directed him to assume command of the place. The Kiladar treated the pretension with derision, and, angry at having been, as he perceived, duped into a conference, ordered Flint to return whence he came. But Flint was equal to the occasion. As the Kiladar, his wrath rapidly increasing, was in the act of rising to his feet, Flint suddenly' seized him, and declared that he would kill anyone who dared to wag a finger on his behalf. The four sipahis backed the movement by bringing their bayonets to the charge. The suddenness of the action, its daring, the sur- prise it caused, and, above all, the prestige of the European, paralyzed the followers of the Kiladar. Before they could recover from that paralysis, the English sipahfs admitted their comrades, and the fort was won ! No single act in the war contributed so such to save southern Porto Novo. 237 India as this act of Lieutenant Flint. Had Wandiwash then fallen, it had gone hard, after the events I am about to describe, with Madras. For Flint, on the eve of the investment of the place, not only seized it, he, the only Englishman behind its walls, held it for seventy-eight days — from the 12th August, 1780, to the 1 2th February, 1781^— against the flower of Haidar All's army. He found it in a ruinous state, with many guns, indeed, but with no carriages and little gunpowder, and with- out one artilleryman. His energy supplied every want; he repaired the works, constructed carriages, manufactured gun- powder, trained gunners, raised a corps of cavalry for exterior enterprise, and not only fed his own garrison, but procured supplies and intelligence for the main British army. Flint effected for Wandiwash what Eldred Pottinger effected foi Herat in 1839. His work was, practically, even more beneficial to the interests of England, inasmuch as Wandiwash was nearer the heart of her possessions. It was the shield which protected Madras.* Haidar, baffled by this gallant Englishman, left the flower of his troops to prosecute the siege of Wandiwash, and pro- ceeded with the remainder to Arkat. This place he invested on the 2 1st August. He was still engaged before it when he received intelligence which determined him to strike a blow such as would make the English reel. Somewhat uncertain as to the route which Baillie would take from Guntur, and never anticipating that so experienced a commander as Sir Hector Munro would leave him without support, Haidar had recalled to the main body the corps under Tipii Sahib, and that corps, composed mainly of the elite of * Colonel Wilks, who is my principal authority for the details in the text, states that for the immensely important service rendered by Lieu- tenant Flint^a service which in these modem days, if one may judge by the rewards showered upon men for doing their simple duty, would obtain crosses and distinctions without number — that officer had the barren glory of receiving letters, written with his own hand, from Sir Eyre Coote, full of affectionate attachment and admiration. The Court of Directors refused even to bestow UT)on him a brevet ! 238 The Decisive Battles of India. his cavalry, was with him before Arkat. On the 29th, how- ever, information reached him that whilst Munro was march- ing on Kanchipuram, and would probably reach that place that very day, he had held out no hand to Baillie, but had directed him, when he had arrived six miles south of Gumadi- pundi, almost under cover of Madras — within twenty-seven miles of it in fact, and two easy marches from his own camp- ing ground — to proceed by a circuitous route, a route covering upwards of fifty miles,- and which would sever him entirely from the main army, to Kanchipuram. There were no advan- tages, speculative or other, to be gained by this deviation. The only explanation that has ever been offered for it is that Sir Hector Munro had declared that a junction at Kanchipuram was feasible; that to demonstrate that proposition he had placed himself, ultra viras, at the head of the army; and that he had resolved that the junction should take place at Kanchi- puram, and nowhere else. In the presence of a skilful tactician like Haidar, it was playing with edged tools, and Haidar soon made him feel it. The very instant he heard it, Haidar, exclaiming, "At last I have them!" broke up his camp, and detaching his son Tipii, at the head of 5,000 regular infantry, 6,000 horse, twelve light and six heavy guns, to intercept Baillie, moved with his main body to Kanchipuram, and on the 3rd September encamped within six miles of Munro's army, which he thus held in check. Munro, in fact, had exhausted his supplies, and the Niiwab's agents having refused to procure any for him, he was in a manner chained to the vicinity of Kanchipuram. Haidar maintained his position before the English army for nearly two days. On the afternoon of the second day a dispatch from Tipu reached him, to the effect that on the following morning, the 6th, he should attack Baillie. Haidar then broke up his camp, and, with the view of interposing his main army between Munro and the combatants, made as though he intended to turn the English right. Munro, com- Porto Novo. 239 pletely deceived, refused his right wing, and thus allowed Haidar, without striking a blow, to interpose his whole army between himself and his lieutenant. Meanwhile Baillie, obeying the orders he had received from Munro, had quitted his encampment near Gumadipundi on the 25 th, and marched nearly, eleven miles to the river Korti- laur. The bed of this river being nearly dry and little more than 300 yards wide, Baillie might easily have crossed it. But deeming that to be always feasible which at the moment was easy, he carelessly pitched his camp on the left or northern bank. Rightly was he punished. During the night a storm arose, the rains of the north-eastern monsoon fell with more than their wonted force, and, when the day broke, the bed which had been nearly dry the previous evening was covered by a roaring torrent. For ten days Baillie was chained by this torrent to the northern bank. On the 4th September he crossed, and on the morning of the 6th reached Parmbakam, fourteen miles from Munro's position at Kanchipuram. The reader will understand the position. The left of the English force at Kanchipuram; its right at Parmbakam, with Haidar between the two, ready to fall upon the left a moment it should show the smallest indication to assist the right, round which Tipii Sahib was hovering. Haidar had, in fact, exe- cuted one of 'those manoeuvres which twenty-four years later were to characterise the first campaign of the greatest general the world has ever seen ! Meanwhile Tipii, covered by a cloud of cavalry, had fol- lowed the movements of Baillie from the banks of the Korti- laur, waiting only for a favourable moment to attack him. On the 5th he wrote to his father that the English would encamp the day following at Parmbakam, and that as the ground there offered peculiar facilities for the movements of cavalry he would attack him. At eleven o'clock that day he kept his word. Had Tipu attacked with the vigour and energy displayed 240 The Decisive Battles of India. invariably by his father, there had been an end, then and there, of Baillie's detachment. But, it is strange, just as the bigoted Aurangzib has left a far deeper and more lasting recol- lection in the minds of the Muhammadans of northern India than his infinitely greater ancestor — the wise and liberal Akbar — so in southern India the memory of the cruel, narrow-minded, and bigoted Tipu Sahib is revered much more than the memory of his able and liberal-minded father. The reason is not far to seek. Akbar and Haidar were very lax in their religious exercises. The descendant of the one and the son of the other were narrow-minded bigots. Bigotry rules the Muhammadan world. And though the bigots lost the empires which their far-sighted and liberal ancestors had won, the Muhammadan world has pardoned the temporal loss, and, whilst it pays no heed to the great qualities of the founders, still venerates the piety of those who undid the founders' work ! Tipii, cruel and vulgarly ambitious, possessed none of the great qualities of his father. He was a poor soldier ; never, as had been the wont of Haidar, inspiring his soldiers by personal leading. He did not lead, he sent his soldiers to the attack. On this occasion, at Parmbakam, he fought as though he dreaded a hand-to-hand encounter. His cavalry charged and charged, but did not charge home. They charged, expecting that the English would give way. But when, after three hours' fighting, they did not give way; when to every charge they replied with a volley; Tipii renounced the attack, and sent to his father to say he could do nothing without reinforcements, that he had lost from 200 to 300 men and had made no impres- sion. The position of Baillie was scarcely improved. He had, it is true, repulsed the attack; but he had lost about 100 men; he could not move in the face of the overwhelming cavalry force of Tipii. He wrote at once to this effect to Munro, and begged him to march to his assistance. Now, this was just the one thing which Munro conceived he Porto Novo. 241 could not do. Haidar barred the way with an army enormously superior. That army he could not attack with any chance of success. Besides, he could not move without sacrificing his heavy guns and the supplies he had stored in the pagoda of Kanchipuram, and for which he had not sufficient carriage. But he could not leave Baillie to his fate. Whilst, therefore, he opposed a bold front to Haidar, he detached — on the even- ing of the day on which the letter was received, the 8th Sep- tember — four companies of Europeans and eleven of sipahis, in all 1,007 naen, under the command of Colonel Fletcher, to effect a junction with Baillie. He hoped that this movement would escape the vigilance of Haidar. Haidar, well served by his spies, knew that Fletcher's detach- ment was about to set out long before it had left the camp ; he knew to a man its strength and its composition, and he had taken care to provide guides upon whom he could depend. He allowed it, then, to march, without making any corresponding movement, feeling sure that his own guides would lead it into a position in which he could overwhelm and destroy it. He had calculated every eventuality, save one : he had not taken into account the natural intelligence of the British officer. The critics of modern days have said some very hard things against the officers of the unreformed British army. But history has never recorded actions displaying greater intelligence, greater devotion and greater courage, than those which in India and on the continent of Europe secured for those officers an eternal renown. Colonel Fletcher was a fair type of the officers of the unre- formed army. Before setting out, he had reconnoitred the position held by Haidar; had noted in his mind the bearings of the country. Riding in front with the guides he observed that, after a time, they took a road which, he felt sure, must lead him into the heart of the enemy's camp. Divining at once the treachery intended to be practised, he took upon himself lo change the route, then, making a detour, passed unperceived R 242 The Decisive Battles of India. the outlying parties of the enemy, and reached Baillie's camp early on the morning of the gth. It was no slight feat thus to have outwitted Haidar ! This reinforcement raised Baillie's force to 3,720 men, and inspired Baillie himself with the fullest confidence. He allowed the new arrivals to rest during that day, whilst he made preparations to march an hour after sunset, so as to accomplish the fourteen miles which separated him from his chief before daybreak. Whilst he is making those prepara- tions, I propose to return to Haidar. That veteran soldier recognised very soon that Fletcher had outwitted him. Although furious at his disappointment, he did not allow the circumstance to disturb him. Again did he review his position. In front of him was the weakened force of Munfo, now less than ever capable of fighting him. Four- teen miles away to his left was the augmented force of Baillie, watched by Tipii's horsemen. But Tipii had proved unequal to Baillie before the latter had been reinforced, and it seemed to Haidar probable that if he himself should attempt to crush Munro, Baillie, beating aside Tipii, might be upon him before he had succeeded. On the other hand, should he send his in- fantry to reinforce Tipii, Munro, informed of their departure might attack him. Under these circumstances he endeavoured, by various means, to fathom the intentions of Munro. Soon there accumulated in his mind evidence sufficient to convince him that Munro had no intention of separating himself from his heavy guns and supplies in Kanchipuram. This conviction decided him. That night (the gth) he detached the bulk of his infantry to reinforce Tipu. At four o'clock in the morning, noticing that Munro had not taken the alarm, he followed himself. The very same hour which saw his infantry set out, wit- nessed the departure of Baillie from Parmbakam, harassed and cannoriaded, but not closely attacked, by Tipii. Baillie had already covered six miles out of the fourteen, when, suddenly. Porto Novo. 243 without any reason, and in opposition to the earnest and repeated advice of his second in command, Colonel Fletcher, he gave the order to halt for the night. It has been conjec- tured that this order was prompted by Baillie's desire to exhibit his troops fresh, and ^yith all their equipments, at Kanchipuram in the morning; that, judging from the manner in which he had baffled the opposition offered during the first six miles, he felt he need entertain no apprehension regarding the remainder. He reckoned, however, without Haidar. Scarcely had his men piled their arms, when the trained in- fantry dispatched by the latter, joined Tipu. Tipii spent the remainder of the night in concerting with the commander of these troops, with the senior French officers M. de Lally and M. Pinorin, and, by means of messengers, with Haidar himself, the mode of attack for the morrow. The plan they adopted was as follows : To occupy in force a strong position about two miles in front of the English posi- tion, and commanding the road which they must traverse. That road lay through an avenue of trees on to a plain, three quarters of, a mile beyond which was a village. They proceeded further, then, to place the main body of their infantry in that village, whilst they erected batteries to command the road leading from the avenue across the plain. Ignorant of these preparations, Baillie marched from his bivouac at daybreak, traversed the avenue, and debouched on to the plain. Scarcely had his columns emerged when, for the first time that morning, an artillery-fire opened upon them. Baillie, instead of press- ing on to the village, which might have yielded to a charge, halted his troops, and returned the fire with his guns. Finding, however, very quickly, that the enemy's fire was superior to his own, he sent to the front ten companies of sipahis to storm the battery which specially annoyed him. This feat the sipahis, led by their English officers, performed with great gallantry and success. They stormed the battery and had spiked three of the guns, when the Maisur cavalry, dashing from the flank 244 The Decisive Baiilcs of India. and threatening to cut off their retreat, forced them to fall back. The English troops, forming into an oblong square, as it is styled, then made a forward movement. They had pro- ceeded but a short distance, however, when, covered by the cavalry, the Maisiir infantry and artillery advanced, and, after a short interval, from three sides — from the front, from the right, and from the rear — poured upon them a deadly fire of all arms. The fierceness of the attack proved that Haidar himself had joined his son. Still the English square — the sick, the baggage and the am- munition in the centre — moved slowly on; its human walls repelling every assault. Its behaviour compelled the admira- tion of the Frenchmen who fought with Tipii.* So stern was the resistance, that Haidar, dreading every moment lest Munro should appear on his rear, resolved to retreat, and sent orders to his cavalry to cover the movement. But just at this moment two events happened which induced him to recall the order. The first of these was the blowing up of two tumbrils in the English square; the second, the almost instantaneous charge, on the face most affected by the ex- plosion, of i,ooo Maratha horse, led by a man to whom Haidar had attributed the blame of Colonel Fletcher's escape, and who was determined to retrieve his good name or perish. That tharge, though fatal to its leader, was decisive. It broke the face of the square.+ The remainder of the enemy's cavalry * One of the French officers present thus recorded his opinion : — " In the whole of this trying day the English preserved a coolness of manoeuvre which would have done honour to any troops in the world. Raked by the fire of an immense artillery, the greatest part of the action within grape-shot distance ; attacked on all sides by not less than 25,000 horse, and 30 battalions of sipahis, besides Haidar's European troops, the English column stood firm, and repulsed every attack with great slaughter ; the horse driven back on the infantry, the right of our line began to give way, though comijosed of the best troops in the Maisur army." t A large painting of this stage of the fight, done by his own express orders, adorns, to the present day, one of the walls of Tipii's summer palace, close to Shrirangapatam. Porio Novo. 245 followed it up in so decisive a manner as to render all rallying impossible. The Europeans, indeed, closing their ranks, attempted for some time longer to resist. But the attempt was vain. After a time, Colonel Baillie, seeing further resistance fruitless, ordered his men to lay down their arms, and surrendered. The loss of the English had been very great. Of the entire force of 500 Europeans, 200 only remained alive, and many of these were wounded. The sipahis suffered in at least equal proportion. Of 86 officers, 36 were killed and 34 were wounded. But the loss in killed and wounded was insignifi- cant when compared with the loss of prestige. Whilst this desperate fighting was going on, where was Munro ? We have seen that Munro had remained quiet during the whole day and night of the 9th. Soon after daybreak on the loth, he perceived that Haidar had given him the slip. He at once broke up his camp and took the road to Parmbakam. After marching two or three miles he saw in the distance the smoke of the battle; about a mile further, a still greater smoke, evidently that caused by the explosion of the tumbrils. Munro was then about three miles distant from the battle-field. Obviously, he should have pushed on with all speed. We have seen that that was the very movement which Haidar most of all dreaded. Munro was at first inclined to pursue this course, but almost immediately afterwards he was sensible of a lull in the artillery-fire, succeeded by desultory discharges of musketry. At this conjuncture he would seem to have lost his head. Coming to the somewhat arbitrary conclusion that the sounds which reached him betokened a victory on the part of Baillie, he checked his forward march, and moved in every direction but the right one, until, when it was too late to alter the result, he learned the truth from a wounded sipahi. Then — to use the words of his own dispatch — " for the security of the army, he retired to Kanchipuram," having spent his day 246 The Decisive Battles of India. very much in the same unsatisfactory manner in which, in the next century, Count d'Erlon was to spend his, on the i6th June, 1815, and with the same unsatisfactory result. Munro reached Kanchipuram at six o'clock in the evening. But he did not deem himself safe at Kanchipuram. Having spent the day in fruitless marching and counter-marching, he passed the night in throwing his heavy guns, his military stores, and the supplies he could not carry away, into a deep tank. Early the following morning, the nth, he set out in the direction of Chengalpatt, where, annoyed and harassed by Haidar's light troops on the march, and forced, in consequence, to sacrifice the greater part of the stores still remaining to him, he arrived on the morning of the 12th. He was cheered there by the sight of Colonel Cosby's detachment, which, having been unable to execute the orders given to it to act upon the enemy's communications, had cut its way to the same place. This • happy junction saved Madras. Munro felt strong enough now to march to St. Thomas's Mount. He arrived there on the 14th, and moved the next day to the securer posi- tion of Mamillamma (Marmalong), where, with a river cover- ing his front, he deemed himself safe from all attack. Haidar, on the nth September, had Madras at his mercy. The direct road to it lay open, and there was not a soldier in the place.' He was only forty-two miles distant from it. He knew the line of Munro's retreat, and he could easily so inter- pose his cavalry as to hinder, if not absolutely to prevent, that officer's march from Chengalpatt, thirty-six miles south-west of Madras. But one thing prevented him from making this decisive movement, and that was the holding out of Wandi- wash. The flower of his army was still detained before that place, and he hesitated to make the decisive movement till it had fallen. His reasoning would not have commended itself to a really great captain. A master of the art of war would have told him that the greater contains the less ; that the surest way of compelling the fall of Wandiwash was to make a dash Porto Novo. 247 ■ — before it could be covered, before the panic caused by his victory over Baillie had subsided — upon Madras. But age was beginning to tell upon Haidar. Shrinking from a course at which ten years before he would have clutched, he pro- ceeded to invest Arkat. Arkat, invested on the 19th September, fell — though garri- soned by English troops — on the 3rd November; Ambur sur- rendered on the 13th January : the sieges of Velur, of Parma- kol, of Chengalpatt, and of Wandiwash, were vigorously prosecuted, when on the i8th, Haidar heard that on the previ- ous morning the English army, commanded now by Sir Eyre Coote, had quitted Madras. The Madras Government, in fact, on learning Baillie's defeat, had dispatched a swift vessel to Bengal, with letters stating their misfortunes and their pressing need of immediate succour. Fortunately for them, Bengal was then ruled by an administrator whose guiding principle was, above all things, the maintenance of the honour and greatness of his country. Though embarrassed by the financial pressure resulting from ]\Iaratha wars, from the necessity of providing for the defence of the British possessions in Bengal and Bombay, Warren Hastings at once raised the money sufficient to meet the emer- gency.; called upon Sir Eyre Coote once again to place himself at the head of an army, and dispatched him with every available soldiet to Madras. Not content with doing things by halves, Warren Hastings suspended the Governor of Madras, Mr. Whitehill, appointed a more vigorous adminis- trator in his place, and entrusted to Sir Eyre Coote complete and independent charge of the military operations. , Coote reached Madras on the 5th November, only to find the resources of the Presidency so exhausted that ten weeks were required to equip his army for the field. It was not till the 17th January that he was able to set out. His design was, to march southward, relieve the places besieged in that direction 248 The Decisive Battles of India. by Haidar, and then to advance on Pondichery — which the French had reoccupied — drawing Haidar after him. Coote's first efforts were successful. On the early morn of the 2 1 St, a detachment of his army stormed the strong fortress of Karungalli; on the 23rd he raised the siege of Wandiwash, and on the 25th began his march for Parmakol. On that day he heard of the presence of a French fleet off the coast. Being indifferently provided with provisions, Coote's first idea was to return to Madras; but the desirability of recovering Pondi- chery and of destroying the boats which might aid in the landing of French troops, decided him to push on towards the French capital. Haidar, meanwhile, had watched, with eager and searching eyes, every movement of his enemy. As soon as he heard of the direction his army had taken, he raised the siege of Velur, and, acting in concert with the French authorities at Pondi- chery, massed his army, and followed him. On the 25th January he, too, learned that a French fleet, commanded by the Chevalier d'Orves, had been sighted near Gudaliir (Cudda- lore). This event raised his hopes to the highest degree. Whilst he should sever Coote's communications with Madras, the fleet would blockade the coast; and Coote, shut out from the grain-producing country, would be starved into surrender. Whilst Haidar and his French allies were carrying out this plan with great skill, Coote was marching further and further into the trap. On the 8th February, Haidar having made as though he would attempt Gudalur, Coote, thoroughly taken in, moved with his whole army to cover that important place. This movement enabled Haidar to seize a strong position which quite severed his enemy from Madras. In Gudalur itself there were but three days' supply of food. Both the rival leaders could see the French fleet, unthreatened, guarding the coast. In vain did Coote offer battle to the Maisur chief. Haidar was content to occupy an unassailable position which barred Coote from the grain-producing country. Porlo Novo. 249 Coote himself recognised all the danger of his position, the fault he had committed in allowing himself to be severed from his base. Unless supplies could reach him, he knew that he was lost. But as long as Haidar and the French should main- tain their respective positions, no supplies could reach him. Haidar maintained his. But from some cause, to this day unexplained, d'Orves was false alike to his reputation and to his country. In another work* I have dwelt at some length on the crime perpetrated by a Government which commits the command of its fleets to men deficient in decision and nerve. Never had France such an opportunity of revenging herself for the defeats of Dupleix and Lally. There was no doubt about the issue. D'Orves had only to remain off the coast to see the last army possessed by the English starved into surrender. Haidar, in constant communication with him, pressed him to remain, if only for a week longer; or, at all events, to land thj one French regiment he had on board. D'Orves would do neither. On the isth February, to the intense relief of Sir Eyre Coote, and to the indignation of Haidar, he bore away for the islands. The English at once obtained supplies from Madras. Five weary months then elapsed; Coote, to a certain extent blockaded at Gudaliir, forced to look to the sea for his supplies : Flaidar watching him, and whilst watching him, obtaining the surrender of many of the strong places behind him. At last, on the i6th June, Coote, realising that the only possible mode of retrieving his position was to force an action on his wary enemy, quitted Gudalur, crossed the river Vallar on the 1 8th, and that night attempted to surprise and storm the strongly-fortihed pagoda of Chelambram. Haidar's garrison, however, composed of nearly 3,000 good troops, repulsed the English sipahis with serious loss, and even cap- tured one of their guns. Baffled in this quarter, Coote drpw * "Final French Struggles in India." 250 772^ Decisive Battles of India. off his army in the night, and, after a liesitation which lasted four days, recrossed the Vallar, and encamped near Porto Novo, a village on its northern bank, close to the sea, and only seven miles from Chelambram, which place he at once made preparations, in concert with Admiral Hughes, to besiege. Perhaps it would have been as well if Haidar had been content to reinforce the garrison of Chelambram, to strengthen its defences, then to count upon the action of the monsoon on the fleet, and of his army on the besiegers. But the repulse of the English before that pagoda, the details of which were con- veyed to him in a greatly exaggerated form, had so elated him, that, believing the English army would prove now an easy prey, he resolved to strike a decisive blow. Quickly collecting his forces, then, he crossed the Kolrun; moved rapidly to the north, then making a sweep to the eastward, interposed his whole army between Giidalur and the English, having marched a hundred miles in two days and a half. On the 27th June, when Coote had all but completed his arrangements for an attack on Chelambram, he was suddenly informed that Haidar, with his whole army, was fortifying a position within three miles of him. Coote called a council of war. The issues which he put before that council were simply these : The declining of a battle meant the conducting of military operations at a great disadvantage, the incurring of a liability to be attacked suddenly, when one part of the force should be already occu- pied; an unsuccessful battle meant destruction, for it would entail the loss of Madras and, with it, of southern India; a successful battle, on the other hand, meant relief from all difficulties; and, not until they had compelled Haidar to move off, would they be in so good a position, with regard to numbers, to fight a successful battle. The council with one ^voice voted for fighting. At 7 o'clock, then, on the morning of the 1st July, Coote marched towards the enemy — his army formed in two lines. Porto Novo. 251 His whole force consisted of 8,476 men, of whojn 2,070 were Europeans. It was difficult to reconnoitre the enemy's position, as Haidar, with his usual craft, had covered it with swarms of cavalry, whilst Coote was deficient in that arm. We, however, who are behind the scenes, may state that the position selected by Haidar was a very strong one. His army numbered 40,000 men, and these occupied three villages, and were spread over a line which, crossing the road to Gudaliir, extended from commanding grounds on the right to a point on the left which rested on a range of sand-hills following the line of the seashore. The ground on his front and on his right flank was intersected in every direction by deep ditches and watercourses. Embrasures for his heavy artillery had been cut in mounds of earth formed from the hollowing of ditches. These batteries pro- tected at once the front and the right flank. It was not until Coote had marched a mile and a half that he was able to gain a view of this formidable position. He halted, and spent an hour in minutely examining every point of it, exposed throughout that time to an incessant cannonade from guns advanced from the front of the enemy's position, and from their left flank. His own guns, to economise their limited supply of ammunition, made no reply. At 9 o'clock the English general had made his decision. He recognised that the weak point of Haidar's position was his left, for the sand-hills had not been fortified, and could be turned. He directed, then. General Stuart, who commanded his second line, to move by columns, under cover — first, of the front line, and afterwards of the sand-hills on the coast — to a point beyond those sand-hills, and, turning them, to march on till he should reach an opening which would enable them to take the enemy in flank. Whilst Stuart was engaged in this' operation, Coote himself would make a strong demonstration against the enemy's front, taking care not to commit himself 252 The Decisive Battles of India. to a s2rious attack until the success of Stuart's movement should be assured. Rarely has a planned military manoeuvre been carried out with greater precision than was this. Haidar, bent on makmg his right Vid centre proof against attack, had deferred fortify- ing the sand-hills, especially as he deemed it to the last degree improbable that an enemy would, as it were, cut his army in two to attempt to turn him on that flank. No longer the active man whom we have known, seizing victory or staving off defeat by personal prowess, he was compelled, in these days, to watch, motionless, the movements of the rival forces. On this occasion he sat, cross-legged, on a stool which had been placed for him on an eminence, immediately behind his centre. From this point he commanded the field. As soon as he caught sight of Stuart's manoeuvre, recognising its importance, he dispatched some of his best troops to strengthen his left, and sent orders to his cavalry to hold themselves in readiness to take advantage of the smallest check given to the enemy. Before these orders could be received Stuart, marching with great rapidity, had turned the position of the enemy, dis- covered a road made between two sand-hills, and led his men to gain it. But Haidar's troops, well on the alert, repulsed a first attack, and a second. Just at this period Haidar's orders reached the commanders of the two wings of cavalry. He of the right wing, deeming the moment opportune, charged the first line led by Coote, and was repulsed only after a most desperate encounter. But it was upon the action of the com- mander of the left wing that everything depended. Could he fall successfully upon the twice-repulsed troops of Stuart the battle was over. But in this quarter fortune frowned on Haidar. The commander, Mir Sahib, one of Haidar's best officers, was about to give the order to charge, when he was cut in two by a round shot. Almost at the same moment a broad- side from an English schooner, which had been worked clos? Porto Novo. 253 to the shore, made terrible havoc amongst the drawn-up squad- rons. A panic ensued ; the charge was never made. Availing himself of the panic, Stuart promptly made his third attempt on the gap, and succeeded. The simultaneous advance of the first line, whilst the second, though still strongly opposed, was working steadily from the left flank towards the centre, convinced those about Haidar that the day was lost. Haidar himself, however, refused to believe that the fruit of exertions so earnest, so well thought out, had been lost by one mistake and one freak of fortune. He refused to quit the field, constantly uttering regrets that he could no longer by his own exertions retrieve mishaps. At last, about four o'clock in the afternoon, the danger had become so imminent that a favourite groom seized his legs, put on his slippers, and with the words, "We will beat them to-morrow, meanwhile mount," helped him on to his horse. The whole army followed in full retreat, taking with them all their guns. They had lost many men, how many can never be known. The English had lost 306, and had gained only the ground on which they had fought. Such was the battle of Porto Novo, called also the battle of Chelambram; assuredly one of the most decisive battles ever fought in southern India. To the English, defeat would have meant not only expulsion from Madras, but the absorption of the Karnatak by the ruler of Maisur. The English had but that one army. To provide that army, Bengal had been exhausted. Bombay was fighting for her own hand. A few months later the arrival of Suffren deprived the English of supremacy in the Indian seas. To fight under the circum- stances was a desperate remedy; but it was the only possible, and, as it proved, a successful remedy. Haidar, it is true, fought some more desperate battles with the English, and even gained some partial successes; but the spell was broken. The battle of Porto Novo had decided not only the fate of Madras, it had given a death-blow to the 254 The Decisive Battles of India. exterminating projects of Haidar. It might be said, indeed, that it did more. Mushroom kingdoms, like that of Haidar All, depend for their vitality on the constant activity of their ruler. When that ruler ceases to conquer, his power and his influence alike wane. In this sense Porto Novo was a check from which the dynasty of Haidar Ali never recovered. It is true, as I have said, that Haidar fought again. After Porto Novo, Coote marched forward along the coast to meet reinforcements which had been sent from Bengal. But so demoralised was Haidar, that though many opportunities offered he never attacked his enemy, but allowed a junction — which added one-third to that enemy's strength — to take place at Palikat without striking a blow to prevent it (2nd August). On the 22nd of the same month, he had the mortification of witnessing the storming of Tripasor, in the presence of his whole army. On the 27th, Coote, at the head of 12,000 men, attacked his forces, raised now to 70,000 men, and strongly posted on the acclivities of a range of hills near Parmbakam; after a desperate conflict, stormed the plateau on the left, gained a position which was the key to the right of his defence, and thus compelled Haidar to abandon the field, and to retreat to Kanchipuram during the night. One result of this action was the revictualling of Velur, and the recovery of the fort of Chittiir, by the English. A transient gleam of sunshine played over the fortunes of Haidar when, on the i8th February, 1783, his son, Tipii Sahib, compelled the surrender, after a three days' contest, of an English detachment commanded by Colonel Braithwaite; when, also, on the 8th June following, he enticed into an ambuscade and nearly destroyed, in the presence of Sir Eyre Coote, a body of English horse. But none of his smaller triumphs made up for the defeat of Porto Novo. That battle was his Leipsic. Thenceforth he ceased to be an aggressor; he endeavoured only to retain the places he had gained. It is due to him to add that, in his later operations, Haidar Porto Novo. 255 was much hampered by his French allies. These, badly led, displayed a caution and backwardness as foreign to the char- acter of their nation as it was uncongenial to the nature of Haidar. Six months after his last successful skirmish with the English (the 7th December, 1783), Haidar Ali — ^become prema- turely old, for he was but sixty-five — passed away. The war languished after his death; continued with varying fortunes* for fifteen months, when it was concluded by the Treaty of Mangaliir (nth March, 1784), which stipulated for the restitu- tion of all places, and the liberation of all prisoners, taken by both parties during its continuance. It has ever been the misfortune of Eastern dynasties that an Amurath can never secure that he shall be succeeded by an Amurath. Haidar Ali, a man of genius, of energy, a born warrior, was succeeded in the vast territories he had made a kingdom, by a passionate and narrow-minded bigot; a man who, in fact, had inherited all the passions of his father without one scintilla of his genius. The consequences were such as might have been predicted. Tipii Sahib lost all that Haidar All had gained. Notwithstanding the peace of Mangaliir, he did not cease to molest his neighbours. At last he had the temerity to attack a protected ally of the English, the Rajah of Travankur. War followed (1790). Bangalor fell into the hands of the English. Shrirangapatam was in- vested; Tipii in despair sued for peace. He was able to obtain it only by the sacrifice of one half of his dominions, and the payment of upwards of ;£'3,O30,00o (19th March, 1792). To recover the lost moiety of his territories, Tipii, six years later, intrigued with the French Republic. When, informed of his conduct, the Marquess Wellesley demanded of him securities for his good behaviour, Tipu treated the demand * An account of those varying fortunes has been given by the Author in a book entitled " Final French Struggles in India " (1878). Towards- its close, those of the English were at a very low ebb indeed. 256 The Decisive Battles of India. with contempt. The Governor-General then declared war, and, in alliance with the Nizam and the Marathas, sent an army, under General Harris, into Maistir. The strong places, no longer defended by the genius of Haidar, fell in quick succession. On the 3rd April, General Harris invested Shrirangapatam ; on the 4th May he stormed it. In defend- ing it, Tipii Sahib was killed, and the remnant of Maisur — for some slices of it were taken to satisfy the English and their allies — was restored to the Hindu dynasty which Haidar All had dispossessed. That this result was possible was a consequence, though a later consequence, of the battle of Porto Novo. Had Haidar All won that battle, he would have expelled the English from Madras, and would, for a season, have been master of southern India. That he would have retained it is scarcely probable. But that the danger was great, that the fear which existed was widespread, is shown by all the contemporary records of the period. The terror survived his death, survived the cam- paign, survived even the first defeat of Tipu Sahib. It was the recollection of the danger which the Muhammadan dynasty of Maisur had brought home to the English which was a main factor in the policy by which Marquess Wellesley was actuated in dealing with Tipii. To the battle fought near Porto Novo, then, no Englishman can look back without a feeling of pride. That battle crushed the aggressive schemes of Haidar, forced him to act on the defensive, and paved the way, after his death, to the destruction of the mighty power he had created. Under his rule Maisur had become a robber's stronghold, a stronghold the existence of which was only possi- ble when the paramount power was inert. The British never effected a work more truly beneficial to the people of India than when they destroyed that stronghold, and, expelling the dynasty of the robber, substituted the mild sway of the Hindu ruler for the empire of the sword ! CHAPTER IX. ASS AYE. Madhaji Sindia was the greatest man India produced in the last century. He towered above his contemporaries. He was a greater warrior and a more far-sighted statesman than Haidar All of Maisur; he possessed none of the cruelty or the habitual and senseless perfidy of Nizam Ali of Haidarabad; amongst the Marathas not a single man equalled him in intel- lectual power. Alone amongst his countrymen he detected the necessities of the English position, the alternative of further conquest or annihilation which lay before them, the life struggle which must ensue between them and the princes of India. To prepare for that life struggle, to avoid internecine national quarrels, to effect a union amongst all castes and races against the ever-encroaching foreigner, had been for many years the aim of his policy, the darling desire of his life. At one time he had contemplated the bringing of Haidar Ali and the Nizam within the confederacy. He had been forced to wait, however, till his own position should be con- solidated, his own influence in Western India supreme, before he could give the final touch to the scheme. Before that time arrived Haidar had died, after a vain attempt to accomplish, single-handed, that which a combined effort on the part of all the races of India might have secured; and Tipu, foiled in another unsupported effort, had been shorn of half his domin- S 258 The Decisive Battles of India. ions. But in June, 1793, Madhaji had attained the summit of his wishes. He swayed the destinies of Central India, and, as far as and including Aligarh, of North-western India; his troops, trained and commanded by Frenchmen and other Euro- peans, occupied the strong places from Ujjen to Agra and Dihli; his only possible rival in Central India, Tukaji Holkar, was at his feet ; and at Punah, the capital of the Peshwa, he was rapidly gaining a supreme influence. He wanted but a few short years to work out his dream. He had not seen quite sixty summers, and had lived a temperate and active life. The expectation that a brief time might yet be granted to him was not extravagant. It proved, however, to be fallacious. When yet on the last step of the pedestal he had spent the preceding thirty years to attain, he was struck down by fever, and died. With him perished the last hope of unity of action against the foreigner. The direction of the fabric which Madhaji Sindia had raised with so much patience, so much skill, and so much forethought, devolved upon a boy of fifteen — a boy possessing a character, which, if still unformed, had displayed waywardness, inde- cision and a dislike of control. This boy was Daolat Rao Sindia. He succeeded very suddenly to a position which demanded all the qualities of a ripened statesman. The influence he had inherited was pre- dominant at Piinah, and events very shortly happened which called upon him to exercise it. Unhappily he was too young or too wilful to take up the large scheme bequeathed to him by Madhaji; and when events convinced him of its wisdom and forced its principle upon him, he had descended many steps from the height to which Madhaji had attained. The first great event which demanded his prompt action was the sudden death of the Peshwa. On the 25th October, 1795, Mahadeo Rao Narayan, the last but one who bore that title, threw himself, in a fit of profound melancholy, from a terrace of his palace, and two days later died from the effects of the Assay e. 259 injuries he then received. When this event happened, Daolat Rao, marching at the head of his army towards Gwaliar, had reached Jamgaon. Recognising the importance of the situa- tion he promptly replied to the invitation sent him by the minister of the late Peshwa, and returned to Piinah, arbiter, if his capacity had been equal to his power, of the destinies of Western India. His capacity was not, however, equal to his power. He allowed himself to be hoodwinked, deceived and led in lead- ing-strings by a man who, at the age of twenty-one, had gained the reputation of being the most consummate intriguer of the day — a man at that time under surveillance in his own camp — • the cousin of the late Peshwa — the notorious Baji Rao Raghunath. By the influence he managed to exercise upon Daolat Rao, Baji Rao became Peshwa. He immediately began to intrigue for the departure of his too powerful patron. In the hands of the new Peshwa Daolat Rao was a mere child. By degrees Baji Rao undermined his influence, raised enemies against him even in his own household, stirred up Holkar to attack him, until at last, Daolat Rao, wearied and disgusted, saw himself forced to quit Piinah to defend his own dominions from attack (November, 1800). He was but just in time. Before he could muster his forces in full strength Jeswant Rao Holkar had inflicted two succes- sive defeats on detachments he had sent for the protection of Ujjen (June, 1801). The following month his great park of artillery was saved from falling into the hands of the same daring rival, by the gallantry of an Englishman in his service, named Brownrigg. But in October he was ready, and on the 14th of that month he inflicted upon Holkar a crushing defeat in front of his capital, Indur, which, as a consequence, fell into his hands. Had Daolat Rao followed up his victory there had been an end for ever to the career of Jeswant Rao. But not recognising the importance of the situation he preferred to negotiate. Again was he duped. Jeswant Rao, whose intel- 26o The Decisive Battles of India. lect was subtle and whose insight was keen — who was, in fact, an intriguer of intriguers — amused Daolat Rao till, with the marvellous recuperative power always displayed by the Mara- thas, he had recruited his army. He then suddenly broke off, renewed hostilities in Khandesh, and defeated Sindia's army, led by his general, Sheodaseo Rao, near Punah (25th October, 1802). This defeat was productive of the most disastrous conse- quences to the Marathas. It broke up for ever the Maratha Confederacy. It was one of those incidents which, slight in themselves, yet suffice to change the course of events. The defeat of one Maratha power by another Maratha power brought upon the scene, in a manner as marvellous as it was unexpected, the power which was destined to control them all. The result was due mainly to the obstinacy and shortsighted- ness of Daolat Rao. The defeat of Sindia's army near Piinah on the 25th October, 1802, caused the Peshwa, Baji Rao, to flee in trepidation from his capital. From Suwarnadurg (Severndriig), where he took refuge, Baji Rao addressed pressing solicitations to Sindia, then, in camp at Ujjen, to come to his aid. It is not too much to say that the fate of India was, at that moment, in the hands of Daolat Rao Sindia. Had he marched to the aid of his suzerain he would have regained by force of arms the position he had lost by intrigue; there would have been no treaty of Bassein; the Maratha Confederacy would have presented an unbroken front to the foreigner. But Daolat Rao had not yet grasped the full conception of his astute predecessor. He cast away the opportunity never to recur, and declined to march to the assistance of the Peshwa. The Peshwa in despair threw himself on the protection of the British. The result was the treaty of Bassein. The Treaty of Bassein was the greatest diplomatic triumph which the world has ever witnessed. On the eve of a contest, impending, which could not have been long delayed, between Assay e. 2b i the Maratha Confederacy and the British, it broke up the Maratha Confederacy : it relieved the English of the danger which had long threatened them of having to face at one and the same time the united power of a league whose; territories comprehended the north-west provinces of India, Central India, and the greater part of western India; and allowed them to meet and to conquer each section of that league singly. Above all, it paralysed the vast influence which attached to the name and to the authority of the Peshwa. By the Treaty of Bassein, negotiated under the orders of Marquess Wellesley by Sir Barry Close, the Peshwa engaged to admit the thin edge of the wedge of British protection, that wedge always fatal to the independence of a native dynasty. He engaged to receive from the British a subsidiary force of six battalions, with guns, and to cede certain districts for their payment; to refer to the British Government all his dis- putes with the Nizam and his claims against the Gaikwar. The British, on their part, undertook to restore the Peshwa to his dominions, to defend him against all hostility or aggres- sion whatsoever "in the same manner as the rights and terri- tories of the Honourable Company are now maintained and defended." Other articles bound the Peshwa even more closely to his foreign defenders. The news of the Treaty of Bassein and the information he received as to its nature, roused Daolat Rao Sindia to a sense of his errors. In that treaty he saw plainly not only a bar to a complete Maratha Confederacy, but a threat against him- self. Then, probably for the first time, he fully grasped the statesmanlike plans of Madhaji, at the very moment when the realization of those plans had been rendered impossible for ever. Then he bestirred himself. He refused, after some hesitation, the invitation he received to become a party to the defensive portion of the treaty; and then, as an earnest and active as he had been vacillating and dilatory, he strove to unite the Marathas against their one dangerous foe. But he 262 The Decisive Battles of India. was too late. The Peshwa had been bought off by the British, and Jeswant Rao Holkar, though he recognized as clearly as did Daolat Rao the gravity of the situation, allowed his policy to be overruled by his personal jealousy. It is more than possible that that jealousy was whetted by the conviction that the contest between the British and Daolat Rao would be pro- longed, that it would leave the rival combatants exhausted ; and that he, Jeswant Rao, would then step in — the master of the situation. At all events, he refused his aid. With Raghuji Bhonsle, Rajah of Barar, Daolat Rao was more successful. That Maratha prince, equally penetrated with the danger of the situation, agreed to bring all the in- fluence and power of the Bhonsle to support the national cause. The two allies proceeded at once to make preparations for war. But though they masked their designs with secrecy, those designs did not escape the penetrating glance of the Governor- General ; and - he, on his side, prepared for the inevitable struggle. Not content with that, as soon as his own arirange- ments had been well advanced, he demanded of Sindia an explicit declaration of his intentions. Sindia, not yet pre- pared, replied that it was necessary, before he could answer, to consult with his ally, the Rajah of Barar. He marched at once with his own troops to take up a position in proximity to the position occupied by that ally, close to the western, frontier of the territories of the Nizam. Long negotiations followed the meeting of the two chief- tains, negotiations protracted on their side by the hope that Holkar might yet be tempted to unite his cause with theits. Wearied "atTast; of continued evasions. General Wellesley, who commanded the main English force in that quarter, proposed as a test ultimatum that the armies of the several Powers should retire within the boundaries of their own territories; engaging, for his part, that if Sindia would retire to the North-West Provinces and the Bhonsle to Barar, he would withdraw every Assaye. 263 British soldier within the limits of British territories. Find- ing it impossible to evade a reply to this practical proposal, the two chieftains rejected it. As a consequence, the British Resident withdrew from their camp, and war ensued. Marquess Wellesley, with that thoroughness which was a marked characteristic of his Indian administration, had made preparations to attack his enemies simultaneously on more points than' one. Whilst, then, the commander-in-chief of the army in India, General Lake, marched from Kanhpiir, on the 5 th August, at the head of about 8,000 men, to drive Sindia's troops from the North- West Provinces; whilst a smaller force of 3,500 assembled at Allahabad to act on the side of Bundel- khand, and another of 5,216 marched to the eastward to con- quer the districts of which Katak (Cuttack) was the capital; other, and, taken altogether, larger armies had been made ready to move in western and southern India. It is with these armies alone that we have to do just now. In the Dakhan and Gujarat the forces assembled by Lord Wellesley's orders amounted to 35,596 men. Of these, 3,595 were assigned for the defence of the cities of Piinah and Haidarabad. To cover these places General Stuart, who com- manded in chief in this part of India, at the head of 7,826 men, occupied a central position between the rivers Krishna and Tungabhadra. In advance of this covering army were three field forces; one, of 8,930 men, commanded by General Wellesley, was at Walki, eight miles south of Ahmadnagar; another, of 7,920 men, led by General Stevenson, but subordin- ate, to Wellesley, was some miles to the east of Jalnah. The third &el# force was in Gujarat. It was composed of 7,352 men; but as 3,071 of these were required to garrison the strong places in that province there remained available for field oper- ations only 4,281 ; these were commanded by Colonel Murray, who was subject to the control of General Wellesley. But if the number of the British troops was considerable — enormous, in fact, if we compare it with the handful of men 264 The Decisive Battles of India. whom we have seen struggling, under Clive and Adams and Munro, to lay the foundations of empire— the forces wielded by their enemies were greater still. The combined forces of Sindia and the Bhonsle have been estimated at 100,000 men; and of these 30,000 were troops trained and armed after the European fashion, disciplined and, in many instances, officered and led by Europeans. About two-thirds of these trained sipahis occupied, however, Sindia's possessions in the North- West Provinces and in the more north-eastern parts of Central India. Besides the 10,000 of these regular troops, the allies had in south-western India some 40,000 horsemen, a splendid park of artillery, extremely well manned, and a mass of match- lockmen, very irregular infantry, formed on the old native system, which had degenerated into being no system at all. This army, when hostilities broke out, occupied a position below the Ajunta pass, on the frontiers of the Nizam's domin- ions, about fifty-five miles from Jalnah. Before I proceed to give a detailed account of the events of the war, I propose to glance for a moment at the characters of the rival leaders. Of Daolat Rao Sindia the reader will by this time have formed an opinion. A man possessed of a slow brain and a vacillating nature can never be a great general. Throughout his life Daolat Rao was in leading-stririgs ; he was the puppet of the man who for the moment had acquired the greatest influence over him. At this particular moment that influence was possessed by his ally, Raghuji Bhonsle. Raghuji was but a poor counsellor in difficult circumstances. He understood war, however, in the sense in which war was understood by the great founder of the Maratha empire. Ac- cording to him, war meant the ravaging of the country over which his enemy must march; the hanging on his flanks and rear; the avoiding of a gmeral action; the cutting off^ his supplies. Raghuji impressed these counsels upon Sindia, and so long as he was by his side Sindia was disposed to conform to them. But the two chiefs could not always be together. Assaye. 265 and, when Raghuji was absent, Sindia was swayed by men who dilated on the excellence of his trained troops, of his cavalry, and of his artillery, of his superiority in numbers, of the great advantage of striking a decisive blow. The result was' an attempt to combihie two opposite sySteftis, an attempt which could not but end in failure. The commander of the advanced British forces in south- western India, General Arthur Wellesley, was the very last man in the world in whose presence operations of the nature I have described could be carried out with impunity. Born in the year 1769, Arthur Wesley — as he was then called — had entered the army at an early age and had, in ths days when every- thing was possible to a young man of good birth, very soon attained the command of a regiment. We find him, even in 1794, commanding with spirit and intelligence a brigade in the rear-guard which covered the retreat of the Duke of York's beaten army from Holland. In 1795, his regiment, the 33rd, was ordered to the West Indies. A succession of tempestuous weather accompanied by contrary winds, tossed the fleet for six weeks in the waters of the Atlantic, and compelled it finally to return to England. It became necessary to land the 33rd, and before it could be re-embarked, its destination was changed to India. Wesley, prevented from accompanying it, followed a few months later, and landed in Calcutta' in February, 1797. At that time the Governor-General was Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teignmouth, a man distinguished amongst his other high attainments for his keen perception of char- acter. It is said that after Wellesley — for his family shortly afterwards adopted this form — had retired from their first interview — which took place at a levee — Sir John Shore turned to the gentlemen who surrounded him, and exclaimed, "If Colonel Wesley should ever have the opportunity of distin- guishing himself he will do it — and greatly."* * "Life of Lord Teignmouth.'' 266 The Decisive Battles of India. Shortly after Wellesley had rejoined his regiment he was called upon to take part in an expedition against the Manillas. He seized the occasion to submit a recommendation to the effect that prior to such an attack the Dutch settlements of Java should be destroyed. The expedition sailed, and had reached Penang, when it was recalled to India in consequence of the hostile dispositions of Tipii Sahib. For the moment, however, these dispositions did not lead to warfare. Shortly afterwards, 17th May, 1798, Colonel Wellesley had the gratification of welcoming the arrival in Calcutta of the greatest of the many great men sent from England to govern India — his brother, the Earl of Mornington — better known as Marquess Wellesley. Lord Mornington's arrival was coinci- dent with the last effort made by the ruler of Maisur to recover, in alliance with the French Republic, the position which his great father had gained prior to the battle of Porto Novo. The occasion was critical ; for the French, led by the most briP.iant general of the age, occupied Egypt, and that general was already in communication with Tipu. The great Marquess — it may be convenient to style h-.m by the title which he soon afterwards assumed — displayed on this occasion the acumen, the force of character, the resolution which mark every act of his career. He gave Tipu every opportunity to prove the honesty of his intentions, and it was only when the last of these had been treated with contempt that he sent an army into his dominions. That army conquered Maisur and slew Tipii defending his last fortress.. With' it served Colonel Wellesley. On the" mbrrow of the successful assault of that fortress, Wellesley was appointed to command it, and he was shortly afterwards joined with other distinguished officers in a commission to regulate the affairs of the whole country ; and when this work had been concluded by the re-formation of a Hindu kingdom under a sovereign of the ancient royal race, Wellesley was Assays. 267 appointed to organize and command the army necessary to defend it. Wellesley fulfilled the duties of this post — amongst which may be enumerated the successful extirpation of a very formid- able band of freebooters — for upwards of a year. He was recalled from them towards the close of 1800 to command an expedition ordered to assemble at Tinomalli, and to proceed to the conquest of Java. The destination of the force as- sembled for this expedition was shortly afterwards changed to Egypt, and the command was given to a senior officer, Sir David Baird, under whom Wellesley was to serve as second. This change, which he bitterly regretted at the time, was one of the most fortunate occurrences of a very fortunate life. In two ways did Fortune display her favours. Fever pre- vented Wellesley at the last moment from accompanying the expedition. Firstly, the vessel in which he was to have sailed, arid on board of which he had sent his baggage, the Susannah, was lost with all hands in the Red Sea; secondly, his enforced stay in India rendered him available for command in the war against Sindia and the Bhonsle. Recovered from his fever, Wellesley was (April, 1801) re- appointed to the command of the forces in Maisur. He held this command nearly two years, was promoted to the rank of Major-General, and in March, 1803, was appointed to the command of the advanced corps of General Stuart's army, and directed to move through the Southern Maratha country, to confirm the dispositions of the well disposed, and to march leisurely to Punah, to establish there an order of things favour- able to the return., of the Peshwa. This missioii Wellesley successfully accomplished, re-established the Peshwa (13th May, 1 803) and set out from that place on the 4th of June to occupy the position facing the armies of Sindia and the Bhonsle, in which I left him when I turned aside to digress upon his earlier career. On the 7th August, 1803, the Governor-General issued a 268 The Decisive Battles of India. proclamation declaring that he had, on the day previous, directed the levying of war against the two Maratha chief- tains. On that day General Wellesley was at Walki, eight miles south of Ahmadnagar. Heavy rains prevented him from at once moving agai^ast that fortress, but on the 8th he set out to attempt it. Ahmadnagar is distant from Punah but seventy- three miles. The fortress, formidable in appearance, bore the reputation of being impregnable. Wellesley has left upon record that it seemed to him, next to Velur, the strongest place in India. It was surrounded by a mud wall, and this again was defended by a ditch twenty feet in depth and forty in breadth. Arab soldiers, considered the best soldiers in western India, formed its garrison. Against it Wellesley at once raised his batteries, opened fire on the loth, and forced its surrender on the 1 2th. His loss had amounted to twenty-eight killed and twenty-two wounded — of these, six were officers. The capture of Ahmadnagar was a most important event, inasmuch as it secured the British communications \yith Piinah, afforded a secure depot for stores, and severed the connection of the allied chieftains with the Dakhan. Leaving there a garrison, Wellesley ( 1 8th August) marched northwards, through a country wasted, in accordance with the suggestions of the Bhonsle, by the Marathas, crossed the Godavari on the 24th, and reached Auiranga;bad on the 29th. Oh the same day on which Wellesley crossed the Godavari, the Maratha cavalry, covered by crowds of predatory skirmishers, ascended the Ajunta pass, and making a detour to avoid the camp of General Stevenson, reached Jalnah the day after Wellesley had arrived at Aurangabad. The distance between the two places is only forty miles, and by a proportion of that distance the Marathas were nearer to Haidarabad. Hoping, then, to steal a march on their enemy, they stayed only a day at Jalnah, and then set off in a south-easterly direction. The first care of Wellesley, on learning the course taken by the enemy, was to move so as to protect the country on which Assayc. 269 he greatly depended for supplies, and to ensure the safe arrival of the convoys of grain which had been despatched to him by General Stuart from the Krishna. Directing Stevenson, then, to secure Jalriah without delay, he moved down the Godavari. The action of the enemy on discovering this move proved that they had no guiding mind to direct them. It was still in their power, regard being had to their vast majority in cavalry, to push on to the heart of the Nizam's country. But the move- ment of Wellesley down the Godavari, whilst Stevenson, pressing after them, was endeavouring to bring them to action, greatly disturbed them. They at once renounced the projected movement on Haidarabad, abandoned their chance of preda- tory warfare, and manoeuvred to avoid an action until the whole of their infantry should come up. In this they suc- ceeded. Though surprised by Stevenson, who in the mean- while had taken Jalnah, on the pth September they managed to avoid a general action, and finally, on the 20th September, effected a junction with their infantry and artillery. The united army took up a position the day following at Bokardan, not far from the town of Jafarabad. The very same day, the 21st, Wellesley and Stevenson, who had been following the enemy on different lines, met at Bad- napiir, a little more than eleven miles from Jalnah, and on the road between that place and Aurungabad. At a conference which ensued between the two generals, it was agreed that their two corps should continue to move on separate lines, and should simultaneously attack the enemy from opposite points, on the morning of the 24th. The separation was necessary, not only because both divisions could not traverse the same defiles in one day, but because the roads through the hills re- quired to be occupied to prevent any attempt on the part of the enemy to avoid the action by retiring. With this under- standing they separated, and on the following morning each set out to perform the task allotted to him. It is necessary that I should first record the movements of Wellesley. 270 The Decisive Bailies of India. That general, leaving Badnapur on the 22nd, reached the village of Kalni on the morning of the 23rd, and was about to pitch his camp when the scouts brought him the information that the combined army of the enemy was encamped on the banks of the river Kaitna, within six miles of him; that they had notice of his approach, and were preparing to move off. Apprehensive lest an adherence to the agreement made with Stevenson would allow them to escape, Wellesley resolved to attack at once. Sending word of his intention to Stevenson, who was within eight miles of him, and leaving a strong guard in his camp to protect the baggage, he set forth at the head of his army, numbering now only 4,500 British and native troops — of whom one regiment of cavalry and two of infantry were Europeans — and 5,000 Maisur and Maratha (the Peshwa's) horsemen. After marching about five miles, Wellesley, who was with the advance in front of the army, beheld from the summit of a rising ground the enemy's army drawn up in a vast line extending along the northern bank of the river Kaitna, near its junction with the Jewah. Their infantry and artillery, formed in dense masses on their left, rested on the village of Assaye, whilst their numerous cavalry, 30,000 strong — the famous horsemen who had dealt the death-blow to the empire of the Mughul, and had bidden defiance to Aurangzib in all his glory — completely filled the spaces on the right. Of the infantry, 10,000 had been trained on the European system, and the artillery was for the most part magnificent. It was a sight to arouse all the warrior instincts in the breast of the young general — then in his thirty-fourth year — about to fight his first battle. He gazed long and eagerly, slowly advancing as he did so, on the array before him, examining with piercing glance every disposition. The instincts of a soldier soon told him that the true point of attack-was on the flank which rested upon the enemy's line of retreat. To reach that he would have to increase the distance which separated him from Stevenson. Not for a moment did the fear of Assay e. 271 responsibility check his audacious genius. Exclaiming "They cannot now escape us," he moved rapidly round to their left flank, crossed the Kaitna by a ford which the enemy had neg- lected to guard, close to its junction with the Jewah, and formed his infantry in two lines, in an open space between the two rivers, his cavalry forming a third line in the rear. Just as he was forming up his troops, information reached him that the cavalry of the Peshwa intended to betray him and join Sindia. Confident that they would join the victor, whoever he might be, Wellesley did not allow this information to affect his dispositions. Meanwhile the enemy, noting the action of the British, had changed their front in consequence. They had moved up their three arms from the position they had occupied along the Kaitna, and had extended them in a line facing the Eng- lish between the two rivers; but as the space was not sufficient to accommodate their entire masses, they had formed of those who were superfluous a shorter line running at a right angle to the first. The left of both these lines rested on Assaye, in which their artillery had been posted. The preparations of the two Maratha leaders had been com- pleted whilst Wellesley was crossing the ford, and his order of battle had therefore to be made under a continuous fire from the artillery posted in the village of Assaye. No sooner, however, had it been arranged than he gave the order to ad- vance. His plan was of the simplest. The enemy's right wing, resting on the Kaitna, was their weakest point : he would attack that, force it back upon the Jewah, and then use the advantage which a small body of disciplined troops employed against masses huddled together in a space too small for their operations always bestows. The 74th Regiment occupied the right of the line. The order given was that whilst the skirmishers in front of this regiment should cover a very slow advance, sufficient only to draw the entire attention of the troops massed in Assaye, the 272 The Decisive Battles of India. 78th and the native regiments on the left should press forward rapidly and perform the work assigned to them. But whether it was that the order was imperfectly comprehended, or that the fighting instincts of the British soldier would not be re- strained, the right, notwithstanding the very severe cannonade to which they were subjected, dashed forward at the same pace as the rest of the line. But so great was the execution of the enemy's guns that, before the line had made one half of the distance, the bullocks attached to the English light batteries had been killed. The forward movement of the guns was therefore rendered impossible; and the men, staggered for the moment by this accident, and by the terrible fire to which they were exposed, halted, whilst the officer commanding despatched an orderly to report the mishap to his guns. " Tell him to get on without them," was the brief and emphatic reply It was, indeed, too late to think of anything else; there was absolutely no alternative; anything but advance meant destruction. The leaders of the Maratha army had, however, noticed the hesitation, the halt, the apparent confusion, in the ranks of the English. It was just the sort of hesitation to which, in their wars against each other, they had been accustomed, and to take advantage of which they were prepared to use their cavalry. Instantly, then, Daolat Rao ordered his famed horse- men to the front, and directed them to change the check into a defeat. But Wellesley saw the impending movement, and, a born leader of soldiers, took on the spot the only possible means to anticipate a charge which, made under the actual circumstances, could scarcely fail of being successful. As quick as thought, and quicker, fortunately, than the enemy, he brought up from the rear the 19th Light Dragoons, and ordered them to meet at full gallop the advance of the Maratha horsemen. The Dragoons, who drew only 360 sabres, came up, followed by the 4th, 5th, and 7th Madras Native Cavalry, passed with a loud huzza through the broken ranks of the 74th, and dashed at full speed at their enemy. Under the Assay a. 273 terrible shock which followed the swarthy troopers of Western India reeled. They had been assailed before the speed of their horses had roused their excitement to fever heat, and now their very numbers impeded them. They offered, then, but a slight resistance to the impetuosity of the British, and were glad to take refuge, baffled, behind their infantry. The charge of the dragoons had given the infantry the cover and the breathing-time they wanted. During its continuance the artillery-fire had ceased, and the British left and centre, under the personal direction of Wellesley, had rapidly pushed for- ward. When the space cleared again Wellesley charged the enemy's right on the Kaitna, and pushed them before him back on to their second shorter line, which was formed up almost resting on the Jewah. Simultaneously the victorious cavalry charged the village of Assaye. The 74th came up to support them. The village, after a long resistance, was carried, and the rest of the line pressing simultaneously forward, drove the enemy before them step by step until they forced them, at the point of the bayonet, into the Jewah. So far success had crowned the efforts of the British com- mander; he had driven the enemy from the battle-field. But success not followed up is, in war, but the shadow of success. And there, now, were the enemy, their numbers but little dim- inished, on the ground beyond the Jewah, infinitely more suited for their peculiar mode of warfare than that from which they had been driven. It was clear that they recognised this fact, for they began, as soon as they had reached the opposite bank to rally and to make new formations. Wellesley, with the keen instinct of a great commander, anticipated here, as in the earlier part of the battle, their intentions. At a word from him the British cavalry, dashing across the rivulet, charged the infantry and pursued them with so much vigour that all thought of rallying was dispelled. The only troops who made good their retreat were the tirained battalions. The enemy's cavalry, however, still looked dangerous. They T 2 74 The Decisive Battles of India. had been but little engaged, their self-love had been sorely wounded, and tiey numbered 30,000. Just at this moment, too, masses of the enemy who had thrown themselves on the ground as if dead, jumped suddenly to life and turned their guns on the British rear, now advanced beyond them. So effective was their action, that to stop it Wellesley was forced to charge them with the 78th and some native cavalry. The British cavalry then dealt with the Maratha squadrons and with some of the fugitive infantry which had taken shelter under its wing. Led by Colonel Maxwell they again charged the masses before them — so effectually, that though Maxwell fell, the enemy, their pride completely abated, quitted the field, and did not halt till they had covered a distance of twelve miles. Such was the battle of Assaye — in very deed a general's battle ! For its result was due even more to the brain of the commander than to the valour of the men. It may be taken as certain that under an inferior commander the issue would have been different. Whether it was wise to engage in the battle with so small a force, when another was within eight miles of him, is a point which may be fairly argued. It was simply a question whether the political circumstances of the time rendered it advisable to risk much in order to gain much, or to witness, quiescent, an action which would have entailed disastrous consequences. Doubtless the "prudent" school would not have fought. To avoid risking a British army they would consequently have witnessed the uprising of the Dak- han, the union of the Nizam with the Marathas, possibly also the rising of the Peshwa, and of Holkar, and the great injury of British interests in southern and western India. From such issues Wellesley saved India. The battle, I repeat, was a General's battle. He "gave," wrote Munro, "every part of the army its full share: left no part of it un- employed; but supported, sometimes with cavalry, sometimes with infantry, every point that was pressed, at the very time Assaye. 275 it was necessary." The flank march to cut off the enemy from his communications before the battle, and the advance of the British cavalry to repel the Maratha horsemen in its very crisis, were sufficient to establish his title to be a great commander. His readiness, his coolness, his quick and sure glance, his firm and decided action, were conspicuous throughout the day ! The casualties were heavy. The English lost, in killed, 23 European officers, 175 European and 230 native soldiers; in wounded, 30 European officers, 412 European and 696 native soldiers. Of the enemy 1,200 were left dead on the field of battle; their wounded were scattered all over the field. Ninety-eight pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the victors. Of the leaders on both sides it deserves to be recorded that whilst Wellesley was foremost in the fight, himself led two charges and had two horses shot under him, Raghuji Bhonsle gave an example to his men of unsurpassed cowardice; after having by that example paralysed their action, he quitted the field. He was followed by Daolat Rao as soon as the defeat of his cavalry had been pronounced. Thenceforward the soldiers of the latter fought without a leader, and many of them by their gallantry proved that they deserved a better. The evening of the day after the battle Stevenson came up and at once proceed in pursuit of the enemy. He soon found that the beaten army, after reaching the village of Anwah, had turned suddenly westward, apparently in the hope of gaining the southern Maratha country by Tal Ghat and Kasara. Wellesley, on receiving this information, directed him to continue his march northward to reduce the important city of Burhanpur and the fortress of Asirgarh, whilst he him- self, south of Ajunta, should watch the movements of the enemy. These measures were successfully accomplished. Stevenson captured Burhanpur without opposition (19th October), reduced Asirgarh — considered the key of the Dakhan — ^after battering it for an hour (21st October), and received, as a consequence, the submission of the indi^pendent districts 276 The Decisive Batiies of India. of Khandesh. Wellesley, who up to that time had acted strictly on the defensive, no sooner heard that Asirgarh had fallen than he dashed after the Bhonsle, who had quitted Sindia to proceed on a predatory expedition to the south. So greatly did the presence of the conqueror of Assaye terrify Raghuji, that to avoid him he changed his camp hve times in less than forty-eight hours, and finally beat a hurried retreat to his own territories. He had been sickened of fighting. Wellesley then turned northwards to cover Stevenson on the march to besiege the strong fortress of Gualgarh. Giial- garh, 170 miles to the north-east of Aurangabad, was a place of considerable importance, inasmuch as it commanded the main road across the mountain range which divides northern from southern India. It consisted of two forts built on the southern declivity of that range, and these owed their strength as much to the formidable nature of their works as to the fact that it was only with extreme difficulty that guns could be transported into a position to open upon them with effect. The capture of this stronghold would place the dominions of the Bhonsle at the mercy of the conqueror. On his way thither Wellesley received information that the Bhonsle's army, led by his brother, Manu Bapii, was encamped at Pahtarli, six miles from the village of Argaum, and that Sindia's army lay within four miles of it. Wellesley, despite of the entreaties of Sindia's envoys who were pressing upon him terms of accom- modation, sent instant word to Stevenson to join him at Pahtarli, and there attack the enemy. The junction was effected on the 2gth September. The enemy had but that day decamped, and Wellesley with troops tired from a long and fatiguing march, did not think proper to pursue them. The enerpy, emboldened by this unwonted quiescence, sent forward parties of horse to beat up the surroundings of the English camp, and as these met with but a slight opposition from the Maisur horse, they supported them with many squadrons. Uneasy at this demon- Assay e. 277 stration, Wellesley directed the pickets to advance to the sup- port of the Maisiir horsemen, and following them himself he discovered the combined armies of Sindia and the Bhonsle — horse, foot, and artillery — drawn up in order of battle in the extensive plain which covers the village of Argaum. Their position was well chosen. Their line, which was five miles in length, rested on the village of Argaum and the extensive walled enclosures adjacent to it, whilst to attack them the English would have to traverse a plain intersected by water- courses. Sindia, whose troops consisted vi'holly of cavalry, commanded on the right; Manu Bapii, who had under him men belonging to the three arms, including a powerful artil- lery, on the left. It was past four o'clock in the afternoon. The British troops had had their food and some rest. It was impossible to decline the combat. Wellesley then ordered his men to turn out, moyed them forward in column till they arrived within range, then deploying the infantry into line, and having the cavalry behind as a support, advanced to the attack. The guns of the enemy were, however, well served, and their fire, directed by accident or design at the three native regiments, produced upon these so great an effect that the men composing them, men who had behaved well at Assaye, turned and ran. Fortunately Wellesley was on the spot, and suc- ceeded by his influence and example in rallying the fugitives and inducing them to resume their place in the line. He then urged on his right, somewhat thrown forward, in order to press upon the enemy's infantry and guns. It was soon clear that the enemy meant fighting. As the English line advanced, a body of infantry, 500 strong, called Persian, but really Arab, the chosen corps of the army, dashed forward to meet them. The 74th and 78th received them with steadiness, and marching calmly forward, swept them, almost to a man, into eternity. This movement had evidently been designed to engage the European troops, whilst the cavalry should deal with the sipahis, whose conduct had not been unobserved. 278 The Decisive Battles of India. Accordingly, whilst the Europeans and Arabs were struggling for dear life, the enemy's cavalry, in dense masses, directed a charge towards the left of the British line. Before, however, they could reach it, the three regiments of Madras native cavalry, led by Wellesley in person, galloped from the rear and met them in full shock. The contest was neither long nor doubtful. The famed Maratha horsemen recoiled dis- heartened and in disorder before the British-led troopers of Madras ! This charge, and the simultaneous destruction of the Arab cohort, decided the battle. The enemy's long line broke and fled ! The sun was setting as the Maratha host fled in disorder from the field of Argaum. The pursuit was continued by moonlight. "If we had had daylight an hour more," wrote Wellesley, "not a man would have escaped." As it was, they lost everything — thirty-eight pieces of cannon, their camp equipage, their confidence, their hope. The army dispersed never again to re-unite. Argaum, won with the loss of 15 Europeans and 31 sipahis killed, and less than 200 wounded, was the complement of Assaye. It finished the war in southern and western India. The strong fortress of Giialgarh was stormed on the 15th December. Two days later Raghuji Bhonsle signed a treaty with the British, by which he yielded the provinces of Katak (Cuttack) and Barar; renounced all his claims on the Nizam, and agreed to refer all disputes between that potentate and himself to British arbitration. The treaty with Sindia, the treaty known as Surji Anjangaon, was signed thirteen days later. I shall consider its terms after I shall have described the great battle which not less than Assaye and Argaum forced it upon Daolat Rao — the battle of Laswari. What Wellesley effected for southern and western. Lake achieved for central and north- western, India. Complete as were the operations of each in themselves, each required the other to produce a perfect result. Assaye decided the war in south-western India ; Laswari and Assay e. 279 the actions which preceded Laswari decided it in the more northern parts. But taking a comprehensive view, it may be affirmed that neither without the other would have produced the result actually obtained. It is necessary, then, before summarising the results of the war, that the reader should accompany me to the camp of General Lake at Kanhpur. CHAPTER X. - LASWARI. When Marquess Wellesley issued instructions to his brother to commence hostilities against the two Maratha powers in south-western and western India, he had not been unmindful of the fact that the great bulk of the trained soldiers of Sindia, armed and officered by Europeans, held the North-Western Provinces; that they occupied Aligarh, the imperial cities of Dihli and Agra, and that a considerable portion of them were scattered over central India. Simultaneously, then, with the instructions given to his brother, he had directed the Com- mander-in-Chief in India, General Lake, to mass his troops at Kanhptir, and to cross the frontier as soon as war should be declared. The objects which the great Marquess had in view, and to accomplish which he had put forth all the resources of the British power in India, were worthy of his comprehensive and enlightened mind. Face to face with the Maratha Con- federacy, whose avowed object was the expulsion of the British from India, he had realized that but one course was open to him. He must strike, and strike at the heart with a force which should be irresistible; break for ever the power for aggressive purposes of the great Maratha chieftains; pre- vent Sindia, on the one side, from extending his possessions Laswdri. 281 southwards, and rescue from his grasp, on the other, the two imperial cities. It had devolved, in fact, on Marquess Welles- ley to do that, for the security of the British tenure in India, which five and thirty years previously the great Lord Clive had denounced as a policy certain to entail ruin on British interests. Clive would have retained the frontiers of Alla- habad and cultivated amicable relations with the Marathas. As a permanent policy, such a course was impracticable. What the Niiwab-Vazir of Awadh had been to Clive and his con- temporaries, the Marathas had become to his successors. Again was it a duel upon the issue of which depended the main- tenance of the British power in India. Lake, in pursuance of his instructions, issued from Kanhpur, at the head of an army numbering 5,000 infantry, 2,500 cavalry, and the usual proportion of artillery, on the 5th August, 1803, and crossed the British frontier about four miles to the south of Koil, the town protected by the fort of Aligarh, and separated from it by a plain, on the 28th. The Maratha troops in Koil were not much more numerous than the British army. They counted but 2,cco infantry, 8,000 cavalry, and the usual proportion of guns. They were commanded by a Frenchman named Perron. Perron, who had risen to this position from that of a common sailor, was not a very strong man. He had arrived at that phase in the life of the adventurer who serves a foreign master when the in- terests of the master are subordinated to the interests of the servant. Daolat Rao Sindia, the master, had detected the arrival of this phase in the career of Perron, and had already made arrangements to replace him by one of his own country- men, Ambaji Inglia. Perron, aware that his disgrace was probably but a question of weeks; that Dudrenec, who was marching from Ujjen to Aligarh, was devoted to Ambaji; that Bourquin, who commanded two brigades under his orders, was not to be depended upon; thought far more of making terms with the British than of opposing to them a stout resist- 282 The Decisive Battles of India. ance. When, then, on the 29th August, General Lake marched upon Koil, and in that operation exposed his flank to the enemy, Perron, who might have taken him at disadvantage, gave no orders. His men, waiting for those orders, were para- lysed by the reserve of their leader, and when, a few seconds later the British galloper guns opened upon them, they lost heart and fled in all directions. Perron himself escaped to Mathura, and from that place made terms with the English. There remained the fort of Aligarh, which, garrisoned by 2,000 trained infantry, commanded by a good officer, a French- man named Pedrons, seemed capable of offering a long re- sistance. Summoned to surrender, Pedrons flatly refused. To undertake the siege of the place would have interfered very much with the English General's plans regarding Dihli, as it would have given time to the enemy's forces, then rapidly hurrying up from Central India, to concentrate for the defence of the place. Lake then carefully examined Aligarh. He found it very strong, but with one weak point. This weak point was a narrow passage leading across the ditch into the fort. But, weak as it Was, it was guarded by a strong gate- way, covering three other gateways behind it. It presented a forlorn chance. Such as it was, however, Lake, who made it a rule of life never to do things by halves, and who ever declared that boldness was prudence, resolved to attempt it and to try a coup de main. It was a bold resolve, for failure would give the Maratha troops the morale which they wanted. Early on the morning of the 4th September the British troops stormed Aligarh. It was a deed of splendid daring — for the defences were strong, the enemy watchful and brave. It cost in killed and wounded 260 men, but it electrified India. To use the words of an officer then in the service of Sindia : "It was a mortal blow to the Maratha war; it struck a panic into the minds of the natives and astonished all the princes of Hindustan; it gave them dreadful ideas of European soldiers and European courage.'' Laswdfi. 283 From Aligarh Lake marched towards Dihli (7th September). On the nth, after a very fatiguing march, he had, at eleven o'clock, just reached the banks of the Jehna Nala, six miles from the imperial city, when the Maratha force, consisting of twelve battalions of trained infantry, 5,000 cavalry, and 70 guns, the "whole commanded by a Frenchman, named Louis Bourquin, was upon him. Bourquin was an inferior specimen of a class generally inferior. He was little fitted to lead an army, and, if we may draw conclusions from his career. Nature had not even endowed him with the animal virtue of courage. A great opportunity was here offered him. At the head of a superior force he had surprised — for he had done nothing less — the English troops, tired after a long march. His position, too, was a strong one, for his front was covered by a line of intrenchments previously prepared; each flank was covered by a swamp, and the position of his guns was concealed by the long grass which covered the ground between him and the British camp. Lake, reconnoitring, noticed all this, the strength of the position, the impossibility of turning it. His own men were tired ; many had undressed ; many more were scattered. But Lake was essentially a man of action. He resolved to draw the enemy from their position, with his cavalry, and then sever them from their intrenchments and pounce upon them. He carried out his plan to the letter. Sending the cavalry in front at a trot, he moved his infantry slowly forward under cover of the long grass. The cavalry made a feigned attack on the intrenchments and then fell back as if beaten. This brought out the enemy with loud shouts from the intrench- ments, and, as the British cavalry continued to fall back further and further, the enemy's infantry hastened to follow them. At last they reached a point within charging distance of the British infantry. Then the order was given; the cavalry opened out from the centre, and the infantry marching through, led by the Commander-in-Chief in person, made a 284 The Decisive Battles of India. dash at the intrenchments. They halted but once, within eighty yards, to fire one volley; then, despite of the showers of grape and round shot from the enemy's guns, they dashed forward with so much impetuosity, that the enemy gave way and fled. No sooner had this end been achieved, than the infantry formed into column of companies to allow the cavalry and galloper guns to pass through and finish the work. This was successfully accomplished. Never was a victory more complete. The enemy, who fought well, suffered heavily, for many of those who did not perish on the field were drowned in the Jamna. The English lost 486 killed and wounded. Bourquin was the first man to leave the field. He surrendered with five other foreign officers, three days later, to the conqueror. One important consequence of this victory was the capture of the city of Dihli. On the 14th September General Lake entered the city and released from confinement the blinded King, Shah A'lam — the same whom we have seen, as Shah- zadah and as Emperor, the opponent of Clive and the ally of the Nuwab-Vazir of Awadh, and who had subsequently been deprived of his sight by the infamous Ghulam Kadir (1788).* It was a pleasure to the English general to restore the venerable monarch to his throne, and to make arrange- ments for the peaceful enjoyment of his freedom and his dignities. On the 24th September Lake set out with his army for Agra. He arrived there on the 4th October, and encamped within long cannon-shot of the fortress. Agra was then gar- risoned by 4,500 men, under the nominal command of George Hessing, an adventurer of Dutch extraction. The garrison, however, had noted the facility with which Perron, Bourquin, and other foreign officers had surrendered to the English; had conceived, consequently, a distrust of Hessing; and had * The reader is referred to Mr. H. G. Keane's graphic history of the fall of the Moghul Empire. Laswari. 285 placed him and the six European officers with him under restraint. Besides this garrison, there lay, encamped under the walls of the fortress, three battalions of the army which had been defeated near Dihli, and four battalions of Perron's 5th Brigade, just arrived from the Dakhan with twenty-six pieces of cannon, the whole under the command of Major Brownrigg. The garrison had refused to admit these troops within the walls, because they feared that their admission would give them a claim to a participation in the twenty-five lakhs of rupees which formed the contents of the treasure- chest. In addition to these, again, twelve battalions of trained sipahis, led by Dudrenec, from Ujjen, the flower of Sindia's army, occupied a position on the right rear of the British force, with the view, it was supposed, should the siege last long enough, of recovering Dihli. General Lake, having taken complete cognizance of the state of affairs, resolved, with his usual dash and energy, to dispose of his three enemies separately. The hrst he went against was the enemy outside the fortress, the remnants of Perron's and Bourquin's armies. These he attacked on the lOth October with so much energy that, with a loss of 213 in killed and wounded on his part, he inflicted upon them a severe defeat, placed 600 of them hors de combat, captured all their guns, and so dispirited the remainder that, two days later, 2,500 of them passed into the British service. Pro- ceeding with the same vigour, he opened his batteries against the fortress, and compelled its surrender on the i8th. By this capture he not only became possessor of the cherished twenty-five lakhs, but he secured a line of defence along the left bank of the Jamna. There now remained for him to deal with only the twelve battalions, about g,ooo strong, the flower of Sindia's army, led, for the most part, from Ujjen by the Chevalier Dudrenec. Unfortunately for Sindia, the conditions offered by the British Government to foreign officers to quit the service of their 286 The Decisive Battles of India. Indian master had been so much appreciated that Dudrenec himself and all the officers of the force had entered British territory. The flower of the army, the men victorious on many a field, were, then, led by their own countrymen. Supreme in command was Abaji, a Maratha of great pertinacity and not without military talent. On realizing the fall of Agra, Abaji had moved leisurely into the Jaipur country, with the intention of taking post in the hilly country of Mewat, the only pass into which could easily be made impregnable. Thither, on the 27th October, Lake, at the head of three regiments of dragoons, five of native cavalry, one regiment of European infantry (the 76th), and four battalions of sipahis, followed him. So eager was he to catch him, that when he found that the heavy state of the soil, saturated with rain, retarded his progress, he came to a decision to leave the greater part of his artillery behind him, and to press on with his cavalry and infantry. Making forced marches with these, he reached, the night of the 31st, the ground which Abaji had quitted that very morning. As this ground was but thirty- three miles distant from the pass into the Mewat country of which I have spoken. Lake, viewing the enormous importance of anticipating the enemy, resolved to push on with his cavalry alone, and encounter, if necessary, the Marathas with that arm. At midnight, then, he set off with his three cavalry brigades, leaving the infantry to follow. Pushing on without a halt, he came up at sunrise with the enemy, strongly posted about the village of Laswari. On that village itself their left rested, whilst their right was covered by a rivulet, the banks of which were steep and dfficult; between these two points lay their centre, concealed from view by long grass, and defended by a most formidable line of artillery. Partly in! consequence of this long grass, partly to the clouds of dust blown towards the British, General Lake did not at once realize the extreme strength of the enemy's position, and full of the idea that they intended to seize the pass in the Mewati hills, from which Laszvdri. 287 they were now but eight miles distant, he resolved not to wait for his infantry, but attack them at once. Accordingly, he formed up his cavalry, and placing himself, as was his custom, at their head, directed successive charges from the advanced guard and first and second brigades on the left of the enemy's position, whilst the third brigade should turn their right. The charges on the left, where, it will be remembered, the Marathas were massed about Laswari, were executed with great pre- cision and success; the enemy were driven into the village, several guns were taken, and, in some instances, their line was penetrated. The want of infantry to complete that which the cavalry had begun was, however, severely felt, for it enabled the enemy to re-^form and recover their guns. The charge on the right was as brilliant and as resultless. The 3rd Brigade, which made it, was formed of the 2gth Dragoons and the 4th Native Light Cavalry. They had been directed to turn the enemy's right. To enable them to take up a position to carry out this manoeuvre, they had to ride along the front of the enemy's line, exposed to the fire of seventy-four guns, hidden from them by the long grass. Heedless of this fire, they gal- loped to the position marked out for them, then formed up as steadily as if on parade, and charged the hostile batteries. Here, again, the want of infantry was felt. The cavalry rode over the guns only to find the enemy's infantry securely pro- tected by an intrenchment, from which they poured a galling fire. After they had vainly made heroic efforts to surmount the difficulty, the General, perceiving the inutility of persever- ing further, recalled his cavalry. H the attack had served to show the great strength of the enemy's position, it had at least also had the effect of preventing them from reaching Mewat. At noon the infantry came up, eager, notwithstanding their forced march of twenty-five miles, for the attack. The General, however, ordered them, in the first instance, to take their morning meal. An hour later he ranged them for the battle. 288 The Decisive Bailies of India. Meanwhile, the enemy had been busy in strengthening their right, already the objective point of the British attack. Aware of the additional strength obtained by the occupation of houses they now caused it to fall back slightly on and about the village of Mohalpiir, in which, also, they concentrated many of their guns. Their preparations had just been com- pleted when they became sensible of a movement on the part of the British. This time the English General had resolved to attack the enemy's right seriously with his infantry, and, whilst one brigade of cavalry should threaten his left, the other two brigades were to be handy to support the infantry attack. That attack was made in two lines, in column. No sooner, however, was the movement of the first line, composed of the 76th and two native regiments, and led by the General in • person, noticed by the enemy, than their infantry fell back, and from their guns in Mohalpiir, on its right, and on its left, there opened a concentrated fi.re on the advancing troops. Terrible as were its effects, great as was the slaughter, Lake was only impelled to press on the more quickly, careless, under the circumstances, of the fact, that, from some cause or other, the advance of the second line had been delayed. The de- cisive point in his eyes was the guns, and those, at any rate, must be captured. The gallant warrior, conspicuous on his hor^e, then led his men forward in face of a fire which, for intensity, has rarely, if ever, been surpassed. But the enemy were worthy even of him and his soldiers. Led only by their own . countrymen, they did credit to the careful training they had received at the hands of Dudrenec and de Boigne. So firm was their defence, so steadfast their bearing, that the British troops could make no impression upon them. Just at the critical moment, too, when the English column was struggling forward under all the difficulties I have recorded, Abaji, with the true eye of a general, dashed his cavalry against them. The charge was repulsed, and Lake, whose Laswdri. 289 mental energies, like those of Massena, always redoubled under the roar of cannon, then directed the British cavalry to make a counter-charge. As the men were forming up for this purpose, the horse of the General, who had ridden up to them to superintend it, was shot under him : the next moment his son,* who had dismounted to offer him his own, was shot by his side and severely wounded. This affecting incident, wit- nessed by all the troops preparing to charge, inspired them with enthusiasm. When, a few seconds later, the order was given, they dashed forward with an elan which was irresistible. In vain did seventy guns pour shot and shell into their ranks; in vain did the dense masses of the enemy spring forward to repel them. Nothing stopped them; they carried the guns. Then Lake, with his infantry handy, dashed forward and secured the greater number of them. Still, however, the enemy fought on, disputing with a valour and a pertinacity not to be exceeded every inch of the ground. Nor did they quit the field till they had been driven from every position and had lost every gun. In the desperate valour with which it was contested on both sides, in the equality of the numbers engaged, and in the pro- portion of the numbers lost, the battle of Laswari ranks above all others in which the British troops had been engaged in India. To rival it we must cast our eyes forward more than forty years till they rest on Firuzshahar and the Satlaj. A contemporary writer, who took part in the action, and to whose spirited narrative I am indebted for many of its details.t records that from the commencement of the conflict early in the morning to the close of the general action in the evening the enemy discovered a firmness of resolution and a contempt of death which could not fail to command the admiration of * Afterwards, when Lieutenant-Colonel of the 29th Foot, killed at the battle of Roleia (17th August, 1808), just when, at the head of his regi- ment, he had forced the pass, the possession of which decided the day. + Thorn's "War in India." U 290 The Decisive Battles of India. their opponents. It was well that it was so ! They were fighting for empire. To their master defeat meant more even than the failure to obtain empire; it meant the loss of the independent position which the House of Sindia had gained by the sword ! Yes — the war provoked by Sindia and the Bhonsle was a war in which they had staked that independent position to fight for empire. They lost the stake. First, the blow de- livered by Wellesley on the 23rd September at Assaye ruined their aspirations with respect to south-western and western India — the early cradle of their power. But the blow dealt at Assaye did not affect the vast countries north of the \'ind- hayan range. In those — from Ujjen to Gwaliar, from Gwaliar to Agra, to Dihli, to Aligarh, and, it may be said, generally in Rajputana — Sindia was still master. In those were concentrated his best troops, his best guns, his best gen- erals, his strongest places. By a succession of xapid manoeuvres, and a rare display of fighting power, Lake wrested these strong places from him one after another, and then finally dealt a most decisive blow — the most decisive blow of the whole war — at Laswari. It was the fairest, the most equally matched, and the most hotly contested battle ever fought between the British and the natives of India. It had the most important consequences. The battle of Laswari brought to the ground, crumbled and trampled in the dust, all the dreams of Madhaji Sindia. From its effects the great Maratha family never recovered ! To gain it cost the victors 838 in killed and wounded, or one man out of every five engaged. The enemy's loss in the actual battle was probably not so great, but in the pursuit which followed it they suffered terribly. Though Laswari was fought twenty days before Argaum, it was not Argaum but Laswari which decided .Sindia to accept the terms offered by Marquess Wellesley. Argaum was a rout, the Maratha troops engaged in which had been beaten haswdri. 291 before they had fought. Laswari had taken the fighting stuff out of every man in the ^Nlaratha dominions. Its result, coming immediately after Argaum, was the treaty of Surji Arjengaon. By this treaty Daolat Rao ceded to the British and their allies his territories between the Jamna and the Ganges, as well as those situate to the northward of Jaipur, of Jodhpdr, and of Gohad; the forts of Ahmadnagar and of Bharuch (Broach^, and the districts adjoining; his posses- sions between Ajunta Ghat and the Godavari. He renounced, likewise, all claims on the ilughul Emperor, on the Peshwa, on the Nizam, on the Gaikwar, and on all the rajahs who had assisted the British. There were other minor concessions, but these were the principal. Though the final blow dealt at the Maratha empire was not dealt till fourteen years later, when the Peshwa was ex- tinguished and Sindia and Holkar were still further reduced, the conditions of their existence never resumed the importance that had attached to them prior to the campaign of 1803. It may be said, indeed, that that campaign virtually decided beforehand the war which immediately followed with Jeswant Rao Holkar, and which forced that potentate, a fugitive hope- less of aught but of his life, to throw himself on the mercy of the conqueror with the touching admission that "his whole kingdom lay upon his saddle's bow." The two Maratha chief- tains allowed themselves to be dealt with in detail, and there can be no doubt that, in spite of some accidents of the second war, such as Monson's retreat and the failure at Bharatptir, Holkar's soldiers suffered throughout the campaign from the effects of Laswari ! One word regarding the general who fought it. General Lake was a man whose influence with his soldiers was un- bounded, whose calmness in danger, whose self-reliance, and whose power of commanding confidence have never been sur- passed. He had but one way of dealing with the native armies of India, that of moving straight forward; of attack- 2g2 The Decisive Battles of India. ing them wherever he found them. He never was so great as on the battle field. He could think more clearly under the roar of bullets than in the calmness and quiet of his tent. In this respect he resembled Clive. It was this quality which enabled him to dare the almost impossible. That which in others would have been rash, in Lake was prudent daring. If success justifies a general, then was Lake fully absolved from the criticisms of men who took not into consideration his peculiar qualities. With a force at no time exceeding 8,000 men, he, between the 29th August and the 1st November, destroyed the thirty-one battalions which French adventurers had trained and disciplined for the service of Sindia; stormed a strong fortress, captured Agra, and 'entered as a conqueror the imperial city of Dihli ; captured 426 pieces of cannon, and defeated the enemy in four pitched battles — the last of them, for the results it produced, one of the most decisive battles- ever fought. There must be some credit due to the man who accomplished such great results in a period exceeding two months by only three days. What he might have accom- plished had he lived to be employed against the soldiers of Napoleon no man can say. He died a victim to the climate of India. He left that country in February 1807, reached England in the September following, and died in February 1808. He had been created a viscount for his brilliant services. CHAPTER XI. BHARATPUR. I MENTIONED towards the close of the last chapter that the ■victory over Sindia virtually decided the war which immedi- ately followed with Jeswant Rao Holkar. That war was, however, marked by two events which for a time .shook the prestige of the British. These were the retreat, still known in history as " Monson's retreat," and the abortive siege of Bharatpur, commonly called Bhurtpore. The ' first of these was completely avenged the very year of its occiirrencei. The renown of the second continued for twenty years to point the moral to the malcontents and intriguers who flocked about the courts of native princes. These never failed to impress upon their masters that there was a limit to British prowess; that behind stone walls and earthworks they could be defied with impunity. To repress this growing feeling, to convince the natives who traded upon it that the "incident" of 1804 was but an "accident," a second siege was needed. The second siege, undertaken by Lord Combermere li 1825, terminated successfully for the British. In its result it decided the qiies- tion as to the capacity of British troops, and native soldiers led by British officers, to prevail against stone walls and earthen ramparts. The story of both sieges may fairly claim a place, then, in a wo'rk which relates those military events 293 294 The Decisive Battles of India. which decided the question of British supremacy in India. For it miist never be forgotten that though we won India by the sword we hold it mainly by opinion — by the conviction in the minds of the natives that we are strong enough to main- tain law and order within its borders, to protect them against all enemies from without. When Sindia and the Bhonsle had entered into that war with the British, the most striking incidents of which are re- lated in the last chapter, Jeswant Rao Holkar had held aloof, and, as the war proceeded, had watched with complacency the defeats of the two Maratha princes. There was a feeling, additional to the feeling of jealousy of Sindia, which nour- ished this complacency. Jeswant Rao was, in his way, a man of very considerable natural capacity. High-spirited, cour- ageous, a splendid "horseman, he was the very man to lead the Marathas in the charges for which they were so renowned. Against Daolat Rao he had grave cause of complaint. The son of the last Holkar by a concubine, he was a prisoner at the capital of the Bhonsle when Daolat Rao, in the hope of obtaining possession of all the territories of the Holkars, mur- derted the rightful heir, Mulhar Rao, a prince of great promise, and imprisoned his only legitimate brother, Khasi Rao, a man of weak intellect, whom he proposed to use as a tool. This treacherous action was resented by the followers of the Holkars, and they instinctively turned their hopes to Jeswant Rao. Informed of what had happened, the young chief es- caped from his place of confinement and assumed the reins of sovereignty at Indiir in 1798. To avenge himself upon Sindia he invaded his territories shortly after, and, in June 1 801, completely defeated his army at Ujjen. In the July following he made a daring attack upon Sindia's great park of artillery on the Narbada, and, though he was repulsed, so thoroughly alarmed Daolat Rao that that Maharajah advanced at once in great force on the capital, Indur. In the hotly-con- tested battle which followed near that place Sindia was the Bharatpnr. 295 victor. But, by his dilatoriness, he cast away all the fruits of victory; allowed Holkar time to gather together a new army, at the head of which he plundered Rajpiitana, devastated Khandesh, and, defeating, the 25th of October, the army of Sindia near Puna, occupied that capital, and terrified the Peshwa into signing with the British that treaty of Bassein which was the virtual abdication of his power ! Roused to a conviction of the danger which might await each of thefaselves- from the fate which had attended the prince who had been, nominally at least, the lord of their confederacy, the three Maratha chiefs, Sindia, the Bhonsle, and Holkar, forgot for a moment their jealousies of each other, and agreed, in the manner related in the last chapter, to band together against the British. But when the time for action arrived Jeswant Rao held aloof, hoping, it is believed, that when the combatants were exhausted, he -would be able to step in and dictate his own terms ! How the contest between the British and the two other Maratha princes, Sindia and the Bhonsle, terminated, I have told in the last chapter. Jeswant Rao had watched, I have said, the course of the contest with complacency. The sudden collapse of his former associates, the fact that within a period of little more than two months the English in northern and central India had taken Aligarh, Dihli, and Agra, and gained the battle of Laswari; whilst in the south-west they had triumphed at Assaye and Argaum, gave him, however, con- siderable cause for reflection, and he hesitated long as to whether he should attempt to plunder Sindia, weakened by his losses, or, cementing an alliance with him, turn his arms against the British. For a short time he seemed inclined to the former course; and it was only when he learned that Sindia, apprehensive of such action on his part, had agreed* to become a party to the defensive alliance subsisting between the British Government, the Peshwa, and the Nizam, on con- * Treaty dated 27th February, 1804. 296 The Decisive Battles of India. dition that the British should maintain a subsidiary force of six battalions for his defence, that he reconsidered his posi- tron. With the cunning habitual to a Maratha he resolved at last to play a double game: to endeavour, on the one hand, to induce Sindia to join him against the British; on the other, to solicit permission from the latter to allow him to deal as he might choose with Sindia. In both these attempts he over- reached himself. Sindia, smarting under blows the severity of which he greatly attributed to the abstention of Holkar, communicated to the British the overtures made to him. The perusal of the documents containing these, combined with the haughty tone of the letters addressed by Jeswant Rao to the British generals, satisfied the Governor-General that Holkar was bent on war. Instructions were at once despatched to Lord Lake, who was encamped with his army at Biana, fifty miles south-west from Agra, opposite the pass leading into the dominions of the Rajah of Jaipur, to resist any attempt which Jeswant Rao Holkar might make on the territories of Sindia. Before he had received this communication. Lord Lake, de- sirous to avoid unnecessary complications, had despatched a letter to Jeswant Rao warning him of the consequences of making war upon an ally of the British, and strongly urging him to remain quietly within his own territories. But already the mind of Jeswant Rao was made up. On the receipt of Lord Lake's letter, he sent for an English adventurer in his service, named Vickers, one of his best officers, a man whose coolness and powers of leading had contributed largely to the victory gained over Sindia near Puna (the 25th October, 1802); informed him of his determination to fight the Eng- lish ; and asked him if he was ready to join in battle against his own coiintrymen. The reply of Vickers was clear and decided. He would fight against any other people, but not against his own countrymen. Holkar then summoned two other Englishmen in his service. Tod and Ryan, and put to Bharat-pnr. 297 each the same question. They gave the answer which Vickers had given. Then Holkar ordered that the three men should be slain. Their heads were at once severed from their bodies and placed on three poles in front of his camp, whilst a crier proclaimed that such would be the fate of every European who should fall into the hands of Holkar ! This barbarous murder, the discovery about the same time of correspondence on the part of Jeswant Rao with the Rohilahs and the Sikhs, and the threatening attitude which the troops of Holkar were assuming with respect to Jaipur, determined Lord Lake to advance into the territory of that Rajah. Accordingly, having previously sent back his heavy guns to Agra, he broke up, the 9th F"ebruary, 1804, from Biana, and marched leisurely twenty-one miles to Hindaon, in Jaipur territory. Hence, as the negotiations still proceeding with Holkar seemed every day to assume a more unsatisfactory tone, he proceeded, the 8th March, to Ramgarh, still in Jaipur territory, forty-one miles, north-west by west, from the capital of that name. He was here when he received letters from Holkar, to the haughty tone of which I have referred in a previous page. Haughty as was that tone, it was as nothing in comparison with the bearing of the messengers who con- veyed the letters. These openly avowed that their master had concluded a treaty with the Rohilahs and with the Rajah of Bharatpur; declared that a war with Holkar could never bring any profit to his opponents, since he was a marauder by profession; could dispose of 150,000 cavalry, at whose head he- would be able to inflict terrible punishment on his enemies, whilst defeat in one place would not prevent reappearance in another. They boasted, likewise, of a secret understanding with Sindia and of an alliance with France ! Lord Lake contented himself with advising the emissaries of Holkar and Holkar himself to be more moderate in their language. On the 23rd he moved to Balahara, still in Jaipur territory. There he received a copy of an insolent letter which 298 The Decisive BatUes of India. Holkar had addressed to General Wellesley. A few days later he heard that Holkar had invaded and plundered the dominions of the Rajah of Jaipur. He at once applied tj the Governor-General for instructions. Marquess Wellesley, in reply, directed Lord Lake to treat Holkar as an enemy. Still Lake was unwilling to do more than protect the princes who naturally looked to the English for defence. Of these the Rajah of Jaipur was one. The territories of that prince had been plundered, and his capital was in danger. To pro- tect that capital, then. Lord Lake despatched from Deosar, which place he reachec^on the 17th, a small force under Colonel Monson. The distance to be traversed was fifty miles. Colonel Monson had a very good reputation in the army. He had led the storming party at Aligarh, but the severe wound he had received on that occasion had not allowed him to take any further part in the campaign. From that wound he had but recently recovered, and it was to compensate him for his enforced absence from the fields of Dihli, Agra, and Laswari, that Lord Lake now gave him an opportunity of distinguishing himself. The force entrusted to him consisted of the two battalions of the 12th Regiment N.L, the 2nd Bat- talion 2nd N.L, a few European gunners, some native cavalry levies, and a small contingent of Sindia's troops under Bapiiji Sindia, a relative of Daolat Rao. With this force Colonel Monson set out from Deosar on the 1 8th April and reached the vicinity of Jaipur on the 21st. Lord Lake had not dispatched him a day too soon, for he found Holkar's army occupying a position which threatened the city on its southern side. Whether it was that Jeswant Rao was unwilling to strike the first blow at the British, or whether he had already conceived the design of entici*ilg Colonel Monson into a position from which he would find it difficult to withdraw, may not be exactly known. It is certain, however, that when on the morning of the 23rd, Mon- son reconnoitred his position, Jeswant Rao had disappeared ! Bharatfur. 299 Holkar had marched in a southerly direction, apparently without purpose. Meanwhile, however, Lord Lake had dis- patched Colonel Don with seven companies of native bat- talions, a native cavalry regiment, and a native battery, to gain possession of Tonk Rampiira, a strong fort in the district of Tonk. Don had duly stormed Tonk Rampiira. The news of this had a marked influence on the proceedings of Jeswant Rao. Before the fall of Tonk Rampiira he had carefully kept on the right bank of the Chambal, but, on hearing of Don's suc- cess, he crossed that river and marched hastily southwards. Relieved by this retreat Lord Lake resolved to rest his troops and to postpone serious operations until after the rainy season. He directed Don, then, to join Monson with two native regiments; ordered that officer, whose force was thus strengthened to 4,000 men, to march on Kota and cover the Jaipur territory, whilst he himself should move on Agra and Kanhpiir. Similarly, General Wellesley directed Colonel Murray to march with a small force from Gujrat upon Indiir, with a view to prevent Jeswant Rao from attempting to recover ground in the north. Monson had, we have seen, been ordered to defend, from Kota, the territory of Jaipur. Scarcely, however, had Lord Lake moved towards Agra than it occurred to Monson that by making a movement from Kota southwards he would be able to open communications with Murray. In spite of the fact that such a move was opposed to the general instructions he had received from his Commander-in-Chief, he made it; marched through the Mokandara pass twenty miles to Sonara, detached thence one native regiment, six 6-pounders, and some irregular horse, under Major Sinclair, to seize the small but strong fort of Hinglajgarh; whilst he pushed on himself, not- withstanding very rainy weather and bad roads, to the village of Piplah. Here he received information that Holkar had suddenly retraced his steps and was then encamped with a strong force on the Chambal, some twenty-five miles distant. 300 The Decisive Battles of India. covering the town of Rampura, within the Indiir territory — not to be confounded with the Tonk Rampura — -and guarding the only ford across the river by. which it could be approached. Monson had with him b.ut three days' supplies, and he had experienced the greatest difficulty in obtaining any more from the country through which he had marched. Piplah was only a village, quite unable to furnish him, and he had counted on re-victualling at Rampura. To reach Rampura was now impossible, if Holkar should bar the way. Equally so to remain, with only three days' supplies, at the village of Piplah. He could not make up his mind to retreat. But Monson was a very sanguine man. He had absolute faith in the moral efficacy of a forward movement. He could not divest himself of the belief that if Holkar, who had shrunk from attacking him at Jaipur, were to learn that he was march- ing on Rampura he would retreat before him. He resolved then, in spite of the still continuing rain, to march on that place. Setting out on the morning of the 7th July, he halted for the night at Guri, seven miles from Rampura. There, con- flicting information of the movements of Holkar at first reached him. Finally, however, at nine o'clock at night he received certain intelligence that Jeswant Rao had crossed the river and was distributing largesses to his troops. This was regarded as the certain prelude to action, and Monson accord- ingly ordered his troops to remain under arms all night. During that night he consulted with the commanding officers under him, and especially with the leader of -the native con- tingent, Bapuji Sindia. Unfortunately, this man, who was in secret correspondence with Holkar, prevailed upon Monson to give the order to retreat. In a word, the resolution which had prompted Monson to advance from Piplah vanished when he was persuaded that his progress so far had not induced Holkar to evacuate Rampura. In vain did the commandants of the native regiments urge him to advance. In vain did Lieutenant Lucan, who commanded the native cavalry levies. Bharaifur. 301 beg him, on his knees, to attack Holkar, offering to encounter that chief with his own men. Colonel Monson had made up his mind. Telling Lucan that he might, if he chose, stay to encounter the whole Maratha army, he gave immediate orders for a retrograde movement. During the night, indeed, he held his ground, but at four o'clock the following morning he despatched his baggage and camp equipage towards Sonara, and followed at nine A.M. with his infaptry and guns, directing Lucan to cover the retreat with his cavalry. His hope was to reach the Mokandara pass before the enemy could overtake him. Once there, he calculated on being able to obtain sup- plies from the country beyond it, whilst his troops would defend the pass against Holkar's entire army. But Monson had not left his ground at Guri three hours before he found he had reckoned too much on the inactivity of Jeswant Rao. Scarcely had that time expired when 20,000 Maratha horsemen, flushed with the conviction of their own superiority, dashed upon Lucan's scanty horsemen and speedily overpowered them. Lucan and his comrade, the Baraitch Nuwab, after doing wonders, were wounded and taken prisoners, whilst Bapuji Sindia, throwing off the mask, boldly went over to the enemy. Monson, meanwhile, pushed on with his infantry, reached Sonara, a march of twenty miles, the same evening, and the Mokandara pass, nearly twenty miles further, early the next morning. There Jeswant Rao sum- moned him to surrender. On his refusal, Jeswant Rao at- tacked him; but Monson's troops responded nobly to the appeal which he made them, and, after a contest which lasted from eleven o'clock in the morning till six o'clock in the evening, drove back the Maratha troops in confusion. It had been, we have seen, Monson's intention to hold the Mokandara pass, the entrance to which was strongly fortified, and to await there provisions and supplies. But fearing on the evening of the ninth that the Marathas might be induced in consequence of their reoulse, to endeavour to cut him off 302 The Decisive Bailies of India. from Kota, he resolved to leave Colonel Don, with one bat- talion, to defend the pass till the morning, and to retreat himself to that place. Don successfully performed his part of the programme, then, pushing on, rejoined Monson. Three days of hard marching brought the force to Kota, but the Rajah of that place declined to admit it, and even refused it provisions. At nine P.M. of the 12th it started, then, for Ganias on the Cham- bal. It reached that place, after a harassing march, on the 13th, crossed the river, not without great difficulty, the 14th; and pushed on, the i6th, without order, through a heavy country, the black soil of which had been reduced by the rain almost to the condition of a bog. On the 1 6th, it was found impossible to drag the guns through the sticky black soil, made more sticky by the heavy rain. They were, therefore, spiked and abandoned. The force pushed on, but in eight hours it was able to accomplish only as many miles. On the 17th the Chambali Nala, close to the entrance of the Lakri pass, was reached; and here the force halted till the 26th, in great dis- tress from want of food, and constantly harassed by the enemy. On the evening of the 26th the worn-out soldiers attempted the passage of the Nala, threatened all the time by the enemy's cavalry, who cut off numbers of their baggage cattle. On the 27th, however, the passage was completed, owing very much to the exertions of Colonel Don, who commanded the rear- guard, and who had to beat off the attacks of the population, eager for plunder, as well as of the enemy's cavalry. All the baggage, however, had to be sacrificed. On joining the main body that same evening Don received a letter from Monson announcing that he had preceded the force to Tonk Ram- piira. The command then devolved upon Don, who, in two marches, characterised by great suffering, led the starving force to Rampura, where Monson re-assumed command, and after many hesitations, resolved to remain until the reinforcements for which he had applied should reach him. Bharatfur. 303 The reinforcements, consisting of two native battalions, one regiment of irregular cavalry, and six guns, reached Tonk Rampura on the 14th August. They brought with them, how- ever, no supplies. For a week Monson remained at that place, threatened on the one side by Holkar, on the other by Bapiiji Sindia. He might have remained there longer until the further reinforcements promised by Lord Lake should have reached him. But — to use his own expression — "his mind was so dis- tracted" that he could think coolly upon no point. In a moment of utter discouragement he gave orders to retreat on Kushalgarh, telling his officers at the same time that it would be for them to make their way to Agra, some ninety-eight miles further, as best they could ! In the march to Kushalgarh Monson was attacked when crossing the Banas, on the 24th August, by Jeswant Rao Holkar, and was very severely handled. ]\Ionson himself behaved with conspicuous gallantry; but tne 2nd Battalion 2nd N.I. was almost annihilated; several of his best officers were killed or wounded; one howitzer was lost, and the spirits of both officers and men were greatly affected. He succeeded, however, in reaching Kushalgarh on the night of the 25th, having marched that day thirty-six miles, exposed all the time to constant attacks. At Kushalgarh he obtained sup- plies; but a detachment of Sindia's troops stationed there, which he had expected to support him, displayed a decidedly hostile disposition. Great as had been Monson's difficulties up to the time of his arrival at Kushalgarh, they now became infinitely greater. The town was ill-fitted for defence; the enemy were swarming around its walls; his troops were dispirited; he himself had no plan. After considering the whole day of the 26th, Mon- son at last resolved to evacuate the place, though he scarcely knew in what direction to retire. At eight o'clock that evening, then, he formed the troops that remained to him in an oblong square and moved off in that formation. The enemy, however, 304 The Decisive Battles of India. soon discovered his retreat, and 20,000 cavalry started on his track, and soon came up with and attacked the rear face of the square. The steadiness of the men forming that face, the remnant of the 2nd Battalion 21st N.I., however, kept the enemy at bay, though the attacks were repeated until noon of the day following. But their last remaining gun, a howitzer, was spiked and abandoned. The retreating force took advantage of the cessation of the enemy's attacks at noon to hurry on to Hindaon, a large city with extensive fortifications. They came within sight of it — having marched twenty-seven miles without a halt — at sunset, only to find, to their intense disappointment, that it was partly occupied by the enemy. Unwilling, with a tired and partly demoralized force, and with an enemy still following in its rear, to risk a fight for its possession, Monson moved to an old fort in its neighbourhood, and there gave his troops a few hours' repose. At one o'clock the following morning, how- ever, he was again on his way, still marching in the same form- ation. As long as the darkness continued there were no signs of an enemy ; but at daylight the Maratha horse came swarm- ing on his track, accompanied by camels carrying rockets and swivel-guns, which were occasionally discharged. The situa- tion was soon to become even more perilous. For, at seven o'clock, as he and his troops emerged in very straggling order from some intricate ravines, they perceived the enemy formed up in front and on both sides of them, whilst just as the moment the Maratha horse came thundering on their rear. In this terrible extremity the sipahis proved themselves worthy alike of their officers and of their training. Forgetting the long marches, the harassing disquietudes, of the previous two months, of the fact that the men who attacked them were men of their own faith and country, they formed up steadily, re- served their fire till the enemy were within fifty yards, and then began a continuous file-firing which emptied many a saddle. On the rear, on the front, on both flanks did the Bharaifur. 305 horsemen of Jeswant Rao make charge after charge. All in vain, however. They made no more impression upon those brave sipahis than did the French cavalry of Napoleon upon the solid squares of the British at Waterloo ! Finding all their efforts to break the square with their horse- men ineffectual, the Marathas then attempted the surer method of pouring in a steady fire from their matchlockmen and the camel-swivels. From this the sipahis suffered terribly. Mon- son, therefore, gave orders to move on, still in square. But the enemy continued their attacks, and took advantage of the inequalities of the ground, caused by the many ravines and nalas in the way, to inflict very severe loss upon the retreating force. Nor with the waning day did they remit their attacks. Sunset came and there was no respite. Darkness followed almost immediately ; still the matchlock fire continued. Under such circumstances halting was not to be thought of. The sipahis pushed on, then, till they reached the entrance of the Biana pass, one of the most difficult, from its narrowness and steep ravines, in the country. Here the semblance of order almost entirely disappeared. To get through the pass was the object of every individual. Officers, sipahis, camp-followers rushed through it in wild disorder. One battalion alone, form- ing the rear face, the 1st Battalion 14th N.I., kept some kind of formation, and, by preventing the rush of the enemy's horsemen, enabled their comrades to escape. After they had emerged from the Biana pass, the force made no further attempt to rally. The next day some stragglers reached Fathpur Sikri. But even here there was no rest for them, for the very townspeople treated them as fugitive out- casts and fired upon them. With the poor remnant of strength remaining, they pushed on then to Agra, still twenty-three miles distant, and that day and the following, the 30th and 31st August, the arrival of wretched, footsore, half -starved, and dispirited fugitives conveyed to the garrison of Agra X 3o6 The Decisive Battles of India. some idea of the humiliation ever in store for the general who retreats before a barbarian enemy ! Such was Monson's retreat. What it cost in men was never ascertained. Of the officers, fourteen were killed, one was drowned; three were taken prisoners, one of whom was mur- dered and one died ; nine were wounded. The misfortune was due entirely to the want of steadfastness of Monson. Unduly bold, he had advanced, in opposition to the general directions of Lord Lake, from Kota. When he heard that Jeswant Rao was at Rampura on the Chambal, he had still time to fall back. His resolution to advance and attack was an heroic resolution. Had he carried it out he would probably have succeeded. Even if he had failed, had he been destroyed, the effect would not have been nearly so bad as that which actually followed. But, having only three days' supplies, to advance, over a barren country, to within seven miles of an enemy, and then, morally frightened, to retreat, was of all courses the most in- sane. The retribution which followed was a righteous retribu- tion. It served, for a long series of years, as an example and as a warning, never requiring, until 1841, when its teaching had been forgotten, a painful and humiliating renewal ! During this retreat the conduct of Jeswant Rao had not been marked by the energy and decision for which the Maratha world had given him credit. With 60,000 horse and 15,000 footmen under him he had failed to destroy a demoralised enemy retreating under circumstances of great disadvantage. He himself had sent on, he had not led on, his troops. Though he had forced back, then, the British sipahis, he had failed to destroy them. With the natives, indeed, who contrasted his comparative success with the constant defeats of Sindia and the Bhonsle, the fact that he had driven before him the uncon- quered British greatly augmented his credit. But his own estimate of his prowess was not apparently very high. Not- withstanding his success against Monson he would not even attack the city of Mathura, rich as it was, until after the Eng- Bharatfur. 307 lish had evacuated it. When on the 15th September they fell back to concentrate at Agra, he then, the day following, entered Mathura, but he showed no disposition to move nearer to his enemy. The news of Monson's disaster inspired every Englishman in India, from the Governor- General downwards, to exert him- self to the very utmost to avenge it. Fortunately that Governor-General was Marquess Wellesley — a real king of men — who shrank neither from responsibility nor from danger. Orders were instantly issued to concentrate a force under Lord Lake's orders for offensive operations. Lord Lake, who was at Khanpiir when the disaster occurred, marched from that place, with the troops stationed there, the 3rd September, and reached Sikandrah — the portion of Agra where stands the mausoleum of the illustrious Akbar — the 22nd of the same month. There, another portion of the aveng- ing army had been collected. It consisted, when united, of three regiments of dragoons — the 8th, 27th and 29th — five regiments of native cavalry, the 76th Regiment of Foot, and the flank companies of the 22nd Regiment, ten battalions of native infantry and the usual proportion of artillery. On the 1st October Lord Lake marched towards Mathura. Holkar, however, had no wish to fight a general action. His plans were conceived in a far abler spirit. He wished to delay the advance of his enemy, to harass him by flying parties, ■whilst, with his main body, he should make a dash at Dihli and gain possession of the person of the ruling Mughul, the blind Shah A'lam. He had already dispatched his infantry in the direction of the capital, whilst, with his cavalry, he took a position at Aurang, a village nine miles to the west of Mathura. Unsuspicious of Holkar's device. Lord Lake, who had caused Mathura to be re-occupied, moved against that chief early on the morning of the 7th. But, as soon as the vanguard of the British army appeared, Holkar evacuated his position and retreated more quickly than he could be pursued. On 3o8 The Decisive Battles of India. the loth a similar attempt was attended with the same result. The next day Lord Lake received a dispatch from Colonel Ochterlony from Dihli, informing him that Holkar's infantry had appeared before that city on the 7th and were about to attempt its capture. The defences of Dihli were in a very dilapidated condition. The walls had not been repaired since the city was taken by Ahmad Shah Durani; the ramparts had mostly fallen, and the bastions were in a state of decay. The garrison consisted of two and a half native battalions, and some — as the event proved, untrustworthy — matchlockmen. But as a set-off to the disrepair of the defences and the paucity of the troops was the fact that the men who wielded the chief authority within its walls were men of the stamp of those who have made Eng- land. They were Colonel David Ochterlony and Lieutenant- Colonel William Burn. It is not necessary to describe here the details of the story of the defence inaugurated by these gallant officers. It must suffice to state that for seven days the troops of Holkar, ig,00a strong, with 160 guns, commanded by Bapuji Sindia — the man who had proved a traitor to Monson — used all the means, in their power to master the place. But all the assaults which they made were repulsed. On the 14th, learning that Lord Lake was marching to relieve the city, they made a grand attempt to escalade the walls simultaneously at several points. In not one did they succeed. Then, completely baffled, they retreated the same night, leaving the scaling ladders standing ! On receiving Ochterlony's dispatch Lord Lake had started at once for Dihli, leaving on the road, with a noble disregard of rule, unattacked and unmasked, three or four strong places, which had declared for Holkar. He reached Dihli the i8th. The necessity of providing supplies for his troops forced him to halt there for some days. He dispatched, however, on the- 25th a small force under Colonel Burn to relieve Saharanpur. Learning on the 29th that Holkar had crossed the Jamna at Bharat-pm. 309 Panipat and had poured into the Duab, he started, the next day, in pursuit of him, at the head of three regiments of dragoons, three of native cavalry, and Colonel Don's reserve brigade of infantry. Holkar, meanwhile, had attempted to destroy Burn's party, and, coming upon him with his whole force, had forced him to take refuge on the 30th, with but a small stock of provisions, in a mud fort near Shamli. Here Burn resisted for three days the repeated attacks of Holkar's army. On the fourth day the news of the approach of Lord Lake induced that wily chief to raise the siege. Lord Lake, indeed, arrived the day following, the 3rd November, having marched eleven and a half hours the previ- ous day. He halted, then, on the 4th, but resumed the pursuit by forced marches on the 5th. When, on the 15th, he reached A'liganj and found the village, which had been set fire to by the enemy, still burning, he resolved to push on the same night, with the cavalry and galloper guns in pursuit. Just as he was starting, however, a courier reached him with the information that General Fraser, whom he had left in command of the army during his absence, had achieved, on the 12th, a victory over the main body of the enemy at Dig. To that event I must recur for a moment. Fraser had been left at Dihli with a force consisting of the 76th Regiment, the Company's European Regiment,* and six native battalions. Having ascertained that Holkar had left his infantry and artillery behind him when he made his raid into the Duab, Fraser, acting on instructions from Lord Lake, went in search of them on the 6th November. He found them on the 1 2th occupying a very strong position close to the fortress of Dig. Their left rested on that fortress, which was very strongly armed, and was covered by a morass which ex- tended likewise in front of the centre; their right was protected by a village on a height, bristling with guns. Fraser carefully * Now the Royal Minister Fusiliers. 3IO The Decisive Battles of India. reconnoitred the position and -then formed his plan. He resolved to make a flank attack on the village, and when he had carried it, to roll up the enemy from the right, and either to destroy them or force them within the fort. To do this he made a flank movement to his left beyond the morass and the village; then, having well cleared the latter, took ground to his right at a right angle to his flrst movement, then formed up on the right flank of the village, facing it, and dashed the 76th against it. That gallant regiment drove the enemy from the village, and then rushed down the declivity, supported by the European and four native regiments, to attack the first line of guns, which, in the meanwhile, the enemy had formed to protect their centre and left. This line they carried ; but they had no sooner done so than they found themselves exposed to a heavier fire from a second line. Under this fire they fell rapidly. One shot carried off their General's leg, as he was forming up his men to charge. The command then devolved upon Colonel Monson. Monson at once carried out Fraser's plan, charged, drove the enemy from the second line, and forced them to take refuge within the fortress. Whilst he had been thus engaged, the enemy's horse — who, on the first sign of Fraser's flank movement had been dispatched from the left to make, by a wider circuit, a movement conforming to his — came up on the rear of the British farce, and, galloping forward, retook the first line of guns it had captured, and turned them upon the still advanc- ing Europeans. They were thus occupied when Captain Norford of the 76th, who had noticed their action, charged them with twenty-eight men of his regiment and compelled them to relinquish their hold. It was a very gallant action and it cost Captain Norford his life. There still remained a body of the enemy who had moved beyond the morass in the direction of the British baggage, which had been left there under the guard of two native regiments. Against that body Bharatfur. 311 Monson now turned, opened fi.re upon their flank and forced them back through the morass. The victory was in many respects important. It was the first decisive reply to the disaster of Monson's retreat. It proved that on the field of battle Holkar's infantry and artillery, even when resting on a fortress, were no match for the British. The circumstances connected with it made one thing clear. The fortress of Dig belonged to Ranjit Singh, Rajah of Bharatpur; that Rajah was nominally the ally of the British; yet he had allowed Holkar, who was at war with the British, free use of his fortress : it was evident, then, that Ranjit Singh was prepared to cast in his lot with Holkar. The battle of Dig cost the British 643 men killed and wounded. General Fraser died a few days after the action. The victors captured eighty-seven pieces of cannon, of which fourteen were pieces which had been lost by Monson in his retreat. The loss of the enemy was computed, probably with truth, at something under 2,000. Lord Lake, I have said, received information of this victory just as he was setting out from A'liganj at the head of his cavalry in pursuit of Holkar. Its communication to the men he was leading encouraged them greatly. They set off at once, marched all night by the light of the moon, and at daybreak came in sight of Holkar's encampment at Farakhabad. Lake at once ordered the galloper guns to open fire. Holkar was entirely unsuspicious of his vicinity. In the early part of the night which had just then terminated he had been enjoying a nautch, when, in the midst of it, a messenger communicated to him the information of the defeat which his troops had sustained at Dig. Troubled more than he cared to avow, he quitted the entertainment without communicating the news to his chiefs. He was still sleeping heavily when the fire of the galloper guns convinced him that the enemy he most dreaded was upon him. He was thoroughly panic-stricken. Forgetting the fame he had acquired, the boasts he had in- 312 The Decisive Battles of India. dulged in, his visions of empire and dominion, he hurriedly mounted his horse, and, followed only by those who had been as expeditious as himself, galloped at full speed to Mainpuri, not even drawing rein till he had placed eighteen miles of road and a river between himself and his encampment. It was well for him that he had made the haste he did make. For Lord Lake, after the first discharge of the galloper guns, had dashed with his cavalry into the encampment, and his men had had little to do but tO' sabre the beings who rose in hurry and confusion from their slumber. In the attack and the pursuit which followed, the enemy lost about 3,000 men, whilst the desertions were even more numerous. The English lost but two men killed and twenty wounded. It is as well, in the present day, to note and remember the particulars which made this surprise very remarkable. Lord Lake had quitted Dihli the 31st October. Between that date and the date on which he surprised Holkar at Farakhabad — the 17th November — he had marched 350 miles, rescuing in his way a beleaguered garrison. In the twenty-four hours immedi ately preceding the surprise he had marched seventy miles Nor did this long march prevent him from attacking the enemy at once, and pursuing him for ten miles further ! Nor even then did he relax ! Finding that the remnant of Holkar's army was making for Dig, he followed it, and, on the 28th, joined the force commanded by Monson between Mathura and that fortress. He had to wait there a few days until the siege-train should join him from Agra, but on the arrival of that he took up, the 13th December, a position before Dig. He opened fire the following morning, effected a practicable breach in an outwork at an angle of the city on the 22nd ; stormed and occupied that outwork the same night. This gallant deed so intimidated the garrison that they evacuated the fortress and retired to Bharatpiir. The British troops entered the citadel of Dig on Christmas Day. There still remained Bharatpiir, the Rajah of which had Bharatpur. 313 openly declared for Holkar. It was necessary that he should be made to submit, or should receive a lesson. As soon, then, as he had repaired the fortifications of Dig, and had met the stores for the army which he was expecting, Lord Lake marched for that place. He took up his ground in front of it on the 2nd January. The fortress of Eharatpur was founded in the early part of the eighteenth century by the Jats — a people recognised by Colonel Tod as the Getae and Massagetae of the ancient writers, belonging to the same family as the Jutes of Jutland — who emigrated from Miiltan in the century immediately pre- ceding, and settled in the Duab. The fortress took its name from "Bharat," the younger brother of the Hindu divinity, Rama, and "pur," the Hindu word for "city." It lies thirty-four miles to the west of Agra, in the midst of an almost level plain covered with jungle, and abounding in several pieces of water or ponds. The town, eight miles in circumference, is bounded on the western side by a ridge of low, bare, flat rocks; whilst on the three other sides its limits are dotted by a few isolated eminences of no great height or size. The fortifications at the time of which I am writing consisted of a citadel and a continuous enceinte of thirty-four lofty mud bastions, connected by curtains, and in shape generally either semi-circular or like the frustra of cones. On some of these bastions there were cavaliers, and most of iJiem were joined to the curtain by long, narrow necks. In many cases the ramparts were strengthened by several rows of trunks of trees, which were buried upright in the mass of earth, and all of them were constructed of clay mixed with straw and cow-dung — a composition which, put on in layers, each hardened by the sun before another is applied, was, of all others, the best adapted to baffle the artillery fire of that day. The enceinte was surrounded by a nala or dry watercourse, with steep, almost perpendicular, banks. One source of weak- ness in it, however, arose from the fact that numerous small 3.14 The Decisive Battles of India. watercourses led into it from the ponds in the plain, thus affording in many places an easy descent. It possessed nine gates, and outside of each an equal number of semicircular earthworks. The citadel, which completely commanded the body of the place, rose to a height of 1 14 feet above the level of the ground, and was very strong. The ditch, 150 feet broad and fifty-nine deep, had its counterscarp faced by a perpen- dicular revetment of stone. From the bottom of the escarp rose a perpendicular stone wall of eighty feet, forming a fausse-braye, well flanked by forty semi-circular towers. Above this arose another stone wall, seventy-four feet in height, and flanked by eleven conical bastions, whose total relief reached 173 feet. The strength of the fortress was further increased by the vicinity to it, on a higher level, of a lake called the Moti Jhil. This lake was bounded on the side of the town by a bund or embankment, by the cutting of which not only could the ditch be filled, but a great portion of the surrounding country could likewise be laid under water. It was garrisoned by 8,000 men, composed partly of the hitherto unconquered Jats, and partly, though to a lesser extent, of the refugees from Farakhabad. But, outside the walls had col- lected the still numerous cavalry of Jeswant Rao Holkar and the considerable following of Amir Khan, a partisan leader, who had recognised the supremacy of Jeswant Rao, and who became subsequently famous as the founder of the still exist- ing principality of Tonk. It may be added that the confid- ence of the defenders was further increased by a prophetic legend to the effect that Eharatpiir would only be taken when a long-nosed alligator — a kumbhir — should drink up the water of the ditch surrounding the fortress. Lord Lake, on the other hand, though at the head of a force flushed with recent victory, was ill-supplied with the guns necessary for the attack of a place so strong as Bharatpiir. When he came before it, on the 2nd January, he had but six i8-pounder battering guns, four 8-inch and four S^-inch Bharatfur. 3 1 5 mortars. When these became inefficient from excessive firing, as proved the case with some of them, he had to use guns captured from Holkar, hurriedly furnished with touches from Mathura. Knowing his weakness in this respect. Lord Lake had been strongly in favour of attempting the place by a coup de main, but had been dissuaded. On the 7th January the i8-pounder batteries opened &re on the south-west front of the fortress, whilst the two mortar batteries shelled the town. On the 9th, a breach was reported practicable. That same night, three columns — one, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Mait- land, and composed of the flank companies of the 22nd, 75th and 76th, and the Company's European regiment and a bat- talion of sipahis; the second, commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Ryan, and consisting -of 150 men of the European regiment, and a battalion of sipahis ; the third, led by Colonel Hawkes, and comprising two companies of the 75th and a third battalion of sipahis — were told off for the assault. Ryan was to attempt the Nimdah gateway; Hawkes to storm the position to its right; Maitland to penetrate by a breach between the two. At eight o'clock the three columns started. Maitland, however, lost his way amid the swamps and pools which intervened between his point of departure and the point of attack, encroached upon Ryan's line of advance, and missed the breach altogether. A scene of in- credible confusion followed. The enemy, roused by the clumsy advance of the assailants, received them with a con- tinuous fire of musketry and grape, as well from the front as from the circular bastion nearest to the breach. This com- pleted their disorder. Twenty-three men of the 22nd did indeed wade through the ditch, breast-high, and even ascended the breach, but their number was too small to admit of their storming the enemy's batteries, and, unsupported, they fell back before reaching the crest. When, after a long interval, Maitland had concentrated his force in front of the breach, the enemy had brought to bear upon the approaches a fire 3i6 The Decisive Battles of India. which it was impossible to face. Hawkes, meanwhile, had driven the enemy from their advanced guns; and Ryan, after shaking off Maitland, had compelled the enemy to fall back, though he was prevented by a deep drain from following them. Everything depended upon Maitland's success. Feel- ing this very keenly, that officer advanced and gallantly led his men up the breach. He had approached the crest when he was shot dead. Other officers took his place, but to no pur- pose. The slaughter amongst them was terrible. At length, baffled but not humiliated, the survivors fell back to the trenches, exposed, in their retreat, to a galling fi.re from the enemy. They had lost five officers and eighty-five men killed, twenty-four officers and three hundred and seventy-one men wounded : about one seventh of the total number of the three columns; more than a third of the number of the column, Maitland's, which was chiefly engaged ! Undaunted by this failure, which he rightly attributed to the fact that the centre column had lost its way, Lord Lake recommenced on the i6th the fire from his batteries, and on the 2 1st succeeded- in effecting another breach a little to the right of the first one. This time he determined to attempt the assault in the daytime. He believed himself to be in every respect better prepared for success than on the first occasion, for, on the i8th, he had been reinforced by three sipahi batta- lions, some convalescent Europeans, and a few field-pieces, and he had obtained, he imagined, correct measurements of the ditch at the point where he intended to cross ii. In this latter matter he was deceived. The officer to whom he had entrusted the duty of ascertaining the measurements had con- fided its execution to a Havildar and two privates of native cavalry, and, on their vague assurance that the ditch at the point indicated was neither broad nor very deep, and that the breach was easy of ascent, had made a report which his superiors had accepted as correct. At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 2 1st the storming Bharatfur. 3 1 7 party, composed of 150 men of the 76th, 120 of the 75th, 50 of the 22nd, supplied with three portable bridges, in the form of broad ladders covered with laths; and supported by the re- maining portions of those regiments, and by three battalions of native infantry, the whole commanded by Colonel Macrae, advanced to the assault. On reaching the ditch, they found that not only was it much broader than had been represented, but that the enemy, by improvising dams across it above and below the selected point, had enormously increased the volume of water there. The portable bridges were thus useless, and an attempt made to lengthen one of them by fastening to it a scaling-ladder completely failed. At this conjuncture, and when the men stood powerless, exposed to a heavy fire from the defences. Lieutenant Morris of the Company's European Regiment jumped into the water, swam across the ditch, and began to clamber up the breach followed by several men who had been inspired by his example. But the enemy had taken the precaution to range a battery behind, so as to command the breach, and the guns from these opened a &re, in addition to the musketry fire which had already begun to play, upon the comparatively few men who had passed the obstacle of the ditch. Seeing these exposed to certain death, and unable to send to them any assistance. Colonel Macrae sounded the recall. The survivors only came back, however, when their leader, Morris, had been severely wounded and many of their comrades killed. When these were once again safe on. the British sid,e the stormers retired in great confusion, leaving a large number of wounded, and the scaling-ladders and bridges, in the hands of the enemy. The abortive and ill-arranged attempt had cost them, in killed and wounded, eighteen officers and five hundred and seventy-three men. It deserves to be added that whilst the storming party was thus fruitlessly employed, Holkar and Amir Khan had made a vigorous attempt upon the British camp, which was repelled only by the skilful use of the galloper guns. 3i8 The Decisive Bailies of India. The failure of this attack only rendered Lord Lake more determined to persevere. In a "general order" which he issued at this time to his troops he acknowledged the gallantry and steadiness they had displayed, and expressed a confident hope that in a very few days the obstacles which had baffled them would be overcome. This order produced the very best effect ; and this effect was heightened by the defeat, a few days later, of Amir Khan, by Colonel Need and the 27th Dragoons, in an attempt made by that chieftain to intercept a convoy of provisions escorted by Captain Welsh from Mathura. On this occasion Amir Khan only saved his life by stripping himself of the gaudy apparel which he habitually wore, and by mixing then, half naked, with his fleeing, troopers. An attempt made by Holkar upon a second and larger convoy escorted by Colonel Don from Agra was equally defeated by Lord Lake in person. These two repulses so discouraged Amir Khan that he renounced his alliance with Holkar, and made for Rohilkhand, followed in that direction, and until he had crossed the Ganges, by a British force under General Smith. Meanwhile there had been a lull in the siege operations, during which the position of the besiegers' camp was shifted to the south, and considerable industry was employed in the preparation of fascines, pontoons and rafts. On the loth February the force was augmented by the arrival from Bom- bay of a division under General Jones, consisting of the 86th Regiment, eight companies 65th Regiment, four battalions of native infantry, and five hundred irregular horse. Measures were at once taken more in unison with the scientific character of siege operations; regular approaches were made; and the batteries were brought much closer to the defences. On the igth February the breach effected by these means was reported practicable, and it having been ascertained, likewise, that .1 mine, which had been laid for the purpose of blowing up the counterscarp, was ready for explosion. Lord Lake ordered the Bharatpur. 319 third assault. To command it he had selected Lieutenaur- Colonel Don, an officer who had greatly distinguished himself during Monson's retreat, as well as before and after it. The storming party was composed of three columns; one, of 200 men of the 86th Regiment, and a sipahi battalion; the second, of 300 men of the 65th Regiment, and two sipahi battalions; the third and central, of details from the 75th, the 76th, and the Company's Europeans, and three battalions of sipahis. The arrangements for the storming party had been com- pleted, and the orders that the storm should take effect at three o'clock the following afternoon issued, when, on the night of the iQth, the enemy made a sally, which was repulsed only with considerable loss and after very severe fighting. At daybreak they returned to the assault, and for some time gained a decided advantage; but after a conflict which lasted several hours and cost the besiegers several lives, they were again forced back. These two sorties had not contributed to encourage the men of the storming party. Still no change was made in the dis- position or in the hour of attack. It was arranged that Cap- tain Grant, with the first column I have named, should attack the enemy's intrenchments outside the town; that Colonel Tay- lor, with the second, should carry the Birnarain gate, reported to be easily accessible; whilst the central column, led by Don in person, should simultaneously advance and enter by the breach. The unhappy result is soon told. Grant, indeed, not only drove the enemy from their intrenchments, but nearly suc- ceeded in entering the place upon their heels. He captured eleven guns, all of which he brought into camp. But Taylor was repulsed at the Birnarain gate. The task of Don, and its result, were still more disheartening. He gallantly led his men to the breach, but, in spite of all his entreaties, they re- fused to follow him into it. The head of the column halted under an enfilading fire, every shot of which told, and, dis- 320 The Decisive Battles of India. couraged either by the sight of the dead bodies of their com- rades, killed in the sally of the morning, or apprehending that the approaches had been mined, the men composing it remained deaf alike to entreaty and exhortation. Don turned from them to the men behind them, those of the remnant of the 22nd Foot and 12th N.I. These responded to his call, and dashed gallantly to the front. Finding the ditch full of water and unfordable, they rushed to the right, to a point above the dam which had been made, crossed the ditch, and began the ascent of a rugged bastion which seemed to command an entrance into the place. Many men, amongst them the colour-bearers of the 1 2th N.I., reached the summit; but they remained there unsupported, and though just at the moment the enemy's mine exploded to the disadvantage of the enemy and threw them into considerable confusion, the head of the column still re- fused to budge. No exertions of their officers could rouse them; and when even fourteen of the former rushed to the front, not a man followed them ! It was a day rare in the annals of the British army, a day of panic ! Colonel Don, then, was forced to relinquish the attack. He had lost 3 officers and 162 men killed; 25 officers and 732 men wounded ! Attributing the conduct of the men to exceptional causes, Lord Lake resolved to renew the attack the 'next day. He continued, therefore, all that night and the next day on the defences. Then, parading the troops who had displayed so much unwillingness to advance the previous afternoon, he addressed them in terms which went to th^ir very hearts, For, when he concluded by offering them, then, an opportunity of retrieving their conduct, they came forward to a man. Lieutenant Templeton of the 76th offered to lead the forlorn hope. This time Colonel Monson was selected to lead the storming party. It consisted of the Company's Europeans, the greater part of the 65th and 86th regiments, three sipahi battalions, and the flank companies of a fourth. The attack was to be Bharaipur. 321 directed on the rugged bastion on the summit of which the 1 2th N.I. had succeeded in jDlanting their colours the previous day. So steep, however, was the ascent, and so continuous and well-directed the hre upon it by the enemy from the bastion nearest to it, that but few men succeeded in reaching the sum- mit. The first of these was young Templeton, the leader of the forlorn hope, but he was at once shot dead. His place was soon taken by Major Menzies, Aide-de-camp to Lord Lake, who gave an example never to be surpassed, of cool and inspiring courage; but he, too, shared the fate of Templeton. After making many efforts to surmount the difficulties before him, Monson gave orders to retreat, not, however, till his losses in killed had amounted to 6 officers and 125 men, and in wounded to 28 officers and 862 men ! The four assaults had cost the besiegers a loss, in killed and wounded, of 3,100 men, and had left Lord Lake in a posi- tion far worse than that he occupied when he commenced the siege. His battering train had become unfit for service : not one i8-pounder shot remained for use; the supply of gun- powder was almost exhausted ; provisions were scarce : and there were but few stores of any kind. Whilst, too, the con- fidence of the enemy had increased, that of the besiegers had greatly diminished. On the 23rd February, the enemy suc- ceeded in burning the British batteries. The following day. Lord Lake formally raised the siege, and took up a position, greatly harassed in his movement by Holkar's cavalry, six miles to the north-east of Bharatpur, covering the road leading to the depots at Agra, Mathura, and Dig. Very soon after he went in pursuit of Holkar, followed him across the Satlaj, and, in December of the same year, forced him to implore his mercy. The Government of India reinstated the fugitive prince in his dominions. I have now related the first siege of Bharatpur. It failed for two reasons : the first, that it was begun and conducted throughout with inadequate artillery means; the second, that Y 32 2 The Decisive Battles of India. there was not an engineer in the force who was acquainted with the defences of Bharatpur, or with the peculiarities of the ground immediately under its walls. The failure, however, was unfortunate; and though the Maharajah Ranjit Singh, shortly afterwards sued for peace, and made his submission, he had gained with his countrymen as much in prestige and credit as the English had lost. His capital was the only fortress in India from which British troops had fallen back repulsed. During the twenty years that followed, "Bharat- pur'' was a word to conjure with in the habitations of dis- affected princes and nobles throughout the country; and it required the reversal of the result of the first siege to deprive that word of its efficacy and its sting. The opportunity came in the year 1825. Ranjit Singh died at the close of 1805. His eldest son, Randbir Singh, was loyal to the British during his reign of eighteen years. His brother, who succeeded him in 1823, died on the 26th Febru- ary, 1825. He left a son, six years old, named Balwant Singh, whose succession was recognised by the British Government. But his cousin, Durjan Sal, supported by the Rajah of Karauli and others, attacked, dethroned and imprisoned him. Upon this the British Resident at Dihli, Sir David Ochterlony, who was also the Governor-General's Agent for Bharatpur, assembled a force to reinstate the rightful heir ; and there can be little doubt but that, had he been allowed to proceed, no serious hostilities would have followed. But the Governor-General, Lord Amherst, trusting to a peaceful adjustment of the family differences, and not considering that the recognition by the Government of India of an heir- apparent during the lifetime of the father imposed upon it the obligation to maintain him in his position under the cir- cumstances which had occurred, disapproved of Ochterlony's policy, and summarily removed him from his post. Ulti- mately, however, the Government was forced to take up and carry out the policy it had thus rejected, and under circum- BharaLfur. 323 stances far less favourable. For Durjan Sal, in the interval, whilst negotiating with, and professing to leave the decision on his claims to, the British Government, had been engaged in preparing to assert them, by strengthening the fortifications of Bharatptir, by levying troops, and by soliciting aid — which had been secretly promised — from the Rajput and Maratha princes. The attitude of Durjan Sal, combined with the prestige attaching to his capital, produced at last so great an excitement and commotion throughout the country, that, to prevent a general conflagration. Lord Amherst was forced to adopt the policy of Sir David Ochterlony and to expel the usurper. The carrying out of this resolve was at once entrusted to the Commander-in-Chief. The army which assembled at Agra in November to under- take the second siege of Bharatpur numbered 27,000 men. It had a battering train of 102 guns and 52 pieces of artillery. The English regiments employed were the nth Dragoons, the 1 6th Lancers, the 14th and 59th regiments, and — a short time after the siege had commenced — the Company's European regiment. Lord Combermere, a friend and comrade in arms of the Duke of Wellington, had that year arrived in India as Commander-in-Chief. He assumed command of the force on the 1st December; moved with the right wing on the 5th to Mathura, and marched thence, at its head, on the 9th, to Bharatpur. General NichoUs, commanding the left wing, similarly received orders to quit Agra on the 8th and to take a position to the west of the place on the loth. These arrangements were carried out with but slight deviations, and Bharatpur was invested on the i ith December. Since the abortive siege of Lord Lake in 1805 the fortifica- tions had been somewhat strengthened. Additions had been made to the enceinte, and one bastion, called Fath Burj, or Bastion of Victory — so named because the natives declared it had been built with the bones and cemented with the blood of those who had fallen in the last siege — ^had been added to 324 The Decisive Battles of India. the thirty-four previously existing. The garrison had been considerably augmented. The fortress was defended now by 25,000 men, mostly Jats and Patans, the two most warlike races in India. It was well stored with supplies, and the ramparts were plentifully furnished with guns. Recognising the mistakes which originated in the first siege from want of accurate knowledge of the ground. Lord Combermere and his engineers spent the nine days after his investment of the place on the nth in reconnoitring every part of the fortress. On the 20th he and they had arrived at definite conclusions. These Lord Combermere at once endeavoured to carry out. Lord Lake had made his approaches to the south-west face of the town. Lord Combermere decided to attack the fronts about the north-east angle, which the defenders considered their strongest point. The reasons which led him to this con- clusion were clear and simple. The north-east angle was, with the exception of one short face in another direction, the only part of the place totally unflanked; the ditch there was comparatively shallow and almost dry : a ravine which fell into the ditch gave great facility and cover to those desirous of descending into it. Moreover, whereas from that angle the heaviest artillery fire could be concentrated on the assail- ants at a distance, it could not touch those who should approach close to the ditch. On the 23rd the investment was drawn closer, and Lord Combermere sent two columns to seize the village of Kadam Kandi on the right front, and Baldeo Singh's garden on the left front, of the attack, situated about 750 yards from the place, and about 800 yards from each other. Their possession was important, for they afforded good cover to the men sup- porting the parties about to work in the construction of the first parallel. The defenders made some attempts to disturb the operation, but without any practical result. That same night the first parallel was commenced, and so well did the Bharal-pur. 325 men, Europeans and natives, work at it, that before daybreak a gun battery of eight i8-pounders and a mortar battery for six 8-inch mortars were finished and armed. As soon as it was light a fire from these batteries opened on the place. The enemy attempted to reply, but, finding they could not suffi- ciently depress their guns, they ceased firing and withdrew them. Before these approaches had been made, the fire from the mortars had caused great damage to life and property within the city. Lord Combermere, as a chivalrous soldier, was very unwilling that the injury intended for armed enemies should be inflicted upon women and children. He accordingly had written, on the 21st, to Durjan Sal, offering safe conduct and escort to any women and children who might wish to leave the fortress. After some correspondence, Durjan Sal agreed to avail himself of the permission, and, on the 24th, all the women not belonging to the royal family emerged from the city and passed through the besiegers' lines, unmolested and unsearched. It transpired a little later that these fugitives had carried off precious stones to an enormous value secreted about their persons ! On the 24th the besiegers widened the parallel to a breadth of ten feet, and the same night carried out an approach in advance of it by means of the flying sap. They commenced, likewise, a breaching battery for ten — eventually for eleven — 24-pounders and a small barbette battery. The party engaged in this work was, however, attacked, and, after a heavy loss, was forced to discontinue its labour. But, the enemy's fire slackening, it resumed it and had made considerable progress before daybreak. That day and the following the 18- and 24-pounders kept up a heavy fire on the place and silenced the enemy's guns. In the course of the second day, the 26th, the approaches had advanced to within 250 yards of the place. It was evident that the feeling of the defenders was far less confident than had been that of their forerunners in 1805, for 326 The Decisive Battles of India. that same afternoon a body of their cavalry, laden, it is believed, with treasure, dashed out and succeeded in escaping. On the 27th, the second parallel was completed at a dis- tance of 250 yards from the ditch. It was armed with two batteries, one for two 12-pounders, the other for twelve 24- pounders. The following day the approaches were brought to within forty yards of the ditch. On the 29th, the second parallel was extended; and a new battery for four guns was added to the left of the northern breaching battery, with a view to destroy the defences which were reported to exist in rear of the bastion intended to be assailed. Ariother battery for two guns was also thrown up in advance of the second parallel to enfilade the ditch of the north front. The fire now brought to bear on the fortress had a very discouraging effect on the garrison, and 600 of them sent an envoy to the Commander-in-Chief to treat for terms. The negotiation came to nothing, because the 600 declined the only terms that would be accepted — surrender at discretion. On the 30th and 31st, and on the jst January, the newly erected batteries were armed, the approaches were extended, and the trenches were improved; one mine, which had been begun before, was pushed on, and a second was commenced. Two more were begun on the 2nd. On the 3rd, the third parallel was extended, and on the 4th a fifth mine was begun. The work in these mines was continued night and day till the 7th, when one was exploded, without, however, producing much effect. But, on the following day, the explosion of four mines blew in the counterscarp and procured for the assailants an excellent descent into the ditch. It was generally thought in the army that Lord Combermere would order the assault for that day. But he rightly considered that the defences had not yet been sufficiently broken down, and resolved to develop still further the system of mining and countermining. In this work the engineers displayed great skill and daring. On the gth, they exploded a scarp-gallery occupied in some Bharatpur. 327 force by the enemy. On the 12th, however, Captain Taylor and Captain Irvine of. the Engineers, with a small following of Europeans and Gurkhas, and a few sappers, failed in a very daring attempt to destroy a gallery .which allowed the enemy to communicate, through the ramparts, with a new- erected parapet of cotton bags. But, on the 14th, Irvine rendered signal service by destroying the same gallery and effecting a small but very practicable breach. On the i6th, the last supply of shot, shell and gunpowder remaining in the Agra arsenal reached the besiegers. The same day Cap- tain Carmichael, of the 5gth regiment, responding to the express desire of his general, General NichoUs, to ascertain the nature of the obstacles which would have to be encoun- tered behind the defences, performed an act of very great daring. Taking with him five or six Gurkhas, who volun- teered for the service, and accompanied by Captain Davidson of the Engineers, Carmichael walked at midday, from the advanced trench to the foot of the breach — a distance of fifty yards. Although the space traversed was enfiladed by a well- manned bastion on its left and the top of the breach was strongly occupied, the volunteers reached the point I have indicated, and even made half the ascent of the breach, before the enemy perceived them. A few seconds later brought the whole party to the summit. The startled defenders, believing at first that they were the head of a storming party, seized their muskets and hurriedly delivered their fire. Fortunately it took no effect; and when the smoke had cleared away, the visitors, cool and collected, took a deliberate survey of the interior of the fort, storing every position in their minds. They continued the survey till the defenders, recovering from their astonishment, rushed forward to seize and punish them. But these, not awaiting the assault, turned, dashed down the breach, and, in spite of a fire from behind them and on their flank, which literally swept the earth, reached the trenches with 328 The Decisive Battles of India. the loss of but one man. Even he was hit so close to the goal that he actually dropped into the trench ! This gallant deed was productive of most important results. Captain Carmichael and his comrades imparted to the General information which determined him to risk an assault without further delay. For Lord Combermere had now certain evi- dence that the defences, though formidable, were by no means impregnable. On the 17th, then, the Commander-in-Chief directed that the three principal mines to be exploded at the moment of attack should be charged with powder. One of these mines was under the angle of the north-east bastion or cavalier; the second was destined to widen the right gun breach; the third, about midway between the two, was to blow in the counter- scarp. The explosion was to be the signal for the assaulting columns to advance. These columns were composed and formed as follows: — The right column, commanded by Major-General Reynell, was subdivided in the manner now to be described : (i) Colonel Delamain, commanding a party composed of two companies of the Company's European regiment, a regiment of sipahis, and 100 Gurkhas, was, on the extreme right, to storm the breach to the right of the Janginah gate ; Colonel Reynell, leading two brigades in person — Brigadier McCombe's, con- sisting of a company of the 14th Foot, leading and followed by a spiking party of gunners, supported by four more com- panies of the 14th, a regiment of sipahis, and lOO Gurkhas; and Brigadier Patton's, ranged behind McCombe's, and con- sisting of four companies of the 14th, five of one sipahi bat- talion and another entire battalion; was to attack the centre or main breach — that at the north-east angle of the fortress. To act in conjunction with the right was the left attack, subdivided into four columns, the whole directed by General Nicholls. Of these columns, that on the right, composed of two companies of the Company's Europeans, two of native B karat fur. 329 infantry, and 100 Gurkhas, led by Colonel Wilson, and pre- ceded by pioneers carrying six ladders, was to escalade the place at a re-entering angle to the left of the main breach. Immediately on its left, the second column, commanded by Brigadier Edwards, and composed of seven companies of the 5gth Foot, one sipahi battalion, and 100 Gurkhas, was to make what was termed the main attack. The order of this attack was to be as follows : Two companies of the SQth were to lead it, followed closely by pioneers carrying six short ladders; then the Brigadier and five more companies of the 59th; then the native battalion. On reaching the summit the seven com- panies of the 5gth were to turn to the left; the sipahis were to advance into the town, and then, moving in a parallel line, were to cover their right flank. The Gurkhas, meanwhile, were to enter along the counterscarp and keep down the enemy's Are. The third column of General Nicholas' attack was com- posed of the three remaining companies of the 59th Foot, accompanied by pioneers bearing ladders, followed by 100 Gurkhas, and having attached to it a body of sappers and twelve men carrying nooses to slip over the upright beams in the parapet, so that they might act as hand ropes. This column was to aSsail the gun breach in the curtain immedi- ately on the left of the attack of the second column. The fourth column, commanded by Brigadier Fagan, and composed of three sipahi battalions, was held in reserve. During the siege Lord Combermere had trained his men in the use of ladders and of hand-grenades.* He had been very careful in seeing that the ladders were made of the material which, after trial, proved most suitable, viz., of bamboo ; and to enable the attacking columns to advance promptly, he had caused steps to be cut in the parapet of the trenches. No pre- caution to ensure success had been omitted. * This was the last occasion on ivhich Grenadiers carried the missile which gave them originally their distinctive appellation. 330 The Decisive Battles of India. At half past four o'clock on the morning of the i8th the columns told off for the assault quietly entered the trenches. A very brisk fire was kept thence on the defences. It was replied to rather fitfully, the enemy appearing every now and again to' be apprehensive that mischief was brewing. A little after 8 o'clock the two smaller mines, that under the right breach, and that under the counterscarp, exploded. Startled at the sudden shock, the defenders crowded into the angle of the north-east bastion, some waving their swords in defiance, others beckoning eagerly for support. A few minutes later the ground shook beneath them; a violent concussion seemed to split the firmament; a dense cloud of dust and smoke arose, and their disjointed limbs were hurled, with stones, timber and masses of earth, into the air. Some of the debris fell even into the British trenches, killed two sipahis standing close behind Lord Combermere, struck down Brigadier McCombe at his side, and killed or wounded Brigadier Patton, Captain Irvine, Lieutenant Daly, and some twenty men of the 14th Foot. As soon as the eye could penetrate through the clouds of dust and smoke the grenadiers of the 14th and 59th were seen rushing impetuously up the steep faces of their respective breaches. A moment later, as it seemed, and a loud cheer from the men in the trenches below announced that they had gained the summit. Lord Combermere had with diffi- culty been restrained from accompanying General Nicholls' main attack. Now he could hold back no longer. He ascended the breach, and hoisted the British flag on the summit. Nor had the main attack of General Reynell's two brigades been less successful. The cheers from the trenches below had announced, simultaneously with the success of the 59th, the success of the 14th, gallantly led by Major Everard. Arrived on the summit, Everard had at once given the colours to the wind. But there the defenders were congregated in the greatest force, and for a few minutes a hand-to-hand Bharatfur. 331 encounter took place, not exceeded in fierceness by any encounter in our Indian wars. For there, the unconquered Jat and the death-scorning Patan, armed with tulwar and shield, met the British soldier, provided only with his bayonet. It was soon seen that the islanders had prevailed, for their main column was noticed to turn to the right and drive the enemy with fierce energy along the ramparts. Every now and again as some vantage point was approached the defenders were seen to rally and stand — then to give way and flee, only to rally and stand again. The sipahis, meanwhile, were showing themselves worthy of this glorious comradeship ; and though, in one or two instances, their firing was somewhat wild, they displayed a fearlessness deserving of all praise. At length Everard reached the Janginah gate. A moment later and he sighted Delamain's column, which, after storming the breach to the right of it, had turned to the left. The situ- ation was peculiar. Between the two British columns was a steep and very narrow gorge, fully sixty feet deep, the only descent to which was by narrow flights of steps. To the right edge — from the town — of this gorge, Everard was driv- ing the enemy he had beaten; whilst, to its left edge, Dela- main was pursuing the enemy who had tried to bar the way to him. The fury of the battle here, then, exceeded anything that had gone before. A certain death stared the defenders in the face. The consciousness of this inflamed their resolu- tion to sell their lives as dearly as possible. But the British were not to be withstood. Those that escaped the bayonet were pushed into the gorge below; and there, their cotton dresses igniting from the musketry fire at close quarters, they suffered a death compared to which death from the bayonet is merciful ! The two columns then united and pushed their way along the right to the Kumbhir bastion. Here Major Everard hoisted a red coat to signify his success to those below. I have recorded already the first tuccess of General Nicholls' 332 The Decisive Battles of India. main attack. The bastion they had gained was connected with the other part of the fortifications by a long neck. Along this the stormers had rushed without a check. At its mouth, however, the enemy made a stand, but were soon forced back. Exposed all this time to a severe fire from an outwork near the left main breach, they were not insensibly relieved when Brigadier Patton's brigade attacked that outwork and diverted the fire. They then proceeded to follow the enemy along the ramparts to thfe left, in face of a heavy hre, which killed the brigadier, Edwards. Nicholls, however, who had been only wounded by the consequence of the explosion to which I have referred, persevered, and, in spite of every obstacle, succeeded in gaining touch with Reynell and Delamain. The right column of Nicholls' attack, commanded by Colonel Wilson, had meanwhile attempted to escalade the gun-breach. Wilson succeeded, though he was followed by only twenty or thirty men. The remainder went up by the left mine-breach and joined him on the summit. Thence he fought his way through the town, and, driving all opponents before him, finally remounted the ramparts. Bharatpur was now virtually gained. The citadel alone held out. In front of this a fight had already somewhat accidentally taken place. For an officer of the 41st N.I., Major Hunter, just after Everard's column had joined Dela- main's, had. by mistake, entered the city and reached a bridge leading to the citadel. His presence had caused so much alarm to the enemy that, in their haste to shut the gates, they had excluded about 100 of their own men, amongst whom was- the brother-in-law of Durjan Sal, Khiishial Singh. Major Hunter had advanced to offer quarter to this nobleman, when the latter, with a terrific sword-blow, nearly severed his left arm from his body. A conflict had then ensued which had resulted in the extermination of the excluded warriors. Major Hunter and his men had then quietly made their way back to the ramparts. Bharaipi'ir. 333 This citadel was now summoned by order of Lord Comber- mere. As no answer was returned, guns were brought up against it. But after a short cannonade the garrison surren- dered unconditionally. The prophecy had been fulfilled. The " Kumbliir" — for so they called " Combermere ' — had, in very deed, drank up the waters of their ditch. But there was one man all this time who, in spite of the storming of the town and the fall of the citadel, had not despaired of escape. This was Durjan Sal, the pretender, whose conduct had caused all the bloodshed I- have recorded. As soon as this prince had realised that the fortunes of the day were going against him he hastened to the citadel. Collecting there a vast amount of jewels, he secured them on the persons of his wife, his two sons, himself and forty chosen followers, and then started to cut his way out. Dashing upon a small party of the 14th at the Kumbhir gate, he cut his way through and entered a small jungle, where he was joined by some more horsemen. Thence he tried to find an outlet to emerge into the open. Long was it in vain, for every outlet was guarded by the British cavalry. At length a chance offered. At half-past two the Brigadier commanding the cavalry, believing that he had captured every fugitive, dis- missed his brigade. Then Durjan Sal and his followers emerged. Had he waited a quarter of an hour longer he might have got off. But he was noticed by the riding-master of the 8th Light Cavalry at the moment when the men of that regiment had but just dismounted. Instantly pursuit was in- augurated. The fugitives were caught, and Durjan Sal surrendered ! Such was the second siege of Bharatpur. The cost to the besiegers of its capture was 1,050 in killed, wounded and miss- ing, including 7 officers killed and 41 wounded — a small pro- portion in comparison with the losses sustained by Lord Lake when commanding a force less than one-half as strong. The treasure captured realised nearly half a million. 334 The Decisive Battles of India. But it was neither the treasure nor the comparative small- ness of the casualties that invested the capture of Bharatpiir vifith immense significance. It completely restored the prestige of the British. It dissolved the formidable confederacy which had been secretly arranged. It proved to the discon- tented that not a fortress in India was impregnable; that the British were able to overcome all opposition within the empire of Hindustan. One more war, indeed, the Maratha war of i8 17-19, rendered necessary by the reversal by the immediate successors of the great Marquess Wellesley of the policy of that illustrious statesman, was required to enforce the absolute supremacy of Great Britain. But, thenceforth, that supremacy was universally recognised. It must, nevertheless, ever be leraembered, never more vividly than at the present moment, that there is one condition which the princes of India demand as the price of their subordination to British authority. They are content to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Empress of India on condition that the servants of the Empress will pro- tect them against every enemy from outside. The chapter which immediately follows shows how well those servants understood and performed that obligation, when the necessity arose in 1845-6. Let us hope that they will understand and perform it now (1888) when the horizon might at any moment become clouded, and a contest precipitated between the gar- rison of the fortress of Hindustan and the European foe which has subdued the sandy deserts beyond its glacis. CHAPTER XII. FIRUZSHAHAR AND SOBRAON. The founder of the Sikh religion was Nanak, son of a petty Hindu trader named Kalu. Nanak was born in the vicinity of Lahor in the year 1469. A youth much given to reflection, he devoted himself at an early period of his life to a study of the rival creeds then prevailing in India, the Hindu and the Muhammadan. Neither satisfied him. Though his first teacher had been a learned professor of the latter faith, the simple mind of Nanak could hnd no resting-place in a religion in which the worldly element so largely predominated; nor was he more content with the specious abstractions of Hinduism. After wandering through many lands in search of a satis- fying truth, Nanak returned to his native country with the conviction that he had failed. He had found, he said, many scriptures and many creeds j but he had not found God. Casting off his habit of an ascetic, he resumed his father's trade, married, became the father of a family, and passed the remainder of his life in preaching the doctrine of the unity of one invisible God, of the necessity of living virtuously, and of practising toleration towards others. He died in 1539, leaving behind him a reputation without spot, and many zealous and admiring disciples eager to perpetuate his creed. The founder of a new religion, Nanak, before his death. 336 The Decisive Battles of India. had nominated his successor — a man of his own tribe named Angad. Angad held the supremacy for twelve years, years which he employed mainly in committing to writing the doc- trines of his great master and in enforcing them upon his disciples. Angad was succeeded by Ummar Das, a great preacher. He, and his son-in-law and successor, Ram Das, were held in high esteem by the Emperor Akbar. But it was the son of Ram Das, Arjiin, who established on 3, permanent basis the new religion. Comprehending the ap- plicability of the teaching of Nanak and his successors to «very state of life and to every condition of society, Arjiin arranged their several writings, added to them the most suit- able compositions of preceding religious reformers, and, com- pleting the whole with a prayer and some pious exhortations of his own, he produced the sacred book, the Grunth, of the new faith, and imposed it upon his followers as containing ihe guide to their religious and moral conduct. Simultaneously he fixed the seat of the chief Gurii, or high priest of the reli- gion, and of his principal followers, at Amritsar, then an obscure hamlet, but which, in consequence of the selection, speedily rose into importance. Arjiin then regulated and reduced to a systematic tax the offerings of his adherents, to be found even then in every city and village in the Panjab and the cis-Satlaj territories. Nor did he disdain to increase the wealth of the holy city he had founded by traffic of a very .extensive character. Meddling, however, in the political con- tests which almost invariably supervened on the death of a Mughul sovereign, Arjiin unfortunately espoused the losing side, was imprisoned, and died. The real successor of Arjiin was his son, Hur Govind. Hur Govind founded the Sikh nation. Before his time the fol- lowers of the Giirii had been united by no tie but that of obedi- ence to the book. Govind formed them into a community of warriors. He did away with many of the restrictions regard- Finizshahar and Sobrdon. 337 ing food, authorised his followers to eat flesh, summoned them to his standard, and marched with them to consolidate his power. A military organisation based upon a religious principle, and directed by a strong central authority, will always become powerful in a country the government of which is tainted with decay. The ties which bound the Mughul empire together were already loosening under the paralysing influence of the bigotry of Aurangzib, when, in 1675, Govind, fourth in succession to the Hur Govind to whom I have adverted, assumed the nfiantle of Giiru of the Sikhs. Intolerance reigned supreme through- out India. Tegh Buhadur, the father and immediate prede- cessor of Govind, had been put to death by Aurangzib, a martyr to his faith, and his body had been exposed with ignominy in the streets of Dihli. This murder made of Govind, then only fifteen years old, the irreconciliable enemy of the Muhammadan name. Acting under the advice, almost under the authority, of his father's friends, he for the time concealed alike his enmity and his ambition, spent twenty years in comparative obscurity, hunting the tiger and the wild boar, learning the Persian language, studying the best means of swaying the races whom he would have to influence, and perfecting in his own mind the means of shaking the empire held together by the iron hand of the man who had slain his father. The better to work out his end Govind still further simpli- fied the dogmas of the faith. Assembling his followers, he announced to them that thenceforward the doctrines of the "Khalsa," the saved or liberated, alone should prevail. There must be no human image or resemblance of the One Almighty Father; caste must cease to exist; before Him all men were equal; Muhammadanism was to be rooted out; social distinc- tions, all the solaces of superstition, were to exist no more; they should call themselves "Singh" and become a nation of soldiers. 33^ The Decisive Battles of India. The multitude received Govind's propositions with rapture. By a wave of the wand he found himself the trusted leader of a confederacy of warriors in a nation whose institutions were decaying. About 1695, twelve years before the death of Aurangzib, Govind put his schemes into practice. He secured many forts in the hill-country of the Panjab, defeated the Mughul troops in several encounters, and established himself as a thorn in the side of the empire. At last Aurangzib took the alarm. He directed the governors of Lahor and Sirhind to move against the Giiru, and even threatened to send his son, Buhadur Shah, to command the army against hini. Against such forces Govind could do but little. After a series of manoeuvres he found himself surrounded at Anandpur. Flis adherents, who had till then followed him with implicit trust, murmured in this hour of his supreme necessity ; many of them even deserted him; but Govind himself never quailed. Sending his mother, his wives, and his children* to Sirhind he threw himself into the fort of Chamkaur. Besieged there, he still bade a haughty defiance to the enemy, and, after a desperate defence, in which he saw his two remaining sons and nearly the whole of his band perish, he escaped by night to Behlolpiir, and thence to Damdamma, midway between Firuzpiir and Hansi. There he remained, unmolested, for several years, engaged in adding another book to the Grunth, and in devising measures for rousing the energies of his followers. Aurangzib died in 1707. Buhadur Shah, who succeeded him, summoned the Guru to his camp in the valley of the Goda- vari. Govind complied, was received with respect, and even trusted with a military command. But in the midst of his new prosperity he was assassinated by the sons of an Afghan whom in a sudden fit of anger he had killed. * The boys were, on their arrival there, betrayed to the Muhammadans and put to death. Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 339 Before leaving the cis-Satlaj territory Govind had be- queathed his temporal power to Banda, a native of southern India. Banda justified the selection. Recognising the fact that the death of Aurangzib had dissolved the bond which kept the Mughul empire together, Banda raised an army of devoted followers, defeated the Mughul governor of Sirhind, avenged the death of Govind's children, and occupied the country between the Satlaj and the Jamna. This success brought upon him the army of Buhadur Shah, and, surrounded, as his predecessor had been, by the emperor's army, Banda owed his escape only to a stratagem. Escape he did, however, with all his followers; and, making his way to Jamna, laid the fairest part of the Panjab under contribution. Every day, however, loosened the bonds of union throughout the Mughul empire. The death of Buhadur Shah, in 171 2, and the contests amongst the rival candidates for the succes- sion, gave strength to the nobles and the confederacies who were playing for their own hands. Banda took advantage of the surrounding turmoil to build a strong fort, Giirdaspur, between the Bias and the Ravi, and, when the turmoil had subsided, he issued from the vicinity of that fort, defeated the army of the Viceroy of Lahor, and once more occupied Sir- hind. Again were the chosen troops of the Mughul empire, led by their best general, Abdul Samad Khan, despatched against him. Again were the Sikhs, beaten in the open, com- pelled to flee before the foe. At last they took refuge in the new fort of Giirdaspiir. Besieged here, they defended them- selves to the last extremity. It was only when every means of defence was exhausted that they submitted. They had better have died of starvation; for the tortures inflicted by the victors on Banda and on many of his followers were so cruel that the pen refuses to record them. The blow was a serious one, and it was followed up by a rigid persecution. Recantation or death was the Muhammadan cry. Carried out unsparingly, it almost seemed as though it had produced the 340 The Decisive Battles of India. desired effect, for, for the period of a generation, the Sikhs were hardly heard of again in history. But the principle which bound them together was a pure and a strong principle. Decay, too, was doing her work on all the surrounding institutions. Gradually, one after another, whole provinces became dissevered from the Mughul empire. Bengal, Awadh, Haidarabad, disclaimed dependence on Dihli. The Marathas ruled in western and central, and were steadily pressing up towards north-western, India. The invasion of Nadir Shah came to deal a fatal blow to an empire already a shadow of its former self. In the turmoil which followed the Sikh confederacy gradually reconstituted itself. Then followed the several invasions of Ahmad Shah Durani. The Panjab fell for a time under the sway of the Afghan. The Sikhs, often rising in arms, and as often dispersed, succeeded at length, under the leadership of Jassa Singh, a carpenter by trade (1758), in temporarily occupying Lahor. Three years later was fought the decisive battle of Panipat. But though, the year following, the victor of Panipat inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Sikhs near Lodiana, destroyed their temples, and slew his prisoners by hundreds, the time had gone by when such a community could be rooted out. The Durani had to leave India — an India about to be re-parcelled. Amongst the new claimants for dominion were the English, the Niiwab Vazir of Awadh, the Marathas, and last, but not least, the Sikhs. Of these several claimants the last-named were not the least resolute. The year following their defeat by Ahmad Shah they avenged that misfortune by inflicting upon the Afghans an overthrow even more decisive in the plains of Sirhind. Uniting then with the Jats, and in alliance with Holkar, they laid siege to Dihli, and though forced by another interrup- tion — speedily abandoned — of Ahmdd Shah, and by the defec- tion of Holkar, to raise that siege, they hurried back across the Satlaj, attacked and seriously maltreated the great Durani, Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 341 near Amritsar, took possession of Lahor, and parcelled out amongst themselves the whole country between the Satlaj and the Jhelam. The chiefs then convened a solemn assembly at Amritsar, at which they formally proclaimed the sway of the Sikh nation and the prevalence of their faith. To commem- orate this event, to bind it on the tablets of the hearts of their followers, they struck from their mint a coin bearing an in- scription to the effect that Giirii Govind had received from Nanak the three virtues — grace, power, and rapid victory. For two years the Sikhs remained unmolested in their new dominions. In 1767, however, Ahmad Shah, bent on recover- ing the Panjab, made his last attempt to enslave India. The attempt failed, mainly in consequence of the defection of his own troops. Left, then, to themselves, the Sikhs, divided into twelve confederacies or misls, each of which had its chief, equal in authority to his brother chiefs, felt the want of the organiza- tion which a central authority alone could bestow. Each misl or confederacy fought for itself, and it was not until 1784 that a young chieftain, named Maha Singh, gained, mainly by force of arms, a position which placed him above his fellows. The only other chief who could at all pretend to rivalry with Maha Singh was the leader whoiii he had defeated, Jai Singh Kunaia. But Maha Singh, as great in diploinacy as in war, found means to conciliate even him. A marriage between his son and the grand-daughter of Jai Singh cemented a union which was never afterwards broken. The name of the son of Maha Singh was Ranjit Singh. Ranjit Singh was born in 1780. At the early age of eleven he lost his father. Before he had attained maturity evil days befell the territories of which he was the nominal chieftain. In 1797, six years after his father's death, the Panjab suffered again from the horrors of an Afghan invasion, conducted by Shah Zaman. Lahor was taken by the invader, only, how- ever, to be almost immediately evacuated. The invasion was renewed the following year, and Lahor was again occupied. 342 The Decisive Battles of India. But eighteen summers had formed the character of Ran jit Singh. A true follower of Guru Govind, he hated the Afghan invaders with an intensity inspired by the conviction that they were the determined enemies of the freedom and the toleration which were the watchword of his tribe. For the time, however, his weakness forced him to dissemble. By a show of service well appreciated he obtained from the Afghan ruler the inves- titure of the capital of the Panjab (1799). Immediately after- wards serious occurrences in his own country forced Zaman Shah to return to Kabul. Ranjit Singh became then the recognised ruler of the Sikhs, just after the English had destroyed the power of Tipu Sahib, and just before the contest for supremacy with the Marathas, which was really decided at Assaye and Laswari. The defeat of Holkar, which followed the crushing overthrow of Sindia, confirmed a supremacy which had been already assured. Holkar, after a show of success, crossed the Satlaj in the autumn of 1805, a fugitive, with, as he said himself, "his king- dom on his saddle's bow," and implored the assistance of Ranjit Singh. But "the Lion of the Panjab," as he was called about this time, had no wish to embroil his young nation with the veterans who had destroyed the powerful hosts of the Marathas. Lake, with his victorious army, was en the track of Holkar, and Lake was not the man to fail to push his advan- tage to the utmost. Ranjit Singh, then, received Jeswant Rao Holkar at Amritsar, and made it clear to him that the aid he wished for would not be given. By this time Lake was on the Bias, and Holkar, after hesitating for a moment whether he should not traverse the Panjab and invoke the aid of the Afghans, finally accepted (24th December, 1805) the terms offered by the English general. Ranjit Singh himself exchanged at this time friendly com- munications with General Lake. It is even said that he entered in disguise the English camp in order to inspect the troops who had overthrown such famed warriors as Sindia, the Firuzshahar and Sobrdon 343 Bhoncle and Holkar. The communications led, however, to no practical result. But the visit made by the English commander to the coun- try of the Sikhs was not altogether void of consequences. In the cis-Satlaj territory Lake had been joined by two Sikh chieftains of repute, Lai Singh of Khaital, and Ehag Singh of Jhind, uncle to Ran jit Singh. These chieftains had already rendered good service to a British detachment at Shamli when it had been hard pressed by the enemy. On his passage through Patiala, too. Lake had received promises of devotion from its ruler, Sahib Singh. Before the war had terminated the two first of these chieftains received handsome acknow- ledgments from the Indian Government, and there can be no doubt but that, had the policy of Marquess Wellesley not been suspended, the cis-Satlaj chieftains as a body would have acknowledged the over-lordship of the British. The tempor- ary reversal of Marquess Wellesley's system delayed this acknowledgment; but the kindly memory of the British remained, and in due season bore abundant fruit. Meanwhile Ranjit Singh had applied himself zealously to the task of consolidating his dominions, of giving unity to diverse and scattered elements, of welding the increasing Sikh nation into a well-ordered commonwealth. Beyond the Satlaj he succeeded almost to his fondest hopes. But in the cis- Satlaj territories a spirit of independence had been awakened strong enough to dispose the chiefs to resist the claim made by the Panjab ruler even to nominal overlordship. In 1808 these chieftains combined to resist the aggressive system which Ranjit Singh threatened to introduce amongst them — a system which would bring them into direct subordination to Lahor. Recollecting their friendly intercourse with General Lake, they dispatched messengers to the British Resident at Dihli, pray- ing for support in case of need. But the Cornwallis policy — the policy of under no pretence interfering in the affairs of 344 The Decisive Battles of India. native states — was in the ascendant, and from Dihli no assur- ing replies reached them. But the dread of the ambition of Napoleon changed the course of events. That dread inspired the British Govern- ment with the idea of seeking alliances for British India not only beyond the Jamna but beyond the Indus. To secure these alliances Mr. Elphinstpne was dispatched to the court of Shah Shiija, then ruler of Kabul, and Mr. Metcalfe to that of Ranji't Singh. In view, too, of an impending crisis, the Corn- wallis policy was still further suspended; and the chiefs of Patiala, of Jhind, and of Khaital were verbally assured that they had been brought under the protection of the British Government. Ranjit Singh heard of this act while Mr. Metcalfe was still with him. He resented it so much that but for the earnest entreaties of two of his most trusted counsellors he would have declared war against the English. As it was he broke off the negotiations, crossed the Satlaj at the head of his army, seized Faridkot and Ambala, levied exactions in Malarkota and Thanesar, and entered into an agreement or alliance with the ruler of Patiala. The proceedings of Ranjit Singh seemed to the Governor- General, Lord Minto, to be of a character to demand a vigor- ous counter-demonstration. He accordingly ordered Sir David Ochterlony to march northwards with a force to sup- port Mr. Metcalfe, and to confine Ranjit Singh to the north bank of the Satlaj. Ochterlony on entering Sirhind was received with open arms by all the chiefs, one only excepted, and then halted at Lodiana, near his supplies, to wait for the next move of Ranjit Singh. Ranjit Singh was in this position. His hold on the Panjab was not absolutely secure. Miiltan, Peshawar, and many other strong places were held by the Afghans. He could not, until he had secured his kingdom beyond the Satlaj, engage in a war with the English. Reluctantly, then, he , gave way, and Firusshahar and Sobrdon. 345 recognised the protectorate of the British Government over the cis-Satlaj states, those only excepted which he ha,d originally acquired south of that river. During the five years which followed Ranjit Singh was occupied in carrying out, not always successfully, his ambiti- ous schemes beyond the Satlaj. Some acquisitions he did make, but he failed, for the second time, before Multan in 1810; and he was foiled in an attempt upon Kashmir in 18 14. But he never lost heart. He had placed one aim before him, the unification of the Panjab under his sceptre, and he kept that ever in view. In 1818 he captured Multan, and gained a post on the north bank of the Indus which secured to him the passage of that river. In 1819-20 he conquered Kashmir and annexed Derajat. Four years later, 14th March, 1823, he defeated the Afghans at Naoshera, and sacked Peshawar, which, from this time forward, may be regarded as an integral portion of his dominions. From this year, indeed, his aim may be said to have been attained, his dominions to have been welded into one whole. He had become the feudal chief of a large population, devoted to war and to the preparation of military means and equipment. To this end were directed the wealth, the energies, the longings of the people. A circumstance had occurred, the year previous to the con- solidation of his dominions, which had greatly stimulated the ambition of Ranjit Singh to possess an army equal to any emergency. This was the arrival at Labor of two officers who had made their proofs under Napoleon, Generals Allard and Ventura. Ranjit Singh persuaded these officers to accept posi- tions in his army not dissimilar to those which de Boigne and his coadjutors had held in the armies of Sindia. At a later period two other officers, who had undergone the same train- ing. Generals Court and Avitabile, were added to the list. Possessing great capacity and experience, these officers suc- ceeded very speedily in engrafting on the most promising raw material in Asia the discipline and the dexterity of the Euro- 346 Tlie Decisive Bailies of India. pean soldier. Strong of body, active, intelligent, unfettered by the bonds of caste prejudice, full of courage and gifted with a wonderful stamina, accustomed to live on flesh or dis- pense with it, the Sikh has the making of the finest soldier in the world. And it is not too much to affirm that the rank and file of the Sikh army became, under the training of the skilled officers I have named, the finest rank and file of the world. They wanted but officers, from general to subaltern, to be in- vincible. These, happily for England, they had not. An interview between Ranjit Singh and the Governor-General of India, Lord William Bentinck, at Rupar, on the Satlaj, in October, 1 831, seemed only to confirm the conditions of friend- ship between the two nations. There can be no doubt, how- ever, but that Ranjit always regarded the advances of the aggressive foreigners with suspicion. Already had they thwarted his projects on Sirhind and Malwa, and he feared lest, fixed now on the banks of the Satlaj, at Firiizpur and Lodiana, they might interfere with the designs which he had already nurtured regarding Sindh. To bring his suspicions to a test he laid a claim, the year following the interview, to a paramount right over Shikarpur. But eventually he had to yield — and not only to yield, but to grant, unwillingly, the opening of the Satlaj to British traders. It was about this period that, glancing at a new English map of India with the political agent. Captain Wade, and noticing how many por- tions of it were encircled by the red line betokening the supremacy of England, he exclaimed with a sigh: "All will become red." It would be interesting to study the history of Ranjit Singh's dealing with his powerful neighbours from this period to the hour of his death. He never trusted them. He saw the beginning of those trading aspirations which, by bestowing a power to interfere, had led to the absorption of Bengal and of the North-west Provinces. Had he been younger, or had he felt within him the power to command, he would have resisted Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 347 and fought. But at his age — and he was old for his age — he feared to risk the empire he had made on a single battle. He preferred the impossible task of conciliating an aggressive race. He had not sufficiently realised the fact that a race which, from small beginnings, had succeeded in appropriating one-third of the globe, can never be diverted by conciliation from its natural bent. He tried it, however, first when Sir Henry Fane, the Commander-in-Chief of the army in India, visited Lahor in 1837; and, again, when the Governor-General of India, Lord Auckland, demanded, in 1838, permission to allow the English troops to traverse the Panjab in order to seat Shah Shiija on the throne of Afghanistan. Unwillingly, most unwillingly, did Ranjit Singh yield to this demand. The idea that he was to be girt about by the armies of England chafed him. He entertained no doubt that the men who had overcome the Marathas in all their glory could easily conquer and retain the northern' province, which had always been the outer rampart of the Mughul empire. And then where would he be? With the English south of the Satlaj, the English north of the Indus, the English protecting Sindh, what chance of ' independence would remain for the Panjab? Still — he yielded. Again he tried conciliation : he became a party to the alliance against Dost Muhammad. What he hoped cannot be doubted. He hoped, though he believed it not, that the resistance of the mountaineers might so weaken his aggressive allies that he would be left master of the situation — master to conquer Sindh, master to recover the cis-Satlaj districts — possibly to acquire more. Nor can it be questioned that had a few years of vigorous life yet been spared to him he would have used to the advantage of the Sikh nation the mishaps which overwhelmed the English army a little later. It was not to be. Ranjit Singh lived only long enough to hear that the English had taken Kandahar. He died on the 348 The Decisive Battles of India. 27th June, 1839, aged in years only fifty-rime, but older in physique by at least twelve or fifteen years* His eldest son, Kharak Singh, succeeded him. He was almost an imbecile. But his son, Nao Nihal Singh, had in- herited much of the ability of his grandfather. He was a man who could rule as well as govern; who distrusted the rajahs, of Jamu, and who was resolved to be master. Every- thing seemed to favour him. Kharak Singh, always ailing, showed every disposition still further to abridge his life by his excesses, t In October, 1840, it was clear that his days were numbered. On the 5th of the following month he died. Nao Nihal Singh became ruler of the Panjab. But the acces- sion of a prince so able, so resolute, so self-reliant, did not suit the views of the ambitious rajahs of Jamii. Returning from performing the last rites at the funeral pyre of his father, Nao Nihal was passing under a covered archway with the eldest son of Gulab Singh by his side, when a portion of the structure fell, killed the son of Gulab Singh, and so severely injured the Rajah that he died that night. The day of his accession was the day of his death.J Sher Singh, a reputed son of Ranjit, succeeded to the thus vacated throne. A voluptuary without talents, Sher Singh conciliated neither respect nor affection. Suddenly an unexpected - rival appeared in the person of Chand Kaur, * When Lord Auckland paid his return visit to Ranjit Singh in 1839, the Sikh ruler, says Sir Henry Lawrence, had completely lost the power of speech. Before he died, the same year, the faculties of his mind gave way, and the powers of the State had been usurped by the rajahs of Jamil. t Sir Henry Lawrence says he was the victim of a slow and subtle poison. \ Captain Cunningham states : "It is not positively known that the rajahs of Jamu thus designed to remove Nao Nihal Singh ; but it is difficult to acquit them of the crime, and it is certain they were capable of committing it." Sir Henry Lawrence would appear to have been of the same opinion (wde "Calcutta Review," vol. i. p. 479). Captain Gardner, who witnessed the accident, recorded his belief that it was premeditated. Fin'izshahar and Sobrdon. 349 widow of Kharak Singh, and mother of the deceased Nao Nihal. Matters were further complicated by the opportune recollection that Rani Janda Kaur, a favourite wife of Ranjit Singh, had borne to him a son, named Dhulip, a few months before the conferences regarding the re-s6ating of Shah Shiija on the throne of Kabul had taken place! For the moment the sword decided the question. Sher Singh, having gained over the Jamii rajahs, marched on Lahof, cap- tured it, and caused himself to be proclaimed Maharajah. Mai Chand Kaur was treated at first with outward respect; but, after a time, she was placed under surveillance, then in con- finement. In the course of time, her paramour, who had been allowed to share her fate, was seized, tortiired, and put to death; and a little later, about a year after her overthrow, Mai Chand Kaur herself was, at the instigation of higher authority, beaten to death with slippers by her own slave girls ! Sher Singh had gained his throne by the army, and the army had become his master. From that moment, until it invaded British territory, the Sikh army never ceased to be master in the Panjab. No longer was it the willing instrument of a despotic but genial governinent. It had come to look upon itself as the representative body of the people, as the Khalsa itself, commissioned by the various tribes to take a leading part in public affairs. Distrustful of the English, the Sikh chiefs and soldiers yet behaved with singular loyalty to that people in the hour of their calamity in Afghanistan, and even aided them to force their way through the Khaibar. After the disaster had been retrieved, and the English army had re- turned to the south of the Satlaj, Lord Ellenborough, then Governor-General, expressed a desire that Sher Singh should visit the British camp at Firiizpiir. But neither Sher Singh nor his Jamii advisers desired an interview which, they im- agined, would be used to force from them new concessions. Advantage, then, was taken of a misunderstanding to postpone it indefinitely. 350 The Decisive Battles of India. But events were marching too fast for the repose of the voluptuary who ruled the Panjab. The year following the return of the English from Kabul he was deliberately mur- dered by his boon companion, Ajit Singh Sindhawala, a man whom he had recalled' from exile. The assassm then murdered the son, Partab Singh; then the minister, chief of the Jamii rajahs, Dhian Singh; and then proceeded to the citadel to proclaim a new king. But, meanwhile, Hira Singh, son of the murdered Dhian Singh, had thrown himself on the army, and promised them rewards if they would avenge the death of their friend and his father. The issue was doubtful, because the Jamu rajahs were hated by the troops, and it is probable that if Ajit Singh and his confederates had been able to main- tain their position in the citadel for three days the army would have come round to them, and the days of the Jamu rajahs would have been numbered. But, on the spur of the moment, the army responded to the call of Hira Singh; the citadel made a poor defence; Ajit Singh and his brother were killed; and the next day Dhulip Singh, the only surviving son of the great Ranjit, was proclaimed Maharajah. Hira Singh was nominated his Vazir ! Be it remembered that the new rajah was then in his fi.fth year, an irresponsible minor. His mother, Rani Janda Kaur, became, in virtue of his age and of her relationship to him, regent of the kingdom. Of this lady it is not necessary to say more than that, gifted with considerable talents, she had not been endowed with the faculty of rightly directing those talents. Nor had education supplied that which nature had denied. With all her abilities, she was, and remained to the end, a spirited, hot-tempered, intriguing woman, swayed always by her passions, and possessing a large capacity alike for love and for hate ! The Rani had, on her accession, an intuitive conviction of the necessity of crushing the ambition of the Jamu rajahs. But she chose her instrument badly. Perhaps because there Finisshahar and Sobfdon. 351 was no one else upon whom she could thoroughly depend, she selected her brother, Jowahir Singh. Jowahir Singh was a weak debauchee, without character and without influence. He made the attempt, and failed. Scarcely had the failure been r-ecognised than a new peril arose. Kashmira Singh and Peshora Singh, two princes who claimed relationship to Ranjit Singh by adoption, if not by blood, rose in revolt. Though the revolt collapsed, mainly through the imbecility of its two leaders, it proved the beginning of many others. Noble after noble rose in rebellion, nor was the spirit of sedition satisfied until the rule of the Jamii rajahs had been overthrown, and their leader, Hira Singh, been slain (21st December, 1844). To the Government of Jamii rajahs succeeded an adminis- tration — if, by courtesy, it can be called such — of which Jowa- hir Singh, the brother, and Lai Singh, the lover, of the Rani, were the responsible heads. Of the hrst I have already spoken. Lai Singh was a man of greater ability and cunning. Of the Sikh nobles, he and another, Tej Singh, had been foremost in recognising the necessity of curbing the insolence of the army. There is reason to believe, indeed, that at this early period they had begun to nurture the idea that if they should fail to master those all-powerful soldiers it would be wise policy to throw them on the bayonets of the British. The first measure of the new confederates was to hamble Gulab Singh, now become chief of the Jamii family. The army, which Hira Singh had attempted to conciliate by a monthly increase of two and a half rupees to the pay of each common soldier, was further propitiated by a new increase of one-fifth of that sum. It was then ordered to march against Gulab Singh. The rajah, one of the most astute men of his day, submitted without a struggle, scattered his rupees broad- cast among the soldiers, and returned with them to Labor, where, to save his life, he surrendered without a murmur a considerable portion of his ancestral domains. He was then permitted to return to Jamii. 352 The Decisive Battles of India. Meanwhile Jowahir Singh had been appointed to the fatal post of Vazir (14th May, 1845). Shortly there followed a second rebellion of Peshora Singh, terminated very quickly by the surrender of that insignificant political personage. His very insignificance should have saved him. But Jowahir Singh no sooner had him in his power than he caused him to be put to death. The news of this outrage roused into action feelings which had for some time been fomenting in the army. Long had the soldiers despised Jowahir Singh ; the crime perpetrated on Peshora changed that feeling to hatred. At a solemn meet- ing of the Panchayats, or regimental councils of the army, Jowahir Singh was sentenced to death. He was required, in consequence, to appear before the assembled Khalsa to ans\ver for his misdeeds. Tremblingly he obeyed; but to insure, if possible, his safety, he placed beside him, in the howdah of his elephant, the boy Maharajah, Dhulip Singh. The troops, however, thoroughly in earnest, were not thus to be baulked of their prey. The Maharajah was made to descend and enter a tent. A party of soldiers then disposed of Jowahir Singh by a volley of musketry ! The army, thus become the arbiter of the fate of the rulers of the country, was now more than ever master. To men like Lai Singh, Tej Singh, and others who had a stake in the country, the situation had become intolerable. Earnest secret efforts were then made by these men to arouse in the ranks of the army a spirit of hostility to the English. They bore no grudge against that people; they wished them no ill-will; they rather hoped that the power which ruled India south of the Satlaj would rid them of those all-powerful janissaries who, at a word, might sentence them and their families to death. By degrees they succeeded. The soldiers, roused to a deter- mination to conquer India, selected as prime minister and as commander-in-chief Lai Singh and Tej Singh, the two nobles who had most openly declared in favour of the new aggres- Fin'izshahar and Sobrdon. 353 sion; and, on the nth December, 1845, tumultuously crossed the Satlaj some twelve miles below Firuzpur. What sort of reception were the English prepared to give them ? The Government of India had been neither blind nor indifferent to the anarchy which had prevailed in the Panjab since the day when Sher Singh refused the invitation of Lord Ellenborough. That nobleman, strong in his conviction that a crisis was imminent, and might occur at any momentj had made every preparation in his power to meet it. He had estab- lished a new cantonment, the head-quarters of a division, at Ambala, in Sirhind, and had located there the troops who had previously occupied the far less commodious station of Karnal. He had directed the throwing up of an intrepchment round the magazines and stores of Firuzpur. He had even contemplated more. It had been his intention to establish a fortified camp between Miidki and Jagraon, and he was only prevented from carrying out this project by his untimely recall.* He did not the less commend the plan to his successor, - Sir Henry Hardinge. But like every Governor-General who has landed in India, from the time of Clive downwards. Sir Henry Hardinge had quitted England with the most sincere and loudly-proclaimed resolution to maintain a policy of peace. It can easily be understood, then, that he was un- willing to inaugurate his assumption of power by sanctioning a line of policy which would most certainly have been de- nounced as menacing the independence of a free people. But Sir Henry had not been long in India before he recognised, as clearly as had Lord Ellenborough, the danger of the situation. Quietly and unostentatiously, then, he strengthened the force in the north-west; increased the number of native regiments at Firuzpur to seven; placed at the head of the brigade there the best officer in the Bengal army. General Littler; and brought up to support the frontier force every man who could 1 received this information from the late Earl of Ellenborough himself. A k 354 The Decisive Battles of India. be spared from the eastern, and even from the southern, por- tions of the empire. He did not mass the troops in the north- west on any particular spot, for such action on his part would have been liable to afford to the Sikhs the excuse they wanted ; but he kept them handy, in readiness to move at the first signal. On the nth December, we have seen, the Sikhs gave that signal. They crossed the Satlaj twelve miles from Firiizpur, and at once intrenched themselves on the south bank of the river. Their counsels were divided. Whilst many amongst the rank and file were eager to push on at once, and overwhelm the weak British force at Firuzpiir, others, stimulated by Lai Singh and Tej Singh, who dreaded a victory of the Khalsa over the British, and whose main object was the destruction of the army which threatened them, were eager to push on, and have the glory of capturing or slaying a British Governor- General. Still, Firuzpiir was so temptingly near, and was so weakly defended, its arsenal being three miles from the station, that it is probable the advocates for an attack on that place would have carried the day, but for the conduct of the British general commanding there. General Littler. Littler was a very capable soldier, daring, resolute, and self- reliant. He had 7,000 men under his command; but of these rather less than 1,000 were Europeans. As soon as he heard that the Sikhs, in large force, were attempting the passage of the Satlaj, Littler at once summoned the commanding officers of regiments to his quarters, and asked their advice. Without one exception they recommended throwing up intrenchments to fortify the station. Littler listened to them all, dismissed them without a word from himself, and learning the next morning that the Sikhs had crossed the river, and were in- trenching themselves on its south bank, marched out and offered them battle ! This bold and judicious action had an excellent effect. If the Sikhs ever had any intention of attacking Firuzpiir, the movement of Littler effectually dissipated it. They left, then. Fuusshahar and Sohrdoii. 355 uninjured a position they might easily have carried, and the occupation of which by them would have effected incalculable damage to the British army, and prepared to carry out the design craftily instilled into them by their leaders. Meanwhile the news of the passage of the,Satlaj had reached the Governor-General, and the Commander-in-Chief in India, Sir Hugh Gough. Instantly, from every station in the North- West, horse, foot, artillery were in motion. From the hill stations of the Himalayas there hurried down two European regiments. The divisions stationed at Ambala and at Mirath marched on one common point. The Lodiana force was con- centrated at Bassian. On the 13th, Sir Hugh Gough, who had started from Simlah, was with the Ambala troops at the town of Sirhind; on the same day he opened communications with Sir Henry Hardinge. On the 14th the army was formed into brigades and divisions. On the 15th Gough's division marched twenty-six miles to Lattala, and the day following thirty miles to Wadni, effecting, on the way, at Bassian, a junction with the Governor-General and the Lodiana force. Wadni belonged to the Sikhs, and the officer who held the place refused the British army supplies. He yielded, however, to force. The next day the army marched ten miles to Charak ; and the following day, the i8th, twenty-one miles further, to Mudki. They had scarcely taken up their ground here, how- ever, when they found themselves threatened by a detachment of the Sikh army. It happened in this wise. The Sikh army, having crossed the Satlaj on the nth, had remained for some days motion- less. The influence of its leaders, Lai Singh and Tej Singh, caused them to waste those precious days. Intimidated by Littler's bold challenge, they had spared Firiizpur. Their in- telligence department being extremely defective, they had but imperfect news of the movements of the British army. A bold and sagacious enemy would have found it comparatively easy to destroy that army in detail. But boldness and sagacity 356 The Decisive Battles of India. were alike wanting in the councils of the Sikh leaders. At last, after they had rested six days idle on the south bank of the Satlaj, information upon which they could rely reached their camp (17th December) that the British army would cer- tainly arrive at Miidki the following day. Here was an oppor- tunity. The Sikhs had 30,000 men on the south bank : the English, of all arms — not including Littler's force, which had not yet effected a junction with Gough — numbered 11,000: they would reach Mudki tired and unprepared : how easy then to surprise and overwhelm them ! Such were the counsels of common sense. But the Sikh army, under the baneful in- fluence of the leaders who were bent on its destruction, had no regard for such counsels. Instead of marching en masse to overwhelm the enemy, they were persuaded to detach only a brigade consisting of less than 2,000 infantry, supported by twenty-two guns and 8,000 or 10,000 cavalry.* The British force had, I have said, just arrived at Mudki when the proximity of the enemy was reported to Sir Hugh Gough. Few men braver than the soldier who commanded the British army have ever lived; not one who was less of a strategist or a tactician. Of Clive, of John Adams, and of Wellesley it has been recorded that under the roar of cannon their mental energies redoubled, and that never was their vision so clear or their action so cool as when the battle raged furi- ously and doubtfully around them. Sir Hugh Gough pos- sessed the opposite characteristic. Under the excitement of battle he forgot all his plans ; he could only push forward. He chafed under the delay caused by the preliminary fire of his artillery ; he burned with impatience to let his infantry get at the enemy. Such a disposition, less harmful against an * Vide Cunningham, p. 306. Captain Nicholson, who was at that tijne British Agent at ]<^iruzpur, estimated the detached force as con- siderably smaller. The numbers given in the official dispatches (14,000 to 20,000 infantry and the same number of cavalry) are absurdly unreli- able. Personal inquiries on the spot enable me to state that the numbers given in the text are correct. Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 357 Asiatic foe than any other, was dangerous when allowed to have its way against an enemy so formidable as the Sikhs. It would have been fatal had the opposing army been European. Such was the leader to whom it was reported, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon (i8th December), that the Sikhs were ad- vancing. The men, tired after their march of twenty-one miles, were cooking their dinners. Instantly the bugle sounded; the half -cooked dinners were abandoned, the men turned out, the line of battle was formed, and the order to advance was given. The front line was formed of the three arms, the artillery being in the centre, flanked on both sides by infantry, and the infantry again by cavalry. Behind this line came the main body of the infantry in contiguous columns; and in rear of all a small reserve. After marching a mile and a half the advance came under the fire of Sikh guns in position. Still the British troops pressed on. A few minutes later and the enemy's cavalry threaten both flanks of the British. To repel these Gough launches his own cavalry against them, and, under cover of their brilliant charge, deploys into line his infantry columns and sends them against the enemy. The enemy's hope, at this crisis of the battle, was in their guns. What could their handful of infantry effect against the superior numbers of the British? Still they remained Arm, opposing, with steady discipline, a continuous musketry fire to that of the enemy. All at once, however, their flanks were uncovered; their cavalry gave way ! Even in that hour the troops of the Khalsa were true to their renown. . They retired, steadily, their faces to the foe, disputing every inch of ground. For Ave miles they fell back, still doggedly resisting, seizing every opportunity, every vantage ground* to turn upon their pursuers. * In his article on this campaign in the Calcuita Ilcview, vol. vi. pp. 263, 264, Sir Herbert Edwardes involuntarily renders justice to the Sikh army at Mudki. Sir Herbert was then under the impression (1846) that the number of the Sikhs greatly exceeded the actual amount. He cal- culated the infantry at about 4,500, and the cavalry from 20,000 to 358 The Decisive Battles of India. With nightfall only did the contest cease. Of their twenty- two guns the Sikhs had lost seventeen; they had lost also the £eld of battle ; but they at least had not lost their honour ! In this combat the English lost 872 men killed and wounded, amongst the former the famous Sir Robert Sale, and General M'Caskill. How many of the Sikhs were slain can never be known. In all probability their casualties did not exceed those of their enemy. That the victory of Miidki was not considered in the British camp to be very decisive was shown by the determination ar- rived at that evening to effect a junction with Littler before attempting anything further. Orders to that effect were ac- cordingly transmitted to that officer. It was ascertained the next day that the main body of the Sikhs, consisting of twelve battalions of infantry, eighty guns, many of large calibre, and from 10,000 to 12,000 horsemen, or in all under 30,000 men,* were encamped in a deep horse-shoe form round the village of Firuzshahar. Before venturing to attack such a position it \\ as necessary that the army should be reinforced. That same day some reinforcements, the 29th Foot and the 1st Europeans, the nth and 41st Native Infantry, and a small detachment of heavy guns, arrived in camp. The day fol lowing, the Governor-General, Sir Henry Hardinge, notified to the Commander-in-Chief his willingness to serve under his orders as second in command. The offer was accepted. Sir Henry brought to the army a great accession of strength; for, in calm, cool, clear judgment on the field of battle he was surpassed by no one then in India. The village of Firuzshahar is ten miles from Miidki, nearly midway between that place and Firiizpur. Early on the morning of the 21st December the army, led by Sir Hugh 30,000. Whilst, then, exalting the ijrowess of the British soldier, he renders perfect justice to the gallant stand made by less than 2,000 men against foui- times as many. * Edwardes estimates them at 35,000 with between eighty and ninety guns. — Oalcuttit Bcvirir, vol. vi. p. 271. Firi'isshahar and Sobrdon. 359 Gough, left its encamping-ground to effect a junction with Littler, who, on his part, quitted Firiizpur to march across country to meet it. The junction was effected four miles from the Sikh position, about half -past one o'clock in the day. The skilful manner in which this manceuvre was effected by Littler completely deceived the Sikh reserve which, under Tej Singh, had been set to watch Firuzpur, and severed it from the main army. The junction having been effected, Gough marched on the enemy's position. He found it, to use his own language, "a parallelogram of about a mile in length and half a mile in breadth, including within its area the strong village of Firiiz- shahar; the shorter sides looking towards the Satlaj and Mudki, and the longer towards Firuzpur and the open country." The dispositions for the attack were not completed till an hour before sunset. The left division was Littler's, next to him was Wallace, then the whole force of artillery, with the exception of three troops of horse artillery, one on each flank and one in support, to be used as it might be wanted; on the right was Gilbert's division. The division of Sir Harry Smith and the cavalry formed the reserve, a brigade of the cavalry being thrown forward in support of each wing. Sir H. Hardinge commanded the left wing. Sir H. Gough the right. The order of the battle was as follows : Littler was to attack nearly the whole of the west face, that looking towards Firuzpur and the open country, Wallace the corner of the west and south face; Gilbert the rest of the south and as much of the east as he could manage. Littler came first under fire, just about, as I have said, an hour before sunset. To him the hardest work had been allotted, for on the west face the Sikhs had massed their best troops and their heaviest artillery. Boldly, however, did he advance, his troops in the highest spirits : so boldly, indeed, that the issue appeared certain to Littler. When he was within 150 yards of the intrenchment 360 The Decisive Battles of India. he gave the order to charge. Gallantly did the troops respond to this call, until, within a few yards of the enemy, the Euro- pean regiment on the right of the line, crushed, apparently, by the overwhelming fire from the intrenchment, halted, turned about, and fell back, accompanied by the native soldiers, who took their cue from them.* Then, amongst many, undoubted panic set in. The cry of " India's lost " was heard from one commanding officer as he tried in vain to rally his men. The left attack on the Khalsa had failed so signally that it could not be renewed. It was not until Littler had been beaten back that General Wallace was able to bring the next division into fire. Suffi- cient time elapsed between the two attacks to allow a part of one of the native regiments belonging to Littler's division, the 14th, to rally and join in the new attempt. Wallace was more successful than Littler. The European regiment in his division, the gth, and one of the native regiments, the 26th Native Light Infantry, had been comrades in the Afghan cam- paign, and they now vied with each other in generous rivalry in the field. The two sides of the angle on which they directed their efforts were well manned and well defended. But nothing could withstand their ardour. They carried the posi- tion at the point of the bayonet, in the face of a fire which cost the gth Regiment alone 273 men in killed and wounded. To Gilbert had been assigned the storming of the south and south-east faces of the intrenchment. He had two splendid European regiments, the 29th and the 1st Europeans — now the Royal Munster Fusiliers — under his command, and native regi- ments worthy of being their comrades. With great gallantry and suffering much loss, the division carried the two faces. They carried them, however, only to find that their work was but just beginning. Behind the guns they had captured were * Sir John Littler's dispatch ; Sir Herbert Echvardes in the Cfilcuffd Beview, vol. vi. p. 273-5. It was well known that the commanding: officer of the regiment in question had given tlie order to retire. Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 361 posted the unsubdued infantry of the enemy, and these poured forth a continuous galling fire of musketry upon the English, now face to face with them. To add to the horrors of the situation, one of the enemy's magazines exploded under the feet of the ist Europeans, blowing up many men and officers and rending the regiment in two. Undismayed, however, the gallant division pressed on, and drove back the foe. It was only on the approach of darkness that they retired, and took up a position about 300 yards from the intrenchment, ready to advance again with the morning's light. The battle, then, was not yet won. On the right the Sikhs held their own, and the fire from their guns continued to pour death and havoc into the British ranks. To deal finally with them the reserve under Sir Harry Smith was ordered up; the 3rd Dragoons were at the same time launched upon a battery which kept up its deadly shower. The manner in which they carried out this order is thus described by an eye-witness : * — "They charged, and carried the battery they were opposed to, — the leaders filling up the yawning trench with their own numbers, and those who followed crossing on a living bridge of their comrades. . . . But this was not all. Having put the artillerymen to death and silenced the battery, this gallant band faced the whole Khalsa army within the intrenchment, swept through their camp with loud huzzas over tents, ropes, pegs, guns, fires, and magazines, cutting down all who opposed their passage ; and having traversed the enemy's position from side to side, emerged among their friends with numbers thinned, indeed, but covered with imperishable glory." But the effect of this brilliant feat of arms was but tem- porary. Night fell before victory had been achieved. The Sikh infantry still offered a steady, and so far a successful, resistance to the British army. The position when darkness covered the field may thus be briefly summarized. On the * Sir Herbert Edwardes, Calciitfn Bcc'ew, vol. vi. pp. 276-7. 362 TJic Decisive Battles of India. extreme left Littler, repulsed, had fallen back on a small village directly west of the Sikh intrenchments. Two regi- ments of Wallace's division, the gth Foot and 26th Light Infantry, had, in the confusion of the battle, taken ground to the right, and were intermingled with those led by General Gilbert. Sir Harry Smith, whom we have seen brought up to finish the action, had penetrated to the very heart of the great parallelogram, and had halted there ready to resist any attack. Gilbert's division on the right, reinforced, as just stated, by the 9th Foot and 26th Light Infantry, and increased by strag- glers from broken regiments, and Smith's, were the only two left on the field of battle. But Gilbert was soon to find him- self alone. Between two and three in the morning the enemy forced Smith to fall back, to evacuate the intrenchment, and to retreat on a village two miles to the south-east of Firuz- shahar. Gilbert was thus left alone to face the enemy. But with Gilbert were Hardinge and Gough, and these three gal- lant soldiers had laboured indefatigably since nightfall to restore order among the stragglers and to encourage the troops. This at last accomplished, the men lay down to take some fitful repose. Soon they were roused again to action. As the night was wearing away the Sikhs brought up their heavy guns, and played them with deadly effect upon the British troops, only 300 yards distant. Sir Henry Hardinge, cool and ready, at once called upon the two regiments nearest him, the 80th and the 1st Europeans, to "'see if they could not stop that gun." The two regiments appealed to sprang at once with alacrity from the ground, dashed forward into the intrenchment, spiked the gun, and "returned again to their cold bivouac on the frosty ground."* They were not again disturbed. Let us take a glance now at the Sikh camp. The brave, un- tutored warriors who defended it, led by generals who were " Rdwiiides. Firusshahar and Sobrdon. 363 betraying them, had, if they had only known it, won a victory. They had repulsed the British attack. They had driven back Littler, forced Smith to retire, compelled even Gilbert to evacuate the position he had gained, and thrown the whole British army into disorder. What was more, they had still 10,000 men under Tej Singh, watching Firuzpur, who had not been engaged, and these could not fail to join them with the morning's light. Had a guiding mind directed the movements of the Sikh army nothing could have saved the exhausted British. But the Sikhs, ' as we know, possessed no guiding mind. The honest men amongst them either did not recognise the advantage they had gained, or were powerless in the presence of those who saw, in the attitude of Gilbert's division, the certainty of a renewal of the attack on the morrow. To these divided counsels were added the fatal suggestions of the traitors who desired nothing less than the victory of the Khalsa. The result was stormy counsels, bitter words, plunder, desertion. All cohesion vanished; the morale, which alone could have insured victory, disappeared. When the day broke, then, and the English line again advanced, it encountered no opposition. The Sikhs were driven out of the village of Firuzshahar.* The British line, then changing front to its left on its centre, swept the camp, marched round two sides of the parallelogram, and emerged on the north-east of the plain. The line then halted, and its two leaders, riding along its front, were received with cheers. Every man thought that the work was done, that the victory had been gained. But, suddenly, the scene changed. A dense cloud of dust appeared on the horizon. It approached nearer and nearer. From it there emerged the advance guard of a fresh army of Sikhs. It was the army of Tej Singh, marching from the leaguer of * There was no real opposition. It was "little more than the passive relistance of the wreck of a great army.'' — Sir Herbert Edwardes, Calcutta Bevieic, vol. vi. p. 279. 364 The Decisive Battles of India. Finizpiir to recover the advantage which Lai Singh had thrown away. Tej Singh had it in his power to recover that ad\'antage. The true and loyal men who had served under him had urged him to fall upon the English army at daybreak, when they were entangled in the intrenchinents He might have done this. He would have done it had he been as loyal as the least of his followers. But Tej Singh had but one object — to see the Khalsa troops overcome and dispersed. He waited, then, till the army of Lai Singh had been put to flight, till the British had had time to reform. He then skirmished with their line, and opened an artillery fire upon the British lett. This fire evoked no response. The English had exhausted their ammunition; they "were unable to answer him with a single shot."* This fact, which would have inspired a true man with a determination to continue the contest, produced an opposite effect upon the traitor who commanded the Sikh forces. He suddenly ordered the firing to cease, and, turning his horse's head, galloped as fast as he could towards the Satlaj. He did this at the moment when victory was in his grasp, for a portion of the British army was, at the moment, retiring from Firuzpurlf Sir Hugh Gough's dispatch. t Cunningham's "History of the Sikhs," pp. 308, 309, and notes. Sir Herbert Edvvardes' narrative bears out the vie«- taken in the textj so fur as relates to the practical result of. Tej Singh's conduct. He says, after recording the facts : "To what the army of the Satlaj are indebted for this cleliverance ; whether to cowardice or treachery, or ignorance on the enemy's part of the British numbers, or whether, after all, Tej Singh's whole object was a chi\alrous wish to cover his friend's retreat — remains to be 'guessed and wondered at, but we fear not to be satisfactorily decided." We may dismiss at once the last supposition, that regarding the "chivalrous wish," for the British were not pursuing. Cowardice can scarcely have been seriously suggested ; nor can ignorance of the British numbers be pleaded with better grace. There is only one possible solution, and that is the solution adopted in the text. The object of Tej Singh was to destroy the Khalsa army, and then to claim credit with the British for having destroyed it. He suc- ceeded in both objects. Fin'izshahar and Sobrdon. 365 Such was the battle of Firuzshahar — a battle gained after it had been lost, and then regained after its success had once more been imperilled — a battle which shook the edi&ce of British dominion in India to its very basis, which impressed our native soldiers with the conviction that the English were not invincible. More, far more, than the Kabul disaster of 1841 did the battle of Firuzshahar give birth in the minds of the sipahis to the conviction that great numbers might prevail even over their foreign masters. For, be it remembered, the numbers on both sides were not very disproportionate. The English army mustered over 16,000; the Sikhs, excluding Tej Singh, who was not near the battle-field, did not certainly exceed 30,000; and if the latter possessed a slight superiority in artillery and a strong posi- tion, these advantages were more than counterbalanced by the treason of their leaders, the want of unity in their counsels. It was these two circumstances alone that lost them the day. The results of the battle have been so well described by the faithful and accurate author to whom I am so largely in- debted* that I cannot do better than record them in his own impressive language: "A battle had thus been won, and more than seventy pieces of artillery, and some conquered or confis- cated territories, graced the success; but the victors had lost a seventh of their numbsrs.f they were paralysed after their prodigious exertions and intense excitement, and the Sikhs were allowed to cross the Satlaj to prepare for fresh contests. The Sipahi mercenaries had for the first time met an equal antagonist with their own weapons — even ranx-^s and the fire of artillery. They loudly complained of the inferiority of their cannon; they magnified banks two or three feet high into formidable ramparts, and exploding tumbrils and stores of powder became, in their imagination, designed and deadly mines. Nor was this feeling of respect and admiration con- * Cunuiiigham's "History of the Sikhs." t They lost 694 killed, 1,721 wounded, or a total of 2,415. 366 The Decisive Battles of India. fined to the Indians alone; the European soldiers partook of it." The moral effect of this hard-gained victory was seen in the demeanour of the cis-Satlaj feudatories. Whilst the beaten army was allowed to cross the Satlaj leisurely, and then to recross again and construct a bridge-head to ensure freedom of passage, the cis-Satlaj feudatories kept as much as possible aloof from their new masters. The Rajah of Ladwa even joined the enemy, and subsequently burned a portion of the cantonment of Lodiana; and, generally, the demeanour of the petty princes was such as to indicate their conviction that the hour of independence was approaching. The English army, meanwhile, gradually reinforced, had advanced to the Satlaj, and taken up a strong position on the left bank, stretching from Finizpiir towards Hariki. Thence, whilst waiting for his heavy guns, Gough, on the 17th Janu- ary, 1846, dispatched Sir H. Smith to capture Dharmkot, and to cover the march of the expected convoy of guns, ammunition and treasure. Dharmkot having surrendered without blood- shed, and the progress of the convoy having been thus made more secure. Smith was ordered to proceed to the relief of Lodiana, threatened by a Sikh army under Ranjiir Singh. On his march thither Smith received information (21st January) that Ranjiir Singh, with an army estimated at 8,000 irregular cavalry and nearly seventy guns,* had the previous day occu- pied Badiwal, eight miles distant. Smith then concluded that by making a detour to the right, so as to leave his left flank three miles distant from the Sikh position, he would be able to effect a junction with the Lodiana brigade without molesta- tion, and he attempted to give effect to this idea. As he approached Badiwal, however, it became clear to him that he would not be allowed to carry it out with impunity. Ranjur Singh moved from that place with the apparent intention of heading the English force. But as Smith, who wished to * Sir Herbert Echvavdes. Firuzshahar and Sobrdon, 367 avoid a combat, inclined more and more to the right, the Sikhs pounced upon the English rear-guard, and captured nearly the whole of their baggage ! This misfortune, which gave heart to the malcontents all over India, which made Tej Singh and Lai Singh tremble with fear, and which drew the head of the Jamii family, Gulab Singh, to Labor, to gain supremacy should the Sikhs be victorious, or to share in the spoil should they be beaten, was very soori avenged. On the 28th January, Smith — his army reinforced to a strength of 1 1,000 men — marched to give the enemy battle. He found them strengthened by the addition of 4,000 infan- try, their left resting on the little hamlet of Aliwal, their right on the village of Biindri. So little did they expect the Eng- lish, that they had but just time to throw up banks of earth to protect their guns when the battle commenced. Smith, seeing that Aliwal was the key of the position, sent his infantry against that hamlet. The Sikhs who defended it were hill- men, with no heart in the cause of the Khalsa, After firing a straggling volley they gave way, and fled from the field, headed by the commander of the army, Ranjiir Singh. Whilst this was going on on the left, the English cavalry, led by the 1 6th Lancers, made a magnificent charge on the Sikh right. There the Khalsa regiments behaved in a manner worthy of their renown. They knelt to receive the dashing charge of the Lancers and their Indian comrades; but, as these approached, they instinctively rose and delivered their fire. Beneath the charge that followed they did not yield, nor was it till they had been three times ridden over that they gave way. After the battle it was found that the ground was more thickly strewn with the bodies of the victorious horsemen than of the beaten infantry. An attempt made to rally behind Biindri was ineffective. The English pushed their advantage to the utmost, nor did they cease till they had forced the Sikhs to recross the Satlaj, and had captured more than fifty of their guns. This victory changed the aspect of affairs. Whilst it raised 368 The Decisive Baltics of India. the hopes of Lai Singh and Tej Singh, it encouraged the astute rajah of Jamii to open negotiations with the British. Gulab Singh possessed at this time the reputation of being the most able and the most formidable of the Sikh aristocracy, and it was by no means displeasing to Sir Henry Hardinge to receive proposals of accommodation from one in so high a position. In reply, then, to Gulab Singh's overtures, the Governor- iGeneral intimated that he would be prepared to acknowledge .a Silch sovereign in Labor after the Sikh army should be disbanded. Neither, however, had the Sikh army any intention of dis- banding itself, nor did Gulab Singh, Lai Singh, or Tej Singh possess the power to force it to such a step. Its destruction then became a necessary preliminary to the carrying out of the plans of the Sikh rulers. By degrees, by means of the bridge-head they had con- structed, the Sikhs crossed over into the intrenchment they had formed on the left bank of the Satlaj. But alike in the con- struction of the intrenchment and in the means taken to fortify it there was evidence of the want of a guiding mind. Each regiment seemed to work for its own hand, and for that alone. Instead of being a position possessing defensive works regular in design, the intrenchment at Sobraon presented the most glaring anomalies. Whilst on the left and centre, where the regular battalions were inainly posted, batteries and salient points had been constructed as high as the stature of a man, defended by ditches which an armed soldier could not leap without exertion; on the right flank the parapets were thrown up at intervals, and constructed in a very slipshod fashion. As some compensation, however, this flank derived support from a salient battery, and from heavy guns on the right bank of the river. Whilst the left and centre faces had 57 pieces in battery, the right was protected only by 200 zinn- baraks (falconets). A bridge of boats connected the intrench- ment with a smaller camp on the right bank. It should be Firuzshahar and Sobrdou. 369 added that, owing to the carelessness of the English, the Sikhs had captured, and continued to hold, a post of observation almost within hail of the British pickets. The strength of the Sikh army within the intrenchment on the left bank did not exceed 20,000 men* They were commanded by Tej Singh. But, outside, higher up the river, Lai Singh disposed of a body of 10,000 horsemen. The English had been forced to watch the gradual growth of these works, pending the arrival of the siege train and reserve ammunition for 100 field guns. The first instalment of these reached the British head-quarters on the 7th and 8th of February. On the latter day joined also the brigades which had been detached for operations in the neighbourhood of Lodiana. On the gth the plan of operations was decided upon, and it was determined to attack the enemy's position the following morning. The general plan of attack adopted by the British general was to force the right or weaker end of the intrenchment close to the point where it rested on the river, and thus take the guns on the outer face in reverse. To carry out this plan he had resolved to prelude the attack by a fire from his heavy guns, then to launch his left, commanded by Sir Robert Dick, against the right; whilst his centre, Gilbert, and his right. Smith, should divert the attention of the enemy by a false attack; and his cavalry, Cureton, should occupy the attention of Lai Singh. Before dawn the British columns were in motion. The morning was dark and foggy, favourable to a surprise. The advance guard, composed of the 62nd Foot, dashed upon the post near the British camp, and another in the village of Little Sobraon, only to find it unoccupied. t Thus, favoured alike by the fog and the carelessness of the enemy, the British * Cunningham, p. 321. My own investigations confirm this in calculation. t It was the bad practice of the Sikhs to occupy the place strongly during the day, and to abandon it at night. B B 2,'jo The Decisive Battles of India. pushed forward until, at a little before seven o'clock, they had been able unobserved to place their heavy guns in position. Exactly at seven o'clock these opened their &re, and, by a curious coincidence, precisely at the same moment the fog lifted, and "the surprised Khalsa at once heard and saw that the avenger had come upon them."* Clamorously did the Sikh drums beat to arms ; eagerly did the gallant defenders rush to their posts. Not for long had the British guns opened before an answering hre from the in- trenchment proved to their army that they had all their work before them. The cannonade had lasted two hours, and but little impres- sion had been made on the intrenchment, when it was reported to Sir Hugh Gough that the ammunition of the heavy guns was "wellnigh expended." The gallant soldier, who had been fretting for the time to arrive when he could launch his in- fantry at the enemy, felt his heart bound with a secret joy as he gave the order to his left to advance and carry out the pre- concerted programme. Under a slackening fire from their own guns, formed in line, the first brigade of the British left, "in even order and with a light step," advanced to the attack. It was composed of the lOth and 53rd Foot, the 43rd and 59th Native Infantry, was led by Brigadier Stacey, and was supported on the flanks by Horsford's and Fordyce's batteries and Lane's troop of Horse Artillery. No mean authority, the late Sir Herbert Edwardes, himself an eye-witness, has pronounced this to have been "beyond all comparison the finest attack of the cam- paign." I cannot do better, then, than describe it in his own words. "The artillery," he writes.t "galloped up and delivered their fire within 300 yards of the enemy's batteries, and the infantry charged home with the bayonet, and carried - Edwardes, Calcutta Itericw, vol. vi. p. 294. Vide also Cuiiniiigliam. p. 325. + Calcutta llcrh'ir, vol. vi. p. 294. F'ln'isshahar and SobrdoH. 371 the outworks without firing a single shot. As it was the finest attad'C, so also did it meet with the most determined hand-to- hand resistance which the Khalsa soldiers had yet opposed to the British. Like lightning the real plan of the attack seemed to flash on the minds of all the desperate men in that intrench- ment; and, disregarding the distant feints of Gilbert's and Smith's divisions on their left and centre, they rushed to the right to repel the real danger that was upon them. In vain Stacey's brigade tries to withstand the mass which every moment is growing denser; in vain Wilkinson's brigade" — second brigade, left division — "comes up to the support; in vain Ashburnham's reserve swells the furious tide of the assault." In one word, the attack so gallantly made was, for the moment, repulsed. The Sikhs, fighting with the same steadi- ness and resolution which they have since invariably displayed when fighting for the British, had, in an incredibly short space of time, turned their guns on the advancing enemy. When the combatants paused for breath the British found that the line of trench alone was all that they had gained. Sir Hugh Gough had observed, with passionate excitement, the splendid advance of his left, then their sudden check. Divining that to gain such a result the enemy had concen- trated all their efforts on their right, he dispatched orders to his right and centre to make of their feigned a real attack. Smith and Gilbert responded to the call, and at once pushed forward. But before them were the strongest parts of the intrenchment, high and continuous ramparts, guarded by deep and broad ditches. The Sikhs, too, noticing their movement, rushed back tumultuously to the defence. Grape, round shot and musketry, poured forth at a distance at which almost every shot was bound to tell, forced the assailants for a moment to recoil ; only, however, for a moment. In spite of their enor- mous losses* they reformed and returned to the charge — this * Gilbert's division lost 68-5 men, and Smith's -189, in about half-aii- liour. 372 The Decisive Battles of India. time under happier auspices ; for the British left, taking advan- tage of the slackening of opposition to them, caused by the rush of the defenders to oppose the centre and right divisions, had again pushed forward, and had penetrated within the intrenchment sufficiently far to give a hand to the extreme left of the British centre. The tide of the hght was now turning against the defenders, and to make its turn irrevocable the traitor commander-in-chief, Tej Singh, instead- of leading fresh men to sustain the failing strength of his right, fled across the bridge, and, either by accident or design, sank its centre boat* Thenceforward, steadily advancing, the assail- ants, though still gallantly opposed, carried one position after another, and, pushing on, pressed the defenders towards the banks of the, now to them, formidable river. But, fiercely assailed, the Khalsa warriors viewed with calmness the in- evitable fate before them. "No Sikh offered to submit,, no disciple of Govind asked for quarter. They everywhere showed a front to the victors, and stalked slowly and sullenly away, whilst many rushed singly forth to meet assured death by contending with a multitude. The victors looked with stolid wonderment upon the indomitable courage of the van- quished, and forbore to strike when the helpless and dying frowned unavailing hatred. But the warlike rage or the cal- culating policy of the leaders had yet to be satisfied, and,, standing with the slain heaped all around them, they urged troops of artillery almost in the waters of the Satlaj, to more thoroughly destroy the army which had so long scorned their power."t At half-past ten o'clock not a single Sikh soldier remained on the left bank of the Satlaj ! Such was the battle of the Sobraon. Though in point of actual fact it terminated the Sikh invasion, and threw the- * Cunningham, p. 327. + Cunningham, p. 328. This is confirmed by Edwardes, Calcutta llevicw, vol. vi. pp. 295, 296. Gough writes in his dispatch: "In their efforts to reach the right bank through the deepened water, they suffered from our horse artillery a terrible carnage." Firiisshahar and Sobrdon. 373 fate of the Sikh nation into the hands of the British. SobrcLon, as a decisive battle, must be considered not by itself, but as the complen;tent to, and natural consequence of, Firiizshahar. Of the two, the latter was really the decisive battle. There, victory long hovered in the balance. There, victory for the Sikhs — a victory twice within their grasp — would have meant to the English the loss of India. When the Sikhs were beaten at Firiizshahar they had really lost the game. Thenceforth they had to get out of the difficulty the best way they could. They were persuaded by their treacherous leaders to make one more attempt at Sobraon. But there they never had a chance of victory. The overthrow at Firiizshahar still ham- pered them. Nor, even if the English had been repulsed, would the consequences have been so tremendous as would have been entailed by a defeat at Firiizshahar. That would have meant the destruction of the British army. A repulse from Sobraon, had it been possible, would still have left the British army in a position to renew the attack. Rightly, then, must we regard Sobraon as the complement to Firiizshahar. The result of the latter really decided the question of empire ! There was no great disproportion between the numbers en- gaged at Sobraon. The fighting strength of the English engaged, was about 15,000; that of the Sikhs fell somewhat short of 20,000. But, whilst the English were led by a gallant soldier, with his whole heart in the cause, the worst enemy of the Sikh soldiers was their general. It is beyond a doubt that he betrayed them. The English lost 320 killed and 2,083 wounded. The casualties of their beaten foe have been calculated from 5,000 to 8,000; most of these happened after they had lost the battle. The battle gained, the English army crossed the Satlaj, and on the 12th occupied the fort of Kasiir, within thirty miles of Labor. The Sikh army had meanwhile retired, its spirit broken, to Amritsar. From this place they gave their 374 The Decisive Battles of India. assent, on a requisition made by the Court, to the proposition that Gulab Singh, the Jamii chief, whose treachery had not been apparent to them, should have full powers to treat with the English .on the admitted basis of recognizing a Sikh Government in Lahor, Finally, after some negotiation, a treaty was concluded at Kasiir on the following conditions : — (i) That the country between the Bias and the Satlaj, known as the Jalandhar Doab, comprising the districts Jalandhar, Hoshiapiir, and Kangrah, with an area of 11,408 square miles, and a population of 2,470,600 souls,* should be transferred to the conquerors ; (2) that the Sikh treasury should pay a million and a half sterling for the expenses of the war. It was soon found, however, that it would be impossible for the Sikh treasury to find two-thirds of the sum agreed upon. A way, creditable to none oP the parties concerned, was then found to meet the difficulty. In lieu of one million of the sum they had agreed to pay the Sikh Darbar yielded the magnificent province of Kashmir — a country famed for the beauty of its scenery, the mildness of its climate, the industry of its in- habitarits — to the British. The British, retaining only the suzerainty, sold the province to the chief of Jamu, Rajah Gulab Singh, for a million sterling. The reasons for this transaction have never been sufficiently explained. Sir Henry Hardinge declared iJiat he required the money, and that he had not sufficient troops to occupy Kash- mir. But a mountainous country, like Kashmir, possessing a few strong passes, would have been easily garrisoned by a brigade. The fallacy of the reasoning is further proved by thf fact that very shortly afterwards Sir H. Hardinge effected a considerable reduction in the native army, thus givift-g evi- dence that he had actually more troops than he required. To a rich country like England the million of money was but a small compensation for the possession of the finest mountain- ous tract in the whole world. Subsequent events have proved * Blocliinanii. Firuzshahar and Sobrdon. 375 that the transaction was a blunder, politically and morally. Politically, because England thus gave away the opportunity of strengthening her frontier, and of gaining a position which, m the event of an invasion, would be of incalculable value; morally, because the Governor-General had no right to sell a hard-working and industrious people to a chief alien in race and religion, and harsh and oppressive in nature* The treaty concluded, Lai Singh was rewarded for his treachery by being made Vazir, and a high position as the nominal head of the army was secured to Tej Singh. But these chiefs and those associated with them were still afraid of their broken and diminished army. Thinking only oi themselves, not at all of their country or of the child Maha- rajah, in whose name they exercised authority, they pressed upon the British Government a policy of the kind which has ever proved, sooner or later, fatal to the native Government which has adopted it. They requested, and the request was granted, that a British force should remain at Lahor till the last day of December, 1846. Before that day had arrived they had again requested, and the request was agreed to, that the British force should remain at Lahor till the Mahardjah shoul^ attain the age of sixteen. Further, and what was of far greater importance still, it was, on the motion of the Lahor Darbar, agreed at this period- (i6th December, 1846) between the two Governments, that "a British Officer, with an efficient establishment, shall be ap- pointed by the Governor-General to remain at Lahor, which Officer shall have full authority to direct and control all matters in every department of the State."t 2nd. That a Re- gency should be appointed of eight selected Sikh nobles, chiefest of whom was Tej Singh, and that ''no change shall * "The transaction," writes the fearless and conscientious Cunning- ham (p. 332), "scarcely seems worthy of the British name and great- ness." His remarks in continuation are well worthy of perusal. + Agreement between the British Government and the Lahor Darbar, 16th December, 1846, Art. IT. 2,7^ The Decisive Battles oj India. be made in the persons thus nominated, without the consent of the British Resident, acting under orders of the Governor- General."* This, then, was the result of Firiizshahar and Sobraon ! The English Government assumed virtually the protectorate of the Panjab during the minority of the Maharajah Dhulip Singh, constituted that sovereign prince its ward, and, the better to ensure the proper goverrmient of his country, and the due transmission to him of his power intact at the proper time, nominated as Controller of the native regency, "with full authority to direct and control all matters in every depart- ment of the State," a British officer, having under him British assistants. In a word, by the agreement of the i6th Decem- ber, 1846, the English assumed the responsibility of the Government of the Panjab. In the light of the events which followed this is a very important consideration. It is necessary that the reader should bear it in mind when he comes to consider the causes and con- sequences of the second Sikh war. It remains only to add, that the officer to whom the Governor-General delegated the important trust set forth in the last paragraph but one was Colonel, afterwards Sir Henry, Lawrence. * Agreement between the British Government and the Lahor Darbar, 16th December, \%iG, Art. V. CHAPTER XIII. CHILIANWALA AND GUJRAT. For fifteen months after the agreement made, the i6th December, 1846, between the British Government and the Lahor Darbar, the Panjab remained apparently quiescent, under the control and guidance of a British officer. That officer was not always Sir Henry Lawrence. After administer- ing the affairs of the Sikh State for less than a year, that upright and distinguished man had, to recover his shattered health, accompanied the retiring Governor-General, Lord Hardinge, to England. But during the few months of his tenure of office Sir Henry Lawrence had laid down the principles upon which he pro- posed to guide and reform the administration of the Panjab. The chief of these was English supervision. With this object he had deputed two of the ablest of the officers placed at his disposal — men already famous, and both of whom have an imperishable record in the Temple of Fame, Herbert Edwardes and John Nicholson — to Bannu, a district in the Derajat, north of Dera Ismail Khan, a portion of the Panjab territory, which, though nominally ceded to it by the Afghans, had neither been completely conquered nor thoroughly occupied. Ulti- mately it was arranged, Nicholson's services being at the time required elsewhere, that Edwardes should proceed to Banmi alone, and this arrangement was carried out. It was a bold 377 3/8 The Decisive Baltics of In ^,v step indeed to send to a country which had never been properl}' subdued, one month's march from Labor, to control its inhabi- tants, a solitary Englishman. But the result proved the cor- rectness of the view taken by Sir Henry Lawrence, alike of the selected Englishman and of the feasibility of the task to- him entrusted. To other parts of the Panjab, likewise, Sir Henry deputed officers of his selection. His brother, George Lawrence,* not the least able and the least distinguished of a very remarkable family, was sent to the still more distant post of Peshawar. Accompanying him was a promising young officer, Lieutenant Bowie, already noted for the accuracy of his judgment To Atak had been sent Herbert; to Hazarah, Abbot of the Artil- lery, the noblest and gentlest of men, endowed with a heart which comprehended all mankind, and who had previously, alone and unattended, made a romantic and dangerous journey from Herat to Khiva and Bokhara, and thence to the frontier cf Russia, for the purpose of negotiating the freedom from slavery of Russian subjects detained in those countries; to other difficult districts, John Nicholson, already referred to ; Lake, an officer of the Engineers, of cool and calm judg- ment; Reynell Taylor; Lewin Bowring, afterwards Chief Commissioner of Maisur; Cocks; and some others. The main instructions given to these officers were to report freely to Sir Henry regarding the state of the several districts, to resettle the country, to make recommendations as to reforms, and to do their best to maintain peace and order, and to instil con- fidence as to the intentions of the British into the people.t * The late Sir George Lawrence, K.C.B. I "I offer you liberty," said Edwardes to the people of Bamm, " and not only offer it, but guarantee it so long as the Sikh treaty with the English lasts. Only pay of your own free will, into any treasury you like, an annual tribute of forty thousand rupees, and no army shall again enter your valley, no Sikh show his face within your boundaries, yon shall be left in the undisputed enjoyment of your own country and your own laws." — Edwardes's "A Year on the Panjab Frontier," p. 23. This offer supplies the keynote to the British policy of 1847. Chilidnzvdld and G'ltjrdi. 379 It may well be doubted, judging from the knowledge we now possess, whether, even if Sir Henry Lawrence had re- mained at his post, the system of controlling the Sikh Darbar by means of reports received from British officers at the ex- tremities of the Panjab could have long resisted the strong national feeling which was silently growing iip throughout the country. The fact is that neither Lord Hardinge, Sir Henry Lawrence, nor any of the able coadjutors of the latter, recognised the fact that though the Sikh army had been decisively beaten at Sobraon, the Sikh people had never felt themselves subdued. On the very morrow of their great defeat, the soldiers, and the classes from whom the soldiers were enlisted, had recognised that they had been betrayed; that they and their country had been sacrificed to the chiefs who were now reaping the reward — thanks to the protection afforded them by the foreigner — of their combined cowardice and treason. At the very time, then, when the English officers I have enumerated vvere performing the dangerous duties allotted to them with marked success among the rude tribes on the extremities of the kingdom, within the Khalsa itself there was being nurtured a feeling which tended to render certain, at no distant day, a national rising. It was not to be expected that the English officers deputed to outlying districts on the frontier, inhabited, be it remem- bered, not by Sikhs, but by tribes who had been subdued by the Sikhs, should realise the thoughts which coursed through the heart of the Sikh nation. They were, after time had allowed their true position to become understood, regarded for the most part as the friends of the tribes, as their protec- tors against the oppression of the nearest Sikh authorities. The officers in question, recognising this feeling on the part of the populations amongst whom their lot was cast, reported, with just pride, to Sir Henry the success of their mission. Nor is it to be wondered at that Sir Henry, coming in contact at Lahor with the chiefs who had betrayed their own people in 380 The Decisive Battles of India. the late campaign, should consider that the reports of his officers justified him in looking forward to a long period of tranquility in the province of which he had the control. It is certain that unless Sir Henry Lawrence had been satis- fied that affairs in the Panjab were progressing in a satisfac- tory manner, he would not have yielded to the wish expressed by Lord Hardinge that he should accompany him to England at the end of 1 847 ; nor, unless Lord Hardinge had been impressed by the same view, would he have signalised the last few months of his administration by a reduction of the army ; nor would his friends have declared, as they loudly declared on his departure, that there would not be another shot fired in India for another ten years* The successor of Sir Henry Lawrence was the Foreign Secretary of the Indian Government, Sir F. Currie. An able Foreign Secretary, Sir F. Currie had had little experience of administration, still less of the administration of a country peopled by a race of warriors only half subdued, and chafing every day under the recollection of the means by which they had been subdued; warriors, whose chiefs, the men whom he had to control, were as smooth-tongued, as slippery, and as oily as the subordinates with whom he had had to deal in the early days of his official life. Moreover, it must be recollected that, as Foreign Secretary, Currie had been the recipient 'of the secret reports of Lawrence, and that when he relieved him of his office he was prepared thoroughly to endorse the opinions regarding the tranquillity of the country to which Sir Henry had given utterance. And yet the period in question was really most critical. Smooth as was the outer surface, the currents below were in violent commotion. The true Sikh leaders, the leaders who preferred independence to servitude, however gilded, had taken their measures with the Sikh soldiery, and were waiting only for their opportunity. * Calcutta Heview, vol. xv. p. 257. Personal observation. .ChHidird . >< . J. J, ;-?-:•,'?': ,£r^^ ' •i5 '•• '■^' 1*^1 ill ^i §s.. ^^ li k^ "H ^ axis KgR ML 1<' ■ • z'^5 5~z ^ 2 h-^ m PI'S e, J C M M O .G-O P'0> Chilidnwdld ami Gnjrdl. 415 Major Horsford. The left was formed of General Colin Campbell's infantry division, flanked by White's brigade of cavalry and three troops of horse artillery under Lieutenant- Colonel Brind. The field batteries were with the infantry divisions, between the intervals of brigades. The reserve was commanded by Brigadier Penny, and Brigadier Hearsey pro- tected the baggage.* The reckless nature of the order given by the Commander- in-Chief — viz., to carry the guns in front at the point of the bayonet — may be judged from the fact that between those guns and the troops on the British left who were to carry them was very nearly a mile of dense and unknown jungle. However, British soldiers, well led, shrink from no impossibility ; and on this occasion the divisional commanders, at all events, were men of tried experience and ability. Cough's orders, then, were obeyed. The British line pressed on. I propose first to accompany the left, led by Colin Campbell. I have stated that Campbell's left brigade (Hoggan's) over- lapped the right of Sher Singh's centre, and faced, therefore, in the original formation, a blank space. Pushing on towards the enemy, the right brigade then naturally came full in front of Sher Singh's right centre, which had been strengthened by many guns. Though the fire of these guns had been rapid.t the brigade had suffered comparatively little, until, breaking out of the jungle, it came to a more open space in front of the * Lawrence-Archer, pp. 44, 45. Gilbert's division was composed of Mountain's brigade (29th Foot, 30th and 56th N.I.), and Godby's brigade (2nd Europeans, 31st, 45th, and 70th N.I.). Campbell's divi- sion consisted of Pennycuick's brigade (24th Foot and 25th N.I.), and Hoggan's brigade (61st Foot, 36th and 46th N.I.). Penny's reserve was composed of the 15th, 20th, and 69th N.I. Hearsey had some irregular cavalry to guard the baggage. The total number of tlie British combatants was between fifteen and sixteen thousand. t Vide Sir Henry Durand's article, Calcutta Review, vol. xv. pp. 270, 271. Compare it also with the equally graphic account, confirming it in all main essentials, of another eye-witness. Captain Lawrence-Archer, in his excellent work, "Commentaries on the Panjab Campaign," 1848-9." 4i6 The Decisive Battles of India. guns. Now the storm of shot and grape thickened, and the gallant brigade charged; but the jungle had necessarily dis- ordered the formations, and having to charge over about three hundred yards, the men were winded before reaching the guns, and broke from the charging pace at the moment that it was most important to have continued it. The brigade fell, then, unavoidably into some confusion ; more especially as the pools of wate]f in front of the enemy's battery obliged some of the men to make a detour. In doing this many of them began to load and fire. The result was that in a very brief space all order had disappeared. After a short interval of time, how- ever, the scattered groups, finding themselves within reach of the guns, charged home as if with one mind, bayoneted the gunners, and for a moment held them ! But only for a moment. As the smoke cleared away, the Sikhs, noticing the small number of the men who had made that desperate rush, rallied; and, reinforced by infantry from the rear, recovered the battery ; then, aided by their cavalry, drove back the brigade almost to the point which it occupied at the beginning of the action. Colin Campbell all this time was with the left (Hoggan's brigade). That brigade, facing, as I have said, the long gap between the left of the right division of the Sikh army, com- manded by Atar Singh, and the right of the centre division, with which was Sher Singh, had, pushing on without meeting with any opposition, penetrated the gap, and, wheeling to the right, had placed itself on the flank of the Sikh centre. This position, however, was not so advantageous as it would at a first glance seem to be; for, whilst the right of the Sikh centre, wheeling in an incredibly short space of time, showed a firm front to the British brigade, the entire right division, breaking from the opposition offered to their advance by the cavalry of Thackwell and the guns of Brind, wheeled to their left and fell on the rear and the left flank of Campbell. The latter, then, soon found himself engaged in front, flank and rear — his sole Chilidn'xdla and Gu/rdi. 4.17 chance of success resting on the courage and discipline of his men. The faith which Colin Campbell ever possessed in the British soldier was proved on this occasion to be well founded, for never did men deserve better of their country than, " during that mortal struggle, and on that strange day of stern vicissi- tudes," did the gallant 6 1st* Leaving Campbell thus making head against considerable odds, I must proceed with the reader to the British right. There Gilbert had to encounter difficulties not less great than those which the other divisional leader had encountered. He, too, had to storm batteries, supported by infantry, and covered by jungle, in his front; -and, what was worse, when he was deeply engaged with the enemy, he had to see his flanks un- covered — the left by the defeat of Pennycuick's brigade, the right by the repulse of the cavalry, presently to be related. Nor had his own front attack been entirely successful. The left regiment of his right brigade, the 56th Native Infantry, after making head with great gallantry against superior numbers, and losing eight officers and 322 men killed and wounded, had been forced back. The Sikhs, availing them- selves of the gap thus produced, had separated the two brigades the one from the other, and these found themselves now, like Hoggan's brigade on the left, assailed, each on its own account, on front, rear and flanks. In this crisis, when everything seemed to frown on the British army, the behaviour of the Bengal Horse Artillery was superb. Splendid as is the record of that noble regiment, it may be confidently asserted that never did it render more valuable, more efficacious service to its country, never did it tend more to save a rash and head- strong general from the defeat he deserved, than on that memorable 13th January. The battery of Dawes attached to • Calcutta Seview, vol. xv. p. 271. Lawrence- Archer, pp. 61, 62. It deserves, in justice to the old native army, to be recorded that the 30th and 46th N.I. "supported the 61st Foot with steadiness and courage." EE 41 8 The Decisive Battles of India. Gilbert's division was, at the crisis I have described, of special service. "In spite of jungle and every difficulty," records Durand, "whenever, in a moment of peril, he was most needed, Dawes was sure to be at hand; his fire boxed the compass before evening, and Gilbert felt and handsomely acknow- ledged the merit and the valour of Dawes and his gunners."* I have stated that whilst Gilbert's left had been uncovered by the defeat of Pennycuick's brigade, and his centre broken by the crushing in of the 56th Native Infantry, his right had been exposed by the repulse of the British Cavalry. It happened in this wise : The cavalry on the right was commanded by Brigadier Pope, an officer in infirm health. It included a portion of the 9th Lancers, the 14th Light Dragoons, the ist and 6th Light Cavalry. "Either by some order or misapprehension of an order,"* this brigade was brought into a position in front of Christie's horse artillery — on the right of Gilbert's division — thus interfering with the fire of his guns and otherwise hamper- ing it. Before Pope could rectify his mistake a body of the enemy's horsemen, suddenly emerging from the jungle, charged his brigade, and one of them singling out Pope, cut him across the head with a tulwar. The brigade, taken by surprise, had halted, waiting for orders. In consequence of the severe wound of the commander no orders came, and the brigade, left to itself, and threatened by another body of horsemen, dashed, panic-stricken, to the rear, rushing over and upsetting guns, gunners and gun-waggons in their headlong rout. The Giirchuras, whose inferior numbers did not justify this scare, pursued their flying enemy closely, dashed amongst the guns, cut down Major Christie, completely taken by surprise, and many gunners with him, captured all the guns of Christie's troop and two of Huish's, and would have penetrated to the * "Dawes's battery was the saving of us." — "Journal of a Subaltern" (written by an officer of the 2i)d Europeans). * Lord Gough's despatch. Chilidnwdld and Cujrdl. 419 general staff but for the gallantry of the gth Lancers. These rallied behind the guns and checked the body of Giircharas. A few of the latter, however, did advance to within a short distance from the Commander-in-Chief — so near, indeed, that his escort of cavalry prepared to charge. They were, however, dispersed by a few rounds of grape. Up to this point the battle had gone badly for the British. We have seen the left brigade of the left division fighting for dear life, surrounded on three sides; the right brigade of the same division driven back almost to its starting point; the two brigades of the right division separated from each other, and each surrounded ; the cavalry and horse artillery, which should have covered the extreme right, defeated, and six guns cap- tured. Lord Gough must have been very sensible of the critical state of affairs when he ordered up Penny's reserve to replace Pennycuick's brigade. But all order has disappeared; the several regiments, it might in some cases be said the several groups of each regiment, were fighting for themselves, and Penny's brigade, sent to reinforce Campbell, somehow found itself attached to Gilbert's division. Gough had now to depend mainly upon his infantry ; and the stout men who composed that infantry did not fail him. On the right, the pertinacity and the high courage of the 29th Foot and the 2nd Europeans (now Royal Dublin Fusiliers) gradually wore down the enemy ; on the left, Campbell, repulsing every attack, succeeded at last in forcing the Sikhs to give ground. On both flanks these successes were followed by a final charge, and the British cheer, sounding exultingly even over the roar of artillery and the rattle of musketry, borne by ,the breeze to the ears of the Commander-in-Chief, was the first announcement to that gallant soldier that he might cease his anxiety, for that the day, if not won, was saved. There was time yet even to win the day. The cavalry on the left, led by Thackwell, and the horse artillery on that flank were still intact. They had performed the great service of ^20 The Decisive Battles of India. keeping in check the entire right division of the enemy. Unett, with a squadron of the 3rd Dragoons, and three squadrons of the 3rd Light Cavalry, has made a most brilliant and success- ful charge, piercing the compact masses of the enemy ; and the danger in that quarter being far less pressing than on the uncovered right, Brind had been dispatched with his guns, and White with his brigade of cavalry, to the right flank. Thus strengthened, the cavalry there had reformed. This took place just before the British cheer I have referred to announced the final repulse of the enemy's infantry. "We feel convinced," writes Durand, in the article from which I have so largely quoted,* "that, had Lord Gough ridden up at that moment to H.M.'s 14th Dragoons, spoken a few words to the corps, and bid them retrieve the lost guns and strike for the bright fame of their Peninsular honour, they would have swept on like a whirlwind, and dashed upon the retiring confused masses of the enemy, as heedless of numbers as Unett's squadron of the 3rd had done on Atar Singh's compact, unshaken troops. It would have saved many 3 bitter pang, many a reproach, and silenced for ever the men- tion of the unhappy and unaccountable retreat which gave our guns and gunners to the enemy. It would, too, have prevented the withdrawal of the infantry from the ground so hardly won; and all the guns taken from the Sikhs, and all the wounded, of whom we had many, would have been saved." But it was not to be. The words were not spoken. The thought to speak them never probably entered the head of the infantry commander, who believed he had been saved by his infantry. Heedless of the other branches which, well managed, might have more than retrieved all the faults of the day, he rode forward to his exhausted, but victorious, infantry, who were close in front of him. The guns and reformed cavalry * Calcutta Beview, vol. xv. pp. 272, 273. More than one officer who fought in that battle has pronounced a similar opinion. Cliilidnzvdld and Gujrdt. 42 1 were Left in the position in which they had reformed, as though they. hg.d been useless ! The mistake in this respect was the more glaring and the more disastrous in its consequences, as Gough was brought to the conclusion, after he had reached his infantry, that it was inadvisable for them to try to hold the ground they had won. It was five o'clock, and darkness was approaching. Campbell and other influential commanders then urged him to fall back, pointing out to him that the enemy, though repulsed, had not been broken, and that it was absolutely necessary to retire on a position where water could be procured, and where the bag- gage would be ensured protection. The nearest approach to such a position was Chilianwala, where, too, the ammunition was stored, and food would be obtainable. Gough yielded to these reasons, and gave the necessary orders.* The British army then retired from the well-fought field, to win which had cost them, in killed and wounded, 89 officers and 2,357 fighting men, leaving on the field many standards — lost, not captured — six guns, and all their dead.t It cannot be said of this battle that "it was a famous victory." Indeed, it can only technically be called a victory, and most certainly ii- was of a Pyrrhoean character. The judgment formed after a lapse of more than thirty years, when time and death have assuaged all the passions of the period, is that no British general ever fought a battle sc badly as Lord Gough fought Chilianwala. It was, throughout, a day of blunders. The original conception, inspired by another, was masterly Carried out exactly as it had been planned, it would have 'Sir Henry Durand contends, and in my opinion with justice, that this giving up the field of battle was a mistake. He would have had the infantry bivouac where they had fought, supported by guns. By daylight the wounded and captured guns would have been secured. He even ventures to think that the resumption of hostilities in the early morn would have been attended with success. — Calcutta Beview, vol. xv. pp. 274, 275. t Lawrence-Archer, pp. 78, 79. 422 The Decisive Battles of India. taken the long line of the enemy in flank and have rolled it up. There would have been no heavy jungle, nothing in the shape of natural obstacles to impede him * But it was in the nature of Gough that the news of the vicinity of a body of the enemy, however small, should make him cast to the winds all his pro- jects, however well conceived. It was something of this sort which caused him to make his first mistake, and leave the road t Rasul. When, however, he had quitted that road, and, marching to the left, had taken up a position in front of Chilianwala, Gough, instead of hurling his infantry blindly against the enemy's line, should have attempted to take advantage of the faults of their formation. The long gap between the Sikh, right and the Sikh centre was the most conspicuous of those faults. A real general might have so thrust his army into that gap as to sever the two wings of the enemy and roll them up m opposite directions. It must be admitted that this would have been a very delicate operation, requiring very skilful handling, and quite beyond the powers of the actual British commander. But this is only to admit that Lord Gough was not a skilful general. The attack, in the manner in which it was made, was one which required neither military knowledge nor military ex- perience to order. One can understand how a general, in the crisis of a great battle, when the supreme moment for a decisive advance of his infantry had arrived, should launch forward his reserves with the command, "Up, Guards, and at them !" But what is not comprehensible is that a general, leading an army composed of the three arms, facing an enemy about a mile distant from him, whose long line overlapped his own, and between whose position and his was a belt of dense jungle, should, before he had exhausted, or even seriously used, the fire of his artillery, turn to his infantry and exclaim, "Up, men, and at them !" And yet this is positively the gist of the * Calcutta Eeview, vol. xv. p. 275. Chilidnwdld and Gujrdt. 423 directions which Lord Gough gave at Chilianwala. To give such an order, what experience, what knowledge, what educa- tion were required ? A competitor for the army course could have said as much : probably, having the benefit of the long examination of the enemy's position from the mound of Chilianwala, he would have done far better !* Whilst, after the battle, the English retired to the village of Chilianwala, the Sikhs on the other side, after gathering up the trophies won, alas ! from their enemy, fell back three miles, and reoccupied their position at Rasiil. It was the policy of the Sikh commander to await in his position the arrival of the troops led by his father and of the cavalry contingent expected from Afghanistan. The junction with these once effected, he had two courses before him; the first, by a rapid movement across the Chinab, to turn Lord Cough's position and fall upon Labor; the second, to strengthen his position at Rasiil, and to tempt the English leader to attack him. His knowledge of Lord Cough's character, and the ease with which that general had always succumbed to similar temptations, misled Sher Singh on this occasion. It will be seen by the narrative that Gough, implored not to attack till he should be reinforced by * On this point I cannot forbear to quote the striking criticism of Durand. " Our attack," he writes, " fair upon the centre of the enemy, gave the latter the full advantage of his very extended position ; and as his centre was covered by thickish, bushy jungle, which dislocated all formations in line, and inevitably produced confusion in the brigades, besides offering difficulties to the movements of the guns and to bringing them into action, the troops were sure to come in contact with the Sikh infantry and guns in the most unfavourable position, their organization disturbed, and nothing but their own courage and the example of their officers to compensate for every conceivable disadvantage. Verily, British infantry, British officers, and British bayonets are of such a character, so entirely to be relied upon, that it is no wonder that British generals will dare and risk much. The dauntless valour of the infantry rectifies the errors of its commanders, and carries them through what would othei-wise be inevitable defeat and disgrace. But it redeems their errors with its blood ; and seldom has there been more devotion, but, alas ! more carnage, than on the hard-fought field of Chilianwala, a field fairly won, though bravely contested by the Sikhs of all arms." — Cal- cutta Beview, vol. xv. p. 276. 424 The Decisive Battles of India'. ■ the troops set free by the fall of Multan, was not to be drawn a second time. Sher Singh would still willingly have awaited him in the position he had greatly strengthened, but, forced, by the impossibility of obtaining supplies for his increased army to quit it, he put into operation the second alternative, just one week, fortunately for the English, too late. Meanwhile, Gough, on the morrow of Chili^nwala, had taken up for his army a position between the village of that name and Mujianwala — a position far too cramped and confined, for it left all the roads open to the Sikh army, and the country free to their foraging parties. When Gough recognised this error it was too late to repair it, for the Sikhs, intellectually quicker than he, had occupied the points which dominated the plain.* In this position Gough awaited the fall of Multan. That event occurred on the 21st January, eight days after Chilian- wala. The troops engaged in the operation, consisting of three brigades, and numbering about 9,000 men, of whom one third were British, led by General Whish, set out at once for Ramnagar, but before that general could join the Commander- in-Chief circumstances had forced Lord Gough to break up his camp at Chilianwala. I have stated that Sher Singh, after his well-contested battle, had retired on Rasiil, there to await the arrival of reinforce- ments, led respectively by his father and by one of the sons of the Amir of Kabul. Chattar Singh reached him on the * "Much," says Durand, "was thrown away of the fruits of the victory by withdrawing from the ground which the infantry had so nobly won at Chilianwala ; but when this had been done much more was lost and thrown away, in our opinion, by failing to perceive the strate- gical importance of the position, which, for several days after the battle, the enemy left optional to Lord Gough to take up or not, as he pleased. Afterwards, when our own timidity had restored their confideuce, the Sikhs saw the momentous importance of what we had neglected. They became exceedingly jealous of the hill-top looking down on Kotri, and any demonstration on the part of Gough to seize it would have been stoutly contested." — Calcutta Berieir, vol. xv. p. 285. Chilidnuuild and Cujrdt. 425 1 6th, and assumed the nominal command . in chief. The Afghans arrived two days later. The arrival of Chattar Singh had increased the Sikh army by a third, and, when joined by 1,500 Afghans, it numbered about 34,000 fighting men.* The temptation to march upon Labor was great ; but, in the first place, the army had not yet recovered from the shaking at Chilianwala, and, in the next, it was still hoped that Lord Gough might be tempted. The increased number of mouths in the Sikh position began, about this, period, to cause them great inconvenience. Provisions had for some time been scarce, even for the Sikhs, and it was now found impossible to provide for many days longer for the greatly augmented army. On the 3rd February, then, in pusuance of a resolution arrived at the previous day, the Sikh leader, without quitting his position, thrust, as a tentative measure, his cavalryi through the Khiiri pass, thus threatening the road to Dinghi, a place in rear of the British army, and commanding a passage across the Chinab. Gough was informed of this change, but, clinging to his good advisers, and brought to feel that in his actual position — the centre of the circle of which the enemy would have to traverse the arc — he could fall upon the Sikhs at a disadvan- tage should they attempt to cross the river, he kept a vigilant look-out and remained motionless. This was the more credible to him, as he had to resist not only his own longings but the suggestions of influential men about him. The thrusting of the Sikh cavalry through the Khuri pass was, in fact, one of the temptations of Sher Singh. This having failed, he pushed the horse (6th February) to Dinghi, at the same time holding Rasul. Again, however, did Gough stand firm, and refused to be drawn. On the nth the Sikh leaders tempted him once again, and, * The number given by some writers — 60,000, and even more — is ridi- culous. The trained army of the Sikhs never, in their best day, reached 60,000.— T'iJe Cunningham's " History of the Sikhs." 426 The Decisive Battles of India. this time, in a manner which, they hoped, he could not resist. Advancing their cavalry in some force to Barra Amra, they formed line of battle in front of Khuri, their right resting on the strong hill ground, a prolongation of their position of Rasul — their left refused, and the Khiiri pass and road in their rear. It was a magnificent position, for if Gough had attacked them, as they hoped he would, he must have exposed his flank and rear. But again was Gough a very St. Anthony^ and refused to move. But even a St. Anthony must sometimes sleep. That after- noon, Sher Singh, baffled in his intentions, led back his army to its original position. But during the night he withdrew his left wing from Rasul to Puran, thus bringing it in close com- munication with the right, which already occupied that line. The following day he completed all his preparations for a decisive move, and that night, whilst Gough was sleeping, suc- ceeded in turning the English position, and in gaining a march towards the Chinab. When this movement was reported the next morning to the veteran leader it did not rouse him to action. Notwithstand- ing the march gained by the Sikhs, it was in the power of the English general greatly to harass them, had that general only so chosen. But the morning of the 14th February found Gough undecided how to act. Councils were held and dis- missed. Orders were first given to the army to march at eleven o'clock, and then those orders were recalled. Finally Gough contented himself with sending orders to Whish, who had reached Ramanagar, to push up a detachment to Vazirabad along the left bank of the Chinab, so as to prevent the crossing of that river. Whish had anticipated these orders, and it was the knowledge that such a detachment guarded the fords which brought conviction to the minds of the Sikh leaders that their turning movement was stamped by the motto ruinous in war — by the fatal "Too late." They marched, then, on the town of Gujrat, and there took up a position. They did not Chilidnwdld and Gujrdt. 427 despair. Their great object, still, was to bring Gough to action before he could be reinforced. They used every means to accomplish this result, except the one which could not have failed. With a faint-heartedness which, to us looking back, seems unaccountable, they did not dare to attack him. They had many opportunities. They knew, as soldiers, that, with Whish marching to join him, Gough would not be mad enough to remain in his position — that he would stretch out a hand to the friendly supports. To strike him before that hand had been grasped was, then, their true policy, their only chance of success. They had the opportunity, because now the positions were reversed, and they occupied the point in the centre of the circle. But they could not nerve themselves to the enterprise. It may well be conceived that the splendid valour of the British infantry at Chilianwala had at least produced that result. On the 15th Gough broke up from his position, and, without hindrance from the enemy, marched to Lasiiri, a position which secured, though it did not effect, a junction with Whish, and was yet near enough (the distance was twenty miles) to the Sikhs to prevent any attempt on their part to cross the Chinab. On the 1 6th indecisive councils again prevailed, some urging upon Gough to march to Kungah, within five miles of the Sikh position, others, more wisely, to push on to Sadulapiir. The advantages of the latter course were too obvious to be resisted, for whilst the march to Kungah would most certainly have brought on a battle before Gough could be reinforced, that to .Sadulapiir was free from the risk of collision with the enemy, and gave time for the reinforcements to come up. Gough decided, then, upon the march to Sadulapiir. The day of the i6th had been spent in council. On the 17th, making a short march towards the enemy — his right on Goli, and his left behind Isharah — Gough was joined by one brigade of Whish's force. On the 1 8th he made another short march — halting wth its left on Kungah — five miles from the enemy. 428 The Decisive Battles of India. here, on the 19th, he halted, to be joined by the second brigade of Whish's force, under Markham. On the 20th, joined by the third, or Bombay brigade, under Dundas, he marched in battle array to Shadiwala. This march brought him face to face with the enemy. The Sikh leaders had expected to receive the attack that very day. To meet it they had posted their army in the following manner : Their centre was formed behind the village of Kalra; their left rested on the Katelah, a rivulet which flows into the Chinab at a point above Vazirabad; their right, refused, was covered by the Dwarah, a dry, sandy-bedded rivulet of some breadth, which, after passing to the west of Gujrat, takes a bend eastward, before striking south to Haria- wala and Shadiwala. In rear of the position was the town of Gujrat. They maintained this order on the 21st. Gough and his most trusted officers examined the position thoroughly on the 20th. It was not a strong one. The Dwarah, on which the Sikhs relied to protect their right, pre- sented nowhere any real obstacle to men or guns. The Katelah, a small stream easily crossed, was even less formidable. In resting upon that it might be said with truth that the Sikh left rested on the air, for it afforded no protection against attack. Gough, then, decided to attack the Sikh left and centre and drive them back on their right. To carry out this plan he directed an advance of the heavy artillery, placed in his centre, and of the right wing, composed of the divisions of Whish and Gilbert, and supported by the greater part of the field artillery. When these should have doubled on the Sikh right, its left and centre, the British left wing, composed of Campbell's and Dundas's divisions, was to complete the work of destruction. The cavalry would then render the defeat one from which there should be no rallying. The Dwarah, up to the enemy's position, was to be the regulator of the advance of the British line. Such was the general programme. It deserves, however, to The troops and followiuj BATTLE OF GUJRAT. batteries of Artillery in the above Plan were commanded by the officers : — 1. Huish 2. Duncan 3. Blood 4. Ludlow 5. Robertson 6. Lane (previously (14) 7- Day 8. Dawes 9, Horsford 10. Fordyce 11. Anderson 12. Mackenzie 13. Warner 14- Sfi! No 6 15. Kinleside 16. bhakspeare (^hilidnwdld and Gztjrdt. 429 be added that the British being very superior to the enemy, alike in the weight of metal and in the number of their guns, it was decided that the infantry should not advance to close quarters until the artillery had made itself felt. A strong feeling prevailed that the British could not afford another Chilianwala* "The morning of the 21st February," writes Durand, in the article so often quoted from, "was clear and bright; and, as the enemy's masses had very early taken up their position, there was no dust of moving columns to cloud the purity of the air and sky. The snowy ranges of the Himalaya, forming a truly magnificent background to Gujratand the village-dotted plain, seemed on that beautiful morning to have drawn nearer to gaze on the military spectacle. A looker-on might have thought the army drawn out on some gala occasion ; for, the baggage being packed in safety at Shadiwala, the force moved free of in- cumbrance, and the whole had the appearance of a grand review." Exactly at half-past seven o'clock the British army, formed up in the order I have mentioned,t marched to the pre-arranged positions. When the centre had reached Hariwala, on the Dwarah, the distance from the Sikh centre and left, and from * A story was current immediately after the campaign, which, though resting on no foundation, yet, from the conviction that it ought to be true, found general acceptance. It was to the effect that Lord Gough's staff, knowing his excitability under fire, and liis passion for employing infantry before the guns had done their work, induced the gallant veteran to mount, by means of a ladder — the only mode of access — to the top story of an isolated building which commanded a complete view of the battle-field. They then quietly removed the ladder, and only replaced it when the artillery had done its work. Se iion c vcro, e ben trovato. t To enter more into detail, I may state that the exact order was as follows : — On the extreme left was Dundas's Bombay Column, covered by Blood's troop of Horse Artillery, and supported by Thackwell, with White's cavalry brigade, the Sindh Horse, and Duncan's and Huish's troops of Horse Artillery. On its right was Campbell's division, covered by Ludlow's and Robertson's light field batteries ; in reserve, Hoggan's infanti-y brigade. In the centre were the heavy guns, eighteen in number, drawn by 430 The Decisive Battles of India. the village of Kalra, which they held in force, was about two thousand yards. Upon the British line halting in line with this village the Sikh guns opened fire. The distance, however, was too great to allow it to have effect, and, when the heavy artillery of the British replied, it was found absolutely neces- sary to move forward to closer quarters. The British advanced, then, to a nearer but still too distant position. Just at that moment the horse artillery of both wings, displaying that splendid daring which gave the regiment of which it formed a part the title to the proud motto of Ubique, galloped to the front, and, careless of the prompt return fire from the enemy's guns, made their presence felt on the enemy's infantry. The heavy guns meanwhile steadily advanced, supported by the right, and, unlimbering within telling range, poured forth shot and shell with rapidity and precision upon the Sikh batteries and masses. So great was the effect, that the enemy, unable to stand before it, yielded ground, and retired behind the line of Kalra villages, which they still, however, held in force, and which served as a protection to them. Gough, all this time, had been anxiously waiting for the moment when he could use his infantry. That moment seemed to him now to have arrived, and, though it would have been far wiser, and, as it turned out, would have saved much expenditure of blood,* had he held them back for another quarter of an hour, he could restrain himself no longer, but ordered Gilbert and Whish to storm the villages in front of them. elephants. Next to the heavy guns, on their immediate right, was Gilbert's division ; and on his right Whish's division, covered by For- dyce's, Mackenzie's, and Anderson's troops of Horse Artillery, with Dawes's — Dawes of Chilianwala renown — light field battery ; Lane's and Kinleside's troops of Horse Artillery being in a second line in reserve, under Brind. The right flank was protected by Hearsey's and Lock- wood's cavalry, and by Warner's troop of Horse Artillery. — Vide Lawrence-Archer, p. 94. * ' ' Had Shakspear been permitted to expend a few minutes' atten- tion and a few rounds upon Burra Kalra and its supporting batteries the loss would have been less, or altogether avoided." — Calcutta Review, vol. XV, pp. 289, 290. Shakspear commanded the heavy guns. Chilidnu'dld and Gujrdt. 431 Gallantly did the two British divisions advance to carry out their orders; but the resistance was determined, the bearing of the Sikhs heroic. They met the advancing foe face to face, and strove with undaunted courage to drive him back. Vain, however, were their- efforts. Step by step did the British troops make good their footing, until at last they forced the enemy, still fronting them, to fall back on his second line. The gallant nature of the defence may be gathered from the loss inflicted by the Sikhs on their assailants. In carrying the village of Burra Kalra the 3rd Brigade (2nd Europeans, 31st and 70th Native Infantry) lost upwards of 300 killed and wounded; whilst in storming Chota Kalra, the ist Brigade (lOth Foot, 8th and 52nd Native Infantry) lost in a few minutes more than half that number. But in addition to the loss of the infantry, that of the Horse Artillery, who supported them, was extremely heavy. Anderson's troop suffered severely, their leader himself falling, whilst Fordyce's troop was nearly annihilated ! Whilst affairs were thus progressing on the right Colin Campbell and Dundas on the left were not the less rendering splendid service. True to the programme they advanced very gradually in alignment with the right wing, in columns at deploying distance, taking no heed of the ineffective fire of the Sikh artillery in their front. It happened that two villages in their front, the villages of Lunpur and Jamna, which, if defended, might have given them some trouble, had not been occupied by the Sikhs. On passing these, Colin Campbell, finding his men well within range, deployed, and, moving up to within about 1,000 yards of the Sikh batteries, made his men lie down, and pushed forward Ludlow's and Robertson's light field batteries. These, commanded and worked by Majoi' Mowatt, trotted rapidly forward before the Sikh gunners could get the range, unlimbered, and, at a distance of about 800 yards, opened a crushing fire on the battery opposed to them and on the infantry supporting it. 432 The Decisive Battles of India. Under the fire of these guns, which steadily advanced, Campbell gradually pushed forward his infantry, making the men lie down whenever they halted. At last, the enemy's artillery fire gradually slackening, twO' of the British guns succeeded in taking up a position whence they could sweep the head of the Dwarah. This position was fatal to the enemy. In a few minutes the Dwarah was cleared of living Sikh in- fantry, "and Campbell, with very trifling loss, by good man- agement of the guns under his command, occupied the position, from which he had forced his opponents to retire, without firing a musket-shot."* So concluded the first phase of the fight. The Britisr" advance had been successful along the whole line. On trie right two important positions had been gained; on the left, the enemy had been forced back from the nala (rivulet) on which they rested. It would be a mistake to suppose, however, that the Khalsa troops, though maltreated and forced back, were beaten. Driven though they had been from their first line, their hearts were still strong, their courage still resolute, their heads still clear; and, just at the moment when Gough was congratulating himself that the difficulties of the day had been overcome, the gallant Sikh infantry was preparing to make another bid for victory. In taking up the line of the Dwarah, the English left — the divisions of Campbell and Dundas — had thrown itself on the right of the Sikhs. This manoeuvre, extremely efficacious in forcing the Sikh line to quit its first position, had yet been attended by this inconvenience, that it had produced a large- gap between the English left and its centre. The Sikh leaders, unwillingly forced back, were not slow in detecting from their new alignment this defect in the English formation, and they prepared, with skill and courage, to take advantage of it. They recognised it was their last chance, for already their line * Durand, Calcutta Ecview, vol. xv. p. 289. Ckilidntvuld and Gujrdt. 433 of retreat was menaced. Not only had the Afghan cavalry succumbed to a gallant charge of the Sindh horse, but Thack- well was pushing forward White's brigade in a manner danger- ously threatening to their right and rear. If, however, at this terrible crisis they could pierce the British centre, laid so in- vitingly open, all might yet be well. Full of these desperate hopes, the Sikh leaders, reforming their right division, sent their men on this forlorn enterprise. It was indeed a bold push for victory. For a moment it seemed as though it might succeed; for when the English general, perceiving the danger, dispatched in haste two troops of Horse Artillery to fill up the gap, he discovered that their shot and shell had been ex- pended, and that they must await a fresh supply from the rear. The silence of these guns encouraged the Sikhs, and their advance assumed for a moment quite a dangerous character. That it would have proved so had the commander of the British division nearest the gap been other than a man of great readiness, of watchful coolness and of capacity, is quite certain. But, from his post on the Dwarah, Colin Campbell suddenly became aware of the danger. With a true military instinct, he at once turned the fire of a portion of his artillery upon the advancing mass. The Sikhs, realising on the instant that they could not proceed without exposing their flank to an artillery fire, and that Campbell would be able to throw himself upon them as they pushed forward, unwillingly renounced the move- ment, and, covered by their cavalry, fell back in good order. It was time, indeed, that they should; for the English right was rapidly advancing, and the Sikh left and centre were retiring fast, in heavy columns, covered by cavalry, over the open country, passing to the east of Gujrat. Their right — completely turned by Dundas and Campbell, cut off from their natural line of retreat on the Jhelam by Thackwell, and driven upon the centre — was forced then to retire by the line taken by the other masses. "By one o'clock in the afternoon" — to use the exact words of the warrior-statesman whose criticism on the FF 434 The Decisive Battles of India. campaign is a masterpiece of fair and sound argument* — " Gough had overthrown the Sikh army, and had crowded it in heavy masses upon a line of retreat which offered no hope of support, provision, or escape for the disheartened soldiery, if properly followed up." Followed up it was. Cavalry and Horse Artillery were launched in pursuit of the enemy. During the remaining hours of the day the beaten army was subjected to all the horrors and all the inconveniences of constant and repeated assaults It gave way under the pressure. Many Sikhs quitted the ranks and rid themselves of their uniform. For miles the country was strewed with guns, bullocks, waggons, tents and standards, abandoned in hot haste. Darkness at length put a stop to the pursuit. At a distance of some fourteen miles from the battle field, Thackwell, who conducted it, halted his men, intending to bivouac for the night and renew the pursuit in the morning But Gough, unwilling, apparently, to commit so important a business to his cavalry unsupported by infantry, recalled him to camp. The next morning two British columns were launched in pursuit of the enemy. One, the smaller, under Colin Camp bell, proceeded to the Bimbir Pass to secure any guns which might have taken that route ; t the other, the more import- ant, led by Gilbert, proceeded by Dinghi to the Jhelam, and, crossing that river, followed up the enemy with so much vigour, that on the 14th March the entire Sikh army uncondi- tionally surrendered, .t Thus ended the second Sikh war. The army, which had * Sir H. Durand, Calcutta Bn-iew, vol. xv. pp. 290, 291. The readei who may refer to this article will see the large extent to which T have been indebted to its author. t It returned a few days later, with no results. t The English prisoner.? with the Sikh array, George St. Patrick Law lence, Bowie, and Herbert, were released by Chattar Singh on the 6th March. Two days later, Sher Singh, at an interview with Gilbert, was informed of the only terms which could be accorded to him, viz., uncon- Chilidnwdld and Gujrdt. 435 considered itself betrayed at Firiizshahar and at Sobraon, had never thoroughly submitted to the conqueror. In 1848-g it selected its own time of outbreak, it chose its own field, and again it was beaten. This time, certainly, there was no sus- picion of treachery. And yet it is beyond question that the main cause of the failure of the national rising was the inefficiency of the national leaders. No troops could have fought better than the Sikhs fought, no army could have been worse led than the Sikh army was led. Sher Singh's leadership was a leadership of lost opportunities. A great general — a general even of the average run of intellectual men — would have massed his whole army against Thackwell at Sadiilapur and have crushed him. Such a general would have attacked the British army in its position on the morrow of Chilianwala : such a general would not have waited at Rasul till the British reinforcements from Multan were within easy hail, but, turning Cough's position, or fighting him -if he had placed himself in his path, would have re-crossed the Satlaj and fallen upon Whish's army wherever he could have found it. All these things having been neglected, such a general, emerging at the eleventh hour, as Sher Singh emerged, from Rasul, would have forced the English general to fight, even at the risk of attacking him. Gough had not been reinforced, and to fight him then would have been better policy than to wait for him at Gujrat. Turn we now to the English general. Gough, at the outset of the campaign, committed as many faults as his opponent; but he redeemed them towards its close. Never was a cam- paign ushered in by so much vacillation. "At the very out- set," to use the language of an officer who served throughout ditional surrender. On the 14th Chattar Singh, Sher Singh, and the principal Sikh leaders delivered their swords into the hands of the British general. At the same time forty-one pieces of artillery were surrendered, and the remnant of the Sikh army, reduced to a moiety of that which had fought at Gujrat, laid down their arms in the presence of British troops. Fide also Lawrence-Archer, pp. 107, 108. 436 TJie Decisive Battles of India. it,* " orders and counter-orders succeeded each other so rapidly, that a state of feverish excitement, prejudicial to the public interests, was unnecessarily kept up; and regiments showed the effects of varying and harassing rumours in their hospital returns." It was, perhaps, in consequence of the vacillating air he breathed that Gough, when he sent Thackwell across the Chinab, committed the grave strategical fault of dividing his army in the presence of an enemy superior to it when united. Ic does not exculpate him that Sher Singh missed the offered opportunity. Again, I have pointed out the serious tactical error he committed on the 13th January, in abandoning, on the spur of the moment, the matured plan to march on Rasiil. Chilianwala was a severe lesson to him. It taught him caution — for the moment, too great caution. On the morrow of the battle he contracted his army within a position, in which, had he been attacked, he would have fought at great disadvantage. He gave up his touch on the surrounding country, thus yield- ing to the enemy an advantage which, fortunately for Gough, he did not adequately appreciate. But from this time his errors ceased. His conduct in refusing the temptations laid in his way by Sher Singh cannot be too much appreciated, for, to his nature, such temptations must have been almost irresis- tible. Not only did he resist them, but he resisted likewise the pernicious advice of men of high position to manoeuvre in a manner which must have precipitated a combat before his army had been reinforced. At Gujrat, too, he adhered steadily and wisely to a well-considered programme. In fact, Chilianwala had been a lesson from which he had known how to profit. Chilianwala was, indeed, a lesson to both armies, and on both it produced different effects. Paradoxical as it may ap- pear to pronounce in a manner so categorical regarding a battle, of which it may be said that, if the English won the field, * Lawrence-Archer, p. 111. Chilidnwdld and Gujrdt. 437 the Sikhs carried off all the trophies of the fight, it is yet true that, morally, Chilianwala decided the issue of the campaign Whilst, as we have seen, it produced an excellent effect on the English Commander-in-Chief, the Sikh leaders never recovered from the impression produced upon them by the splendid daring of the British infantry. It was that impression which induced vacillation in the Sikh camp at Rasul, which prevented Sher Singh from attacking Cough before he had been rein- forced, which hindered a bold strategic movement across the Chinab. Whatever, then, the faults of the English general, Chilianwala was not fought in vain. Gujrat was to it what Sobraon had been to Firuzshahar. One word as to the consequences of the national uprising. The reader who has accompanied me so far will recollect that by the agreement made with the Labor Darbar, on the i6th December, 1846, the British Government assumed, and dele- gated to a special officer, " full authority to direct and control all matters in every department'' of the Sikh state, until such time as the Maharajah Dhulip Singh should attain the age of sixteen. This contract, whilst it made the British Govern- ment responsible for order in the Panjab, constituted it also the guardian and protector of the young Maharajah. Against the British protectorate, so constituted, the Sikh army rose, the interpreters of the national feeling against foreign over- lordship. The British army subdued that rising, and con- quered the Panjab. The question then arose, For whom? The answer of Sir Henry Lawrence was clear and precise. "We have conquered the Panjab," he said, in so many words, " for the young chief of whom we are the guardian." But other answers were given, displaying the aggressive nature of the Anglo-Saxon. These had the most weight with Lord Dal- housie, and he decided that the Panjab had been conquered for England. The Panjab, consequently, was annexed. Against the an- nexation I do not venture a single word. It must have come 438 Tlie Decisive Battles of India. sooner or later, and it was better to take it after a fair fight than to steal it in the manner we adopted towards Awadh (Oudh) some five years later. But for the guiltless boy, for the young Maharajah, of whose interests we were the guardian, for Dhulip Singh, surely some fitting provision should have been made. Granted that we did well to take his kingdom, by what right did we annex his private estates ? This is a question in which the honour of the country is concerned. It behoves it also to demand whether a pension for one uncertain life is sufficient compensation for the loss of a great position and the forfeiture of inalienable private property ! INDEX. Abdji, commanding the last trained army of Sindia, retreats towards the hilly coun- irv of the MewAt, 286 : is attacked wnd de- feated at Laswari, 286-8. Abbot, Captain, is sent by Sir H. Lawrence to Haz^rah, 378; confidence of, 392. Adams, Major John, character of, 147; dis- position of forces made by, for the war against IVCfr KAsim, 147 ; reaches Katwfi, 14" ; defeats the enemy, after a hard- fought battle, near KatwA, 149 ; drives the enemy from Motighil, and occu- pies MurshidAbdd, 150 ; beats the enemy after a desperate battle at Gth^riah, 151-4 ; marches towards U'ndwah* Nfila and halts at Palkipiir, 156 ; makes no impres- sion on the strong position of the enemy, 156 ; receives information from a repen- tant deserter, which decides him to at- tack, 157 ; after a desperate contest, storms the position and destroys Mir Kasim's army, 158-60; captures Mung6r, lliijmahal and Patnd, 161 ; great merits of, 161-2; untimely death of, 162. Afghan cavalry, a contingent of, joins the Sikh army at Rasiil, 42a i are overthrown by the Sindh horse, 433. Agnev:, M. V. A. Vans, is despatched by Sir F. Currie to Multdn to receive the resignation of JIulraj, 384 ; proceed by water and reach Multdn, 385 ; receives from ;MulrAj the keys of the place, when he is assaulted by a Sikh soldier, 385 ; calls upon JlulrAj to clear himself of com- plicity in the assault, 386 ; despatches message to Edwardes and Van Cortlandt, 386 ; is abandoned by his escort, 387 ; is murdered by the MuitAnfs, 388. A ffrd , Jjake defeats the Mar Ath&s at, and captures the fortress, 284-5. Ahmad Shah, DurAni, battles of, with the Sikhs, 341. Ajl, combat on the. 148. Alam, Shah, invades Bengal, 126; takes re- fuge with the Nuwab-Vazfr of Awadh, 167 ; is virtually a state prisoner in his camp, 196; is released from captivity in Dihli by General Lake, 284. 439 Alt Vardl Khan usurps the Government of Bengal, 41 ; continued struggle of, with the AlarAthAs ends in the yielding of Katak, 41-2.; is succeeded by Sirdju'd dauiah, 42. Ahgarh, combat before, and capture of, by General Lake, 281-2. Aliwai, battle of, 367. Allard, General, enters the service of Ran- jit Singh, 345. Aiyd, desperate fight near, 224. Ainlierat, Lord, disgraces Ochterlony for his action regarding Bharatptir, 322 ; is forced, in consequence, to order the siege of that fortress, 323. Amir Khan, allies himself with Jeswant Rao Holkar to harass the English before Bharatpiir, 313 ; is defeated by Colonel jNced, and renounces Holkar's alliance, 318. Amyatt, Mr., one of the violent members of Council opposed to Mir K&sim, is detained by the latter at Mung6r, 140. Anandruz Gajapati, Rajah of Viziyandgaram, disaffection of, towards the French, 76 ; rises in revolt and sends a messenger to Calcutta for aid, 77 ; receives Forde, and accompanies him on his march against the French, 80 ; terror of, during the pro- gress of the battle, 86 ; again accompanies the English in their march against the French, 02; pusillanimous conduct of, 97; takes part in the attack on Machhli- patanam, 99. Anderson, Lieutenant 11'. A., accompanies Mr. A'ans Agnew to MultAn, 384; reaches that place, 385 ; is set upon, after receiv- ing the keys of the fortresSj cut down, lelt for dead, and then earned into the I'dgdh, 386 ; is murdered, 388. Anyad succeeds Nanak, as chief of the Sikh sect, 336. Argaum, battle of, 276-7. Argun, fixes the Sikh religion on a secure foundation, 336. Armies, location of the several British, at the time of the outbreak of the first MarAthfi war, 263-4. Artillery, splendid service of the, at Gujrdt, 430. 440 Index. Assad'iillah Khan, Mir, quasi commander of Mir KAeim's army at Sdtf, moves into the plains at Gh^riah, and gives battle to tlie Eng-lish, 151 ; g-allantry and early success of, 152-3. Asuaye, battle of, 270-4 ; comments upon, 274-5 ; casualties at, 275. Atah, fort of, is surrendered to the Sikhs, 410. Aurangzlh , persecutes the Sikhs, 337-9. Avatahile, General, enters the service of nanjit Sino-h, 345. Awadh fOudh), early came under Muham- madan influence, 163 ; at length falls under the independent rule of Shuja'u'd daulah, 164; vide Shuja'u'd daulah. B. Badiwdl, combat of, 366-7. Badru'din Khan, one of Mir KAsim's gen- erals, gallantry of, at Gheriah, 152. BagMr, important military events at, and near, 223-5. BailUe, Colonel, is stationed at Guntiir, on ^the outbreak of the last war with Haidar Ali, 233; is ordered by Sir H. Munro to effect a junction with him at KAnchi- puram, 234 ; the careless dispositions of, detain him for ten days on the Gumadi- pundi, 239 ; is attacked by Tipii at Parm- b&kam, and repulses him, 240 ; applies to Munro for reinforcements, 241 ; is com- pletely beaten and forced to surrender by Haidar and Tipii, 242-5. Bdji Rdo PefJtwd, character of, 259; hood- winks Daolat Bio Sindia, 261 ; is forced by Holkar to flee from his capital, 260 ; implores, in vain, the aid of Sindia, 360 ; throws himself into the arms of the Eng:- lish, and sio-ns the treaty of Bassein, 260. BaJcfsar, battle of, 198-205 ; consequences of, 305-7. Banda, succeeds Govind as chief Giirit of the Sikhs, 339 ; is crushed by the Mughuls, 340. Bangalor, military occurrences on the plateau of, 218-24. Bapuji S'mdia, accompanies Monson's force, 298; advises him to retreat from Holkar, 301;, deserts to Holkar, 301-2; acts against Monson, 302 ; commands the force which maices the raid on Dihlf, 3C8. Bassein, treaty of, cause and enormous eon- sequences of the, 260-1. Bengal, Rise of the English in, 35-40 ; pros- perity of, aflfeoted by the invasion of ' NAdir Shah, 41; falls under the rule of AU Vardi Khdn, 41 ; then of Sirdju'd daulah, A2; settlements of the English in, uprootedbv Siraju'd daulah, 43-4i Bharatjrury Ranjlt Singh, Rdjah of, Holkar boasts that h& haa obtained the alliance of, 297 ; allows Holkar free wse of his fortress of Dig, 311 ; repulses the BritTsh from Bhnratpiir, 315-22 ; submits to the British, 322 ; Durjdn Sal, usurper of, 332 ; makes alliances against the British, 322 ; is besieged by Lord Combermere. 333 ; sends out the women laden with jewels, 325; endeavours to escape, 333; but is cap- tured, 333. Bharatpvr, fortress of, description of the, 313-4 ; lejrend of, 314 : first siegje of, 315-31 ; losses sustained at the first siege of, 321 : loss of prestige caused by the failure of Blmraip-dr —cant. the siege of, to the British, 323 ; second siege of, 323-33 ; storming and capture of, 327-33 ; moral effect of the capture of, 324. Bldna, struggle of Monson through the pass of, 305. . Biderra, battle of, 121-3. Boughton, Mr. Gabriel, cures the daughter of Shdh Jahdn, and obtains, as a reward, a firman establishing the British in Ben- gal, 36. Bourquin, Louis, commanding one of Sin- dia's armies, is defeated by General Lake, near DihK, 283-4. Bowie, TAeutenant, is sent with George Law- rence to PeshAwar, 378 ; prisoner to Chat- tar Singh is released, 434-5, note. Bowring, Lewin, is selected by Sir H. Law- rence as an assistant, 378. Braithwaite, Colonel, is ordered, on the out- break of the last war with Haidar Alf, to move by Chengalpatt on Madras, 334 ; de- taches Lieutenant Flint to defend Wandi- wash, 235 ; surrenders to Tfpu, 254. British Government, the. assumes a protec- torate over the PanjAb, and makes the MahArAjah Dhulip Singh, its ward, 375-6. British povwr in India, causes tending to the rise of the, 1-7; in Bengal, 35-41. Brooke, Captain, saves the English army from destruction at MalwAgal, 221 ; is sent to negotiate with Haidar Ali, but fails, 227-8. BundelJchand, Rdjah of, strikes for inde- pendence, 166-7 ; invades the territories of the Emperor and the Ntiwdb-Tazfr, 167 ; is defeated by Mir KAsim, 168-9. Burn, Colonel William, oommanda at Dihli during its siege by Holkar's troops, 308 ; is sent to the DuAlj, and pursued and be- sieged by Holkar till relieved by Lord Lake, 308-9. Bussy. Marquis de, influence exercised by, at the court of the Siibahdilr, 73 ; policy of. in the Northern SirkArs, 74; is re- called by Lally to ArkAt, 75 ; leaves with pain and grief, making over the SirkArs to the Marquis de Conflans, 75-6. Caillaud, Major, repulses the invasion of the ShAhzAdah, 126 ; is summoned to Calcutta to consider the policy to be adopted in the crisis caused by the death of Miran, 137 ; votes against the treaty with Mir EAsim, but a bribe from the latter is, nevertheless, placed to his credit. 130, note. Calcutta, becomes the head settlement of the English in Bengal, 40: which effects a- fuaion with the settlement at Hu^li, 43 ; great prosperity of, under the privileges granted by the Emperor Farrakhsiyar, 42 ; Sirdjn^d daulah expels the English from, 43; retaken bv CI ire, 46 ; messenger from the Northern SirkArs reaches, 7". Callender, Captain, unexplained absence of, in the assault on Machhlipatanam, 99; is killed, 103. Calvert, Captain, baffles Haidar Ali before Ambur. 216. Campbell, Brigadier Colin, is despatched with a brigade of infantry to GujrAn- wAlA, 395 ; commands the infantry of the force sent under Thnckwell to effect the passage of the Chin'Ab, 401; advice of, to Index. 441 Camphell^ Brigadier Colin — oont. Thackwell, 402; saves the combat of Sadtilapiir by making* the infantry lie . (1pi*n, iti7; fffillant conduct of, and of his division, at Chilian will a. 415-20 ; manoeuvrea very skilfully at GnjrAt and roUfl up the rig:ht of the Sikhs, 431-2 ; foils a dang-erous attempt made by the Sikhs to pierce the British oftntre, 432-3. Carmiehael, Captain, splendid daring- of, at the second siege of Bharatpiir, 327. Carnac, Major, eng-a]sred at the battle of Gh^riah, 152; at U'ndwah NAld, 158; as- sumes command of the army, 180; charac- ter of, 180 ; want of enterprise of, 180 ; marches to Baksar, 182 ; Fabian policy of, distasteful to the Calcutta Council, 182-3; falls back on Ddndpiii^, 184 ; ia nearly taken prisoner. 184 ; leaves Hay unsupported, 184-5 ; falls back on Patnd, 185 ; repulses the army of the NUwAb-Tazir, 186-90 ; fails to follow up the victory, 101 ; is re- moved from the Company's service, 191. Carstahsi, Colonel, is driven from PatnA. and from BfinkijpUr, and defeated and slain, by j\rir Kasim's army, 141-2. €ha}?ipion, Major, efficient conduct of, at KAlvarghAt 195; is led into an ambus- cade near A'rah and suffers loss, 195 ; fights at Baksar, 199-205. Chanda Eaur, Rani, widow of Kharak Singh, intrigues for supreme power in the IPan- jdb. 349 ; IS imprisoned and beaten to death with slippers by her own slave-girls, 349. Chandranagar, captured by the English, 37. •Changdmah, the English clefeat Haidar Ali at, 215. Charnoeh, Mr. J oh, abandons Bengal, re- turns, and fixes the English colony at Chatanati, 37. Chatanati, English settlement at, founded, 37; is fortified and repulses an attack, 37-8 ; is joined to Calcutta, 38. Chattar Singh, assures Sir F. Currie that nothing is to be apprehended in the Haza- rah. 392 ; places himself at the head of the national party, 394; takes Atak, and pro- ceeds to join hip son Sh^r Singh, 410; joins him at RAsiil, 424-5, Chelambram, English forces repulsed at, 249; battle of, 250-3 {vide also I'orto Novo). €hic&colC, vide SfiiriJcdkolam. Chilidnwdld, Battle of, begins, 414; the right brigade, Campbell's division at, 415-6; the left brigade, Campbell's divi- sion at, 415-7; Gilbert's division at, 417-8; Dawes's battery at, 418 and note; the cavalry on the right at, 418 ; state of the battle of, after the charge of the Gur- ohuras, 419 ; cavalry on the left at, Unett's charge, 419-20; the battle of. Is gained, 420 ; but its material results are lost by the prompt retirement of the British force, 421 and note, 424 ; is a les- son~ alike to the Sikh and to the British commanders. 436-7 ; moral effect of, 439. Christopher, Captain, Indian Navy, distin- guished gallantry of, 394. Clive, Hohert, disturbs by his action at Arkat the anticipated triumph of the French, 22-3 ; Is forced by the sudden ris- ing of Pizii .Sahib and the French In north Arkat, to renounce his plans on TrlehinA- palli. and proceed against the above-men- tioned enemies, 23 ; after various forced marches discovers that the enemy are Clive, Bobert—cont. marching on Arkdt, 24 ; follows them and is led into a trajD at KAv^ripilk, 25-7 ; danger of the position of, 26-7 ; is so hard pressed that he is counselled to retreat, 27-8 J tries one available alternative, 29-30; which succeeds, an d the battle is won, 30-1 ; conduct of, before and during the battle, vindicated, 32-3; is dispatched from Madras to recover Bengal, 45-6; re- takes Calcutta and captures Huglf^ 46 ; terrifies the Niiw&b before Calcutta, and forces him to retire, 47-9 ; meditates an at- tack on Chandranagar, and captures it, 47 ; attitude of, vis-a-vis to Sir&jud'd dau- lah, 50 ; crisis between, and the NiiwAb precipitated, 50 ; gains over Mir J'afar and other generals, 50-1 ; marches against the NUwdb, 52 ; reaches Pattl and sends Eyre Coote to capture Ka.t^N&, 52; receives from ]\tfr J'afar most uncertain sounds, 52 ; holds a council of war, which decides by a majority, of which he was the leader, not to fight, 54-5 ; left alone, resolves to fight, 55-6 ; crosses the Bhagirathi and marches to Plassey, 57 ; bivouacks in a mango grove beyond that place, 57 ; dis- poses his army for battle, 60 ; is forced to withdraw his army within the grove, 61 ; resolves to hold on till nightfall and then try a surprise, 61; is roused from a sleep by a retreating movement on the part of the enemy, 64 ; takes the initiative, 64 ; and defeats the disorganised masses of the enemy, G6 ; and gains the battle, 66-7 ; the manner in which the surroundings of the battle have detracted from the fame of, 68-9 ; resolves, against the advice of his council, to aid the native revolt against the French in the Northern Sirkilrs, 77-8 : dispatches Forde thither with an armed force. 78 ; forces a Dutch vessel to leave the Hugli, 110; sees through Mir J'afar, no ; resolves to thwart the Dutch projects at all hazards. 111 ; takes every precau- tion against their invasion, 114 ; commits the command of the land forces to Fordo and Knox, 114-5 : refuses the demands of the Dutch, 116 ; directs Forde and Knox to march against the Dutch, 117; authorizes Commodore Wilson to attack the Dutch ships, 117-8 ; laconic reply of. to Forde's application for orders, 120 ; is succeedecT in Bengal by Vansittart, 127 : warning given by, to Yansittart, 133 ; profits by the victorious campaign against the Nri- , wab-Vazir of Awadh, 206-7. Clone, Sir Barry, negotiates and signs the Treaty of Bassein, 260-1. Cochs, Mr., is selected by Sir H. Lawrence as an assistant, 378. Coviherniere, Lord, assumes command of the army for the second siege of Bharat- piir, 323 ; strength of the force of, 325-6 ; Invests the place, 324 ; allows the women to be sent out thence, 325; advances his parallels, 326-8; and storms it, 330-3; ful- fils the native prophecy, 333. Confians, Marquis de, assumes charge of the Northern Sirkdrs, 76 ; incapacity dis- played by, in the presence of the rising ^ at VishAkpatanam, 79 ; marches slowly to Rdjahmahendri, and thence to a position within sight of Peddapiir, 80 ; manceuvres to attack Forde, 81 ; achieves a partial success, whioh is fatal to him, 82 ; attacks Forde at Kondiir, 83; when enjoying the 44^ Index. Covjlavs^ MarquiM rfe— cont. conviction of the succeaa, is suddenly as- sailed in flank and routed, 84-5; flees 'from the field to iSIachhUpatanam. 90 ; resources lit the disposal of, 91 ; sends i.n army of observation under du Rochei- into the field, 91 ; retires within the defences of Maehhlipatanam, 93 ; attacked by Forde, loses his head, 103; and surrenders, 104. Coote, Eyre, captures KatwA, 53 ; arg-umcnts of, in favour of fighting, at the council of war before Plaasey, 54-5 : is dispatched, after Baillie's defeat, to astnme chief command in JNfadras, 247 ; marches to- wards Pondichorry, 248 ; is drawn by Haidar into a trap, 248 ; from Avhich he is extricated solely by the stupidity, or worse, of the Chevalier d'Orves, 249; at- tempts the pagoda of Chelambvam, but is repulsed with loss, 249; calls a council of war. and resolves to attack Haidar, 250 ; reconnoitres his position and plans the at- tack, 251; g-ains the battle, 252-3; takes some places in the face of Baidar, and beats him at Parmb&kam, 254. Cosby, CoIo/ipI, is ordered, on the outbreak of the last war with Haidar Ali, to act on the enemy's communications, 235 ; joins the retreating army of Jlunro at Chengal- patt, 246. Council, The Calcutta, mean and disreputa- ble conduct of , towards Mir E&uim, 128-39; endanger the safety of the British posses- sions by deliberately breaking a promise made to the troops in the hour of their need, 172 ; disapprove of the Fabian policy of Carnac, 182. Court, General, enters the service of Eanjit Singh, -AAo. Cureton, General, occupies Gujranwdlti, and joins Colin Campbell there, 395 ; gallant deatli of, 399. Carrie, Sir Frederic, is appointed to succeed Sir H. Lawrence in the control of the LAlior Regency, 380 ; character of, 380 ; tries in vain to persuade Mulriij to with- draw his resignation, 383 ; dispatches j\[essrs. Agnew and Anderson to Multdn, 384 ; accompanied by a new Governor and some Sikh troops, 385; receives news of the murder of Agnew and Anderson, 389 ; vacillation of, and strange infatuation of, with respect to the Patans, 3J0 ; recom- mends the undertaking of immediate operations, but is vetoed by the eomman- der-in-eliief, 390 ; Edwardes's victory at Sadasiira. decides to order a brigade to Multan, 392; dispatches a Sikh force to Tolomba, 393. D. Dalhouxie, the Marquist of, Governor- General of India, concurs with Lord Gough that it would be impolitic to march against Multdn during the hot season, 390; declares that if the Sikhs want war they shall have it with a vengi.'ance, 3!)5 ; authorises Lord Gough to attack the Sikhs, 410 ; after the war, has two courses open to him, 440 ; annexes the PanjAb, 440. Daolat Kdo Sindia, succeeds IMadliaji. char- acter of, 258; is manipulated by BAji Tlilo PeshwA, 259 ; defeats Holkar at Indiir, but Danlat Rao Sindia— cont. does not follow up his victory, 259 ; re- fuses, after the defeat of his army near Puna, to march to tlir aid of the PeshwA, 260 ; by his shortsightedness drives the Peshwa into the hands of the English, and causes tlie dissolution of the MarAthA confederacy, 260 ; awakes to a sense of his folly, 262: refuses to hi- a party to the treaty of Bassein. and tries to form a con- federacy against the English, 261 ; obtains only the support of llaghuji Bhonsl^, but nevertheless prepares for the struggle, 262; strength of the army of, 264; waver- ing nature of, 264; begins the war and, stealing a march on the English, makes for HaidarabAd, 268 ; baffled in this, con- centrates his forces, and takes up a posi- tion between Bokardan and Assaye, 269; prepares to give battle at Assaye, 271 ; position of the army of, 271; is. attacked, 273 ; observing a hJesitation in the Eng- lish advance, orders a charge of cavalry, 273 ; is anticipated by Wellesley, 272 ; quits the field as soon as his cavalry is defeated, 274; is attacked by Wellesley at Argaum, 377; is completely defeated, 378; confides Aligarh to the charge of Monsieur Perron. 281 ; the trained armies of, are de- feated at Aligarh, 282 ; before Dihli, which falls in consequence, 284 ; at LaswAri, 285-7 ; ao:rees to the treatv of Sarji Arjen- gaon, 201. Delamain. Colonel, distinguishes himself at the final assault on Bharatpiir, 331. Delawarr, Serr/eant, driven by neglect into rebellion. 176-7. DSo Raj, T)a\nai, usurps the regal power in Maisiir, 210 : transfers it to his brother NanjirAj, 311. D'Esjiremenil. Dural, is governor of Madras for the French, 9 ; some account of, 9 anil note ; repulses the ^highuls from before Madras. 10 ; and forces them to raise the siege, 10-1. Dhuliqi Sinr/h, IMaharA/ab. son of ilaharA- jAh Kanjit Singh, birth of. 349; becomes ruler of the PanjAb at the age of five years, "50; accompanies his uncle, Jowahir Singh, on tlie summons given to the latter by the Sikh army, 352; is made to dis- mount from the elephant whilst the soldiers si^oot his unele, 352 ; is taken under the protection, and made the ward of the British Government, 376 ; which be- trays its trust in 1849, 439-40. Dick, General, commands the left attack of the British at Sobrslon, 369-70 ; the attack of, "the finest of the campaign." at first repulsed, 370-1 ; but. thanks to the success of the attacks on tlie right and centre, ultimatelv succeeds, 371-2. Viff, Battle of, 309-11 ; fortress of, is captured by Lord Lake. 312-3. Dihli, battle gained near, by General Lake, gains for the English entrance into. 283-4; state of the fortifications of, when threat- ened by Holkar. .jQ8 : seven days' abortive siege of, 308 ; Lord I^ake arrives at, 3C9. Diftraeli, Mr., successful application of one of the aphorisms of. 157. Don, Colonel, is detached to storm Tonk BAmpiira. 299; storms it and joins '^Fon- son, 299; conduct during the retreat, 301-6; commands tlie third assault at the siege of Bharatpilr. 317-8. Index. AM Z)«jy, Major Grant, praise accoided by, tn the French administration of the Northern Sirkiirs, 74. Bundas, General, joins Lord Gougrh's army after the capture of ^CiiltAn, 428 ; com- mands the extreme left division at Gujriit, 429 and note; combines with Colin Camp- bell to turn the Sikh rigrht, 432-5. Dupleix, resolves to expel the English from Madras, 6-7; captures Madras and orders his lieutenant to retain it at all hazards, 8 ; sends Paradis with a force to Madras. H; splendid prospects opened to, by vic- tory of Paradis, 15-6 ; splendid results achieved by, 18-9 ; disturbed by Clive's action at ArkAt, organises a scheme to re- cover the lost prestige, 20 ; is foiled by the result of Kaveripdk, 31-3. Dupre, Mr., negotiates with Haidar Ali, 229-30. Du Rocher, is sent at the head of an army into the field, 91-3. Dnrand, Sir Henry, article of, in Calcutta Retieic, page 383, note and many suhse- qiwnt notes : opinion of, regarding the state of affairs in the PanjAb in the early part of 1848, 384, note; advice given by, to Lord Gough, 411 ; of the battle of Chilidn- wala, 422-3 and note: of Gujrdt, 433. Dutch, The, establish their Indian head- quarters at Chinsurah, 108 ; jealous of the English progress under Clive, intrigue with Mir J'afar. 109-10; bring a ship into the Hugli, but are forced to send it away. 112 ; bring seven ships, full of troops, into the same river, 112-3 ; demand reparation of the English, 115 ; capture English ships and push up towards Calcutta, 116 ; their ships are attacked and destroyed by an inferior force of English ships, 116-7; the land forces of. arc completely de- feated bv Forde at Chandranag-ar, 110-21 ; and at Biderra. 123 ; waive all their claims and admit the predominance of the Eng- lish, 123 : adventurers with the British armv. 171. E. Edivardes. Herbert, is dispatched by Sir H. Lawrence to Bannii, 377 ; his policy there, 378 and note; action of, on receiving the news of the murder of Tans Agnew and Anderson. 388; prepares to march against ^lulrjij. 390; totally defeats his army at Kinairi. 391; and at Sadusam, 391; block- ades itultan. 392 ; might have finished the war had he been then and there sup- ported, 391-2. Ellenhorongh, Earl of, expresses a desire for a friendly interview with Rajah Shcr Singh, 349; prescient policy of, with re- spect to protection against a Sikh inva- sion, 353-4. Ellis, Mr., agent to PatnA and member of Council, character of, 139 ; makes prepar- ation to seize the Niiwab's city of Patna. 139; surprises that city, 140; is driven from it by :\[ir KAsim's troops and forced to retreat towards Awadh, 141 ; is taken prisoner to Patna. 142. Ellor, vide E'hir. E'hir. carlv description of, 73 ; captured by the English, 92. EnpJiith, The, first settlement of, in Bengal. 35-40 ; prosperity of, 40 ; prosperity of, not English, The — cont. affected by MarAthd invasions, 42 ; settle- ments of, uprooted by Siraju'd daulah, 44 , conquer the Northern Sirkiirs, 75-103; loss of, at the storming of Machhli'patanam, 105 ; ships attack and destroy a superior force of Dutch ships in the Hugli, 117-9 ; base, mean and disreputable policy pur- sued by, in Bengal, 133 ; system of tyranny carried on by, against ^Lir EAsim and his subjects, 136-7; drive !Mir Kiisim to war, 137 ; declare the deposition of Mir Kasim and the restoration of Mir J'afar, 144 ; chances of, and of Mir Edsim, 145-6; causes which seem to militate against the success of, against the Niiwab-Vazir of Awadh, 170-2 ; mixed composition of the army, 171-2 ; value of the stakes played for, "and won by, at Baksar, 205-6; policy of, in southern India, differs from that adopted in Bengal, 214-5 ; are duped into a war against Haidar Ali, 215 ; virtually re- fuse Haidar All's peace proposals, 220 ; are hartisaed by their engagements with Muhammad Ali, 222 ; again reject the offers of Haidar Ali, 228 ; who, at length, forces his own terms upon them. 229-30 T" fail to keep their engagements with Hai- dar Ali, 230 ; capture Pondicherry and threaten Mah^, 230-1 ; provoke a war with Haidar, 231-2; are ill-prepared for the con- flict, 233. Erode, vide i'irod. Ererard, Major, splendid conduct of, at the storming of Bharatpiir, 330-1. FaraJchdbdd, Holkar is surprised bv Lord Lake at, 311-2. Fazal Ullah . Khan, one of Haidar All's generals, debouches into the plains by Soimbatdr, and clears the country as far as Triohinapalli, 225-6. Firuzshahar, position taken by the Sikhs at, 359 : battle of, 359-65 ; comments on. 365 and note; impression made by the battle of, on the sipAhis, 365 ; on the cis-Satlaj feudatories, 366. Fischer, Captain, gains the trench in the storming of ilachhlipatanam, 99; pushes along the rampart to the right, 102. Fitzgerald, Major, saves Colonel Wood's army when the latter is on the point of succumbing to Haidar Ali, 225 ; is baffled by Haidar, 226. Fletcher, Colonel, is detached to reinforce Baillie, 241 ; baffles Haidar by his intelli- gence, 241-2. Flint, Lieutenant, is dispatched to assume command at Wandiwdsh, 235; daring con- duct of, 236 ; splendid defence and its striking consequences, 237 ; reward meted out to, 237. note. Forde, Lieut. -Colonel, is dispatched by Clive with an armed force to the Northern Sirkdrs. antecedents of, 78; arrives at Tishakpatanam. and arranges with the re- volted Uajah. 80; marches towards Edjah- mahendri and occupies a position four miles from that of the enemy. 81 : man- oeuvres to attack liim, 82 ; occupies the village of Kondiir. 82 ; is attacked by Con- flans, 83 ; the cool and brilliant conduit of, gains one victory, 83-6; and then another, 84 ; great credit due to, 85 ; dispatches 444 Index. Forde, Lieut. -Colonel -liont. Knox to pursue the euemy, 87; reBolveB to push his victory to the utmost, 88 ; crosses the Godavari aiid captufes E'Mi-, 90; marches against Konkal, 92; storms it and pushes on to Maohhlipatanam, 92-3 ; whicli he invests, 93 ; enormous difl&culties of the position of, 93-5 ; ag-gravated by the con- duct of his native ally, 95 ; is apparently lost, 96; noble character of, 97-S ; resolves to storm the place, 98; dispatches Knox to make a demonstration, 98 ; and orders Anandrdz to clo the same, 98 ; whilst he burls Yort, Maclean and Fischer against the one assailable point, 100 ; forces the enemy to surrender at discretion, 104; great merits of, 104-5 ; important results of the action of, 105 ; treatment meted out by the Court of Directors to, 106-7 ; takes part in the operations in Bengal against the Dutch, 115; marches on Chandranagar, and defeats the Dutch there, 120 ; applies to C'live for orders and receives a laconic reply, 120; marches on Biderra, encoun- ters and oomplctelv defeats the Dutch there, 120-2 ; tribute to, 124. Franpr, General, is left at Dihif when Lord Lake starts for the Duab. 309; attacks the enemy before Dig, 310 ; is mortally wounded, 310. French, The, break the understanding ex- isting on the Koromandal coast by avail- ing themselves of their superiority to at- tack the English, 6-7; refuse to restore Madras either to the English or to the native ruler of the Karndtat, 8 ; prepare to resist the latter by force of arms, 9 : defeat the cavalry ofMAphuz Khan, and force the Mughuls to raise the siege, 10-11; defeat the ^fughuls at St. Thom6, 13-4 : magnificent prospects opened out to, by the victory, 15; brilliant actual re- sults of, for, 16-7; misfortune of, in not possessing a commander, 19 ; are disturbed by Clivc's action at ArkAt. 20; attempt a counter solieme, 20-1 ; plunder the environs of !\rndras, 21 ; disturbed by the arrival of Clive, manoeuvre skilfnlly to deceive liim, 23 ; lead Olive into a trap at KAv^ri- pdk, 24 ; almost win the battle, but, for want of ordinary care, lose it, 26-31 : posi- tion of, in the Northern Sirk&rs, 72-8 ; are beaten at Kondiir and forced to evacuate Uijahmahendri, 82-8 ; lose the Northern Sirkdrs, 89-106 ; adventurers with the Pritish army, 171 ; a portion of the adven- turers join the N'iwab-Yazir, 176-7. Ganida, difficulties of ]\Ionson's force at, 302. Ganjdm, description of, 73-4. German, adventurers with the British army, 171 : cautious nature of, 177. Gilbert, General (afterwards Sir Walter), commands the right division of the army at Ffriizshahar. 359 : is successful, but withdraws for tlie night, 360-1 ; conducts a reconnaissance across the ChinAb, -108 ; gallant conduct of, and of his division, at Chilian wala, 417-9 ; forces the centre of the Sikh positiori at Gujrat, 431 ; follows np the victory, 43.1 l ; aijid compels the surrendPT or the whole Sikh army, 435 and note. Glenn, Lieutenantt encounters and defeats au enemy vastly superior in numbers on the Aji river, 148; captures Katwd. and rejoins the main army, 149. Godavari, The, waters the Northern Sir- kArs, 73. Godhy, Brigadier, is sent with his brigade to reinforce Thackwell, 404-9 ; gallant fight of, and his brigade at OhiliAnw&ld, 4 1 5-8. Gough, Sir Hugh (afterwards Lord), Com- mander-in-chief in India, collects his forces to meet the sudden irruption of the Sikhs, 355; character of, 356; beats the Sikh detachment at Miidkf, 357-8; orders Littler to join, and marches on Ffriizsha- har, 358 ; order of battle of, before Flniz- shahar, 359 ; gallantry of, 363 ; gains the battle after he had lost it, 363; whilst re- ceiving congratulations on his victory is again threatened, 363 ; is saved by the treachery of T^i Singh, 364 ; dispatches Smith to Dharmkdt and Lodi&na, 366 ; at- tacks the Sikhs in their position at Sob- rion, 369; orders a timely advance of his centre and right, 371 ; gains the battle, 372; marches on LAhor, 373; vetoes Sir F. Carrie's proposal to undertake operations against Mult&n during the hot season, 390 ; forms the Army of the PanjAb, 395 ; masses his army at NoiwAla, 396 ; defects in the character of, as a general, 397; un- necessarily forces on the combat of RAm- nagar, 398-9 ; true course to be followed by, 399 ; rejects it, 400 ; carelessness of, with respect to the proper examination of the fords across the ChinAb, 400-1 ; dispatches Thackwell to turn the Sikh position, 401 ; dispatches an order to Thackwell to fight, and then countermands it, 404 ; pounds Sh^r Singh's position across the Chin&b, 405 ; continues to pound it after it had been evacuated by Sh^r Singh, 406 ; con- structs a bridge across the Chindb, and sends cavalry reinforcements to Thack- well. 408; dispatch of, on the artillery combat of SadiSlapiir, 408, note; crosses the ChinAb and touches Thackwell's force, 409-10 ; receives instructions to engage the enemy, 410 ; adopts the advice tendeted to him to turn the Sikh position at RasiSl, 411 ; whilst marching to execute this idea, is suddenly diverted from it by the appear- ance of Sikh parties on his left, 412 ; marches on ChiliAnwdlA, and resolves to encamp when he is " dravra '* by Sher Singh, 413-4 ; attacks the Sikhs, 414 ; looks only to his infantry, 415-9; misses a great opportunity to make the victory decisive. 420-1 and note ; withdraws from the field, leaving standards and guns as a trophy to the enemy. 421, notes to 423 and 425; com- ments on the manner in which, fought the battle, 421-3, and note tn 4"?3 ; concentrates his army within too small a place, and allows the Sikhs to dominate the plain, 424 and note ; is tempted again and again by Sh^r Singh to action, but wisely refrains, 425-6 ; perplexity of, when Sh6r Singh threatened his communications, 426; after some indecision, holds his hand to, and effects a junction with Whish, 426-7; de- termines to attack the Sikhs at Gujrdt. 428; arranges plan of battle. 428-9 and note : fights and gains it, 429-35 ; sends Gilbert in pursuit, and finishes the war, 435 ; vindication of the conduct of, after Index. 445 Goufjh, Sir HugTi^coTLt. OhilUtiwdla, 435-ti; that) battle a lesson to, 436. Govind, further supplies the doctrines of the Sikh faith, and establishes the " Khalsa," 337 ; is persecuted by Aurangzfb, but hon- oured by hifl successor, and ultimately as- sassinated, 338. Gray, Mr., is sent as envoy to Haidar AH with very paltry presents, 231 ; failure of the mission of, 232. Gujrdt, position of the Sikh and the British armies before, 428 ; battle of, 429-35. Guldh Singh, RAjah of Jamii, succeeds to the headship of the Jamii family on the death of Hird, Singh, 351 ; pacifies the army sent to destroy him, 351 ; makes overtures to the British after Aliwdl, and receives a reply satisfactory to the chiefs, who wished, first of all, the destruction of the Sikh army, 368 ; buys Kashmir from the Government of India, 374. Gundlakamma, The, one of the boundaries of the Northern Sirkdrs, 73. H. Haidar All, parentag-e of, 211 ; early train- ing of, 212; joins the Maisur army under Nanjirij, and adopts a military career, 212 ; gradually builds up a position for himself, 213; turns against his benefactor and assumes the virtual sovereignty of Maisiir, 214 ; makes head against a quad- ruple alliance, detaches two of its mem- bers, and enters the field against the Eng- lish and Muhammad All, 215 ; is defeated in two engagements, 215 ; recovers himself, captures some places, and lays siege to Ambiir, 216 ; is baffled by Captain Calvert, and falls back on Kav^ri'patam, 217 ; re- treats to the Bangalor plateau, 217; gains the whole of the western coast and re- turns, inspirited, to the Maisiir plateau, 218 ; attacks MurAri Rdo unsuccessfully, 219 ; marches to overwhelm Colonel "Wood, 219 ; is baffled by Smith, and saved from destruction by Wood's folly, 219 and note ; proposes to the English to make peace, but considers their conditions too exor- bitant, 220 ; entices Colonel Wood into a snare, and all but destroys his force, 221 ; out-manceuvres Wood, 223 ; desi)atches Fazal XJUah Khdn to clear the plains be- low Koimbatiir, 225 ; debouches into the plains, deceives Fitzgerald, takes Kariir, and presses on to Yirdd (Erode), 226; forces, in a peculiar manner, the surren- der of that place, 226-7 ; marches eastward and proposes terms of accommodation to the English, 227 ; on the terms being rejected, out-manoeuvres the English, threatens Madras, and forces his own terms on the English, 228-9; summary of the following eleven years of the life of, 230 ; protests vehemently against the Eng- lish attack on Mah6, 231 ; receives the English envov and resolves on war with the English, 232 ; dashes into North Ark&t, and penetrates as far as KAnchipuram, 233 ; invests Wandiw&sh with the flower of his army, 235 ; is baffled there by the dar- ing of one Englishman, 235-7 ; feels that he has the English in his grasp, 238 ; receives information from Tipii that he was about Haidar Alt — cont. to attack Baillie, 238; interposes between Miinro and BaiUie, 239; tries to entice Colonel Fletcher into a trap, but fails, 241-2; sends the bulk of his army to rein- force Tipu, 242 ; and, having lulled Munro into security, follows himself, 242 ; joins Tipd in time to compass the destruction of Baillie's force, 243-5; misses a great 6p- portunity of finishing the war, 246 ; takes Arkdt and Ambiir, 247 ; out -manoeuvres "Sir Eyre Coote, and has him in his power, 248 ; loses the opportunity through tue imbecil- ity of his French naval colleague, 249 ; is so elated by the repulse of Chelambram,. that he resolves to force on a battle, 250 ; Sosition chosen by, 251; loses the battle^ -52-3 ; renounces the contest for empire,. and fights to save what he had, 254 ; dies^ 255. Hamilton, Mr. 'William, cures the Emperor Farrakhsiyar, and obtains important con- cessions for the English in Bengal, 39-40. Hardinge, Sir Henry, succeeds Lord Ellen- borough as Governor-General, and gradu- ally adopts the views of the former, with respect to a Sikh invasion, 353 ; prepares for the coming storm, 353-4; offers himself as second in command to Sir Hugh Gougii, 358; calm, clear judgment of, 358; gallan- try of, 362 ; gives guarantees to Gulub Singh, 368 ; annexes the Jiilandhar Dodb and Kdshmir, and sells the latter to Giilab Singh, 374 ; establishes a Government at Lahore under British control, 375-6 ; fails to recognize the fact that the Sikh army had never considered itself fairly beaten, 379 ; reduces the armv, and resigns his office, 380. Hastinffs, M'arren, was an exception to the general corruption in Bengal. 133 ; the soli- tary supporter of Mr. Vansittart in Coun- cil, 134; endeavours to check the violenfe of his colleagues, 136 ; appealed to by iladras for aid, raises money, and iis- patches Sir Eyre Coote with reinforce- ments for that Presidency, 247. Havelock, Colonel, gallant charge and death of, 398-9. Hay, Mr., one of the members of Council op- posed to Mir Kdsim, is detained by the latter at Munger, 140. Herbert, Lieutenant, evacuates Atak, which thus falls into the hands of Chattar Singh, 410; is released, 435-6, note. Hessing, George, commanding at AgrA for Sindia, is placed under restraint by his own men, 284-5. Hinddon, horrors of Monson's position at and near, 304. Hoggan, Brigadier, gallant fight of the bri- gade of, at ChiliAnwAla, 415-6, Holkar, vide Jeswant Rao Holkar. Holland, relative position of, to England, with respect to conquests in the East. 108-9 ; establishment at Chinsurah, 109' (vide The Dutch). Holwell, Mr., and the catastrophe of the Black Hole, 43 and note ; acts for Yansit- tart after the departure of Clive, 125 ; policy recommended by, not adopted, 127. Hositur, important military events in the vicinity of, 223-4. Hugli, settlement of the English at the town of, is merged into the settlement at Cal- cutta, 38-9 ; is stormed by the English, 46. Hunter, Major, has his arm nearly severed 446 Index. from his body aa he is offering terms to the enemy, 333. liar (Jovind, simplifies the Sikh doctrines, 336. Irvine, Captain, gallant conduct and slcill of, at the second siege of Bharatpur, 327. Ii-ring, Captain, pallant conduct of, at U'ndwah Ndlfi, 158-9. J 'a far, Mir, ib gained over by Clive, 51 ; uncei'tain natui'e of the communications of, with Clive on the eve of Plassey,, 53; baseness of the treason of, towards SirAjw'd daulah, 62-3 ; essential viciouaness of the policy of, "0 ; responds to the advances made by the Dutch to upset the English, 110-1 ; "double-dealing policy of, 111-2 ; abandons his Dutch allies on their defeat, 121 ; shows a marked disinclination to make way for 3Iir Kfisim, 130 ; forced by the Knglish to yield, he retires to Calcutta, 131-2 and note ; is restored to his office by the English, 144 ; conditions of the restora- tion of, 144 and note; joins Major Adams in the field, 148 ; enters MurshidAbild in triumph, 150; endeavours to dissuade the Niiwdb-Yazir of Awadh from espousing the cause of ^lir Kasim, 167-8 ; in vain, 169; advances money to suppress mutiny of European troops, 177-8; takes up a posi- tion with Carnac for the defence of Patnil, 185 : ia engaged in battle before Patnil, 187-90. JdJandhar Dodh, The, is annexed by Sir Henry Hardinge, 374. Janm, tile Rdjahn of, obtain a preponder- ating influence in the Government of the Panjdb. 348 ; the chief of the, Dliidn Singh, is murdered, 350; the next in succession, Hira Singh, obtains the support of the army, and becomes Tazir, 350 ; is slain, 351 ; the next chief of, Gulab Singh, 351, vide Gulab Singh. Janda Kaur Hani, wife of E an jit Singh, 349; becomes regent of the Panjdb, 350; character of, 350; is deported, for plotting, to ChunAr, 392. Jennin{/6, Captain, votes in the majority of the council of war before Plassey against fighting, 54 ; succeeds to the temporQ,ry command of the Bengal army, 170-1 ; ia in- disposed to pursue Mir KAsim, 171 ; re- presses mutiny of the European troops under his orders. 173-6 ; represses mutiny of the sipAhis, 178-9 ; makes over the com- mand to Major Carnac, 180. Jexwant Rao nolkar, defeats Sindia'a army in two successive battles, 259 ; is himself beaten by Sindia at Indiir, 259 ; not being followed up, recruits another army and defeats Sindia's army near Pund, 260; this decisive battle the proximate cause of the break-up of the MarAthA confederacy, and brings about the treaty of Bassein, 260 ; refuses to join Sindia in the war against the English, 262 ; submits to the English with "his kingdom on his saddle's bow," 291 ; reason why, held aloof, when Sindia and the Bhonsle warred with the British, 294 ; character of. 294 ; escapes from con- finement, wars with Sindia and occupies Puna, 294-5 ; watches the defeat of Sindia by the British with complacency, 295 ; the Jeswant Rao Tlolkar—oont. haughty letters of, breathe war, 29C ; mur- ders the Englishmen in his employ, 296-7; provokes the English Government beyond endurance, 297-8 : invades Jaipiir terri- tory. 298 ; threatens Jaipur, 298 : after some manoeuvring, marches south and crosses the Chambal, 299; entices Monson to march against him, 299 ; then turns round and drives Monson before him to Agrd, 301-5 ; criticism on the conduct of, during the pursuit, 306 ; occupies Atathura, 307; amuses Lord Lake, whilst be sends a force to make a dash at Dihli, 307-8; be- sieges Colonel Burn in the Duab, 309 ; rushes off on the approach of Lord Lake, 309 ; is surprised by Lord Lake at Farak- hdb^d, 311-2 ; hovers about Bharatpur during the siege, 314-8; final defeat of, 291, 321. Johnsojn, Captain, is forced by Haidar's gen- eral to fall back on Trichinapalli, 226. Jowahir Singh, brother of the RAni, Janda Kaur, becomes the nominal head of the Sikh Government, 351; becomes Vazir, and rouses the indignation of the army by putting to death Peshora Singh. 352 ; is murdered by the Sikh soldiers, 352. KarndtaJc, Nuwabs of the, process whrmby the position of the, towards the European settlers on the Koromandal coast became invested, 1-17. Kashmir, is accepted from the Sikli Govern- ment by Sir Henry Hardinge in lieu of an indemnity imposed by him upon that Government, 374; sells Kashmir to Gulab Singh for the same amount, 374; policy and morality of the transaction, 374-5, and note to 375. Kmim, Mir (Mi'r Muhammad Kdsim Khan), deputed by Mir J'afor, envoy to Calcutta on the death of Mfr.i.n, 127 ; character and instinctive policy of, 128 ; cajoles the Cal- cutta Council into substituting himself for ^lir J'afar as ruler of Bengal, 129; condi- tions of, and price paid for, the alliance. 129-30 ; takes up the office of Siibahdilr of the throe provinces, 332 ; reforms instituted by, and just aims of, !l32-3; causes which led, to hate the English with a bitter and brooding hatred, 133; removes his capital to Mungdr. and prepares for the coming storm, 134-5 ; receives a visit from Mr. Tan- sittart, makes great concessions, and con- cludes a treaty with him, 137 ; acts on the treaty, but, when the Calcutta Council dis- avow it, establishes free trade throughout his dominions, 138; in spite of enormous provocation, endeavours to maintain peace with the English, 139; despatches troops to pursue the Englisli who had treacher- ously seized his city of PatnA, 141 ; issues a manifesto justifying his conduct, and appealing to tlie English for redress, 142 ; the English answer by deposing, 145 : chances of success of, 145-6; one fatal flaw in the natu'"'^ of, 146 and note ; army of, after three defeats, retires on Siiti, 150 ; fatal want caused by the absence of, 151 ; orders his last and best army to a very strong position behind U'ndwah NdlA, 155 : stakes his whole fortune on the issue of the battle to be fought there, 156; irri- tated at his defeat there and the loss of Index. 447 Manger, orders the murder of his Euro- ppan prisoDcrs, 161 : quits Bihar and im- plores the protection of the NiiwAb-Vazir of Awadh, ICl • takes refugre in the terri- tories of that prince, 166 ; makes an im- pression upon the Ntiwab-Tazir at AUd- hubad. 168 ; proceeds against and defeats the Rajah of Bundelkhand, 169-70; marches with the Niiwab-Vazir to invade Bihar, 170 ; the agents of, attempt to undermine the English army, 172 : is with the Niiw&b- Vazir before Patnfi, 186 ; misbehaves in the battle fought before that place, 189-90 ; is dismissed from the camp of the Nuwdb- Vazir with eontumelv, 197 and note. Katird, battle of, 148. Kandjl, storming of, 92. Kdv /ripdk, description of the battle of, 24-31 ; the victory of, transfers the moral supremacy in Southern India from the French to the English. 31 ; is the second act in the drama of which St. Thome was the first. 32. Kectic. Tjioiiffnant, commands the party which decides the battle of KavFripak, 29. Khaltd. doctrines of the, established by Govind. 337. Khan Shiffh, H'irdar, is appointed to succeed ilulrij at ilultan, and accompanies ilessra. Agnew and Anderson. 385; loyalty of, at the ilultin crisis, 386. Kharal- Sinr/h, succeeds Ranjit Singh as ruler of the Panjab, 348; death of, 348 and note. KHnatriek, Major, is despatched from Madras to aid the refugees from Calcutta, reaches Palta, 44. Knox, Captain, is despatched by Forde to follow up the victors- of Kondur. 87 ; cap- tures Hajahmahendri. P8 ; and Narsipiir, 92; makes a demonstration against Mach- hlipatanam, !JS : takes part in the opera- tions in Bengal against the Dutch. 115-9; and against the Shiihz.'idah. 126; and under Adams, 16i ; succeeds to the command of the array and resigns it to Jennings, 170. Kolar, important military events near, 217-22. Kondupilh. description of, 73 and note. Kondur, battle of. 82-7. Koringa, description of, 73. Kotdh, it'ijah of, refupr-s to admit Monson's force in its retreat, 302. Krmhna, the, one of the great rivers of Southern India, 73. Kuntbhir (the Hindi for a long-nosed alli- gator ) , prophecy current among the In- dians regardin?. in connection with Bhar- atpiir, 314 : how the prophecy regarding, was fulfilled. .333. Kii^halourh. difficulties of Monson's retreat to and from, 303. Lake, General, marches from Kanlipur to attack Sindia's trained army at Aligarh, 281 : defeats the enemy under Perron be- fore that place, 281-2 ; and storms Ali|:arh, 282; comes upon their army under Louis Bourquin, near Dihlf, 283 : attacks and de- feats it. 283-4 ; enters Dihli and releases and restores the blind King, Shah Alam. 284: sets out for AgrA, 284: attacks and defeats the remnants of Perron's and Bourquin's armies, and captures the for- Lake, General—cont. tress, 285 ; follows the last trained army of Sindia, 286 ; in consequence of the heavy state of the ground, and to prevent the enemy's escape into the hill country, fol- lows it up with his cavalry alone, and catches them at Laswari, 286; attacks the enemy, but is forced to hold off. pending the arrival of his infantry, 287; on the arrival of the infantry, attacks again, and, after a very hardly contested battle, gains a decisive victory, 287-9 ; summary of the campaign of, 291 ; character of, 291-2 ; warns Holkar of the consequences of his proceedings, 296 ; marches to Hinddon to be ready for action, 297 ; again warns Hol- kar, 297 ; resolves to protect the Rdjah of Jaipur, 298 ; despatches Colonel Jfonson to Jaipur, and Colonel Don first to TonkUam- piira, and then to join Monson, 298-9 ; re- solves to keep Monson at Eota whilst he rests his troops till after the rainy season, 299; marches to, and occupies, Mathurd, 307; fails to bring Holkar to action, 307-8; learns thnt Holkar's infantry was men- acing Dihli and sets out for that pHce, 308; finding Dihli safe, follows Holkar to the Du4b, 3G8-9 ; hears of the victory of Dig, 309; surprises Holkar at Farakhdbad, 311-2 ; captures the fortress of Dig. 312 ; marches against Bharatpiir, 313: is ill- supplied with materiel for the siege, 314-5 ; orders a first assault, 315 ; a second, 315-6 ; encourages the men, 318 ; receives rein- forcements. 318 ; orders a third assault, 318-9 ; a fourth, 320-1 ; raises the siege, 321 ; forces Holkar to surrender, 321. Lake, Lieutenant, an assistant under Sir Henr>' Lawrence, 378. Ldl Singh, a prominent Sikh nobleman, is anxious to crush the insolence of the Sikh army, 351 ; to save himself and to ensure its destruction, urges the Sikh army to attack the British, 354; baneful influence of, on the Sikh movements, 356, 363; is still bent on the destruction of the Sikh army. 367-8 ; rewards accorded to, for his treachery, 375. Lally, Count, arrives in Southern India to espel the English therefrom, 74; success of, greatly impeded by his rashness. 74-5 : recalls Bussy from ArkAt, and leaves the defence of the Northern Sirkars to the ^larquis de Conflans. 7.5. Layirdri, battle of, 257-9: remarks upon the, 289-91; decisive as to the war, 291. Lawrence, Colonel {afterwards Sir Henry), is appointed fi rst R esident at Lahor to control the Sikh regency, 377 ; mode adopted by, to carry out the general con- trol of the Panjab "administration. .377-9: accompanies Lord Hardinge. on leave, to England, and is succeeded by Sir F. Currie, 380: could he have prevented the outbreak?, 381; is unfavourable to the an- nexation of the PanjAb. 437. Lawrence, George St. Patrick, is deputed by his brother Henry to Peshawar. 378 : is released from imprisonment with the Sikh army, 435-6 note. Lawrence, John, receives Mulrdj at Ldhor, and arranges regarding his resignation, 382-3; evidence of, at the trial of Mulrdj, 382, note. Littler, General , commands at Firiizpur. when the Sikhs cross the Satlaj, 353: taking counsel only from his own true heart, marches out and offers them battle. 448 Index. Littler. General — cont. which they refuse, 354 ; oommards the left of the Eng-lieh force at Firiizshahar, 359; oomes first of all into action, and, after sustaining- heavy loBses, is repulsed, 359-60. Lucan, Lieutenant, and other officers im- plore Monson not to retreat, 300-1 ; gal- lantry of, 301. M. MaeGidre, Mr., accepts a bribe from Mir Edsim, 130. Machhllpatanam , early acquisition of, by the French, 72 ; description of, 73 ; head- quarters of the French in the Northern Sirkdrs, 74 ; defences of, 93-4 ; is invested by Forde, 94; storming- of, 97-104; impor- tant results of the conquest of, 106. Maclean, Captain, gains the breach at the storm of Machhllpatanam, 100 ; further progress of, 104 ; joins the English army on the Diirgawati, 172. Macrae, Colonel, commands the second as- sault at the siege of Bharatpiir, 317. Mddhaji Sindia, character and grand con- ceptions of, 257-8 ; dies just as he was mounting the last step of the ladder, 258. Madras Government, The, on learning Baillie's defeat, apply to Bengal for aid, 247. Madrqs, terms of the treaty dictated at, by Haidar All to the English, 229-30. Mahddeo Rao Ndrdyan, last but one of the Peshwds of the MarAthds, 258 ; commits suicide, 258-9. Make, threatened by the English, who take it despite of the protestations of Haidar All, 231. Maisiir, ancient dimensions of, 208 ; gradual formation of the kingdom of, 209-10 ; regal power in, usurped by the Dalwais, 210-1 ; falls under the virtual sovereignty of Haidar Ali, 213-4 ; important military events on the plateau of, 218-25 ; summary of events in, during the eleven years fol- lowing the dictation of terms by Haidar to the English, 230; restored to the Hindu dynasty, 256. Maitland, Lieutenant Colonel, commands the first assault at the siege of Bharatpiir, 315-6. Malwdffal, combat of, 221-2. Mdphuz Khdn, eldest son of the Niiwtlb- of the Karndtak, is sent to recover Madras from the French, 8 ; besieges that place, 9; cavalry of, are completely beaten by the besieged in a sally, 11 ; raises the siege, 12 ; resolves to intercept the relieving French force under Paradis, 12 ; lines the Adyar near St. Thom6 with his troops. 12-3 : is attacked and completely defeated by Paradis, 13-5. Mardthd Confederacy, the first fatal blow dealt to, by the treaty of Bassein, 260-1 ; the second and decisive blow dealt to, 291. Mardtlid War, the results of the first, with respect to the actual present, 289-90; and to the future, 291. MarJear, is appointed to discipline and com- mand one of Mir KAsim's brigades, 135 : recaptures Patnil treacherously seized by the English, 141; engaged at the battle of Gh^riah, 151-4 ; at U'ndwah NAIA, 160. Martine, Lieutenant Claude, commands a French company in the British army under Martine^ Lievtenant Claude— cont. Jennings, 172; loyal and eflEectivo action of, during tlie mutiny, 175 ; is despatched to Calcutta, 182. Mehdi, Mir, Khdn, a commander under Mir KAsim, gallantly aids in the recovery of Patnil, 141. Menzies, Major. goUantrv of, at tlie siege of Bharatpiir, 321. Metcalfe, Mr., is despatched as envoy to Ranjft Singh, and wisely influences him, 344. Minto, Lord, takes up the dropped thread of Marquess Wclleeley's policy, 344. Miran, son of Mir J'afar, perfidious nature of, 122-3 ; is struck dead by lightning, 126. Mokamlara pass, retreat of Monson's force through, 301. Monson, Colonel, is despatched to protect Jaipiir, 298; character and antecedents of, 298; finds Holknr threatening Jaipur. 298; finds, when reconnoitring, that Holkar had disappeared, 298 ; marches, under or- ders from Lord Lake, to Kotd, 299 ; re- solves, against the spirit of Lake's order, to move southward, 299 ; learns that Hol- kar is on the Chambal near him, 299; re- solves to march towards him in the hope that he will retire, 300 ; finding Holkar does not retire, retreats, 300-1; falls back, pur- sued, to tlie Mokandara pass, 301; thence to GaniiSs and Tonk Eampiira. 302-3; thence to Kuahalgarh, still pursued, 303; thence to Hinddon, 304; thence, terribly harassed, through the Bidna pass, 305 ; and finally to Agrd, 305; judgment on. 306 ; assumes command before Dig on the death of General Eraser, 310; and wins the battle, 310-1 ; commands the fourth as- sault at the siege of Bharatpiir, 320. Moracin, Monsieur, appointed French resi- dent at Machhllpatanam, 74; arrives too late to prevent the catastrophe at that place, 106. Moran , Captain , gallant conduct of, at U'ndwah Ndlfi, 159. Mudln, Mir, gallantrv of, at Plassey, 62 ; death of, fatal to Sirdju'd daulah, 62. M-Adhi, combat of, 356-8 ; numbers of the Sikhs at, 358 and note. Muhammad Talci Khdn, one of !^[ir Kdsim's generals, sends a detachment to attack Glenn on the Aji, 148 : fights a battle with Major Adams near KatwA. 149 ; gallant death of, 149. Mulrdj, succeeds his father as Diwan of Multdn, 381 ; at first resists, but finally agrees to. the conditions of the L^hor Dar- bdr, 381-2 ; the complaints against the ad- ministration of. are backed up by the Ldhor Darbdr, 382-3 ; proceeds to Lahor to see Sir H. Lnwrencc and to fender his resignation, 382 and note; is received by Mr. John Lawrence, and persists in his resignation. 383-3; pressed by Sir F. Currie, still refuses to withdraw his resig- nation. 383 ; receives Messrs. Agnew and Anderson and transfers to them the keys of the fortress, 385 ; behaviour of. when the British officers are cut down, 386; re- ply of. to Vans Aenew's summons, 386; casts in his lot with the national party, 387 ; troops of, are defeated by the Biliichis near Derd Gh4zi Khdn. and by Edwardes at Kinniri and Sadusdm, 391; is blockaded in Multdn, 391. Inde.\ 449 Mult&n^ comes into the i)os8e8sion of Raiijit Sinffh, 345 ; the DiwAni of, devolves upon Murrii, 381 ; the strongest fortress in the Panjab, 383 ; murderous events and rising- in, 384 ; blookaded by Edwardes, 391 ; siege of, begins, 393 ; is raised and recommenced, 394-5 ; is taken, 424. Mungir^ is made his capital by Mir Kdsim, and is greatly strengthened, 134 and note. Munro, Major (afterwards Sir Hector), suc- ceeds Carnao in command of the army, 191-2 ; character of, 192 ; suppresses a mutiny of the sipAhis, 193; advances and 1 crosses the Sdn at Ealvargh&t, 195 ; reaches Baksar, 196 ; resolves to attack the enemy on the 24th, but is himself attacked on the 23rd, 198; fights and wins the battle of Baksar, 199-204 ; is commander-in-chief at Madras when Haidar Ali dashes into north Arkat, 234 ; unsound military views of, 234 ; to carry out those views, stretches the law and assumes command of the army in the field, 234 ; directs Baillie, from pure self-will, to make a circuitous march to Kdnohipuram, 238; allows Haidar All to interpose between him and Baillie, 238 ; sends reinforcements to Baillie, 241 ; loses his head and retreats to Chengalpatt, 245-6; thence to the vicinity of Madras, 247. . Murdri Rao, joins tlie English army on the Maisur plateau, 218; repulses an attack made by Haidar Ali, 219. Murray, Colonel, is ordered by Wellcsley to march on Indur, 299. Murshid Euli Khan, firm and just rule of, in Bengal, 40. Murtazanagar, description of, 73 and note. Musalipatam, vide MachhUpatanam, vide also notes to 72-3. Mutiny of the English troops under Knox, 172 ; under Jennings, 173-6 ; of the sipAhis, under the same ofBcer, 176-8 ; of the sipAhis under Munro, 192-4. Mytsore, vide Maisur. N. Ndnak, founder of the Sikh religion, 335 ; is succeeded by Angad,- 336. Nanjirdj, Dalivai, inherits the usurped power of his brother Deo RAj, 211 ; takes Haidar All under his patronage, 212 ; is deposed and pensioned by Haidar AU, 214. ZVao Nihdl Singh, grandson of Ranjit Singh, succeeds Eharak Singh as ruler of the PanjAb, 348; is killed the very day of his accession, 348 and note. Napier, Major Rohert, is appointed chief en- gineer of the MultAn besieging force, 393; opinion of, of MultAn, 393. Nasir Khan, Mir, one of Mir KAsim's gen- erals, gallantry of, at Gh^riah, 153. Nicholls, General, is second to Lord Comber- mere in the second siege of Bharatpur. 323 ; commands the left attack at the final storm, 328-32. Nicholson, John, an assistant under Sir Henry Lawrence, 377; by his activity and forethought secures a safe passage of the Chinab to General Thackwell, 403. Nizdm Ali, NizAm of HaidarAbad, joins Haidar Alf against the English, 2] 5; is frightened by the bad result of the cam- paign to renounce the alliance, 217. Ntzdmjiatanam, description of, 73. O. Ochterlony, Colonel David (afterwards Gen- eral Sir David), is Governor-General's agent at Dijhi when that place is besieged by Holkar's troops, 308 ; takes wise action regarding Bharatpur, for which lie is re- buked by Lord Amherst, 322 ; wlio, how- ever, is forced to carry out the policv of, 323 ; is despatched by Lord Minto to coerce Uanjit Singh, 344. Orine, Mr., testimony of, to the effect of the battle of St. Thom^, 15 ; regarding the storming of Machhlipatanam, 104. Orton, Captain, disgracefully surrenders Yirdd (Erode) to Haidar All* 237. Orves, The Chevalier d', commands the French fleet on the Madras coast, 248 ; de- liberately throws away the chance of com- pelling the surrender of a British arrov, 249. Ossoor, vide Hosaiir, Oudh, vide Awadh. Panjdh, The, rule of the Sikhs declared in, 341 ; annexed by the British, 437-8. Pavneau, a bad type of French officer, 92. Paradis, proceeds from Pondicherry to rein- force the garrison of Madras, 12 ; reaches the Adyar to find its banks lined by the Mughul army, resting on St. Thom^, 13 ; unhesitatingly fords the river, attacks, and gains a victory which revolutionizes the condition of Southern India, 13-5. Parmbdkam, battle at, and near, ending in the destruction of Baillie's force, 239-45. Patnd, battle of, 188-91. Pennycuich, Brigadier, gallant conduct of, and of the brigade of, at Chilianwala, 415-9. Perron, Monftieur, commands for Sindia at Aligarh, 281 ; half-heartedness of, and its cause, 281. Plassey, battle of, 60-7; effects of, in the present, and in the future, 67-8; a decisive though not a great battle, 68. PollocK, Lieutenant, distinguishes himself before Multan, 393. Pondicher-ry, captured by the English, 230 ; re-occupied by the French, 'MS Porto Novo, battle of, 250-3 ; decisive of the pretensions of Haidar. 253-4. Prudence, definition of, 27, 5o. R. Rdgh^lji Bhonale, Rajah of Barar, allies him- self with Sindia against the English. 262; strength of the array of, at the outbreak of the war, 264 ; military capacity of, 264 ; prepares to give battle to the English at Assaye, 270 ; gives an example to his men of unBurpassed cowardice, 275 : is attacked by Wellesley at Argaum, 277 ; is completely defeated and signs a very disadvantageous treaty with the conqueror, 278. Rdm Das, fourth teacher of the Sikhs, 336. Rdjahmahendri, description of, 73, note ; Conflans arrives at, and moves to a posi- tion forty miles from, 79 ; is captured by the English, 87-8. Rdmnagar, combat of. 397-9; military posi- tion of, for an army wishing to cross the Chinilb, 400. GG 450 Indei Rdmnarain, ic removed from the g-overiior- ehip of PatnA by Mir Kd^im, 134. Ranjit Singh, bifth of, 341 ; has traiieactiojis with the Afghans, and becomes recog-nized ruler of the Sikhs, 343 ; exchanges friendly eommunicationB with GeiV^fal Lake, 342*; tries to consolidate his dominions, but fails with the cis-Satlaj nobles, 343 ; who invite, and ultimately obtain, the support of the English, 343-4; resents the conduct of the English, but, on the approach of Ochterlony, and having in view the cir- cumstances of his own dominions, com- plies, 344-5 ; consolidates his trans-Satlaj dominions, 345 ; acquires Multd.n, Kashmir, the DerAjdt and Peshdwar, 345 ; takes into his services four French generals to dis- cipline his army. 345 ; has an interview with Lord AV. "Bentinck, 346; tries the temper of the British, and eventually with- draws his pretensions. 346; feelings of, towards the British, 346-7 ; unwillin^y en- ters into the alliance pressed on him by Lord Auckland to aid in the restoration of ShAh Shuja, 347; his convictions— and his hopes, 347 ; dies, 347-8 and note. Ranjur Singh, commanding a Sikh force, maltreats Sir Henrv Smith at Badiw&l, 366-7; but is beaten at AliwAl, 367. Rasvl, Sikh position at, 410-1, 424-5, and note to 425. Reinhard, vide Saiprii. Reynell, Major General, commands the right attack at the second siege of Bharatpiir, 328-30. Richardson, Lieutenant, distinguished gal- lantry of, before Multan, 394. Rizd Sdhib, inspired by Dupleix, rouses north ArkAt against the English, 21 ; carries the war up to the vicinity of ^Madras, and procures a respite for Trichin- Apalli, 21-2 ; is beaten at KAveripAk. 26-30. Robinffon, Captain, consequences of the for- feiture of his parole by, 227. Sadulavur, combat of. between Sher Singh and Thackwell. 405-7. Saldhat Jang, Siibahdar of the Dakhan, marches to threaten Fc^rde, 96. Samrv. appointed to discipline and com- mand one of Mir Kasim's brigades, 135; is despatched to cut off the retreat of the English from Patna, which he effectually does, destroying or taking prisoners their whole force, 141-2 and note; engaged at the battle of Gh^riah, 150-4; at U'ndwah N5U, 160: in the battle before PatnA, 1S8-90 ; at Baksar, 197-203. Sh6r Singh, Atdriwdld, member of the LAhor Kegenoy, is despatched with a Sikh force to Multan, 392-3; joins the national party. 394 ; takes up a strong position a cheval the'Chinab, 396; retires to the north bank on the approach of Lord Gough. 397 : and maltreats him, 398 ; on learning Thack- welVs passage of the Chind,b. is animated by a brilliant idea, 405; which he foolishly onlv carries out in part. 406; and executes feebly, 407; engages Thaokwell in an ar- tillerv combat at Sadiilapiir, and then falls back on the line of the Jhelam, 407-8 ; makes a feint, which almost succeeds in forcing Gongh to retire, 410: takes ud a position at l^asiil, then, extending his line, tempts Gouffh to diveree from his course and attack him at ChilidnwahX, 412-3 ; is Sher Singh, Atdriwdld — cent, beaten, but reaps tKe fruits of victory, 423-4 ; the chances open to, after the battle, are not taken, 424 ; he holds, however, the country between his position and that of the British, 424 und note ; the junction of Chattar Singh increases his army by one- third, 425 ; vainly tempts Lord Gough to fight, 425-6 ; threatens his line of com- munication, and finally takes post at GujrAt, 426; where he resolves to accept battle, 428 ; fights and loses the battle of Gujrdt, 429-35 ; surrenders with his whole army, 435 and note ; unpardonable faults committed by, during the campaign, 436; was daunted by OhiliAnwiilA, 437. SMr Singh, reputed son of Banjft Singh, succeeds Nao Nihil Sin^h, 348 ; allows the Sikh army to master him, 349 ; shirks an interview with Lord EUenborough, 349 ; is murdered, 350. Shrihdkolam, description of, 73 ; Shir A'li Kh*in, one of Mir Kd,sim's generals, fatal feebleness of. at Gh^riah, 153. Shnja'n'd daulah, becomes Niiw&b-Vazi'r of Awadh fOudh), 164: promises protection to Mir EAsim. 166 ; the action of the Bun- delljhand rijah changes the views of, 167-8 ; but the sight of Mi'r KAsim's trained in- fantry almost brings back, to his old idea, 168 ; agrees to espouse Mir KAsim's cause provided the latter disposes of the invader from Bundelkhand, 169 ; marches to invade Bihflr, and reaches Bandras, 169-70 ; mis- hap of, in crossing the bridge of boats, 185-6 ; reaches Baksar, and follows Carnac towards Patnd, 185 ; is foiled in an at- tRmpt to cut him off. 186 ; takes up a posi- tion opposite the English before Patnfi, 187 ; attacks the English army and is re- pulsed, 188-90 : retires on Baksar, 191 ; dis- misses Mir KAsim, 197 ; on the approach of the English army, resolves to sacrifice the advantage of his position, and attack them, 198 ; is defeated by Munro. 198-204 ; stake played for. and lost by, at Baksar, 205-6 : comes nrider British influence, 206. SiJchs, The, founder of the religion of, 335 ; are formed into a nation. 336-7; are per- secuted by Aurangzfb, 337; rallying, under Banda, again crushed, apparently for ever, 339 ; rallying once again, they assert them- pplves, are beaten by, and beat, Ahmad ShAli, and finally proclaim the sway of their nation in the PanjAb, 340-1 ; they separate into twelve misls or confeder- 3 pies, but finally combine under Ranjit Singh, 341-2 ; except those of the cis- Satlaj territories, who evoke, and eventu- ally obtain, British protection, 343-4; those of the trans-Satlaj are consolidated under Ranjit Singh, 345; qualities of the, as soldiers, 345-6: the army of the, be- comes paramount in the state. 349-52 ; and, urged treacherously by its chiefs, crosses tlie Satlaj. 3.53; decline battle with Littler and lose six most precious days, 354-5 ; send a small detachment to attack the British at j\[udki. 356; are repelled, after a severe combat, 357-8 : are attacked by the Eng- lish at Firiizshahar, 358-9 ; repulse Littler, and at nightfall still occupy the assailed positions. 360-1 ; during the night drive out Sir Harry Smith and maltreat Gilbert, 362 : have victory in their grasp if their leaders are only true, 363; evacuate their position in the early morn, 363 and note; have another chance of regaining the Index. 451 Sikhs, The— cont. battle, but are betrayed by Tej Singli, 364; maltreat Smith at Badiwdl, but are beaten at Aliwdl, 366-7; .intrenoli themselves at SobrAon, 368 ; are attacked by the British, 369; make a splendid defence, but are beaten, 370-2 ; the losses of, enormously aggravated by the treachery of T^j Singh, 373; are forced to yield the Jd'landhar DoAb and Kashmir, 374 ; are again be- trayed by their chiefs, 375; smouldering feeling of anger amongst, in consequenee of tliese events, 379; gradual fermentation among the, 379-80 and note; move of, in the Hazfirah, 392 ; outbreak of, in the Hazarah and before Multdn, 393-4; crude English opinion regarding the resources of the, at this time, 395 ; retreat across the Chindb before the British, 397-9 ; carelessness of, at night, very favourable to the British, 403 : fight an indecisive artillery combat with Thackwell at Sadiilapiir, and fall back on the Jhelam, 406-8; fight at Chilidn- wald, are beaten, but, notwithstanding, enjoy all the fruits of victory, 415-23 ; re- take their position at Rasul, and dominate the ground between them and the British camp, 424 and note; the army of, at Uasiil, is increased by the junction of C'hattar Singh and the Afghans, 424-5 ; range thom- eelves in order of battle before Gujrdt, 428 : their centre and left are forced back, 430-1 ; also their right, 431-2 ; make a des- perate effort to recover the day, 432-3 ; are baffled by Campbell, cut off from their true line of retreat by Thackwell. and driven from the field in disorder, 433-4 : renounce the struggle, 435; main cause of their de- f'^at 435, consequences of the war to, 437. Sirdju'd daulah, succeeds Ali Yardi Kh^n as ruler of Bengal, Bihdr and Orisrf:. 42 ; wages war against the English— the Black Hole tragedy, 43-4 ; raises an army to meet Olive, but is intimidated and retires, 467; attitude of, face to face with Cllvp. 4S ; crisis between, and Olive precipitated, 49 ; attempt to crush Mir J'afar. 50: scales fall from the eyes of. and he orders his ariny to PalAsi, 51 ; joins his army, and takes up a strong position near that vil- lage, 57-8 : composition of the army of, 58 ; formation of the army of, 59 ; at the crisis of the battle is persuaded by his traitor generals to quit the field — affecting incident preceding his departure, 62-3 ; partial vindication of, 70 ; murder of, 71. S'lrhars. The. 'Northern, early cession of, to the French. 73: description of, 73; con- quered by the English, 74-106. StnUh, Captain, efficient conduct of, before Patnd,. 186. Smith, Colonel Joseph, repulses Haidar Ali at Changdmah and at Trinomalli, 215-6 ; the presence of, determines Haidar to as- cend the ghd,ts, 217; ascends the Maisur plateau, and takes Bagliir and Hussiir, 21ft ; saves Wood from destruction, 221; is sum- moned to Madras, 222. Smith, Mr. C'ulling, accepts a bribe from Mir Ed,sim, 130 ; opposes him, 139. Smith, Sir Harry, commands the reserve of the British army at Ffriizshahar, 359 ; is ordered up to deal finally with the enemy, 361 ; advances to the centre of their posi- tion, but is driven back and retreats two miles from it, 362 ; is despatched with a force to Dharmkdt and LodiduA, 366; is Smithy Sir Marry— coiit. maltreated by the Sikhs at Badiwdl, 366-7 ; but beats them at Aliwdl, 367; coinmands the right division at SobrAon, 36^ ; makes a successful attack, though attended with great loss, 371-2, and note to 371. Sobrdon, battle of, 369-72; the complement to Firiizshahar, 373; strength of the com- batants at, 373. Soldier, the unreformed British, at Chilidn- waiA, 417-23, and ?iote to 423. Sombre; vide SamrH. St. Frais, commands the European contin- gent for the Niiwdb at Plassey, 60 ; splen- did behaviour of, 63-4; is forced by Olive to retreat, 65-6. St. Thoin6, battle of, 12-4; effect of, is to revolutionize the existing condition of affairs in Southern India. 15-7. Stevenson, Colonel, strength and location of the force of, at the outbreak of the first MarAthd war, 263 ; secures Jilnah, and ar- ranges attack on the enemy with Welles- ley, 268-9; ^oins Wellesley'the day after Assaye, which had been precipitated in his absence, 275 ; captures BurhAnpitr and Asdrgarh, 275 ; and marches to besieee Giialgarh, 276 ; joins Wellesley, and takes part in the battle of Argaum, 276-7 ; storms Gtialgarh, 278. Straw, made leader of the mutineers, 174 ; returns to reason, 176. Stuart, General, commands with effect under Sir Eyre Coote at Porto Novo, 251-2. Sumner, Mr., accepts a bribe from Mir KAsim, 130. Surji Arjengdon, Treaty of, and its condi- tions, 291. Suti, position of Mir KAsim's army at, 150. Symmmids, Ensign, cool and intrepid con- duct of, at Kdveripiik, 29-30. Taylor, Captain, skill and daring of, at the second siege of Bharatpiir, 327. Taylor, Lieutenant Reynell, is selected by Sir H. Lawrence as an assistant, 378. Tej Singh, a prominent Sikh noble, sees the necessity of crushing the insolence of the Sikh army, 351 ; to save himself, and to ensure its destruction, urges the Sikh army to attack the British, 352 ; baneful infiuence of, on the Sikh movements, 355; when he has a chance of fighting the Eng- lish at great advantage, betrays his trust, 363 ; is still bent on the destruction of the Sikh army, 365 ; consummates the destruc- tion of that army at Sobrdon by breaking their line of retreat, 372; rewards accorded to, for his treachery, 375 ; makes an ar- rangement with the British, by which the latter shall garrison LAhor till the Mahdrd,jah attain the age of sixteen, 375. Tevipleton, Lieutenant, gallantry and death of, 321. Thackwell, Sir Jose-ph, is dispatched by Gough to cross the Chindb and turn the Sikh position, 401 ; finds the fords impass- able, and presses on to Tazirilbad, 402 ; is able, owing to the prescience of Nicholson, to attempt a passage there, 403 ; great diffi- culties and privations of the troops com- manded by, 403-4 ; marches in a haphazard manner in search of the enemy, 404 ; is sur- prised by Sh^r Singh in a bad position, from which he extricates himself, 406-7; 452 Index. Thaekioell, Sir Joaeph~-cont. marches after the Sikhs and halts at HSlah, 409 ; perfunctory nature of the re- connaissances carried on by, 409 ; cuts off the line of retreat of the Sikhs at Gujr^t, 433-4 ; pursues them till recalled by Lord Gouffh, 435. Tippoo, vide Tiptl. Tipu, undergoes the baptism of fire, 21G ; in- timates to his father that he was about to attack Baillie, 239 ; character of, 340 ; feebly attacks Baillie and is repulsed, 240 ; reinforced, prepares to renew the attack, 242 ; attacks, and {under Haidar) destroys Baillie's army, 243-5 ; forces Colonel Braith- waite to surrender, 254. Tonk Rdmpura, is stormed by Col. Don, 299 ; is reached by Monson in his retreat, 302. TrichindpalU, the fall of, alone wanting* to give the French supremacy in Southern India, 18; Olive's conduct at Ark&t not in itself decisive of the fate of, 20. Trinomalli, Haidar Ali repulsed by the Eng-- lish at, 215-6. Ummar Das, is the third hig-h priest of the Sikh sect, 336. U'ndwah Ndld, desoription of the position at, 154-5; Mi'r Kdsim's troops congreg-ate at, 155 ; battle of, 156-60 ; consequences of the victory of, 159-61. Vansittart, Mr., succeeds Clive in Beiif>;al, 125 ; falls in with the plan of substituting' Mir KAsim for Mir J'afar, and accepts a bribe from the former, 129-30 ; warning- re- ceived by, from Clive, 133-4 ; has but one supporter in Council, Warren Hastings, 134; is powerless against his corrupt Coun- cil, 136 ; proceeds armed, as he believed, with full powers to Mung^r, to negotiate with Mir Kdsim, 137 ; concludes a .treaty, which his Council disavow, 137-8 ; endeav- ours to assuage the rashness of his Coun- cil. 139. Ventura, General, enters the service of Ran- jit Singh, 345. TereUt, Mr., belongs to the party in the Calcutta Council opposed to Mir K^sim, 139. Vijipdr&m, Rdjl, Rajah of Tijiyanagaram, is devoted to French interests, 74 ; is suc- ceeded by his son, whose tendencies are averse, 76. Vinhdhpatanam, desoription of, 73; is seized by Anandr&z Gajapati, 77. Vizagapatam, vide Vishdlcpatanam. W. Wallace, General, commands the centre divi- sion of the British force at Firilzshahar, 359 ; desperate fight of, with the enemy, 360. Wandiwdsh, invested by Haidar Alf, 235 ; splendid defence of. bv Lieut. Flint, 237 ; effect of that defence oil the war, 237, 246-7. Watts, Mr., English Agent at Murshidfibad. leaves that place by stealth, 51. Wellesley, Colonel Arthvr. commands the advance British force in South-western India, 262 ; proposes tost terms to the Wellesley, Colonel Ai-tJiii r—cont. MarAthA allies, which are refused, 262-3 ; strength and location of the force com- manded by, 263 ; character and previous career of, 265-7 ; begins the campaign by the capture of Ahmadnagar and Auran^^- bad, 268 ; arranges a plan of campaign with Stevenson, 269 ; suddenly beholds the enemy in front of him in position at As- saye, 270 ; resolves to attack without wait- ing for Stevenson, 270-1 ; attacks, 271 ; calmness and coolness of, when tuc ad- vance of his guns is checked, 272; antici- pates the charge of the enemy's horsemen, and gains the village of Assaye, 272-3; fol- lows up the enemy across the Jewah, and gains a complete victory, 273-4; credit due to, 274-5 ; led two charges and had two horses shot under him, 275 ; marches to cover Stevenson whilst the latter besieges Guiilgarh, 275 ; comes upon the combined AlariithA force drawn up on Argaum, 277 ; reconnoitres and attacks, 277 ; rallies the native infantry who had fallen back, 277 ; personally leads a charge of the Madras cavalry against the enemy's cavalry and rolls them up, 278; gains a complete vic- tory, 278 ; can claim the credit of subduing the Mardthas in Western and South-wes- tern India, 278-9. Wellesley, Marquess, policy of, towards Tipu Sultdn, and Maistir, 256 ; makes iirepara- tions for the impending war with the MarAthas, 263 ; objects of, and dangers to ue m«t i>y, k80; system ol, kttu-i ; de- termination of, on learning of Monson's retreat, 307. Whif