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HISTORY 
 
 SECRET SOCIETIES. 
 
H I S TO R Y 
 
 SECRET SOCIETIES, 
 
 AND OF TUB 
 
 REPUBLICAN PARTY OF PRANCE 
 Prom 1830 to 1848; 
 
 COSTAIXIXG SKETCHES OF 
 
 LOUIS-l^HlLIPPE AND THE REVOLUTION OF FEBRUARY; 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 PORTRAITS, CONSPIRACIES, AND UNPXJBLISIIED FACTS. 
 BY 
 
 LUCIEN DE LA HODDE. 
 
 gtranslatii jFrom ttit patijs -Eliitioit of 1850. 
 BY AN AMERICAN. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 J. B. LIPPINCOTT AND CO. 
 1856. 
 

 i 
 
 Vf-ci'}': \ White / 
 .,. Library ^ 
 
 Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 
 
 J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., 
 
 in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States in and 
 for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 To a certain class of American politicians — the 
 predominant one for the last five years — a perusal of 
 this curious History is strongly recommended. It 
 will prove suggestive to them of many energetic 
 measures for the improvement of governments in 
 particular, and humanity in general, which they pos- 
 sibly may not have yet put in practice. 
 
 THE TRANSLATOR, 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . .17 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 Enumeration of the elements which constitute the mob — The stu- 
 dents — The imbeciles — The gypsies — The sovereign people — The 
 fly-catchers — The disaffected — Political refugees — The bandits . 27 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Carbonari . . . . . . . .33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Scheme for expelling the deputies and peers — The republican party 
 — Its numerical strength-^Plagiarism from '93 — A sketch of the 
 popular societies after the period of July, 1830 . . .41 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 The friends of the people — The bourgeoisie drive them from their 
 club — A mob — Schemes for assassinating the king and ex-minis- 
 ters — Old Wooden-leg — Libellous handbills — Complot of the Pari- 
 sian artillery — Its chiefs . . . . ... 51 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Trial of the ministers^A mob — A complot in the National Guard — 
 Messrs. Gt. Cavaignac, Guinard, Trelat, Sambuc, Audry de Puy- 
 raveau — Their trial — Mobs upon mobs — The artillery of Marshal 
 Lobau ........ 59 
 
VIU CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PAOE 
 
 Permanence of the mob — M. Carlier and the cudgellers of the Bas- 
 tile — The bull-dogs of the populace vanquished— M. Gisquet — Sug- 
 gestions concerning the re-establishment of the ministry of police 69 
 
 CHAPTER YII. 
 
 Complot of the towers of Notre Dame— 'Trial of members of the 
 Friends of the People — Messrs. Bonnias, Raspail, Blanqui, Antony 
 Thoiiret — The chiefs of the popular societies boil over— Messrs. 
 Rittiez, Toussaint Bravard, Cahaigne, Avril, Imbert. . . 77 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The mob of the rag-plokers^The cholera, and the pretended poison- 
 ers — Credulity of the people — Odious machinations of the republi- 
 cans — The legitimist party — AiFair of the street of Prouvaires — A 
 patriot Writer . . . . . . .85 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Preparations for an insurrection— Order of battle of the secret socie- 
 ties — Political Refugees — An attempt at assassinating General Bern 
 —Young Italy — M. Mazzini — A secret tribunal — A frightful drama 95 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The revolt of the 6th and 6th of June^A theory of insurrections-.- 
 Why the plan of General CaVaignac is a bad one . . . 105 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Shows that the advisers are not the payers — M. Jeanne — Decadence 
 of the republican party — The affair of the bridge of Arcole — The 
 good faith of the demagogues — Tlie pistol-shot of the Pont Royal — ■ 
 The Rights of Man — A remarkable similitude — The necessity of 
 putting a stop to anarchy ...... 113 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Formation of the Society of tlie Rights of Man — Names of the mem- 
 bers of the committee — M, Millon, a publicist coachman — Orders of 
 theday — The detached forts — A complot — Why it'proved a falilure — 
 A trial — Violence of the accused, and especially of M. Vignerte . 123 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 Robespierre's Declaration of the rights of man, published as the re- 
 publican gospels — The Committee of Action — Its chief — Reviews 
 of the sections — Morality of the conspirators — The law respecting 
 associations — Battle Is decided upon .... IS?' 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A great patriot — M. Cavaignac devoted to the dagger — Preparations 
 for the insurrection. — The forces of the Republican party in 1834 146 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The effective strength for war of the Bights of Man — The forces of 
 the government — Preparations for the conflict — Review of the 
 Society of Action — Arrest of Captain Kersausie — Insurrection of 
 the 13th and 14th of April — Why the rout of the republicans 
 proved complete ....... 152 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Rights of Man and the Mutualista of Lyons — Insurrection — The 
 theatrical part of M. Lagrange — Eclipse of the principal chiefs . 159 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The conspiracies of Luneville, Saint Etienne, Chalons, Clermont, 
 Grenoble, Vienne, and Marseilles — The trials of April — The accused 
 — Their defenders — The escape from Sainte Pelagie — Verdict — M. 
 Marrast in prison — An odious illumination — The revolt of the cells 
 ^An attempt to assassinate M. Carrel . . . .168 
 
CO^'TENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEK XVIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Still another mob — M. Easpail and M. Gisquet — The oomplot of 
 Neuiily — The Chayeau family — The attempt of Fiesohi — M. Reourt 
 and Pepin — The paid played by the Rights of Man . . 178 
 
 CHAPTEE XIX. 
 
 The laws of September — Their necessity — Bad newspapers do more 
 harm than good ones do good — It is not true that the shutting up 
 of the clubs induces secret societies— The folly of unrestricted 
 liberty 189 
 
 CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 The Revolutionary Legions — Political assassination — Alibaud — M. 
 Sobrier — M. Eecurt — M. Flocon — M. Barbes — M. Martin-Bernard . 195 
 
 CHAPTEE XXI. 
 
 Organization of the Society of the Families — The form of reception 
 — Despotism of the chiefs — Secret details .... 203 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII. 
 
 A clandestine manufactory — The powder aflfair — Complot of the Arc 
 de Triomphe — Project against the Tuileries — M; Gisquet retires — 
 The affair of Strasbourg . . . . . .210 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 •Organization of the Seasons — A new personality of conspirators — 
 Keviews — Prudential measures — M. Martin Bernard — Kegic'ides — 
 An amnesty — Its effect — Recrudescence of propagandism — A new 
 formula of reception — Hatred against the bourgeoisie . . 218 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIV. 
 
 The Republican Monitor — The Free Man — M. Joigneaux — Seizure of 
 powder — Skill of the committee of the Seasons — ^Preliminaries of 
 the 12th of May — M. Barbes hesitates — How he is decided by M. 
 Blanqui — Counter order of the battle — Tlie choice of ground . 228 
 
CONTEfTTS. XI 
 
 CHAPTBE XXV. 
 
 FASE 
 
 The oliiefs of the Seasons and their general staff — The inspection by 
 M. Blanqui — Everything in readiness — Call to arms — The store 
 of Lepage — The committee called for — Perplexity of M. Blanqui — 
 M. Barhfes — The post of the Palace of Justice — ProfclaihatioH — 
 Mialon, the galley-slave — ^M. Tisserant — Suspected coulb,ge of some 
 of the chiefs ........ 238 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTBE I. 
 
 Beorganization of the Seasons — The provisional committee — The four 
 Revolutionary Agents — Orders of the day again brought in use — 
 My course of proceeding with the patriots .... 250 
 
 CHAPTEK TI. 
 
 Two adventures — M. Dourille — He becomes chief of the New Seasons 
 — The Journal of the People — M. Dupoty — His portrait. . . 256 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 M. Cabet and communism — The banquet of Chatillon — The republi- 
 cans show signs of life — The banquet of Belleville in reply to that 
 of Chatillon ........ 262 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 A strike — Re'^olutionary petulance — The communists of action — 
 Messrs. Rozier, Lionne and Vellicus — M. Dourille parades his troops 
 — An harangue upon the boulevards — The equipment of M. Rozier 
 — Arrests ........ 271 
 
XU CONTENTS. 
 
 OHAPTEE V, 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The attempt of Dannfeg — Abominable instigations — A pistol fired at 
 the princes — New free and accepted judges — Sentence of death — 
 Its consequences .....•• 278 
 
 CHAPTEE YI. 
 
 The revolutionary congress at Lyons— The wife of a conspirator — ^M. 
 Callfes — M. Bonnardel — M. Jailloux — A session of the conspirators 286 
 
 CHAPTER VII, 
 
 Details of the plan — Examination of localities — A nocturnal conven- 
 ticle — Repast of the conspirators — Decision — Why the conspiracy 
 proved a failure — Reflections , . . , , 295 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 M. Flooon becomes a conspirator again — A. meeting at the coffee- 
 house of Saint Agnfes — A Revolutionary decision — Pear of the laws 
 of September — Nomination of a committee— A failure . . 303 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Retirement of M. Donrille-^The new oommittee-^A few words upon 
 secret agents — New orders of the day — Honorable proceedings of 
 M. Delessert — The communists of Toulouse — ^A delegate sent to 
 Paris ^Siinplicity of the Icarians—M. Flocon becomes a committee- 
 man of the New Seasons— ^^eview of the gi'oups . . . 309 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 History of the establishment of the i^e/wm— Tyranny exercised over 
 M. E. Banne— The poor M. Grandmenil — M, Flooon becomes dic- 
 tator of the Journal. ....,, 319 
 
CONTENTS. Xlll 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Don Qnixote-Lagiangef— His,' great enterprises' — His decadence — The 
 rather queer hut very edifying commercial transactions of M. Caus- 
 sidifere . . . . . . . .324 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The democratic press hefore February — The National and M. Mar- 
 rast — The man who never pays his debts, and the toothless lion 
 —The Charivari— M. Altaroohe— M. Albert Clerc— M. Fflix Pyat . 333 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Systematic enfeeblement of the Seasons — A new committee — Messrs. 
 Caussidifere, Lfiontre, Grandmenil, Leroux — An effort at reorganiza- 
 tion — The reason of its failure — An extraordinary contest . 340 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Continuation of the history of the Reform — The Polish subscription 
 — The talents of M. Caussidifere — Impuissance of the journal . 346 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 M. Albert becomes one of the committee — Orders of the day abolished 
 — The dissenting society — Its chiefs — Patriotic theft — Another dis- 
 memberment — A plan of insurrection .... 353 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The bomb plot — ^M. Caussidifere forms a revolutionary congress — The 
 check given him — Interview of members of the congress with M. 
 Ledru-RoUin — Their disappointment — ^Portrait of M. Ledru-Rollin 361 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Profiles in charcoal — Messrs. Proudhon, Louis Blanc, Considerant, 
 There, Sarrut, Miot, Xavier Durrieu, Bareste . . . 370 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The effective strength of the republican party in the beginning of 
 1848 — The bourgeoisie and the royalty of July . . . 382 
 
 CHAPTEE XIX. 
 
 The banquets — What the republicans first thought of them — Great 
 wrath of the Left — The banquet of the twelfth arrondissement — 
 The disdain of the Reform — Assembling of the students — The 
 decision that they came to — The committee of the banquet — The 
 backing out of the Left ...... 389 
 
 CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 state of tie public mind on the 21st of February — A council of war 
 held at the Reform — The strange opinions of M. Louis Blanc, ^nd 
 M. Ledru-RoUin — A wonderful decision — The revolution is a trick 
 of the police . . . . . . . .400 
 
 CHAPTEE XXI. 
 
 The Dissenting Society begins the movement — The morals of this So- 
 ciety — Scenes at the Place de la Concorde — The gamins of Paris — 
 Barricades — An attempt at assassination — Opinion of the chiefs — 
 Council of war — Pillage — A conflagration — Result of the day of 
 the 22d . . . . . . . . 410 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII. 
 
 The intrigue of the Reform — All the patriots don the uniform of the 
 National Guards — The bourgeoisie of the Siicle — Disastrous media- 
 tion — The Seasons in the boulevard of Saint Martin — Arms given ! 
 — M. Albert accused of treason — Concession to the revolt . . 419 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 Ferocity — The popular wolf let loose in Paris — The Reform and the 
 National organize a catastrophe — A seditious peregrination — M. 
 Lagrange — The pistol-shot of the Boulevard des Capucines . 426 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIV. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The course that ought to have been pursued on the 24th — Hesitation 
 at the barricades — Royalty takes measures for safety — General 
 Bedeau — Disastrous concession — The H6tel-de-Ville taken — Com- 
 bat of the Palais-Royal — Heroism and ferocity — Scene at the Tuil- 
 eries — Abdication — The palace abandoned .... 436 
 
 CHAPTEE XXV. 
 
 The true heroes of 1848 — The npmlnation of three Provisional Go- 
 vernments ........ 449 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The Hfltel-de-Ville— ^The delegates of the people — A new provisional 
 government — General Lagrange — The prefecture of police — M. 
 Sobrier — The companions of the prefect — Order for the arrest of 
 the Duchess of Orleans — Organization of the Montagnards . . 459 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Records of the prefecture — The secret tribunal of the Luxembourg — 
 The eight barrelled revolver — Poison — Orgies at the Luxembourg — 
 The band of the Tuileries— Finale . . . . .471 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It is not by concealing our errors tliat we arvoid the com- 
 mission of new ones ; nor can anything be gained from their 
 concealment — not even the lesson which they teach. 
 
 Let us, then, admit, that if the party of order had remained 
 true to itself on the .24th of February [1848], and had pre- 
 sented its resistance like a wall of bra^s to the popular ava- 
 lanche, nothing would have been lost, not even after the 
 evacuation of the Tuileries, the complete occupation of Paris, 
 and the proclamation of the Eepublic. Had a firm and de- 
 cided declaration of the fundamental principles of the mo- 
 narchy been made, and a military chief appointed to rail/ 
 the troops who were deeply chagrined by the insolence of 
 their' pretended conquerors, nothing more would have been 
 necessary to have determined the provinces to ar movement 
 which would have nipped the reckless insurrection of the 
 capital in the bud. But this would have been civil war, it 
 is said ; let us, however, give things their true names, and 
 it would have been a revolt suppressed; it would have 
 been a country wrested from a degrading invasion ; it would 
 have been the principle of authority saved from a shipwreck 
 without 'example, and perhaps without remedy. 
 
 The mob, on the faith of their Fontanaroses, may magiste- 
 rially declare that all the men of order are co*wards, and that 
 the mere presence of repliblicans has sufficed to reduce 
 them to submission; but that is an old story. How was it 
 in June, -1848, when the insurrectionists were teti times more 
 2 
 
18 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 numerous than they had been in February ; when nothing 
 failed them, neither organization, nor chiefs, nor material 
 means ; when General Cavaignac had allowed them to take 
 the advantage of ground, and to get more than half a day s 
 start in their works of attack; when Paris had been dis- 
 mantled of its troops, and all authority deprived of its moral 
 force ; when, in fine, never had a more favorable opportunity 
 been left to a sedition— how was it then ? Why, this party 
 of order, which is so cowardly, seized the insurrection by the 
 throat and strangled it at once ; and it was because, having 
 learned their power, they doubted not their right, and were 
 animated by a profound concern for the dangers of society. 
 In February all this was wanting ; for, previous to the insur- 
 rection of February, for a period of fifteen years, the party 
 of order had never made a test of their strength. The elec- 
 tions Tiaving been exceedingly restricted, it was impossible 
 to ascertain positively the real opinion of the country ; and 
 it was imagined that France, having been quietly repub- 
 licanized, was giving an expression of long cherished wishes, 
 in the execution of which she had become resolved and deter- 
 mined. And, above all, there was not the least suspicion of 
 the horrible evils that were preparing for us. Other and 
 more powerful causes, moreover, tended to the demoraliza- 
 tion of the masses; among which may be mentioned the 
 defection of M. de Lamartine, who, In offering the Eepublic 
 to the bourgeoisie, inspired them with a confidence which was 
 due rather to their respect for his character than to their 
 appreciation of that form of government ; and then, as to 
 the provinces, the idea prevailed there that the triumph of 
 the revolt in Paris had arisen from an irresistible fact of 
 war — from a battle in which the authorities had been over- 
 whelmed. 
 
 Now although all these causes are known by our states- 
 men, yet they have not been brought to the knowledge of 
 the people, and it is proper that every one should under- 
 stand them. It is not imagined that an occurrence like that 
 of the 24th of February will ever take place again, and for 
 the excellent reason that the admiration of the spectators 
 
INTECa)UCTI01T. 19 
 
 will never become so inordinate as to task the performers 
 of sucli a farce with the necessity of a repetition: but it 
 must not be inferred, therefore, that all danger is past, and 
 that there is no longer need of our care and attention. As 
 a principal condition of success against every renewed at- 
 tempt on the part of demagogues, we must have confidence 
 in ourselves and that serenity which is the attribute of con- 
 fidence; and then, should occasion call, with well under- 
 stood unanimity, we must seize the musket and rush to the 
 fight. Let no one trust to his neighbor-; for if his neighbor 
 should do the same, the enemy will remain master of the 
 ground. As to the departments, it has become their sacred 
 duty, when men offer them a new form of government, to 
 reply — We don't know you; then to form their battalions 
 immediately, hasten to the capital, and suppress the revolu- 
 tion. In this way, the success of the anarchists would be 
 rendered impossible ; for they become formidable only from 
 the negligence or indecision of the friends of order. 
 
 There are certain logicians who will tell us that all this is 
 useless ; that revolutions are the result of ideas which have 
 arrived at the point of practical execution, and that, like 
 steam, they burst the vessel in which they were contained. 
 This comparison appears sufficiently just ; but the true in- 
 ferences to be derived from it are quite difterent from those 
 Intended. For if a revolution is compared to a bursting 
 boiler, then the results in both cases ought to be the same, 
 viz : carnage and ruin. But is the bursting of the boiler in 
 fact anything but an accident? There was a flaw in the 
 metal or in the constitution; the conductor of the machinery, 
 either industrial, mechanical, or governmental, was guilty of 
 a moment's negligence; the boiler burst — and, what does 
 that prove ? Why nothing, unless it is that by a more care- 
 ful choice of materials and greater attention on the part of 
 agents, the catastrophe may be avoided. The comparison of 
 the boiler is really then not a bad one ; for the nicest pieces 
 of mechanism, as well as the. most admirable institutions, are 
 destroyed solely either from some little defect or from the 
 imprudence which we have just mentioned. 
 
20 IlTTEDD.UJjriOHi , 
 
 Of one thing we may rest assured, that tke grea,ter part of 
 our revolutions signify nothing. Our barricades are no more 
 the eiprpssion of the nation^,! will, thap is the poisoned cup 
 of the Eussian or the bowstring ,of the Turk, Unexpected 
 and astoundiijg events take place ; the first come are thg 
 first served ; the mob of Paris, delighted with every change, 
 cries Bravo! the bewildered provinces allow things to. take 
 their course, and the Moniieur proclaims that a great act of 
 ns^tional sovereignty has been accomplished. Between a king 
 of France thus crushed beneath barrjcadesy and a strangled 
 sultan, or a poisoned czar, we ask wheres is the dilFerence? If 
 it exists at all, it is only in this, that in Turkey or Russia' the 
 conspirators who destroy, the incumbents, of sovereignty, be- 
 come themselves the inheritors of its power, whereas, those 
 among us who inherit the power are never tho^e by whom 
 that power is overthrown. 
 
 The revolution of Therinidor, which drowned the terrorists 
 in a sea of blood of th^r own digging, is the only one of our 
 revolutions which entire France has applauded. The one 
 which has been the most national bears the date of 1789; 
 not that it was unmixed with disadvantages, for it deprived 
 the laboring classes of those guaranteed , securities of wellr 
 being which they have never recovered since; but it placed 
 influence and power where they rightly belong, in the bosom 
 of the nation. 
 
 The Directory, the Consulate, the Empire, were all the 
 consequences of the revolution of Thermidor, If the Em- 
 pire went too far in acts of repression, it was only because 
 '9.3 had run too far into license ; for a reaction will as surely 
 transcend its just limits as the ball will rebound. The ComT 
 mittee of Public Safety gave us the manners of bedlamites, 
 while, on the other hand, the Directojs gave us those of aij 
 Aspasia. Eobespierre inundated the country with demoralizj 
 ing newspapers, and Napoleon restricted the action of the 
 press, even at a time when there was no longer any occasion 
 for it, for it had done its work. Without responding to an 
 absolute necessity, the Empire frankly met and satisfied the 
 necessity of the times. 
 
hSPTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 "What was the revolution of Mareh, 1814, and that of June, 
 1815? Mere caprices. The lower class adored Napoleon; the 
 middle class loved him, and the old aristocracy respected 
 him; but ndtwithstflnding all this, and even at the very time 
 ■while he is fighting like a lion in his prodigious campaign of 
 Franxse, the gates of Paris are thrown open to the allies. The 
 battle of Waterloo finally takes place, and France looks oh 
 trembling with anxiety; the prayers of every one accompany 
 that man of genius during the fight ; but he falls, and the 
 wave closes oVer him fbtever. A few month's after, in his 
 exile, three or four soldiers are the only courtiers left to him 
 of his once imperial estate. 
 
 Franc6, it is said, had become tired out; her sacrifices were 
 too fi^equent arid too great. What was she tired'of ? Of im- 
 posts aiid taxes? The Emperor compelled the enemy to pay 
 the expenses of war. Was she tired of furnishing soldiers ? 
 Is France ever tired of that? No; the truth is that Napoleon 
 had ceased to be the representative of the great middle, class 
 of the n-ition, that class which is not averse to war in its pro- 
 per time, but which, aboVe all others, is addicted to peace. 
 Napoleon had come to be regarded by them as a man of 
 eternal warfare. Nevertheless, this man in his last struggles 
 had becom'e identified with our national independence,' and 
 every body felt it an imperative diity to prevent his fall. 
 There was not a soul who did not entertain this idea; thfere 
 was not one who could conceal a blush at the idea of his 
 natal soil being invaded; but nevertheless Napoleon was 
 abandoned, and Europe rushed down like an avalanche upon 
 ■him and upon France.' 
 
 Bat is the nation to blame for his fall? Has she coldly sur- 
 rendered to ainnihilation that man who had raised her to a 
 height of grandeur and glory above that of all other nations? 
 Alas ! She repented her of her act as soon as it was done. 
 What then is the mystery of this immortal drama? It is a 
 love afiair — a mistress, in a moment of coldness, abandons 
 her dying lover, and receives in return a legacy of despair! 
 
 But under the Restoration we enjoyed a noble and digni- 
 fied peace. Those Bourbons who returned to France in the 
 
22 IHTEODXrCTIOW. 
 
 suite of the allies, by wHam they were little cared for, knew 
 how, tinder all circumstances, to maintain a favorable posi- 
 tion in the face of Europe. They were moreover fond of the 
 arts, of grandeur and display, which, to the people of France, 
 are matters of necessity. It could not be said of them that 
 they were bad men possessed of the instincts of tyranny ; for 
 their manners were mild, and their dispositions generous and 
 loyal. The last king of the oldest branch of the family, a 
 serious, pious, and chivalric old man, could not have failed to 
 do honor to the throne by the qualities of his heart. But on 
 one fine day he was overthrown, because, forsooth, being 
 careful of his power, and believing that the design was to 
 ruin it, or usurp it, he took some means to protect it. Paris, 
 like an uplifted hammer, ever ready to strike against any 
 power legitimate or not, fell upon the old king, and he sank 
 to rise no more. 
 
 Without doubt the printers, the journalists, the getters up 
 of agitation, and all that class of men must suffer a few strin- 
 gent ordinances on the return of the Bourbons, but then 
 tliat real France which is composed of a rural population, and 
 of those industrious laborers ,of the cities — all those in fine 
 who either repose after their labor, or labor in search of re- 
 pose, those calm and serious men who look upon life through 
 a different medium than that presented by the impure 
 columns of daily papers— all that class of persons never de- 
 manded the fall of a family which they regarded as the very 
 incarnation of the national sovereignty. 
 
 It is true that, besides the pretext of offensive ordinances, 
 there prevailed the false idea that the allies had come into 
 France at the call of the Bourbons ; and to this was added 
 the fact that the power which had been placed in the hands 
 of the aristocracy was not consistent with the idea of '89. 
 But was the revolution of February brought about on ac- 
 count of these considerations? Not at all; for it is only 
 Paris, and always Paris that, at a signal given, by no matter 
 whom, and against no matter what, rushes into the streets, 
 intoxicates itself with powder and blood, and stops only when 
 everything is overthrown, pavements, positions, and power. 
 
INTRODUCTtON. 23 
 
 This part which Paris plays, destroying from the mere 
 pleasure of destruction, and then imposing her work upon 
 France, and striking every surrounding state with the terror 
 of its consequences, is the most lamentable fact of contempo- 
 raneous history ; and it has become a question of the gravest 
 importance to ascertain how long the worthy people of the 
 Capital, the inhabitants of the provinces, and the states of 
 Europe, are to be' held at the m&rcy of these workshops of 
 insurrection, which lie in the suburbs of Paris. 
 
 The fall of the Empire was the work of caprice, and the 
 fall of the Eestoration the result of a fit of passion. Neither 
 of these acts was the consequence of a fixed determination of 
 the country. > 
 
 They who are considered the ablest of historians, generally 
 give us the philosophy of every important event ; and though 
 with the best disposition in the world to follow their ex- 
 ample, it would yet be impossible to discover any trace of 
 philosophy in many of the astonishing events that occur 
 among us. It is a sad fact, it must be confessed, for the 
 honor of humanity, but a fact, nevertheless, which confirms 
 this celebrated saying, that, though man acts, it is God who 
 leads him^a saying, by the way, that was uttered by Fene- 
 lon, and not by Bossuet, as M. Louis Blanc has it. 
 
 The old dynasty having disappeared, a new one arose in 
 its place. It was of the same family, but with antecedents, 
 character, and tastes quite different. It represented as nearly 
 as practicable that portion of the nation which is called the 
 bourgeoisie, and which might truly be termed the heart of 
 the people ; for it is a common centre which stimulates with 
 the healthy energies of life 'the members of the community 
 which are above it, as well as those which are below. The 
 mind of France naturally conformed to the course of things ; 
 an inclination to peace began to take the place of a fondness 
 for war ; to our military enthusiasm there succeeded the sober 
 work of developing the material resources of the country. 
 Everything which could tend to this result, necessarily im- 
 posed upon us by the condition of things in Europe, found 
 example and encouragement in our new reigning family, 
 
24 INTEODUCTIOK. 
 
 which was renowned for its Ibve of ordgr, moderation, and 
 peace. The gypsy vagabonds of society ; the men who live by 
 the groans which they utter upon the miseries of : the people ; 
 the rampant apostles of the mob; all that race who work the 
 ,mines of ignorance by the .instrumentality of falsehood and 
 deception:; all this glass of men saw at a gla^pe that their 
 reign was threatened. And what a howl did theyiQot:Set up 
 against the new power ! With wh^t fiirious and incessant 
 attacks did they not assail it ! But from open /straggles they 
 -finally felt, compelled ta resort to murder and assassination, 
 ]intil {^t length, rejected by the disaipprobation of the coun- 
 try, th«y drew off their forces and disappeared amidst the 
 impenetrable shades of oblivion. For a period of twelve 
 years,, itheir existence was never disclosed,, exeept by a few 
 attempts at revolt, which were so feeble as to excite rather 
 pity than contempt ; an.d they were dead a-t last — ^gtone dea4. 
 
 Freed from this incumbrance, society renewed its work. 
 Our workshops opened their doors, our storehouses were 
 filled, and our widely disseminated products inundated Eu- 
 rope and covered the globe. A general inerement of well- 
 being showed itself at every turn; :and even the poorest of 
 the poor began to conceive the flattering id'Cas of a better 
 fortune. But, unfortunately, among the idle- a?id worthless; 
 these ideas excited nothing but eriminal hopes. For, let us 
 not deceive ourselves, this socialism, ae it is called, does not 
 spring from the misery of the people, but from a- growing 
 improvement in their condition. If those intermeddlers who 
 got up the disturbances of July had not come into trouble 
 the working classes, these classes would have gladly followed 
 the career of new advantages which labor opened up to 
 them ; and they would have clearly understood that therein 
 lay their true and only emancipation, but, thanks to our evil 
 geniuses, extravagant desires have been iafused in the place 
 of just hopes,; and those men to whom society offered a fair 
 chance of a part of its wealth, took it. into their heads to seize 
 upon everything by force.. 
 
 Let us look, then, for a moment at the picture which this 
 view of things presents, us. We see the royalty of the new 
 
INTEODUCTION. 25 
 
 dynasty enthroned amidst the national riches. Eenowned 
 throughout the world for its wisdom, it is bound to the 
 couiitry by a community of manners, instincts, and interests. 
 The king, himself, is in fact only the first citizen among a 
 great nation of citizens. He is surrounded by a family of 
 princes, yoxtng, simple- minded, brave, and. intelligent, whose 
 nobility is rather an attribute of their personal charactet 
 than of their exalted rank. The factions, ;tiTed out by their 
 useless, efforts, ihaye fallen at his feet powerless and despe- 
 rate. His power seems to be imshakable. iBut all of a 
 sudden there comes a. storm — a. gust — a flurry— a puff ;of 
 ■wind ; a few battalions of the National Guard raised the cry 
 of reform! and this king, who seemed so powerful, is seized 
 with a vertigo ; he thinks that the whole class of the bour- 
 geoisie have deserted him ; he gives up in despair and falls — 
 leaving a handful of republicans in the attitude of having 
 hurled him from his throne. 
 
 Every attempt at giving a philosophical explanation of 
 such a fact as this, must, of course, prove fruitless. We 
 have said that the insurrection of 1814 was a caprice, and 
 that that of 1830 was a fit of passion ; but as to this of 
 1848, what can it be called but a political trick ? 
 
 In conclusion, the reader will please understand that 
 though I speak in all freedom of the actors in our revolu 
 tions, I do not intend thereby to strike at the existing Ee- 
 public. > On the contrary, I refrain not only from insulting, 
 but even from treating as they deserve those men who, 
 composing only a small faction before the affair of February- 
 have, nevertheless, for a space of eighteen years, infested 
 society with their pernicious schemes of insurrection and 
 blood, I intend to show, as clearly as possible, how the 
 existing Republic has been brought about, how many 
 partisans it had, and by what artifices and by what men it 
 has been planned, and sprung upon us; for I have a "right" 
 to do this, and I choose to exercise my right. That the 
 affair of February, however, appears to me perfectly inex- 
 plicable, is true; and that it will appear so to the public 
 
26 INTEODITCTIOSr. 
 
 from the details which I shall give, is highly probable ; but 
 that is not my fault. The moment has arrived for telling 
 the truth, and it offers us a lesson full of instruction. The 
 times of gagging and fear which were imposed upon us by 
 the demagogues have passed away, and one may venture to 
 express his sentiments freely without being gagged as a 
 traitor. 
 
 I submit with all due loyalty to the existing form of go- 
 vernment ; but as no one is obliged, so far as I know, to fall 
 desperately in love with a very ugly woman who may have 
 been imposed upon him in marriage, I shall not, therefore, 
 probably become very much smitten with the Republic. I 
 am I'eady to respect her, however, if she deserves it, as a 
 legitimate connection. ' 
 
HISTORY 
 
 SECRET SOCIETIES, 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 I 
 
 Enumeration of the efements which constitute the moh — The students— 
 The imbeciles — The gypsies — The sovereign people — The fly-oatohers — 
 The disaffected — Political refugees — ^The bandits. 
 
 Whateveb may be done to the contrary, it is very cer- 
 tain that no form of government among us will ever escape 
 the pest of conspiracies ; for there is always a large class of 
 men who think that the government under which they live 
 is the worst one that they could have ; and as these men also 
 think that all our insurrections have been the work of secret 
 societies, these societies are hence held by them in very par- 
 ticular esteem. 
 
 But, in fact, not one of our revolutions, during the last 
 sixty years, has been the work of conspirators. However 
 blasphemous this assertion may appear to the grumblers of 
 the mob, we hold it to be irrefragably true. 
 
 There is but one maker of revolutions in France, and that 
 is Paris ; idle, sophistical, disappointed, restless, evil-minded 
 Paris. We all know her. But this Paris does not overthrow 
 the government on a fixed day, and according to a settled 
 plan ; for every time she takes the initiative she is crushed 
 at once. Witness the afiair of June, 1832; of May, 1839; 
 
28 HISTORY OF 
 
 and several other similar affrays. To meet ■with success, it 
 is necessary that the bourgeoisie, either in a fit of passion, 
 as in 1830, or from a misdirection of ideas, as in 1848, should 
 set the insurrection in motion. And above all, Providence 
 itself must permit one of those incomprehensible contingen- 
 cies — such, for instance, as' that o'f sovereign power giving 
 way to a revolt without the test of a combat. 
 
 This Paris, which is always lying in wait to seize power 
 by the throat and strangle it, is composed of the following 
 elements, viz:^ 
 
 1. I'he Youth of the Schools, as they are called. — It is the 
 nature of these gentlemen to be opposed to the government. 
 The most of them would consider it ridiculous to have the 
 same ideas as their neighbor, the bourgeois, who defends the 
 existing order of things, because they give him and his 
 family the means of an honest livelihood. And then, school- 
 boys, we know;, are fond of noise, fracas, and sudden events, 
 and, indeed, they expect to be recognized by such traits. 
 Every one has heard of their traditions of thePr^ aux 
 Clercs; they are a species of puerility which would be, 
 amusing if these young men, as well by their real courage as 
 from the prestige which is accorded them, and from the 
 facility with which they become instruments in the hands of 
 the factious, did not, in fact, possess a considerable weight 
 in our revolutions. The majority of students, it is well 
 known, are 'occupied in the study of law, of medicine, or 
 some other science, an^ not in ]*eforming the government at 
 the point of the bayonet ; hence, in speaking of the youth 
 of the schools, we mean only those of whom the anarchical 
 journals take it upon themselves to be the interested fiatter- 
 ers-^those who parade at the clubs, political meetings, and 
 other rude places. The students who are occupied with 
 their studies, have never had the honor of attracting the 
 attention of our patriot editors. 
 
 ■ The youth of the schools have their chiefs ; some of whom 
 have never taken the papers, and others have ceased to take 
 them for the last ten years, for they go directly to the pure 
 fountain-head, to the offices of the papers ' themselves, and 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 29 
 
 there receive their instructions. When an order of the day 
 is given, they hasten to all the estaminets in the Latin quar- 
 ter of the town, where they are sure to meet with their feli 
 lows — some of the youths of the schools frequent such places, 
 too ; thje leaders resort thitherj also, and then are distributed 
 those documents which, at one and the same, time, enlighten 
 the faithful, and invite the curious. 
 
 Eumors have spread, that the schools are to be removed 
 beyond the; limits of Paris; and it is certain that the govern-, 
 ment might thus cut off me of the arms of the insurrectional 
 Briareus. The Epglish, who have; a genius for order and 
 public tranquillity, have long since excluf^ed from tlieir capir 
 tal this interesting but rather dangerous portion of the comr 
 munity. Besides the political question involved, it is a suffii 
 cient reason for the government, that those students whq 
 now spend their time at billiards, or in revolutionary 
 manoeuvres, would be much better oft' in the provinces, under 
 thoi eyes of their parents, than at Paris ; and that those who 
 really wish to devote themselves to study, have no need of 
 the too numerous distractions of the^capital. 
 
 2. The Imbeciles. ^-In this class are included lawyers with.- 
 out clients, doctors without patients, writers without readers,; 
 merchants without customers, and all that troop of hopeful 
 men, who, having studied their parts in the polities of the 
 newspapers, aspire to enact them as men of the State. Some 
 few of them are indeed, capable of the ppsts to which they 
 aspire, but they fiud it intolerable, to arrive at them like the 
 rest of the crowd, by diligence and perseverance. Others of 
 their number are not capable, and these are by far the most 
 ardent and ambitious. They are all imbecile, for they fail in 
 the first evidence of strength, which is patience. The organs 
 izers of secret societies, and schemers of insurrection, come 
 from this class* 
 
 3:. The Gypsies.-^-These exist . every where, and, especially 
 among us — ^a class of imaginative persons, who have an utter 
 horror of ordinary life. The generality of mortals usually 
 understand that pleasure and repose are the rewards only of 
 labor and privation ; but the gypsies expect never to work, 
 
so HISTORY OF 
 
 and always to enjoy. As this kind of life, however, in order 
 to be conveniently practised, requires some fat rents, which 
 they have not, they are obliged to have recourse to the ex- 
 pedient of establishing a sort of vagrancy, of which the ob- 
 scurest estaminets become the courts of miracles. The 
 provinces count but a few of these individuals ; for they 
 generally alight upon the capital, the only place where idle- 
 ness flourishes, and where certain wickednesses thrive at their 
 ease. To determine from what quarter this variety of the 
 social world comes, is not easy ; it comes, from no matter 
 where, from the highest as well as the lowest. Some few of 
 them remain very nearly honest men, especially if they are 
 not of too excitable a temperament, or are wanting in the 
 courage of crime; but the greater part of them have the 
 instincts of debauchees, which they gratify at all hazards. 
 
 It is in this class that are found the chiefs of sections, the 
 tsommandants of barricades, etc. 
 
 4. The Sovereign People — that is to say, the workmen of 
 ^aris, either native or those who have become acclimated in 
 the suburbs. — Brave by nature, and a fighter by habit^ the 
 workman expects to make a fortune out of every political 
 tumult. A lofty sentiment of independence, acquired by the 
 reading of revolutionary rhapsodies, renders him impatient 
 of the restraints of authority. He never likes the master by 
 whom he is employed, generally detests all others ; and the 
 rich and the dignitaries of the government he considers him- 
 self bound to execrate. This is not a mere portrait of our 
 own inventing, for M. Louis Blanc, who will recognize some 
 of his own workmanship in it, declares that the people is 
 gross and brutal. Now there is but one people for M. Louis 
 Blanc, and men of his like, and that people is the people of 
 Paris. This organizer of labor adds, it is true, that it is not 
 the fault of the people that they are so. Agreed. But it is 
 something very astonishing, that with two such important 
 qualities, courage and intelligence, the people of Paris should 
 remain so deplorably deficient in polish. Those socialists 
 who are candid, frankly confess the fact, and if they would 
 
SECHET SOCIETIES. 81 
 
 open their eyes and confess the whole truth, they would 
 acknowledge that they themselves are the cause of it. 
 
 It is useless tq deny that this workman, gross, brutal, quar- 
 relsome, ignorant of his duty, in opposition always to the 
 law, is not in the majority in Paris ; we mean, of course, of 
 those who are wheedled by the patriots — those who are tolrl, 
 and really believe it themselves, that they alone are the mas- 
 ters of the destinies of the country. 
 
 5. The Fly- Catchers, — This is a class of persons who are 
 rather to be pitied than condemned. They are good men at 
 bottom, but they listen to M. Bareste, maker of almanacs, 
 who tells them that the country is horribly governed; to 
 M. Proudhon, that detestable mystifier, who tells them that 
 property is theft; to M. Ledru-Rollin, a millionaire over- 
 whelmed with debts, who tells them that the patriots are 
 dying from hunger. Through foolish or shameless news- 
 papers, they are made to see every day that black is white, 
 aod white black ; the same falsehood presented in a hundred 
 different ways, the same deception practised in a hundred 
 different forms, is offered to them every morning, in the most 
 rfatural manner in the world — with the most perfect air of 
 assurance; the friends are near to support the cause; the 
 papers of the opposite opinion are never read, because they 
 are sold; if good advice happens to be given, that comes from 
 a renegade or a spy ; and thus a large mass of honest men 
 give themselves up to foolish schemes, harassing miserably 
 their own lives, and those of others. From the National Guard 
 which introduces the Eepublic with the shout of "Hurrah for 
 reform !" down to' the innocent citizen who swallows every- 
 thing that is told him, they are Fly-Catchers, political and 
 socialist, from every class of society, and of every shade and 
 variety of color and complexion. 
 
 These honest souls serve as the lever, as the plastron, or 
 as the make- weights of the revolutions. 
 
 6. The Disaffected. — This class, also, is composed of an 
 infinitude of elements ; but we design especially to speak of 
 those persons who, by the fall of former governments, have 
 been injured either in their fortunes or affections. They 
 
32 HISTORY OF 
 
 nevertake a part in tKe insurrection as mere common sol- 
 diers; some are led: into itfortbe salce of e^ccitement, and 
 others for a consideration. These latter, men practised m 
 the routine of political life, are too skilful to leave any traces 
 of their man^Buvres. Instructions, advice, matferial aid, every- 
 thing of this kind, reaches its destination among them only 
 from the third or fourth person. The police alone has been 
 able to follow this train of bribes and intrigues into its 
 obscure shades; but thus far it has seldom been able to detect 
 the plotters in the fact. 
 
 These men, who are the very leprosy of the body politic, 
 are incontestably th& most dangerous of all others to every 
 government. 
 
 7. Political Be/iigees-.-^This class of men is a virus with 
 which France has become inoculated, and which adds to her 
 revolutionary maladies.- The abettors of revolt from all 
 countries, drawn among us by ain imprudent generosity on 
 our part, are constantly busied in fomenting insurrectione ; 
 knowing well that^ a disturbance in France is a signal to 
 other countries. 
 
 8. The Bandits^^—'F^& social condition of a country is 
 always very much disturbedduring revolutionary times, and 
 it is then, in particular, that malefactors have rare picking, 
 A few good men, it is true; during the disturbances of Feb- 
 ruary, posted up notices of— '"Death to Bobbers!" but this did 
 not prevent the Duchess of Orleans' shawls from being stolen, 
 nor the wine-casks of M. Duchatel from being emptied, nor 
 the jewels of the family of Orleans from being sold through- 
 out Europe. That some few of the mob endeavored to pre' 
 serve the police cannot be denied; w© render justice to whom 
 it is due. But what a fine pretension is here set up ! Ah ! 
 we must know these fellows who live upon the wealth of 
 others. Wo sooner does the disturbance break forth, than, 
 seized with patriotic zeal, they rush with a lantern in one 
 hand and a musket in the other, demanding only to be posted 
 at the best places, reserving the time and mode of action to 
 themselves. 
 
 But robbers are not the only ones who profit by an insure 
 
SECEET SOCIETIKS. 83 
 
 reetion. There are a few well-meaning men, it is true, who, 
 after having shouted, "Hurrah for the charter! Hurrah for 
 reform!" and having borne the brunt of the fight, then with- 
 draw, in all the pride of integrity, to die in their garrets ; 
 but there are some very accomplished rascals, on the other 
 hand, who, when the revolution is over, are found living in 
 comfortable ease on their suddenly acquired rents. Indeed, 
 it is beyond a doubt that the thieves, robbers, and assassins 
 of Paris never feil to furnish some of the heroes of our revo- 
 lutions. 
 
 Such, then, are the eight divisions of the forces which are 
 usually employed in an insurrection. Sometimes they may 
 be seen all assembled together; but this depends upon cir- 
 cumstances; for, if the af&ir appears to be badly managed, 
 some of the forces draw off, but when things take a favorable 
 turn, and success seems probable, then the whole army may 
 be found drawn up in line. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Carbonari. 
 
 From what has been said, an idea may be formed of the 
 sphere in which the revolutionary influence usually operates. 
 But the whole of the revolutionists, it will be understood, do 
 not take a part in conspiracies, for many of them are deterred, 
 either from fear or a want of confidence in success. I have 
 said, in another place, in substance, that secret societies may 
 raise a mob, but can never accomplish a revolution. 
 
 Not being much inclined, myself, to retrospective science, 
 it appears to me that any attempts at systematizing history, 
 such as are made by certain writers, would be but so much 
 time thrown away; for, though mere ideas may be combined 
 and arranged according to pleasure, yet stubborn facts admit 
 only of a combination which is peculiar to themselves. Hence, 
 3 
 
34 HISTORY OF 
 
 in taking np the clue, such as it is, of our modern' conspira- 
 cies, I do not propose to go further back than the affair of 
 July, 1830. 
 
 There is, however, one secret society of the period of the 
 Eestoration, which must be taken into consideration, because 
 it has become pretty directly enlinked with those of modern 
 times. I allude to the Carbonari. 
 
 About the year 1820, two young men, whose first, appear- 
 ance upon the political stage was not made till 1848, Messrs. 
 Buchez and Fottard, assisted by twq others — Messr.=!. Bazard 
 and' Joubert — established, with the name of The Friends of 
 Truth, a masonic lodge, the object of which was wholly poli- 
 tical. It had nothing to do with socialism or republicanism ; 
 for these matters, at that time, were but little thought of. The 
 leading idea of these young men was, firstly, to play a part, 
 and, secondly, to upset the government of the Bourbons. 
 What kind of government they would have established in 
 the place of the one which they intended to overthrow, was 
 not fully settled ; but, as the prestige of Napoleon was then 
 at its height, we may suppose that Napoleon II. would have 
 been placed upon the throne. 
 
 The Friends of Truth were the sons of citizens, students, 
 clerks, artists, etc. In their meetings they declaimed a great 
 deal, and especially against the Bourbons, who had been 
 returned to them, they said, in the baggage-wagons of the 
 enemy. The government might easily have refuted a charge 
 of this kind by the fact, that the restoration of the Bourbons 
 was but little in accordance with the wishes of the Allies ; 
 that Austria was interested in preserving the throne to the son 
 of one of her arch-duchesses ; that the Emperor Alexander had 
 no desire to despoil the son of a man of whom he was a great 
 admirer; that Prussia had no other design than that of pros- 
 trating Napoleon, and that, in fine, the reinstallation of the 
 Bourbons was the result of a great and sudden necessity of 
 public order, precisely as was the elevation to power of Louis 
 Napoleon, on the 10th of December. But, as all these argu- 
 ments were not offered, the speakers and writers were left a 
 fine chance to denaturalize facts and excite the passions. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 35 
 
 The career of' tlie Friends of Truth, thougli not very illus- 
 trious, was signalized by a single event. The Chamber of 
 Deputies was discussing the law of elections (on which occa- 
 sion, the opposition press declared that the charter was vio- 
 lated, for violations of the Constitution had already become 
 the fashionable slang of the day), and the minds of men, and 
 the streets of the capital, were buzzing with rumors, when 
 the lodge conceived the occasion a favorable one for making 
 its appearance. It assembled its members, besieged the 
 Chamber, and filled the air with their cries of " Hurrah for 
 the charter 1" Some young men of family being informed of 
 what was going on, and thinking it proper to take upon them- 
 selves the championship of good order, assailed the mob with 
 their canes. In the scuffle which ensued, a young man by 
 the name of Lallemand was killed. 
 
 This death became the subject of recriminations fruitful 
 beyond conception. The newspapers; the speakers of the 
 Chamber ; all those men who make it a business to abuse the 
 authorities; all those who believe whatever is told them, 
 raised a concert of croaking, the echoes of which were re- 
 peated and prolonged till the very last days of the Eestora- 
 tion. The unfortunate Lallemand, whose death was very 
 much to be regretted, without doubt, but who was killed in 
 a mob, nevertheless, became one of the phantoms which the 
 opposition for fifteen years conjured up, on all occasions, to 
 the eyes of the Bourbons. 
 
 In this, one of their last spasms, the Friends of Truth nearly 
 terminated their existence. And we shall see in the sequel, 
 that every one of the secret societies has met with the same 
 fate, coming to its end after a fruitless attempt. Like wasps, 
 they leave their sting and die. However, the conspirators 
 themselves are not got rid of so easily ; from an old con- 
 spiracy they proceed to a new one. 
 
 As a result of the prosecution of the Friends of Truth, 
 Messrs. Joubert and Dugied, being forced to expatriate them- 
 selves, sought refuge in Naples; and, as usual with refugees, 
 they became instrumental in the troubles of the country 
 which offered them an asylum. The city beiag in a state of 
 
36 HISTORY OF 
 
 insurrection, they mingled in its revolts; but without pre- 
 venting, however, the disaster that befell the descendants of 
 Masaniello, Not knowing where to bend thdr steps, they 
 returned again to their own country, upon which they 
 wished to bestow their valuable services. 
 
 ' M. Dugied, during his stay in Naples, had been initiated 
 ■into the mysteries of the Carbonari, and he conceived the 
 idea of applying this association to France.. Having, there- 
 fore, made known his views to M. Flottard, they decided 
 upon carrying them into an immediate execution, and to take 
 as a nucleus the. remnants of the Friends of Truth. With , 
 , some few indispensable modifications of the Itailian society, 
 the organization was arranged upon the following plan : — 
 An upper lodge (veute), central lodge, and Special lodge. 
 The upper lodge was the committee of direction and 
 action : everything centred there, and became: subordinate 
 by the following combinations : — 
 
 Two members of the committee, having found an adept, 
 came to an understanding with him without diisclosing their 
 connection with the committee, and agreed to form a lodge. 
 The adept was named president, one of the initiators, censor, 
 and the, other a deputy. The pairt of the deputy wag to 
 Qorrespond with the committeej giving the president to 
 understand that this committee was only a superior degree, 
 of the society-. The part of the censor was to inspect the 
 labors of the lodge. These three chiefs took to. themselves 
 seventeen recruits, which raised the number of the members 
 \o twenty. Thus constituted, this group was called a central 
 lodge. Two members' of this lodge, proceeding in the same 
 ■yvay that we have just described, formed a lodge, which was 
 called a special lodge of the . first order, and this lodgcj re- 
 peating the operation, formed an ordinary special lodge, thus 
 extending their ramifications without limit. 
 , To makei the explanation clearer, perhaps, conceive a. tree 
 bottom upwards ; the trunk is the upper lodge, the branches 
 are the central lodge, the twigs the special lodge of the fiyst 
 order, and the buds the special ordinary lodge, 
 , An, organization identical with this, but under different. 
 
SECllET SOCIETIES. S7 
 
 tiames, was adapted to the army. The upper lodge was 
 Galled the legion ; the central lodge, cohortes ; the special 
 lodge of the first order, centuries, and the special ordinary- 
 lodges, maniples. 
 
 The object of this double form of organization was to 
 throw, the police off the scent by making them believe that 
 there was a distinct and separate society in the* army. As 
 another measure of precaution, it was prohibited to every 
 ftiember, under the pain of death, to become affiliated in any 
 other lodge than the one to which he belonged ; for by enter- 
 ing intb a considerable number of the lodges, a member 
 might discover and make known the secrets of the society; 
 All the lodges were to operate in unison, but Without being 
 aware of it, under one and the same controlling power. 
 
 The Carbonari had no fixed principles ; they received men 
 of all opinions, provided that these opinions tended to the 
 fall of the Bourbonsi However, two important nuclei became 
 ieeparated from their midst ; the imperialists and the liberals. 
 The character of the first is sufficiently defined by their name ; 
 the second were the sons of citizens, anima,ted against the 
 government by the patriotisni of youth, and the jealousy of 
 class ; wishing, in fact, only to get possession of the titles or 
 the influence of the old families. As to what is called the 
 people, they were not known among the Carbonari ; for the 
 illustrious part which has been attributed to them in our 
 days, had not yet been invented. 
 
 The object to be attained appeared rather vague to some 
 of the members ; but the means to be employed were clear 
 to all ; they were to cover France with a multitude of small 
 detachments of the main army, which, at a signal given by 
 an invisible power, were to rush in" from all quarters and 
 crush the Bourbons. In order to be always in readiness for 
 action, every member, after having given his oath of implicit 
 obedience, was bound to furnish himself with a musket and 
 ' fifty cartridges. 
 
 At the origin of the society, the upper lodge consisted only 
 of seven members : Messrs. Dugied, Flottard, Bazard, Buchez, 
 Joubert, Cariol and Limperani ; four of whom, we find, had 
 
38 HISTORY OF 
 
 been chiefs of tlie Friends of Truth. And we shall often meet 
 with cases in the sequel, of this shifting of the conspirators 
 from one society to another. At every period of disturbance, 
 all the disorder hinges upon some two or three dozens of 
 such incorrigible ringleaders, whom the government, if it 
 does not wish to be destroyed itself, ought to have learned 
 by this time to get rid of at once. 
 
 The Carbonari having grown to a considerable extent, the 
 upper lodge thought that it would be useful to add to their 
 number some persons of distinction ; for by extending their 
 organization to men of character, they would add to their 
 strength, and diminish their responsibility. General Lafay- 
 ette, who preserved till his last days an itching for popularity 
 which was perfectly juvenile, accepted the offer which they 
 made him of being misled into the conspiracy ; and his ex- 
 ample was followed by several deputies. 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1821 the society recapitu- 
 lated its forces; and it was found that in Paris, the young 
 men of the schools, the clerks, and the sons of citizens gene- 
 rally, having been unremittingly worked upon, had become 
 initiated in the lodges in large numbers. In the provinces, 
 the principal cities, such as Bordeaux, Nantes, Toulouse, La 
 Eochelle, Poitiers, Colmar, Befort, etc., all had their affiliated 
 battalions. The zeal of the members arose to the highest 
 pitch, and the inspectors who visited the lodges found theni 
 almost all armed, and waiting only for the signal of attack. 
 
 The committee, then, decided that the attack should be 
 made; but the majority having resolved to commence by a 
 coup-de-main, Paris was thus deprived of the initiative, and 
 the dangerous honor of beginning the affair was accorded to 
 B(^fort. Some forty resolute young men were dispatched 
 thither with the mission of organizing the uprising and 
 assuming the direction of it. 
 
 In order to be prepared for every contingency, and accord- 
 ing to the classical usages in such cases, a provisional govern- 
 ment was appointed; and Messrs. Lafayette, de Corcelles, 
 senior, Yoyez-dArgenson, Dupont (de I'Eure) and Koecklin, 
 were presented in advance with the spoils of power. But 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 39 
 
 the skins of a great many unkilled lions have been divided 
 in the same way before. 
 
 To do General Lafayette justice, althougb he was led into 
 these sad affairs by flatteries addressed to his self-love, yet in 
 the part which he took in them he was governed by a perfect 
 sincerity. Hence, when informed that his presence was 
 necessary at Effort in order to set things agoing, he set out 
 immediately. But from a rather singular circumstance, 
 however, he did not arrive in the evirons of Befort until the 
 moment when, after a miserable affray, his accomplices were 
 making their escape in a general disbandment. Judging that 
 every efibrt to rally this fugitive army would be useless, he 
 wheeled about and returned to Paris. The government 
 allowed his conduct to pass unnoticed. 
 
 M. Flottard had been appointed chief of the movement of 
 the west, which was to break out in La Eochelle; but every 
 thing terminated there as it did in the east — in a fruitless 
 attempt, which, being known in advance, was suppressed at 
 once. 
 
 And happy would it have been if this double cheek had 
 opened the eyes of the younger chiefs of the upper lodges, and 
 convinced the oldest members of their madness and folly. The 
 police had an eye upon all their movements and an ear in 
 all their meetings; and every attempt at an insurrection led 
 to a catastrophe. "We are aware that some of the old Car- 
 bonari relate with much complacency that the secrets of the 
 lodges were admirably kept, although, confided to so large a 
 number of^ young men; and we have no desire to dissipate 
 their pleasant illusions; but unfortunately history is rather 
 against them. At Effort, the commandant Foustain had been 
 60 well prepared beforehand that he was able to crush the 
 insurrection at its very birth; at Nantes, General Despinois 
 followed step by step the proceedings of General Berton, and 
 the plot of Colonel Caron for delivering up the general was 
 baffled before its execution. And besides, the Moniteur states 
 that M. Grandm^nil (who afterwards established the Reform, 
 and played a part in the affair of February) passed as one 
 of the denouncers of the conspiracy, while it is well known 
 
40 HTSTOKY OF 
 
 that in the Chamber of Deputies he was considered as one of 
 its instigators. 
 
 ■ M. Flottard resolved to have satisfaction for his failure; he 
 hastened to Paris, declared the check at La Eochelle a matter 
 of no consequence, and announced that if he were permitted 
 to have the assistance of some person of distinction, he would 
 engage to arouse the West. General Lafayette, rather 
 ashamed of having arrived too late the first time, offered his 
 services again, and promised this time to be more punctual. 
 He was thanked for his zeal, but his services were not 
 accepted. M. Flottard, therefore, had to content himself with 
 Colonel Deutzel, a notability of rather doubtful character, but 
 who was sufficient, however, for the result as it turned out. 
 In fact, this second expedition did not even arrive at the 
 beginning of an execution. The grain of sand which had 
 prevented Cromwell from upsetting the world, turned up 
 again at La Rochelle, and prevented the conflagration of 
 France; for as General Berton, in making his escape from the 
 first affair, had lost his uniform, he was obliged to go to 
 Saumur to look for it, and that took fi^'^^e days; but during 
 those five days the police arrested the civil chiefs of th,e Car- 
 bonari on the one part, and four non-commissioned officers^ 
 chiefs of the military branch of the conspiracy, on the other. 
 On receiving this news, M. Flottard made his escape in all 
 haste, leaving to the sword of justice General Berton, Colonel 
 Caron/ and the four sergeants of La Rochelle. 
 
 The axe which cut off the heads of these unfortunate 
 Tictims, gave also the death-blow to the society of the Car- 
 bonari. 
 
SECRET SOCIEl^IES. 41 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 Scheme for expelling the deputies and peers — The reptihlican party — Its 
 Bumerioal strength — Plagiarism from '93 — A sketch of the popular socie- 
 ties after the period of July, 1830. 
 
 Those persons wlio are persuaded that the fall of every 
 government is due to a conspiracy, will not be convinced, 
 even at the present day, that the restoration was not over- 
 thrown by tbe . Carbonari. But the truth is, that, with the 
 exception of a few obstinate old men, such as M. CharleS 
 Teste, and M. Buonarotti, the Carbonari have been nearly 
 destitute of reliable adherents and insurrectional influence 
 ever since the year 1822. The society had nothing to d6 
 ■with the revolution of July. 
 
 And it cannot be claimed that any other secret societies 
 prepared and fought the battle of the three days ; for, between 
 the times of Carbonarism and the year 1830, there is but 
 one society — the society of Aid-thyself — which makes its 
 appearance upon the scene ; and as this was under the direc- 
 tion of Messrs. Guizot, de Broglie, etc., it will hardly be 
 accused of conspiracy ; and besides, its measures were open 
 to every one and its object kno.wn, viz: the organization of 
 elections. 
 
 The immediate cause of the revolution of July was a strong 
 opposition on the part of the bourgeoisie against the influence 
 of the aristocracy — this opposition beiiig incidentally exaspe- 
 rated by the ordinances. The conflict of influences between 
 the tradition of the old families and the liberation of the 
 middle classes, presented a question which it was certainly 
 very difficult to settle, but the government of the elder branch 
 of the Bourbons was sufficiently honorable to have given the 
 disputants a fair field if the coup d'etat of the 25th of July 
 had not cut every thing short.- The middle classes did not 
 
42 BISTORT OF 
 
 send the workmen into the streets with the view of creating 
 a revolution, for every day of revolution is for them a day of 
 doubt and anxiety; they had no intention of overthrowing 
 royalty; for they recognized royalty as a necessary part in 
 our social mechanism; but when once engaged, they became 
 excited with the game, and their cry for the charter became 
 equivalent to " Down with the Bourbons." 
 
 Besides, the impulse having been once given, it- was not 
 easy to stop the movement. The young men who had become 
 enthusiastic with the renown of the wars of the empire, rushed 
 to arms; the imbeciles, the gypsies, the disaffected, were all 
 agog; the workingmen of the suburbs, always ready for a 
 fight, and the more peaceable workingmen who had been 
 discharged by their employers, swelled the throng, and an 
 overthrow was the consequence, of which, however, the bour- 
 geoisie were the cause — which the bourgeoisie alone had 
 commenced and directed, but which, after all, the bourgeoisie 
 did not desire. 
 
 These things appear strange and unaccountable; but they 
 are not the only example which we have of such incredible 
 inconsistency. 
 
 It will be astonishing to some, perhaps, and even some 
 may be indignant that we do not give the republicans a place 
 in the line of battle of the three days ; but let them have a little 
 patience, and we shall come, in due time, to speak of the 
 republicans ; it would not be proper to hurry these heroes 
 upon the stage before they had donned their uniforms. Every 
 body knows that the republicans, at that day, formed but a 
 very small and insignificant party, both at Paris and in the 
 provinces; and hence it is impossible that their influence' 
 could have been very great in the affair of July. However, 
 it must be confessed, that the few republicans who were ac- 
 tually then in existence, made themselves very busy, both 
 during and after the fight. 
 
 The democrats 'are not proverbial for their modesty ; and 
 no sooner had the fight ended, than they conceived the idea 
 that it was all their work, and that France ought to be deli- 
 vered up to their sway. From a letter in the Trilune, we 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 43 
 
 learn tliat Messrs. Flocon and I'Heritier (de I'Ain) -were among 
 the number of those who entertained this idea ; but, as they 
 could not make it be believed at that time, it was not till 
 eighteen years afterwards, that M. Flocon had the good luck 
 of becoming elevated to a membership of the government. 
 M. I'Heritier (de I'Ain) has not yet met with much good luck, 
 having figured thus far in the ceremonials of our- republic 
 only as one of the commission of the conquerors of February, 
 and of the socialist committee, which has been one of the 
 valuable results to us of the 13th of June. 
 
 "We mention these two personages in particular, because 
 the above-mentioned letter of the Tribune seems to have 
 placed them in a prominent relief; but it must be admitted 
 that a body of youths did, from that time, make a part of all 
 the republican mobs, pursuing with fury the invasion of 
 power. 
 
 Their first act was to demand the expulsion of the deputies 
 and a convocation of the primary assemblies. The bour- 
 geoisie, having become the masters, perceived clearly that the 
 powers which had fallen into their hands, had need of some 
 form of consecration ; and justly frightened by the responsi- 
 "bilities of their position, their chief concern became, that 
 authority should not be compromised by being allowed to 
 fall into the streets. These men were, therefore, everything 
 considered, the best representatives of the country. And 
 why, indeed, should their quality as true representatives of 
 the nation be annulled by the coup de wain of Paris ? 
 
 This is the way that the bourgeoisie of the country argued ; 
 but, of course, it was not much to the liking of a certain class 
 of men who had their own reasons for demanding the vaca- 
 tion of power. The mode of argument of this class of men 
 was naturally this : a violent attack has thrown Paris into 
 commotion, and destroyed authority ; hence, the only thing 
 to be done is, to deliver up the State to those who, by sur- 
 prisitig the city, have overthrown the government. Such is, 
 has been, and always will be, the logic of the revolutionists. 
 But, fortunately, this manner of looking upon this is begin- 
 ning to fall into discredit. 
 
44 HISTORY OF 
 
 At the close of the three days, seeing that the deputies still 
 remained as the guardians of power, the small faction of re- 
 publicans, composed of audacious and enterprising men, drew 
 together a mob of the combatants yet reeking from the fight, 
 .and, on the 4th of August, pushed them upon the Chamber. 
 Their object was to summon the deputies to vacate their seats, 
 and, in case of a refusal, to put them out of doors. Three or 
 four thousand individuals allowed themselves to be hurried 
 away, wittingly or riot, into this enterprise. Messrs. Flocon, 
 I'Heritier, and other leaders, penetrated into the hall of Pas- 
 Perdus, and summoned several of the members who were 
 passing there, with all the due formality of authority; but 
 not much attention was paid to them. Nevertheless, no in- 
 considerable uneasiness was felt in the hall, for fear that the 
 crowd without might go to extremes. But the men of good 
 faith were finally appeased by Messrs. Benjamin Constant 
 arid Lafayette, who happened to coriie in. As to the others, 
 'they rushed into the hall in a rage ; taxed the people with 
 cowardice if they did not turn out the deputies on the spot, 
 and then spread themselves about in the vicinity, crying: 
 "To arms!" 
 
 But the cry was not heeded ; for though the population of 
 Paris breaks out into sudden and unexpected fights, yet the 
 time for these fights is neither advanced nor retarded a single 
 moriient by a call to arms. 
 
 The abortive attempt against the Chamber of Deputies was 
 to be renewed the next day against the Chamber of Peers. 
 The word was given to assemble at the Hotel de Ville, and 
 from there to march upon the Luxembourg, uttering cries 
 In order to arouse the people. The palace was to be invaded, 
 pillaged, and then locked up. The leaders were promptly 
 at the rendezvous ; but, unfortunately for them, as nobody 
 else was there, the enterprise was given up. 
 
 The next attempt was by moral suasion. The republicans 
 threatened, in a few days, to return to the Chamber \rtth an 
 overwhelming petition. Everything was brought in play in 
 order to get it up — promises, management, solicitations ; but 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 45 
 
 after all their labors, the result was a cipher of scarcely fiver 
 thousand signatures. 
 
 Now, everybody knows that after a revolution, all the par- 
 tisans of the victorious cause alight at once upon the capital j 
 not from any motives of avarice, certainly not, but for lend- 
 ing their valuable services to the new order of things, in the 
 characters of prefects, receivers, justices of the peace, etc.; 
 and hence, we may presume, that the republican party, in 
 almost its entire strength, was then in Paris and had signed 
 their names tp the petition, and that a small body of five 
 thousand individuals had thus^ endeavored to impose their 
 wishes upon thirty ^two millions of Frenchmen ! 
 
 And in giving the number of republicans as five thousand, 
 we make none of those reductions . which are usually con- 
 sidered allowable in such cases ; for we exclude neither Fly-' 
 catchers, Gypsies, nor Bandits, whose names gave as much 
 length to the petition as any others,. We might then, in fact, 
 be justified in making a very considerable reduction of this 
 five thousand of republicans, which we are willing to admit, 
 however, were in existence iiii thpse times. 
 
 The attack upon the Chambers com,menced the series of 
 republican complots. It was a wild, tumultuous affair, and, 
 in some respects, one of revolutionary fervor. Although the 
 spirit of '93 was not particularly noticeable in it,,yet we shall 
 ?oon see that spirit revealing itself, in a servile imitation of 
 the peculiar mode of proceeding of that model epoch. 
 
 We are forced to confess that neither a genius for inven- 
 tion, any more th4n modesty, is a characteristic trait of the 
 republicans. By referring to the commencement of the ex- 
 isting republic, we see that M. Marrast proposed ta establish a 
 kind of Ves^netian oligarchy, of which he hoped to become the 
 Doge; and M. Ledru-Eollin suggested a popular democracy, 
 of which he was to be the Dantoij. The latter, remainiing 
 master of the ground, spt busily at work to hunt up and 
 copy, with great care, the divers proceedings, customs, and 
 usages, of the first period of the revolution. Except the 
 scafibld, which fortunately has been allowed to remain in its 
 ehed, there is not a Jacobinical rag or fritter which was not 
 
4:6 HISTORY OF 
 
 turned up, not a foolish invention that has not been repro- 
 duced, even from the red cap, which signifies a great deal too 
 much, down to the tree of liberty, which signifies nothing at 
 all. It was not forgotten to establish by decree, not only 
 liberty and equality, something' which we may understand, 
 but also fraternity, something which is not quite so compre- 
 hensible ; for it is not easy to see how a relation or sentimeut 
 like that of fraternity, can be made the subject of an obliga- 
 tion or a decrep. In the names of parties there was the same 
 imitation. The famous word aristocrat, which was elongated 
 into aristocrusliers by the sans-culotte of '93, became shortened 
 into aristos, by the communists of 1848. The chiefs, the 
 leading spirits of the throng, have not even been able to 
 invent their own names. ■ The word Montagnard, which lay 
 rotting in blood, they gathered out from the gutters, never 
 seeming to think that everything great and worthy is origi- 
 nal, and that it demands, and will receive only a name pecu- 
 liar to itself. 
 
 After the days of July, this imbecility, which struts in the 
 name of tradition, appeared in the re-establishment of the 
 clubs and popular societies; which were formed precisely 
 upon the model of the first revolution. 
 
 The student Sambuc got up a society, which was called 
 the Society of Order and Progress, rather an inappropriate 
 title, it would seem, for every member was bound to have a 
 musket and cartridges, things which generally have more to 
 do with disorder than order; and as the society, wholly 
 composed of students, intended to direct the state according 
 to the ideas of the Latin quarter of the town, it is not easy to 
 perceive how the state could have made much progress. 
 
 The students soon got up another society, which was 
 directed by Messrs. Marc, Dufraisse, and Eugene I'Heritier. 
 Its object was to abolish the University. From that time 
 the claim was set up for a system of education, free, gra- 
 tuitous, obligatory, and purely laical. 
 
 Soon afterwards appeared the Union; a society established 
 with the view of compelling every one, at the point of the 
 bayonet, to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, as 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. if 
 
 interpreted by certain bullies. But this society, in its frater- 
 nal efforts, was subject to so mucb cZis-union in itself, that it 
 died of the fits at the very commencement of its career. 
 
 Then came the society of Political Convicts. These con-' 
 sisted of men who demanded a recompense for having dis- 
 turbed public order under an old form of government, thus 
 setting an example to adventurers to pursue the same course 
 under a new form of government, with the view of gaining 
 the reward which the new form of government would not 
 fail to bestow. Fieschi having presented himself to this 
 •society as a political victim, received a pension from it until 
 the year 1834, at which period it was discovered that this 
 rascal had been prosecuted for any other cause than that of 
 his political opinions. 
 
 Next came the Claimers of July, commanded byM. O'Keilly, 
 their number ultimately amounting to nearly five thousand. 
 Every one of its members pretended to have displaced at 
 least one paving stone; fancied himself the author of the 
 revolution, and demanded a corresponding recompense. From 
 a want of means to meet all these demands, many of them 
 very excessive, the government had to bear the charge of 
 the blackest ingratitude, and be threatened with the wrath 
 of heroes yet unknown. 
 
 At the same time appeared the Gallic Society, whose chief 
 was M. Thielmans. It was an association both hierarchic 
 and armed, its designs being to overthrow the government 
 . by force. 
 
 The Friends of the Gmmtry, and the Regenerated Franks, 
 had the same object ; but these were only simple clubs, got 
 up for gratifying the ambition of their founders. 
 
 Still another association looms up to view, called the Con- 
 stitutional Society, designed by M. Cauchois Lemaire to ope- 
 rate against the heredity of the peerage ; but as this was 
 restricted to legal limits, we shall say nothing further of it. 
 
 We may mention again, also, the ancient society of Aid 
 Thyself, which was continued by M. Gamier Pages. But it 
 had no republican complexion, and its prudent course was 
 
48 HISTORY OF 
 
 hardly observable amidst tlie more turbulent , proceedings of 
 ^ts contemporaries. 
 
 The most important association of that peripd was tha 
 society of the Friends of the People. Its influence soon ex- 
 tended throUighput the whole republican party ; by this society 
 the party was organized, directed and kept in motion until 
 the affair of June, 1848, when it finally disappeared in a 
 tempest of blood. It was the successor of that masonic 
 lodge of which we have already spoken, called the Friends 
 of Truth. On parting with this lodge, we may describe ita 
 closing scene. , 
 
 On the 21st of Septembe^r . the Friends of Truth presented 
 a spectacle in the streets of Paris, which, for dramatic effect, 
 probably stands solitary and alone. The anniversary of the 
 execution of the four sergeants of La Eochelle having 
 arrived, all the societies determined to celebrate it with 
 funeral ceremonies ; and the Friends of Truth particularly 
 distinguished themselves on the occasion by the display 
 which they made. They assembled at their place of meeting 
 in the street of Grenelle-Saint-Honore ; there they arranged 
 their programme, put on their insignia, and then proceeded 
 in a procession to the Place de Qrive, where the four con- 
 spirators had been executed. The very Y:enerable M. 
 Cahaigne,, covered with the insignia of his dignity, headed 
 the procession with that very particular solemnity which his 
 friends so much admired. During their passage the guards, 
 yielding to the pitiable spirit of disorganization of the times. 
 Game out of their guard-houses, and, at the sound of the 
 ^rum, saluted the aprons and red' ribbons of the masons. 
 
 Arrived upon the Place de Gr^ve,, the Friends of Truth 
 arranged themselves in a very serious circle in the midst of 
 a large multitude of people. There had assembled together 
 the most of the patriots of the period, together with a very 
 considerable contingent of the great army of simpletons of 
 Paris. Such a spectacle as this was a little too rare not to be 
 made the occasion of a festivity by the curious. Some ora- 
 tors of the old Carbonari raised their voice to celebrate the 
 heroism of the sergeants and to curse the government, which, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 49 
 
 in executing them, had only exercised the legitimate right 
 of self-defence. It appertained, undoubtedly, to these gen- 
 tlemen, among whom we meet again with M. Buchez, to 
 bewail the fate of their old companions ; but the way they 
 should have done it was not to glo^rify a crime justly pun- 
 ished, but to ask pardon of the shades of the four cele- 
 brated victims of whose untimely deaths their pernicious 
 counsels had been partly the cause. 
 
 All this passed under the eye of the police, who had orders, 
 to let it go on, the prefect, M. Girod de I'Ain, having de- 
 clared that he sav/^ no objection to it. 
 
 This was the last sign of life exhibited by the Friends of 
 Truth ; soon afterwards it became lost in the association of 
 the Friends of the People. 
 
 We are certainly indebted to a purely republican idea for 
 the creation of this society. It was directed from its very 
 birth against the new government, and even before, we may 
 say, for it had made a double' attempt against the national 
 representation. The affair of July had fallen, like a bomb, 
 in the midst of a generation of young men whose fathers 
 had been the actors in our first political troubles. The 
 Eestoration, in finding them grown to be men, could only 
 regard them with repugnance as the sons of revolutionists. 
 The bourgeoisie, after the affair of July, received them with 
 pleasure, but as these yonng men wished to impose upon the 
 bourgeoisie their violent opinions, a secession became the 
 immediate consequence. Hence, they finally fell into the 
 hands of men who were notable on more accounts than one, 
 and became the most dangerous characters of the opposition. 
 
 Among the chiefs, such as were the most capable or the 
 most audacious, became distinguished at once. In their 
 intemperate writings and speeches, they refused to recognize 
 the new order of things, claiming the exercise of the same 
 right by which the new government had come into power, 
 that is, the right of revolution. The government allowed 
 a great many attacks to pass unnoticed ; but as, in fact, it 
 was obliged to defend itself, even for the good of society, of 
 which it was the head, it finally commenced a series of prose- 
 4 
 
50 HisToiiy OF 
 
 cutions against sucli transgressions as were the most gross, 
 and against such offenders as were the most bold. 
 
 In the latter category, are included several persons whose 
 names will be frequently met with in all the subsequent dis- 
 turbances, viz : Messrs. Godefroy Cavaignac, Guinard, Mar- 
 rast, Easpail, Trelat, Flocon and Blanqui, and, we may add 
 as of secondary importance, Messrs. Antony Thouret, Charles 
 Teste, the two Vignerte, Cahaigne, Bonnias, Bergeron, Imbert, 
 Fortoul, Delescluze, Felix Avril, etc., being almost all young 
 men without position in society, who took up at that time 
 the business of agitators, and have not abandoned it since. 
 The most of them were writers of greater or less ability, and 
 the pbison that distilled from their pens was sure to have a 
 greater effect, inasmuch as it fell upon minds already disposed 
 to the revolutionary fever. Every day it was but the repe- 
 tition of the same bravado attacks on the part of these writers 
 against the law, the same insults against the government, and 
 the same efforts directed against the very foundations of 
 society. A journal was established — everybody knew the 
 Tribune — which became the organ and the very incarnation 
 of the genius of demagogism. It was aided by another 
 paper, which was called the Revolution of 1830, but which 
 was not so open in its hatred, nor so venomous in its attacks. 
 There was also still another paper, the Movement, which 
 endeavored to gain subscriptions by the force of scandal; 
 but in this it was surpassed by several little sheets, whose 
 coarse jests and rude sketches filled the imbeciles and other 
 such patriots with delight. 
 
 Those of our young agitators who were not writers for the 
 papers, issued little sheets of their own at two sous a piece, 
 which, by the agency of the lowest order of booksellers, were 
 scattered all over France. M. Paguere is one of the propa- 
 gandists, who commenced his fortune in this way, and which 
 he has gone on increasing, probably, through every turn of 
 the political wheel — it being understood, of course, that we 
 should never attribute any increment of his fortune to the 
 works of the Messrs. Cabet, which he at that time edited. 
 
 To the writings of the day may be added the speeches of 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 51 
 
 the clubs, which were the wildest declaration of anarchical 
 principles and the perpetual incentives of revolutionary 
 passions. The very air of Paris seemed to be infected by an 
 odor which can be compared to nothing but an explosion of 
 mephitic gas. And such is always the case after every revo- 
 lution; and of all the bad consequences that follow the over- 
 throw of a government, this is not the least detestable of those 
 to which certain men wish to accustom us. But these men 
 have their way, and demoralization prevails like a pestilence. 
 With all our fine courage, and our clear intellect, we are, 
 in certain cases — we Frenchmen — beings of the strangest 
 weaknesses and of the most inconceivable inconsistency; and 
 there was no need of the affair of February to show it, because 
 we had already given abundant proofs of it in the affair of 
 July. Was it not then seen that the magistracy, dropping 
 the sanctions of their oflBce, affected to encourage the viola- 
 tions of law? Whether from connivance, from fear, or an 
 exaggerated respect for the letter of the code, certain it is 
 that acquittals took place which tended to nothing short of 
 the most unlimited impunity. And hence we are not to be 
 astonished at the audacity of anarchical ideas and the rapidity 
 of strength which was acquired by the Friends of the People. 
 
 CHAPTBE IV. 
 
 The friends of the people — The bourgeoisie drive them from their club — A 
 mob — Schemes for assassinating the king and ex-ministers — Old Wooden- 
 leg — Libellous handbills — Complot of the Parisian artillery — Its chiefs. 
 
 The society of the Friends of the People being permitted to 
 proceed openly, in the face of article 291 of the penal code, 
 which the authorities declined applying to them, were enabled 
 to dispense with a rigorous organization. The affiliation had 
 none of those mysterious ceremonies designed for making an 
 impression upon the mind and imposing secrecy which are 
 necessary when societies are prohibited. Admission into 
 
52- HISTORT OF 
 
 the society was gained either from notoriety or by declaration 
 of patriotism. The word patriotism was not tacitly under- 
 stood among them as absolutely one and the same thing with 
 republicanism, but it fell but little short of it. Several 
 worthy men might have imagined at that time, as they have 
 since, that the best way to serve the government is by making 
 violent attacks upon it; but such' absurd notions were not 
 generally prevalent. 
 
 The leaders and the greater part of the members labored 
 knowingly and resolutely for a republican revolution; and 
 their mode of proceeding was as follows : To absorb in them- 
 selves all the various elements of the party; to control the 
 secondary societies and individual democrats by means 
 of a large central public society and an extensive plan of 
 democratic writings ; to affiliate all the patriots that presented 
 themselves, and especially men of influence or talent whose 
 popularity or character might be turned to account in propa- 
 gating the sentiments of the society ; to allow no occasions of 
 discord, over and above those produced by writings and 
 speeches, to pass without stirring up the minds of the people; 
 to keep the government constantly in a precarious condition, 
 and finally, after a series of successive shocks, to devise the 
 first favorable moment for overthrowing it altogether. 
 
 This system of continual agitation, which became very 
 practicable immediately after a revolution, was carried into 
 operation with unremitted zeal. The chiefs, conceiving that 
 insurrections abroad might be made to react powerfully in 
 furtherance of their projects at home, dispatched emissaries 
 into the neighboring countries with orders to try the chance 
 of exciting commotions there. The governments of the 
 greater powers were sufficiently on their guard to thwart 
 such manoeuvres as these ; but the smaller nations, such as 
 the Belgians and the Poles, ventured upon the hazard of an 
 insurrection. The Belgians gained a nationality by it, and 
 the Poles lost everything national that they had left. 
 
 With regard to Belgium, the Friends of the People were not 
 content with sending their speech makers there; for a batta- 
 lion, organized by their cares, had gone from France with the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 53- 
 
 design of determining and supporting the movement. The 
 success of this expedition of 1830, naturally led our revolu- 
 tionists of 1848 to follow the example ; but they found the 
 Belgians in the enjoyment of a pretty good monarchy, which 
 they had no desire to exchange for a very bad republic. 
 
 The central society o/"iAe Friends of the People installed itself 
 in the riding school of Peltier, Montmartre Street, under the 
 presidency of M. Hubert (John Lewis). The members took 
 their seats within the inclosure of the riding ground, the 
 extensive corridors which surround it being left open to the 
 public. Tumultuous scenes, in which violence and burlesque, 
 talent and no talent, held alternate sway, were enacted there 
 every day. Some of its members, great admirers of revolu- 
 tionary parodies, would have gladly introduced the female 
 knitters, and all the rest of the panoply of the ancient 
 Jacobins. 
 
 As the idea of dispersing the national representation still 
 remained uppermost, and as, moreover, agitation of some 
 kind was necessary, it was decided, towards the close • of 
 September, to get up a grand discussion on the legality of 
 the powers of the Assembly. During three days this ques- 
 tion, discussed in open public and amidst a people still warm 
 from the combat, kept Paris in a constant ferment. The 
 decision arrived at by this discussion was: That the powers 
 of the deputies had expired ; that the people demanded the 
 vacation of their seats ; and that a notice to this effect should 
 be posted up upon the walls of Paris. The articles of this 
 resolution were voted in actual session, and the manuscript 
 notice was immediately sent to the printer. However indul- 
 gent the police were at that time, they perceived that this was 
 an occasion for them to act ; and the notice was seized at the 
 oflEice of the press. Messrs. Hubert and Thierry, the first as 
 president, and the second as treasurer of the society, and M. 
 David as printer of the notice, were sent to the correctional 
 police. M. Hubert, in commencing that series of scandals 
 which characterized the political prosecutions of the period, 
 made a revolutionary speech, the substance of which was, 
 tliat justice changes with the government, and that the magis- 
 
54 HISTOET OF 
 
 trates of the Eestoration had no right to judge him, a delin- 
 quent under tlie government of July. This piece of folly, or 
 effrontery, or whatever else it may be called, has been repeated 
 a great many times since, and always to the very great admi- 
 ration of the patriots. 
 
 M. Hubert, and M. Thierry, were sentenced to three 
 months imprisonment; the printer was acquitted. The 
 tribunal, by decision, declared the society dissolved. 
 
 This commencement of action on the part of the authori- 
 ties seemed to promise an efficient suppression of disorders ; 
 but the judiciary soon afterwards changed its course, and gave 
 an interpretation to the law which was as false as it was 
 dangerous. 
 
 After the vote upon the resolutions of the grand discussion, 
 there took place a significant manifestation ; the bourgeoisie, 
 become impatient of an agitation which was ruinous to their 
 interests, resolved to restore order ; and they assembled for 
 this purpose -in large numbers before the riding-school in the 
 str-eet of Montmartre. The cry was raised of — "Down with 
 the clubs !" At the same time, some of the National Guards 
 entered the hall and declared that the traders could not stand 
 being continually troubled any longer as they had been ; 
 and that in the name of their companions they had come to 
 summons the Friends of the People to cease their anarchical 
 course of proceedings. Upon this there arose a mingled 
 outburst of protestations, clamors, and abuse; but as the 
 shop-keepers showed themselves resolved, and determined to 
 have peace, the club finally gave up, left the hall, and 
 dispersed. 
 
 This energetic act, together with the legal decision which 
 dissolved the society, compelled the Friends of the People to 
 assume a new phase. 
 
 The public club became transformed into a secret society; 
 not under the conditions of such absolute secrecy as we shall 
 see hereafter, but in this respect that the affiliated members 
 alone could take a part in the meetings, and that these meet- 
 ings were no longer announced through the newspapers, nor, 
 posted up by notices upon the walls. In other respects, the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 00 
 
 society, far from hastening to its dissolution, increased rapidly- 
 day by day, both in the number of its members and in its spirit 
 of propagandism. The emanations from the press multiplied 
 without limit, treating upon every variety of subject and in 
 every variety of way ; the order of the day was communicated 
 by circulars; decrees were issued; affiliations went on in the 
 provinces, and France, and especially Paris, felt the workings 
 of anarchy like the approach of an earthquake which threat- 
 ened to engulf her. 
 
 As the Friends of the People saw clearly that they were not 
 strong enough to throw the Chambers, or in other words the 
 government out of the windows, they sought some other 
 occasion of disorder. The trial of the nrinisters, which was 
 about to take place, came exactly to their purpose. 
 
 On the 17th of October, some noisy bands, commanded by 
 members of the Friends of the PeoiDle and of the Society of 
 Order and Progress, made their appearance upon the place of 
 the Palais Royal. "When arrived under the windows of the 
 king, who at that time was residing in that ancient palace, 
 these apostles of fraternity set up the shout at the top of their 
 voices — " Death to the ministers !" The National Guards came 
 in and cleared the place. But the next day, the word having 
 been communicated the night previous, the crowd made its 
 appearance again, more numerous than before. It was pre- 
 ceded by the most alarming rumors. It was noised about 
 that the clubists were going to Yincennes; and that they 
 were going to wrest the ministers from prison and assassinate 
 them. This fine project was effectively defeated ; but it had 
 been preceded by an attempt upon the Palais Eoyal. Was it 
 really the design to have butchered the king before proceed- 
 ing to assassinate the ex-ministers? There can be but very • 
 little room for a doubt; all that was wanting was a favorable 
 occasion. Louis Philippe has had, from the very beginning 
 of his reign, the unenviable honor of giving too much offence 
 to men of disorder, to expect anything but destruction at their 
 hands, by any and every means by which they could accom- 
 plish it. The republicans will not probably regard this 
 allegation as a calumny made upon themselves ; and, indeed. 
 
56 , HISTOET OF 
 
 we make it in order to give them an occasion of applauding 
 themselves for it — now that the sovereignty of the end to he 
 gained not only permits it but even renders it their duty. 
 
 It is certain, however, that, on the 18th of October, some 
 members of the Friends of the People hurried through the 
 different quarters of the city, exciting the people to move 
 upon the Palais Royal, and declaring that it must be entered 
 at all hazards. About a thousand persons responded to the 
 call and proceeded in a tumult towards the abode of the king; 
 but finding there a large guard with a determined air of 
 resistance, their courage became disconcerted, and they con- 
 cluded to turn their attention to some other quarter. , The 
 project (Jf attack upon Yincennes was rather difficult of exe- 
 cution; but when it was announced by the leaders as the 
 second part of the programme, everybody seemed ready for 
 the work. On their way, however, and by the time they had 
 reached the barrier du Trone, three-fourths of their number 
 had either disbanded themselves or lagged behind, so that 
 the expedition was reduced to about three hundred men. 
 On they went, however, and when arrived at Vincennes, they 
 sent a summons to General Daumenil, commandant of the 
 fortress, to deliver up the prisoners. The old soldier 
 shrugged his. shoulders and replied that such things were not 
 done in that way. The mob then burst out into cries of fury, 
 and threatened to take the fort. ' " As to that matter," said Old 
 Wooden-Leg, " you can try it ; but I advise you not to." 
 
 Perceiving the force of the remark, the would-be killers 
 of ministers beat a retreat and returned to Paris, frightening 
 the people with their cries of death. The National Guard 
 stood 'waiting for them, and, judging that this odious parade 
 had lasted long enough, it surrounded them, and bore one 
 hundred arid thirty-six of their number to the prefecture of 
 the police. 
 
 But this was only the beginning of the play ; for a month 
 afterwards, on the trial of the ministers, the same ferocity, so 
 well in accord with the fraternal phraseology of the clubs, 
 was exhibited again, filling France with indignation, and 
 
■ SECEET SOCIETIES. 57 
 
 exciting the inquiry in Europe if we really were that exceed- 
 ingly humane and civilized people which we pretended to be. 
 
 As a satisfaction for their double check at the Palais 
 Eoyal and Vincennes, the mob posted up, during the night, 
 some libellous placards against the royal family ; a species 
 of vengeance perfectly in keeping with the cause and the 
 men ; the dagger had failed, and the alternative was abuse. 
 
 Several days afterwards, some other placards, clandestinely 
 posted up, announced that an indemnity of two hundred 
 thousand francs had been granted to M. de Quelen ; and, 
 "without doubt," said the anonymous patriot, "to indemnify 
 him for the powder and poniards found in his house, and 
 which were to have been employed against the brave com- 
 batants of July." The statement that arms and ammunition 
 had been found at the house of the Archbishop of Paris was 
 an odious invention which it is useless to repeat. It is well 
 known that such allegations are the special adroitness of the 
 brutified populace, and the intelligent men of the party know 
 the falsehood of them as well as their opponents. 
 
 The republicans did not rely solely upon mere popular 
 societies, whose groups are comparatively insignificant, and 
 whose action in the streets presents nothing formidable ; they 
 counted upon a support of much more serious importance. 
 
 The National Guard of Paris, then at the height of its zeal, 
 formed a magnificent army in the service of good order. A 
 single arm, however, the artillery, became invaded by the 
 republicans of the Friends of the People. The hierarchy of 
 the society were also members of an armed body ; that is to 
 say, the high priests, or chiefs of the Friends of the Peoph, 
 held also the principal grades of office in the artillery ; so 
 that the society, which was proscribed as a political associa- 
 tion, was found legally organized, and armed as a body of 
 militia. This incompatible state of things was known by the 
 authorities, and was the just occasion of much disquietude ; 
 but a simple reason of state was hardly sufficient at that time 
 for dissolving a national guard. Such a measure would have 
 given rise to a tempest of vociferations, the very idea of 
 which would have been terrible. Besides, after every revo- 
 
5& ^ - HISTORY OF 
 
 lution, a part of the power falls to the share of men who, 
 issuing from a state of disorder, naturally make their con- 
 ditions with the government. From weakness, therefore, on 
 the one hand, and from connivance on the other, the repub- 
 licans of the Friends of the People possessed an armed organi- 
 zation under the guise of the artillery of Paris. 
 
 The exaltation and impatience of the clubists, pushed 
 them to a prompt use of the extraordinary advantage which 
 had thus been left to thern ; and they were determined to act 
 on the first occasion. The disturbances of the month of 
 October had appeared premature to the chiefs, and they had 
 taken no active part in them, leaving them to the populace. 
 However, this question of the ex-ministers had been worked 
 upon with so much care, that the moinent of the trial, it was 
 thought, might be made a good pretext for a disturbance. 
 
 Of the four batteries of which the artillery of the National 
 Guard was composed, there were chiefs of the second battery, 
 Messrs. Guinard and Godefroy Cavaignac, and of the third 
 battery, Messrs. Bastide and Thomas, all leading members of 
 the society of the Friends of the People. In the other two 
 batteries there were a great many patriot officers, who spared 
 no pains to gain over their men. 
 
 Well persuaded that the ideas of blood with which the 
 people had been excited on the subject of the ex-ministers, 
 could be worked upon with advantage, the chiefs of the 
 Friends of the People and of the Society of Order and Progress 
 decided that a new attempt should be made during the trial. 
 The scheme was, to move upon the Luxembourg, there to 
 put in execu.tion that idea which had become so dear to the 
 patriots, viz : the assassination of the ex-ministers ; and then, 
 having done this, to return to the Palais Eoyal and make an 
 end of the monarchy, after having proceeded in a due revo- 
 lutionary manner with respect to the king. The means 
 reckoned upon to carry out this scheme were to be furnished 
 through the treason of the corps of artillery, who were to 
 deliver up their guns. 
 
 An act of so grave a character as that of giving guns to a 
 mob required to be skilfully executed ; but Messrs. Cavaig- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 59 
 
 nac, Guinard, Bastide, etc., were intelligent men, incapable 
 of any ordinary miscarriage. As a preparatory measure, a 
 rumor was quietly spread that the suburbs had formed a 
 complot against some portion of the National Guard, which 
 "was supposed to be the artillery ; but that, however, the 
 artillery were true and faithful, and would remain so. A 
 pretty clever invention ; but however that may be, the con- 
 nivance of the artillery was formally denied ; and as a proof 
 of their attachment to order, it was even urged that M. 
 Cavaignac had issued cartridges to his inen, for the purpose 
 of repelling an attack. Now, without dwelling too long 
 upon M. G. Cavaignac, a man exceptional to his own part)"", 
 and to whom we shall render the justice which he deserves, 
 we may be permitted to believe that this distribution of car- 
 tridges was made with any other object than that which was 
 pretended ; the result will then show if we are wrong. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 Trial of the ministers — A mob — A complot in tlie National Guard — Messrs. 
 G". Cavaignac, Guinard, Trelat, Sambuc, Audry de Piiyraveau — Their 
 trial — Mobs upon mobs — The artillery of Marshal Lobau. 
 
 Feom the first day of the trial of the ex-ministers, some 
 young men of the Society of Order and Progress^ led by M. 
 Sambuc, together with others from the Friends of the People, 
 were seen in groups around the Court of Peers. Their num- 
 bers being increased by the usual contingent of curious per- 
 sons and malefactors, they soon became a very, considerable 
 assemblage. The clamors began, grew louder and loudei', 
 and finally ended in an aAvful chorus — a diapason of hideous 
 voices, growling forth the frenzied refrain of — " Death to the 
 ministers !" , 
 
 An honest man, M. Odilon-Barrot, prefect of the Seine-, 
 justly indignant at such proceedings, caused a proclamation 
 to be posted up, in which were these courageous words : — 
 
60 HISTOKY OF 
 
 "I declare that the first act of aggression will be considered 
 as a crime. If there is among you a man so guilty as to 
 attempt the life of his fellow citizens, let him not imagine 
 that he may escape by the chances of a combat ; for he will 
 be considered as a murderer, and judged as such by the Court 
 of Assizes, according to the rigor of the law. Is, then, the 
 reparation which our generous country demands, the blood 
 of a few unfortunate persons ?" 
 
 The republican faction assembled around the Luxembourg, 
 not to await the decrees of justice, but to dictate them, and 
 to dictate them in blood. Such men as Messrs. Cavaign^c 
 and Guinard had no desire, probably, to see the ministers 
 butchered ; but the idea would serve to excite the mob, and 
 favor a plan of revolution already in the way of execution. 
 
 Every day, during the continuance of the trial, the mob 
 took up its position, in a threatening attitude, before the 
 palace of Medicis. True to the hour, these pretended disci- 
 ples of humanity returned to their posts, giving Paris an idea 
 of a charnel house, besieged by ferocious beasts. 
 
 As soon as the arguments were finished, and before the 
 delivery of the sentence, some carriages, which had been 
 made ready in the garden of the palace, received the prison- 
 ers, who hurried back, with a strong escort, to Vincennes. 
 
 The judgment of the court was to be given that day; and 
 every means were taken in order to exasperate the populace 
 for the announcement of the verdict, which it was known 
 would be lenient. The crowd, therefore, were in a greater 
 ferment than ever. Suddenly a discharge of cannon was 
 heard, announcing that the prisoners were in safety. 
 
 "To arms!" cried some of the chiefs, who were looking 
 for an occasion. The signal was given. 
 
 The crowd was thrown into a tumult of agitation and fury; 
 all it wanted was direction ; the leaders were there ; and by a 
 single word — " To the Louvre !" an electrical spark seemed 
 to be sent through the mass — the expected guns were at the 
 Louvre. 
 
 Upon the route, some of the National Guards and agents 
 of the authorities experienced the first effect of the explosion; 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 61 
 
 some were overthrown and trampled under foot, while others 
 were assailed with daggers and pistols. 
 
 Always, in like cases, when the affair miscarries, the cuif- 
 ning and the foolish alike will swear by everything that is 
 holy, that the manifestation was wholly and entirely pacific ; 
 and always, too, at the beginning of these affairs there will 
 be seen the flash of daggers and the gleams of pistols, which 
 the possessors have certainly not had far to go to find. 
 
 While the column was proceeding towards the Louvre, 
 the authorities, having been informed of their coming, closed 
 the gates and made ready for a defence. 
 
 All the artillery was shut up within the inclosures of the 
 palace, where a singular spectacle was presented to the view. 
 Some of the companies of artillery were devoted to the 
 government, and others to the revolutionists. There were 
 other conipanies in which the, opinions were divided ; some 
 having a majority in favor of order, and some in favor of dis- 
 order. All these men, young, ardent, and equally resolved 
 upon maintaining their respective parties, were there, face to 
 face, exchanging looks of distrust and defiance. The artiller- 
 ists who were faithful, standing by their guns, were de- 
 termined to defend them to the last, and to spike them sooner 
 then allow them to be taken. They knew that the men of 
 the Cavaignac and Guinard batteries had their musketoons 
 loaded, and that the republicans of the societies where ready 
 to rush upon them in order to seize their guns. The posi- 
 tion was a critical one ; but the bourgeois, as the aristocratic 
 disdain of the Democrats already began tq designate them, 
 showed both the disposition and the courage to make an 
 effective resistance. 
 
 The mob continuing to increase on the outside of the in- 
 closure, some detachments of the National Guards entered 
 the interior and joined their comrades. The scene then be- 
 came more serious; altercations arose which threatened to 
 end in violence. The commandant Barr^, addressing him-; 
 self to M. Bastide, one of his captains, accused him and his 
 men of treason. The artillerists of each party sided with 
 their chiefs; and the moment had arrived when the mus- 
 
62 HISTORY OF 
 
 ketoons were brought to the shoulder ready to fire. How- 
 ever, the quarrel was quieted. In the mean time, the Na- 
 tional Guard. on the outside of the inclosure cleared the 
 ground, and things remained in this state until night. At 
 about ten o'clock the Duke of Orleans came to join his bat- 
 tery, in full uniform, and he was received with such marks 
 of devotion that the opposite party was completely silenced. 
 The republican artillerists abandoned their cause, leaving 
 the guns to those who would use them, not for the encou- 
 ragement, but for the suppression of disorder. 
 
 In this manner the matter ended ; and such scenes, it might 
 be thought, had been repeated often enough ; but the spirit 
 of anarchy and discord is tenacious. The next day the 
 Friends of the Peop h and the members of the Society of Order and 
 Progress made their appearance again in the streets. But on 
 this occasion the swell- mobs, such as the Fly-Catchers, and 
 those patriots in general who have some little pretensions to 
 good sense, concluded that the manifestation had already been 
 quite sufficient, and they abstained from taking a part in it. 
 The clubists, therefore, seeing that their presence produced 
 a most unfavorable effect, directed their course towards the 
 Latin quarter of the town, where, in the midst of a region 
 renowned for the secrets which it furnishes for mobs, they 
 expected a better reception. But there, a new disappoint- 
 ment awaited them. Some of the students of that class which 
 is devoted to study, worn out by the vain efforts made to 
 win them over to the cause of disorder, and disgusted with 
 a reputation whicjj the majority of their number by no means 
 deserved, took it into their heads to get up a meeting, and 
 an assemblage of pupils soon came together amounting to 
 fifteen hundred. The republicans, deceived by their own 
 habits of disorder, hastened in delight to assume the com- 
 mand of what they thought a magnificent reinforcement in 
 favor of agitation ; but what was their astonishment, or rather 
 their indignation, on seeing this column pursue its course, 
 in good order, towards the Palais Royal and there request 
 permission to pay their compliments to the king ! Of course, 
 nothing was left to the republicans but to beat a retreat, and 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 63 
 
 return to the deptlis of their clubs to await some better occa- 
 sion. 
 
 These disturbances, alike dangerous in their tendency and 
 disgusting in character, resulted in bringing before the Court 
 of Assizes nineteen persons, whose names were as follows: 
 Messrs. Godefroy Cavaignac, Guinard, and Trelat, the first 
 two captains, and the third private soldier of the Parisian 
 Artillery ; Sambuc and Audry, students, and Messrs. Franc- 
 fort, Penard, Eonhier, Pecheux d'Herbinville, Chassarre, 
 Gourdin, Guilley, Chaurin, Le Oartard, the brothers Gamier, 
 Danton, Lenoble, and Pontois. 
 
 We give a hasty sketch of a few of these personages, such 
 as are deserving of it ; and first that of M. Godefroy Cavaig- 
 nac. 
 
 A son of one of those sombre men who bear the responsi- 
 bility of the days of terror, he entered upon public life full 
 of paternal recollections and revolutionary ambition. It is 
 but bare justice to say that he was a man of great mind, 
 generous soul, and loyal disposition. He was both a poet 
 and an artist ; and he loved to live in a world of fancy. His 
 error consisted, like that of all dreamers in general, in look- 
 ing upon things only within that sphere of the imagination 
 where, although the mere individual may stroll at his lei- 
 sure, yet the citizen stumbles and the statesman loses all 
 authority. M. Godefroy Cavaignac was destined, by his 
 brilliant qualities, to arrive at the head of his party, and, in 
 spite of his good intentions, to do much mischief to his coun- 
 try. And from those very qualities of head and heart which 
 gave him a commanding influence over others, he was also 
 doomed to a miserable struggle against the jealousy and 
 ignorance of his own party. That extraordinary hatred of 
 which he soon became the object on the part of the republi- 
 cans — a hatred which went to the extreme of devoting him 
 to the dagger — arose, doubtlessly, from no other cause than 
 the superiority of his talents, character, and personal appear- 
 ance. He entertained to a high degree, but without affecta- 
 tion or bitterness, a perfect contempt for all little things, and 
 a profound pity for all little men. His personal appearance 
 
64 HISTOEY OF 
 
 commanded respect. A tall and graceful figure,' a firm ej^e 
 with a shade of sadness, features perfectly regular^ a military 
 bearing, and, not last, a heavy pair of black moustaches, gave 
 him an impress of nobleness which awakened, at a glance, 
 the strongest prepossessions in his favor. He was the very 
 type of a political hero — such as would be conceived by the 
 artist. 
 
 If the France of 1848 had found this man at her head, we 
 may readily conceive that she would have had to experience 
 the consequences of many generous follies, but no miserable 
 parodies, stupendous inaptitudes, or shameless dilapidations. 
 How long he might have remained in power is very con- 
 jectural; but, according to every probability, he would have 
 soon experienced the fate of those serious minds which stoop 
 to meddle with extravagant facts. He would have been 
 seized upon and torn by all the blind or interested impulses 
 of the moment. Just think of the vain-glory of M. Ledru^ 
 lioUin, the roguery of M. Caussidiere, the poison of M. 
 Blanqui, the prattle of Louis Blanc, the frenzy of M. Sobrier, 
 and above all, the jealousy of those ridiculous or imbecile 
 geniuses, such as Flocon, Lamartine, Marrast, etc., by which 
 he would have been assailed and annoyed! , 
 
 I have some right to speak of the characters of the repub- 
 licans; for I have happened to have a close view of them; 
 and some credit, therefore, may be given to this panegyric 
 upon M. GodeProy Cavaignac. He was, in my opinion, the 
 only man of the republican party of 1830, who was, at one 
 and the same time, possessed of a high order of abilities and 
 governed. by a perfect sincerity. I may add, that though 
 strongly devoted to his party, yet he had no respect for it, 
 and that, on the other hand, though they yielded him theii; 
 respect, he had none of their love. 
 
 Concerning M. Guinard, there is but little to be said ; unless 
 it is that he might be considered as a counterpart of M. G. 
 Cavaignac. In comparison with that gentleman he bore the 
 same relation to him that a good copy bears to its original. 
 Though recommended by a great many good qualities, yet 
 these qualities were all of an ordinary elevation; his character 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 65 
 
 being of that kind where nothing appears prominent. But 
 he must not,'therefore, be confounded with the rest of the 
 republican crowd, to which he was rendered far superior by 
 his loyalty and firmness. 
 
 The pock-fretted physiognomy of M. Tfelat, radiant with 
 benignity, gave the idea of an organization where the ruling 
 qualities were mildness and affection. He was, in fact, a 
 very good and kind mannered man, and in every way well 
 fitted for the of&ce which he filled as physician to the old 
 women of the Salp^tri^re. His goodness amounted to a 
 weakness ; and weakness, in political matters, leads to such 
 results as — the establishment of national workshops. We 
 need say no more. 
 
 M. Sariibuc was one of those brawling students whose 
 ambition was not satisfied with the glory of reaming pots 
 and jovial suppers. Under the double influence of the 
 fashion of .the times and the patriotic fever of youth,, he 
 became a revolutionist ; but cured at last by the attentions 
 of the officers of justice, he left Paris, and never made his 
 appearance again during the long period of our political 
 troubles. 
 
 As to M. Audry de Puyraveau, son of a former deputy, 
 he was a young man of mediocre abilities, who considered 
 himself bound to maintain in the Latin quarter the republi- 
 can reputation of his father. We shall meet with him more 
 than once hereafter, either before the correctional police, or 
 Court of Assizes, a confirmed conspirator, whose part, how- 
 ever, never surpassed that of one of the rank and file. 
 
 The trial of the disturbers of the peace attracted public 
 attention, and made a great noise in the party. }JL. Godefroy 
 Cavaignac made an exposition of his republican principles 
 remarkable for its energy. There was a certain grandeur in 
 his attitude and manner of speaking, which it would be im- 
 possible to deny. -It must be confessed, it smelt of powder; 
 and the, interest excited by a proud young man, son of a 
 revolutionist, thus confessing his revolutionary principles, 
 can be readily imagined. But his own efforts, as well as 
 those of his confederates, who were also ambitious of a scene 
 5 
 
DO HISTORY OF 
 
 at the tribunal, ended only in an aggravation of their offence. 
 More than one of their number, being far below the part to 
 which they aspired, produced quite a shrugging of the 
 shoulders among men of good sense. For instance, M. 
 Pecheux d' Herbinville, who had been charged with having 
 distributed arms to the mob, declared, emphatically, that he 
 had taken those arms from the Swiss Ouards in 1830. "What 
 did he mean by that ? Why, doubtlessly, that the Spoils of 
 one revolution should be appropriated to the use of getting 
 up another. Such is the mode of argument usually pursued 
 by the demagogues. Every individual who has had the 
 honor, by the discharge of a musket, to contribute to the 
 disturbance of France and Europe, thinks that he has thus 
 acquired the right to do the same thing again whenever he 
 pleases. 
 
 Besides the principles of political subversion, which were 
 maile the subject of the trial, there began to be perceived, 
 during the proceedings, some of those notions which, at the 
 present day, are called socialism. They attracted but little 
 notice at that time ; for even the most fearful could hardly 
 have imagined that such Utopian fancies would go beyond 
 the limits of theory ; but we have since seen that there is no 
 doctrine however absurd that may not, at some time or 
 another, take possession of the fancies of the most intellec- 
 tual people of the world. 
 
 From some cause or another, notwithstanding the circum- 
 stances of the case, and the scandal of the trial, all the accused 
 were acquitted. 
 
 In consequence, the republican party claimed the victory, 
 and considered itself master of the ground. And, to profit 
 by their success, they got up a mob the very next day, April 
 16, 1831. But it was soon put down by the National Guards 
 and other troops. 
 
 There was in power, from that period, a man who had no 
 idea of admitting such a condition of things as a permanent 
 state of revolution, and, knowing to what lengths factions 
 were capable of going, he determined upon a course of repres- 
 sion, both active and energetic. This man was M. Casimir 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 67 
 
 Perrier. The prefecture had not yet become invested with 
 a sufficient force of officials to meet the exigencies of the 
 times, but in the character of M. Carlier, chief of the munici- 
 pal police, it possessed a functionary of the most decided 
 spirit and indefatigable activity. The government of July, 
 therefore, which had thus far been bandied about at the mercy 
 of the revolutionary whirlwind, was to enter into a new phase, 
 not of perfect tranquillity — by no manner of means, but of 
 firm unshaken determination. 
 
 It was impossible to be mistaken in one thing, to wit, that 
 the chiefs of the republican faction, being also at the head of 
 the Friends of the People, had decided upon a scheme of per- 
 manent agitation with the view of arriving at some favorable 
 occasion for overthrowing the government ; a scheme which 
 was only too easy of execution, in the excited state in which 
 the minds of men then were ; and hence we shall see disturb- 
 ance after disturbance, succeeding each other without inter- 
 ruption. 
 
 On the 2d of March, there was a mob around the Palais 
 Eoyal, consisting of several hundreds of that class of laborers 
 with which national workshops are established. Having 
 taken up their position under the windows of the king, they 
 set up the ravenous cry of — " Give us work or bread !" The 
 papers of the period shed tears of pity over the lot of these 
 very worthy citizens, who were, in fact, nothing less than 
 their own instruments, and those of the Friends of the People; 
 for the honest workingman, he who has energy and good 
 sense, knows better than to mingle in manifestations the im- 
 mediate tendency of which is to injure his interests. 
 
 Several days later, the insurrection of Poland served as the 
 pretext for another disturbance. On the 10th of March, a 
 couple of individuals began the disorders by firing pistols 
 into the windows of the Eussian embassy: a blind fury 
 which, in beating the air for an object, attacked the represen- 
 tative inviolability of a nation with which we were on terms 
 of amity and peace. On the 11th and 12th, assemblages took 
 place which occasioned the arrest of several men who were 
 armed. Five weeks afterwards, a mob arose which continued 
 
68 HISTOET OF 
 
 for three days. It tlien returned to its recesses, but only to 
 make its appearance again, at the end of one month, day for 
 day. On this occasion its acts were of a serious consequence; 
 the cry of—" Down with the National Guard !" was raised ; 
 some gunsmiths' shops were pillaged, lanterns broken in 
 pieces, and one of the guard stations threatened. 
 
 But these scenes served rather to excite the indignation 
 of the people than to alarm the government. Sure of the 
 snpport of all reasonable and industrious men, the govern- 
 ment wished to restore order to Paris by some effective 
 means, yet without the shedding of blood. Marshal Lobau, 
 a perfect soldier, proposed a measure, which, though it 
 evinced some contempt for the folks of the mob, possessed, 
 nevertheless, the merit of originality. The Friends of the 
 People having learned that the cross of honor of July would 
 bear the inscription of, " Given hy the King" thought that they 
 could make it the occasion of a mob. Hence, orders were 
 immediately issued for assembling at the Place Yendome for 
 the purpose of organizing a manifestatit)n. Manifesting had 
 become a business with some few hundreds of ambitious and 
 idle persons, and they were always ready to obey a call on 
 every occasion. Prompt to the hour, therefore, they assem- 
 bled around the column of Vendome, and resolutely awaited 
 the arrival of the public force. When the force came, they 
 were rather roughly handled ; but still they kept a pretty 
 good countenance until the arrival of Marshal Lobau, with a 
 new kind of artillery, with which he had furnished himself, 
 and which was not perceived by the mob. On the first 
 summons, which was stoically resisted, the old general, un- 
 masked his pieces and gave a command which was not 
 exactly " fire," but which in an instant set half a dozen 
 vigorously played fire engines at work, spitting their aqueous 
 grape shot upon the astonished crowd, and producing the 
 most wonderful effect; for a general disbandment took place, 
 mingled with cries and confusion, a devil-take-the-hindmost 
 sort of a ramble-scramble, worse than if it had rained bullets. 
 The place was cleared as if by enchantment. 
 
 These several disturbances gave occasion to a series of 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. ■ 69 
 
 prosecutions ■whicli were remarkable solely for this — that the 
 leaders of the party seldom or never made their appearance 
 in them. The accused, as usual, •were either reckless men or 
 poor devils, whose credulous enthusia,sm rendered them the 
 ready instruments of designing men. As to the directors of 
 these , movements, they contented themselves with giving 
 their instructions, taking particular care to keep out of the 
 way whenever the disorder broke out, and the hard knocks 
 began to be given. 
 
 CHAPTER yi. 
 
 Permanence of tlie mob — M. Carlier and the cudgWlers of the Bastile — 
 The hull-dogs of the populace vanquished — M. Gisquet — Suggestions 
 concerning the re-establishment of the ministry of police. 
 
 It were useless to repeat all the reasons by which the Tri- 
 hune and other papers of that kind sought to justify the dis- 
 order of the streets. One of those reasons was the misery of 
 the people: too true, indeed, as is always the case after every 
 political commotion, but imputable, it must be acknowledged, 
 to any other cause rather than to the government. For it is 
 evident that a new government could have no interest in 
 making itself hated ; interest alone, to say nothing of con- 
 science, would teach it to have a regard for the necessities of 
 the people. But the Opposition of the radicals, though very 
 ready to bestow upon royalty all kinds of mean names, was 
 not willing to grant it the most simple of all, that of render- 
 ing itself popular without the aid of the purse. Not content 
 with reproaches -of tyranny and avarice which it bestow;ed 
 upon the new government, it declared that the government 
 had determined to do nothing for the working classes. But 
 the government, nevertheless, could show, by figures, that it 
 had employed in a single month seven millions of francs upon 
 the public works. 
 
 The mob, by the instigation of the republicans, had be- 
 
70 HISTORY OF 
 
 come permanent; every pretext for a disturbance was seized 
 upon with avidity; and when no pretext presented itself, it 
 was a very easy matter to make one. Several days before 
 the 14th of July, 1831, it was announced that the anniver- 
 sary of the destruction of the Bastile. would be celebrated by 
 planting liberty trees ; and the initiated were moreoyer in- 
 formed that there would be something — for which every one 
 of course" was to hold himself in readiness. The police, which 
 began to have an ear in the secret conventicles of mischief, 
 being informed of the something, thought it high time to 
 show a mere handful of republicans in Paris that the country 
 was not to remain forever at the mercy of their 'tyranny, and 
 measures were taken to suppress the intended disorder at its 
 very commencement. A proclamation was, therefore, is- 
 sued, prohibiting the forming of assemblages, and planting 
 liberty trees. But, notwithstanding this, the clubists, having 
 the Friends of the People at their head, made their appearance in 
 the streets at the hour appointed. They separated into two 
 bands, which proceeded in opposite directions, one towards 
 the Champ Elys^es, and the other towards the Bastile. At 
 the Chanip Elys^es, as the mayor of the first arrondissement 
 was entering among the mob in order to address them 
 some observations, he was stopped by M. Desirabode, a den- 
 tist, who presented two pistols at his throat. This furious 
 dentist, being repulsed at the point of the bayonet by the 
 National Guards, paid dear for his temerity ; for, grievously 
 wounded, he owed his life to the interposition of the very 
 man whom he had threatened to assassinate. 
 
 As to the scene which took place at the Bastile, there was 
 no end to the discussion which followed it, nor to the ver- 
 sions which were given of it. According to the papers of 
 the period, the police had forever disgraced themselves in the 
 affair by launching a body of policemen, robbers, and galley 
 slaves upon poor, unarmed victims. Such was the republican 
 version of the affair; everybody knows it; but the one which 
 we give has the double misfortu;ne of being both much less 
 discreditable to the police, and at the same time much more 
 true. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. ' 71 
 
 Some -workingmen of the suburb Saint Antoine — real 
 ■workingmen — those who desired to work, but were prevented 
 by the perpetual brawls of the republicans, called upon M. 
 Carlier, chief of the municipal police, and offered to keep 
 order themselves in their quarter of the town, if the Friends 
 of the People should make their appearance there. They were 
 told that the proceeding which they proposed was a very 
 delicate matter ; that it would be a fight between citizens, for 
 no regular authority could be given them for, the suppres- 
 sion of disturbances ; but that, after all, the offer which they 
 had made was very honorable to them, and the tranquillity of 
 their quarter a matter of sufficient importance to receive their 
 care and attention. They asked for nothing more, and 
 returned to their suburb. 
 
 The next day, when the republicans arrived and were 
 making ready to begin their noise, the officious defenders of 
 order, men by nature rather brutal, and who were perfectly 
 disposed to become more brutal still, fell upon the mob with 
 their cudgels, upset the Fly-catchers, pommelled the clubists, 
 and thus made a vigorous clearance of the place. 
 
 It was unpleasant, undoubtedly, to be belabored in that 
 style; but the Friends of the People had such a strange manner 
 of showing their love for the workingmen, that it was no 
 more than fair that the workingmen should have an oppor- 
 tunity of showing their gratitude in a similar way. 
 
 Such is, in a few words, the famous history of the cudgel- 
 lers taken from the bagnio. It changes character materially 
 when not related by the patriots. In the accounts of it by 
 the patriots, therp are, as usual, only affirmations based upon 
 idle gossips or barefaced invention ; but on the part of the 
 police, there are positive proofs, which M. Caussidi&re and 
 others have been able to see if they wished it. 
 
 The lesson. thus given at the Bastile had its effect; there 
 was not another mob for the space of a month. In those 
 times Paris had an occasion, to thank God for a period of 
 tranquillity of four weeks. It can hardly be believed, at this 
 day, that a few hundreds of rascals could take it into their 
 heads to make a periodic disturbance of the peace of the 
 
72 HISTORY OF 
 
 country, and succeed in it; yet such is the history of but 
 yesterday. 
 
 In the jnonth of September the news of the fall of Poland 
 presented too fine an occasion for a disturbance to be 
 neglected. The smaller emanations from the press spat fire 
 and flames ; the Tribune foamed, and the chiefs of the Friends 
 of the People turned blue with indignation. Those terrible 
 men who, when finally in power themselves, had the prudence 
 not to devour a single tyrant, have never failed in their 
 opposition to demand a general war in Europe for any cause 
 whatever, and no matter what. The refusal on the part of 
 the government of July to embark in an undertaking, the 
 impracticability of which they themselves admitted seven- 
 teen years afterwards, was, according to their way of thinking, 
 the basest of treasons. Up with the mob, then I Two or 
 three hundred patriots first go to the Palais Eoyal and insult 
 the king; then they proceed to the Hotel des Capucines, 
 shouting — " Hurrah for Poland ! Down with the ministers !" 
 Then stones are let loose into the windows. From the Hotel 
 des Capucines they repair to the boulevard Saint Denis, a 
 gunsmith's shop on the way being sacked and pillaged. Such 
 was the bill of fare that day. The next day — as usual — the 
 same thing over and over again; for these wretched melo- 
 dramas always had, at least, their five acts. The groups 
 assembled again in front of the Hotel of Foreign Affairs ; and 
 while uttering their menacing cries, a carriage, in which were 
 recognized the president of the council, M. Casimir Perrier 
 and another minister, was coming out of the inclosure. It 
 was immediately surrounded and stopped; however, a few 
 firm words from the minister sufficed to clear a passage, and 
 it proceeded on its way. But the mobbers soon recovered 
 themselves and pursued their enemy. Overtaking the car- 
 riage at the place Vendome, they stopped the horses, and set 
 up the most violent vociferations. M. Casimir Perrier got 
 out and addressed the crowd: — 
 
 " "What do you want ?" said he, "the ministers? Here we 
 are. But you, who are you ? pretended friends of liberty 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 73 
 
 threatening the men who are charged with the execution of 
 the law !" , / 
 
 By these words, uttered in a tone of lofty assurance, the 
 audacity of the malefactors was completely subdued. They 
 stood aside, and the courageous functionary passed on, as 
 the master passes in the midst of dogs, whose mischievous 
 eyes fall beneath his rebukeful look. 
 
 For a moment they remained as if perfectly crushed by 
 this lordly bearing; but, spurred on by pride aiid vexation, 
 they spread themselves through Paris, invaded the theatres, 
 which they ordered to be closed in sign of mourning, and 
 then set to work at the edge of the suburb of Montmartre, in 
 tearing up paving stones. A considerable body of troops 
 had to be brought out to disperse them. But for two days 
 afterwards, the reverberations, as it were, of their discord 
 still continued, like the howling of the waves after the tem- 
 pest has subsided. 
 
 In November, 1831, M. Gisquet was appointed prefect of 
 the police. During the sixteen months which had elapsed 
 since the revolution, three incumbents had succeeded to the 
 office 'of prefect, Messrs. Girod de I'Ain, Baude, and Vivien; 
 M. Gisquet made the fourth. These changes in the manage- 
 ment of the prefecture, added to the indecision and indul- 
 gence of functionaries who had risen by the revolution, had 
 evidently tended to encourage the audacity and perseverance 
 of the anarchists. To some extent it might be said, in the 
 words of the Reform, that the first three prefects had worked 
 at the preservation of order by means of disorder, or, in other 
 words, they had not had either the disposition or the capacity 
 to establish a regular and coherent system of order. To 
 play the part of a Sartine or a Fouche requires not only the 
 disposition to maintain order, but a high degree of skill 
 accompanied by untiring zeal, and indefatigable activity ; and 
 there are occasions when it requires a man of very extra- 
 ordinary ability. By referring to the period immediately 
 after our first revolution, it will be seen that there never was 
 a society more completely disorganized ; and yet, under the 
 skilful management of a man of the police, the Duke of 
 
74 HISTOET OF , 
 
 Otranto, aided by a natural reaction, all the elements of order 
 were made at once to assume their proper form and condition. 
 When Napoleon designed to assume the head of aifairs, know- 
 ing that the art of governing is the art of leading, and with 
 that penetrating glance of his, he began by addressing him- 
 self to Talleyrand, the leader of the chancelleries, and to the 
 Duke of Otranto, the leader of the masses. The police is 
 not, indeed, a mere matter of supervision and repression ; it 
 should be considered as the initiative, and the direction of 
 the public mind. Those supple^ acute, penetrating meni 
 who are delving every day into the secrets of life, and. the 
 knowledge of human well-being — why should they not be- 
 come the conductors as well as the inspectors of the masses ? 
 "What is to prevent their chief, that man of omniscience, from 
 giving a counterpoise to the extravagances of popular opinion, 
 and in thus preserving the public mind in a state of equili- 
 brium ? He could easily do it if he were a man of superior 
 abilities, practised in the business, and free in his action. By 
 freedom of action, we mean to imply that the present func- 
 tions of the police are too much restricted, and that they can 
 be made really effective only by being extended to embrace 
 all France. Under a state of things such as we are now 
 actually experiencing, we believe that the reycstablishment 
 of the ministry of police would render the effect of super- 
 vision and control much more intense and active than it now 
 is. But, under the present system, how is ■ it ? Why, the 
 minister of the interior, merely a man of administration, or 
 of parliamentary consequence, finds himself suddenly at the 
 head of a service of the first importance, which requires long 
 experience, and particular aptitude, and which becomes a 
 matter of only secondary consideration among his other 
 functions. Hence there results, on the one hand, a want of- 
 experience and especial capacity, and, on the other, an insuf- 
 ficiency or slackness in the action of the machine. Since the 
 service of the police is one and the -same for Paris and the 
 provinces, why divide it ? Since unity is the first principle 
 of power, why not organize the police according to this prin- 
 ciple? Why, in fine, impose upon a functionary already 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 7o 
 
 overcliarged witli duties, a service wliicli claims by itself all 
 the attention of a man of genius ? Inasmucli as the corn- 
 plots of Paris extend into the provinces, the ramifications of 
 the police should extend there also. It very often happens, 
 indeed, that the prefects of the provinces are advised of what 
 is going on among them by information received from Paris. 
 But this information, as it now is, has to go through the minis- 
 try of the interior, a useless formality, which occasions an 
 unnecessary loss of time. Besides, impediments in the way of 
 execution may now arise from a difference of opinion between 
 the minister of the interior and the prefect of police, in which, 
 although the inferior is in a much better position for seeing 
 and judging, yet he must yield to his superior. 
 
 And the inconvenience of onr present system of police is 
 not less when regarded with respect to the direction which 
 it might give to the mind of the masses. The prefect of po- 
 lice has to deal with the head, and not with the members of 
 the country. He is, from the nature of the case, the principal 
 agent in everything that concerns the police ; but as' it now 
 is, if he wishes to make his action felt by the members, which 
 he might do by bringing it to bear upon a single point, 
 he has to go and consult with an unpractised superior; 
 and hence, the effect which might be produced at once and 
 with co-ordination, has to be done in detail, with all the use- 
 less delays occasioned by passing through an unnecessary 
 and irregular channel. 
 
 The establishment of a ministry of the police, although 
 not absolutely essential, would prove, nevertheless, in those 
 feverish moments of disorganization which sometimes seize 
 upon a people, a means of cure of very considerable effi- 
 cacy. At the present day, for instance, it would furnish 
 the quickest means of attaining an end, which, in our opinion, 
 ought to be pursued by everybody, viz : the destruction of 
 socialism. 
 
 The summary, then, of the system of police which' we pro- 
 pose, is as follows: a ministry of police, to supervise and 
 direct the public mind throughout France; commissaries 
 general to act iinder its orders in the principal centres of 
 
76 HISTOKY OF 
 
 population ; these functionaries to act in co-operation with, 
 and independently of, the prefects within their limits, who 
 are to be occupied solely with the affairs of administration 
 then under the commissaries general, commissaries central, 
 to be stationed in every town of importance. The com 
 missaries general should be taken from Paris, men experi 
 enced in their business, and be furnished with secret service 
 money and agents for establishing a police in the provinces — 
 something which does not now exist. There should be 
 agents for the city and agents for the country; and the 
 of&ce of these latter should be marked out with particular 
 intelligence and care; for the most difficult part of their du- 
 ties would not consist in the performance of a mere super- 
 vision, but in eradicating from the thoughts of simple minded 
 men those mischievous ideas which are inspired by the dem- 
 agogues. 
 
 A general plan of this kind, made up of numerous details 
 which it is unnecessary to mention, and resolutely directed by 
 large and comprehensive views, would bring socialism to its 
 last shift by~ the end of a year. And this could be the more 
 easily accomplished, inasmuch as the doctrine is by no means 
 firmly rooted in the country; its principal disciples are only 
 either fools or knaves ; and it has become developed only at 
 a time of moral subversion, and of corresponding weakness, 
 on the part of the authorities. It is an epidemic, however, 
 against which great precautions should be taken; but which 
 can nevertheless be effectively cured by the means of intelli- 
 gently and energetically prescribed remedies; and among 
 those remedies, the system of police which we have pro- 
 posed would certainly be the most effectual. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 77 
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 Complot of the towers of Notre Dame — Trial of members of the Friends 
 of the People. — Messrs. Bonnias, Easpail, Blanqul, Antony Thouret — The 
 chiefs of the popular societies boil over-^Messrs. Eittiez, Tonssaint Bra- 
 vard, Cahaigne, Avril, Imbert. 
 
 At the commencement of the year 1832, the Friends of the 
 People had the principal direction of the republican party. 
 There were other societies still, pursuing the same course, 
 such as the Claimers of July, commanded by M. O'EeiDy, the 
 Gallic Society, under the direction of M. Thielmaus, and 
 various other groups, under different denominations ; but the 
 preponderance of the Friends of the People was acknowledged 
 and respected. 
 
 M. Casimir Perrier. on assuming the management of the 
 police, had taken measures with respect to this society, which 
 had partly effected their object ; that is to say, the conspiracy 
 had been forced to abate somewhat of its audacity, and to 
 become more circumspect in its proceedings. But though 
 thus repressed, its work was not the less ardently prosecuted; 
 the propagandism was continued by speeches and newspaper 
 articles, and especially by pamphlets, the employment of this 
 latter means being pursued with the most extraordinary zeal. 
 
 Although the society, since its dissolution, had become 
 secret, yet it had not yet assumed that organization and disci- 
 pline which had characterized carbonarism, and which we shall 
 find it possessed of at a later period. To a certain degree its 
 meetings might still be considered public ; for, as the greater 
 part of its discussions were published, and as the committee 
 professed only a moral propagandism, the sections taking good 
 care, at the same time, to avoid meetings larger than the legal 
 number of twenty persons, a sort of respect was thus shown 
 
78 HISTORY OP 
 
 for the law, by which the tribunals of those days were fain 
 to rest content. 
 
 But the Friends of the People, though united in their object, 
 the overthrow of, royalty, were far from being unanimous 
 either as to the course to be pursued, or the day for deliver- 
 ing battle. Though in the mobs which had harassed Paris 
 since the period of July, there is perceived a premeditated 
 scheme of agitation, yet the odious responsibility of this 
 scheme should not be imputed entirely to men of such serious 
 cast of mind as Messrs. Cavaignac and Guinard; it rests chiefly 
 with leaders of secondary importance, by whom the plan was 
 conceived, and by whom it was executed with the most detest- 
 able perseverance. The leaders of secret societies, we repeat 
 it, never preserve their influence except under the condition 
 of submitting to the tyranny of the reckless and hair-brained, 
 who are in a hurry to rush at once to the conclusion of their 
 schemes; and such at^s the character of those men who, from 
 the first days of 1832, impatient to arrive at the end of their 
 designs, declared that mobs were useless, and urged that an 
 attack should be made in mass. With their heads turned by 
 the noise of the clubs, and blinded by their own exaltation, 
 they persuaded themselves that Paris was all on their side, 
 and that they had only to make their appearance in order to 
 destroy the government, root and branch. It was in vain 
 thait some of the republicans endeavored to give them a more 
 moderate view of things ; to show them that the bourgeoisie 
 were in favor of the new reign, and that the great mass of 
 the workingmen were interested in preserving peace. In 
 reply to such arguments as these they only grumbled, and 
 hastened to effect a schism. But then, perceiving their isola- 
 tion and weakness, they resolved, by complots and other des- 
 perate means, to rouse up the people. The affair of which 
 we are about to speak was the result of one of these despe- 
 rate resolves. 
 
 M. Gisquet relates that, when scarcely entered upon the 
 discharge of his duties, he was informed of a complot, the 
 signal of which was to be a conflagration of the towers of 
 Notre Dame. By the light of the flames, which were to 
 
ins "WETS E srissa:! ^>ww*Sw!iife ijrTrrD.rT :dK scp^bsj' ^bx. 
 
 tesiTtst eBi^£ "ttgr ET-T .i3:scii sooi x ^isa^e [rrqasst. t^s. jes- 
 gi: Sac sBsicissiL 35; i lai tcott in saAmsEass^ hs 
 
 siio. aeaaat Jar isssnir ^TrKf- «i^b^* — r :aji skS: ^iS- 
 
 Tie jFfrfera aeiiisiaiisi tj-.-rt -^ie- :Q~ 
 
 !«iM^fe HBM^g^ «rlha>3 ■ii^sT_ -w^lT 
 
 nj?T» -nifiiE: :Liffr isns iiisz" •ii".,t. -"j^il iCTfg- a»r.iae j^TTg^ sac- 
 '•i xr. nr r ZJC^vSlSC^ t3Iini ~TtF- HLXTlii : 'eti^ t.bhi t.T(^ TtlCEff »'ijr± 
 
 . iiiSi "^1^ ?-. ;et-tt 2ikl lesr iLjffi. ^Bii sxi jc "^l -Jtv"- 
 
 t M. lE/ii: j^ - iiL TTti- -ifer. ij sbinc S I'siaei- ii 
 
 iiiiiiiiTiiirtlj li |iiiiii"ii I w\ 
 Tie 3ZE2SL inasjs&ssptiosEiKirs:* ©ae^; 
 
80 HISTORY OF 
 
 ments, tte conspirators here also indulged in a figure of 
 rhetoric, taking a part for the whole. We shall have an 
 occasion to show more than once that the troops which were 
 said to be gained over by the democrats, consisted of a few 
 ignorant or drunken soldiers, who were indoctrinated by fine 
 speeches or glasses of wine. 
 
 Detachments of the police hurried to the cathedral, where 
 they learned from the guardian that a pistol had just been 
 fired at him, and that the stairs were barricaded. The 
 policemen, overthrowing the barricades, found themselves in 
 the presence of persons who fired upon them and fled. These 
 persons were pursued, and in ■ the pursuit they were seen to 
 throw handfuls of proclamations into the streets below. Six 
 of their n:umber were soon arrested ; but the public force had 
 arrived too late to prevent a commencement of the conflagra- 
 tion. Fire had been set to the wood work of one of the 
 towers, and the flames were threatening a catastrophe ; but, 
 fortunately, prompt measures arrested the danger. 
 
 At this moment several bands were seen gliding along the 
 alleys of the neighborhood, directing their course towards 
 Notre Dame and repairing to the rendezvous. They were 
 led by Messrs. Pelvillain and Chancel. Being discovered 
 and pressed upon by the troops, they were apprehended 
 before knowing what condition their abominable enterprise 
 was in. 
 
 It was learned from the guardian that seven persons had 
 entered the towers, and there still remained therefore one 
 more to be found. This J)erson proved to be M. Courid^re, 
 the most important of all. It took three hours to find him ; 
 and it was perceived that he had set fire to the place where 
 he had taken refuge. 
 
 M. Couridfere, the inventor and hero of this vsretched 
 afiair, was at that time, like the rest of his accomplices, a 
 young man of an insensate exaltation and unbridled energy. 
 To the judge, who asked him his profession, he replied, " A 
 mobber." On the pronouncement of the sentence, which 
 condemned him to an imprisonment of five years, raising 
 himself up with a savage air, he cried out to the President, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 81 
 
 " Thou shalt have five years imprisonment, and the expenses 
 to boot ! I'll pay thee from the chest of Louis Philippe." 
 
 Such bravery as this the patriots called, valiantly main- 
 taining a cause. We shall not comment upon this character 
 of mobber which M. Courid^re arrogated to himself; all that 
 we can say is tbat he was not boasting ; for Paris at that 
 time contained men whose only profession was to excite 
 mobs. 
 
 By this affair an idea may be formed of some of the 
 inferior leaders of the party. A few words now with regard 
 to the doctors of the party. During the legal proceedings 
 of the 10th, 11th, and 12th of January, 1832, the chiefs, whose 
 names are as follows, Messrs. Easpail, Grervais de Caen, 
 Blanqui, Antony Thouret, Hebert, Trelat, Bonnias, Rillieux, 
 and Plagnol, were brought to the bar to give an account of 
 divers publications that had emanated from the society. 
 Extracts from these publications would be useless, since 
 their character may be conceived by the defence which was 
 set up by the accused. After M. Easpail had led off with a 
 tirade of abuse against the king, then came M. Blanqui, 
 who, full of his mad dreams and hatreds, delivered a speech . 
 designed with the view of stimulating the people to social 
 subversion. " This," said he, " is war between the rich and 
 the poor; the rich desire it, because they are the aggressors; 
 the privileged few roll in wealth acquired by the sweat of 
 the poor. The Chamber of Deputies is a pitiless machine, 
 grinding to powder twenty-five millions of peasants and five 
 millions of workingmen for extracting their substance, which 
 is transfused into the veins of the privileged class. The 
 taxes are plunder which is made by the idle upon the labor- 
 ing classes." 
 
 There is no need of commenting upon the folly of such 
 artificial phraseology as this, so zealously restored to honor 
 in our days; for M. Blanqui, from whom the reds of the pre- 
 sent day have plagiarized, was himself only a copyist of the 
 levellers of '93. 
 
 M. Bonnias came next; he harangued against tyranny, the 
 civil list, the pilferers of revolutions, the eudgellers, the spies, 
 6 
 
82 HISTOET OF 
 
 and all that sort of thing. Messrs. Gervais and Thouref 
 joined in the chorus, and sustained, one by his bilious chi- 
 canery, and the other by pompous verbosity, the declamation 
 of their comrade; It was a perfect flood of insults against the 
 chiefs of the government, the court, the law, and the rules of 
 common decency. 
 
 All the accused were acquitted on the chief counts of the 
 indictments ; because it could not be proved that they were 
 the authors of the publications. But in consequence of their 
 behavior before the court they were sentenced to various 
 periods of imprisonment; Messrs. Easpail and Bonnias, for 
 fifteen months, M. Blanqui for one year, and Gervais (de 
 Caen) and Antony Thouret for six months. The latter, on 
 withdrawing, gave an emphatic menace to the, court in the 
 following words — "We still have bullets in our cartridge 
 boxes!" 
 
 This was an unnecessary piece of information to the 
 authorities ; for the audacity of the republicans had embol- 
 dened other parties, which, with the common object of over- 
 throwing the government, were already requiring the most 
 vigilant attention. Besides, a thousand circumstances, either 
 fortuitous or premeditated, augmented, every day, the excite- 
 ment and hopes of the republicans. The excitement of to- 
 day, perhaps, would be some scandalous trial; that of to-mor- 
 row, a furious book ; one day a mob in the provinces, and 
 the next, anarchical speeches in the National Assembly, where 
 the Friends of the People counted as members, or patrons, 
 about a dozen deputies^ such as Messrs. Cabet, de Lndre, La- 
 .fayette, Lamarque, Audry de Puyraveau, Laboissi^re, and 
 Dupont (de I'Eure). In the month of November, the work- 
 ingmen of Lyons, for a cause not political, and while pro- 
 fessing submission to the king, took possession of the city, 
 and forced the prefect to make improper concessions. In the 
 month of March following, the ill-disposed part of the people 
 of Grenoble succeeded, as the finale of a disgusting masque- 
 rade, in overcoming the feeble garrison of the place, and 
 compelling the authorities to capitulate. The Friends of the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 83 
 
 Peopk, who liad an aiBliated society in Grenoble, contributed 
 a great deal towards this success against the government. 
 
 In the midst of such excitements as these, and burning 
 with impatience to out-distance their rivals (the Napoleonists 
 and Legitiniist's) and to arrive at once at their object — it can 
 be judged to what extent the republicans had taken fire, and 
 how near they were to an explosion. 
 
 The serious minded men of the party saw clearly two 
 things: first, that an insurrection could not succeed, because 
 of its being opposed by the bourgeoisie ; and second, that the 
 insurrection, nevertheless, would inevitably take place. One 
 of those moments had arrived in the conspiracies where the 
 current of things rushed hurriedly to a solution. In order 
 to make proselytes, the chiefs exaggerated the number of their 
 army; magnified the spirit of insurrection, and infatuated 
 the minds of their followers with the ideas of an approaching 
 battle. The followers took every hint as a promise, and of 
 which the chiefs were reminded, first gently, then with bitter- 
 ness, and finally with threats, until at last the day arrived 
 when the committee had to 'give the signal for the fight, or 
 be considered as traitors. "We shall see this condition of' 
 things occurring more than once. 
 
 Now, the persons who were really deserving of considera- 
 tion in the society, the directors, inspirers or patrons, such 
 as M. Cavaignac, General Lafayette,' etc., found themselves in 
 the situation which we have just described. Not that we 
 ascribe to them the responsibility of false assertions or 
 promises, but that lures of this character had been offered to 
 the crowd, and that the crowd held their highest chiefs 
 accountable for them, And as this higher order of chiefs 
 were too prudent to flatter hopes which they could not enter- 
 tain themselves, they had inevitably to lose influence and 
 give way to chiefs of an inferior order, who had nothing to 
 lose and everything to gain. Such was the state of things 
 that took place during the first months of the year 1832. 
 The men who from that time took the direction of the afl'airs 
 of the conspiracy were leaders of secondary consideration, of 
 mediocre talents, little influence, and without social position. 
 
84 HISTOET OF 
 
 Ih case the reader should wish to know these men, we give 
 a few of their characters. 
 
 M. Eittier, editor of the Censor of Lyons ; one of the mildest 
 and most credulous of the revolutionists — somewhat of the 
 M. Dapoty stamp; full of fears and complaints, which the 
 logicians of the streets translated into blows and hard knocks 
 with the musket. 
 
 M. Toussaint Bravard, the type of the student who never 
 studies ; drinker, phrase-maker and fighter ; ruler of the roast 
 of the Latin quarter ; firing at marks with the crossbow ; 
 squabbling with the police ; great at billiards and pot-house 
 dances; the first in every harum-scarum party, and the last 
 in his course of studies, having spent seven or eight years in 
 arriving, with much diificulty at that, at the position of health 
 officer of Paris. At bottoln a man of no reach of thought — 
 a worthless fellow — an ex-member of the third house. . 
 
 M. Oahaigne, a very good man, but who had labored for 
 thirty years under the illusion that he had a talent for lite- 
 rature and politics, which he could make nobody else believe. 
 Ex-editor, in short, of the Gom/mune of M. Sobrier. 
 
 M. Felix Avril, Secretary of the Friend of the People. The 
 eternal formula of — Felix Avril, Secretary, at the bottom of 
 the publications of the society, had finally transformed into 
 a person of distinction, a young man who was otherwise 
 extremely insignificant. Until February, 1848, he remained 
 one of the flies of the democratic coach ; but, at that period, 
 M. Louis Blanc took him from the baggage-office of the 
 Rouen Eailroad, and made him prefect of Calrados. 
 
 M. Bergeron, known for the pistol-shot fired upon the Pont- 
 Eoyal ; which afiair made a great deal more noise than have 
 the literary labors to which he abandoned himself in the 
 Sihle, under the signature of Emile Pag^s. 
 
 M. Charles Teste, a friend of Baboeuf, whose doctrines he 
 transfused into carbonarism ; a conspirator, demi-secular, and 
 not very noisy, brooding in the shade, with a select circle of 
 friends, over savage convictions; but rather sincere on the 
 whole — rather an honest and disinterested man. 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 85 
 
 M. Danton, having had, as it appears, no other merit than 
 his relationship with the terrible orator of the Revolution. 
 
 M. Delescluze, an obscure libellist, and rather of an equivo- 
 cal character. One of the men who has been well acquainted 
 with him, M. Sobrier, for example, tells some anecdotes of 
 him before the affair of February, which would hardly find 
 place in our histories of instruction. His character as a writer 
 was somewhat of a brutal pugilist, which has no name in 
 literature. 
 
 M. Imbert, founder of the Sovereign People of Marseilles ; 
 a travelling wine merchant ; commandant of the Tuileries ; 
 originator of the Eisk-All ; dealer in conspiracies ; a very 
 busy sort of body, and rather worthless. 
 
 There were, also, M. Adam, M. N. Lebon, M. Aubert- 
 Eoche, M. Plagnol, M. Madet, M. Fortoul, M. Caunes, M. 
 Sugier, and M. Lebceuf, who were of not much account. 
 Some of them had a great exaltation, others great presump- 
 tion, and all a very great ambition. 
 
 The most of these men yielded to the inordinate pressure 
 of the popular societies, and allowed themselves to be per- 
 suaded that the hour of battle had arrived. All that remained, 
 then, for them to do, was to draw up their forces, and look 
 for some favorable opportunity. 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Tlie mob of the rag-pickers — The cholera, and the pretended poisoners — 
 Credulity of the people — Odious machinations of the repuhlicans — The 
 legitimist.party — Affair of the street of ProuTaires — A patriot writer. 
 
 In the beginning of April, 1832, the affair of the rag-pick- 
 ers, and that of the pretended poisoners, excited a mob in 
 Paris. The interests of one of the industrial classes, and the 
 ignorance of all the lower order of people, were in a ferment ; 
 and what richer mine for working could possibly present it- 
 
86 HISTORY OF 
 
 self ? The republicans eagerly took advantage of their good 
 luck. 
 
 A few words upon the cause of the disturbance. 
 
 The contract for cleaning the streets having expired, a new 
 one was given out according to form, but with a provision 
 that the contractor ^ould have the right to carry off the 
 grosser part of the rubbish during the night time, and thus 
 abridge the work of the day. But this right deprived the 
 rag-pickers of a very considerable part of their pickingsj and 
 hence they became highly exasperated. They came together 
 in a mob ; stopped the tumbrel^ of the new contracto?; broke 
 them to pieces and threw them into the water. Some of the 
 cartmen, also, were thrown in together with tl^eir carts. 
 Such was the beginning of the Inob. The next day the affair 
 became complicated with pretended attempts at poisoning, an 
 idea which had originated in the cholera, and which the cre- 
 dulity of the people, driven by their fears, received without 
 examination. The scenes that followed set back our civil- 
 ization and struck Paris with dismay. The very idea of 
 having over one's food a phial, a bottle, a vase, or what not, 
 gave rise to suspicions which the merest trifle served to con- 
 firm as a fact. At the Place du Caire, an employ^ of the 
 government was massacred for having put poison, it was 
 said, into the jars of a wine merchant; in the quarter des 
 Halles, another was torn in pieces ; at the Place de Greve, a 
 third was assassinated and thrown into the water, and M. Gis- 
 quet affirms that a fourtb was taken from his post at the H6- 
 tel de Ville by a man who was so enraged that he beat him 
 to death, and then gave him to be eaten by his dog! 
 
 These things took place as late as 1832 [ and yet it will be 
 remembered that after the affair of July, 1830, the extreme 
 moderation and the extreme wisdom of the people were not 
 less extolled than their extreme courage. Now, from two 
 such facts as these what inference can be drawn ? It is this 
 — that the flatterers of the little and the flatterers of the great 
 are precisely of the same stamp, bestowing their fulsobie 
 praises indiscriminately upon any one and every one from 
 whom there is any object to be gained. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 87 
 
 This hideous madness, .that led people to believe that the 
 epidemic was in fact a general attempt to poison them, had 
 seized upon all the lower classes of Paris. It is true that the 
 occurrence of some remarkable incidents — which in order to 
 place the responsibility where it belongs we shall explain — 
 might easily have excited alarm among the old women ; but 
 that the people of the suburbs should generally believe in an 
 absurd and infamous machination for poisoning them, does 
 not certainly give us a very high idea of popular wisdom. 
 Let us not be mistaken as to our intentions: we do not in- 
 tend to insult the people; but on the other hand we shall 
 not extol their infirmities; we deplore them. To tell this 
 people, as they are told every day, that they are perfect, is a 
 criminal piece of stupidity. We repeat it, for it cannot be 
 too well known, that this race of the lowest stratum of soci- 
 ety, ignorant, brutal and savage, plays the principal part in 
 all our revolutions; it forms the main body of the rank and 
 file of the streets. And thus is France condemned to bow, 
 with hat in hand as it were, to those governments which are 
 created by such men as beat pretended poisoners to death, 
 and give the corpses to their dogs. 
 
 The occasion of alarm with the old women was as fol- 
 lows: — and the reader will judge by it whether the credulity 
 of the people tended nearer to imbecility than the patriotism 
 of certain men did towards the extreme of villany. In the 
 midst of the cholera, that strange and terrible disease, which 
 is every way calculated to excite the fears, it was proved 
 that the appearances of attempts at poisoning had actually 
 taken place. In the suburb Saint-Antoine, a packet of drugs 
 was thrown into a well by some persons who immediately 
 fled into the midst of a crowd, where they were seen to 
 change their dress and make their disappearance. Some 
 wretched looking men were seen writhing in the streets, 
 crying out that they had been poisoned. In one place 
 colored sugar-plums were found; in another, some tobacco 
 powdered over with a whitish matter ; in another still, some 
 bottles of wine covered with a reddish paste. But on ex- 
 amination, the reddish paste proved to be soap : the whitish 
 
88 HISTORY OF 
 
 matter, flour; and the colored sugar- plums, ordinary comfits. 
 The men who said that they were poisoned, had either been 
 taken with the cholera, or pretended to have convulsions. 
 As to the well of the suburb of Saint- Antoine, its water, 
 when carefully examined, proved to be perfectly salubrious. 
 
 But those men who declared that they had been poisoned, 
 or who disseminated matters that were said to be poisonous, 
 were no illusion ; they at least had an actual existence, and 
 were seen in a great many places. They were in fact the 
 actors in a complot for creating the impression that there 
 was a general attempt to poison the people ; and as the peo- 
 ple, from the fine ideas with which they had been inspired, 
 could not well impute such a crime to any other source than 
 the government ; and as the result of this horrible accusation 
 could profit only the revolutionists, it is evident that the 
 revolutionists should be held responsible for it. And if 
 there can be any doubt in the matter here are the proofs. 
 
 In a proclamation which was thrown into the midst of the 
 mob, were read the following words : " Already now for two 
 years the people have been a prey to the agonies of the 
 most disgraceful misery; they have been attacked, impri- 
 soned, assassinated. And this is not all; for under the 
 pretext of a pretended epidemic, the people are poisoned in 
 the hospitals, and assassinated in the prisons. Last Sunday, 
 it is a well established fact, a crowd of spies forced their 
 way into the prison of Sainte-P^lagie ; and these rascals 
 fired upon the patriots who were shut up within. shame! 
 crime ! how long, just Heaven, must thy decrees enchain 
 our arms ? What remedy is there for our ills ? It is not 
 patience, for patience is at an end ; it is not insignificant 
 mobs, which are so easily repressed ; no, it is by means of 
 arms that the people gain and maintain, at one and the same 
 time, their liberty and their bread. Let the torch, then, the 
 jpilce and the hatchet open to us a passage. There is no mid- 
 dle course, it is only by destroying the dens of all the bri- 
 gands who conspire our ruin, and by purging society of the 
 monsters by whom it is infected, that the people can come 
 to breathe a pure and free air. To arms ! To arms 1 " 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 89 
 
 This production wBich, it is evident, cannot be censured 
 for hypocrisy, is the open avowal of conflagration, destruc- 
 tion, and carnage. Without dwelling too long upon all the 
 ideas which are here set forth by the revolutionists, we may 
 remark first, that they sustain the notion of attempts having 
 been made at poisoning; and then, we may observe this im- 
 portant declaration, that the chiefs were no longer satisfied 
 with mere mobs, but they must have a rising in mass, with 
 torch, pike, and hatchet — a general slaughter of the Nero 
 style, illuminated by a conflagration. Now this second idea, 
 according to their way of reckoning, was to follow as a con- 
 sequence of the first ; they counted upon deceiving the cre- 
 dulity, and exasperating the ignorance of the people, atid 
 thus impelling them to one of those moments of passion in 
 which governments are overthrown. The proclamation is 
 not the only proof of this plan ; these were concurrent facts ; 
 a commencement of execution of the plan had already taken 
 place. On the 1st of Apriltwo hundred men of the sections 
 had attacked Sainte-Pdlagie from without, while the prisoners 
 arose against their keepers within. Troops arrived and forced 
 their way into the prison ; but they experienced such a resist- 
 ance that they were compelled to fire in order to suppress the 
 mutiny. The attack on the outside was conducted by a chief 
 of a savage character named Valot, who was sentenced to the 
 galleys. 
 
 The newspapers took up the cause of the rag-pickers, and 
 gave a great deal of credit to the stories of poisoning. As to 
 the revolt of Sainte-P^lagie, they declared that it was a stroke 
 of policy on the part of M. Gisquet, who was thus endeavor- 
 ing to begin his campaigns of September over again. This 
 imputation shows the extravagant hatred which was enter- 
 tained against this courageous magistrate. And M. Gisquet 
 was not the only one who drew such hatred upon himself. 
 On the 14th of May, 1832, M. Casimir Perrier died of the 
 cholera: and on the 17th, the following announcement ap- 
 peared in the Tribune:— 
 
 " On the news of the death of the president of the council, 
 the undersigned political prisoners, carlists and republicans, 
 
90 HISTOEY OF 
 
 have unanimously resolved that a, general illumination shall 
 take place to-night in the interior of their himiid cells. 
 
 " Signed : Baron de Schauenbooeg, Roger, TouI'Aiit, 
 Lemeslie, Henry Fifthists, Pel villain, Consideee, De- 
 GANNE, republicans." • 
 
 This union of legitimists with republicans on the inside of 
 their humid cells, must not surprise us, for it existed also on 
 the outside ; not, indeed, that the more serious portion of the 
 legitimists had ever given countenance to such an unnatural 
 monstrosity, but that there were certain members of the party 
 who, either from impetuosity or impatience^ allowed them- 
 selves to be hurried beyond the respect which they owed to 
 their position. 
 
 In order to complete the picture of events of this period, 
 we must revert briefly to the acts of. the legitimist party 
 from the days -of July. 
 
 After every revolution there is among us such a noisy en- 
 thusiasm — such a perfect infatuation for the triumphant 
 cause, that the one which has been vanquished seems to be 
 lost sight of,.and to become annihilated. This state of things 
 continued with the legitimists until the middle of February, 
 1831. At that period a funeral ceremony which the legiti- 
 mists caused to be celebrated for the repose of the soul of the 
 Duke de Berry, gave rise to a manifestation on the part of 
 the republicans which ended in the devastation of the church 
 of Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois and the sacking of the arch- 
 bishop's palace. The ceremony was to have taken place in 
 Saint-Roch's ; but as the curate refused the use of his church, 
 the curate of Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois, judging that it 
 did not belong to him to refuse the use of his church for the 
 prayers that were to be offered up for a massacred prince, 
 opened his doors for the occasion. A catafalque was set up 
 and the services took place. But towards the close of the 
 ceremony a young man advanced towards the catafalque and 
 placed upon it an engraved likeness of the Duke of Bordeaux, 
 together with a crown of everlastings. The women con- 
 tended with each other for the flowers of which this crown 
 was made up, while the men took off their decorations in 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 91 
 
 order to place them beside the engraving. The authorities 
 interposed and arrested the young man, together with several 
 of the legitimists. And there, since the law had taken the 
 matter in hand, the affair, one would suppose, ought to have 
 stopped. But a crowd of republicans, informed by their 
 emissaries of what was going on, rushed to the church in 
 a rage, threw themselves into it, and never retired until it 
 had been completely sacked and plundered. The next day, 
 while still hot from this exploit, they assailed the residence 
 of the archbishop ; broke up objects of art, the furniture and 
 wainscoting, and threw them all into the Seine, leaving the 
 palace in a complete state of devastation. Scarcely the four 
 walls remained standing. 
 
 Six months afterwards, the conspiracy known as the 
 " affair of Prouvaires,'' broke out. A newspaper called the 
 Revolution, edited by M. Antony Thouret, declared that this 
 affair " was a simple repast among friends, during which an 
 improper intervention on the part of the police had occasioned 
 a quarrel." The reader will now have an opportunity of 
 judging as to what that affair was, and will thus be able to 
 appreciate the choice of words made use of by the republican 
 editor. 
 
 There had been for some time an extensive plan in con- 
 templation, for re-establishing the elder branch of the 
 Bourbons upon the throne. The Duchess of Berry was the 
 authoress and the heroine of it. It was arranged that this 
 princess should disembark in the South of France, where 
 her arrival was to be the signal for a rising prepared for the 
 occasion ; that from there she should repair to the west as 
 the head-quarters of the legitimist army, and that these 
 movements should be supported by a coup de main upon 
 Paris. The principal agent of the duohess in the capital 
 was the Marshal Duke de Bellune. He was in a direct 
 correspondence with the august conspiratrice, and received 
 from her the funds destined for the conspirators. Under the 
 orders of the marshal there acted a committee of twelve 
 persons, among whom were Messrs. the Count de Florae, the 
 Baron <Je Maistre, the Duke de Eivi^re, the Count de Four- 
 
92 HISTORY OF 
 
 m6nt, the Count de Brulard, and Charbounier de la Guesnerie. 
 Each of these superior chiefs commanded an arrondissement, 
 and had under his orders four chiefs ,of quarter ; and these 
 chiefs of quarter commanded detachments of ten men, who, 
 in their turn, were each to form a group the union of which 
 was to constitute the main army. The enlistments went on 
 rapidly ; a lal^ge number of soldiers of the guard, ancient 
 employes, and the Swiss, lending themselves readily to a 
 project which promised to restore them to their former 
 positions. The workingmen were attracted by bounties for 
 enlistment; and persons of all classes and characters took a 
 part in the conspiracy, including the Bonapartist general M. 
 Montholon. 
 
 M. Louis Blanc, in his desire, to catch the police in a fault, 
 pretends that the government was very badly informed upon 
 that affair ; giving as a reason that the agents who had been 
 charged with watching it, had sold themselves to the legiti- 
 mist chiefs, to whom they were very sincerely devoted. Such 
 stories may do for children ; but if M. Louis Blanc had been 
 a prefect of the police for two weeks — a real, earnest prefect, 
 he would have learned that the infidelity of an agent is not 
 quite so easy as he imagines; and that, besides, a faithless agent 
 only renders himself useless to the administration, without 
 being of any use to others. 
 
 A powder manufactory, which had been established at 
 Bellville, in the house of one Grenet, was seized, together 
 with the paymaster of the establishment; and at the same 
 time, in order to break up the threads of the conspiracy, 
 about a score of the most active chiefs were arrested. M. 
 Charbounier de la Guesnerie, ex-captain of the Eoyal Guard, 
 and Valerius, who was compromised in the affair of Saint- 
 Germain-l'Auxerrois, were among the number. But the 
 complot was not to be baffled by a few arrests ; two weeks 
 sufficed for filling up the vacancies, and restoring everything 
 to its former condition. 
 
 The police soon perceived that the conspiracy was assum- 
 ing the most formidable character. A manufacturer of arms 
 gave information of a contract that was being made between 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 93 
 
 himself and the conspirators, for furnishing muskets. The 
 police had, moreover, learned that at a council of the chiefs, 
 it had been resolved to commence action on the night between 
 the 2d and 3d of February. On that night there was to be 
 a great ball at the Tuileries. The royal family, the ministers 
 of state, and the principal functionaries, were to be present ; 
 and the design was to take them all, and thus effect a radical 
 abscission of the government. 
 
 On the day appointed, everything being in a state of readi- 
 ness, and without a suspicion of treason, the conspirators 
 began their work. At about ten o'clock at night, numerous 
 groups began to put themselves in motion, converging from 
 a great number of points, towards the four following rendez- 
 vous, viz: the canal Saint Martin; the barrier d'Enfer, the 
 boulevard Montparnasse, and the street of Prouvaires. All 
 these detachments carried concealed arms, and pursued lines 
 of march which had been designated beforehand, and which 
 led through the most unfrequented streets. Those who went 
 to the street of Prouvaires were generally in carriages. The 
 police, being preinformed of these movements, allowed them 
 to be executed, intending to act simultaneously upon each 
 column, when the groups should be finally united. A signal 
 to the municipal guards was then given ; and these, hasten- 
 ing, in strong platoons, to the three rendezvous of the suburbs, 
 broke them up, bore off some of the conspirators, and dis- 
 persed the rest. A story is told that one of the groups, com- 
 posed of citizens of the lower classes, in endeavoring to make 
 their escape, requested a patrol to conduct them out of the 
 city, so that they might avoid the municipal guards; but 
 the patrol, understanding how the matter stood, and finding 
 itself too weak to arrest these ingenuous conspirators, led 
 them to a station of the troops of the line, where they were 
 duly taken care of. 
 
 But there were among the scattered columns men of less 
 timid character, who, believing that only a partial check had 
 been given to the affair, hastened to the street of Prouvaires, 
 the centre of operations, for the purpose of receiving orders, 
 or, at least, of learning the news. As fast as they arrived, 
 
94 HISTORY OF 
 
 however, the police seized them in a sort of mouse-trap 
 which it had drawn around the point of union. 
 
 A boot- maker, M. Poncelet, was the chief of the assemblage 
 in the street of Prouvaires ; and from the position that was 
 intrusted to him, from the part which he had played in the 
 preparations, and from that which he was to play in the exe- 
 cution, he might be considered as the commander-in-chief of 
 the conspiracy. ,He was a man of uncommon intelligence 
 and of extraordinary resolution. 
 
 The point of reunion was a restaurant, where a supper had 
 been ordered for the night. The leading conspirators had 
 been notified to repair thither in order to arm themselves 
 and receive their last instructions. At about midnight the 
 greater part of them were at the rendezvous. Soon afterwards 
 a fiacre was seen to arrive laden with boxes of muskets, which 
 were carried into the restaurant. Without the loss of a 
 moment every one proceeded to arm himself; but while 
 engaged in this operation, the police, having at their head the 
 chief of the municipal police, M. Carlier, fell upon the midst 
 of the conspirators like the falcon upon a quarry of sparrow- 
 hawks. A musket was fired at the courageous functionary, 
 but it fortunately missed its aim. Then a warm engagement 
 ensued, in which furniture and dishes flew about on all sides, 
 Several shots were fired, by which one of the policemen was 
 killed ; but the public force, commanded by a resolute chiei 
 sure of his arrangements, showed an energy of action which 
 soon put the plotters' to a complete rout. Two hundred 
 persons were taken and immediately led to the prefecture oil 
 the police. 
 
 M. Poncelet, who was one of the number, was discovered 
 in a chimney, having on his person a large suin in bank-notes 
 and a key for opening the gates of the Tuileries. 
 
 By the trial, which followed, it was proved that from 
 twelve to fifteen hundred conspirators were to have concen 
 trated upon the Tuileries in four separate columns. The first 
 under the orders of M. Poncelet, was to enter the Tuileries 
 through the picture gallery, and then rush suddenly into the 
 midst of the ball, and take possession of, or make way wit! 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 95 
 
 tHe royal family and the members of the government. One 
 of the door-keepers of the Louvre who was in the plot, was 
 to open the passage to the gallery. The second column was 
 to make its attack by way of the garden, and the other two by 
 way of the Carrousel. The simultaneousness of these move- 
 ments ; the numerous detailed measures by which they were 
 supported; the audacity of the chiefs; the organization of the 
 party in the capital, and the presence of the Duchess in La 
 Vendue, taken all together, gave this enterprise a character 
 ■ which was certainly very formidable. 
 
 Sixty-six of the accused were brought before the Court of 
 Assizes. 
 
 Against two who were contumacious, the sentence of death 
 was passed. M. Poncelet and five others were sentenced to 
 deportation. The same sentence was also passed against five 
 of the principal conspirators who had fled ; also against the 
 Counts Fourmont and Brulard. Eighteen others received 
 sentences less severe. 
 
 In declaring that this affair " was a simple repast among 
 friends which had been disturbed by an improper interference 
 on the part of the police," was M. Antony Thouret jesting 
 with his readers, or was he making a fool of himself? The 
 public will judge ; in either case some idea can be formed of 
 the veracity of our patriot writers. 
 
 CHAPTBB IX. 
 
 Preparations for an iustirreotlon — Order of battle of tlie secret societies — 
 Political Refugees — An attempt at assassinating General Bern — Young 
 Italy — ^M. Mazzini — A Secret tribunal — A frightful drama. 
 
 The descent of the Duchess of BeiTy at Marseilles towards 
 
 the close of April, 1832, and the ineffectual attempts at a 
 
 rising in the "West, proved that the hopes of the legitimists 
 
 I had survived the check which they had received in the street 
 
96 HISTOET OF 
 
 of Prouvaires. The police soon learned, in fact, that a new 
 plot was being formed by the party ; but as prompt measures 
 were immediately taken to suppress it, the more prominent 
 chiefs perceived the uselessness of their efforts and abandoned 
 the undertaking. But the more exalted of the republican 
 party, although professing a contempt for the legitimists, 
 watched, nevertheless, their movements, with . the view of 
 making use of them to hasten an insurrection which a grow- 
 ing impatience had rendered inevitable. Among some of 
 the sections of the popular societies there was exhibited all . 
 that ravenous fury which animates the pack when about to 
 seize upon the quarry, It was impossible to restrain men 
 to whom power had been held up as their assured prey. To 
 prevent an explosion under such circumstances, would have 
 required a veto sustained by all the energy of the principal 
 chiefs. The revolutionary populace, when once engaged in 
 their work, obey only a brutal instinct ; but before becoming 
 engaged, they wish to make sure of their commanders. And 
 the reason is, because, before the affair begins, there is time 
 for reflection, which convinces the old dogs of the streets of 
 their incapacity for managing the affair by themselves ; but 
 when once in the midst of the fire, when intoxicated with 
 powder, wine, and blood, all prudence disappears and leaves 
 room only to the inspirations of violence. 
 
 As in the committee of the Friends of the People some of 
 the members had already lost their senses and all were hur- 
 ried away by the excitement of the hour, and as the se- 
 condary chiefs called loudly for the fight at all hazards, the 
 insurrection became adopted in principle, and its execution 
 fixed for the early part of May. The only remaining ques- 
 tion, then, was to find some good pretence. 
 
 When things are in such a state that the chiefs of an army 
 allow themselves to be led by their corporals, we may natu- 
 rally expect all kinds of blunders ; and it was one of these 
 blunders, it appears to us, the choosing the 5th of May as 
 the occasion for a republican insurrection : such, however, was 
 the fact. The sections were directed to assemble at the place 
 Yendome, with orders to bring crowns of everlasting and to ^ 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 97 
 
 hold themselves in readiness for the combat. The chiefs 
 were to rendezvous at a cook shop where they were to re- 
 cruit their strength, in a patriotic repast before giving the 
 signal. The police, however, were on the watch; they took 
 it upon themselves to countermand the orders for the ban- 
 quet, and arrested the principal plotters; but that did not pre- 
 vent the manifestation. Hence, there were the knock-downs, 
 the hoarse clamors, and all that sort of thing, as usual in 
 such cases ; and one of the mobbers fired a pistol upon one of 
 the police. But as it missed, the mobber than drew a sword 
 from his cane and tried to strike the agent of authority. 
 The policeman, however, out with his sword, and soon left 
 his man upon the pavement. And of course, for this act of 
 self-defence, he was called an assassin; but if, on the other 
 hand, he had fallen instead of the other, his murderer would 
 have been styled a hero. 
 
 Here, then, we have another mere affray, and which could 
 not have been otherwise, considering that the impelling 
 cause had come from what are called hot-heads, and that 
 hot-heads are seldom characterized by much genius. 
 
 The committee of the Friends of the People, who trusted but 
 little to Messrs. Casimir Perrier and Gisquet, had contented 
 themselves for some time with a direction by means of pam- 
 phlets, avoiding meetings and such measures as were too 
 compromising; but in view of the imperious movements 
 which compelled the party to act, they decided to take the 
 initiative openly. A meeting of the leading members was 
 held on the 7th of May in the suburb Saint Martin; and the 
 principle of insurrection, already admitted by the subordi- 
 nate groups, was voted in an official manner. 
 
 It so happened that a few days -afterwards an influential 
 republican, M. Gallois, was killed in a duel; and it was re- 
 solved to make his funeral an occasion for taking arms. Be- 
 sides that the funeral of a patriot was a very natural occasion 
 for assembling the party, the juncture of affairs, moreover, 
 was very favorable, for the attempts of the Duchess of Berry 
 to excite a rebellion in Brittany would occupy the attention 
 of the government in that quarter, and restrict its liberty of 
 7 
 
98 HISTORY OF 
 
 action in Paris, while the schemes of the legitimists in the 
 capital might be made to contribute to the disturbance. To 
 this train, then, the match was to be applied. But before ar- 
 ranging the final measures, a grand meeting was fixed for the 
 first of June, to be held in: the street of Saint Andrd des Arts, 
 at the house of a chief of section, named Desnuaud. The 
 police, however, being informed of what was going on, and 
 not exactly approving of an insurrectional council of war, 
 placed their seals upon the premises. The conspirators, 
 therefore, on their arrival, saw the signs of the law ; but being 
 altogether above such things, broke the seals, entered the 
 house, and commenced proceedings. About thirty of their 
 number were taken by the police, and the rest made their 
 escape. 
 
 The affair, however, was not to be delayed on this account, 
 and the next day, the day of the funeral, remained still as 
 the day for action. But while the procession was on its way, 
 the news was spread through the ranks by means of emis- 
 saries, that an adjournment had been ordered. It had just 
 become known that General Lamarque was at the point of 
 death ; and the occasion which his funeral would offer, ap- 
 pearefl to be much preferable to the one which had been 
 chosen. 
 
 The general died that night ; and the news that his burial 
 would take place on the 5th, irrevocably fixed . the insurrec- 
 tion for that day. 
 
 On the fourth of June, the committee of the Friends of Que 
 People drew together the chiefs of the societies and other 
 various elements of the insurrection, in order to arrange th^. 
 plan of battle. Having recapitulated the forces upon whiah 
 they could rely, the points of rendezvous were assigned as 
 follows : The Friends of the People^ to the place of the Louvre ; 
 the Political Convicts, to the place of the Madeleine ; the Stu- 
 dents, to the place of the Odeon ; the Refugees, to the street of 
 Taranne ; the Parisian Artillery, to the place of the Palais 
 Eoyal. These were the forces which were more immedi- 
 ately under the control of the Friends of the People. The 
 Claimers of July, under the orders of M. O'Eeilly, and (the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 99 
 
 GMic jiSbae*?/, commande'd by M. Thielmans, had also their 
 rendezvous-, and also the few remaining fragments of the 
 Soeiteties oi Md-thyself'l\h.Q- Union, Free amd Gratuitous Educa- 
 tion, etc. 
 
 These forces, when all united, might have amounted to 
 about two thousand men, of whom six or seven hundred were 
 under the direction of \hQ Friends- of the People: The effective 
 strength of the whole party, in' the capital, did not exceed 
 three thousand. It must bb retaembered' that the people 
 formed but a very small portion of the societies, and that 
 thes word Republic was almost unknown to them: The abet- 
 tors of anarchy are almost ^always recruited from that class of 
 the bourgeoisie ■ which I have ■ designated by the nanie of 
 Imieciles. 
 
 The minor details of the plan were immediately arranged. 
 Arms and amnlunition wer6 distributed ; certain places were 
 pointed out where tkose who were not already provided with 
 arms, could find everythiiig that was wanting, and masses 
 of- pamphlets for exciting the people, including the usual 
 proclamations, were prepared for the occasion. The list of a 
 provisional governrnent, tod, was not forgotten; it was made 
 tip, according to established usage, of men whose opinions in 
 the case had not been committed. These rhen, however, are 
 allWaysready to accept if the affair succeeds; but if it mis- 
 carries, they 'dLsowii the conspirators with indignation. 
 
 Upon this list shone the names of several deputies, who, 
 after having assisted in giving birth to the- new government, 
 had immediately declared themselves its systeniatic adver- 
 saries, reproaching it for having deviated from its origin. 
 Rather of a singular accusation, it will appear, when we come 
 to 'examine into it; for, in fact, the- origin of the royalty of 
 July was a revolution; and would they wish, therefore, to 
 set up a revolutionary form of government? There was no 
 necessity for appointing a king for that. Would they wish 
 to establish a progressive monarchy? But progression can 
 only be secured in a state of order and tranquillity, and this 
 state the new reign was sparing no efforts to restore. The 
 fact is that the close, niggardly, and envious opposition which 
 
100 HISTORY OF 
 
 ■was displayed against the new government, foresliado-wed the 
 object of overthrowing that government from the very first 
 days of July. As early as the month of May, 1832, this 
 opposition had become sufficiently soured to array against 
 the government that machine of war, which was called pecu- 
 niary accountability, a manifestation which, falling from, on 
 high, gave a forcible concussion to the lower basis of society,- 
 and inflamed, to a still higher degree, those anarchical hopes 
 which broke forth on the 5th and 6th of June. 
 
 If experience is not a matter to be wholly disregarded by 
 constitutional oppositions, these repeated instances of the 
 pecuniary accountability, which aided to bring about the affair 
 of June, 1832, and that of the banquets, which led immedi- 
 ately to the affair of February, 1848, should serve, one would 
 suppose, as a lesson. 
 
 We have just said that a place had been assigned, in the 
 insurrection of the 5th of June, for political refugees ; and 
 hence, before proceeding to an account of this insurrection, 
 a few words upon the position and character of these men 
 may not be inappropriate. 
 
 Since France has the misfortune to serve as a precedent 
 for every revolt, it may follow that the defeated insurgents 
 of other countries come among us, and demand, as it were, 
 our hospitality. To succor the unfortunate, especially when 
 they become so by our own fault, is a duty of honor which, 
 in our country, can never be disregarded; but then it so hap- 
 pens that these refugees, in order to revolutionize Europe 
 again, set ardently at work to get np a revolution among us; 
 so that those men who have been granted shelter and security, 
 reward their benefactors with perils and disorders. Far be 
 it from us to wound, by a single unfriendly word, those true 
 representatives of fallen nationalities, those sober men who 
 have left their native soil in its subjection, and who base 
 their hopes of enfranchisement upon other grounds than the 
 ruin of their hosts; for such men deserve our sympathy and 
 respect. But as to those who go about from country to 
 country, making themselves busy in every disorder, colpor- 
 teurs of engines against governments, Lucifers driven from 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES, 101 
 
 their own country to conspire tKe ruin of the human race, 
 those stage managers of revolutions^ dealers in civil war and 
 traffickers in public misfortunes — as for such men as these, 
 the generosity which is shown them is, in our opinion, no- 
 thing short of the absurdest folly. For why should we be 
 bound to receive among us the wolf which our neighbors 
 "have got rid of? 
 
 The Poles, in consequence of their ill success in 1831, 
 came to France in great numbers. And almost immediately 
 after their arrival they formed a committee, the members of 
 which pretended to represent their country, and thus form a 
 sort of government of Poland in Paris. They hurled a pro- 
 test against the measures concerning the press, which had 
 been taken in Germany; addressed an appeal to revolt to the 
 Eussians, and declared themselves ready to aid anybody in 
 effecting a revolution. Such actp as these were all very well 
 for men who had nothing to lose; but as France found her- 
 self responsible for them to other powers, she had some rea- 
 son for interfering in this government of Poland ; hence the 
 committee was expelled. 
 
 But it soon became known that the Poles, not content with 
 fomenting insurrection abroad, were becoming affiliated 
 members of our secret societies. In consequence, the assist- 
 ance which had been granted to them by the government 
 was withheld from the most dangerous, and others were scat- 
 tered among the depots of the interior. And this proceeding 
 furnished an occasion to the Tribune and other papers of that 
 character, to thunder against the despotism of the govern- 
 ment. According to their accounts, all these refugees were 
 serious, inoffensive men, who were entirely innocent of any 
 revolutionary projects. But what did they know about it? 
 And besides, if they had known anything about it, would 
 they have told the truth? No! their wordy protestations 
 in favor of the refugees, sprang either from ignorance or 
 knavery. What member of government in France or any- 
 where else could be, so cowardly as to persecute exiles for 
 the mere love of the thing? or impose unnecessary restric- 
 
102 HISTORY OF 
 
 tions upon unfortunate men who, in submitting to the law, 
 demanded our protection? 
 
 Among the Poles of chief importance were reckoned Gens. 
 Bem and Eamorino. These gentlemen, in endeavoring to be 
 useful to themselves and their companions, proposed to form 
 a corps for the service of Don Pedro. The plan was at first 
 favorably received; but in a very short time, at the instigation 
 of the revolutionists of Paris, those who had intended to go 
 to Portugal began to cry out treason, and to pretend that :the 
 object was to get rid of them, or, at least, to compromise them 
 in the service of tyranny. These declamations so embittered 
 the minds of the hot-heads that one of their number lay in 
 wait for General Bem, the chief of the expedition, and fired 
 a pistol a,t him close to his breast. The general escaped 
 death as by a miracle. From such an attempt as this sonie 
 idea may be formed of this class of strangers. 
 
 As to the Italians who had alighted upon France after the 
 failure of their revolutionary efforts, the city of Paris con- 
 tained but a very few of th&m; they generf^lly remained in 
 the South, where they distinguished theinselves by acts of a 
 character still more detestable. An association exigted 
 among them which was ca,lled Young Italy, and it had for 
 its chief a man whose demagogic antecedents, together with 
 the recent events in Eome, hp,ve given hirn an unenviable repu- 
 tation ; I allude to M. Joseph Mazzini. Every member of the 
 association was bound to provide himself with arms ; to be 
 at the discretion of his chiefs; to labor unceasingly for the 
 extermination of kings, and to take an path to assassinate 
 whoever should be pointed out to him by the committee. 
 And this oath was not one of these ya,in obligations which 
 are so freely administered and taken in all secret societies; 
 for persons were admitted only after & rigid examinaition 
 which guaranteed fanatic devotion and ferocious determina- 
 tion. A single fact will exhibit these men at their work. 
 
 Four refugees, Messrs. Emiliani, Scuriatti, Lazzoreschi, and 
 Andriani, who, though very ready ,to fight the tyrants of 
 Italy, were not willing to become menibers of the Mazzinian 
 society, had explained ■ themselves openly to this effect ; 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES, 103 
 
 and this constituted a crime of high treason, which had to be 
 brought to the cognizance of a secret assizes. M. Mazzini 
 came from Geneva expressly for the purpose of presiding at 
 the trial, which was held at Marseilles agreeably to the forms 
 decreed by the statutes. A man by the name of La Cecilia 
 was the secretary, and several chiefs of the society took their 
 seats as members of the gloomy tribunal. The free and 
 accepted judges assembled at night at the house of one of 
 their number; gravely constituted themselves a sovereign 
 court of justice, and proceeded to examine indictments with- 
 out the presence of either the accused or their defenders. At 
 the order of Mazzini the secretary read the facts of the accu- 
 sation. The accused were charged, 1st, with having propagated 
 writings against the hoiy society; 2d, with being partisans of 
 the infamous papal government; 3d, with seeking to paralyze . 
 the efforts' of the association in favor of the sacred cause of 
 liberty. 
 
 The proofs, consisting of various written evidence, were 
 produced and discussed, and, in the absence of contradictory 
 testimony, it was easy to come to an agreement as to their 
 enormity. In consequence, the tribunal made an application 
 of the statutes, and condemned Messrs. Emiliani and Scuriatti 
 to suffer death. With respect to Lazzoreschi and Andriana, 
 as the charges. against them were less serious, they were sen- 
 tenced c*nly to be whipped with rods — ''saving and excepting, 
 that on their return to their country, a new sentence may 
 send them to the galleys ad vitam, as notorious traitors and 
 brigands." 
 
 A copy of this sentence was seized and is still in existence, 
 signed : "Mazzini, President, and La Cecilia, Secretary." The 
 condemned persons being domiciliated at Ehodez, the sen- 
 tence bore the following addendum: "The president of 
 Ehodez will make choice of four executioners of this sentence, 
 who will be held to a strict account of its execution within a 
 period of twenty days ; and if any one refuses to execute it, 
 he will incur the penalty of death ipsofcKto." 
 
 Here, then, we have all that summary mode of proceeding, 
 the ferocious penalties and the pitiless character that marked 
 
104 HISTOEY OF 
 
 certain tribunals of barbarous times. This phantasmagoria 
 has been often repeated for the purpose of frightening credu,- 
 lous conspirators ; but in this case the drama was only too 
 real. M. Mazzini, a perfect type of the cold, perfidious and 
 sanguinary Italian, aspired from that time to the domination 
 which he finally succeeded in imposing upon his country ; 
 and in his revolutionary Jesuitism he has made use of the 
 same means for which he condemns his enemies — dark and 
 gloomy punishments and terrors of the imagination. 
 
 A few days after the sentence had been rendered, while 
 Emiliani was passing through the streets of Ehodez, he was 
 attacked by six of his fellow countrymen, who stabbed him 
 with their dirks, and fled. The victim, however, escaped 
 with his life, and the assassins were arrested. The affair 
 being examined into, was soon brought before the Court of 
 Assizes, and the executioners of M. Mazzini were condemned 
 to the cells for five years. 
 
 M. Emiliani, though still suffering from his wouiids, ac- 
 companied by his wife, who bestowed upon him those cares 
 which his condition required, was present at the trial. On 
 leaving the court', finding himself fatigued, he entered a coffee 
 house with his wife and his friend Lazzoreschi. Scarcely 
 were they seated, when a man by the name of Gavioli made 
 his appearance, went up to M: Emiliani, and, without utter- 
 ing a word, plunged a dirk into his breast. At a second 
 blow he struck down M. Lazzoreschi ; and, as Madame Emi- 
 liani was hastening to the assistance of her husband, he twice 
 stabbed her. He then fled, and was captured only after a 
 desperate resistance which he offered to the young men by 
 whom he was pursued. 
 
 The affright occasioned by the terrible tribunal was such 
 that, two days afterwards, at the funerals of these victims, not 
 a single Italian dared to make his appearance. 
 
 The assassin, being tried and condemned, suffered the 
 penalty of his crime. As to M. Mazzini, returning to Switz- 
 erland, as the tiger returns to his den after a scene of carnage, 
 he coolly resumed again his work at social destruction. 
 
 And such are some of the men who come to claim our 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 105 
 
 generosity ! Such are the interesting exiles in whose favor 
 the demagogic papers make such touching appeals 1 — Maz- 
 zinis, deriving an execrable influence from sanguinary 
 mockeries, and brutes whom these Mazzinis make the in- 
 struments of their assassinations ! 
 
 In the south, they imbrued their cowardly hands in the 
 blood of their fellow countrymen ; and at Paris, they labored 
 with zeal to plunge us into a civil war. But was their con- 
 duct worse than that of their hypocritical defenders? 
 
 But we have arrived at length at that great conflict which 
 every new government among us, it would appear, is destined 
 to sustain ; a terrible sh'ock, in which the revolutionary spirit 
 makes its last desperate struggle before acknowledging its 
 impuissance, and a scene, it would seem, for which the month 
 of June has received a sort of sinister consecration. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The revolt of the 5th and 6th of June — A theory of insurrections — Why 
 the plan of General Cavaignao is a bad one. 
 
 While revolutions displace a crowd of existing things, 
 they make vacancies for the incapacity and absurd preten- 
 sions of the whole hungry troop of aspiring men. Many of 
 these men find at first very brilliant positions ; but as these 
 positions are much better for them than they for the positions, 
 their good fortune is of but short duration. Every office 
 tliat is bestowed makes implacable enemies against the new 
 power. They who have not had the cunning or the luck to 
 seize upon a morsel of the spoils, declare war against the new 
 order of things. It is not on their own account t&a.t they 
 complain ; Oh no ! God forbid ! They are forced to raise 
 their voice from a violent love for the people with which 
 they have become seized, and especially just at that moment 
 when all their little plans have miscarried. It is then that 
 
10^6 HISTORY OF 
 
 •they cry out; then they groan, and then they set to work at 
 •conspiracies with a right good will. And inasmuch as the 
 poorer class of people always suffer from the consequences 
 ■ of a change of government, readily persuading themselves 
 therefore that the evil arises from the new adrhinistration ; 
 as there still remains after every commotion a germ of the 
 ,'fever which may easily cause a relapse; as they who get up 
 the revolution are styled heroes, and hence conceive them- 
 selves authorized to show the same sort of heroism on every 
 .other occasion ; as the laxness of authority permits thecon- 
 ^certing of all kinds of conspiracies, it hence follows that soon 
 after a successful revolt there is always a second revolt, 
 (terrible, obstinate, and bloody, the ostensible object of which 
 lis to perfect the first. Such a revolt, we have seen, took 
 place after 1848, and we shall see thesame thing occurring 
 after 1830. 
 
 The events of the insurrection of 1832 are known; and 
 as it is not our province to give them in detail, we shall 
 mention only such as come within the plans of this work. 
 
 The general rendezvous r of the insurrectionists was in the 
 vicinity of the house of burials, of the street Saint Honor^. 
 At, about ten o'clock A. M., at which hour the funeral pro- 
 cession began to move, all the societies were at their post. 
 Curiosity, stimulated by a thousand rumors and by an expec- 
 .tation of events generally foreseen, had drawn together an 
 •immense crowd, through the midst of which the manifes- 
 .tation moved on like a noisy flood. Excepting a few 
 ■relations, friends, or disinterested admirers of the deceased, 
 the procession was wholly composed of revolutionists. The 
 _Friends of the People, flanked by the students, the artillerists 
 of the National Guard, and the refugees and political con- 
 victs, formed the main body of the army. The Claimers of 
 July huA the Qallic /Sjcieiy followed in separate corps; and 
 then came a confused mass consisting of fractions disposed 
 'for the fight. Above their heads floated a large number of 
 banners of various colors, and some with emblematic devices. 
 M, O'Eeilly, marching at the head of his band, displayed a red 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 107 
 
 flag; and the refugees bore the colors of their respective coun- 
 tries. 
 
 The spirit that animated this throng began to manifest 
 itself at the street de la Paix. Instead of pursuing its course 
 along the boulevard, the procession, by order of the chiefs, 
 turned down this street towards the column of the Place 
 yendome, with the pretence of rendering homage to the Em- 
 peror. But when arrived further on, at the boulevard Mont- 
 martre, an incident of quite a differenk character signalized 
 the march: the procession had just saluted the representative 
 of French dignity, and now, there was nothing better to be 
 done than to degrade, as soon as possible, that dignity itself; 
 'the horses were detached : from the hearse, and the patriots 
 took their place ; a happy conceit on the part of men who 
 were groaning under the debasement of the human race. 
 
 All along the route, until arrived at the place of the Bas- 
 tile, the passage of the procession was marked by scenes of 
 disorder, which, though of little consequence in themselves, 
 served to show the disposition of the throng. At one mo- 
 ment arose the cry of — "Hurrah for the Eepublic !" at another, 
 a policeman was knocked over; and a little" further on, an 
 inoffensive citizen was .stoned for not taking off his hat. 
 They were thus getting their hands in for the decisive blow 
 which was to be struck at the bridge of Austerlitz. It had 
 ^been agreed that when the hearse should arrive at that point 
 and begin to turn off toward the barrier in order to reach the 
 birth-place of the deceased, the cry of — " To the Pantheon !" 
 should be set up on all sides, and a feigned effort made as if 
 the design was to force the corpse to that quarter. As the 
 authorities would oppose this measure, the crowd were to 
 insist upon it, and thus a quarrel would arise which was to be 
 the signal for the attack. 
 
 This plan was known ; and hence, when it came to rbe put 
 in execution, the authorities were on their guard. A strong 
 detachment of municipal guards had been put in charge of 
 the hearse, under the orders of a resolute officer, Lieut. Colo- 
 nel Dulac, who kept a vigilant lookout. When, .therefore, 
 the cry of war was raised, and the stones began to fly, the 
 
108 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 detachment made face to thp assault, and stood firm to tteir 
 ground. A party of armed republicans came up, and opened 
 upon them a murderous fire, by which the Lieut. Colonel 
 was wounded, one captain killed, and many of the guards 
 killed or wounded. The detachment still held their ground, 
 and while the main body delivered their fire, others placed 
 the coffin upon a travelling carriage, which gained the bar- 
 rier and disappeared from the view. 
 
 The first flash had thus burst forth, and the insurrectionary 
 crowd that had amassed itself between the Bastile and the 
 river, was already reverberating with the thunder of the 
 storm. Presently a man made his appearance mounted upon 
 a horse, forcing his way through the crowd, and shaking forth 
 the folds of a large red flag, upon which were seen the words 
 — ^'■Liberty or Death I" This flag was borne by a ferocious 
 demagogue, named Pieron ; and immediately a classifying 
 movernent took place; for the curious, and all those who had 
 come in good faith to pay their respects to the illustrious 
 deceased, perceiving at a glance the sinister designs that were 
 on foot, abandoned the place at once, leaving the ground free 
 to the revolutionists. 
 
 A barricade had already been formed near the Granary of 
 Abundance ; and from this point, and also from the interior 
 of the establishment, which was protected by a palisade, 
 some shots were soon fired upon a squadron of dragoons. 
 The dragoons made ready to return the fire ; but some worthy 
 men interposed to prevent it, and thus stopped, for a few 
 , moments, an inevitable conflict. The whole regiment was 
 quartered near there, and, as they came out to the assistance 
 of their comrades, they received a lively fire of musketry, 
 which wounded the Colonel and Lieut.-Colonel, and decimated 
 the corps. It was now time to act; and the dragoons charged 
 in close order, but with calmness and composure. Without 
 using either their fire-arms or lances, they drove back the 
 crowd, and cleared the place. 
 
 The republicans being repulsed from this point, where, 
 however, they had no design of making a stand, separated 
 into a large number of small groups. These groups scattered 
 
^ SECRET SOCIETIES. 109 
 
 themselves on all sides, each to a position which had been 
 designated beforehand, and taking possession of these posi- 
 tions by surprise, they there established themselves. In this 
 way they succeeded, in the space of two hours, in occupying 
 more than half of the capital. 
 
 From this manner of proceeding on the part of the insur- 
 rectionists, spreading themselves with the rapidity of the 
 torrent, we may rest convinced that the plan of General 
 Cavaignac and. every other system of temporization are 
 radically bad. The scattering of the insurgents is the con- 
 sequence of a general rule which arises from necessity and 
 instinct ; they separate for tlje better procuring of arms and 
 provisions ; and every one goes to some point with which 
 he is familiar, where he will find corrirades, and where he 
 thinks he can rflake the best attack or defence. To wait 
 until the insurrection has disclosed its plan of attack in order 
 to oppose it by a regular plan of defence, is nothing less 
 than to deliver up the ground to the enemy. The soldiers 
 of the, streets have their tactics, but not a system; and this 
 tactics, which is the highest effort of their skill, consists in 
 taking posts and barracks for the sake of getting arms, and, 
 when the arms are got, in intrenching themselves in populous 
 quarters difficult of access ; they have no other plan. The 
 course to be pursued, then, is very plain ; it is to prevent 
 the people getting arms and intrenching themselves at the 
 corners ; and by this means the insurrection may be taken 
 by the throat as soon as it arises, and stifled before it can 
 advance a step. 
 
 This plan, which is the only good one, and which would 
 enable a government that has confidence in itself, and knows 
 how to inspire it in others, to crush a revolt with ease, was 
 not sufiiciently observed in the affair of June, 1832. Though 
 the government was then sure of making a good defence, and 
 had taken excellent measures; though there were 24,000 men 
 in Paris ready to act upon any point ; though the municipal 
 guards were with the procession with orders to act at the 
 first sign of hostility — yet the insurrectionists succeeded in 
 enveloping Paris in a ygtj short space of timej by three 
 
I'lO HISTOEY OF 
 
 o'clock in the afternoon their success was such that, though 
 what we have said may explain it, yet nevertheless it will 
 appear extraordinary. The arsenal, the mayoralty of the 8th 
 arrondissement, the posts of the Place Saint Antoine, Galiote, 
 Chateau d'Bau, and many others all along that line,, were 
 in the possession of the- insurgents. A. manufactory of arms 
 in" Popincourt ■ Street was pillaged, and the barracks of the 
 firemen in Culture Sainte Catherine Street were taken. From 
 that point, and in approaching the centre, the republicans 
 spread themselves with the same rapidity through the 
 quarters of the Marais, Lombards; Arcis, Halles, Montorgueilj 
 Cadran, Montmartre, etc. They even reached the post of 
 the Bank, and took possession of it. They attempted that of ■ 
 Petits P^res, but the National Guard' held itS' ground, and 
 gave them their first check. Upon the left tfenk of the Seine 
 there was the same promptness of- movement, and almost 
 everywhere the same success. The barracks of the veterans 
 near the Garden of Plants, the Poudri^re, many of the posts, 
 and all the little streets of the Cit6, fell into the hands of the^ 
 insurgents. 
 
 On all sides the call to arms was raised, and barricades 
 were thrown up. The malefactors began their work, some 
 of the barriers were -delivered to the flames, and edifices to 
 devastation. 
 
 Thus was three-fourths of the capital invaded ; and this 
 surprising result, we must repeat it, was the work of but a 
 few hours. And why? Merely because of an excessive 
 confidence on the part of the government. The revolt, it 
 was believed,' would be suppressed under any circumstances, 
 and the troops were held in reserve instead of being deployed ■ 
 at once. 
 
 Had the 24,000 men of the garrison been posted in the 
 streets in the morning, a strong column stationed at the 
 Bastile, where it was known the first explosion would take 
 place, and vigorous instructions given to the oificers, nothing 
 more would have been necessary for cutting short the barri- 
 cades, the disarmment of posts, the carrying off of arms and 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. IIH 
 
 munitions, and, in short, in putting an end to the insurrection 
 itself. 
 
 But experience in this respect is at last acquired, we should 
 hope. If not, we may repeat, and re-repeat even to satiety, 
 that our successful revolts are only the result of surprise, and 
 that every government which will guard against being sur- 
 prised, will have the advantage over the - revolutionists. It 
 is true that the concentration of troops, the measures of the 
 police, the arrests in mass of demagogic chiefs, and especially 
 the deployment- of a considerable force at the first symptom 
 of the. revolt — all this would raise a great outcry, and give 
 rise to a great deal of fine eloquence. But let it be so; the. 
 cries will be lost in the air ; Paris will not have to wade in 
 blood, and a band of reprobates could no longer have the 
 liberty to plunge France periodically into a state of anarchy. 
 
 "We shall be told that we are preaching despotism ; but in 
 fact' we merely preach respect for that object which of all. 
 others in the world is the most deserving of it, viz: the. 
 legitimate personification of a people. That a government, 
 may have faults, and, indeed, numerous ones, is veryevident; 
 but that under the pretence of these faults which are often ' 
 involuntary and almost always remediable, a handful of 
 worthless men should suddenly rise up against the government, ■ 
 overthrow it, and establish one of their own in its place with- ■ 
 out forewarning or even consulting the country of which they 
 form but an insignificant portion — that worthless men should ; 
 be permitted to do this, is utterly intolerable, and ought to 
 be stopped on every consideration. And it can be stopped . 
 by very simple means ; all that is needed is a constant vigi' 
 lance, a repressive force always at hand, and then a rapid 
 and vigorous attack in mass upon the enemy, the moment; 
 that he shows himself. 
 
 In this manner a government may ma,intain, itself within ; 
 national limits, pursue a course of moderation, without either 
 haste or stubbornness, and thus escape one of those lament- 
 able falls by which authority among us has become so griev- 
 ously disparaged. 
 
 But to return. Paris, then, was invaded by the insurrec- 
 
112 HISTORY OF 
 
 tionists; and it really began to seem that the state of things 
 was desperate ; but there was a better point of view to the 
 picture. An invasion of revolutionists in the capital proves 
 nothing by itself; it is the general disposition of the public 
 mind whith is to be regarded as of the most importance. The 
 movement, if favored by this disposition, may assume a 
 broad development, and become a revolution ; but unless so 
 favored, the immediate result is a mere affray. Now it be- 
 came evident to every practised eye, from an early hour on 
 the 6th, that the revolt excited no sympathy among the peo- 
 ple. From that moment, abandoned to its own resources, 
 reduced to struggle alone against the government, its defeat 
 was no longer doubtful. 
 
 At about four o'clock in the afternoon. Marshal Lobau, 
 who had been invested with the command of the regular 
 troops and National Guards, gave the order for a general 
 attack upon all points. Those soldiers whom, it was said, had 
 been gained over to the revolt because a few corporals had 
 tippled at the barrier with the solicitors of anarchy, marched 
 to the assault with their ordinary resolution. The National 
 Guard, and especially that of the vicinity of the disturbances, 
 were full of ardor, exposing their persons with the greatest 
 intrepidity. At nine o'clock at night the left bank had been 
 completely swept. At that hour the king entered Paris. He 
 held a review by torch light upon the Carrousel, where the 
 army gave the most striking evidences of their sincere de- 
 votion. In order to hem in the revolt as much as possible 
 that day, the combat was continued until midnight. By that 
 time the insurgents had been driven from all their minor 
 positions, and were shut up within the space included be- 
 tween the middle of Montmartre Street and the market of the 
 Innocents, extending by the way of Cadran and Montorgueil 
 Streets, as- far as the cloister of Saint M^ry, where' they were 
 strongly intrenched. They remained masters besides of a 
 few barricades at the entrance of the suburb Saint Antoine. 
 
 The republicans of any reflection, and all those who looked 
 rather to their safety than to glory, had already abandoned 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 113 
 
 the cause. The open hostility of the people destroyed their 
 illusions and their courage. 
 
 AH the information that arrived at the prefecture during 
 the night, confirmed this discouragement and desertion. 
 Those insurgents who still maintained their ground, were 
 overcome with fatigue and drink, and could no longer oppose 
 much resistance. At Saint Mery alone, a knot of men were 
 running bullets, and ma,king cartridges, .with every appear- 
 ance of being disposed for a desperate struggle. 
 
 To put an end to the affair as soon as possible, the attack 
 was recommenced at four o'clock in the morning. The quar- 
 ter Montmartre was carried ; then the suburb Saint Antoine ; 
 then all the other positions excepting Saint M^ryj The re- 
 sistance at this point was obstinate and bloody, and yielded 
 only to the fire of artillery. 
 
 At six o'clock in the evening, the revolt was at an end ; all 
 that remained of it was the blood of victims, ruin, disastei-, 
 and public indignation. 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 Shows that the advisers are not the payers — M. Jeanne — Decadence of the 
 republican party — The affair of the hridge of Arcole — The good faith of 
 the demagogue^ — Tlie pistol-shot of the Pont Royal — The Rights of Man 
 — A remarltable sirnilitude — The necessity of putting a stop to anarchy, 
 
 From amidst the disturbances of June, the courage of the 
 chiefs of secret societies and directors of propagalndism does 
 not stand forth in very bold relief. Though some of these 
 chiefs had been arrested before the affair took place^ yet of 
 the many others who were still at liberty, hardly one of them 
 distinguished himself with musket in hand. But this is a 
 fact which should not surprise us much, since there are nume- 
 rous other instances which show that the heroes of the clubs, 
 the Attilas of the quill, lose a great deal of their audacity 
 
114: HISTORY OF 
 
 when ihej come to the pavement. It is true that a great 
 many poor men are made to receive bullets in their places ; 
 they acquit themselves conscientiously of this part of their 
 performance. 
 
 But, to be candid, we must confess the fact that the repub- 
 licans of intelligence and character were opposed to the in- 
 surrection, and had taken no part in a disturbance which they 
 had disapproved. -It would have been something of a re- 
 deeming trait, however, if among all those second-rate chiefs 
 who had shown so much ardor in fanning the flames of re- 
 volt, some few of them had clearly exhibited themselves in 
 the midst of the fire, or, for the sake of disinterestedness, had 
 even suffered themselves to get shot ; they might have proved, 
 in this way, at least, that they had no design of reserving all 
 the advantages of the republic solely to themselves. 
 
 They had reckoned upon several persons of distinction for 
 the fight, Messrs. Mauguin and General Clausel among others, 
 who, however, had not made their appearance. To the first 
 gentleman, several emissaries were sent ; but they found him 
 trembling with fear; he had no idea that such a terrible ex- 
 plosion would take place, and he could only see the most 
 frightful results. Marshal Clausel, either from weakness or 
 a desire for popularity, made promises to all parties, and. 
 complied with none. As for General Lafayette, his fondness 
 for revolutionary adventures had become a perfect mono- 
 mania. He was near the bridge of Austerlitz when the dis- 
 turbance broke out, and some of the insurgents, by whom he 
 was recognized, put him into a carriage, with the view of 
 taking him to the Hotel de Ville, where they intended to 
 make a rallying point of him. He gave himself up to their 
 manoeuvres without the least objections. But, as this plan 
 could not be realized, inasmuch as the hotel was not in their 
 possession, the friends of the general conceived another plan, 
 the originality of which was rather ferocious ; they proposed 
 to throw the good man into the river, and lay the charge of 
 his death upon the police. Yery fortunately, this patriotic 
 idea was not carried into execution. At a later date, the 
 general, in reverting to this circumstance, used to say, that 
 
SECHET SOCIETIES. 115 
 
 the idea was not a bad one, but we have never learned whether 
 he considered it so at the time of its occurrence. 
 
 It was known by papers which had been seized, that other 
 personages had had a hand in the preparations. Of this 
 number were Messrs. Laboissi^re, Gamier- Pag^, senior, and 
 Cabet. They received the mandamus. The editors of the 
 demagogic papers were also taken ; and among these latter, 
 one of them was found composing an article, the object of 
 which was to prove that the police had provoked the revolt. 
 This assertion was quite seriously maintained by one of the 
 papers, which declared as a proof that Vidocq had been seen, 
 on the 6th, leaving the prefecture with an armed band. 
 Such was in fact the case ; but this chief of the brigade of 
 safety had" gone to the vicinity of Notre Dame, in order to 
 arrest one of the chiefs of the insurrection, M. Colombat, 
 who was taken and condemned to deportation. 
 
 The state of siege had been declared, and the councils of 
 war immediately entered upon their functions. One of the 
 first of the accused who was tried, was that Pepin who was 
 afterward guillotined with Fieschi. In the attack of the 
 suburb Saint Antoine, a hot fire had been opened upon the 
 National Guards and regular troops from Pepin's house; Pepin 
 himself had been found armed with a pistol, which he en- 
 deavored to use against those by whom he was arrested, and 
 on searching his house fourteen muskets were found that were 
 still warm. But, notwithstanding all this, he stoutly denied 
 all participation in the combat, and was acquitted. And it 
 is true, too, that the National Guards did not take the execu- 
 tion of justice into their own hands when this insurgent 
 returned to the suburb. 
 
 Pepin was an obstinate conspirator, who had a hand in 
 every plot. He harangued little, but acted a great deal, al- 
 though in the irregular mixture that made up his character, 
 courage was not always the predominant element. 
 
 One single man, throughout this lamentable struggle, 
 showed a real and well sustained bravery. Neither was he, 
 any more than Pepin, a phrase-monger, or an ostentatious 
 character at the clubs ; he was one of those cool revolutionists 
 
116 HISTOEY OP 
 
 who become chiefs because they expose their lives more 
 freely than others. We allude to M. Jeanne, the command- 
 ant of the barricade of Saint M^ry. He fought during two 
 days, and finally cut his way out, sword in hand, not being 
 taken till some time afterwards. 
 
 It will be remembered that, in consequence of a strange 
 interpretation given to the state of siege, the Court of Cassa- 
 tion invalidated the proceedings of the councils of war, and 
 sent all the accused before the Court of Assizes. From that 
 time a multitude of trials took place, which occupied the 
 jury during several months. " Seven persons were sentenced 
 to suffer death, viz,: Messrs. Lepage, Cuny, Lacroix, Bainsse, 
 Leeouvreur, Toupriant, and Forthoin; four others were 
 sentenced to deportation, Messrs. Jeanne, Colombat, Saint 
 Etienne, and O'Reilly, and others were condemned to hard 
 labor. This last sentence was generally commuted. It 
 ought to have been executed, however, in the cases of some 
 of the patriots, Messrs. Ldger and Didier, for instance, who 
 had already commenced the practice of some of the extreme 
 doctrines of socialism, and had become seriously involved 
 with the penal code, section on theft. 
 
 Messrs. Thielmans and Marchand, chiefs of the Oallic 
 Society, were sentenced to an imprisonment of seven years. 
 
 Hence, we perceive, there is hardly a trace to be found of 
 the Friends of the People, who had labored so ardently in 
 exciting the insurrection by means of writings,, speeches, 
 orders of the day, instructions, etc. KeverthelesSj it is well 
 known that there are but a very few among our great men 
 of February, who are not willing that it should appear that 
 they were heroes also of June, 1832 ; but we can tell these 
 gentlemen that hardly any one of their class was seen at 
 that time on top of the- barricades, and we are certain that 
 not one could be found beneath them., And this fact should 
 be kept well in view ; for the samci men who, in June, 1832, 
 were seen fanning the flames with particular care not to burn 
 themselves, repeated this management again in February, an 
 affair in which, though their prudence was equally great, 
 their efforts met with better success. Undoubtedly a gene- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 117 
 
 ral aught not to expose himself too much; but then, a 
 general in epaulettes has generally given proofs of his cou- 
 rage, which is not the case with many of the chWs of the 
 conspiracies; and moreover, this prudence of the general, 
 especially when he has shown a great deal of ardor before 
 the fight, is a matter which ought not to be carried too far. 
 But if we look back through a period of eighteen years, we 
 shall find that a crowd of poor devils have died in the streets, 
 upon hospital litters, or in the cells of prisons, merely be- 
 cause they had listened to men who ought to have put them- 
 selves at their head in the hour of danger, but who have 
 only put themselves at the head of the government on the 
 day of success. 
 
 We might take this occasion to compare some of these 
 chiefs of conspiracies, who are not to be found when their 
 men are falling, with those chiefs of the government who 
 appeared in Paris on horseback in the hottest of the fire. 
 There was, for instance, the king, who, at mid-day on the 6th, 
 when the cannon shot were crashing in upon Saint M^ry, 
 traversed the capital from the Champs Elys6es to the suburb 
 of Saint Antoine; and not without danger, it would appear, 
 since a discharge of musketry whistled around his ears on the 
 quay of Gr^ve; and then M. Thiers, whom the patriots always 
 assign a place in the hour of peril at the bottom of a cellar, 
 but who on that day heard the music of the balls at a little 
 less enchanting distance than very many of their number. 
 
 As a strange laxness still existed in certain branches of 
 the government, and had even just exhibited itself by a new 
 and striking example in annulling the consequences of the 
 state of siege, the prudent instigators of revolt, the barkers 
 of the republican press, opened again with their beautiful 
 vociferations. Two sentences of death had just been passed 
 against Messrs. Lepage and Cuny ; they were the first sen- 
 tences of the kind, and they were immediately commuted. 
 This fact was known by Messrs. Marrast, Sarrut, Bascans and 
 other writers of the faction, and yet they assumed the attitude 
 of the bully, and dared the government to set up the scaffold. 
 Impudence and cowardice! Impudence in thus seeking to 
 
118 HISTORY OF 
 
 exasperate the remnants of the sedition by a falsehood, and 
 cowardice in tempting the wrath of the government, and in 
 thus expSSing unfortunate persons to tlie danger of a new 
 butchery. Tor if the king and his advisers had not been 
 governed by a sense of justice more calm and serious than 
 theirs, might not this defiance have well thrown an obstacle 
 in the way of indulgence? But that was, perhaps, what 
 these honest men really wanted. They had conceived the 
 idea of drowning General Lafayette at the beginning of the 
 affair, and why may we not believe that after the defeat they 
 endeavored to bring in play the knife of the guillotine in 
 order to rekindle the flames of revolution ? 
 
 The affair of June was an era for the faction, not only on 
 account of the battle which it occasioned, but especially from 
 the decadence which it began to experience from that period. 
 It will be seen, in fact, that during the monarchy it never 
 brought so large an army again into line. 
 
 The revolutionary fraction of the legitimist party had 
 its "Waterloo at Paris in the affair of the street of Prouvaires ; 
 and it soon met with the same fate in the provinces. It is 
 but justice to repeat that the most important men of that 
 cause never approved of the conspiracies of the capital, nor 
 of the civil war in the West. Indeed, the heroism of the 
 duchess and the impatience of a few gentlemen, led only to 
 disturbances which injured rather than benefited the family 
 of the elder Bourbons. 
 
 A few smouldering sparks of the explosion of June burst 
 out again several weeks afterwards on the occasion of the 
 second anniversary of July. Several hundreds of mobbers, 
 overheated by the vapors of patriotism and wine, descended 
 Saint Denis Street, singing the Republic, and crying out — 
 " Down with Louis Philippe !" They continued on in this 
 way to the market of the Innocents, where were some of the 
 tombs of July, and from there proceeded to the Louvre, where 
 other combatants had been buried, and they seemed to think 
 that the best way to honor the dead was to insult the agents 
 of authority. Prom the Louvre they repaired to the bridge 
 of Arcole, the theatre of a prominent event of the Ee volution. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 119 
 
 wbich they must also celebrate. All this took place at about 
 eleven o'clock at night — rather an inappropriate hour, one 
 would think. The police thought so too, and concluded that 
 such a peculiar sort of pilgrimage could not be tolerated. 
 Some of the policemen were therefore sent to put a stop to it. 
 The disturbers of the peace were found upon the bridge of 
 Arcole, singing and vociferating in the most beautiful style. 
 As the policemen approached, they were received with the 
 cry of — " Hurrah for the Eepublic 1" and then assailed with 
 clubs. The police had to draw their swords, and five of the 
 patriots were wounded. 
 
 The next day it was related in the newspaper of M. Mar- 
 rast that the extermination of the republicans upon the bridge 
 had been perfectly complete, all had either been left for dead 
 or thrown into the river ; and as some few of the latter still 
 gave signs of life, the policemen went down and ran them 
 through while in the water [doubtlessly by swimming after 
 them], and, in short, as a proof of the butchery, it was stated 
 that in the nets below, at Saint Cloud, three corpses had been 
 found — a part of the account as true as any of the rest. But 
 such is the character of certain papers; they furnish their 
 readers daily with such accounts as these, which would put 
 one to sleep standing were it not for their detestable impu- 
 dence. 
 
 The fight at the bridge of Arcole was the last act in the 
 grand mob-drama which had continued since July ; if the dis- 
 orders of the streets were not to disappear entirely, they were 
 at least to permit intervals of quiet in which Paris might 
 breathe in peace. But no sooner was peace restored to the 
 city from the weakness of the factions than another series of 
 criminal acts was begun. Unable longer to contend openly, 
 the factions found culprits within their bosoms who had re- 
 course to assassination. In their fury they pursued the king 
 for the space of sixteen 'years, either while engaged in his 
 duties as head of the state, or as a father in the midst of his 
 family. There is not, perhaps, in all the annals of savage 
 life, a parallel instance of such diabolical madness. 
 
 The first attempt at assassinating the king is known by 
 the name of the afiair of the pistol-shot. On the 19th of No- 
 
120 HISTOBT OP 
 
 vember, 1832, the king, in going to open the session of the 
 Assembly, had just left the Tuileries, surrounded by a retinue 
 who were greeting him with numerous acclamations, when, 
 at the end of the Pont Eoyal, a group of men was seen 
 who made themselves particularly noticeable by a sort of 
 affectation which seemed to pervade their noisy acclamations 
 of— "Long live the king !" Presently a pistol was fired from 
 the group, and the ball just grazed the person of the king. 
 At the same time a great commotion took place among the 
 group from which the shot had come ; there was a pushing 
 and crowding, an apparent rush upon the assassin, the end of 
 all of which was, the said assassin was hustled out of sight 
 without being recognized. A pistol was found upon the spot, 
 and another a little further on. 
 
 A woman who was near by, a Miss Boury, seized with a 
 sudden idea, ha,stened to the ministry of the interior, then to 
 the Tuileries, and finally to the prefecture of the police, 
 where M. Grisquet received the important declaration which 
 she had come to make. According to her account, she hap- 
 pened to be standing beside the man when he fired, and she 
 prevented the shot from taking effect by pushing the pistol 
 to one side. She also gave marks by which the assassin, 
 she said, could be recognized. But on being closely ques- 
 tioned by the prefect, the good woman hesita,ted in a way 
 that was not very favorable to her veracity. In fact, in the 
 course of a few days it was clearly proved that she had 
 neither seen nor done anything in the matter ; and that, in 
 order to escape frorq an embarrassing situation, she had in- 
 vented this story of being the protectress of the king. Aban- 
 doning then this false trail, the police took up another, which, 
 had been indicated by anterior information, and which pro- 
 mised to be much more certain. Several days previously it 
 had been intimated by a report that a plot had been formed 
 similar in character to the one which had just been exhibited. 
 An attempt upon the life of the king had been premeditated 
 by four republicans, viz : Messrs. Bergeron, Benoit, Girou, and 
 Billard. M. Billard was to fire the shot from a short mus- 
 ket, which could be concealed under his dress ; and his accom- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 121 
 
 plices and, other friends were to surround him in order to 
 favor his escape. The last part of the plan was indeed put 
 in execution ; but Billard. had not been able to have a hand 
 in it, inasmuch as he had already been arrested and his short 
 musket seized, The researches that were made pointed out 
 his three companions, who were immediately arrested ; but 
 the proceedings against Messrs. Girou and Benoit were 
 stopped, and M. Bergeron alone appeared at the bar. Be- 
 sides the report which we have just mentioned, there was 
 other weighty evidence against him ; such, for instance, as the 
 words uttered by one Planel, who, after having seen the ac- 
 cused some minutes before the affair, had said to another per- 
 son : "Bergeron is a perfect madman, he absolutely means to 
 kill the king." Another person had received from Planel a 
 description of the pistols, which corresponded exactly with 
 those of the accused. But notwithstanding this, M. Bergeron 
 was acquitted. 
 
 So had Pepin been acquitted, too, though found with hands 
 blackened with powder; and so were writers, of the most 
 detestable character, daily let loose by the verdicts of — " Not 
 guilty." 
 
 The first impressions of the affair of June had passed away. 
 The government had armed itself with no new law against 
 its enemies ; and these enemies, therefore, lost no time in re- 
 commencing the war. Trials for political offences were of 
 continual occurrence, it is true, but from the lofty bearing of 
 the republicans at the bar, and the extraordinary character 
 of the verdicts, by which the public conscience had become 
 disconcerted, they seldom resulted in much advantage to the 
 authority. The newspapers of the faction exhibited a vio- 
 lence and cynicism which might have been considered unpa- 
 ralleled, if the unbridled press among us had not always 
 delivered itself up to the same orgies of falsehoods and fury. 
 The Tribune, in its attacks upon men and things, spared no 
 effort in the way of venomous irony, or the most savage fero- 
 city. The Charivari and the GaricaJ,ure, pretended to expose, 
 either by the pen or pencil, the domestic life of the king and 
 his family; showing them up in grotesque and hateful forms. 
 
122 HISTORY OF 
 
 The propagandism, by means of pamphlets, was begun again, 
 pouring its arsenic in upon the brains of the ignorant ; and 
 everything showed that the demon of revolution had taken 
 breath, and was making preparations for a new campaign. 
 
 -And amidst such throes and spasms as these, was brought 
 forth the Bights of ^an, that celebrated society which, by 
 organization, numbers, influence, and audacity, was to grind 
 royalty to powder at the first effort. But it only served to 
 show, however, the radical imbecility of all secret societies, 
 when brought to an issue by a vigilant and resolute power. 
 
 The Bights of Man, it will be seen, came to its end in the 
 affair of April, 1834 ; an affray which might be considered 
 ridiculous, when compared with the great noise which the 
 conspiracy had made before breaking out ; and which was, 
 moreover, the very last spasm of the revolutionary monster. 
 
 Let us now pass over a period of fourteen years, and fix 
 our attention upon the afSiir of 1848 ; and we shall discover 
 a most astonishing similitude of events. In the first place, 
 while the revolution of February was still in all its efferves- 
 cence, there followed the bloody battle of June, which cor- 
 responds with that of June, 1832 ; then the demagogues, who 
 attributed their defeat to the want of direction, immediately 
 set to work in bringing the elements of the party together, 
 and subjecting them to the severest discipline; and when 
 this was done, or nearly done, the chiefs, being impelled by 
 popular impatience, sounded the call to arms, which resulted 
 in the affair of the 18th of June, 1849, a worthy pendant of 
 the 4th of May, 1834. But from this moment the city began 
 to breathe again more freely; partly because the fever of 
 anarchy gradually subsided of itself, but especially because 
 the government took care to place public order under the 
 safeguard of severe laws, and to recognize thereafter, not only 
 as a right, but as a duty, the necessity of striking demagog- 
 ism to its heart. 
 
 Let us repeat it again — our revolutions are nothing but 
 accidents — nothing but criminal coups-de-main, violent rob- 
 beries of power. It is useless for the mass of the people, from 
 credulity or timidity, to claim them as their own, for in so 
 
SECB'ET SOCIETIES. 123 
 
 doing, they only yield to tlie law of the stronger, or give 
 way to an unworthy surprise. From every consideration, 
 then, these insurrections ought to be stopped. Undoubtedly, 
 the best means to accomplish this end is to bring the govern- 
 ment into an accordance with the general sentiments of the 
 nation; for it is very wrong, among a people so irritable, and 
 already so old in liberty as ours are, to pursue the system of 
 the princes "of the North, stifling public opinion, instead of 
 adoptiog the English policy, which causes the government 
 to yield to every reasonable exigency ; but as this harmony 
 of the government with public opinion among us has never 
 prevented the revolutionist from plying his trade, and as, 
 indeed, the greater this harmony is, the less is his influence, 
 and the greater, therefore, his spite, it is indispensably essen- 
 tial, hereafter, that the government should show an energy 
 to be surpassed only by its vigilance, and that the arsenal of 
 the laws should always be kept furnished with all the means 
 necessary for giving a victorious repulse to every unprinci- 
 pled attack. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Formation of tlie Society of the Rights of Man — Names of the memhers 
 of the committee — M. Millon, a publicist coachman — Orders of the 
 day — The detached forts — A oomplot — Why it proved a failure — a trial 
 — Violence of the accused, and especially of M. Vignerte. 
 
 Already, in the times of the Friends of the People, there 
 existed a revolutionary section, which was called the Rights 
 of Man. The republicans of principal weight and character 
 had taken refuge in this section, and it became the centre of 
 a grand association, of which we are about ■ to give the 
 history. 
 
 About the close of the year 1832, the most substantial 
 men of the party, with the yiew of escaping the controlling 
 influence of second-rate conspirators, concluded to put them- 
 
124 HISTOET OF 
 
 selves at the head of the Rights of Man, and draw together 
 all the revolutionists. They elaborated a plan of organiza- 
 tion, which was adopted on the following basis, viz : a com- 
 mittee composed of eleven members, called directors ; under 
 the directors, twelve commissaries, one for each arrondisse- 
 ment ; and then, forty-eight commissaries of the quarters 
 subordinate to the commissaries of the arrondissements. 
 The commissaries of the quarters were charged with forming 
 sections composed of one chief, one sub-chief, three quintu- 
 rions, and twenty members at most ; the number of members 
 being fixed at twenty, in order to elude the law ; and with 
 the same object, every section was to have a different name. 
 Rigidly speaking, these sections might be considered as so 
 many separate societies, limiting their numbers to the pre- 
 scriptions of the code. 
 
 A certain number of sections were immediately organized; 
 these appointed their chiefs, and the chiefs were invited to 
 elect the directors. The' following persons received ma- 
 jorities of the votes, and were proclaimed members of 
 the committee, viz : Messrs. Audry de Puyraveau, Voyer 
 dArgenson, deputies ; Kersausie, G. Cavaignac, Guinard, N. 
 Lebon, Berryer Fontaine, J. J. Vignerte, Desjardin, Titot, 
 and Beaumont. 
 
 Under the direction of such men as these, some occupy- 
 ing high social positions, others possessed of a high order of 
 talent, and all animated by zeal or activity, the association 
 received a rapid development. On the part of the police at 
 that time, there were two true men, Messrs. Gisquet and 
 Carlier, who promptly unravelled the conspiracy and de- 
 nounced it to the courts ; but these oflBcials were informed 
 in reply that the courts could do nothing in the case, the 
 sections being within the limits of the law, and the police 
 were reduced, therefore, to a passive observance of the pro- 
 gress of the association. 
 
 It will be readily conceived that this toleration was taken 
 advantage of; new sections were formed every day ; and three 
 months had not elapsed when the army of the Bights of Man 
 was spoken of as something formidable. Its numbers were 
 very greatly exaggerated ; but the chiefs took good care not 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 125 
 
 to undeceive the community on that point, knowing that 
 there is no better allurement than large numbers for drawing 
 persons into such enterprises. In other respects there was 
 no trouble taken on the part of the members to conceal their 
 characters as members of the Rights of Man ; it was openly 
 avowed, and the republican writers of the papers very com- 
 posedly added this title to their signatures. 
 
 The system of orders of the day was soon adopted ; these 
 orders were printed and sent to every chief of section, who 
 was charged with having them read. They appeared at 
 regular intervals; and the meetings themselves were not long 
 in assuming that character of periodicity which had been 
 provided against by the law. Then, indeed, the courts began 
 to take action; and it was certainly high time. These pub' 
 lications, read in a mysterious manner to ignorant or fanatical 
 men, were dripping with the poison of communism; for, 
 even at that time, the nauseating -common place of the socialist 
 — democracy — began to be lisped forth in such expressions as, 
 " The preying of man upon man," — " the vampires who suck 
 the sweat of the people," etc. etc. In one of the first' orders of 
 the day that made its appearance, it was shown how the 
 republic was to secure the happiness of all — " not excepting 
 even those rascals who were swimming in opulence." It was 
 by — "despoiling these rascals of their possessions, of those 
 treasures which caused them so many cares, and which de- 
 graded them in the eyes of the true patriot, and by rendering 
 to them, through poverty, the happiness and virtues of the 
 community." 
 
 The courts finaily decided to act with energy, and the 
 police brought before them the first members of the sections 
 who fell into their hands. They were a group consisting of 
 Millon, the coachman^ and Petit Jean, a lawyer, as chiefs, 
 and several other patriots. 
 
 M. Millon, the coachman, was a genius whose patriotism 
 shone a great deai more brilliantly than his language. He 
 was the author of sundry beautiful productions which were 
 read in the sections, and in which occurred such passages as 
 this : " It is enough ! The torch of liberty has exposed to 
 
126 HISTORY OF 
 
 view the dens of crime. Away with the king ! the time has 
 come when we are to have a settlement with those vile slug- 
 gards who have become fat upon the products of our labors ; 
 we are to share an equal half with them in the wealth of 
 which they have robbed us." From this it will be seen that 
 M. Millon was one of the predecessors of the celebrated 
 president of the Bank of the People. In other respects, this 
 publicist coachman was comparatively a very reasonable 
 fellow ; he only asked to share half and half, while the more 
 modern socialists would hardly be guilty of such an incon- 
 siderate piece of disinterestedness. The profound rascality, 
 too, of the middle classes, who have the impudence to decide 
 for order because merely in a state of order they find work 
 and subsistence, had been discovered as early as the times of 
 M. Millon ; and hence, the coachman gave them a smart 
 touch of his whip, as follows : " Every remnant of this small- 
 fry aristocracy, which has grown up under the name of the 
 bourgeoisie, must be pursued and extirpated even to its 
 foundations." ^ 
 
 M. Millon and his three companions were sentenced to pay 
 a fine ( f 200 francs, not a very exorbitant sum ; but by the 
 same verdict the society of the Bights of Man was declared 
 illegal, and dissolved. A satisfaction of this kind, given to 
 public opinion after so many scandals, was not much to the 
 liking of the Trihune, which cried out in the extreme of bitter- 
 ness : " How thirsty these gentlemen are for civil war ! But 
 they may rest at ease on that score, for the day of insurrec- 
 tion will come, and a little too soon for their liking ; a single 
 hour will suffice to make them regret their impudent decision, 
 and that hour will be struck 1" The red editor was thus trying 
 his hand at intimidation ; but the authorities, in mass at least, 
 very seldom trembled much at such menaces as these. 
 
 But why did' Messrs. Marrast and Sarrut trouble them- 
 selves about the matter? Had not the republicans suffi- 
 cient imagination and audacity to evade the law, and make 
 a mockery of it, and especially when they knew, that the 
 magistracy were so generally circumspect ? One thing is 
 very certain, that the dissolution pronounced by the tribu- 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 127 . 
 
 nals produced no effect, and that propagandism was not 
 checked a single instant. The popular orators continued 
 their declamations; pamphlets were distributed by cart-loads 
 through Paris and the provinces, travelling agents continued 
 their patriotic peregrinations, and, in short, demagogism 
 pushed on its siege against society as actively as ever. 
 
 According to the plan of the association, every section 
 took a different name ; and perhaps these names had some 
 relation with the work which the sections were to perform. 
 In" the list of designations we may remark the following ; 
 The Robespierre section, the Moniagnards, Death to Tyrants, 
 the Twins, Marat, the Beggars, Babeuf, the Truants, Louvel, 
 the Tocsin, the Phrygian Cap, the Abolition of ill-gotten Wealth, 
 Couthon, Lebas, Saint Just, the Levellers, the Ca ira, the Insur- 
 rection of Lyons, the Tw&nty-first of January, the War upon 
 Castles, etc. 
 
 We have now arrived at the period of the 5th and 6th 
 of June, an anniversary which the Eights of Man thought it 
 proper to celebrate as the successors of the Friends of the 
 People. To this end an order of the day was read in the 
 sections. We give the principal part of this prbliTuction, 
 which, emanating from the committee of eleven, made 
 known the tone, the views, and the hopes of the faction. 
 
 " Citizens: The anniversary of the 5th and 6th of June calls 
 not for vain regrets; for the cypress of liberty must be 
 watered with blood, and not with tears. Behold! how often 
 during the last forty years have not a miscreant aristocracy 
 clapped their hands at the fall of the most noble heads! 
 How often has it not been announced that the genius of 
 revolution was crushed, while we have seen it rising again 
 stronger, and more powerful than ever. Not a brother of 
 ours is killed, but there come to us ten, although the blood 
 drenched pavements of the streets are reeking to the sum- 
 mer sun with insurrection and death I Recall to your minds 
 those days which followed the combat of Saint M^ry ; we 
 were dispersed then, and the government was threatening us 
 with all the persecutions of its victorious cowardice; and 
 what had we wherewith to defend ourselves ? Nothing but 
 
128 HISTORY OF 
 
 our moral force and the holiness of our cause. Ah well ! 
 the government did not dare to act ; it hesitated, and not 
 from generosity but from cowardice." 
 
 Let us dwell a moment upon this latter point, where the 
 word cowardice is lavished so freely. It may be well to see 
 what kind of an acknowledgment the republicans made to 
 the magistracy, who were so reserved with respect to them, 
 and to the government which had taken no advantage of its 
 victory. Although the republicans had been spared, and no 
 demand made upon the Chambers for arming the authorities 
 with new laws against them, yet the inference which they 
 drew was, not that the government of July was governed by 
 generosity and an excessive respect for liberty, but- that, 
 simply, it was actuated by cowardice. Ah ! gentlemen, but 
 what kind of courage must you have had yourselves, to be 
 conquered by such a cowardly government ? 
 
 But let us proceed: "Now, then, let come what may, the 
 Republic has taken root in France, and not all the force of 
 the aristocrats of low degree can suffice to shake it, A year 
 ago it was vanquished, but to-day it is more powerful than 
 before the combat ; for it has acquired the force of unity and 
 discipline which was then wanting. The only tendency of 
 the government is to shut up and confine human beings 
 within the limits which chance or the infamous organization 
 of our social system may have assigned them ; to some 
 riches, and to others want ; to some a pleasant idleness, to 
 others hunger, cold, the hospital and death ! Tears are not 
 for us, they are for our enemies ; for, after their death, there 
 will remain no trace of them except the memory of a curse. 
 The arm of a terrible sovereign shall soon fall upon their 
 heads ; and then, let them hope for neither pardon nor grace ! 
 When the people strike, they are neither timid nor generous ; 
 for they strike not for interest but for eternal morality ; they 
 know well, that no one has the right to show grace in their 
 name. Health and Eeateenity." 
 
 This production is quite different, both in force and im- 
 portance, from the literary excrescences of M. Millon ; it was 
 conceived by a revolutionist who knew his trade, and written 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 129 
 
 by a man who could wield the pen. Those who are familiar 
 with the style of M. G. Cavaignac, say that the energy of 
 touch and the gloomy fierceness are his; but the mode of life 
 of this son of the conventional, at that time, was rather too 
 disorderly to permit the belief that he was the author of this 
 production. The ideas of absolute equality, and the bloody 
 threats which gleam through it, though they might come to 
 the end of his pen, could find no place in his heart. But it 
 is of but little consequence who the author was ; he was a 
 chief of demagogues, speaking to his men a language which 
 they understood and appreciated. And this language shows 
 to what extent the head had become turned with the mem- 
 bers of the sections during the six months which had elapsed 
 since the creation of the society, and how difficult it would 
 be to restrain such men, for any length of time, by the mere 
 force of discipline. When excitements of this kind are prac- 
 tised, the chiefs must decide to lead their men into the streets, 
 or their men will take to the streets without them. 
 
 Towards the month of July, 1833, the question of detached 
 forts fell upon the world of the press like a rock upon a sheet 
 of water, making a great splashing. Every journalist imme- 
 diately became a consummate strategist, proving that the 
 forts proposed were useless for interior defence, and that the 
 only object which they could subserve was the ruin of Paris. 
 The incredulous upon this subject were directed to suspend 
 their opinion until the first popular movement, and then they 
 would see what the detached forts were made for. We all 
 know how these predictions have been fulfilled; since the 
 erection of the forts two battles have taken place in the capi- 
 tal, and neither of the contending parties has had the remotest 
 idea of making use of them. 
 
 But such are the pretences which are made use of by the 
 opposition ; the brave men who inflated their lungs to the 
 point of bursting in cries against the forts, were only playing 
 their usual part; they either knew nothing of what they were 
 saying, or they said to the contrary of what they knew; and 
 nine times out of ten this is the case with the newspaper writ- 
 ers of the opposition. 
 9 
 
130 HISTORY OF 
 
 The question, however, made a great appeal to the passions, 
 and the clamor became so general that the wire-pullers of the 
 Bights of Man, who were in search of an occasion for a tu- 
 mult, thought that they had found one to their purpose. The 
 anniversary of the affair of July was near at hand; the king 
 was to have a review ; cries against the forts might be set up 
 on all sides, from the ranks of the niilitia as well as from the 
 crowd; a collision might take place, either naturally or by 
 means of skilfully prepared combinations, and the sections, 
 profiting by the disorder, might make an armed irruption 
 upon the city. Such was the plan conceived, not exactly by 
 the committee, the principal members of which were under 
 the impression that the hour for action had not yet arrived, 
 but by a knot of impatient men, at the head of whom were 
 Messrs. Kersausie, Barb^s, Sobrier,. etc. The tail ran away 
 with the head, as usual. The eleven, not daring openly to 
 oppose the attempt, allowed the preparations to have a free 
 course, hoping that reflection, or some lucky incident, might 
 arrest the explosion. But if men who are respectable in 
 some points of view will ally themselves with fools, they 
 must expect to bear the responsibility of follies. This was 
 the fate of M. G. Cavaignac all his life. 
 
 The leaders then betook themselves to the work. But as 
 they were not positively certain of the anti-fortification sen- 
 timents of the National Guard, they conceived the idea of in- 
 troducing a large number of republicans into the companies 
 commanded by the patriots, with the view of rendering the 
 cries imposing, at least at certain points. These clamors, 
 thus organized, were to express with astounding effect the 
 sentiments of the bourgeoisie. The students, great lovers of 
 noise, promised, on their part, a collection of the most sten- 
 torian voices. All the other necessary measures usual in 
 such cases were taken; the sections were assured that their 
 brethren of the provinces had received the word, and were 
 hastening to Paris; the propagandism of newspapers and 
 other publications was in a perfect rage; care was taken to 
 give the histories of patriots who had been tortured, knocked 
 down, trampled upon, and left rotting upon the humid straw; 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 131 
 
 and, in short, none of the usual means were left untried for 
 turning the heads of the simple minded and the ambitious. 
 
 At the same time, orders were given to have arms and 
 ammunition in readiness. But notwithstanding this, the news- 
 papers represented the manifestation as perfectly pacific. 
 The fact is that many such manifestations are pacific, but it 
 is owing wholly to the measures which have been taken by 
 the government. In maintaining the perfect innocence of 
 its friends, the Tribune, whose readers had the upper hand 
 of the nights of Man, lied with its accustomed impudence. 
 As to the other mere ordinary papers of the opposition, they 
 seemed to think that it was their duty to make solemn as- 
 severations of what they knew nothing about; it is their 
 habit. 
 
 In every emergency like the one which we are relating, the 
 mob making Paris naturally turns her eyes towards her sister 
 in disorders, the capital of the south. In response to this so- 
 licitude, the Tribune declared that the condition of Lyons was 
 the best possible, that the workingraen were dying from 
 hunger, and that they were ready to rise ; everything there 
 went on swimmingly. 
 
 On the 24th of July, the order of the day ran upon the 
 subject of the manifestation. The language of the com- 
 mittee was full of confidence, not to say of revolutionary 
 fatuity. It promised that after the victory, rigorous justice 
 should be meted out to every one. These words, as well as 
 others in a preceding order of the day, were not, as one 
 may readily imagine, the language of mere ingenuousness 
 and philanthropy; for the question of the abolition of 
 capital punishment was not the topic of those days. No ; 
 we have here one of the most odious features in the tactics 
 of the insurrectionary chiefs; they well know that certain 
 vengeful sentiments, excited by envy, are very gratifying to 
 the crowd, and no shame deters them from making an appeal 
 to such detestable passions. 
 
 The order of the day of the 24th of July, prescribed a 
 permanence of manoeuvres during the three commemorative 
 days, and the sections were notified to be at their place of 
 
132 HISTORY OF 
 
 battle, and to await the instructions of the committee. A 
 paper was distributed at the same time among the troops, 
 promising them the election of their officers, glory, honor, 
 no more passes, no degrading countersign, all to be generals 
 at twenty-one years of age, and a universal war ! 
 
 The dispositions were complete ; but two causes prevented 
 them from taking effect. In the first place, the police knew 
 very well where to find the sections, and how to forestall 
 their attacks by carrying off all the members whom it could 
 lay hands on; and in the second place, the occasion which 
 had been anticipated, did not occur. The manifestation was 
 -to break forth at the moment that cries should be uttered 
 against the forts by the National Guards ; but it so happened 
 that there were no cries. An immense majority of the 
 Guards became so strongly suspected by the patriots that the 
 brethren who had smuggled themselves into the ranks, dared 
 not open their mouths. It was a pitiable failure ; and all 
 haste was made to divert the attention to other objects. An 
 order of the day was scribbled off and thrown in haste 
 among the republicans. It stated in substance that the com- 
 mittee had declared a permanence of action only with the 
 view of testing the discipline of the patriots ; that the result 
 had corresponded fully with their hopes, and in consequence 
 they offered their sincere congratulations to the members of 
 the society. 
 
 The measures of the police, together with the good sense 
 of the bourgeoisie, had caused the conspiracy to prove a 
 failure; and the demagogic papers, especially the Tribune, 
 which was deeply implicated in the affair, cried out with 
 violence — such tyranny was intolerable ; citizens were ar- 
 rested without a cause; the police was above the law ; French- 
 men were subjected to the sway of the Cossack, etc. etc. 
 Poor police! whatever it might do, its censures were all marked 
 out beforehand. If it prevented a plot, why, then the plot 
 never existed. If it seized upon a plot in full execution, why, 
 then the plot was one of its own contriving. The papers of 
 the factions never deviated from one of these two conclusions, 
 and the papers of intermediate color foolishly followed their 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 133 
 
 lead. The conspirators who were caught in the act would 
 swear, by everything holy that they were perfectly innocent, 
 and their friends of the press would repeat their assertions in 
 the most flaring characters ; it was the least that they could 
 do, after having instigated the guilty. What interest could a 
 reasonable opposition have had in giving currency to such 
 impudent lamentations? A demagogue, an habitual dis- 
 turber of the peace, a martyr to the penal code, is heard to 
 cry out ; the opposition knows nothing of the facts in the 
 case ; but between this man and the police,- which is charged 
 with a rigid and delicate daty, all sympathy is on the side 
 of the man of anarchy ! Verily, we are a people very much 
 to be pitied. Instead of respecting authority in its great 
 character' of protection to all, we busy ourselves in con- 
 stantly finding fault with it in its thankless task of repres- 
 sion, and in seeking to bind its arms and render it odious. 
 The consequences are, that while other countries have their 
 society, in France we have our socialism. 
 
 Upwards of a hundred members of the Rights of Man 
 were compromised in the affair which we have mentioned. 
 The principal ones were Messrs. Kersausie, Easpail, Noel 
 Parfait, Latrade, Kaylus, Langlois, and CHavot. This last 
 named person will be met with again in the course of this 
 recital in an attempt at assassination. 
 
 The republicans, among their means of propagandism, 
 have always placed legal prosecutions in the first rank. In 
 the affair in question, the audacity of the accused, added to 
 the aggressive character of the attorneys, promised an excel- 
 lent contingent of scandal; and the expectations of the 
 amateurs were not disappointed. M. Easpail took the word 
 and denounced the abomination of the police. And from 
 that epoch the monomania of that singular man became 
 fully declared. He was convinced that the patriots were 
 never to blame, and that every one accused of political 
 offences was a victim to the machinations of M. Gisquet. 
 Among the attorneys who, under the pretext of defending 
 th6 accused, made the occasion one for outraging the go- 
 vernment and attacking the laws, were Messrs. Michel (de 
 
134 HISTOET OF 
 
 Bourges), Pinard, aBd Dupont. In return for their exem- 
 plary zeal, they received a double recompense ; the republi- 
 can party bestowing upon them its greatest honors, and the 
 tribunal which they had insulted, suspending them from 
 their functions. M. Dupont for one year, and Messrs. Pinard 
 and Michel for six months. 
 
 The most characteristic incident, however, of the prosecu- 
 tions of the epoch, was one which occurred in regard to the 
 attorney-general. This magistrate, in a review of the doc- 
 trines of the accused, was proving that the tendency of these 
 doctrines was to a division of property, when M. Vignerte, 
 who was .nothing but a witness in the case, sprang up upon a 
 bench, shook his fist at the attorney-general, and exclaimed : 
 
 "You are a d d liar, sir!" This patriot was brought 
 
 before the court for his politeness, which made short work 
 in giving him an opportunity of practising his beautiful 
 language for a period of three years in prison. 
 
 It is to be presumed that M. Vignerte had some queer 
 sensation of the nerves, which he was determined to relieve 
 at any cost ; for, as to his wrath at the words of M. Dela- 
 palme, he was by no means justified in it, as will be seen. 
 Some time previously a schism had taken place in the Rights 
 of Man, which resulted in professions of faith that classified 
 the members as Griroadins and Montagnards. The Giron- 
 dins, represented by the National of M. Carrel, endeavored 
 to diplomatize with the bourgeoisie, and win it over gradu- 
 ally to an armed resistance, under cover of the charter. 
 The Montagnards recognized neither law nor charter, and 
 saw in the middle classes only a new species of aristocracy 
 which it was necessary to intimidate. As to bastard alli- 
 ances or compromising compromises, they would not listen 
 to them for a moment. Not they ! Their ideas went alto- 
 gether beyond the narrow and contracted horizon of their 
 brethren. In one of their productions were read the follow- 
 ing words: "What we want is, an equal amount of well- 
 being for all, the hvelment of fortunes, the levelment of con- 
 ditions." Here is an agrarian law for us, with a spicing of 
 communism to boot; and what does M. Vignerte think of it? 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 135 
 
 These ideas emanated from the Montagnards, and M. Vig- 
 nerte, God forbid ! never had anything to do with the Giron- 
 dins. Why, then, did he get in such a passion ? 
 
 The reader will doubtlessly wish to know what became of 
 the accused, the most of whom were chiefs of a formidable 
 secret society, and the organizers of a revolt which miscar- 
 ried from circumstances beyond their will — they were all 
 declared not guilty, and sent back to renew their conspira- 
 cies. 
 
 CHAPTBE XIII. 
 
 Robespierre's Declaration of the rights of man, published as the republi- 
 can gospels — The Committee of Action — Its chief — Reviews of the sec- 
 tions — Morality of the conspirators — The law respecting associations — 
 Battle is decided upon. 
 
 The Committee of Eleven, with the view of rallying the 
 dissenters and establishing a unity of principles, conceived 
 it necessary to prescribe articles of faith. After due delibe- 
 ration upon the subject, and perceiving that they could not 
 get up anything better than Robespierre had already done, 
 the Declaration of Rights of that very celebrated citizen was 
 adopted as the creed of the society. The new editors, how- 
 ever, thought proper to add a commentary ; and this com- 
 mentary, incredible as it may appear, succeeded in excelling 
 the radicalism of the text. It is well known that in the 
 Declaration of Robespierre there are the following articles, 
 viz: — 
 
 " Property is the right which every citizen has of enjoy- 
 ing, and making use of at his pleasure, that portion of 
 wealth which is guaranteed to him by the law." 
 
 "Every institution which is not based upon the supposi- 
 tion that the people are good and the magistracy corrupt, is 
 vicious." 
 
 These doctrines are high-flavored enough to do without 
 any additional spicing. 
 
136 HISTOEY OF 
 
 But tke Declaration, though flanked by a commentary, 
 ■was far from attaining that fusion and unity which had been 
 expected. It was openly rejected by M. Carrel, of the 
 National, a cool and resolute man, -whose ideas were altogether 
 transcended by such extravagant doctrines as these. This 
 gentleman and his associates professed anti-socialist prin- 
 ciples which kept them aloof from the Bights of Man. They 
 had never been on very intimate terms with the society, and 
 from this moment the breach between them became the wider. 
 An intercourse, however, was still kept up, and on more 
 than one occasion M. Carrel exercised a controlling influence 
 over the committee through the esteem in which he was held 
 by Messrs. Cavaignac, Guinard, Voyer-d'Argenson, and other 
 members of importance. 
 
 As to the mass of the society, composed of reckless and 
 worthless men, the Declaration was received by them with 
 enthusiasm, every one swearing to adhere to it as the true 
 creed for the future. There was a perfect agreement of all par- 
 ties as to what is called the idea of their operations; but though 
 this appeared to be a principle of harmony, yet at bottom it 
 proved to be nothing. There were other grounds, such as 
 self-love and pretension, upon which union and harmony 
 soon became shipwrecked. The second rate chiefs concealed 
 their envy of the influence of the higher chiefs, under the 
 name of exalted patriotism. The reflecting men of the com- 
 mittee were, according to their way of thinking, only timid 
 men, demi-revolutionists, who dared not to speak of a battle, 
 and even doubted of victory, which was but little short of 
 treason. With the view of restoring order in this state of 
 things, the impatient spirits resolved to form a sort of old 
 guard in the Bights of Man, to be composed of well-tried 
 patriots, and charged with the execution of decisive mea- 
 sures. It was thought that this corps would soon gain a pre- 
 ponderance of influence, and thus hurry the moderate mem- 
 bers to extreme lengths. One of the members of the com- 
 mittee. Captain Kersausie, made himself the chief of this 
 schism. He-was a democratized gentleman of wealth, of an 
 adventurous and inconsistent character, who was just the man 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 137 
 
 for the hot-heads of the society. His principal partisans 
 became his ofBcers ; they were Messrs. Sobrier, Barb^s, and. 
 others of that stamp, who were never noted for much good - 
 sense. M. Kersausie declared that he wished to become the 
 only chief; and that under this condition alone he would be 
 responsible for the trustiness of the men and the success of 
 the enterprise. This point having been conceded, he imme- 
 diately sat to work at the formation of sections. His corps, 
 called the Society of Action, was divided into centuries, decuries, 
 and quinturies. The captain communicated solely with some 
 of his principal officers, and these officers transmitted his 
 orders in hierarchical succession down to the lowest members, 
 who were called rangers. 
 
 On certain days the frequenters of the streets found the 
 boulevards and other thoroughfares filled with crowds of 
 silent promenaders, who had been drawn together for some 
 unknown object. No one knew why such crowds had come 
 together except the police, whose business it is to know 
 everything. These crowds had assembled in order to be re- 
 viewed by the chief of the Society of Action. He would 
 arrive, accompanied with one or two aids-de-camp, go to a 
 chief of some one of the groups, to whom he would make him- 
 self known by a sign ; cast a glance at the members of the 
 section ; receive the news ; give his orders, and then pursue 
 his way to go through the same ceremonies a little further on. 
 The agents of the police, who were close upon his heels, 
 would see him slipping through the crowd and playing his 
 part as inspector-general with the most surprising facility. 
 As soon as the review was over, he would disappear in a 
 carriage ready at hand ; go and knock at some house having 
 two entrances, and there steal away to his lodgings and shut 
 himself up for several days. He possessed three or 'four 
 domiciles, and passed under several different names ; his most 
 trusty lieutenants alone gained admittance to him, and his 
 servants and agents consisted only of well-tried men whose 
 zeal he rewarded with liberality. He was one of those de- 
 cided, mysterious, and picturesque conspirators who might 
 figure to advantage in a romance. 
 
138 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Committee of Eleven, of which Captaia Kersausie still 
 remained a member, called upon him for explanations ; for 
 it really seemed, in fact, that he designed to assume the dic- 
 tatorship of the society, and dispossess his colleagues. He 
 explained himself without concealment — the direction of the 
 Bights of Man appeared to him too lax ; many of the sections 
 were , not to be relied on ; the police could see into the me- 
 chanism of the society, and it had appeared to him indispen- 
 sable to remedy these three vices. It was not the design of 
 the Society of Action to dissolve the Bights of Man, but to 
 strengthen it. 
 
 The captain being powerful enough to act alone, and the 
 members of the committee perceiving that to break with this 
 man would deprive them of the most vigoroxis force of the 
 party, a compromise was agreed upon by which he was 
 recognized as chief of the corps of action, but under the con- 
 dition of preserving an understanding with his colleagues of 
 the committee, and of not taking arms except upon a decision 
 of all the members. 
 
 Owing to this treaty, the two divisions of the army came 
 to an understanding, or nearly so. To expect a perfect 
 agreement between men of whom the least vain considered 
 himself a Colbert, of whom the least aspiring would have 
 left the poet Bnnius out of sight, and of whom the least ava- 
 ricious could not have been content with the seraglio and 
 treasures of a king of the East, would have been altogether 
 unreasonable. 
 
 Not long after this fusion took place, two of the principal 
 members of the committee, Messrs. Voyer-d'Argenson and 
 Audry de Puyraveau, resigned the honors of their position. 
 The household of the Bights of Man was a little two disor- 
 derly for these honorable gentlemen, for they were no longer 
 at an age when noise is loved for the mere sake of noise ; 
 and, besides, they perceived in the air a certain odor of insur- 
 rection, which did not seem to them very promising. 
 
 A change had already taken place in the committee seve- 
 ral months before; Messrs. Desjardins and Titot had given 
 place to M. Delente, a public crier, and to M. Eecurt, a doctor. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 139 
 
 The latter had been promoted to this eminent position from 
 a chief of the section of the Beggars. 
 
 The promotion of M. Delente to a membership of the com- 
 mittee, was a reward to this sectionary for his services in the 
 character of public crier, and at the same time a compliment 
 to all his associates. It must be remembered that at this 
 epoch, the public sale of pamphlets and prints had attained 
 an expansion which has never been surpassed at the extrem- 
 est rage of our revolutionary orgies. A single item alone 
 will give an idea of it; six millions of demagogic impressions 
 were thrown off to the public in the space of three months. 
 
 As to the courts, they seemed even to favor the vendors 
 of this public poison. The law concerning the matter, it is 
 true, only required a previous declaration, but then, by 
 another law, it was declared that every political article should 
 be subject to the stamp. The question was, then, whether 
 the publications of republican propagandism should come 
 under this law. The public criers said — " No ;" but M. Gis- 
 quet said — "Yes;" and he seized upon their pamphlets. The 
 administration, however, by a singular sort of disinterested- 
 ness, refused to apply the penalty. The consequence was, 
 besides the detestable moral effect, this strange anomaly, that 
 while newspapers were held responsible through their editors 
 and printers, and subjected to the stamp, other publications 
 offered no guarantee, and escaped all liabilities. 
 
 It can hardly be believed that pamphlets whose very titles 
 were insulting to the authorities and to the constitution, were 
 brought openly every day to the police to receive their stamp. 
 The title of one of these pamphlets would be — " To the Lamp- 
 posts with the Policemen!''' That of another — "The Declaration 
 of Rights of Robespierre," etc. etc. The commissary of police 
 refused to give them his stamp; and, in consequence, a 
 flood of abuse was poured forth from the republican press, 
 redolent with insults against those very authorities which 
 were compelled to witness the sale, directly before their eyes, 
 of the infamous productions to which they had refused their 
 signature. The criers, however, for once, were arrested, and 
 it seemed as if justice began to perceive the respect which 
 
140 HISTORY OF 
 
 was due to the government; but nol the criers were acquitted, 
 for if they had sold pamphlets without the stamp, it was 
 merely because the stamp had been refused them. Heuce, 
 the pamphlet — '' To the Lamp-posts with the Policemen" ought, 
 according to the jurisprudence of those days, to have received 
 the approbation of the prefect of police, in order to give it 
 currency among the patriots 1 Was ever pleasantry carried 
 to greater lengths? 
 
 One day M. Delente presented himself at the prefecture 
 with a republican pamphlet which was rejected : " Eeject 
 
 and be d d," said he, " but I'm according to law ; I have 
 
 the law on my side. I'll sell ; and if they attempt to arrest 
 me, the arrest will be arbitrary, and I'll resist it." 
 
 He sold, and was arrested, notwithstanding his threats. 
 Brought before the correctional police, he received a verdict 
 of acquittal ; but as he had had the patriotic idea of appear- 
 ing before the tribunal in a red cap, he was kept in confine- 
 ment. 
 
 The acquittal of M. Delente left the ground free to the 
 criers; and they determined to celebrate their victory by an 
 imposing manifestation. Three days after the trial, M. 
 Eodde, editor of the Good Sense, gav© out a solemn announce- 
 ment that he would appear himself upon the place of the 
 Exchange, and cry his own pamphlets. True to his word, 
 he made his appearance, armed with-two pistols, and followed 
 by two porters, staggering under their' loads of printed stuff. 
 As the police had their hands tied, they could do nothing 
 but look on, and M. Eodde was suffered to withdraw with 
 all the honors of a triumph. But the subject of his conquest 
 was not M. Gisquet, who had evaded a conflict — not exactly 
 from' fear of M. Eodde's pistols — he had conquered a prin- 
 ciple of authority itself Fortunately, however, the measure 
 of scandal was full to overflowing, and the national represen- 
 tation began to interpose in the case. The complaints of the 
 courageous magistrate were felt in the tribune, and gave rise 
 to a bill which became enacted as a law against the criers. 
 The substance of this law was contained in a very simple 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 141 
 
 article : "The public vendors of writings and drawings, must 
 have an authorization of the police." 
 
 The authorities from that time found themselves the 
 masters of the pavement of Paris, which had thus been 
 wrested from the most cynical exploitation. 
 
 Touching this race of street propagandists, who, owing to 
 a latitude of the law, were recruited among the most sus- 
 picious characters, the opinion of a man every way com- 
 petent to judge, may not be uninteresting. Louis Blanc, in 
 his History of Ten Years, says : " The criers who were thrown 
 upon the public places and into the streets by the enemies 
 of the government, were often nothing less than the colpor- 
 teurs of scandal, the heralds at arms of the mob. In the 
 libels which they distributed, bad faith in attacks disputed 
 the supremacy more than once with indecency of language, 
 and a certain fulsomeness of demagogic praise. Now, to 
 flatter the people is cowardly ; to deceive them is a crime." 
 
 The law on the subject of the criers came in force on the 
 20th of February, 1834 ; and the occasion with the repub- 
 licans was, as may readily be conjectured, a cause of disorder. 
 We say cause this time, and not pretext, because the party 
 had been struclc in a vital point ; and another similar blow, 
 which was about to be dealt in the shape of a law against 
 associations, was to put an end to their scandal and their 
 rage. 
 
 The crier, M. Delente, it will be borne in mind, was a 
 member of the committee ; and almost all the criers were 
 members of the sections ; hence, by the new law, an immense 
 and formidable means of propagandism was stopped off, a 
 cause more than sufficient to throw the mob into a rage and 
 bring it roaring into the streetg. 
 
 An event occurred which increased the agitation. Lyons 
 had resumed her old quarrel again concerning the tariff, and 
 it became complicated this time with the bad elements which 
 were introduced into it by politics. It was thought that by 
 a simultaneousness of movement on the part of the two 
 cities, matters might be carried far beyond a simple demon- 
 stration. The committee had not decided upon an attack, 
 
142 HISTOET OF 
 
 but it was known that the Society of Action could hurry it 
 beyond the limits which it had prescribed to itself. Besides, 
 even Captain Kersausie, in spite of his authority over his 
 men, soon found himself elbowed to one side. The sections 
 grew impatient, and imperiously demanded the fight. 
 
 On the day of the promulgation of the law, the vendors 
 of the Good Sense and the Pillory made their appearance in 
 the streets with an air of defiance ; but they were seized at 
 the first cry which they uttered. Several others followed 
 their example, and were dealt with no better than the first. 
 This put the finishing touch to public crying; and the whole 
 band disappeared from the view. But though they made 
 their exit as criers, they had still a part to play as mobbers ; 
 having thrown off their costume — their pamphlets — they 
 returned again to the stage among the crowds of the factious. 
 
 During the space of several days the boulevard of Saint 
 Denis, a classical place for sedition, was filled with crowds 
 who shouted at the top of their voices — "Down with the 
 censure ! Hurrah for the Lyonnais !" A section of the Bights 
 of Man was thus endeavoring to excite a mob among the 
 people; but their efforts were fruitless ; for the true people 
 of Paris, longing ardently for peace after so many ruinous 
 tumults, entertained for the disturbers only hatred and con- 
 tempt. 
 
 However, with the assistance of Parisian clamor, matters 
 began to assume a very serious aspect. On the 24th of Feb- 
 ruary, two or three thousand persons assembled upon the 
 place of the Exchange, armed mostly with dirks or canes, 
 and assumed the most threatening attitude. An individual, 
 mounted upon a corner stone, read an article of M. Cabet 
 concerning some sixty thousand workingmen of Lyons whom 
 tyranny, perhaps, was about to grind to the dust, because 
 they were suffering from hunger. It was an indirect, but at 
 the same time a very clear appeal to revolt. The arrest of 
 the reader gave rise to a scuffle, in which an ofl&cer of the 
 peace and several policemen were very seriously wounded. 
 Troops were then brought up and the place cleared, but not 
 without a very vigorous resistance. In several places the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 143 
 
 mem'bers of the sections threw themselves upon the troop 
 with so much violence as to twist their bayonets. They fell 
 upon the policemen with their canes ; and as the policemen 
 had 'no notion of taking a beating without returning the 
 complipient, more than one of the mob received two blows 
 for one. A member of the Bights of Man was killed in the 
 affair, and others received some hard knocks when they 
 were endeavoring to give them ; and hence, it was evident, 
 that on the next day the police would have to withstand a 
 perfect hail-storm of accusations, of scoundrelism and assas- 
 sination. But as hateful as these accusations are in such 
 cases, they are almost always mingled with something ridi- 
 culous. One of the deputies, M. Salverte, collected the 
 complaints of the demagogic papers and carried them into 
 the tribune ; and, among other pitiful stories, he was pleased 
 to state that the corpses which were lying upon the pavement, 
 had sprung up and fled on the approach of their barbarous 
 assailants. 
 
 M. Gisquet, upon whom the epithet of chief of ruffians, and 
 galley slaves was very graciously bestowed, could have had 
 easy work in replying to the gentlemen of the Rights of 
 Man; for though the composition of this illustrious corps 
 was, according to its leading men, irreproachable; though a 
 letter published by four members of the committee contained 
 the following words : — 
 
 " Placed at the head of the society of Rights, we appreci- 
 ate every day whatever offers on the part of morality ; the 
 lives of our members do not fear examination" — yet the 
 police looked upon the morality of some of the conspirators 
 in quite a different light. Several edifying stories were 
 known of more than one of their number, such, for in- 
 stance, as that of a chief of section named Stevenot, who, in 
 his leisure moments, used to practice highway robbery in 
 the vicinity of Paris. 
 
 The law upon the subject of the criers had come too late; 
 their work had been accomplished. Millions of publications 
 had been distributed, stirring up from the depths of igno- 
 rance and passion crowds of revolutionary characters who 
 
144 HISTORY OF 
 
 were caught in the Riglits of Man as if in a net. In the 
 beginning of 1834, the number of the members in Paris 
 amounted to 3,500 ; besides -which there were a large num- 
 ber of affiliated members in the provinces, and a few pla- 
 toons of ambitious sergeants and undisciplined soldiers in 
 the army. The moment had arrived when the high pressure 
 of extravagance was at the point of an explosion ; and un- 
 der any circumstances this explosion was inevitable. In case 
 of need,- the very first pretext that offered would have been 
 made use of ; but, of course, a good occasion would be pre- 
 ferred. Such an occasion actually presented itself; and un- 
 der conditions which ought to have satisfied the most ex- 
 acting. The law upon the subject of associations, which was 
 passed in the month of April, was a menace of death against 
 the Rights of Man ; the question with them was no longer 
 one of attack, but of defence. The alternative presented to 
 them was imperious ; they must either submit, after all their 
 efforts and bravados, to a shameful dissolution, or they must 
 take to the musket in earnest. 
 
 There could be no hesitation on the part of the committee ; 
 they decided that the promulgation of the new code should 
 be the signal for an insurrection. 
 
 That the law upon the subject of associations should have 
 thrown the Rights of Man into a rage and impelled them to 
 measures of desperation, is all natural enough, for their very 
 existence was at stake; but that it was the indispensable 
 right and duty of the government to arm itself with new 
 legislation, is as clear as the sun in mid-heavens. The cla- 
 morous republic of the press, and all its train of gaping 
 admirers will answer us now, as they did answer then, by 
 vociferations : very well ; but we would remind them that a 
 man of socialistic democracy, a doctor of the party, whom 
 we have already quoted once, is also the author of the fol- 
 lowing words : " If the law against the associations had not 
 been passed, and in the shape that the government wished it, 
 there would have been an end to constitutional monarchy • 
 nothing is more certain." — Louis BLANC {History of Ten 
 Years). v 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES. 145 
 
 These lines are sufGcient for us, and they ought to be 
 sufficient for every man of good faith. 
 
 We may give a brief explanation of the law. A single 
 article of the penal code, article 291, related t6 associations. 
 It proscribed societies of over twenty persons, and that was 
 all. The many cases where the court had thought proper 
 to be governed by the strict letter of the law, had demon- 
 strated only but too clearly the radical defectiveness of the 
 law ; and an irresistible fact rendered the demonstration 
 complete. The society of the Bights of Man, notwithstanding 
 the decree of dissolution which had been pronounced against 
 them, claimed to be in conformity with the conditions of the 
 law ; and they succeeded in becoming recognized as such by 
 the courts. By what means, we have already related — by 
 limiting the sections to the number of twenty members, 
 and giving to each section a diSerent name. It was well 
 known that these sections were connected with each other 
 and directed by the same committee, and that they formed 
 only one and the same large association ; but this was a fact 
 to be proved, which, however, it would appear was never 
 done. When a sectionary was seized and brought to trial 
 as a member of an illegal association, he would plead in de- 
 fence that he was only a member of a society of twfenty 
 persons, called the Ga ira, the Twins, or the Beggars, etc. 
 The plea would be admitted and the prisoner discharged. 
 This might have been adhering to the letter of the code, but 
 it was certainly not entering into its spirit. At all events, 
 a legislation leading to such results, had need of a thorough 
 remodelling. The new law declared guilty not only associa- 
 tions, but the fractions of associations. Article 291, of the 
 old law, related exclusively to periodical meetings ; held 
 only the chiefs responsible, and brought cases of infrac- 
 tion before a jury. The new law declared that no regard 
 would be paid as to whether the meetings were periodical or 
 not ; that all the members of an illegal association would be 
 held liable to a prosecution, and that the correctional police 
 would take the place of the jury in the cognizance of such 
 matters. 
 10 
 
146 HISTOET OF 
 
 • These measures were hailed with sincere satisfaction by 
 the members of the government and by all honorable men ; 
 that is to say, by an immense majority of the country. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A great patriot — M. Cayaignac devoted to the dagger — Preparations for 
 the insurrection. — The forces of the Republican party in 1834. 
 
 From a long course of impunity, the Rights of Man had 
 attained to such a degree of audacity, that they believed them- 
 selves able to compel the government to recede. On the 
 news of the discussion of the law, they informed the associa- 
 tions of the provinces that Paris would never submit to it, 
 and that resistance must be proclaimed in every quarter. 
 These instructions were duly observed ; and the demagogic 
 papers were filled with indignant editorials, the windings up 
 of which were invariably threats of a revolt. The news- 
 paper, called the Patriot Franc Comtois, lead off with a plea 
 which did the very greatest honor to M. Miran, its editor. 
 And who was this M. Miran ? Listen to the sentiments of 
 M. Garnier-Pag^s, senior, expressed in honor of the editor of 
 the Franc Comtois at a banquet : " If a long and painful 
 voyage could have procured me no other advantage than the 
 acquaintance of so honorable a citizen, I should never regret 
 having undertaken it" — a recommendation, certainly ; as 
 satisfactory as could be desired. But on the other hand, this 
 very honorable citizen, among other aliases, had the true 
 one of Gilbert, and on the judicial records there were ex; 
 hibited against him the following memoranda, viz :— 
 
 1813, accused of forgery; acquitted. 
 
 1817, accused of swindling;- sentenced to six years hard 
 labor ; exposed and marked. 
 
 1828, sentenced to five years imprisonment for an outrage 
 against public morals. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 147 
 
 1834, prosecuted for forgery, and sent to the galleys for 
 twenty years. 
 
 And besides these, three or four other sentences for po- 
 litical offences ; making the docket, it "will be perceived, 
 quite complete. 
 
 The lead of the patriot Miran was followed by protest's 
 against the law from some thirty different places, all shaped 
 upon the same model, and thus betraying the connection 
 between the associations of the provinces and that of Paris, 
 In the mean time, chiefs from each of the affiliated societies 
 arrived in the capital in order to have an understanding upon 
 a definitive resolution. This congress decided upon the fol- 
 lowing measures, which were published, viz: The maintenance 
 of the existing associations ; the creation of new ones ; the 
 organization of a refusal : to pay taxes, and the bringing in 
 play of every means suggested by patriotism and courage 
 for getting the better of the government. In such measures 
 as these we perceive the especial adeptness of those men 
 who frequent manifestations and raise great outcries about 
 violations of the constitution on the faithof the newspapers; 
 but within the sections the language of these measures was 
 translated to mean, open resistance with dirk, pistol, and 
 musket. 
 
 The preparations were set about with zeal; powder and 
 muskets were bought, balls run and cartridges made; the 
 friends of the cause among the regular troops were feted and 
 flattered with glowing promises, and ■ in fine, orders were 
 given' for a general review of the forces. The recapitulation 
 of these forces, however, did not answer expectations. In 
 Paris there were 163 sections which, at twenty members per 
 section, ought to have furnished 3,260 men ; but this num- 
 ber was not attained by a considerable. The men of the 
 first consideration in the party, moreover, such as Messrs. 
 Lafayette, Voyer-d'Argenson, Garnier-Pag^s, and Carrel, 
 when the question came to be an issue at arms, began to with- 
 draw, conceiving that the prospects of success were too unfa- 
 vorable. In the committee, too, more than one member hesi- 
 tated at the responsibility which he was about to assume ; and 
 
143 HISTORY OF 
 
 M. Oavaignac was of this number. Convinced as he was of 
 the wretched moral force and comparatively insignificant nu- 
 merical strength of his party, he felt himself possessed with 
 a profound distrust which the loyalty of his character could' 
 not conceal. He by no means advised to recede, for he was 
 not one of those who, after having incited the people to acts 
 of violence, then make their disappearance from the scene ; 
 but in the foreshadowing of a defeat which would strike the 
 Eepublic to the heart and a sacrifice of men whose blood 
 would be partly at his doors, he dared not to decide. His 
 scruples were very badly interpreted ; and it was not long 
 before accusations were made against him ; that of moderat- 
 ism was highly emphasized, while that of treason was uttered 
 in low murmurs. The extravagance of the republicans gave 
 to this latter accusation the importance of a fact, and some 
 of the more furious members proposed nothing less than to 
 make way with a leader who was the most loyal and intelli- 
 gent man of the party. Here is a spectacle, and a severe 
 lesson, one would suppose, for those men who aim at the 
 domination of the mass, but who must inevitably end in be- 
 coming either its instrument or its victim. 
 
 Neither the formal disapprobation of some nor the in- 
 certitude of others could prevent an outbreak ; and it was 
 decided that a recourse to arms should be had on the day 
 that the law should come in force. On that day, viz : the 
 11th of April, the news which arrived from the interior fell 
 upon the sections like a spark of fire upon powder ; the news 
 was that the provinces had risen in all quarters, and that 
 Lyons had fought for two days. The agitation was intense ; 
 the cabarets were filled with crowds of stirring men ; sinister 
 looking figures hurriedly traversed the streets, and the air 
 seemed to smell of powder and blood. On the 12th of April, 
 the Tribune informed us that " the people of Lyons had re- 
 mained masters of the ground ; the troops wer6 nearly dis- , 
 couraged, and a truce of several hours had been asked for by 
 the general" — a statement which contained almost as many 
 falsehoods as words; but such impudence as this had become 
 too common for a comment. The next day the same paper 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 149 
 
 gave accounts of all the victorious insurrections that had 
 recently taken place, and of which it had either received bul- 
 letins or had made them up'' for the occasion. Chalons, 
 Beaune, Dijon — all were in the hands of the patriots, and 
 the authorities were in prison ; ten thousand inhft)itants of 
 Saint Etienne had gone to the assistance of Lyons ; the whols 
 line between this latter city and Paris was in commotion, 
 and finally, a regiment, the 52d, in garrison at Befort, had 
 mutinied at the cry of — " Hurrah for the Eepublic !" To this 
 news, which appealed merely to enthusiasm, an addition was 
 made which was to excite to frenzy. General Bugeaud, ex- 
 claimed the Tribune, has made the following speech to his 
 officers — " The government knows how much it is indebted 
 to you, and if the republicans move, remember that every 
 one is to be put to the bayonet ; no prisoners, and no quar- 
 ters." The red paper added : " There is no kind of provoca- 
 tion which these men leave untried." This latter phrase 
 might pass under the circumstances ; but no one was deceived 
 by it ; every one knew that it emanated from the usual ef- 
 frontery of the party. 
 
 The battle was decided upon for the next day, the 13th of 
 April ; and on such an occasion Captain Kersausie, as chief 
 of the Society of Action, was to have the influence to himself. 
 It was by him and his fiery lieutenants, rather than by the 
 committee, that the attack was decided upon. Besides, this 
 committee, it will be seen, was no longer in a condition to 
 direct the insurrection. 
 
 The forces which the republican party was about to bring 
 into line, were not composed solely of the army of the Rights 
 of Man; other revolutionary societies existed at that time, 
 the concurrence of which became inevitable in every demo- 
 cratic movement. These societies either moved like satellites 
 around the Rights of Man as a centre, or were indiscriminately 
 intermingled among its members. 
 
 The two most important of these societies were the Society 
 for the Defemce of the Press and the Commission of Propagandism. 
 The object of the first was to extend assistance to those 
 writers who were condemned for political offences ; and it 
 
130 HISTORY OF 
 
 included in its committee the greater part of the more im- 
 portant democrats,- such as — Messrs. G. Cavaignac, Carrel, 
 Cormenin, Lafayette, Kersailfeie, Marrast, Kaspail, Charles 
 Teste, Voyer-d'Argenson, Etienne Arago, de Briqueville, 
 Cabet, DtTpont de I'Eure, Garnier-Pag^s, etc. Almost all 
 these names are met with again in the general staff of the 
 nights of Man, which shows that this Society for the defence of 
 the Press was only an accessory of the greater association. 
 M. Marchais was the secretary of the committee, and he had 
 quite as much as he could do to satisfy the demands of the 
 unfortunate writers, great and small, who harassed him with 
 their claims. Among the papers that were seized upon in 
 his house there were found some very curious lists of demo- 
 cratic claimants who called for patriotic aid. Of these 
 claimants, Messrs. Marrast, Dupoty, Tr^lat, Antony Thou- 
 ret, Philippon and Noel Parfait, established their right to 
 assistance in the most touching manner. 
 
 The Commission of Propagandism busied itself with no- 
 thing more nor less than the fomenting of coalitions among 
 the workingmen, a monstrous task, which occupied the in- 
 defatigable labors of a committee of twenty-two members. 
 Among these members were Messrs. Recurt, Dufraisse, N". 
 Lebon, Vignerte, and Berryer-Fontaine, who were also 
 corypheuses of the- nights of Man, another evidence that this 
 commission, too, was in fact a mere mob-making machine, 
 which received its impulsion from the Committee of Eleven. 
 One can hardly withhold a feeling of indignation against 
 men who, under the pretence of studying the interests of the 
 workingmen, labored to excite discords between these men 
 and their employers, impelling them to strikes as a prepara- 
 tory step towards leading them to revolt. Perhaps it might 
 be thought that such efforts would remain fruitless on ac- 
 count of their infamy;: but alas no! for are not the poor and' 
 honest fatally condemned to the influence of those charlatans 
 who offer them their panaceas ? The exciters of coalitions 
 succeeded, so well that, by the end. of the. year 1833, almost, 
 every trade in Paris had struck. The typographers, mechar 
 nicians, stone-cutters, rope-makers, hackney coachmen,. ceLLs 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 151 
 
 ers, gloviers, timber sawyers, bonnet-makers, locksmiths, 
 ornamental paper-makers — all had left off work. Among 
 the strikers there were reckoned 8,000 tailors, 6,000 shoe- 
 makers, 5,000 carpenters, 4,000 jewellers, and 3,000 bakers. 
 What a picture of empty larders, children in tears and 
 mothers in despair, does not this present ! And let him who 
 can, refrain from a feeling of detestation against those men 
 who thus base their schemes upon the hunger of the people ! 
 But one day, while the committee were assembled at the 
 houses of Messrs. Vignerte andLebon, the police, being in- 
 formed of it, repaired thither and captured almost all of 
 them; and immediately the strikes ceased. All that the 
 honest workingmen wanted in order to resume work, was 
 to get rid of the tyranny of the bad. In the legal proceed- 
 ings which grew out of this affair, Messrs. Lebon, Mathe, and' 
 Lemonnier were sentenced to imprisonment for five yearsi 
 Vignerte for two years, and Eecurt and Dufraisse for one 
 year. 
 
 Good people of Paris, do you rejoice at having seen at the 
 head of the government, men who have been condemned by 
 justice for having made it their profession to famish you ? 
 
 Besides these two societies, there were, 1st. The Society of 
 Father Andrew, the object of which was the publication, col- 
 portage and sale of demagogic writings. Its members, 
 who were numerous, were also connected with the rights of 
 man. Its directors were Messrs. Eoux, Hadot-Desages, and 
 Eion. 
 
 2d. Yhe Society for the Assistance of Political Prisoners. The 
 object of this society was to aid all kinds of democrats; 
 differing in this respect from the Society for the Defence of the 
 LUerty of the Press, which occupied itself only with writers. 
 
 3d. The Society for the free and gratuitous Education of the 
 People. This society took its members from whatever quarter 
 it thought fit, and never troubled itself about general rules. It 
 was originated by an honorable man, and had been tolerated by 
 the ministry ; but afterwards, on the withdrawal of its founder, 
 the schools which it had established became so many centres 
 of republicanism. The pretended instraction of thgse schools 
 
152 HISTORY OF 
 
 was for the benefit of the working people; and all the pupils, 
 or at least those who had beards upon their chin, were more 
 or less directly implicated in the machinations of the Rights 
 of Man. 
 
 4:th. The Masonic Lodges; among which were organized 
 several corps of action, with a revolutionary object instead 
 of a philanthropic one. 
 
 5th. The Society of Aid 2'hyself^a fragment of the old 
 liberal association of the same name of the period of the 
 restoration ; but renewed, transformed, and redyed with the 
 red of republicanism. 
 
 6th. Garbonarism — another meagre and dislocated fragment 
 in which the ancient reputation of Messrs. Charles Testes and 
 Buonarotti still preserved, with much difficulty, a trace of 
 existence. 
 
 There were, besides, several other assemblages with various 
 different objects, but all making an open profession of 
 anarchy, among which may be mentioned the historical 
 society of M. Laponneraye, established for the especial glori- 
 fication of those immortal citizens Robespierre, Marat, 
 Coutbon, etc. 
 
 All these assemblages, some of which depended wholly 
 upon the Bights of Man, and all of which acknowledged its 
 ruling influence, were to furnish their efiective quotas for the 
 great battle of the 13th of April. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The effective strength for war of the Rights of Man — The forces of the 
 government — Preparations for the conflict— Review of the Society of 
 Action — Arrest of Captain Kersansie — Insurrection of the 13th and 14th 
 of April — Why the rout of the republicans proved complete. 
 
 Having exhibited the resources of the insurrectionists, we 
 may now give their effective strength. As nearly as can be 
 ascertained, it consisted of the Society of Action 1,000 men, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 153 
 
 of the sections subject to the control of the Committee of 
 Eleven 2,000, and of sundry isolated revolutionary associ- 
 ations 1,000, making in all 4,000 men. And this wasy at the 
 very highest estimate, the number of the republicans who 
 were then in Paris — or at least, of those who, in speaking of 
 the Eepublic, knew what they meant. 
 
 As to the resources of the government, on the other hand, 
 they consisted of, besides the troops of the army, two elements 
 of force which are equal to hundreds of others, viz : experi- 
 ence and confidence. . The manner in which the insurgents 
 in the affair of June had simultaneously scattered themselves 
 through all quarters of the town, alarming the people and 
 embarrassing the defence, had made due impression upon the 
 government, and its measures were taken accordingly. There 
 was a conviction of the necessity of attending to three prin- 
 cipal points: 1st. The arrival upon the ground before the 
 enemy: 2d. To attack them as soon as they should make 
 their appearance, and 3d. To prevent them from making use 
 of the pavements, thtfse materials for the breastworks of 
 civil warfare. 
 
 Forty thousand men of the regular troops were held in 
 readiness in Paris and its vicinity. The National Guards 
 had been warned at their houses, and were ready to assemble 
 at the first signal. The artillery was pointed upon the ex- 
 posed points, and numerous detachments were in possession 
 of strategic positions. Marshal Lobau, who was charged with 
 the general command, had planned his measures in concert 
 with his lieutenants, among whom figured General Bugeaud. 
 
 The vigilance and zeal of the police were redoubled. Prom 
 a change in the ministry, which had taken place since the first 
 appearance of the storm, M. Gisquet found in M. Thiers a 
 superior of promptness and decision. A large number of 
 the chiefs of the sections had already been taken in preceding 
 mobs; Messrs. Delente, Dufraisse, Eugene L'Heritier Vig- 
 nerte, Guignot, Herbulet, Pornin, Chilnian, Schirman, Petit- 
 jean, and Landolphe, were all under lock and key. This last 
 named person, to whose house a domiciliary visit had been 
 made, without result, published a letter in which the prefect 
 
154 HISTORY OP 
 
 ofi police was charged with ignominious baseness, for having 
 violated, without cause, the domicil of a citizen. M. Gisquet 
 had not the time to reply to these civilities in words, but he 
 made his response by a conclusive fact; he had M. Landolphe 
 seized, six days, afterwards, while in the possession of a good 
 supply of cartridges. 
 
 All uncertainty as to the designs of the republicans being 
 at an end, the furious appeals of the Tribune and chiefs of the 
 nights of Man having heated the members of the sections to 
 the explosive point; and the reports received at the police al! 
 agreeing upon the 13th as the day fixed for the attack, the 
 prefect resolved to give the association a decisive blow. A 
 foray, resolutely planned and executed, resulted in the cap- 
 tare of the principal chiefs, with the exception of Messrs. Gr. 
 Gavaignac and Kersausie. A muzzle was put upon the Tri- 
 bune, that fiend of anarchy, and the license of its printer, 
 M. Mie, confiscated ; and by this means the appearance of a 
 placard was prevented, which had been prepared by one of 
 the chiefs still at liberty, calling the people to arms. 
 
 These essential dispositions, and many other especial mea^ 
 sures had been taken, when the sun of the 13th of April 
 was to usher in either the Austerlitz or the Waterloo of the 
 republic. 
 
 As the main army of the insurrection consisted only of the- 
 Bights of Man, and as this army, distracted by dissensions, 
 had been deprived of its principal strength by the capture of 
 its ofiicers, the cause of the republic was as good as lost 
 before the battle commenced. Among the most extravagant, 
 those who still preserved some glimmerings of reason, were 
 aware of this fact, and were only prevented from receding by 
 self-love; but then there were a great many others in the 
 association, reckless men, infa,taated with foolish hopes, whom 
 nothing could undeceive. Their chiefs we already know; 
 first of all Captain Kersausie, and then a troop of dema- 
 gogues, among whom shone Messrs. Barb^s, Sobrier, Blanqui, 
 etc. 
 
 Captain Kersausie, who had escaped capture, arranged 
 measures for the fight. He had appointed a rendezvous for 
 
SECEET s:qcieties. 155 
 
 the Society of Action, at 4 o'clock P. M., upon the .boulevards. 
 The other sections also, as far as their state of disorganiza- 
 tion would permit, were to be assembled. But as neither 
 M. G. Cavaignac, who foresaw the failure of the attempt, nor 
 any other member of the committee, had given any positive 
 orders, this very considerable portion of the main army found 
 itself reduced to its own impulsion. Some few isolated groups 
 came together, but without concert of action; others dis- 
 banded, and roamed at large, wherever their instincts led 
 them, and many had not been notified at all. 
 
 At the hour appointed, the Society of Action was upon the 
 ground, spread along the boulevards and lateral streets, from 
 the chass(le d'Antin as far as the Bastile; and there it awaited 
 the arrival of Captain Kersausie, in order to pass inspection. 
 The captain made his appearance, escorted by four trusty 
 friends, bearers, like himself, of concealed weapons, and began 
 his review. As he passed along by each section, he took its 
 number of men, pointed out the posts of attack, recommended 
 promptness and energy, and moved on, promising that night 
 a triumph for the Republic. 
 
 But in the vicinity of the gate of Saint Denis, an event 
 occurred, which put an end to both his review and his hopes. 
 A few minutes before his arrival at that point, an officer of 
 the peace, M. Tranchard, had posted himself there with a 
 section which, though of a very different character from that 
 of the captain, was not the less inured to the coups-de-main 
 of the streets. The officer of the peace, surrounded at a dis- 
 tance by his men, and keeping a searching glance upon the 
 crowd in the boulevard of Poissonni^re, saw at last among 
 the thousands of heads there, one which, his practised eye 
 detected as soon as it made its appearance. Making a sign 
 to his men, they followed close upon his steps, and he rushed 
 forward to meet the expected man. The captain had not 
 time to perceive the danger that threatened him before he 
 was seized around the arms by the courageous functionary, 
 raised from the. ground, and borne off out of the group by 
 which he was guarded; He endeavored to fire his pistol and 
 make an appeal to his friends, but it was all in vain. Wrested 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 from the midst of his troops, who were kept at sword's length 
 by the agents of anthority, he was carried to the mayoralty 
 of the seventh arrondissement. 
 
 The sectionaries had not dared to attempt a deliverance >of 
 their chief; but to be revenged, they immediately gave the 
 signal for the fight. The cry^ — "To arms !" resounded through 
 the neighboring groups, and in the quarters of Saint Denis 
 and Saint Martin, the sedition burst out into a blaze. 
 
 The mobbers who had taken their positions in narrow 
 streets could not be pursued with sufficient rapidity to pre- 
 vent their recovering from their surprise. They succeeded 
 in barricading themselves in a sort of intrenched camp, em- 
 braced between Temple and Saint Martin Streets on the one 
 hand, and Gravilliers and Saint Mary's on the other — an old 
 and favorite ground of the insurrectionists. At a later 
 moment Sainte Hyaeinthe and D'Enfer Streets were inter- 
 sected by barricades thrown up by the students and other 
 sectionaries of that quarter. With the exception of these 
 two points, which, from the suddenness of the attack — not 
 expected till night — the troops had not time to cover, all 
 Paris was secure from the insurrectionists. Several bands 
 showed themselves in Montmartre, Saint Honor^, Montor- 
 gueil, and Saint Bustache Streets, but on being driven out at 
 the point of the bayonet they dared neither to pull up a 
 paving stone nor make face to the troop. 
 
 The barricades of the left bank of the Seine being attacked 
 at once by a detachment of the National Guards, were over- 
 thrown without much resistance. A single incident marked 
 the defeat of the republicans at that point ; it was a cowardly 
 assassination. Major Bailliot, of the general staflj on arriv- 
 ing in Sainte Hyaeinthe Street, with orders from Marshal 
 Lobau, was shot through the body with eight musket-balls, 
 fired upon him at a short distance. 
 
 While this odious crime was being perpetrated by some of 
 the sections, others were at the coffee-house of Neuf-Billards, 
 Mathurius Street, in deliberation over their glasses. The 
 police forced their way into the doors, which had been barri- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 157 
 
 caded, and carried off sixty persons, together witli an arsenal 
 of arms and ammunition 
 
 Upon the right bank the insurgents posted up, at about 
 six o'clock in the evening, the following proclamation : — 
 
 " The too long chain of humiliating tyrannies, infamous 
 perfidies, and criminal treasons, is at last broken. Our bro- 
 thers of Lyons have shown us how ephemeral is the brutal 
 force of tyrants when arranged against republican patriotism. 
 The work which the Mutualists have commenced with so 
 much success, will the conquerors of July hesitate to ac- 
 complish? Will they allow to escape such a beautiful 
 occasion for reconquering that cherished liberty for which 
 French blood has been so often shed ? Citizens, so many ge- 
 nerous sacrifices will not be rendered nugatory by an unwor- 
 thy cowardice. To arms ! republicans, to arms !" 
 
 The sterility of imagination and the flabby furor of this 
 morceau produced the least possible efiect. The few copies 
 of it which had been posted up were immediately torn down 
 by the agents of the police. 
 
 Without a chief of importance, without orders, and aban- 
 doned to their own low impulses, the sectionaries exhibited 
 a hesitation which presaged a prompt defeat ! Some of the 
 leaders, in endeavoring to inspire them with courage, decided 
 upon forming a new committee of directors ; and with this 
 view they repaired to Saint Germain-l'Auxerrois Street — 
 to the house of a washerwoman who was honored with the 
 friendship of one of the conspirators. But the police were 
 on the ground almost as soon as they were ; and all the 
 members of the conventicle were arrested, the new committee 
 being destroyed before it had been fairly organized. 
 
 The regular troops and National Guards had lost no time 
 in clearing the central quarters of the town. The barricades 
 of Saint Martin Street were first carried, and then those of 
 Poirier, Saint Mdry, Transnonain, Chapon and GeofEroy- 
 Langevin Streets. At night, when the general-in-chief order- 
 ed a cessation of fire for the purpose of allowing the troops 
 some repose, the sedition had been hemmed into a small cor- 
 ner of the Beaubourg quarter, and was no longer a cause of 
 
158 HISTOEY OF 
 
 inquietude. The governmental troops bivouacked through- 
 out Paris; tlieir conimunications were open, and they could 
 not doubt of the sympathies of an immense majority of the 
 population. 
 
 During the night, M. Thiers, in company with General Bu- 
 geaud, made a reconnoissance of the camp of the insurgents ; 
 and they were fired upon from different points. An auditor 
 of the council of state, a captain of the line and three sol- 
 diers fell dead at their side. 
 
 At five o'clock in the morning four columns, commanded 
 by Generals Bugeaud, Lascours, Bourgon and Colonel Bouta- 
 rel, rushed upon the cluster of houses that still remained in the 
 possession of the insurgents. After the first resistance, which 
 was rather spirited, the barricades were overthrown, the in- 
 surgents dispersed, and their positions carried. It was in this 
 attack that an event occurred which requires— not excuses, 
 but explanations. The 35th regiment had met with a severe 
 loss ; two of its captains had just been mortally wounded, one 
 of whom was hit in a cowardly and doubly criminal manner 
 by a ball fired from a loophole. A moment afterwards a 
 soldier was killed by a discharge from the house No. 12, 
 Transnonian Street. Such attacks as these on the part of 
 enemies who were concealed and inaccessible to the brave sol- 
 diers who were fighting openly in the streets, were enough, 
 certainly, to fill these soldiers with rage. A company rushed 
 into a house from which they had been fired on, and as the 
 guilty one, as usual, could not be found, they did justice 
 upon every one whom they met with. It is in vain for the 
 republicans to continue their unending imprecations on this 
 subject, for they will receive no attention fr.om honest men. 
 That innocent blood has been shed is certain, but let it fall 
 upon those who are the cause of it, upon the bandits who, in 
 the dark and through holes, fire upon the brave men who 
 attack them openly. 
 
 At about six o'clock of the evening, the Dukes of Orleans 
 and Nemours, while passing over the scene of conflict on 
 horseback, were repeatedly fired upon ; but fortunately the 
 shots were badly directed. This was the epilogue of the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 159 
 
 drama; and Paris Lad nothing further to do than to wash the 
 blood from her pavements. 
 
 The regular troops and National Guards had eleven men 
 killed and fourteen wounded. On the part of the insur- 
 rectionists, there were reckoned fourteen killed and about a 
 dozen wounded. 
 
 Such was the work of the republican party under the' aus- 
 pices of the Rights ofllan. That famous society which was to 
 have swallowed up Paris, was completely crushed, and less 
 by the employment of force than by its own impuissance and 
 public indignation. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 The Rights of Man and the Mutualists of Lyons — Insurrection — ^The thea- 
 trical part of M. Lagrange — Eclipse of the principal chiefs. 
 
 As it was at the signal of Lyons that Paris had arisen, we 
 may now relate how the second city of the kingdom and 
 many cities of the east and south had been delivered up to 
 civil war. 
 
 In the year 1828 there was formed at Lyons, under the 
 name of Mutualists, a society of weavers, which soon became 
 very numerous. The civil authorities and the clergy became 
 the patrons of this society, a circumstance which was viewed 
 with great pleasure by the workingmen who were at that time 
 exclusively occupied with the philanthropic object of the 
 institution. From the high order of influence that then 
 animated the society and the wisdom of its founders, who had 
 interdicted all political and religious discussion, the members 
 lived in peace and prosperity. How many recent attempts 
 at the incorporation of workingmen might have attained 
 success if the first chapter of their association had established 
 the wise principle of the Mutualists! How many worthy 
 artisans, led astray by heartless sophists, might, instead of 
 finding misery in their Utopias, have attained to well-being 
 
160 HISTOEY OF 
 
 in all its reality! The palace of fortune is closed to the 
 laboring man, it is said ; and it is true that the entrance to 
 this palace is not open to all; but are there not hundreds of 
 thousands of workingmen who have become employers, and 
 are ready to testify that the door is opened by intelligence 
 and labor? 
 
 The society of Mutualists was divided into lodges of less 
 than twenty members; and a certain number of these lodges 
 were co-ordinate, each one appointing two delegates who 
 formed a central lodge. The committee was composed of 
 all the presidents of these central lodges. The power of this 
 committee had made itself felt very often in the industrial 
 quarrels of the city, and especially in 1831, but no political 
 or socialist motives had ever entered into the disputes. By 
 Socialist we mean the modern acceptation of the word ; it is 
 very true, indeed, that the workingmen in the difficulties 
 with their employers sought an amelioration of their condi- 
 tion, but they never dreamed of such social chaos as is pro- 
 posed at the present day. 
 
 About the middle of the year 1833, the Rights of Man of 
 Paris, in busying itself with establishing affiliated societies in 
 the provinces, did not forget the good city of Lyons, which 
 had always been so faithful to the standard of revolution. 
 In order to give a proof of the esteem in which she was held, 
 the principal member of the Parisian committee, M. Gr. Ca- 
 vaignac, went himself to preside at the organization of an 
 affiliated society in Lyons. A meeting of influential repub- 
 licans was held at the office of the Precursor^ and resulted in 
 the nomination of a committee which was composed of the 
 following persons, viz: Messrs. Jules Favre, Baune, Char- 
 assin. Riviere, Perrier, Poujol, Lortet, Jules Seguin, Berthol- 
 lon, and A. Martin. As a leading resolution, it was decided to 
 stimulate by every means possible the republicanization of 
 the working classes, and to draw them into the Rights of 
 Man; and the Mutualists, especially, were to be worked upon 
 with unremitted ardor, and freed from their anti-revolutionary 
 prejudices. The committee took the name of the Invisible 
 Committee • a title which could be easily realized, inasmuch as 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 161 
 
 it was a general staif -without soldiers. When by means of 
 propagandism some recruits had been made, a change took 
 place in the personality of the committee; the more timid 
 members, among whom was M. Jules Favre, withdrew, and 
 the committee remained definitely composed of Messrs. 
 Baune, BerthoUon, A. Martin, Albert, Court, Poujol, and 
 Hugon. The recruiting then went on with great activity, and 
 the most distinguished part of the patriots were enrolled 
 within the space of a few months. One of the groups, though 
 professing the same principles as the others, produced a 
 schism, and persisted in conspiring under the old masonic 
 form; but a division soon arose among its members which 
 led to its dissolution. M. Lagrange, who was one of this 
 sect, reassembled its fragments and reorganized them under 
 the name of the Society of Progress. 
 
 It was this Society of Progress that, together with the Rights 
 of Man, undertook the conversion of the Mutualists; and they 
 succeeded only too well. The consequence was, a consider- 
 able accession to the strength of the revolutionists, and an 
 immediate discord and anarchy among the weavers. The 
 wedge of politics once entered, a spirit of disorder, strife, 
 contention and coalition soon followed. The first event 
 which showed this change in the spirit of the Mutualists was 
 the disorganization of the committee. The old members of 
 the committee were broken, and their places supplied by a 
 general election. Scarcely was the new power installed, 
 when, having to decide upon the question of pay, it yielded 
 to the spirit of disorder with which it had been inspired, and 
 dictated to the master manufacturers a threatening ultimatum. 
 The employers showed opposition ; by order of the committee 
 a strike was declared,' and two days afterwards all the manu- 
 factories of silk were deserted. 
 
 In this terrible game of strikes, where the workingman 
 stakes the bread of his family more from anger than from 
 the hope of advantage, the tyranny of a few leaders generally 
 controls the greater number ; and this was the case in the 
 present instance. The peacefully disposed weavers, revolting 
 against the instigators of the strike, showed a desire to return 
 11 
 
162 HISTORY OP 
 
 to their work; but they were opposed and fought against by 
 their patriotic brethren. 
 
 Among the Lyonnais members of the Bights of Man, as 
 ■well as those of Paris, there was a knot of furious men who, 
 dreaming only upon destruction, thought that the discords 
 among the laboring classes offered a good pretext for resort- 
 ing to the musket ; but the committee was not of their 
 opinion. This committee showed at that time a degree of 
 prudence which might perhaps be called by a different name. 
 It had not been sparing, thus far, of bravados and excitations, 
 but finding itself at length at that delicate point which is 
 termed the foot of the wall, it exhibited a degree of reserve 
 which was not exactly heroic. 
 
 Not knowing how to extricate itself from a difficult com- 
 promise between the weavers who persisted in the strike on 
 the one hand, and the sectionaries who were determined to 
 set fire to the powder 6n the other, the committee decided 
 upon calling for assistance from Paris. An agent was dis- 
 patched thither with the mission of bringing back with him 
 some mediator of influence. On the representation of this 
 agent, two men, who were governed by very different inten- 
 tionSj but both of whom wished to atoid an issue, Messrs. G. 
 Gavaignac and Carrel, decided upon setting out. But just 
 as they were about to start, the news of the cessation of the 
 strike arrived ; and as the difficulty was removed, the 
 journey was not performed. 
 
 But immediately afterwards, on the announcement of the 
 bill against associations, the fire burst out again in great 
 fiiry. The Mutualists, who by that time had almost all 
 entered the Bights of Man, took up the matter in a revolu- 
 tionary fashion. Their organ^ the Ucho of Manufactures, 
 published a protest which was nothing short of an act of 
 revolt ; it declared that the law would not be obeyed. 
 
 The government perceived that it was time to take 
 measures of defence. An experiment had been made in 
 Lyons in 1831 ; on which occasion the workingmen had 
 been treated with, and concessions had been granted from 
 generosity, which the mob mistook for weakness ; and, em- 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES. 163 
 
 boldened by this, they had taken possession of the city and 
 forced the authorities to a capitulation. But on the present 
 occasion the authorities pursued a different course. In order 
 to show at once that the law against associations was a 
 serious matter, six of the principal instigators of the strike 
 among the MutvaUsts were arrested. This was but so much 
 oil added to the fire ; but nevertheless, an energetic act of 
 the kind had to be done. On the news of the arrest, the 
 suburbs fairly leaped with rage. Many of the Mutualists 
 went directly to the magistrates and declared that they were 
 decided to share the lot of their comrades; and some of 
 them, listening only to the dictates of their wrath, exclaimed 
 that it was time to take arms and have done with the affair. 
 It was with difficulty that they could' be restrained by their 
 chiefs, who promised them a general movement, of which the 
 measures were about to be arranged. A sort of council of 
 war, then, was held, at which the various trades of the city, 
 conjointly with the secret societies^ were present. There 
 were in the assembly the chiefs of the Mutualists, and the 
 Rights of Man united, those of the Society of Progress, the 
 Independents, the Associatixm for the Liberty of the Press, the 
 Freemen, the Freemasons, the Unionists, Ooncordists, Ferrandi- 
 niers, etc. All these societies, whose existence was threatened 
 by the new law, and which pursued a course in opposition 
 to their own statutes, were ready to deluge the city with 
 blood. A general committee was formed in view of action. 
 The trial of the arrested Mutualists had ■ been set for the 5th 
 of April, but was put off till the 9th ; and that was the day 
 fixed upon for taking to the streets; the resolution was 
 formally decreed. 
 
 The general committee, however, which was under the 
 control of. the members of the Bights of Man, fine speakers 
 and great boasters, did not dare to declare openly for an 
 attack; and it contented itself, therefore, with proclaiming 
 resistance to aggression. But as it had been agreed upon 
 that all the societies should be present at the court on the 
 day of the trial, this amounted to about the same thing, with 
 
164 HISTORY OF 
 
 this difference, that the responsibility of the attack -would be 
 thereby very much diminished. 
 
 Such precautions on the part of the chiefs -will not astonish 
 those who have much experience in these matters. The 
 moment of action with the committees of secret societies 
 and all other conspiracies whatever, is that moment which is 
 triflingly called the quarter hour of Eabelais; the leaders 
 having succeeded in inspiring their men with a blind con- 
 fidence which they do not share themselves, find when the 
 current of things, sweeps on to an inevitable conflict, that 
 they must indeed give the signal, but they contrive to do it 
 with especial"^ care for their own safety. Some few of them 
 have the courage and self-love to march on to the sacrifice ; 
 but the greater part become eclipsed, and never again make 
 their appearance. ■ It is only the conspirator who has become 
 fanatic by incessant excitements, who is full of faith in the 
 success which has been pointed out to him as certain, who 
 has confidence in his chiefs, while they on their part are 
 trembling in despair ; it is only the conspirator like this who 
 marches resolutely up to the attack. And this fact is so 
 invariably true that, on the occasion in question, several 
 examples of it were witnessed at the same time. Thus, 
 Lyons sought shelter under the right of self-defence, and 
 Paris intrenched herself behind the initiative of Lyons. At 
 Lyons they waited for the government to make the attack ; 
 and at Paris, they waited the movements of Lyons; the 
 hesitation of the leaders in both cases was the same. And 
 the reason is that the time for fine words in the clubs had 
 passed, and the shock of arms in the streets was to bring 
 quite other consequences with it. 
 
 As is always the case, the revolutionists of Lyons counted, 
 or affected to count, upon the regular troops, who were to 
 pass over to the revolt, and thus render the victory easy. 
 Such is one of the illusions of which the conspirators will 
 never be cured in proportion as experience points out its 
 puerility. We have already said, and may repeat it to 
 satiety, that our soldiers, with their rigid system of discipline, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. . 165 
 
 will, wlieii -well commanded, be always found opposed to 
 revolt. 
 
 Notwithstanding the resolution of fighting on the 9th, the 
 committee remained in a state of uncertainty which mani- 
 fested itself in a variety of ways. Although the powers of 
 the committee had received all the regularity possible, yet 
 this committee demanded a new election. We may suppose, 
 and perhaps without being too insolent, that more than one 
 of their number hoped that he would not be re-elected ; but 
 the hope proved fallacious, for they were all confirmed in 
 their functions. An indecision, moreover, existed in other 
 quarters besides among the chiefs of the Rights of Man; M. 
 Lagrange, the principal director of the Society of Progress, 
 also experienced a state of tergiversation ; his last word being 
 that the affair was a bad one, but that he would support it 
 since it had been undertaken. 
 
 On the 9th of April, the sections having been convoked, 
 and having for the watch-word Association, Courage, Resist- 
 ance, assembled in a mass in the vicinity of the palace of 
 justice. Several members of the committee were seen circu- 
 lating among the groups, and among others M. E. Baune. 
 Seeing his men full of the highest spirits, he thanked them 
 emphatically in the name of the democracy, which was about 
 to triumph. This done, M. Baune fell sick, and, returning 
 to his house, did not again make his appearance. 
 
 Soon after the mass of the insurrectionary forces had as- 
 sembled, the cry — ■" To arms !" arose, and without any other 
 prelimiuaries, all hands set to work at the barricades. A few 
 minutes afterwards the first reports of fire-arms were heard. 
 Three or four members of the committee were in a neighbor- 
 ing house in the act of deliberation, in which they found 
 great difficulty in coming to a resolution. Some one arrived 
 to tell them that the affair had commenced. " Be it so !" 
 said they ; " go and announce that the signal for the fight 
 has been given." They would have ordered a retreat if the 
 affair had not broken out of itself. The people, in such 
 cases, take their parts in a little more serious earnest than 
 their chiefs. 
 
166 . HISTOEY OF 
 
 The regular troops allowed but a short time of suspense 
 as to what their intentions were. Led on to the attack by 
 energetic officers, they did their duty without hesitation. 
 They were soon supported by a cannonade ; for the import- 
 ance of an expeditious repression was well understood. 
 Things were managed in such a manner that the invasicm 
 from the suburbs was driven back in all quarters, so that by 
 nightfall the insurgents retained only one position in the 
 city, that of the church of the Cordeliers. 
 
 This day's work was a warm one ; all the courage and 
 skill of the Generals Aymar, Fleury, and Buchet, and the 
 twenty thousand men whom they commanded, were put to 
 the test. The old means made use of by seditions were put 
 in practice by the revolutionists; a placard posted up in pro- 
 fusion, announced the proclamation of the Republic in Paris; 
 the flight of the king; the rising of the principal cities ; the 
 desertion of the troops ; the arrival of twenty thousand 
 Dauphinois, etc. Such impudent falsehoods as these are 
 always made use of on similar occasions, and always with 
 the same effect. Another odious species of tactics was also 
 brought in play ; some women, who were animated by the 
 ferocious fanaticism which such contests are calculated to 
 excite, formed breastworks of their persons at the cross- 
 streets, from behind which their husbands fired upon and 
 decimated the troops. Though the soldiers were trembling 
 with rage, they respected the extravagance of these mis- 
 guided women. It became necessary to enter the houses and 
 leave detachments there and also at the barricades ; for every 
 point which the troops abandoned was immediately taken 
 possessiop of by the insurrectionists. Neither chiefs nor di- 
 rection and concert of action was perceived ; nothing but 
 sinister animosity and desperate courage. 
 
 Driven from the city, the revolt returned to the suburbs, 
 which it aroused to the fight, and where it maintained for 
 three days more a second contest, which was as obstinate as 
 the first. Two cannons, of which it had taken possession, 
 were discharged from the heights of Fourvi^res upon the 
 quays of the Saone and the place of Bellecour. The in- 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 167 
 
 trepidity of the troops checked and repelled at every point 
 the sayage energy of the assailants. On the 12th, the troops 
 carried the several positions of the suburbs and the church 
 of the Cordeliers, the last formidable intrenchment of the 
 revolt. 
 
 It was at the Cordeliers that M. Lagrange figured ; and 
 by his costume, his attitude and his speeches, he produced 
 an effect the tendency of which was, especially, to render 
 conspicuous the superior part which he himself played. The 
 truth is that he gave a great many orders and threw himself 
 into a great agitation ; but his companions found that his air 
 was too much that of a conspirator of the stage, and paid but 
 little attention to him. One of the real commandants of the 
 position was M. Call^, a manufacturer of silk cord ; he had 
 nothing majestic in his manner; but he directed the defence 
 with a sombre sang froid and with a conscientiousness that 
 the troops will long remember. He remained at his post till 
 the last ; and, when the cannon had broken in the doors of 
 the church, taking refuge in the corners with a small band 
 of men as mad as himself, he still poured a shower of balls 
 upon his assailants. 
 
 Many other chiefs were remarked, who remained at the 
 head of their men during the combat; such as M. Ee- 
 verchon, at Vaise ; M. Despinasse, at the Guilloti^re, and 
 Messrs; Carrier and Gauthier at the Red Cross. As to Messrs. 
 Sylvain Court, Antide Martin, Albert, Hugon, and E. Baune, 
 the committee men on the part of the Eights of Man, and 
 who may be considered as the organizers of the revolt, not 
 a trace was seen of them wherever musket balls were to be 
 given or received. 
 
168 HISTOEY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE XYII. 
 
 The conspiracies of Luneville, Saint Etienne, Chalons, Clermont, GrenoWe, 
 Vieune, and Marseilles — The trials of April — The accused — Their de- 
 
 , fenders — The escape from Sainte Pelagic — Verdict — ^M. Marrast in prison 
 — An odious illumination — The revolt of the cells — An attempt to assassi- 
 nate M. Carrel. 
 
 A HUNDRED and thirty-one soldiers, including one colonel 
 and twelve other officers, were killed in the revolt of Lyons, 
 and one hundred and ninety-two were wounded. On the 
 part of the insurgents one hundred and seventy were killed, 
 the number of wounded remaining unknown. Such was the 
 funeral trophy of the Rights of Man in the second city of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The number of arrests amounted to four hundred, several 
 of whom were legitimists ; among others, M. Saint Genest 
 and the Abbey Noix, who were brought before the Court of 
 Peers. 
 
 The propagandism of the too famous society had extended 
 to many cities which had their sections and committees and 
 received their orders from Paris. Among the princpial affili- 
 ated societies we may mention those of Saint Etienne, led by 
 the Caussidi^re family ; that of Perpignan, directed by the 
 Aragos ; those of Arbois and Epinal, organized by Messrs. 
 Desperey and Mathieu ; that of Dijon, commanded by M. 
 James de Montry and Lieutenant Demay ; those of Clermont, 
 Marseilles, Grenoble, and Metz, of which Messrs. Trelat, Im- 
 bert, Saint Eotome, and Dornez were the chiefs ; and, in fine) 
 those of Luneville and Nancy, which had their nucleus in 
 four regiments of Cuirassiers, who garrisoned the department 
 of the Meurthe and the Vosges. 
 
 This latter conspiracy presented a particularly serious as- 
 pect on account of the military element which entered it. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 169 
 
 M. de Ludre, a deputy, had gone to Nancy to hurry on the 
 affair •with the quarter-masters Clement Thomas, Tricotel, 
 Bernard, and Eegnier ; but the law against associations inter- 
 vening, a council was held, the result of which was that the 
 four regiments should be carried away by the sergeants, and 
 marched to the assistance of the insurrection in Paris, raising 
 up the people as they went along. The quarter-masters 
 having courted popularity with their inferiors, fancied that 
 they had only to say the word in order to determine the 
 squadrons to a revolt ; but, unfortunately for them, their pro- 
 jects were known and their proceedings closely watched. 
 General Gusler sent for M. Thomas, and was satisfied with 
 merely addressing him a severe admonition ; but this was an 
 indulgence that the ambitious sergeant showed himself inca- 
 pable of appreciating. Several days afterwards, on the 16th 
 of April, a false report having been spread of a revolt of the 
 garrison of Effort, M. Thomas and his colleagues decided 
 upon the immediate execution of their plan. M. Tricotel 
 repaired to Nancy at a gallop to give the signal, while his 
 three accomplices went through the quarters, haranguing 
 the men, making the fine promises usual in such cases, and 
 never doubting that the whole would follow them. They 
 then assembled the quarter-masters, leading them out of the 
 city into a desert place, and made known to them their 'plan, 
 the means for carrying it into execution, and the magnificent 
 advantage to be derived from its success. The sergeants of 
 the 10th regiment flatly refused to have anything to do with 
 it ; others listened to it coldly, without disclosing their opin- 
 ions, and it was received favorably only by a few. The 
 leaders returned to the barracks, followed by their colleagues, 
 and prepared to mount their horses in order to take off the 
 regiments ; but this audacious attempt had already been car- 
 ried far enough. The chiefs of the corps, knowing what was 
 going on, had taken their measures ; and the places of resort 
 of the soldiers were filled with men who were on the look 
 out for the conspirators, and whom they seized at the first 
 order given by their officers. Instead of the triumphal pro- 
 cession which the rebels were expecting from their comrades, 
 
170 HISTORY OF 
 
 they received an escort by whicli they were conducted to 
 prison. 
 
 At Saint Etienne the reverberation of the movement of Ly- 
 ons was felt on the 11th and 12th of April. On the first day, 
 there were seen to defile before the Hotel de Yille, to the- 
 music of republican songs, various assemblages, amounting 
 to four thousand persons. They were miners and ribbon 
 weavers, who had become brigaded in the Rights of Man of 
 the place, and were thus responding to a general call. M. 
 Caussidi^re the elder, his two sons, and one of his daughters, 
 had organized the association; but M. Marc Caussidi^re 
 having been arrested in February on account of serious dis- 
 orders, had taken no part in the affair ; it was his father who 
 applied the match to the train, and his brother lost his life 
 by it. There was nothing heroic in this mob ; a few isolated 
 soldiers were knocked over ; an attack was made iipon a 
 manufactory of arms ; a few barricades were thrown up, and 
 this was all, except the pillaging of a few gunsmiths' shops, 
 and the breaking open the doors of a church. Not that the 
 crowd of poor workingmen, incited to disorder by the dema- 
 gogues, were not disposed to commit greater excesses, but 
 that order was restored by a few vigorous charges of cavalry. 
 On the 12th a few evidences of fermentation still existed, but 
 they* were easily suppressed. 
 
 Chalons-sur-Saone had, too, its Rights of Man, and must 
 also have a scene in the insurrectional drama. The section- 
 aries barricaded the bridge of the Sa6ne, and set to work 
 ringing the bells. At the same time theory "To arms!" was 
 raised through the city, and the Hotel-Dieu was taken pos- 
 session of. A single company of Voltigeurs launched against 
 the mobbers, put them to rout, and delivered the city. But 
 the society had its ramifications in the vicinity ; the com- 
 munes arose at the sound of the bells ; the mails were Stopped, 
 and a detachment of soldiers were pressed upon, and their 
 standard wrested fVom them and thrown into the fire — a 
 noble act ! Emissaries were dispatched into the environs, 
 announcing the triumph of the Lyonnais, and proclaiming 
 the republic to the country. Such proceedings as these con- 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 171 
 
 tinued until the 14tli, when the fall of Lyons heing officially 
 known, the chiefs of the Rights of Man took to flight, leaving 
 their men to the cares of Providence. 
 
 At Clermont-Ferrand, there was great agitation, great 
 speech making at the coffee-houses, and a great desire to do 
 something; but nothing was done. A single insensate act 
 exhibited the only evidence of democratic life in Auvergne, 
 and that act was committed by a drunken officer. Drawing 
 his sabre as the guard was filing by, he brandished it over 
 his head, and shouted — " Hurrah for the Eepublic !" 
 
 There were also faint attempts at sedition in Grenoble, 
 Vienne, and other cities in the environs of Lyons. The cries 
 of — "Hurrah for the Republic! To arms! Let- us fly to the 
 rescue of our brothers !" and other similar well-known cla- 
 mors were heard ; and to the cries succfeeded the pillaging of 
 a few shops, acts of violence against the agents of authority, 
 several discharges of fire-arms, and, in short, the usual details 
 of every mob. 
 
 M. Imbert, the principal chief of the Rights of Man, of 
 Marseilles, and the commandant of the Cougourde, a society 
 of scapegraces recruited from the dens of the city, showed 
 no disposition to be behindhand in attempts at disorder. 
 The committee of the Rights had published the following 
 declaration — " The Society of Marseilles binds itself, upon its 
 honor, to listen only to its conscience, and resist the law." 
 On the 14th, the Sovereign People, directed by M. Imbert, 
 gave forth one of those impudent bulletins which almost 
 every one knows by heart — "The king was besieged in the 
 Tuileries ; the queen and princesses had fled, and the troops 
 were passing over to the revolt." But all this was not enough 
 to move the people, and the patriots threw their last despe- 
 rate effort into a feeble appeal to arms, which fell without 
 an echo. 
 
 Since it was quite evident that all these movements were 
 of one and the same conspiracy, the machinery of which lay 
 in the Rights of Man, of Paris, the government decided to 
 unite all the cases in one single trial, and to bring them before 
 the Court of Peers. A detailed account of this formidable 
 
172 HISTOEY OP 
 
 affair does not lie within the plan of our work, but we give 
 a simple historical sketch of it, because of the persons who 
 figure in it, and whom we must follow in their route up to 
 the days of February. 
 
 The accused were not expecting, by any means, to limit 
 themselves to a mere ordinary defence ; on the contrary, they 
 intended to make a solemn and triumphant exposition of 
 their doctrines. With this view, they called to their aid, not 
 as advocates, but as assistants in their confession, all the re- 
 publicans of any notoriety. They came together from all the 
 four quarters of France ; and the truth might permit us to 
 saythat a great number of them ought to have come before 
 the High Tribunal in any other character than that of advo- 
 cates. Among the quota furnished by Paris to this army of 
 pretended defenders, we may distinguish the following per- 
 sons — Messrs. Barb^s, Blanqui, Flocon, Bergeron, Vignerte, 
 Martin Bernard, Buonarotti, Marc Dufraisse, Easpail, Charles 
 Teste, Grouvelle, Laponneraye, Latrade, Carrel, Dussard, 
 Hyppolite Fortoul, Charles Ledru, Ledru-Rollin, Pierre Le- 
 roux, Jean Reynaud, Voyer-d'Argenson, Carnot, Auguste 
 Comte, Dupont, Garnier-Pag^, F. G6rard, Lamennais, Lan- 
 drin, L'Heritier, Marie, Moulin, Ploque, Virmaitre, Vervoort, 
 Thomas, and Lebreton. 
 
 From the provinces, we find Messrs. Jules Favre, Degeorge, 
 Dorn^s, James de Montry, Michel (de Bourges), Trflat, Saint 
 Eomme, Joly, Coppens, Coralli, Demay, Senard, Antony 
 Thouret, and Voirhaye. 
 
 A committee of direction was formed in each of these two 
 categories ; that of Paris consisting of Messrs. Chilmann, G. 
 Cavaignac, Granger, Lebon, Marrast, Pichonnier, Guinard, 
 Vignerte, and Landolphe; and that of Lyons, of Messrs. 
 Tiphaine, Oaussidi^re, Martin, Taillefer, Baune, and La- 
 grange. 
 
 The design was to enlighten the court with an encyclo- 
 pedic exposition of democracy ; and, in order that the ques- 
 tions might be treated ex professo, a part was assigned to each. 
 To one was assigned the question of administration; to 
 another, problems in political- economy ; to another, philo- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 173 
 
 sophy; and to another, the politics of foreign relations. 
 These gentlemen deigned eyen to comprise the fine arts in 
 their programme ; and one of the accused was to give up 
 his lofty lucubrations on barricades and infernal machines, 
 and take to teaching the true principles of literature, science, 
 and art. 
 
 This beautiful plan, the object of which was to show the 
 great superiority of the republican party in everything, ex- 
 tended into a region which lay altogether beyond the juris- 
 diction of the High Court — it entered the regions of the 
 ridiculous; but a matter which came nearer home to the 
 court, was the solemnly declared intention, on the part of the 
 accused; to prosecute the judges themselves. The Court ot 
 Peers, however, would not submit to this inversion of parts ; 
 it decidedly declined acting on the defensive in the case, and 
 proceeded to assign attorneys to the accused. It was well 
 understood, moreover, that every member of the bar might 
 lend his assistance ; the main object of the Peers being to 
 check the very first effort that should be made, under a pre- 
 tence of sacred right, to outrage the law and glorify revolt. 
 Complaints, clamors, and protestations, burst out on all sides 
 at the announcement of this decision ; both counsel and ac- 
 cused declaring that they would not offer any defence. This 
 resolution, however, was not generally followed ; for several 
 of the accused wished to make a figure before the court; and 
 some of the advocates, who hoped to produce an effect, urged 
 warmly that there should be both defence and defenders. Of 
 this number was M. Lagrange, a man who has always con- 
 ceived his political part in a picturesque point of view, and 
 also M. Jules Favre, who has never allowed an occasion to pass 
 without giving one of those peculiarly bilious speeches, for 
 the concocting of which he seems to have the special recipe. 
 
 By permission, the accused and their counsel held a large 
 meeting at Sainte Pdlagie, at which it was decided that the 
 Eepublic must not yield, and that the court must be forced 
 to admit the defence, as proposed by the republicans. M. " 
 Ledru-RoUin, who at that time was but little known, opposed 
 this decision, and M. Michel Jjde Bourges), whose reputation 
 
174 HISTORY OF 
 
 -was already made, sustained it. M. Jules Favre having de- 
 clared himself, with his usual benevolence, for the minority, 
 the advocate of Bourges, who was not a whit behind him in 
 amenity of manner, replied in such terms that the two black 
 gowns came very near tearing each other to pieces. 
 
 In the midst of such proceedings as these the trial com- 
 menced. The colossal proportions of the affair had required 
 an examination of thirteen months, and the accused were 
 not called to the bar until the 5th of May, 1835. The vari- 
 ous names upon the docket amounted to a hundred and 
 twenty one ; the principal of which were as follows : Messts. 
 Cavaignac, Marrast, Guinard, Eecurt, Kersausie, Clement 
 Thomas, Berryer- Fontaine, de Ludre, Lagrange, Baune, Ee- 
 verchon, Caussidi^re, N. Lebon, Vignerte, Landolphe, Maille- 
 fer, Math^ Imbert, Delente, .Villain, Mathieu (d'Epinal), 
 Crevat, Beaumont, Pornin, Chilmann, and Chancel. 
 
 The Parisians refused to respond ; but those from Lyons 
 joined issue; and dramatic protestations and scenes of 
 violence occurred which are too well known to be repeated. 
 In order to maintain the dignity of justice, the court was 
 obliged to disunite the cases ; and the accused from Lyons 
 were sentenced first. During this time the Parisians, who 
 were imprisoned in Sainte P^lagie, were making preparations 
 for an escape, the success of which delivered them from their 
 embarrassment ; and there are reasons for believing that the 
 government was not inconsolable for their loss. 
 
 With respect to this escape we may give a characteristic 
 fact. Before the arrival of the Lyonnais in Paris, two of 
 their number, finding the watch over them not very strict, 
 took advantage of the occasion and ran away. The severe 
 republicans of Paris published a proclamation against this 
 disloyalty, in which they said that "it was Unworthy 
 republicans, to shun the discussion of the trial." This pro- 
 duction was signed : Marrast, GTiinard, Cavaignac, Berryer- 
 Fontaine, N". Lebon, Landolphe, Vignerte, Delente, Lecomte, 
 Tichonnier, Crevat, Delaquis, and Caillet. Now all these 
 gentlemen were of the number who afterwards made their 
 escape from Sainte Pelagic ; ^nd on leaving their prison 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 175 
 
 they published an article in whicli 'were the following words: 
 " It is time that men of heart should render oppression vain 
 and ridiculous by evading its pursuit." Explain, who can, 
 how the same men considered it on one day disloyal to shun 
 discussion, and on the next, pretended that one should rea- 
 der oppression ridiculous by escaping it. 
 
 The general verdict which was rendered on the 13th of 
 August, against the contumacious, as well as against those 
 present, sentenced, to deportation Messrs. Cavaignac, Gui- 
 nard, Marrast, de Ludre, Kersausie, Berryer-Fontaine, C. 
 Thomas, N. Lebon, Vignerte, Delente, Beaumont, BauTie, 
 Eeverchon, Antide, Martin, Albert, and Hugon; to impri- 
 sonment for twenty years, Messrs. Lagrange and Bernard; 
 to imprisonment for ten years, Messrs. Caussidi^re, Lan- 
 dolphe, Math^ Stiller, and Tricotel, and others, to penalties 
 less severe. 
 
 The insurrection and the trial of April, together, had dis- 
 persed the famous society of the Bights of Man ; but before 
 expiring, the fragments of the serpent were to writhe in a 
 few desperate convulsions. 
 
 During the examination of the cases, privileges of all 
 kinds had been granted to the prisoners of Sainte Pelagic ; 
 they were permitted the free access of wives, parents, and 
 friends ; they were suffered to go at large upon their parole, 
 and even festivities were tolerated, by which the republicans 
 of Lacedemon would have been somewhat scandalized. 
 Their prison had something of the appearance of a hotel. 
 Everybody there rotted, if they rotted at all, upon very good 
 beds instead of the humid straw, and from morning till night 
 they feasted with their friends, who brought them loads of 
 provisions. M. Marrast, especially, managed to support the 
 af&ictions of his captivity by a nourishment highly flavored 
 with truffes, aqd moistened with champagne ; a circumstance 
 which the brothers who were less delicately fed viewed with 
 a sinister eye, and a terribly envious mouth. But as the 
 illustrious editor of the Tribune troubled himself very little 
 about these little men, and gormandized with an insolent air 
 under their very eyes, he came at length to be hated by them 
 
176 HISTORY OF 
 
 SO cordially, that they promised him a good lamp-post in the 
 future republic. It is from this circumstance that may be 
 dated that implacable hatred which the patriots have since 
 vowed against this personage ; a hatred which isolated him 
 in exile, which has followed him to the National, and which 
 has certainly not abated since the days of February. 
 
 The prisoners of Sainte Pelagic, then, accused of having 
 organized and attempted the subversion of France ; of hav- 
 ing commanded the fratricidal contest of Paris, and origi- 
 nated that of Lyons, crimes the most heinous of all others, 
 ought, one would suppose, to have shown some acknowledg- 
 ment to the government for the consideration with which 
 they were treated ; but not at all ; on the contrary, too little 
 was done for them ; they must have the delicate attentions 
 due to unfortunate princes. Such are the habitual preten- 
 sions of conspirators; the greater the crimes which they 
 commit, the greater is the regard which they expect to have 
 shown them. And some of the men at the head of the de- 
 partments of government appear to humor these pretensions. 
 It is true that the outcries of the demagogic journals are 
 calculated to frighten functionaries of a timid nature; but 
 then, there should be no reasonable objection against apply- 
 ing to the anarchists those principles of equality of which 
 they say themselves they are so very fond, and regarding, 
 whatever may be the person concerned, a crime as a crime, 
 and a criminal as a criminal. Besides, partiality in such 
 cases as these generally springs from an unworthy sentiment. 
 It is said that no one can tell, in such tempestuous times, 
 when he himself may not be pursued in his turn and given 
 up to reprisals. And it is thus that individual character be- 
 comes lost; cowardly circumspection and distrust of one's 
 rights and strength constitute the main force of the enemy, 
 and render revolutions eternal. 
 
 "We have just given an idea of the indulgence which was 
 shown towards the chiefs of the Rights of Man ; and it will 
 now be seen in what appreciation this indulgence was held 
 by them, and by what noble conduct they relieved them- 
 selves of their sufferings during their captivity. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 177 
 
 On the 20th of May, during the examination of the causes, 
 General Lafayette died, and the republicans, in accordance 
 with the precedent established in the case of M. Casimir Per- 
 rier, illuminated their cells ! One of the newspapers having 
 maintained that this indignity had called forth a protest from 
 some of the prisoners, M. Vignerte indignantly declared this 
 assertion to be false, and ntiaintained that the manifestation 
 was an honorable act, in which all the prisoners gloried at 
 having taken a part. But M. Vignerte, however, was boast- 
 ing of a falsehood ; for there were men of heart among his 
 comrades whom he volmiteered to gratify with an act of 
 cowardice ; but such was the feverish excitement of the times 
 that no one paid any attention to it. 
 
 Some time afterwards, the prisoners made one of those 
 often repeated requests which had the appearance of shame- 
 less effrontery. No reply was made to it, and immediately 
 these gentlemen proceeded to revolt ; they shut themselves 
 up in the corridors, broke np their furniture, and set the 
 fragments on fire. The agents of the public force arrived 
 and ordered the disturbers of the peace to be quiet; but they 
 were answered with bravados and insults. But such mad- 
 men as these had to be reduced to submission, and the Mu- 
 nicipal Guards received orders to load their arms. This 
 brought the patriots to their senses, and they became quiet, 
 with the reservation of amply revenging themselves through 
 the columns of the newspapers. The Tribune, that fury 
 which had been silenced only for a moment, and which had 
 just begun its vociferations again, exhausted a whole voca- 
 bulary of outrages against M. Gisquet for the guilt of not 
 having abandoned Sainte Pelagic to revolt. A man who has 
 since been called to the prefectureship of police, but who has 
 shown no evidence of an ability to comprehend its duties, M. 
 Gervais (de Caen), a mediocre and venomous busy-body, de- 
 clares, in a speech full of absurdities, that the police had pro- 
 voked the prisoners, and had formed the infernal scheme of 
 renewing upon them the massacres of September. 
 
 Manifestations by means of candles had become all the 
 vogue. On the 21st of January, 1835, the prisoners decidedl 
 12 
 
178 HISTORY OF 
 
 to celebrate tlie death of Gapet by a general illumination. 
 M. Carrel, who had been recently condemned for contempt of 
 court, and who was confined among the prisoners of April, 
 refused to take any part in such a cynical display. The 
 epithets of coxcomb, yellow-glove, and aristocrat, were lav- 
 ished upon him by the Purists ; and not content with insults, 
 they rushed to his chamber swearing that they would hang 
 him, and had not the keepers arrived, they would have assassi- 
 nated a man of heart, whose crime consisted in having 
 brought a blush to the cheeks of wretches who were a disgrace 
 to his party. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVIII. 
 
 still another inob^M. Easpail and M. Gisqnet — The complot of Neuilly 
 — The Chaveau family — The attempt of Fieschi — M. Recurt and Pepin 
 — The part played by the Rights of Man. 
 
 The scene of the drama presented by the Rights of Man in 
 prison has been exhibited. Those who had escaped justice 
 were to display the last agonies of the association, with still 
 more violent contortions. 
 
 The arrest or flight of the chiefs had brought a complete 
 disorganizati6n upon the sections ; only a few groups, which 
 had scarcely been able to reform themselves, preserved their 
 hopes and sought a new occasion for revolt. It was one of 
 these fractions that during the trial had excited a mob in the 
 boulevards of Saint Denis and Saint Martin. During a space 
 of four days, there were assemblages of persons who, growing 
 bolder by degrees, finally proceeded to the throwing up of 
 barricades. A grand cordon was drawn by the authorities 
 around the sectionaries, and three hundred of their number 
 were taken at one swoop — a species of sweepstakes that dis- 
 gusted the others and restored peace to the quarter. 
 
 As usual, the mob was attributed to the police. A news- 
 paper had been established some time previously with the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 179 
 
 name of The Reformer, of which M. Easpail was the editor 
 in chief. This man has always had a monomania on the sub- 
 ject "of the police ; he saw spies everywhere ; and even -the 
 honest M. Dupoty, his fellow collaborator, was more than 
 once the object of his suspicions. One day, finding some- 
 thing suspicious in a person who entered his office, he seized 
 him by the shoulders and brutally ejected him from the 
 door ; but the person in question happened to be a worthy 
 man, who had merely come to pay his subscription. M. 
 Easpail labored assiduously through the columns of his 
 paper to prove the excessive ignorance of his confederates 
 on the subject of chemistry, and to denounce the perpetual 
 provocations which were given by the police. Did two 
 drunken men fight in the streets, or some old woman an- 
 nounce a new scandal, the' Reformer immediately saw a 
 machination of the police in it. True to his system, M. 
 Easpail peremptorily declared, and offered to prove, that the 
 disorders of the boulevards had been the work of the prefect 
 of police. M. Gisquet took him at his word, and gave him 
 an opportunity of exhibiting his proofs at the correctional 
 police; but the great man could not, it would appear, furnish 
 his proofs as peremptorily as he had his assertions ; for he 
 was sentenced to a three months' imprisonment and a fine of 
 three thousand francs. 
 
 The disturbances occasioned by the trial of April were a 
 mere ordinary mob. The old style of agitation which had 
 been so often resorted to since the days of July, was hence- 
 forth to lose its attractiveness ; and we shall see hereafter 
 only faint traces of its recurrence. But in the place of grand 
 attacks, made in open day and in battle array, we shall see 
 attempts at regicide which, in their turn also, became peri- 
 odical. The Rights of Man, before finally making its dis- 
 appearance, added to its other lofty exploits two of the^e 
 abominable attempts. 
 
 Among the sections which had escaped the rout of April, 
 there was a group of reckless men who had for their chiefs 
 Messrs. Charles, and Gabriel Cbaveau, the latter of whom had 
 already been implicated in the disorders of July, 1833. 
 
180 HISTORY OF 
 
 These two wretches drew together several meetings in which 
 the assassination of the king, after mature delil)eration, was 
 decided to be a holy and necessary act, and one to which 
 they ought to devote their efforts. The two brothers 
 Chaveau, one of whom' was nineteen and the other seven- 
 teen years of age, had for their accomplices Messrs. Huillerie, 
 Huber, Husson, Leroy, Leglantine, Delont, Combes, Dulac, 
 Duval, and Boireau, whose ages were about as respectable as 
 those of their chiefs, and all whom were poor workingmen 
 who had received their political education from the Tribune 
 and other publications at two cents a piece. To these must 
 be added Madam Chaveau the mother, the Cornelia of the 
 suburbs, who was proud of the schemes of her sons, in which 
 she became an abettor. Such were the characters of the per- 
 sons who pretended to the right of changing the destinies of 
 France by the perpetration of an execrable crime. It would 
 be puerile, perhaps, to discover in a scheme like this, con- 
 ceived by such men, any other motive than that infernal thirst 
 for celebrity which has nailed the name of Brostratus to the 
 pillory of history ; but whatever the detestable motive may 
 have been, it is certain that the plan was seriously contem- 
 plated. 
 
 It was agreed that the assassins should take up a position 
 upon the road to Neuilly, and that when the king should 
 pass, they were to rush upon the carriage, cut the traces, and 
 then massacre the royal family with the pistol and dagger. 
 
 On the day appointed for the deed, every one was at his 
 post. They had informed themselves of the hour at which 
 the king would go out, of the road which he habitually fol- 
 lowed, and they were waiting for him, armed to the teeth. 
 But an emissary was sent to inform them that the king had 
 taken another route. Hence, all they had to do was to return 
 to Paris, which they did, with a bravado air, like men who 
 had compelled the enemy to give way, and who were confi- 
 dent of better success the next time. In order not to be dis- 
 appointed in the second attempt, they resolved to lie in wait 
 for the carriage upon the Place de la Concorde, and to attack 
 it at the moment when about to enter upon one of the three 
 roads leading into the Champs Elysdes. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 181 
 
 On the day and hour fixed, the assassins -were again at the 
 rendezvous. Whilst they were taking up their positions, 
 the king, on his part, though informed of everything, but 
 unwilling to believe in such bloody designs from a band of 
 boys, or perhaps being determined to face the danger, entered 
 his carriage in spite of the supplications of his family and 
 his ofiicers. The queen, having tried in vain to conquer his 
 resolution, resolved at least to share his danger, and placed 
 herself by his side. M. Thiers, who as minister of the in- 
 terior was the first guardian of the public safety, having en- 
 deavored to dissuade the august couple from a serious im- 
 prudence, solicited the honor of accompanying them. 
 
 The carriage took its departure with the ordinary escort, 
 the only difference being that the horsemen by whom it was 
 surrounded were prepared to give the assailants a warm re- 
 ception. One of the assailants seeing the approach of the 
 carriage, made a sign to the others to show that the decisive 
 moment had come. Some of them rapidly advanced, others 
 were more slow, and others still appeared to pretend that 
 they had not seen the signal. They who were nearest turned 
 back towards the others in order to hasten their arrival ; and 
 these did the same towards those who were behind them ; 
 they waited reciprocally for each other ; they called upon 
 each other in the hardest of terms, and, in short, gave time 
 to allow the carriage to pass by. 
 
 This miserable result of such a proudly conceived plan 
 was not calculated to soothe the exacerbation of the conspira- 
 tors. The design was still maintained, and a few days after- 
 wards, in a new meeting at the house of Dame Chaveau, 
 another plan of regicide was brought upon the carpet. The 
 police had finally been able to penetrate the mysteries of 
 this complot ; it got wind of the conventicle and sent its 
 agents there. They found the doors barred, and had to force 
 their way in. They found in the lodgings Messrs. Huber, 
 Husson, Leroy, Huillerie and the Dame Chaveau, whom they 
 thought it their duty to take away. In the mean time, M. 
 Charles Chaveau had made his appearance, and he was seized 
 and placed among his companions, whom he assailed with 
 
182 HISTORY OF 
 
 bitter invectives, reproacliing them for having allowed them- 
 selves to be taken like a set of cowards. The truth is, these 
 gentlemen had the means of defending themselves ; for there 
 were found not long after, under a bed, a dozen of loaded 
 pistols, together with daggers, muskets, and ammunition. 
 The reproaches of M. Charles having stirred up his compan- 
 ions, the whole band, Madame Chaveau included, raised a 
 clamor of patriotic vociferations, interlarded with couplets of 
 the song of the departure, and hurrahs for the Eepublic 1 — a 
 deplorable spectacle, which caused the agents of the police 
 to hurry off the furious fools as soon as possible. 
 
 M. Gabriel Chaveau, who remained at liberty, and who 
 wished to show that if he were arrested it would not be with- 
 out a cause, continued his preparations, and made the acqui- 
 sition of a little barrel of powder, which he was to throw into 
 the carriage of the king. Mister Gabriel and his barrel were 
 taken and snugly stowed away in a safe place. 
 
 Five of these wretches were condemned to severe and well- 
 merited punishment. 
 
 But of all the lofty achievements of the Bights of Man, 
 the one which we are about to give caps the climax. 
 
 It will be remembered that in the > affairs of June, 1832, 
 there was a merchant of the suburb Saint Antoine, by the 
 name of Pepin, who had made his house a place of arms for 
 the insurrection. This man- had never ceased his conspira- 
 cies from that time, and although a timid and irresolute cha- 
 racter, he had always mingled with the most violent of the 
 revolutionists. He belonged to the Society of Action of M. 
 Kersausie, and owed his escape to the insignificance of the 
 position which he occupied in the conspiracy ; he was not, 
 however, a mere common member ; for a group of some im- 
 portance obeyed his orders. Finding the association de- 
 stroyed and the patriots demoralized, and perceiving that 
 the time for opeii attacks had passed, he concluded that some 
 extraordinary event' was alone capable of re-awaking the 
 party, and restoring the fortune of the Eepublic. And of all 
 extraordinary events, the assassination of the king appeared 
 to him the most admirable. This idea had taken root in his 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 183 
 
 mind, and was germinating there, when one of his comrades, 
 a sectionary like himself, came to see him one day, and dis- 
 closed a plan of regicide which seemed safe and infallible. 
 The safety of the plan was a consideration of importance ; for 
 though Pepin was an approved patriot, yet his courage had 
 its moments of relapse, and this fact his friend knew very 
 well. This friend was no less a person than Morey, the har- 
 ness-maker — a mere fragment of a man, used up by age and 
 infirmity, but in which there survived an organization of 
 iron animated by a fanatic devotion to the work of destruc- 
 tion. Fieschi, a rascal by profession, had addressed himself 
 to this old man a few days previously, and offered to place 
 ht his disposal a bloody machine, of which he was the in- 
 ventor. Fieschi confessed that, having lost his honor, and 
 being without resources, he was ready to sacrifice his life in 
 any great political enterprise : all that he asked, he said, was 
 to be provided with the means of action and money enough 
 for his subsistence until the' moment of execution. There 
 was no doubt, indeed, of his willingness to hazard his life, 
 but still, he exhibited certain evidences of a leanins: towards 
 safety, and even of ambition, which did not escape the eye of 
 old Morey, but which the old man resolved, in his own mind, 
 should not haunt the party after the deed was done. 
 
 As soon as Pepin was informed of the plan, he consented 
 to it without hesitation. The old Corsican, whose plan they 
 accepted, was sent for, and the oath, under pain of death, 
 was taken by the three conspirators. An occasion soon 
 offered itself: the king was to hold a review on the 29th of 
 July, the anniversary of the Three Days, and it was decided 
 that the crime should be committed during the ceremony. 
 
 Pepin immediately took his measures for forewarning the 
 revolutionists. He set out for the departments ; visited the 
 principal chiefs of the association, and, without disclosing the 
 complot, gave them to understand that an important event 
 was about to take place, which would render their concur- 
 rence necessary. On returning to Paris, he took into his 
 confidence several eminent chiefs of the Rights of 3Ian, and 
 among others his particular friend, M. Kecurt, with whom he 
 
184 HISTOEY OF 
 
 often shared his table. The whole plan, as well as the names 
 of the accomplices, ■ was known by this ex-minister of the 
 provisional government; the confessions of Pepin, made at 
 an hour when there is no longer a motive for lying, attest the 
 fact. It was at night, after the first glass of wine, that the 
 execrable machination was confided to M. Recurt, with the 
 offer of a part in it ; but finding the game a little too rude 
 for his liking, he declined. In so doing, he followed the rules 
 of prudence ; but what a terrible reckoning have not social 
 probity and the cause of humanity to demand of M. Eecurt 
 for not having denounced the assassins? What! he look on 
 and see the match of Fieschi lighting in the dark, and make 
 no effort to arrest the wretch who, at the time and place ap- 
 pointed, piled his heap of corpses upon the pavement ! M. 
 Recurt has not been called to the bar of justice, it is true, 
 but men of heart and of loyalty remember him. This repub- 
 lican, who has been one of the chiefs of government, and 
 expects to become so again, authorizes the destruction of his 
 enemies by means of assassination. 
 
 Some of the fragments of the Rights of Man formed, at this 
 period, a new association, which took the name of the Society 
 of the Families. Of this society, Messrs. Blanqui and Barb^s 
 were the principal chiefs. Pepin became connected with 
 these conspirators, to whom also he imparted his secret. It 
 will bg easily credited that Messrs. Blanqui and Barb^s had 
 not the scruples of the physician of the suburb Saint Antoine, 
 and that they, therefore, went much further than the mere 
 omission of denouncing the assassins. In anticipation of the 
 success of the plan, they had even prepared a proclamation, 
 which was subsequently found at the house of M. Barb^s, 
 and which was in his handwriting. It was a monstrous spe- 
 cimen of demagogism, in which occurred, by way of a sum- 
 mary, the following atrocious phrase — "People, bare your 
 arms, and thrust them up to the shoulder into the entrails of 
 your executioners!" Fieschi, it was evident, was dealing 
 with men who understood him. 
 
 Others still were admitted into the complot; and it is 
 believed that M. Godefroy Cavaignac was of the number. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 185 
 
 It was to him, gt least, ttat Pepin was directed for getting 
 the principal parts of the machine. The plan was, it will be 
 remembered, to adjust twenty-five, musket barrels upon a 
 frame in such a manner that they could all be discharged at 
 once by a train of powder. M. Cavaignac, whom Pepin 
 went to see in Sainte Pelagie, had still several depots of arms 
 under his control, which had been collected for the use of the 
 Bights of Man. He gave an evasive answer at first, but 
 finally decided not to furnish the muskets. 
 
 Whether the knowledge of the intended crime came from 
 M. Cavaignac, who might have been informed of it, or from 
 whatever other source, it is certain that the prisoners of the 
 Bights of Man, who were in Saint Pelagie, were advised, 
 generally, of an expected catastrophe, which might possibly 
 change their destiny. It is not improbable that this informa- 
 tion had as much to do with their escape as the desire of 
 eluding justice; at all events, it had something to do with 
 the delay which the fugitives made in leaving France. This 
 delay could not be sufficiently explained by the difficulties 
 in the way of fiight; and what other cause could it have than 
 the hope of profiting by an expected event ? This opinion 
 is strengthened by a simple comparison of dates ; it was the 
 11th of July that the prisoners made their escape, and it was 
 the 28th that the attempt at assassination took place. 
 
 As Pepin had not been able to get the musket barrels from 
 M. Cavaignac, he gave money to Fieschi to buy them ; he 
 then provided himself with the wood necessary for the frame, 
 and had the whole carried to the garret of the house No. 50, 
 boulevard of the Temple, where Fieschi had taken lodgings, ■ 
 under the name of Girard. Fieschi set to work in putting 
 up his instrument of carnage, and while thus employed, he 
 was visited by the old harness-maker, who looked on with a 
 stoical regard, making now and then some malignant remark 
 calculated to stimulate the Corsican in his diabolical reso- 
 lution. The musket barrels were soon incased in solid pieces 
 of wood, and fixed in the window, ready to execute their 
 terrible ofiice. The train of powder was tried, and all that 
 remained was to fix the aim. For this purpose, Pepin de- 
 
186 HISTORY OF 
 
 cided upon admitting a fourth accomplice, and M. Boireau, 
 who was then being prosecuted for the affair of Neuilly, rode 
 along the boulevard of the Temple on horseback, so as to 
 give Fieschi an, opportunity for pointing his machine. This 
 was done on the 27th. On the evening of that day — the eve 
 of the day supreme, Morey went to the house No. 50, and 
 passed the night in loading the musket barrels. He showed 
 himself very skilful at this business, and endeavored to 
 accomplish it in such a way as not to be deceived in his ex- 
 pectations. These were double ; first and above all he wished 
 to exterminate the royal family, and then, from the loftiest 
 considerations of prudence, he had thought proper to involve 
 the Corsican in the same massacre. This supplement of vic- 
 tims was to be effected by a certain irregularity, which he 
 had calculated in loading the barrels. This old Morey was 
 not one of your mere fanciful conspirators ; he plied his trade 
 with reflection and conscience ; and hence, we are not to be 
 astonished at the homage which has been paid by the patriots 
 to that precious head of his, which dropped so piteously into 
 the willow basket. One of the great citizens of the republic 
 of those days, M. Marc Dufraisse, now a representative of the 
 people, declared on the day following the execution, that the 
 patriot press had been guilty of the most decided cowardice, 
 in not highly extolling the butchery of the 28th of July, and 
 the heroism of the assassins who executed it, especially of 
 Morey — " that heroic old man, so sublime in the act which 
 he premeditated, so sublime at the bar; that old man, so hrave^ 
 so good, so generous, who died without the stupid crowd 
 .deigning him a single word of admiration!" 
 
 Limited to four accomplices and a few chiefs of the Rights 
 of Man, the complot did not reach the ears of the police until 
 the morning of the 28th; it was then partly divulged by an 
 indiscretion of M. Boireau. But notwithstanding the most 
 careful and vigilant investigations, no discoveries were made; 
 and as the indications that had been given were of the 
 vaguest kind, it was judged unnecessary to countermand the 
 review. The report which had been received on the even- 
 ing previous referred to the boulevard Saint Martin as the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 187 
 
 place where the crime was to be committed ; and the re- 
 searches were confined to a minute examination of that 
 quarter. 
 
 The king, surrounded by his sons, set out for the review, 
 and began the inspection of the National Guards. When 
 arrived at the boulevard Saint Martin, there was a suspense 
 of the heart throughout the cortege, and a redoubled vigi- 
 lance on the part of the police ; but nothing noticeable oc- 
 curred, and everything passed-off well. When, therefore, 
 the cortege had reached the summit of the slight ascent in 
 the boulevard of the Temple, every one began to breathe 
 more freely. But all of a sudden, from a window that had 
 just been unmasked, there poured forth a volume of smoke, 
 accompanied with a discharge of fire-arms that crackled like 
 a platoon of musketry, and at the same moment there was a 
 fall of corpses all around the king, who, with his sons, had 
 miraculously escaped. 
 
 The masterpiece of demagogism had thus been accomplished. 
 The society of the Rights of ifaii. had given this time a 
 clear and unmistakable expression of its sentiments; its 
 true, ultimate, practical tendency was at length attained, viz: 
 assassination, destruction in mass, indiscriminate butchery ! — 
 a terrible species of logic, but just the kind which must in 
 evitably be made use of by those men, who, led on from 
 error to error, finally come to believe that society belongs to 
 them, and that they have the- right to get possession of it by 
 any and every means that lie in their way. 
 
 Whilst that old demon Morey was fastening himself upon 
 Fieschi till the very last moment, surrounding him with his 
 baneful fascination, and nailing him, as it were, to his machine, 
 four of the barrels of which had been loaded for the especial 
 benefit of Fieschi himself, Pepin was hurrying through the 
 suburbs of Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau, assembling the 
 sectionaries and preparing them to rush into the streets at the 
 news of success, and to raise the cry of revolt over the 
 corpse of the king. But the crowd which had scattered itself 
 through the thousand avenues of the capital, soon spread 
 the report of the safety of the royal family, and the con- 
 
188 HISTORY OF 
 
 spirator, .seized with fear, abandoned his men and ran to 
 hide himself in some retreat which he had prepared for the 
 emergeacy. 
 
 The rest is well known; the three principal accomplices 
 were guillotined, and the fourth condemned to an imprison- 
 ment of twenty years. 
 
 But what may not be so generally ktiown, is that the day 
 after this republican massacre, which indiscriminately cut off 
 a marshal of France, one general, several superior officers of 
 the National Guards, an old man, a young girl of 16 years, a 
 poor laborer, etc. — one of the demagogic papers, one of those 
 hideous things which ought to be destroyed, like so many 
 vipers or wolves, published in a cheery vein the ■ unqualifia- 
 ble lines which run as follows : "It is a beautiful evening; 
 and everybody, divided between perfect indifference or idle 
 curiosity as to the accident of yesterday, is out enjoying its 
 attractions." 
 
 But notwithstanding this indifference or curiosity, there 
 were sensible patriots to be found, who were ready the next 
 day, if not on that very beautiful evening itself, to charge 
 the government with cannibalism, should it refuse to set at 
 liberty the friends and colleagues of the assassins of General 
 de Brea. 
 
 The Rights of Man gave up the ghost in this sea of blood 
 which it had caused to flow in the boulevard of the Temple. 
 Two months previously, the Tribune had succumbed under a 
 repetition of prosecutions which had been accumulating for 
 a period of twenty years. It is our opinion that every regu- 
 lar system of government ought always to have the right of 
 destroying at once such papers as those which were issued 
 by Messrs. Marrast, Sarrut and company ; for when a mad 
 dog makes his appearance in the streets, he is killed without 
 mercy ; but hydrophobial papers are much worse than mad 
 dogs, since they are biting every day, and extending their 
 madness to thousands of people. 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 189 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The laws of September — Their necessity — Bad newspapers do more harm 
 than good ones do good — It is not true that the shutting up of the clubs 
 induces secret societies — The folly of unrestricted liberty. 
 
 The establishment and the proceedings of the Rights of 
 Man having been carried on in open day, the law against 
 associations, which had been passed for the express object of 
 preventing this scandal, had driven the sections into the 
 streets, and thus effected their dissolution, as is always the 
 case after a resort to arms in which the chiefs are either 
 seized or dispersed. Hence, rigorously speaking, the famous 
 association could not be called a secret one'. Although many 
 of its acts bore the character of conspiracies, yet it was found 
 that the law, or its interpreters at least, authorized these acts 
 and permitted men who were organized and armed for the 
 purpose of revolt, to style themselves simply men of oppo- 
 sition; an intolerable mockery which ought never again to 
 be repeated. In consequence of the recent legislation, the 
 conspirators were forced to adopt the forms of strict secrecy. 
 Henceforward we shall see no more well-known chiefs stalk- 
 ing across the stage, no newspapers which become the Moni- 
 tors of conspiracy, no special pamphlets for the benefit of the 
 sectionaries, no noisy propagandism, no initiations without 
 examination ; but everything is to become severe, mysterious, 
 and surrounded with precautions. And to such a degree of 
 perfection was this mystery carried, that four years after- 
 wards, in May, 1839, when the Seasons made their irruption 
 upon Paris, the National, a republican newspaper, was wholly 
 ignorant of the existence of this republican conspiracy, and 
 taken perfectly by surprise by it. 
 
 The new phase which was about to be assumed by the 
 
190 HISTORY OF 
 
 new societies will be especially observable in the absolute 
 circumspection whicli was to be imposed upon the members, 
 a circumspection which was never to be omitted even in 
 presence of the neophytes ; and also in the ceremonies which 
 were to be observed, in the act of initiation. A difference 
 will also be remarked with respect to orders of the day and 
 other printed communications which are to be prohibited. 
 In other respects, as to the personality of the societies, that 
 must remain the same for some time to come, that is to say, 
 it must be drawn chiefly from the ambitious and turbulent 
 youth of the middle classes. It is a remarkable fact that the 
 conspirators who have been occupied since 1830 in remodel- 
 ing France in the name of the working classes, had never 
 derived their support or soldiery from those classes. Among 
 the Friends of the People there was not a single blouse ; and 
 in the Rights of Man, with the exception of those who were 
 recruited from among the Mutualists of Lyons, there were 
 but a very few. And this fact may serve both to explain 
 the total routs which the republican faction has so often met 
 with, and illustrate the good faith of those pretended, bene- 
 factors who presume to speak on behalf of men by whom 
 they are not recognized. 
 
 We must not forget, before resuming our narrative, to 
 refer to a political event of importance, which naturally 
 followed the exploit of Fieschi ; we allude to the vote upon 
 those laws which are called the laws of September. Three 
 bills were brought in by M. Persil, one of them authorizing 
 the ministry, in matters of crime against the state, to establish 
 as many tribunals as might be judged necessary, and permit- 
 ting the procurors-general to abridge the formalities in 
 bringing cases to a decision. It also authorized the presiding 
 judges of these tribunals to send away by force all such 
 accused persons as should disturb the proceedings, and pro- 
 ceed against them in their absence. Another of the bills 
 provided that the vote in future should be secret, and that 
 the number of votes necessary to a sentence should be 
 reduced from eight to seven. The third bill declared 
 punishable with imprisonment and a fine from 10,000 to 
 
BEOEET SOCIETIES. 191 
 
 50,000 francs, every attack, by means of publications, against 
 the king and the basis of the government. It prohibited 
 every one from styling himself a republican, from mingling 
 the name of the king in political discussions, from publishing 
 the names of the jurors otherwise than as given in the reports 
 of the proceedings, from disclosing the deliberations of the 
 jury, from getting up subscriptions in favor of condemned 
 newspapers, from giving signatures in blank on the part of 
 the managers of these papers, from exposing, publishing or 
 offering for sale drawings, emblems, engravings, and litho- 
 graphs, and from exhibiting theatrical representations with- 
 out the sanction of the authorities. To these bills the 
 chambers added some amendments with regard to attacks 
 upon property and want of respect for the laws, and then 
 passed them without hesitation. It was moreover decided 
 that the bail, in future, for a daily paper of Paris, should be 
 increased from 48,000 to 100,000 francs, and that the 
 manager should be a bona fide owner of one-third of the bail. 
 The tempest which this legislation excited is still in the 
 memory of everybody ; the republicans were seized with an 
 indignation beyond all limits. It was no puerile comedy 
 or preconceived farce with them this time, but the real 
 agonized shrieks of the beast smitten with death. It is of 
 but little consequence to us to know whether the laws of 
 Septembei' were or were not more or less Draconian, as the 
 republicans were pleased to term them ; we are satisfied with 
 the conviction that the republicans had rendered them neces- 
 sary. There is not a robber who does not also find the penal 
 code Draconian ; but no one, therefore, is obliged to rob. 
 Every one of these laws had for its object to prevent the 
 renewal of some great scandal, either legal, moral, or political. 
 But the feature of the law which caused the greatest outcry 
 — (and the race particularly attacked by it is clamorous above 
 all others) — was the increasing of the bail for the newspapers ; 
 it was considered exorbitant! Perhaps it was exorbitant, 
 but why had the newspapers become so extravagant? In 
 the affairs of state there is but one rule for measures of repres- 
 sion or prevention ; and that is determined by the facts of 
 
192 HISTOET OP 
 
 the case. The political laws of England and the United 
 States, it is said, are a hundred times milder than ours are ; 
 but it is because, the public mind of those countries is a 
 hundred times more peaceable than it is with us. There are 
 logicians who will maintain that the raising of the bail too 
 high would defeat the object aimed at, since it would destroy 
 the good journals as well as the bad. But this objection is not 
 well founded, since the good journals do but little good, while 
 the bad ones do an enormous amount of harm. It is very 
 certain that all the subscribers to the Debats wduld be men 
 of law and order without the instrumentality of that paper ; 
 while a great number of persons would, never have become 
 demagogues at all were it not for the red republican sheets 
 which they read. The readers of moderate journals generally 
 have their opinions made up, while those who are influenced 
 by the detestable opinions of the anarchical papers are poor 
 devils, who, if it were not for these papers, would be at work 
 gaining an honest livelihood. 
 
 If our papers are really so detestable, some socialists may 
 9,sk, how happens it, then, that they have such a circulation? 
 It happens in this way: these papers have to do with 
 passionate and ignorant men. whom they continually spur on 
 with falsehoods and excitements, speaking to them of a thou- 
 sand chimerical rights, but never of their duties; bestowing 
 upon them a thousand fulsome flatteries, but never inculcating 
 a single truth ; imperturbably affirming that they are on the 
 road to happiness, but never showing where this happiness 
 lies, unless, indeed, when arrived at the end of the road, as 
 after February, when they are obliged to come out and show 
 their hand — why, then, this happiness consists in calumniating 
 the adversaries who have opposed their extravagances I The 
 conductors of these papers are charlatans who gain cre- 
 dence, like all other charlatans, by lying with impudence, by 
 making a great bluster, and suborning confederates who fall 
 into ecstasies over their panaceas. They assume the mask of 
 generosity, of patriotism, and loyalty, and smile winningly 
 upon the enthusiastic crowd who never suspect them of 
 being the trifling, heartless, and faithless sepulchres that they 
 
SECRET? SOCIETIES. 193 
 
 are. They infect simple-minded men with fanaticism, and 
 take good care to destroy the influence of men of sense by 
 defaming them. Their course is to level down and degrade 
 by the instrumentality of the libel ; for this pleases the mass. 
 They affect grossness and brutality ; for the crowd considers 
 this as homage done to their habits. They preach up de- 
 struction ; for this is agreeable to the instincts of the poorer 
 classes, who are fond of revolutions because they think that 
 they are to be the gainers by them; and then, it is very 
 pleasant to men who have nothing to lose to see everything 
 at sixes and sevens ; and besides, it is very flattering to the 
 crowd to hear itself styled the Great People^ the Popular Lion, 
 etc. This is the way that bad papers get a circulation ; and 
 the conductors of them know it very well, rubbing their 
 hands over it in great glee. 
 
 The effect of the new laws was immediate and decisive ; a 
 score or more of demagogic prints fell dead upon the spot — 
 a result of some importance. By referring to the period im- 
 mediately following the year 1834, we shall seeihat the repub- 
 lican party had not the ability to resuscitate a single daily 
 paper. Society remained in a state of peace until 1843, its 
 repose hardly broken by the hayings of the National. At 
 that period the Reform alone succeeded in struggling into 
 existence, but only to vegetate until the revolution with 
 something less than two thousand subscribers. 
 
 But we are aware that still another objection lies m our 
 way ; we are told that by stifling democracy upon the pave- 
 ment and in the press we have only driven it into secret 
 societies, where it has dug the mine which has blown up our 
 throne. " Yes, verily, this thing is repeated as a fact, that 
 secret societies have made the revolution ; but this is one of 
 those mythological notions which, together with many others, 
 it is our especial task to eradicate." 
 
 Let us see what must be the inevitable consequences of a 
 vigorous system of legislation against societies, clubs, and the 
 press. The factions at first resort to complots, and their lead- 
 ers seek to lead their men into them, with all the ardor of 
 violent rage ; but the mass who go readily to meetings of a 
 13 
 
194 HISTORT OF 
 
 legal character which are attended with no danger or con- 
 straint, cannot easily accustom themselves to secret proceed- 
 ings, which impose constraint and are accompanied with dan- 
 gers ; the difference between this dull and unexciting regime 
 and that of public assemblies full of variety and emotion, is 
 too great to be pleasing. The least zealous soon give up 
 their attendance ; others gradually become discouraged, until 
 finally a disbandment takes place where, if the meetings had 
 been public, the orator in his tribune would have proved a 
 sufficient bond of union, and as to the chiefs themselves, that 
 great enthusiasm by which they were inspired when acting 
 their part before the public, stimulated by impassioned audi- 
 ences, soon becomes lost in the incognito of secret societies ; 
 and the greater part of them abandon the cause, and by insen- 
 sible degrees return to ordinary life, where the fierceness of 
 their opinions is lost. Agitation is kept up and extended by 
 agitation ; by stopping the noise the echo is prevented^ — two 
 truths which are incontestable. It is our opinion, and we 
 speak from experience, that if a public club were transformed 
 into a secret society, not one-fifth of its members would re- 
 main at the end of six months ; and even those, lost in the 
 shades of their mysteries, would have no demoralizing iniiu- 
 ence. If, then, we are told by orators and writers, that a free 
 scope must be left to parties, for otherwise they will conspire, 
 we may reply to them boldly that their conspiracies are mere 
 child's play, which can always be managed by the police, 
 while on the other hand the preachings of clubs, of writings 
 and public societies, are spots of rancid oil that strike in to 
 the very heart of society, and which can be taken out only 
 by the ordeal of fire. 
 
 There is another class of doctors who preach unlimited 
 liberty, affirming that evil is cured by evil, and that licen- 
 tiousness may be left to destroy itself. This doctrine may in- 
 deed be true in the long run; but we believe that if our 
 demagogues were to be left to themselves, they would, long 
 before coming to blush at their extravagances, have time to 
 upset France over and over again, if not all Europe. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 195 
 
 We have no confidence in such romantic measures "for the 
 prevention of wrong ; there is a way pointed out which is as 
 old as the world itself, and which consists in protecting the 
 good and punishing the bad ; and let us hold to that. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Revolutionary Legions — Political assassination — Alibaud — ^M. Sobrier — 
 M. Reourt — M. Plocon — M. Barbfes — M. Martin-Bernard. 
 
 The secret societies which had collected together the prin- 
 cipal fragments of the Bights of Man and succeeded to it, was 
 the society of the Families ; but there was formed, at the 
 same time, under the name of Revolutionary Legions, another 
 association to which we must devote a few words. 
 
 The government of July gained daily in strength, and the 
 impuissance of the republicans against it became moment- 
 arily more evident until the reckless men of the party came 
 at length to dream upon the destruction of this government by 
 means the most extravagant and ferocious. A fever for the 
 enterprise seized upon many ; it was no longer upon a few 
 madmen that the genius of regicide shook the fury from his 
 wings; it was upon whole crowds at once. The Revolution- 
 ary Legions were nothing less than so many legions of assas- 
 sins. The following extract from one of their orders of the 
 day will leave no doubt upon the matter : — 
 
 " Under our title, be it well understood, you will not form 
 merely a regicide society, but above all an exterminating 
 corps, by which, after the victory, there must be annihilated 
 those underhand measures of the new exploiters who will not 
 fail to present themselves." 
 
 Nothing could be more clear or explicit : the king was to 
 be killed first, the royal family, and then all the new exploit- 
 ers ; that is to say, all the men who are opposed to the auto- 
 cracy of bare arms, which would amount to massacring about 
 nineteen-twentieths of France. 
 
196 HISTOBT OF 
 
 A jJlan of organization was drawn up, according to which 
 the number of members of the society was to amount to 
 twenty-five thousand ; a number which could not have failed 
 to be very alarming; but these redoubtable legions were 
 never drawn up, except upon paper. M. Gisquet was in- 
 formed of this savage project ; he captured the chiefs and 
 threw them into prison, and that put a stop to it. 
 
 And this is not the only case where organized attempts 
 have been made at assassination ; for when the strength of 
 the revolutionary monster is exhausted, his instincts drive 
 him to wilful murder and assassination. After June, 1848, 
 the police had to deal with bands of rascals who sought to 
 establish their principles at the point of the dagger ; and it 
 may be that more than one of us is now elbowed, without sus- 
 pecting it, by some of these minions of the modern old man 
 of the mountain. The plans for destruction in mass are too 
 easily laid open ever to arrive at their execution ; but from 
 these ferocious bands there comes forth now and then some 
 individual fanatic, who undertakes by himself the accom- 
 plishment of the work of blood. It was thus that in the 
 month of June 1836, when the nucleus of the revolutionary 
 legions had already become merged in the society of the 
 Families, a laborer by the name of Alibaud went to post 
 himself at a back gate of the Tuileries, where, at the distance 
 of four paces, he discharged a fire-arm upon the king. An 
 interposition of providence again saved the head of the 
 State. Alibaud declared that he had acted solely by himself, 
 and had not confided his scheme to any one, which proved to 
 be the case. He showed but one single regret, and that was the 
 failure of his attempt. The madman was turned over to 
 the executioner. On leaving the Court of Peers, he met with 
 a person who bestowed upon him the word of admiration 
 which M. Dufraisse regretted so much had not been called 
 forth in behalf of the sublime Morey. This person was a 
 woman. Miss Laura Grrouvelle, a demagogue in petticoats, 
 who, in her turn, was condemned the year following for a 
 similar attempt. She afterwards became deranged. 
 
 The idea of the creation of the Families is due to Messrs. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 197 
 
 Blanqui and Barb^. This latter person was at that time a 
 student. M. Blanqui appears never to have had any other 
 profession than that of conspirator. 
 
 The whole race of revolutionists who had kept the country 
 in a constant state of agitation ever since 1830, made their 
 disappearance at this period; some had been condemned; 
 others had fled, and a considerable number, giving up the 
 cause of the Republic as lost, had withdrawn. It is a great 
 mistake to imagine that all those political mushrooms which 
 sprung up in February had always been nurtured in con- 
 spiracy ; for after the afi'air of April many of those men who 
 remained at large conceived either a disgust for their col- 
 leagues or despair of success, and abandoned their secret en- 
 terprises. Of this number was M. Sobrier, one of those 
 light-headed young men whom the imprudence of parents 
 allows to remain their own masters in Paris, where they fall 
 a prey to exploiters of all kinds, political as well as others. 
 M. Sobrier took leave of secret societies and never returned 
 to them again ; but not because he had got rid of his wrong 
 notions and reformed his character. This poor young man, 
 who has always had greater need of physicians than of 
 judges, is a£B.icted with one of those perverse natures which 
 is never found to be in a normal condition. His whole life 
 has been only an exaggeration ; he is either foaming or in a 
 state of utter prostration ; when he speaks he either drawls out 
 his words lazily, or hurries into violent extravagances. By 
 the year 1846 he had fallen into an acrid misanthropy which 
 he endeavored to deaden as well as he could amidst the 
 smoke and domino parties of an estammet in the street of 
 Notre-Dame-des-Victoires. His opinions, confected as it 
 were in bile, exhaled a most repulsive odor ; his policy being, 
 in politics, to guillotine everybody, and in socialism to burn 
 everything up. But this was all talk with him ; for at bot- 
 tom M. Sobrier has no more viciousness than a child. He 
 is the very counterfeit of a moral man ; his education has 
 been detestable, and he fancies that the evidence of deep con- 
 viction consists in appearing to have the fits accompanied 
 with ferocious words. In other respects, his material position 
 
198 HISTOET OF 
 
 contributed to render kim intolerable. Embroiled -with his 
 family, be bad adopted for a livelihood one of those bastard 
 professions which are found in Paris alone ; he became a 
 placer of assurances. It is certain that his abilities, were far 
 above such a profession as this, and the necessity of exer- 
 cising it contributed to thicken his humors. Finally, being 
 able to endure it no longer, he left it and abandoned himself 
 to Providence. The conductor of an establishment in Notre- 
 Dame-des-Victoires street provided for his principal neces- 
 sities. While there, the inheritance of one of his parents 
 came to find him, rendering him the possessor of ten thousand 
 francs a year ; and if his party does not succeed ' in abolish- 
 ing property he will ultimately have twice as much — a hand- 
 some fortune, which would render almost any other person 
 happy; but as for him, his life was henceforth a nullity. 
 Shutting himself up -in a remote corner of the town, he was 
 visited only by a few pretended friends, who, in exploiting 
 him, increased his hypochondria. Unfortunate in his tem- 
 per, unfortunate in his relations, he was seized up by the 
 tempest of February, and, after being whirled about for 
 awhile amidst its stormy whirlwinds, was thrown at last, 
 mangled and half deranged, into a horrible abyss. 
 
 Messrs. Recurt, Flocon, Easpail, Tr^lat, etc. were others of 
 the conspirators who returned to ordinary life, at this period. 
 M. Eecurt, a sort of refined peasant, a finesser, a politician of 
 the school of the National^ which consists in being always 
 ready, not to fight, but to profit by the battle, perceived 
 clearly that conspiracies were not to his purpose. He had 
 already dexterously withdrawn his stakes from the game in 
 retiring from the committee of the Bights of Man at the 
 moment when the law against associations was passed ; and 
 he judged that it would be wise henceforth to wage his war 
 against power quietly and perse veringly, but legally. By 
 his profession of physician he could render himself popular; 
 and he went to establish himself in the suburb of Saint 
 Antoine, where, in return for services rendered to poor men, 
 he required them only to share his hatred against the govern- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 199 
 
 ment of July. He was, until the revolution, the evil genius, 
 politically speaking, of that quarter. 
 
 M. Flocon is a man who takes great pains with his per- 
 sonal appearance, not seeming to know that the usual evi- 
 dence of able men is to appear otherwise. M. Flocon 
 pretends to be a statesman, but has shown himself a greater 
 bungler in this way than even the men of the National them- 
 selves, which is saying a great deal. M. Flocon has the cer- 
 tainty of being considered one of the great writers of Paris ; 
 for those who pretend to be knowing in such matters place 
 him on a level with Messrs. Durrieu and Bareste ; but that is 
 a height which ought not to make one's head giddy. The 
 transitory fortune of M. Flocon might appear inexplicable 
 were it, not known that the Reform has been, and still is con- 
 sidered as the machine of the Eevolution, and that M. Flocon 
 was the editor-in-chief of the Reform. In fact, to a small 
 modicum of merit, which is allowed him, he adds a most 
 complete unpopularity with his party. His various pre- 
 tensions to finesse, political science, and literary art ate not 
 only displayed on every occasion, but are imposed upon you 
 with the air of the dictator. As his gestures are of the epic 
 style, his conversation coldly cutting, his eye somewhat in- 
 clined to the Olympian cast, and as, after having spoken, he 
 stops awhile, as much as to say — reply to that now, if you 
 can — he is taken at once as a v ex j strong man, and the public 
 gave him the reputation of it after July. He showed him- 
 self not altogether unworthy of it at first; he was at the head 
 of the crowd which undertook to throw the deputies out of 
 the windows on the 4th of August; he afterwards took an 
 active part in the proceedings of the Friends of the People ; 
 and he is pleased to claim the honor of having been one of 
 the famous defenders of the barricade of Saint M^ry, on the 
 6th of June. It is possible that he was ; but we have already 
 said that the patriots who pretended to have taken a part in 
 that warm affair are reckoned by thousands, whil^the actual 
 number of men which M. Jeanne had with him did not ex- 
 ceed a hundred. On the fall of the Friends of the People, 
 M. Flocon followed his companions into the Rights of Man; 
 
200 HISTORY OF 
 
 but as his character and pretensions were by this time well 
 known, very little attention was paid to a man so exceed- 
 ingly disagreeable. Hence, the part which he played in the 
 new association was comparatively an obscure one, and had 
 but little influence in the events of April. When the 
 Families succeeded to the Bights of Man, very good care was 
 taken on the part of the members not to make him any ad- 
 vances. Chilled by this disdainfal neglect, he abandoned to 
 their wretched fate the men who were so blind as not to dis- 
 cover and make use of his extraordinary capacities. It was 
 not till 1843 that he returned for awhile to the secret socie- 
 ties ; and in this long interval of nine years he was forced to 
 listen to, and reproduce as a stenographer, the speeches of 
 such miserable statesmen as Messrs. Guizot and Thiers— the 
 sad consequences of our social organization ! When M. 
 Flocon flattered himself in the Constituent Assembly that he 
 had conspired all his life, his fellow members were right in 
 telling him that that was but a miserable sort of glory ; and 
 we, on our part, can tell him that even that glory he did not 
 merit ; for he has not conspired all his life by a very great 
 deal — he was boasting. 
 
 Of M. Trdlat we have already said a few words ; he was 
 very suitable for that epoch when the republic was main- 
 tained chiefly by fine speeches. Of a weak and feeble 
 nature, and led into revolutionary practices rather from 
 instinct than by courage, the societies which received a 
 military organization and aimed at carrying out their designs 
 by violence, offered no place for him. 
 
 M. Raspail could no longer see among the men who had 
 escaped the disasters of April any one of sufficient importance 
 to rub against him ; and besides, it was his firm conviction 
 that where men of his calibre had failed, it was useless to try 
 any farther. He declared that, in future, every member of 
 a secret society ought to be considered as little better than a 
 disturber S( the peace. He shared, with M. Flocon, the repu- 
 tation of being dogmatical ; and while draping himself in his 
 own importance, the world passed on. 
 
 Many of the secondary order of members of the Bights of 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 201 
 
 Man also abandoned their secret practices ; sucli as Messrs. 
 Cahaigne, Bonnais, Avril, etc.- The car of the Eepublic hav- 
 ing become stalled in a deep mud, these men perceived their 
 inability to set it agoing again ; and the more so as they had 
 an innate consciousness of never having been anything else 
 than a fifth wheel to it. 
 
 The two most important revolutionary characters of the 
 period on which we are about to enter were Messrs. Blanqui 
 and Barb&s — the first, an untamed wolf, cautious, pursuing 
 his prey in the dark ; the other, a sombre lion, bold and auda- 
 cious, delighting in shaking his mane to the run: dangerous, 
 both, to the highest degree; Barbfes by his indomitable 
 energy, and Blanqui from his Machiavelic spirit, and both by 
 their revolutionary frenzy. They were, in fact, the two most 
 perfect types of the conspirator which were presented during 
 the last form of government. M. G. Cavaignao was much 
 moje popular than they were, but he never had such a 
 decisive influence over the masses as they possessed — for the 
 reason that ^le was prevented by his character from making 
 use of certain means which those, his successors, under the 
 sublime Jesuitical principle proclaimed by M. Barb^s, of The 
 sovereignty of the end, had recourse to without scruple. These 
 two men had wholly confounded their personal identity with 
 the end which they performed ; and their union formed a type 
 of terror. M. Blanqui was not brave among flying bullets ; 
 M. Barb^s was possessed of only an ordinary degree of intel- 
 ligence; but the two characters united, made up a being 
 capable of conceiving and executing the most terrible 
 designs. 
 
 The personal appearance of these men is a description of 
 their characters. M. Blanqui is a small thin figure, of a 
 ruddy complexion, with restless, suspicious eyes, over which 
 impends a heavy pair of brows, and with closed lips, which are 
 always playing under some bitter smile. One perceives at a 
 glance that this weak but calmly nervous frame is animated 
 at least as much by hatred as by ambition. M. Barb^s, on 
 the contrary, has a tall, upright figure, with an eye frankly 
 open, and an austerity of repose that comes from conviction. 
 
202 HISTOKT OF 
 
 Stronger at heart than his companion, he is obliged to yield 
 to him the superiority of head. Impelled by his nature to 
 undertake great things, he is hurried awaj'', in spite of him- 
 self, into the most detestable excesses. He is a Doctor Faust, 
 ambitious to seize upon the secret of God, and listening, for 
 this purpose, only to the Devil. 
 
 The head of another conspirator comes up through a trap- 
 door of the political stage at this moment ; it is that of M. 
 Martin Bernard. It takes its place intermediately between 
 those of MM. Blanqui and Barb&s. It is a less marked head 
 than theirs, but seems expressly designed for constituting, 
 together with the two others, a harmonious triumvirate, con- 
 sisting of a man of conception, -a man of execution, and a 
 man of organization. This last character was to be person- 
 ated by M. Martin Bernard ; and he accomplished in it prodi- 
 gies of activity, zeal, add prudence. Being a simple printer by 
 trade, he might be seen, when his day's work was done, or 
 in the intervals of his meals, scudding indefatigably through 
 the streets, and never losing a moment from the precious 
 work of propagandism. In the new enterprise on foot he 
 represented the truly popular element, which, thus far, had 
 hardly made its appearance in the associations. But a 
 gradual change in this respect is now to take place in the 
 Families, to be finally consummated in the Seasons. M. 
 Blanqui swayed the most violent elements of the Mights of 
 Man; M. Barb^s, the students — two nuclei composed of 
 either the unclassified or most turbulent bourgeoisie. M. 
 Martin Bernard drew his followers from the heart of the 
 working population, of which he was a member. This trinity, 
 the power of which became formidable from the various 
 qualities of its members, might, at certain moments of oscilla- 
 tion in the government, have succeeded in overthrowing it; 
 but as it was, it arrived upon the ground too late; its efforts 
 were hardly felt by the government of July. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 203 
 
 CHAPTEE XXI. 
 
 Organization of the Society of the Families — The form of reception — Des- 
 potism of the chiefs — Secret details. 
 
 The Society of the Families was organized at the close of 
 the year 1834. Around Messrs. Blanqui and Barbfes, its ' 
 founders, there grouped themselves, first, M. Martin Bernard, 
 who soon took a part in the direction, and then, as principal 
 lieutenants, Messrs. Hubin de Guer, Dubosc, Beaufour, 
 Eaisant, Nettr^, Troncin, Lebeuf, Dussoubs, Lisbonne, 
 Guignot, Lamieussens, Seigneurgens, Schirmann, and Spirat, 
 almost all of the middle class of society — students, clerks, men 
 living upon their rents, etc. — having already been conspirators 
 among the ranks of the Rights of Man. 
 
 The act of reception which had been accompanied with no 
 form in the preceding societies, consisting merely of a 
 promise of adhesion to the statutes, became a matter of im- 
 portance in the Families, and was surrounded with mysteri- 
 ous solemnity. 
 
 The candidate for admission was subjected to a preliminary 
 examination upon his course of life and his opinions, and if 
 the result proved favorable to him, he was notified to hold 
 himself in readiness for the initiation. The member of the 
 society by whom he was to be introduced, went for him, took 
 him into an unknown place and bandaged his eyes. There, 
 without knowing whom he had to deal with, or what was 
 going on, he remained in waiting. A board of examiners, 
 consisting of a president, an assessor, and the introducer, then 
 examined him. The president taking the word, pronounced 
 the following formula : — 
 
 "In the name of the executive committee, the proceedings 
 are now open. Citizen assessor, why are we assembled? 
 
204 HISTORY OF 
 
 To labor for the deliverance of the people and the human 
 race. What are the virtues of a true republican ? Sobriety, 
 courage, force, and devotion. What penalty do traitors 
 deserve ? Death. And who should inflict it ? Every 
 member of the society who receives orders to do so from his 
 chiefs." 
 
 This was the prologue of the piece ; a scene designed /or 
 making an impression upon the imagination of the candidate. 
 The part to be played by the candidate was to commence 
 only after this formula had been gone through with. 
 
 The president addressed him in these terms : — 
 
 " Citizen, what is thy name ? thy surname ? thy profession, 
 and the place of thy birth ? But before proceeding farther, 
 take this oath : I swear to observe the strictest silence upon 
 what is to take place in these precincts. Thou must know 
 that before admitting thee into our ranks, we have taken 
 note of thy conduct, and of thy morality ; the reports ad- 
 dressed to the committee are favorable to thee. We now 
 address' thee the necessary questions : — 
 
 " Is it thy labor or thy family that supports thee ? 
 
 " Hast thou ever been a member of any political society ? 
 
 " AYhat thinkest thou of the government? 
 
 "In what interest is it occupied ? 
 
 " Who are, at the present day, aristocrats ? 
 
 " What is the right in virtue of which the government 
 rules ? 
 
 " What is the predominant vice of society ? 
 
 " What takes the place of honor, probity and virtue ? 
 
 " Who is the man that is esteemed in the world ? 
 
 " Who is despised, persecuted, and outlawed ? 
 
 " What thinkest thou of city tolls, and taxes upon salt and 
 drinks ? 
 
 " Who are the people? 
 
 " How are they treated by the laws ? 
 
 " What is the lot of poor people under the government of 
 the rich ? 
 
 "What ought to be the basis of a regular system of 
 society ? 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 205 
 
 " What ought to be the rights of the citizen in a well- 
 regulated country ? 
 
 " What are his duties ? 
 
 " Must a political revolution be made, or a social one ?" 
 
 One may guess the answers of the candidate to these ques- 
 tions : the government was traitorous to the people and the 
 country ; it labored for the interest of a small number of 
 privileged persons ; the aristocrats were men of money, 
 bankers, exchange brokers, monopolists, great proprietors, 
 and in fine all those who are termed in modern parlance the 
 exploiters of man by man. The right of the government 
 consisted only in force ; the predominant vice of society was 
 egotism ; what held the place of honor, probity, and virtue, 
 was money ; esteem was granted only to the rich and power- 
 ful ; contempt and persecution were the lot of the poor and 
 the weak. City tolls and taxes upon salt and drink were to 
 be looked upon only as an odious means of increasing the 
 riches of the rich at the expense of the poor. The people 
 were the aggregate of the working classes, and their condition 
 was slavery ; the lot of the poor man was that of the serf 
 and the negro. The basis of a regular system of society 
 was equality. The rights of the citizen were summed up as 
 follows: assurance of existence, gratuitous instruction, and 
 participation in the government ; and. the duties of the patriot 
 were devotion to society, and fraternity towards fellow- 
 citizens. As to the kind of revolution which was to be 
 made, that must be a social one. 
 
 The president continued in these terms : — 
 
 "Has the citizen who made overtures to thee, spoken to thee 
 of our object ? Thou oughtest to have some idea of it from 
 the character of my questions ; but I am going to explain it 
 to thee still more clearly. The oppressors of our country 
 endeavor to keep the people in ignorance and isolation ; our 
 object is to disseminate instruction and form a fasces of the 
 forces of the people. Our tyrants have proscribed associa- 
 tions and the press, and our duty is to associate ourselves 
 with renewed perseverance, and to supply the place of the 
 press by a propagandism of viva voce; for thou knowest well 
 
206 HISTOET OF 
 
 that the arms which our oppressors have forbidden us to use 
 are those which they fear the most. Every member is bound 
 to spread republican doctrines and to prosecute an active and 
 indefatigable propagandism. 
 
 "Ultimately, when the horn shall sound, we must take arms 
 for overthrowing a government which is traitorous to the 
 country. . . . Wilt thou be with us on that day? Ee- 
 flect well. It is a perilous enterprise; our enemies are power- 
 ful; they have an army, and treasury, and the support of 
 foreign kings; they reign by terror. But we, on the contrary, 
 poor working folk, have nothing but our courage and our 
 good right. Hast thou the resolution to brave these dangers? 
 
 " When the signal for the fight shall be given, wilt thou be 
 ready to die, arms in hand, for the cause of humanity ?" 
 
 The candidate having replied in the affirmative to this last 
 question, the president requested him to arise, and then con- 
 tinued as follows : — 
 
 "Citizen, here is the oath which thou must take: I swear 
 never to disclose to any person, not even to my nearest rela- 
 tions, anything that is said or done among us. I swear to be 
 obedient to the laws of the association; to pursue with my 
 hatred or my vengeance the traitors who may insinuate them- 
 selves among us; to love and serve my brothers, and sacrifice 
 my liberty and my life." 
 
 The neophyte having pronounced the oath, was proclaimed 
 a member of the association. The president then requested 
 him to be seated, and proceeded thus: — 
 
 "Hast thou arms and ammunition? Every one on be- 
 coming one of our number must have a quantity of powder, 
 a quarter of a pound, at least; and he must procure two 
 pounds more for his own use. There is nothing done in 
 writing in the association ; thou wilt be known only by the 
 new name which thou art to adopt. In case of being arrested 
 thou must never make any answers to the examining judge. 
 The committee is unknown ; but the moment that the fight 
 is given, it is obliged to make its appearance. It is expressly 
 forbidden to take to the streets, unless the committee puts 
 itself at the head of the association. During the fight, the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 207 
 
 members must obey tbeir chiefs with all the rigor of military 
 discipline. 
 
 "If thou art acquainted with citizens who are sufficiently 
 discreet to be admitted among us, thou must present them ; 
 every citizen of discretion and good will, deserves to enter 
 our ranks, whatever may be his degree of instruction ; the 
 society will complete his education." 
 
 At these words the bandage was removed from the eyes of 
 the candidate, and nothing remained to complete the ceremony 
 except his announcement of the new name" which he wished 
 to bear. 
 
 The reader will have observed in this formula that the 
 overthrow of society is pointed out as the end to be attain- 
 ed by a revolution. This was a means for captivating the 
 masses ; but with the exception of equality of condition and 
 a few vague principles, M. Blanqui took good care not to 
 enter into the details of a new social system, well knowing 
 that by so doing he would open a field for discussion to the 
 conspirators, which would have destroyed the conspiracy by 
 destroying discipline. In this respect he showed a superi- 
 ority of revolutionary tact, and at the same time the leading 
 instinct of the heroes of the streets, i. e. dictatorship. How is 
 it to be expected that these chiefs, knowing the ignorance and 
 inordinate passions of their bands, should attempt to control 
 them except by a rod of iron ? Did not the committee of pub- 
 lic safety establish its power upon a most frightful despotism ? 
 It is thought that clubs and popular manifestations are a 
 fixed principle among the conductors of revolutions ; but not 
 at all, they are only the temporary means made use of by these 
 conductors, who, as soon as the end is attained, hasten to 
 destroy them lest they should be directed against themselves. 
 Those whd have studied the revolutionary art are not igno- 
 rant that its heau ideal consists in inspiring an exclusive de- 
 votion to a few vague dogmas and an absolute submission to 
 command. Many persons, on seeing the terrible efforts made 
 by M. Blanqui after February, to arouse the secret societies, 
 naturally inquired where this lava of demagogism would have 
 stopped in case the socialist republic had triumphed; — it 
 
208 HISTORY OF 
 
 would have stopped at ttie same orders by wMcli it tad been 
 brought to a state of ebullition. Had M. Blanqui become 
 dictator by the grace of the clubs, he would then have shut 
 up the clubs, and much sooner even than the dictator of the 
 National. Our Catilines know their men ; and no old Mar- 
 quis, mummified in his castle, ever dared to dream of a right- 
 divine so absolute as that which these men claim in the name 
 of the sovereignty of the people. 
 
 This point being established, then, that the members of the 
 society of the Families weie to labor for an equality of con- 
 dition by a remodelling of society, they were bound to ab- 
 stain from all controversy and discussion upon the relative 
 merit of systems, and confined thmselves to the implicit obe- 
 dience of the soldier. 
 
 The revolution accomplished and the ground once cleared, 
 they were told, the doctors of the party would set to work 
 to give form to the new science, and nothing would be more 
 easily done. But we have seen that it was not quite so 
 easily done as they pretended — the confusion of Babel might 
 be considered luminous in comparison with that of the con- 
 structors of socialism. 
 
 The neophyte having been admitted, was duly impressed 
 with regard to his duties by his sponsor, who generally be- 
 came his immediate chief. The first of these duties was to 
 furnish powder and munitions ; the second, to be in readiness 
 to obey the orders which should be given him ; the third, to 
 observe absolute discreetness, and the fourth, to labor at 
 propagandism. He was also informed that he would be 
 called on now and then to take a part in the meetings of the 
 particular Family of which he was a member. These meet- 
 ings were the only bonds by which the society was held 
 together ; the reviews, orders of the day, and frequent assem- 
 blies being suppressed. 
 
 In these meetings of the Families the chief called for an 
 account of the proceedings of his men, as well concerning 
 their supplies of munitions as their efforts at propagandism ; 
 received information of requests for admittance, and fixed the 
 day for receptions. When the group became too numerous, 
 one of its members was designated for forming a new one. 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 209 
 
 The number of men in each Family was not to exceed a 
 dozen. It was expressly prohibited to assemble in public 
 places, coffee-houses, wine-shops, etc. Some member of the 
 Family was to lend his house for the meetings. The affairs 
 of the association having been examined into, the chief made 
 a short address and the meeting was dismissed. 
 
 A certain number of Families received directions from a 
 chief called the chief of section; the chiefs of section were 
 under the orders of commandants of quarters, and these latter 
 were under revolutionary agents who were to communicate 
 with the committee. But this committee was nothing less 
 than the revolutionary agents themselves; that is to say 
 Messrs. Blanqui, Barb^s, and Martin Bernard. The commit- 
 tee was to remain wholly unknown until the day of battle, 
 when it was to make its appearance and lead the members to 
 the onset. 
 
 This association was very simple; but from its very sim- 
 plicity, its discipline and measures of prudence, it seemed 
 likely to become • a force of very serious importance. The 
 care which M. Blanqui had taken to isolate, as it were, his 
 soldiers, excluding them from a knowledge of important acts, 
 secured him against treachery. A single member knew only 
 the names of those who belonged to his Family; and hence, 
 the secret which he might tell was limited to a matter of 
 trifling consequence. As to the commandants of quarters, 
 they were chosen from among old patriots whose fidelity, it 
 was thought, could be depended on; but alas! among the 
 most ancient democrats, even such as have rotted in prison, 
 there is often found a sly dog who puts on the skin of the 
 wolf for the purpose of better strangling the wolf. In spite 
 of the thousand precautions on the part of M. Blanqui, his 
 mysterious proceedings were scented out and delivered over 
 to the police. 
 
 14 
 
210 HISTORY OP 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 A clandestine manufactory — The powder affair — Complot of tlie Arc de Tri- 
 omplie — Project against tlie Tuileries — M. Gisquet retires — The affair of 
 Strasbourg. 
 
 The Families having found numerous and ready prepared 
 elements in the debris of the Bights of Man, soon attained to 
 a considerable number. In the early part of 1836 the com- 
 mittee estimated their strength at a thousand men. And 
 until the days of February we shall see that the total of 
 the secret societies seldom varied much from this number. 
 Thanks to the salutary effects of the new laws, the four thou- 
 sand sectionaries of the Rights of Man are not to be met with 
 again. 
 
 The committee soon perceived that under the severe 
 organization of the society an attack could not be long de- 
 ferred without disgusting their men. Already, in the month 
 of August, 1836, symptoms of impatience had been dis- 
 covered ; the occasion was the funeral procession of one who 
 died from the effects of an amputation in June ; but the police 
 were on the look-out, and they soon restored order to the 
 feeble attempts which were made, by arresting one of the 
 leaders, M. Leprestre Dubocage, at whose house a dozen of 
 the members were found together with a large quantity of 
 munitions. The chiefs then endeavored to hasten the prepa- 
 rations. They had promised arms and ammunition for the 
 day of combat, and it was to this matter that their attention 
 was now turned. The difiiculty and danger of establishing 
 depots of arms was perceived, and hence the places where 
 they might be found were merely pointed out ; as to ammuni- 
 tion, it was thought that a mass ought to be collected which 
 should prov.e sufficient for every emergency. Some of the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 211 
 
 members frequented the barriers, and by means of libations 
 or money, succeeded in getting the soldiers to give them 
 their cartridges. They thus led these soldiers to an abuse of 
 confidence and an infraction of military discipline ; but what 
 are such considerations as these in comparison with the 
 sublime principle of M. Barb^s, the sovereignty of the end ? 
 These means, however, did not produce the desired result ; a 
 few packets of ammunition taken from a soldier here and 
 there were not enough for supplying the arsenal of an insur- 
 rection ; and hence it was decided to establish a manufactory 
 of powder. Messrs. Blanqui, Martin Bernard and Beaufour, 
 the latter a broken-down merchant, took charge of the ope- 
 ration. Hiring an isolated house. No. 113 Oursine Street, 
 they set up a dryer there, procured the necessary utensils 
 and materials, and set to work. M. Beaufour conducted the 
 labors, and had under his orders three or four trusty mem- 
 bers of the society. The process of manufacture was fur- 
 nished by M. Blanqui, who daily stole into the laboratory 
 in order to inspect the works. Between eleven and twelve 
 o'clock at night, M. Martin Bernard, after having made a 
 turn in the suburbs, might be seen to arrive at the mys- 
 terious house, and, instead of knocking, make known his 
 presence by a handful of sand thrown against the window- 
 panes. Through a door swung half a-jar he would then 
 make his disappearance in a dark corridor. After a while 
 a window would be thrown open, at which a man would be 
 seen with a light carefully examining the premises. This 
 done, and the ground seeming to be clear, M. Martin Bernard 
 would make his appearance again, bearing a supply of pow- 
 'der, with which he would nimbly tread the streets, traverse 
 the Latin quarter, and stop in Dauphine Street at a house 
 numbered 22 and 24. It was there that the general depot 
 had been established, and it was there that balls and car- 
 tridges were made and sent to the chiefs of quarter for sup- 
 plying their men. 
 
 These nocturnal visits to the house of Oursine Street"; the 
 solitary noises heard within ; the suspicious looking persons 
 who were seen in the vicinity, and the hints given by treach- 
 
212 HISTORY OF 
 
 .erous brothers, all this put M. Gisquet upon the trace of the 
 plot and the plotters. Agents of the police were posted 
 around the house No. 113, and when it was certain that the 
 conspirators were within, a detachment closed in upon the 
 place, and an of&cer of the police, accompanied with a strong 
 escort, made his entrance. M. Beaufour was found at work 
 in the ihidst of his worthy apprentices, who proved to be 
 three students, Messrs. Eobier, Canard and Daviot, and a 
 workingman who, as it appeared, had made the framework 
 of the machine of Fieschi. They were secured ; and a visit 
 .was then made to the rooms, which resulted in the discovery 
 -of all the things appertaining to the manufactory, consisting 
 of powder already made, the apparatus and implements for 
 making it, and a considerable quantity of raw rhaterial. 
 
 The same operation was practised at the depot of Dau- 
 phine Street. Some young men were found, in blouses, 
 their hands all blackened, some around a furnace casting 
 balls, and others making cartridges upon a table. M. Cabet, 
 nephew of the ex-deputy, and Messrs. Guillemain, Grooters 
 and Genin were taken into custody, together with 15,000 
 balls and an enormous quantity of powder — it is afBrmed 
 that there was enough for 200,000 cartridges. 
 
 During this foray against the laboratories of ammunition, 
 another expedition was on foot for capturing the principal 
 chiefs, of whom the police had an exact list. As M. Barb^ 
 was found at his own house in company with M. Martin 
 Bernard, two of the birds were thus killed with one stone. 
 M. Blanqui, according to the reports which had been received 
 at the police, usually carried with him a list of the mem- 
 bers of the society, and he was asked for his portfolio ; 
 or rather, in anticipation of a refusal, it was snatched from 
 him and given to a commissary ; but it had hardly come 
 into the commissary's hands, when the conspirator, by a 
 sudden spring, snatched it back and succeeded, in spite of the 
 efforts to the contrary, in extracting some of the papers, 
 which he swallowed. But, iinfortunately, the famous list 
 remained in the portfolio, and that was recovered. M. Barb^s 
 had in his lodgings cartridges and bullet-moulds, and some 
 
SKCBET SOCIETIES. 213 
 
 papers wMch were in every way in keeping with these 
 articles. Among others was the proclamation which had 
 been prepared in view of the attempt of Fieschi, and which 
 had doubtlessly been preserved for some other similar occa- 
 sion. It was in this proclamation that occurred the passage 
 which we have already given, but which, nevertheless, will 
 bear repetition: "Now, people, no longer any pity; lay 
 bare your arms, and thrust them up to the shoulders into 
 the entrails of your executioners.'' 
 
 Together with these principal chiefs were arrested Messrs. 
 Martin Bernard, Nettr^, Dubosc, Guignot, Lamieussens, 
 Dussoubs, Eaisan, Lebeuf, Troncin, Hubin de Guer, Robert, 
 Spirat, Lisbonne, Hertfort, Payet, Legeret, Grivel, Tenant, 
 Dupuis, Villedieu, the brothers Seigneurgens, Schirman, 
 L^on, Qu^tin, Houtan, Lacombe, Molly, senior, Voiturier, 
 Geoffroy, Eousset, Palanchon, Deligny, Halot, Gay, Gallien ; 
 all chiefs of section, or quarter, or family. At the houses of 
 the most of them were found arms and ammunition. 
 
 These arrests took place in the month of March, 1836 ; 
 and the accused, amounting to forty-three, were brought to 
 trial in the August following. Messrs. Blanqui, Beaufour, 
 Lisbonne, Robert, Rabier and Genin were sent to prison for 
 two years; Barb^s, Hertfort, and Lamieussens for one year; 
 Palanchon, Canard, Villedieu, Grivel, Gay, and Venant for 
 ten months ; Dupuis for eight months. 
 
 During the period of such trials as these, a vapor of revo- 
 lution, as it were, of the intensest kind, seems to fill the air ; 
 the companions of the accused become extravagantly excited, 
 and, before disbanding or entering into some new association, 
 they endeavor to signalize their end by some brilliant 
 achievement. The attempt of Fieschi was the death-rattle 
 of the Rights of Man; and the Families, too, dreamed of 
 sinking, since sink they must, amidst the wreck of a public 
 calamity. ' 
 
 Several weeks before the trials took place, a grand cere- 
 mony had been announced for the inauguration of the Arc 
 de Triomphe de I'Etoile ; and the king had chosen this occa- 
 sion for another review of the National Guards. In spite of 
 
214 HISTOBY OF 
 
 the , repeated attempts which had been made upon his life, 
 his nature revolted against a seclusion which was recom- 
 mended by his advisers. To live behind walls or a hedge 
 of bayonets, like another Louis XI., was contrary to every 
 habit of his life. The series of attempts at assassination 
 made upon this prince, whose tyranny existed neither in 
 shadow nor in substance, who abstained from shedding the 
 blood of those enemies who opposed him openly to his face, 
 and who abandoned his throne rather than fire a single shot 
 upon the National Guard, that is to say, upon the bour- 
 geoisie by whom he had been elected, must be regarded 
 by future history as one of the peculiar monstrosities of this 
 age. 
 
 Whether imprudent or not, the king determined to hold 
 the review ; and those chiefs of the Families who were still 
 at large, resolved, on their part, to take advantage of the 
 occasion for a new attempt to assassinate him. With this 
 view they designed to form several platoons of National 
 Guards from among the members of the association, who 
 should present themselves at the review with their arms 
 loaded, and, on filing by, fire upon the king. The monarch 
 was informed of this from the police ; but he still persisted 
 in his design, prescribing, however, certain measures for 
 warding oif the danger. It was decided that the Arc de 
 Triomphe should be surrounded by a cordon of tribunes 
 forming an exterior wall of sufficient height and solidity to 
 prevent an attack ; the king was to take his place in the 
 centre of this inclosure, and the National Guard were to file 
 past upon the open spaces on both sides of the Arc. Each 
 company, moreover, before passing the prince, was to have its 
 arms carefully inspected. These precautions seemed suf- 
 ficient; and the greater confidence was reposed in them, 
 inasmuch as the chiefs of the complot, and all the members 
 of the Familits known for their extravagance, had been 
 arrested. But before the ceremony took place, new perils 
 were discovered ; it was learned that the conspirators were 
 to enter the tribunes by means of counterfeit cards, and, at a 
 given signal, throw themselves upon the .king armed with 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 215 
 
 pistols and daggers. The' character of this design is such 
 that the republicans have some chance to be believed when 
 they treat it as a calumny ; but we can tell them that as 
 extravagantly audacious as it may appear, it was, never- 
 theless, rigorously true. The ministers succeeded in prevail- 
 ing upon the king to give up the review. 
 
 We now enter upon a period marked by a series of secret 
 machinations, the greater part of which have come only to the 
 knowledge of the police. Although justice has not been able 
 to fix the true character of these machinations, and although 
 they are not of public notoriety, yet we have no hesitation in 
 affirming that they have nevertheless taken place. 
 
 If the pigeon-holes of the street, of Jerusalem were open to 
 the examination of those ingenuous men who take as current 
 money the modesty, true or pretended, of the enterprising- 
 men of anarchy, they would see masses of complots and 
 schemes of blood and devastation, which they had never 
 heard of before, but which are supported upon such concur- 
 rent and detailed proofs that there cannot be the least doubt 
 of their occurrence. 
 
 Thus, not long before the last plot mentioned, another plan 
 for killing the king had been conceived, discussed and de- 
 cided upon. It was to be effected by an attack upon the 
 Tuileries made by the Families in concert with a number of 
 sergeants of the army. The sergeants were to seize upon 
 their officers, carry off the troops, and move against the palace 
 in several columns. The Families were to come up to their 
 assistance, and the palace being taken by surprise and pressed 
 upon from all quarters, was to succumb and give up its in- 
 mates to the fury of the assailants. The blow was to be 
 struck at four o'clock in the morning. The workingmen 
 Avho go to their labor at that hour would be hurried into the 
 conspiracy; the government would not have time to assemble 
 its forces, and success would be certain — everything gave 
 flattering promises of it — everything except the good sense 
 of the public and that hundred eyed man of Jerusalem Street, 
 who smiled in pity over such dreams as these, which were 
 hardly less ridiculous than they were odious. 
 
216 HISTORY OP 
 
 The sergeants were removed from Paris and sent to con- 
 spire in Africa; and in consequence, the bitter groans of the 
 republican press were painfully distressing: the brethren of 
 the army were treated like Cossacks; their generous instincts 
 were tyrannized over; they were sent away to be killed by 
 the barbarians — poor men! It is a sad thing, without doubt, 
 that these brave men of the sword could not be permitted to 
 massacre the royal family and upset the state, although there 
 are countries where such attempts would have cost them their 
 lives. But, everything considered, the Irave sergeants had 
 not a great deal to complain of. 
 
 The ministry retired from office at this period, and M. Gis- 
 quet, who had shared their labors, thought it his duty to 
 share in their retreat. And this was an occasion, indeed, 
 which the republicans might celebrate by an illumination ; for 
 they were freed of their rudest adversary. M. Carlier, his 
 lieutenant, had already left the prefecture, much to the satis- 
 faction of the patriots; and the police was thus deprived of 
 two men who had delved into the machinations of demagog- 
 ism with unabated activity and perseverance. The reader 
 has seen what a frightful series of mobs, insurrections and 
 complots were continued against the government from 1831 
 to 1836; and also with what persistence, secret machinations 
 have been pursued, and by what fulminating energy seditions 
 have been crushed. This result was due to two forces, which 
 became one in a simultaneity of resolution: the force of 
 direction represented by Messrs. Casimir Perrier, Guizot, and 
 Thiers, and the force of supervision incarnate in the person 
 of ,M. Gisquet. 
 
 Like the majority of magistrates who have the courage to 
 pursue an undeviating course of duty, M. Gisquet had none 
 of that ferocity which was attributed to him. He is a man 
 of ardent and susceptible temperament, but without animo- 
 sity ; and all the patriots who have passed through his hands 
 are well aware of this fact. He was the very first to ask 
 pardon for the men in whom he discovered that the head 
 was more at fault than the heart, and in rendering them this 
 service he never troubled himself to know whether they 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 217 
 
 had ever imprudently attacked him or not. la the early 
 days of the revolution, the frankness of his advice saved 
 maily a young man from ruin who has since become an 
 honorable citizen, but who otherwise might at this moment 
 be a minion of socialist democracy. They who know what 
 it is to suppress a revolution, and whose ideas have never be- 
 come denaturalized by unworthy passions, will ever hold in 
 esteem not only the services, but also the person of the ex- 
 prefect of the police. The great crimes with which he has 
 been reproached, when fully investigated, are reduced to the 
 impulse of an inconsiderate generosity; and it can be boldly 
 affirmed that the manner in which he was treated on his leaving 
 office, was marked both by misunderstanding and ingratitude. 
 
 But enough of this. M. Gisquet has given one of those 
 proofs of his convictions which no one has the right to dis- 
 pute, and which is the highest eulogy that the statesman can 
 merit — he still continued to respect the government and 
 serve it with fidelity when that government was endeavoring 
 to dishonor him. 
 
 At the time when the Families^ having been dispersed by 
 the powder affair, were reforming themselves under an- 
 other name, the conspiracy of Strasbourg broke out. This 
 affair had been planned in Switzerland by the Prince Ifouis 
 Napoleon, Messrs. de Querelles, Gricourt, Madam Gordon and 
 others. Its ramifications extended to Paris, among the old 
 officers of the empire and a certain class of republicans, who 
 wished to make the prince their instrument ; but the princi- 
 pal means of action lay at Strasbourg, among three regi- 
 ments of artillery and a battalion of pontoniers who formed 
 a part of the garrison of the place. M. Vaudrey, the colonel 
 of one of these regiments, had been gained over, and was to 
 deliver up the keys of the arsenal, of which he held posses- 
 sion. The pontoniers lent an implicit obedience to M. Laity, 
 their lieutenant ; and it was thought that the neutrality, at 
 least, of the major-general commanding, M. Voirol, might 
 be reckoned upon. 
 
 The movement broke out on the 30th of October, 1836. 
 The regiments which had promised their concurrence, re- 
 
218 HTSTORY OF 
 
 mained true to their word; the magic name of Napoleon 
 thrown among their ranks educed an impulse of enthusiasm. 
 General Voirol, whose views had been mistaken,- was arrested, 
 as were also the prefect and other functionaries. There was 
 nothing wanting to take possession of the city and move 
 upon Paris according to the plan, except the gaining over of 
 a regiment of infantry, which also formed a part of the garri- 
 son. The infantry, on seeing the artillery salute the prince 
 with loud acclamations, were ready to do the same thing; 
 but a rumor was spread that it was all a joke, and that the 
 pretended relation of the emperor was merely a son of 
 Colonel Vaudrey. This was the beginning of a rout. An 
 officer sprang forth to seize upon the prince. The prince, by 
 a discharge of his pistol, might still have retrieved his for- 
 tune ; but though other conspirators might not have hesitated, 
 he had the prudence to abstain, and all was lost. 
 
 The king, Louis Philippe, had him embarked for America ; 
 his companions were acquitted by the jury of Alsace. 
 
 The prince, since that period, and while in prisoa for a 
 second attempt of this kind, has made a noble and touching 
 confession, which absolves him from the rashness of youth. 
 It is his fortune, moreover, to have been the instrument for 
 the re-establishment of order on the 10th of December. The 
 duty of every good citizen is to encourage and follow him in 
 his new career, without a useless recurrence to the things of 
 the past. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 Organization of the Seasons — A new personality of conspirators — Reviews 
 — Prudential measures — M. Martin Bernard — Regicides — An amnesty — 
 Its effect — Recrudescence of propagandism — A new formula of reception 
 — Hatred against the bourgeoisie. 
 
 The Bonapartist conspiracy, although concurring in some 
 respects with the views of democratic adventurers, was 
 wholly an affair of dynasty, having nothipg to do with the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 219 . 
 
 republican party, and least of all with secret associations, 
 "whose designs are not only a change of persons but an over- 
 throw of society. Tliese associations consisted at that time 
 of the fragments of the Families ; but the groups were soon 
 drawn together again and reconstituted under the name of 
 the Seasons. 
 
 The organization remained pretty nearly the same ; six 
 members under the orders of a seventh called Sunday, formed 
 a Week; four weeks commanded by a July constituted a 
 Month ; three Months obeyed a chief of Season called Spring 
 — four Seasons to one Bevolutionary Agent ; it was the calen- 
 dar applied to a conspiracy. The strength of a battalion 
 consisted of 336 men. The Revolutionary Agents, who were 
 considered as the immediate lieutenants of the committee, 
 were, as they had been in the Families, the committee itself. 
 The same mystery enveloped the acts of the association ; but 
 ia other respects there were many important changes. The 
 system of isolation which had been practised in the Families 
 was to give way to meetings of some kind or another, either 
 of the Weeks, Months, or Seasons. The meetings were visited 
 by the chiefs of various grades, who gave their orders and 
 kept excitement alive by energetic addresses. A course like 
 this could not be pursued in public places, and as the lodgings 
 of the patriots were not sufficiently capacious, recourse was 
 had to the halls of wine merchants. It was at this period that 
 conspiracy installed itself in drinking shops; and there it 
 remained until the revolution. 
 
 The want of a convenient place for meeting was not the 
 only cause of this modification ; for at this time the secret 
 societies were made up of an almost entirely new set of 
 characters; recruiting went on exclusively among the very 
 lowest classes of society, where, it is well known, a conspi- 
 racy is not retarded by being prosecuted with glass in hand. 
 
 It was a remarkable period in the career of secret socie- 
 ties when they were entirely abandoned by the bourgeoisie; 
 it was the confession of a radical impotence on the part of 
 those ambitious men by whom the country had been torn 
 and harassed during a space of six years. And as to the 
 
220 HISTORY OF 
 
 societies themselves, it was a moment of their existence 
 really in accord with thejr name ; they indeed became secret, 
 without noise, external evidences or agitation ; but seeming, 
 therefore, from their concentration and mystery, to become 
 more seriously threatening than ever. 
 
 M. Martin Bernard, having been acquitted of the powder 
 affair, immediately renewed his illegal proceedings, and be- 
 came the director of the Seasons. Finding that the old knot 
 of conspirators were tired and worn out by their fruitless 
 efforts, he perceived that there lay among the lower classes 
 excellent resources of credulity and discipline, which had 
 not yet been exploited. The decree, therefore, went forth, 
 and propagandism was thereafter addressed to the suburbs. 
 The tactics of M. Blanqui, consisting in alluring simple 
 minded men by vague principles, and forbidding all disciis- 
 sion, was to be practised with great assiduity. The ardent 
 and disorderly men of the masses who are swayed by self- 
 love and the hopes of chimerical advantages, and who more- 
 over had nothing to lose by an upheaval of society, 
 promised to be much more submissive instruments than 
 brawling students, ambitious clerks, avaricious advocates, 
 and all that crew of busy bourgeois with whom nothing suc- 
 cessful had thus far been accomplished. 
 
 Besides the partial meetings of the Seasons, there were 
 more general assemblages, called reviews, which were held 
 by the revolutionary agents. The manner of proceeding at 
 one of these reviews was as follows: some long street with 
 numerous lateral ones, such, for instance, as Sainte Honor^, 
 was chosen, and the men were scattered along the lateral 
 streets, while the chiefs alone took their stand at the corners 
 upon the principal street, awaiting the arrival of the digni- 
 tary, by whom they were to be reviewed. This dignitary 
 then began his inspection ; visiting the chiefs and receiving 
 from them a report of the effective strength of their com- 
 mands, and the number who were absent. As the form- 
 ula of reception enjoined upon every member to be always 
 in a state of readiness, informing him that he might be call- 
 ed to the combat without previous notice, the Seasons might 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 221 
 
 believe, at every review, that they were possibly called to- 
 gether for the purpose of taking arms ; and hence, by the 
 promptness with which they responded to the call, the chiefs 
 might judge of the number of men which they could bring 
 into line. 
 
 The question of arms and ammunition, when maturely 
 examined, received a different solution from that which had 
 been arrived at by the Families. It was considered prudent 
 not to amass provisions of war until a short time before the 
 fight, and to distribute them only upon the field of battle. 
 By this means the society would elude the pursuits of the 
 police, and prevent that imprudence or treachery, in conse- 
 quence of which the Families had become broken up and 
 disorganized. 
 
 Every chief and member, moreover, was rigorously pro- 
 hibited from writing or preserving a single line with regard 
 to the association ; and it was declared that the infringers of 
 this regulation should be considered, and dealt with as trai- 
 tors. 
 
 These combinations, which show a skill derived from a 
 long course of experience, were the work of the old chiefs 
 of the Families, who were the reorganizers of the new socie- 
 ty. M. Martin Bernard found means, either personally, or 
 through the instrumentality of trusty agents, to communi- 
 cate frequently with M. Blanqui ; concerting with him upon 
 the measures to be taken, and rendering him accounts of 
 what progress had already been made. Their united efibrts 
 gave motion to a machine whose dark and invisible opera- 
 tions were to end in a bloody and unexpected explosion. 
 
 Owing to a sense of lassitude among the revolutionists, 
 and the character of the new recruits, the Seasons, at first, 
 made rather a slow progress. The workingmen felt but 
 little inclined, after their day's toil, to resort to political exer- 
 cises, the dangers of which were evident, and the advantages 
 rather doubtful. After many months of active propagand- 
 ism, M. Martin Bernard and his lieutenants had succeeded in 
 drawing together only four hundred individuals — young, 
 
222 HISTORY OF 
 
 heedless men for the most part, who were ambitious of play- 
 ing a part in a conspiracy. 
 
 The most rigid secrecy was observed. There was nothing 
 which could lead the public to suspect the new mine which 
 was being dug under Paris. The very existence of the 
 society was not known, even by a certain class of the repub- 
 licans themselves. And even if they had known it, the 
 majority of the party would have censured the new attempt. 
 Secret societies had become discredited. The army of the 
 Rights of Man, perceiving the folly of armed attacks, had 
 retired in mass, leaving their cause to the favor of a demo- 
 cratic Providence. 
 
 The abandonment of the Republic on the part of the in- 
 telligent men of the party, was calculated to drive the more 
 violent characters to a state of desperation. To become 
 confounded broadcast among the ranks of the Seasons, under 
 chiefs of no distinction, was a part altogether too inconsider- 
 able for certain members of the party; and hence, some of 
 the more reckless ones were not long iu coming to ruminate 
 upon new plans of regicide. A mechanician by the name of 
 Champion was seized at the moment in which he was about 
 to execute one of these attempts. Profiting by the negli- 
 gence of his keepers, he strangled himself in prison, and it 
 is not known whether he had any accomplices or not. 
 
 Some time afterwards another of these hateful attempts 
 upon the life of the king, made by Meunier, also miscarried. 
 The king condescended to pardon this wretch, who went to 
 die a miserable death in America. Meunier had belonged to 
 the Families; his name was found upon the liscs of M. Blan- 
 qui. 
 
 There were other symptoms at this period which went to 
 prove that the impotence of the party was disclosing itself 
 by an access of rage. At one time placards would be ex- 
 hibited containing cynical calumnies against the royal family, 
 or bloody threats against the members of the government ; 
 and at another, schemes were on foot for the destruction in 
 mass of persons and property ; in all of which could be seen 
 the dreams of furious men who were held in check by the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES, 223 
 
 police, and who were arrested the moment that a tangible 
 fact gave room for an action at law. 
 
 The men who were versed in revolutionary matters 
 perceived clearly that such convulsions as these were but 
 the death-rattle of the republic militant. Indeed, after the 
 formidable efforts which the government had defeated, the 
 mere complots of isolated demagogues and the mysterious 
 manoeuvres of the battalion of the Seasons, might be con- 
 sidered as vain and powerless. 
 
 At the moment, however, when anarchical proceedings 
 seemed to be at an end, a political act occurred which 
 inspired them with a new life; and this act was not, as 
 might be supposed, one of rigor on the part of power ; it was 
 simply a measure of clemency. 
 
 The democrats have always been warmly in favor of 
 amnesties ; for, what it called an amnesty among us, consists 
 in duping the government. To give pardon to repentant 
 men who show themselves worthy of it, is to do well ; but to 
 set at large a crew of madmen who will abuse their liberty 
 as soon as they get it, is perfect folly. If we remember 
 rightly, there has ■ been shown no little excitement against 
 certain governments because of their requiring that a request 
 shoald be made in favor of persons whom they were expected 
 to pardon; but for our part, we do not consider even a 
 request as sufiBcient. No one should trust a man who when 
 imprisoned for an attack against the government, would not 
 bind himself in writing to refrain from such attacks in future. 
 Why should we release one whom we have in our power, if 
 he is always to be our enemy ? Are we obliged to have less 
 regard for our own safety than for that of others? Hu- 
 manity, clemency, and many other fine things have nothing 
 to do in a case of this kind. True humanity consists in the 
 preservation of the greatest number, and true clemency in 
 pardoning him who repents. 
 
 The amnesty took place on the 8th of May, on the acces- 
 sion of the Mol^ ministry. The doors of the prison were 
 thrown open to several classes of prisoners, and among others 
 to Messrs. Barb^s and Blanqui of the powder affair. The 
 
224 HISTORY OF 
 
 nest day Messrs. Barbfes and Blanqui went to find M. Martin 
 Bernard, their ancient accomplice, and resumed in the 
 Seasons the same rank which they had held in the Families. 
 Is there any man in his senses who could approve of a gene- 
 rosity so strange as this, which resulted merely in changing 
 so many prisoners into conspirators? The republicans 
 could not certainly have expected it, for they have never 
 concealed their hostility. The fault lay in an error of the 
 government ; in order to please the journalists, or those who 
 are called philanthropists, it set at large individuals who 
 immediately became obstinate aggressors. 
 
 The three chiefs" being united, and the body of officers 
 very materially reinforced in consequence of the royal 
 clemency, the association received an impulsion of sudden 
 development. Propagandism, under practised agents and 
 a multifarious direction, penetrated the obscurest retreats. 
 The workshop, especially, was beset with emissaries ; for the 
 principle of M. Martin Bernard was recognized as excellent 
 — it was in the laboring classes, credulous and easily impres- 
 sionable, that the insurrectionary army would find its best 
 soldiers. In order to reduce these soldiers to the necessary 
 severity of discipline, it was decided to give more form to 
 the doctrines of the society, and to the ceremony of reception. 
 The mind of the member must be struck by a forcible im- 
 pression ; a sentiment of revolutionary duty must become 
 fanaticism, and political hostility a frenzy. 
 
 The formula of the Families which we have given, served 
 as a basis to that of the Seasmis; but it will be seen that the 
 latter is marked by a much greater severity of language, and 
 by a solemnity calculated to make a much deeper impression 
 upon weak minds. The text, together with the responses 
 which the candidate was to make, being prompted by his 
 sponsor in case of embarrassment, was as follows : — 
 
 The candidate was first introduced with his eyes ban- 
 daged. 
 
 The president then demanded his name of the introducer, 
 and said : — 
 
 " Citizen (the name), what is thy age ? thy profession ? thy 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 225 
 
 birthplace? thy domicile? What are thy rneans of liveli- 
 hood ? Hast thou reflected upon the step -which thou art 
 taking? upon the obligation which thou hast just taken? 
 Knowest thou that traitors are smitten with death ? 
 
 " Swear then to disclose to no one the things that shkll 
 take place here. 
 
 "What thinkest thou of royalty and of kings?" 
 
 " That it is execrable ; that kings are as fatal to the hu- 
 man species as tigers are to other animals." 
 
 "Who, at the present day, are the aristocrats?" 
 
 "The aristocracy of birth was destroyed in July 1830; the 
 aristocrats now are the rich, who constitute an aristocracy as 
 devouring as the first." 
 
 " Is it enough merely to overthrow royalty ?" 
 
 "All aristocrats whosoever must be destroyed, and all 
 privileges whatever; for otherwise nothing would be accom- 
 plished." 
 
 "What must we put in their place?" 
 
 " The government of the people by the people ; that is to 
 say, the Eeptiblic." 
 
 "Those who have rights without fulfilling any duties, 
 such for instance as the aristocrats — are they a part of the 
 people ?" 
 
 " They ought not to be considered a part of them ; they 
 are to the body politic what the cancer is to the human body. 
 The first condition of the restoration of the body to health 
 is the extraction of the cancer. The first condition of a 
 restoration of the body politic to a proper state is the anni- 
 hilation of the aristocracy." 
 
 " Can thje people govern itself immediately after a revolu- 
 tion ?" 
 
 "The body politic being gangrened, heroic remedies are 
 necessary for bringing it to a healthy state. The people 
 would still have need, for some time, of a revolutionary 
 power." 
 
 " What then, in short, are thy principles?" 
 
 "To exterminate royalty and all the aristocrats; to substitute 
 in their stead the Eepublic, that is to say, the government of 
 15 
 
226 HISTOET OF 
 
 equality, and for the attainment of this government, to em- 
 ploy a revolutionary power which is to prepare the people 
 for an exercise of their rights." 
 
 "Citizen, the principles which thou hast just announced 
 are the only just ones, and the only ones which can direct 
 the march of humanity towards its manifest destiny, but 
 their realization is not easy ; our enemies are numerous and 
 powerful ; they have at their disposal all the forces of society ; 
 as for us, republicans, our very name is proscribed ; we have 
 nothing but our courage and our good right. Eeflect, for 
 there is still time, upon the danger to which thou art ex- 
 posed in entering our ranks: the sacrifice of fortune, the- 
 loss of liberty — death, itself, perhaps — art thou decided to 
 brave them all ? 
 
 "Thy answer is the proof of thy energy — arise citizen, and 
 take the following oath : — 
 
 "In the name of the Kepublic I swear eternal hatred 
 against all kings, all aristocrats, and all the oppressors of hu- 
 manity. I swear an absolute devotion to the people, and 
 fraternity to all men except aristocrats ; I swear to punish 
 traitors; I promise to give my life and to mount even upon 
 the scaffold should this sacrifice be necessary for the reign of 
 the sovereignty of the people and of equality." 
 
 The president then put a dagger in his hand. 
 
 " May I be punished with the death of the traitor, may I 
 be stabbed with this dagger, if I violate this oath. I consent 
 to be dealt with as a traitor if I disclose the least thing to 
 any individual whatever, even though my nearest relation, 
 unless he is a member of this association." 
 
 After the neophyte had taken this oath, the president 
 resumed : — 
 
 " Citizen, be seated ; the society receives thy oath ; thou art 
 now one of the association ; labor with us for the enfranchise- 
 ment of the people. 
 
 "Citizen, thy name will not be uttered among us; here is 
 thy number in this workshop — . Thou art to provide thy- 
 self with arms and ammunition. The committee by which the 
 society is directed will remain unknown until the moment of 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 227 
 
 taking arms. — Citizeti, one of thy duties is to spread the doc- 
 trines of the association. If thou knowest devoted and dis- 
 creet citizens, it is thy duty to present them to us." 
 
 At these words the candidate was restored to the light. 
 
 This production speaks for itself. We see that the author, 
 in laying down as a doctrine several general formulas, had in 
 reality as a main object that of infuriating the hatred of the 
 lower classes against the middle classes. But what, indeed, 
 is the actual position of these middle classes in modern 
 society ? It is evidently this : They represent the tradition 
 of labor, of morality, and order, all of which are the elements 
 of power in every state. Can it be said that there is a barrier 
 between the laborer and the middle classes which these classes 
 seek to strengthen with jealous pride, as was formerly done 
 by the nobility? Every one knows to the contrary. The 
 laboring man now who receives, soon becomes the laborer 
 who pays; and there is no other difference; the employer has 
 a task to perform not less severe, and more burdened with 
 cares than the simple laborer. If, then, the chiefs of dema- 
 gogism are bent upon the destruction of this peaceful and 
 laborious part of the community — a class without pride or 
 intolerance, and which incontestably includes within itself 
 the wisdom and power of the country, what other motive can 
 they have than a jealous hatred against men whose sterling 
 qualities cause them to blush for their pretentious nullity? 
 What object can they have but to wrest the power from its 
 just and rightful possessors ? But this matter is too clear 
 to need elucidation, and the people themselves would be the 
 first to see it were they once clear of the fog of false doc- 
 trines by which they have become enveloped. 
 
228 HISTOEY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIV. 
 
 The Republican Monitor — The Free Man — M. Joigneaux — Siezure of pow- 
 der — Skill of the committee of the Seasons — PrelimiBaries of the 12th of 
 May — M. Barhfes hesitates — How he is decided hy M. Blanqui — Counter 
 order of the battle — The choice of ground. 
 
 At the close of the year 1837, M. Huber, whom we have 
 already met with in the complot of Neuilly, lost a portfolio 
 in which was found the plan of a new infernal machine 
 against thcvking. His two principal accomplices were M. 
 Steuble and Miss Laura Grouvelle. M. Huber was con- 
 demned to deportation, and the two others to five years' 
 imprisonment. It is well known what has since become of 
 M. Huber ; M. Steuble cut his throat, and M. Laura Grouvelle, 
 the admirer of Alibaud, went mad. 
 
 The trial of conspirators usually gives a new stimulus to 
 conspiracies; but the Seasons had no need of anything of the 
 kind; for the subjects of the amnesty were to recompense 
 the government by laboring conscientiously to effect its ruin ; 
 The propagandism of the suburbs, prosecuted to the extre- 
 mity of zeal, was producing its fruit, and the revolutionary 
 tide arose to the highest mark. 
 
 There were, however, several undisciplined spirits in the 
 society -who could not submit to have their importance 
 buried beneath a passive silence, and who must needs play a 
 more conspicuous part. Some of these joined together and 
 formed the plan of a clandestine journal, by which they could 
 give a louder and more commanding exposition of their 
 revolutionary ideas. The chiefs could not approve of this 
 derogation of the regulations ; but no attention was paid to 
 their wishes. The dissenters procured, by various means, 
 theft among others, a set of types, got a printer, and brought 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 229 
 
 forth, by way of experimental effort, several pieces of verse, 
 of which the following are specimens : — 
 
 To morrow the regicide goes to Ws place, 
 
 Amidst the pantheon of gods. ' 
 
 ****** 
 
 Though thieving and murder his soul may stain, 
 It is rendered all white and pure again, 
 When washed in the blood of a king. 
 
 Such poetry as this was the perfect admiration of the dema- 
 gogic masses, and the flattered authors resolved to undertake 
 a publication in consecutive numbers. They issued the 
 Republican Monitor, a work of darkness which, without name 
 of either editor or printer, came from some unknown labora- 
 tory at irregular periods' and circulated, imder the blouse, 
 through the lodgings of the democrats. It was not bold dis- 
 cussion or violent conviction that marked this piece of gray 
 paper, printed, it would seem, upon a form made up of heads 
 of nails — it was nervous folly, a spasm of the nervous System, 
 a sort of revolutionary erethismus. The editorial of the first 
 number, dated Frimaire '6, year XLVI. (November, 1837), 
 ran thus : — 
 
 " The journal is to appear without any of the fiscal fetters 
 which were imposed upon the liberty of thought by the rene- 
 gades of '89 and 1830. We shall speak against royalty ; we 
 shall attack the government both in principle and form ; shall 
 protest against the ridiculous respect paid to the charter, and 
 to those laws which are set up against the people by bigoted 
 tri-colored gentlemen ; we shall make the apology of political 
 acts which are qualified as crimes and transgressions by the 
 people of the king; we shall strive by every means, and 
 without scruple, to effect the destruction of the government 
 and the aristocrats. And in a word shall do all that is pro- 
 hibited to be done under the penalty of fine, imprisonment, 
 and the guillotine by the salutary laws of September." 
 
 The second number made its appearance in December, and . 
 was addressed to young men ; and its sly insinuations were 
 well calculated to lead^ them to the bagnio or the scaffold. 
 The following is a specimen : — 
 
230 HISTOEY OF 
 
 "Every one of you is upon an immense theatre whfere it 
 depends solely upon one's-self to play a great part — a theatre 
 ■where many a Brutus and Alibaud have, by immolating or 
 seeking to immolate tryanny, transmitted their names to 
 every age of the world." 
 
 The Republican Monitor ought, in fact, to have been called 
 the Monitor of Regicide, for it harped upon the assassination 
 of the king as if that were the only political capital of the 
 editors. The sixth number was especially devoted to this 
 subject, and contained at' its head the following sentences: — 
 
 " A king is not judged, but killed."— Billaud-Varennes. 
 
 " One cannot govern innocently." — Saint-Just. 
 
 " Regicide is the right of every man Avho cannot obtain jus- 
 tice except by his own hands."- — A'libadd. 
 
 The seventh number was occupied with the trial of Huber, 
 who was condemned — "by the testimony of men vomited 
 forth from the bagnio, and blocking together for the support 
 of agonized monarchy. 
 
 The Republican Monitor died a natural death at the eighth 
 number. Several hundred copies of it had beeii published 
 and thrust under the doors of houses and into workshops ; 
 but it was especially read and devoured among the groups 
 of the Seasons. The unfortunate men who composed that 
 society, fancying that the best patriotism was that which 
 made the greatest noise, applauded the Monitor with enthusi- 
 asm. The committee were not altogether displeased at this 
 result, although the publication interfered somewhat with 
 their plans. It was perceived that a paper of such sentiments 
 could not be very well received by the public ; and that the 
 establishment of a republic, such as proposed, would be 
 favored only by a few. This the directors of the famous 
 sheet were finally made to understand, and the publication 
 was abandoned, or rather transformed into a new one. It 
 took the title of the ancient journal of Babeuf — the Free 
 Mam,. The editors remained the same, and the principles 
 advocated received little or no modification ; but the forms 
 of expression were somewhat softened. This change showed 
 itself in the first number, wherein it was stated, that " even 
 
SKCEET SOCIKTIES. 231 
 
 on belialf of principles, too rude a shock of stupid prejudices 
 would be avoided." But although the Free Man proved to be 
 more sparing of bloody extravagances than the Monitor, it 
 was filled to overflowing with a sort of provocations which 
 were not less detestable; instead of stimulating to assassina- 
 tion, it incited to theft and devastation, The fourth number 
 contained this apostrophe : " War to the knife between you 
 who enjoy an insolent idleness and us who have suffered for 
 so long a time ! The time is nigh when the people will de- 
 mand, with arms in their hands, that their property shall be 
 restored to them ; the possessions of the rich are often 
 nothing but the fruit of rapine." 
 
 The police, after numerous researches, finally succeeded in 
 discovering the locality from which this incendiary sheet 
 emanated ; it was a porter's lodge, the proprietor of which, 
 M. Fomberteaux, senior, assisted in the publication. The 
 principal editor was M. Fomberteaux, jr., a shoemaker by 
 trade, and to assist him he had four coadjutors, viz: M. 
 Joigneaux, now representative of the people, M. Minor-Le- 
 comte, since married to the widow of Pepin, and Messrs. 
 Guillemin and Houdin. These five writers for the public 
 were condemned each to imprisonment for five years, and to 
 a five years' supervision of the high police. 
 
 Inflamed by the indefatigable zeal of its chiefs, heated to 
 a white heat by the journal of Messrs. Fomberteaux, Joig- 
 neaux, etc., the society of Seasons arrived, at length, about 
 the middle of the year 1838, at that state of super-excite- 
 ment which compelled the committee to prepare for an ex- 
 plosion. We have said that the affiliated members of the 
 society were not to occupy themselves with forming depots 
 of arms or ammunition, that each was to limit his attention 
 to his own personal supply, and that the committee had as- 
 sumed the care of providing for all at the moment of the 
 fight. But notwithstanding this regulation, some of the 
 over zealous members resorted to the old method, and col- 
 lected supplies of powder and balls — thus furnishing a new 
 prey for the police. One morning, M. Rouyon, a secondary 
 chief of the society, was visited by a commissary, who sent 
 
232 HISTORY OiP 
 
 Mm to the prefecture witli eleven hundred cartridges, which 
 "were seized in his lodgings; and not long afterwards, M. 
 Danguy was also called thither, to give an account of a sup- 
 ply of powder found at his house. At about the same time 
 it was learned that an engraver of the Palais-Royal, M. 
 Eaban, had transformed his house into a perfect arsenal; 
 and a detachment being sent there, took possession of ten 
 thousand balls and a large quantity of powder and cart- 
 ridges. "While this seizure was being made, Messrs. Dubosc 
 and Lardon arrived with another quantity of ammunition, 
 and men, powder, balls, and all were taken into custody. 
 
 But the trials resulting from these, seizures served only to 
 increase the exaltation of the members of the society. The 
 committee felt that the pressure was becoming intense, and 
 that to check the growing impatience, a positive promise 
 had become necessary. However, as it was near the close of 
 1838, the committee urged the advanced state of the season 
 as unfavorable to an insurrection, and that, besides, several 
 months were still indispensable for the preparations ; but that 
 by spring everything should be arranged for giving battle. 
 "With this decision the exalted were appeased. Propagand- 
 ism was pushed on with renewed zeal; the aifiliations went 
 on increasing ; frequent reviews accustomed the men to dis- 
 cipline, and redoubled activity animated the association. 
 
 True to their promise, the committee, early in 1839, occu- 
 pied themselves with preparations for the combat. As the 
 fabrication of powder had become too dangerous, it was de- 
 cided to procure it by purchase from the merchants. Orders 
 were given among the groups that it should be bought by 
 such members as were pretty well off in their circumstances, 
 in small quantities, and from different shops, in order not to 
 excite suspicion. By this means, a very considerable quan- 
 tity was procured; but as the greater part of the members 
 were poor working men, the supply was still insufficient. 
 M. Barb^s, M. Dubosc, of the Journal of the People, and 
 others, therefore, clubbed together and formed a fund, which 
 was given to trusty men, for the purpose of continuing the 
 purchases. A suf&cient quantity being thus procured, and 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 233 
 
 sent to the revolutionarf agents, was given out, and well 
 tried men were ctosen for making it into cartridges. 
 
 As to arms, the committee having engaged to supply 
 them at the hour of the fight, they took measures for fulfil- 
 ing their promise ; but to avoid a surprise, they took care 
 not to collect them beforehand. There existed in the associ- 
 ation several Weeks, composed of young men of the schools 
 and of the press, a remnant of the bourgeoisie, who had 
 strayed into this army of the men of the suburbs, whose 
 dress and bearing enabled them to execute certain missions 
 which would have rendered their brethren of the blouse sus- 
 pected, and to this general staff of the army was intrusted 
 the care of ascertaining where muskets might be found. 
 For this purpose they visited the different armorers' shops, 
 and under pretence of making purchases, took notes of the 
 contents of the shops, of the condition of the arms, and the 
 locality of the premises. 
 
 Although this was done with sangfroid and adroitness, 
 the police got wind of it; knew that powder was being 
 bought, and that armorers' shops were being inspected ; but 
 no one could be taken in the act. Glimpses of the insurrec- 
 tion were seen, and an approaching outbreak was conjec- 
 tured ; but the secret remained with the three chiefs, who 
 communicated it to no one, and who, moreover, if they 
 really had fixed upon the season for the movement, had not 
 yet decided upon the day, and were awaiting for some favor- 
 able- circumstance. 
 
 This conspiracy of the Seasons, together with that of 
 General Mallet, is, perhaps, the most astonishing one of this 
 country. It is the only one, since 1880, which has taken 
 the government by surprise. Its secret was kept until the 
 last, and although vaguely known, it fixed the day, and 
 made the irruption without the police being informed of it. 
 
 Its disastrous defeat proves what we have already said, to 
 wit, that popular conspiracies, though even the most skil- 
 fully combined, can never attain their object, nor effect a 
 revolution. The Friends of the People and the Rights of Man 
 conspired openly, and their anticipated explosions found the 
 
234 HISTOEY OF 
 
 power upon a terrible defensive. The Seasons prepared 
 tkeir mine in secrecy, and sprung it upon the public like a 
 thunderbolt; but if the government was astonished, the 
 people were not less so; the majority of the republicans 
 themselves were stupefied by it ; and hence, the consequence 
 was that it nowhere found sympathy or support, and fell 
 stillborn, amidst the indifference of 'some and the indigna- 
 tion of others. 
 
 M. Barb^s being a proprietor in Aude, had gone there to 
 reside upon his estate, when in the month of March, 1839, a 
 letter from M. Blanqui recalled him to Paris. This letter 
 informed him of a favorable circumstance and of a determina- 
 tion for immediate action. M. Barb&s set out, saying that 
 he was going to make a tour in the provinces, where he had 
 - been called by a friend, and proceeded to Narbonne ; but 
 when arrived there, he faced about and went directly to Paris. 
 
 M. Blanqui gave him a detailed account of afiairs ; the 
 .men had been promised a movement in the spring ; they were 
 reckoning upon it as a settled matter, and murmurs of impa- 
 tience were already heard. The society was in the finest 
 state of discipline and full of confidence in its chiefs ; but a 
 period of three years had elapsed since its organization, and 
 a longer delay might, at any moment, lead to a disbandment. 
 The preparations were finished ; there were cartridges for the 
 men in abundance, and as to arms, it was known where they 
 could be found. In order to surprise the government, it was 
 necessary to avoid the old method of proceeding, not to make 
 use pf some marked occasion, such as a festival or a solem- 
 nity, but merely to assume a position in the midst of advan- 
 tageous circumstances. A favorable conjuncture presented 
 itself in a ministerial crisis, which, prolonged beyond all 
 expectation, was powerfully agitating the public mind and 
 disturbing the action of the government. The only question, 
 then, to decide, was the day for the battle. 
 
 M. Barb^s had arrived in Paris in the expectation of an 
 approaching conflict; the precautions which he had taken 
 with respect to his return, prove it; but, braver than either 
 of his colleagues, Messrs. Blanqui and Martin Bernard, he 
 
SEOKET SOCIETIES. 235 
 
 wanted time for reflection before becoming engaged in tlie 
 affair ; for, having once taken bis part, he was not a man 
 to back out. He did not, therefore, exhibit such zeal as his 
 friends had expected ; and he even raised objections, which 
 showed no great confidence in success. The society pre- 
 sented a total of about twelve hundred members ; but the 
 recent reviews showed that not more than two thirds of this 
 number could be relied on ; and was that enough to under- 
 take the affair ? Yes, certainly, for merely undertaking it ; 
 but Was it enough to insure the victory ? No. What was 
 the state of mind of the people of Paris? what assistance 
 might be expected from them ? That was the question. 
 
 He was answered that the people would rise ; that every- 
 thing authorized such a conclusion. But M. Barb^s regarded 
 this as an assertion without proof. M. Blanqui, however, 
 savage with impatience, and burning to come to an issue with 
 a government which he deigned to regard as his personal 
 enemy, knew how to overcome the scruples of his col- 
 league :-— 
 
 " But there is one consideration, said he, which thou hast 
 forgotten ; our honor as chiefs is implicated ; if we delay the 
 combat, that honor is lost ; we shall be regarded as cowards 
 and traitors, and our men will disperse." 
 
 To this M. Barbfes said not a word ; his assent was given. 
 
 This took place about the Iniddle of April. The three 
 members of the committee, under their title of revolutionary 
 agents, held a general review of the sections. Each Month, 
 assembled by its July at the house of a wine merchant, was 
 closely inspected by the superior chief Many of these 
 assemblages took place at the house of M. Charles, Grenelle 
 Saint Honor^ Street, who held the rank of Spring; and it 
 was then that the Seasons were inspected by M. Barb^s. He 
 repaired thither; took an account of the men present, and then, 
 made a short address, in which he excited expectation, but 
 without making known his designs. 
 
 "You know, said he, that when called together by the 
 committee, the design may be to commence action; it is 
 therefore your duty to be always ready at a moment's notice. 
 The responsibility of the committee is very great ; they will 
 
236 HISTORY OF 
 
 meet it ; but at the same time every member bas a responsi- 
 bility whicb be ftiust acquit himself of towards the chiefs ; let 
 every one do bis duty when called upon, and the committee 
 will do theirs." 
 
 The result of this review appeared satisfactory. The effect- 
 ive strength being numerous and every group full of revo- 
 lution, M. Barb^s conceived new hopes. He had seen a 
 thousand rough but disciplined men who had promised him 
 to march at the signal, and be expected to find them all upon 
 the ground. His two confederates, pushed on to the contest 
 by their hatred and impotence, did not share in his illusions. 
 They well knew that many of these wretches, induced either 
 by diplomacy or self-love to enter upon a terrible enterprise, 
 would not make their appearance at the decisive moment, 
 and would leave the weight of the affair to fall upon a small 
 and determined troop ; but this was enough for them. They 
 counted upon a favorable effect which the surprise might 
 produce among the people and upon the taking possession of 
 some prominent point where they might await the current of 
 events. And besides, the stakes were down and the game 
 must be played. 
 
 The ministerial crisis still continuing, and M. Blanqui con- 
 ceiving that a republican explosion would find the govern^ 
 ment in a state of disorganization, induced his colleagues to 
 hasten the day of combat. As it was desirable to take the 
 city by surprise, it was considered that Sunday, a period when 
 many of the citizens leave Paris, would be the most favorable 
 day. There was still another reason for choosing a day of 
 festivity; for the plan of M. Blanqui consisted in moving 
 directly upon a central position, throwing up strong intrench- 
 ments, and making it the head-quarters of the insurrection; 
 and as this central position was to be the prefecture of police, 
 it was calculated that on Sunday, from the absence of the 
 employees and the solitude of the place, a surprise would be 
 rendered comparatively easy. Hence, the movement was de- 
 cided upon for Sunday, the 5th of May. 
 
 The revolutionary agents gave orders to the Springs to 
 assemble the Seasons for another and a rigorous review, in- 
 forming them that the greatest promptness would be expected 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 237 
 
 at the rendezvous. Several of the Springs, .Messrs. Meillard, 
 Nettr^, Charles, and Dubose, of the Journal of the People, had 
 the confidence of the chiefs, and might have conjectured their 
 plans ; but these plans were not, however, divulged ; for the 
 three members of the committee had sworn to keep their secret 
 until the end. 
 
 The groups were to assemble at mid-day, at a great number 
 of points and await for further orders. Every one was 
 promptly at his post; the Sunday at the head of his Week 
 awaited orders from July, and July awaited them from Spring. 
 At about one o'clock it was made known that the committee 
 were satisfied with the zeal of the revolutionary army, and 
 that another meeting would soon be called at which it was 
 hoped the same alacrity would be shown. For that day 
 there was no further communication. 
 
 This, it was understood, was a counter-order. It was oc- 
 casioned by a change of regiments, which was announced for 
 the following week.. The wars of the streets, like all other 
 wars, require a knowledge of the ground. It was a practi- 
 cal knowledge of the revolutionary field of battle which ren- 
 dered the old municipal guard so terrible. New troops just 
 arrived in the city, it was thought, would be embarrassed in 
 their movements, and thus give an advantage to the insurrec- 
 tionists. 
 
 Towards the middle of the week the assemblages of the 
 Seasons recommenced. These repeated meetings showed 
 clearly that something was taking place ; but the reserve of 
 the chiefs remained unbroken, and the groups were reduced 
 to mere conjecture. 
 
 The committee had caused cartridges to be made, half for 
 fowling pieces and half for muskets, and dividing them 
 among themselves, took measures for placing them near the 
 point of attack. This point, as usual, was in the heart of 
 Paris, in a populous and frequented quarter. From the visits 
 made to the armorers' shops, it had been ascertained that the 
 store of Lepage, Bourg-l'Abbd Street, contained arms enough 
 for the whole association. The store, besides being very 
 conveniently situated, was chosen as the general place of 
 
238 HISTOEY OF 
 
 meeting ; and all the chiefs caused their arsenals to be con- 
 veyed to its vicinity. 
 
 Before making these dispositions, the committee took care 
 to rally all the men and enforce the attendance of the absen- 
 tees. Among these latter was a young man, at that time a 
 resident of Angers, to whom one of his friends wrote a letter, 
 of which the following is an extract : "I learn that thou art 
 at last turning thy regards towards the rising sun, towards 
 that star of the world of which I have the honor to be, for 
 the moment, a sublime ray of light. Hasten, then, if thou 
 dost not wish to see it descend without being present at the 
 feast, for everything gives the assurance that a day of jubi- 
 lee and hot work is preparing here, in which we may intoxi- 
 cate ourselves with the perfumes of powder and fire." Piti- 
 able bombast, characteristic of the order of ideas by which 
 these wretched men were animated. It may be seen that the 
 person to whom this letter was addressed, a boy named Mar^- 
 chal, had just been dragged into the ranks of the conspirators. 
 He responded to the call, and was one of the first victims of 
 the sedition. How much ought not his family to be indebt- 
 ed to those who thus lured him on to this abominable 
 murder. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The chiefs oJ the Seasons and their general staff — The inspection "by M. 
 Blanq\ii — Everything in readiness — Call to arms — The store of Lepage — 
 The committee called for — Perplexity of M. Blanqui — M. Barbfes — The 
 post of the Palace of Justice — Proclamation- — Mialon, the galley-slave — : 
 M. Tisserant — -Suspected courage of some of the chiefs. 
 
 On Sunday, the 12th of May, towards mid day, the groups 
 reassembled at the wine-merchant's, or private lodgings in 
 the vicinity of the quarters of Saint Denis and Saint Martin. 
 The object of the meeting remained unknown. At one 
 o'clock the Springs passed the word of the committee to 
 amass the men in the streets of Bourg I'Abbe and New 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES. 239 
 
 Bourg I'Abbe; no other instructions, nothing to make 
 known the intentions of the chiefs. 
 
 At the hour in which this command was being communi- 
 cated to the groups, one- of those WeeJcs which we have 
 already mentioned, consisting of young men of a superior 
 condition, were also awaiting instructions in a cofE'ee-house 
 at the corner of Mandar and Montorgueil Streets, among 
 whom were M. Napoleon Gallois, editor of the Journal of the 
 People, M. Noyer, a proprietor, M. Dupouy, a man of letters, 
 and many others. Messrs. Barbfes, Blanqui, Martin Bernard, 
 Guignot, Meillard and ISTettr^ soon arrived, and M. Blanqui, 
 addressing himself to the young men, and looking them full 
 in the face, said : — 
 
 " You know what is to be done ; we are going to tinrip." 
 
 But as these words were not well understood, he added : 
 " Yes, we shall soon have a fight." 
 
 This was perfectly intelligible. He was answered that 
 they were obliged to obey, and that they were ready. The 
 committee, the Springs and the group, after having talked 
 for a moment, went out with a tranquil air, and separating 
 into three parties, repaired to the coffee-house upon the 
 corner of the arcade of Bourg I'Abbe and the street of that 
 name. They were still a hundred paces or more from the 
 store of Lepage and the place of assembly. M. Blanqui then 
 left, in order to make a last inspection. His two confederates 
 and their companions ordered beer to be brought, and entered 
 into a conversation upon things in general, endeavoring to 
 show a degree of stoicism. Every one chatted with an air 
 of gayety which easily betrayed his affectation. The con- 
 versation of M. Barb^s alone was marked by a natural 
 manner; he neither feigned an ill-timed gayety nor dis- 
 covered any signs of fear, but showed the serenity of a man 
 of courage. 
 
 At about half past two o'clock M. Blanqui returned. 
 
 " Everything goes on well," said he ; " not a cat suspects 
 the move." 
 
 He had just visited the vicinity of the prefecture of police, 
 where reigned an air of calm and security. M. Delessert was 
 at that time at the races of the Champ de Mars. 
 
240 HISTORY OF 
 
 The three chiefs and their lieutenants issued from the 
 coffee-house, and entered among a crowd which was rapidly 
 increasing in size ; groups were approaching from six dif- 
 ferent avenues, of which this point was the centre. The 
 hour fixed for the meeting had already passed, and all who 
 were to come were already present. One accustomed to 
 estimate the number of persons in a crowd might have given 
 the number of sectionaries on the ground at from five to six 
 hundred ; and this was about the aggregate of the republican 
 army which was on the point of entering into a conflict with 
 the government. 
 
 Every one knew by this time what was to be done ; some 
 had been informed of it while on the way to the rendezvous, 
 and others upon the spot. Pensive and restless looking 
 persons might be seen amongst them, but the greater number 
 bore themselves with spirit and energy. 
 
 And now was the time, according to the promise which 
 had been given, for the chiefs to come forward and make 
 themselves known ; but they were not ignorant of the 
 general impression which prevailed, that these chiefs were to 
 be men of distinction ; and as a deception at such a moment 
 niight jeopardize the undertaking, they endeavored to extri- 
 cate themselves from the difiiculty by hastening the attack; 
 the usual course of proceeding of men -who keep up a loud 
 talk of loyalty in order to conceal their works of duplicity. 
 
 Amidst the expectant crowd whose restless looks showed 
 the fever of the soul, M. Martin Bernard forced himself to 
 raise his arms into the air and cried out in a loud voice. To 
 Arms/ His two colleagues and the small band that followed 
 them repeated the cry and rushed upon the store of Lepage, 
 which was right before them. The door of the interior 
 court being open, they entered without resistance; but in the 
 absence of the armorer, a domestic who held the keys of the 
 store refused to give them up ; and it became necessary to 
 force open the doors in order to get at the arms. Messrs. 
 BarbSs and Blanqui directed this operation, and made short 
 work of it. Once entered among the arms, the windows 
 overlooking the streets were thrown open, and the distribu- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 241 
 
 on commenced. During this time M. Martin Bernard, with 
 'hom the members of the society were the most intimately 
 3quainted, was called upon by them to give the names of 
 le chiefs. Perceiving that there was no longer room for 
 esitation, he ran to join his colleagues, crying out — 
 
 " We are the committee ! and we are at your head, as we 
 ave promised to be. There are other members whose names 
 ■ill be made known in a proclamation." 
 
 This was not exactly what had been expected ; more than 
 ne disappointed conspirator held himself in reserve in order 
 ) see what turn the affair would take before proceeding any 
 irther. Of the five or six hundred members who appeared 
 pon the ground, three hundred at farthest took arms. The 
 3mainder gradually drew off, extricated themselves from the 
 rowd, and made their disappearance. 
 
 On the morning of that day, the 12th, M. Meillard, who 
 ad been intrusted with the ammunition for the troop of M. 
 lartin Bernard, had sent to Bourg I'Abb^ Street, to the house 
 f one of his friends named Bonnet, a large trunk filled with 
 irtridges; and as soon as the cry of war arose, the trunk was 
 rought forth and its contents distributed, every one helping 
 imself. At the same time a Julyy M. Brocard, a journeyman 
 acker by trade, came upon the ground with a box under his 
 rm, and a ring was formed around him, believing that there 
 ■as to be another distribution of cartridges ; but what was 
 le stupefying astonishment of his comrades on seeing their 
 uly gravely draw forth from his box the fancy dress and 
 rmor of the stage and proceed to put it on ! 
 
 The fire-arms during this time were handed down or rather 
 irown into the street from the windows of Lepage's store, 
 'here was a great scramble for them, and more than once 
 le possession of a gun was obstinately disputed. 
 
 After an hour of violence and confusion, during which the 
 biiefs, in order to beguile the impatience of the groups, struck 
 p the song of the Departure, the store was finally emptied; 
 ad then the three members of the committee made their re- 
 ppearance in the street in search of their men. But many 
 f these men had vanished from the view — careful patriots, 
 16 
 
242 HISTORT OF 
 
 some of them, who prudently remembered to carry off some 
 of Lepage's valuable guns and pistols, for which a very good 
 price could be got. 
 
 M. Barb^s, surrounded by men who were in want of cart- 
 ridges, put himself at their head and hastened to the house 
 of Dame Eoux, Quincampoix Street, where he had deposited 
 the cartridges of his Year. This dame, ignorant alike of the 
 character and the object of the deposit, was not at home. 
 Her door was forced open, and the contents of a box fur- 
 nished the band with an ample supply. M. Barb^s immedi- 
 ately returned to Bourg-l'Abb^ Street to communicate with 
 his colleagues. There he found M. Blanqui alone, breath- 
 less, overwhelmed, but contending against a crowd who were 
 crying out treason, declaring that there was neither any plan 
 or committee, and that the patriots were only led on to be 
 butchered. M. Barb&s looked on for a moment with a heavy 
 heart, contemplating a scene which seemed to open before 
 him like an abyss ; then, resolving upon his course, he called 
 out to the men of courage to follow him, and set out at the 
 head' of a small band towards the prefecture of police. Going 
 by the way of the bridge of Notre-Dame, he halted at the 
 flower market in order that his men might load. This done, 
 he pushed directly for the Palace of Justice, which was but a 
 few paces in advance. A physician, M. Levraud, had. in- 
 formed the guard of that point that the insurgents were 
 coming upon them, and that they ought to take measures for 
 defence ; but the insurrection, the rumor of which had already 
 began to spread, appeared to be so very strange that it could 
 hardly be believed ; so that the chief of the port, notwithstand- 
 ing the information which he had just received, did not even 
 take care to have the arms of his detachment loaded. 
 
 M. Barb&s, addressing himself to the men who were hurry- 
 ing out to oppose him, summoned them to surrender and to 
 deliver up their arms; the officer, M. Drouineau, made a 
 reply in accordance with his duty. A short parley ensued, 
 and then, all of a sudden, the muskets of the insurgents were 
 brought down to an aim, their report rang upon the ear, and 
 the chief of the post, with half of his men, fell dead upon the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 243 
 
 spot. The remainder were immediately surrounded and 
 disarmed. 
 
 M. Barb^s has been accused of the assassination of the unfor- 
 tunate Drouineau, and he has denied it. . We believe, from 
 what we know of M. Barb^s, that his word ought to possess 
 some weight ; but if the mortal shot was not aimed by him- 
 self, it certainly came from one of his men, and even, that is 
 no small responsibility. It must be borne in mind, moreover, 
 that in a proclamation which we shall give, this chief lent his 
 hand to a falsehood ; it was before the danger, however, and 
 in a case which was not personal. Perhaps it is true that in 
 the hour of danger, and when he has no one to defend but 
 himself, M. Barbfes does not lie — such is the character of the 
 man. He possesses all the pride and fanatical energy of cer- 
 tain chiefs of the savage tribes which figure in the works of 
 Cooper. It is not improbable, indeed, that he may have 
 been instigated by their examples. When brought before 
 the Court of Peers and called on for his defence, he replied 
 that the conquered savage offered his head to the scalping 
 knife, but never gave an excuse. The attorney-general 
 might well say that in comparing himself to a savage he did 
 himself no more than justice. 
 
 The guards having thus been assassinated and disarmed, 
 the next move was made upcm the prefecture of the police ; 
 but the alarm had been given, and the few disposable men 
 there had prepared for a defence, which secured the place 
 from a coup-de-main. A small band of the insurgents fired 
 a few shots in Jerusalem Street, and that was all ; a formal 
 attack was not attempted. 
 
 M. BarbSs rallied his men and directed his course upon 
 the Hotel de Ville, the post of which had been left by the 
 National Guards who had charge of it. The people of Paris 
 in general were still unaware of the revolt. Several officers 
 and the sentinel on post finding themselves opposed to a 
 band of insurgents, deemed that a defence would not be pos- 
 sible, and surrendered their arms. The republican chief 
 immediately mounted upon the steps of the hotel, and to an 
 
244 HISTORY OF 
 
 audience composed of the assailants and a few groups of 
 idle persons, read tlie following proclamation. 
 
 " To arms, citizens ! 
 
 "The fatal hour'for our oppressors has struck. 
 
 " The cowardly tyrant of the Tuileries laughs at the hunger 
 which is tearing the bowels of the people ; but the measure 
 of his crimes is full ; they are now to receive the punishment 
 which is their due. 
 
 " Betrayed France and the blood of our butchered brothers 
 cry out to you and call for vengeance ; and let it be terrible, 
 for it has been too long delayed ; perish exploitation, and let 
 equality rise triumphant amidst the wreck and ruin of royalty 
 and aristocracy I The provisional government has chosen 
 military chiefs for the direction of the combat ; these chiefs 
 come from your ranks ; follow them, then, and they will lead 
 you to victory." 
 
 " Augustus Blanqiii is commander in chief, and Barb^s, 
 Martin Bernard, Gaignot, Meillard and Nettr^, are major- 
 generals of the republican army. 
 
 " People, arouse, and your enemies will disappear like dust 
 before the hurricane. Strike with pitiless extermination the 
 vile satellites, the willing accomplices of tyranny ; but ex- 
 tend the band of friendship to those soldiers who have 
 sprung from your bosoms, and who will never contend 
 against you with parricidal arms. 
 
 " Forward ! Hurrah for the Republic ! 
 
 "BarbSs, Voyer-d'Argenson, 'Aug. Blanqui, Lamennais, 
 Martin Bernard, Dubosc, Laponneraye." 
 
 This production is shaped upon the same old model as 
 usual, and gives rise to reflections which naturally occur to 
 every one. It usurped the names of several persons who 
 thus became seriously implicated, and impudently trifled 
 with the good faith of the members of the society and the 
 people. Three of the names upon the list, those of Messrs. 
 Lamennais, Yoyer-d'Argenson, and Laponneraye, it is well 
 known, were forged ; for although these citizens might have 
 desired the success of the insurrection, they were not con- 
 sulted as to the use of their signatures, The choice of these 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 245. 
 
 names instead of others, whicli seemed naturally to offer 
 themselves, is explained as follows : M. Yoyer-d'Argenson, 
 as a large proprietor, was to give confidence to the wealthy 
 classes ; M. Lamennais, as priest, to the country people ; and 
 as to M.-Laponneraye, ex-apologist of the heroes of the reign 
 of terror, and at that time editor of a communist paper 
 called the Intelligence — he was taken as a representative of 
 the radical press; as was also M. Dubosc, editor of the Journal 
 of the People. Another prominent feature of the proclama- 
 tion is, the ever recurring falsehood with regard to the com- 
 ing over of the troops — a snakishly perfidious affectation of 
 monkeyism. These troops were not to turn their parricidal 
 arms against the demagogues — oh no ! but were to deliver 
 up their arms to the demagogues, in order to sack and pil- 
 lage society with! "Extend the hand of friendship to those 
 soldiers who have come from thy bosom." Oh, yes ! certainly, 
 if these soldiers would first disgrace themselves by yielding 
 to the insurgents ; but if not, if they should do their duty, 
 why, then massacre them, as at the Palace of Justice, or, as 
 we shall see by and by, at the market of St. John. 
 
 The insurgents, led by M. BarbSs, were not in suflicient 
 strength to hold the H6tel-de-Ville, and he decided, therefore, 
 to hasten to every mayoralty, to disarm the guards stationed 
 there, and by thus executing a series of surprises, to at 
 length astonish and arouse the people. 
 
 At the place of St. John was a post which he wished to 
 carry on his way. An insurgent, M. NouguSs, stepped for- 
 ward, and, addressing the soldiers, urged them not to make a 
 useless resistance. Receiving an energetic reply, the band 
 rushed forward and endeavorecf 'to throw themselves upon 
 the bayonets, but, farious at finding themselves repulsed, 
 they delivered a fire by which seven of the soldiers fell. An 
 old galley slave, named Mialon, one of the most ferocious 
 among the assailants, rushed upon the fallen victims, and, 
 while uttering the most hideous curses, gave a finishing 
 stroke to the work of death. This Mialon, an old man of 
 bloody instincts, killed on the same day, and in cool blood, 
 a quartermaster of the municipal guard — one way, cer- 
 
246 HISTORY OF 
 
 tainly, of extending the hand of friendship to the brethren 
 of the army ! The brave soldiers who might have legally 
 taken the offensive and destroyed a band of insurgents, 
 showed merely a passive resistance, and their generosity was 
 taken advantage of for butchering them in the most infamous 
 manner. 
 
 After other attacks in various quarters of the town, the 
 band of M. Barbes turned into Saint Martin Street, and 
 mingled in a combat going on in Greneta Street, which was 
 defended by a strong barricade. There the insurgents had 
 to deal with a man of heroic valor, who attacked them, not 
 at long musket-shot distance, and from behind intrench- 
 ments, but openly, face to face, at sword's point ; we refer to 
 Lieutenant Tisserant, of the municipal guard, now a com- 
 mandant in that chosen corps.- The troops of the army had 
 not yet been brought out, although it was nearly five o'clock 
 in the evening, and the only force that had been sent against 
 the insurgents consisted of detachments of the municipal 
 guard. One of these detachments, commanded by Lieut. 
 Tisserant, had orders to oppose the insurrectionists in the 
 quarter of Saint Martin, where they apparently designed to 
 concentrate. While on the way the officer was stopped and 
 told that he would certainly be crushed, that it was folly to 
 engage with such a small command as he had ; but the ad- 
 vice was not attended to, inasmuch as it might have been 
 given in favor of the insurgents, and was addressed to a man 
 not very sensible to danger. M. Tisserant arrived at the 
 barricade of Greneta Street and immediately opened a fire 
 upon it. This fire was jeturned by a terrible fusillade. 
 Sheltered by their solid rampart, the insurgents calculated, 
 as usual, to shoot down their brave assailants with ease and 
 security ; but such was not the case. The chief of the de- 
 tachment, addressing a few words to his men, rushed at a 
 charging pace towards the barricade, and was the first to 
 scale it. One of the insurgents, M. Austen, fired at him ; 
 but his musket hung fire, and the lieutenant cut him down 
 with his sword. He then leaped within the barricade and 
 cut down another of the insurgents who was aiming at him ; 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 247 
 
 but the latter in falling, caught him by the leg, which caused 
 him to stumble. Immediately recovering, however, he 
 pressed upon his enemy and thrust his sword into his breast. 
 The guards followed close upon their chief; and in a furious 
 hand to hand conflict they knocked down every one who 
 came in their way. The insurgents then abandoned the first 
 barricade, and took refuge behind a second, which had been 
 thrown up a short distance farther on in the same street. 
 The municipal guards followed them too closely to allow 
 them to recover themselves, and the insurgents fell back 
 successively, behind three other intrenchments, from which 
 they were dislodged as vigorously as they had been from the 
 first. 
 
 It was towards the close of these several conflicts, directed 
 by subordinate chiefs, that M. Barb&s arrived and joined 
 with the insurgents ; but his courage in no way changed the 
 result ; repeatedly wounded, he at last fell from a blow on 
 the head, covered with blood. He managed with difficulty 
 to crawl to a door-way, where he was captured. 
 
 The last remaining position of the insurgents, that of 
 Saint M^ry, was also carried by the command of M. Tisse- 
 rant; the few subsequent efforts made by the revolt were 
 isolated and insignificant, ending of themselves. 
 
 Such is the military aspect of the affair which occurred 
 on the 12th of May, A single courageous man, with a 
 handful of old soldiers, put an end to the affair at once. 
 The bearing of M. Barb&s was all that had been expected of 
 him ; but as to that of Messrs. Blanqui and Martin Bernard, 
 it was quite another thing. One of the accused, M. NouguSs, 
 believing that M. Martin Bernard had been killed, declared 
 at first that he had seen him at the head of every attack; the 
 object of his assertion being to throw the blame of the afiair 
 upon a man who was no longer responsible ; but when he 
 learned that the said Martin Bernard was safe and sound, he 
 changed his tune, and said that he had not seen him any- 
 where. His last version was much truer than the first. 
 There is considerable evidence to show that this chief was 
 among the murderers of the place of St. John; which we 
 
.248 HISTOBY OF 
 
 shall neither affirm nor deny ; but at any rate, there are no 
 traces of him to be found upon the field of battle. With 
 respect to M. Blanqui, if he really did take a glorious part 
 in the fight, it is only known to himself. 
 
 M. Martin Bernard was concealed by one of his Julys, M. 
 Charles, at the house of a man named Ardiot, Mouflfetard 
 Street, where he was arrested six weeks afterwards. His 
 papers showed that he was already occupied in getting up 
 another association ; the blood which had been shed had not 
 yet been washed away when he was meditating schemes for 
 shedding it anew. It is certain that his own blood had not 
 yet been exhausted. 
 
 M. Blanqui was not arreaj;ed till several months later; not 
 till the moment when entering a carriage to leave France. 
 
 Severe sentences were passed by the Court of Peers, 
 against the chiefs of the revolt. M. Barbfes, found guilty of 
 the assassination of Lieutenant Drouineau, was condemned 
 to suffer death. Messrs. Martin Bernard and Blanqui were 
 subsequently sentenced to deportation ; Mialon, to perpetual 
 hard labor ; Delsade and Austen to fifteen years' detention ; 
 Charles, to eight years ; Nougu^s and Philippet, to six years ; 
 and Eondil, Guilbert and Lemi^re, to five years' imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 After the condemnation of M. Barb^s, the remnants of the 
 Seasons, uiider the orders of Messrs. Dubosc, N. Gallois, and 
 Noyer, formed a scheme for his delivery. It became a fixed 
 plan at the office of the Journal of the People, of which the 
 first two were editors ; but a pardon from the king rendered 
 any further attempts unnecessary. 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 249 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Some of the events recorded in tlie first book of this work, 
 are to some extent already known ; but I am now about to * 
 enter upon a series of facts which are wholly unknown to 
 the public, in which I myself have played a part, and which 
 I shall expose with perfect candor. The several revelations 
 made in my pamphlet — The birth of the BepiibKc, have not 
 yet been confuted by any one. The only republican who at- 
 tempted to crush me beneath a terrible confutation, the 
 Eepresentative Miot, has done nothing more than confirm 
 many of my assertions, remaining silent upon others, and 
 replying successfully to none. I have purposely abstained 
 from answering this excellent man's book, since he could not 
 have done me a greater favor if he had been my most inti- 
 mate friend. 
 
 The scrupulous correctness which characterizes that acces- 
 sory work will be observed in the new details which I am 
 about to make known. The dates and names of persons 
 will be given in connection with every event, so that my 
 opponents will have a fair field for refutation if I misrepre- 
 sent the truth. 
 
 I have but a few words to say with regard to myself; I am 
 sincerely devoted to liberty, but have a thorough detestation 
 of those men who traffic in revolutionary ideas and speculate 
 upon public calamities. I have had a close view of these 
 men ; I have examined the wretched life which they lead, 
 their equivocal morality, their doubtful capacities, their 
 schemes tending to the ruin of the moral and material inte- 
 rests of the country, and I have become convinced that it 
 would be an act, if not of moral correctness, at least of true 
 
250 HISTORY OF 
 
 civisra, to unmask these men and seize upon their influence 
 in order to destroy it. Such alone was my object in the part 
 which I have played, as the sequel of this work will show. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Reorganization of the Seasons — The provisional committee — The four Revo- 
 lutionary Agents — Orders of the day again brought in use — My course 
 of proceeding with the patriots. 
 
 Immediately after the catastrophe of May, M. Martin 
 Bernard busied himself with reorganizing the Seasons; but 
 his obstinate zeal was finally checked by his being tried and 
 sent to Doullens. Then Messrs. Napoleon Gallois, Noyer 
 and Dubosc seized upon the threads of the association, and 
 endeavored to restore them to their original state; but none of 
 them had the ambition to become a leader of the new society. 
 M. Gallois, an obscure writer, was seeking a place in the 
 democratic press. He was a young man, twenty years of 
 age, a democrat by family inheritance, but of too trivial a 
 character to devote himself seriously to the work of conspiracy. 
 M. Noyer, a little dried up man, nervous and energetic, had 
 not the disposition for intrigue necessary for secret manoeuvres, 
 and besides, notwithstanding his southern temperament, he 
 was of a peaceful turn of mind, and found no pleasure in dis- 
 cord and fracas. M. Dubosc had had an ample opportunity of 
 judging how very disagreeable it is to a man who can afford 
 to live upon his rents, to pass his days within the four walls 
 of a prison ; he was willing to aid in collecting together the 
 remnants of the Seasons, but had no desire to become impli- 
 cated in a way that the courts might get hold of him. 
 
 But this provisional committee .infused a certain degree of 
 activity into their work. We have already said that after 
 every insurrectionary movement a sentiment of spite and 
 self-love seems to prevail, which stimulates the conspirators 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 251 
 
 to contend against the consequences of their defeat, and to 
 establish, as soon as possible, the work which has been de- 
 stroyed ; and this sentiment exhibited itself on the present 
 occasion. The majority of the members of the Seasons, a 
 wilful and imbecile crew, were ready to bend their necks to 
 the yoke of the new chiefs — to become rounds in the ladder 
 for the new exploiters. 
 
 There was a society in existence as early as the 12th of 
 May, which, however, could not take a part in the revolt be- 
 cause of not having been perfectly organized, and because, 
 moreover, it was not thought proper to claim its concurrence 
 — this society was called the Mbntagnards. One of its chiefs 
 was one Louis Gueret, called the Great Louis, a man of some 
 influence, who became, together with three members of the 
 Seasons and a considerable number of Weeks, the pivot of a 
 new undertaking. The chiefs took the name of Revolution- 
 ary Agents. We have just mentioned one of them ; the others 
 were Messrs. Boivin, Dutertre, and Chaubard : M. Boivin was 
 merely a man of action, exercising the profession of a copper 
 turner; M. Dutertre, a gilder of porcelain, had a good personal 
 appearance, and was not wanting in cunning; M. Chaubard, 
 son of a hotel keeper of Toulouse, embroiled with his family 
 and hence reduced to the condition of cook, was in no way 
 distinguished from the ordinary run of conspirators. Louis 
 Guerret was the most remarkable man of the four ; although 
 a simple worker in ebony, he had read a great deal, spoke 
 fluently, and added to these advantages a fine figure and 
 more distinguished manners than those of his companions. 
 M. Boivin, the most ignorant of these companions, was, at 
 the same time, the most sincere ; he had conspired ever since 
 1830, without knowing exactly why, but playing his part 
 nevertheless, conscientiously ; M. Dutertre had a private object 
 in view, which we shall see in the course of this work; M. 
 Chaubard yielded to the necessity of action — to his southern 
 temperament, and the Great Louis to the desire of playing a 
 part. 
 
 Subject to these four superior chiefs were subaltern com- 
 mandants, among whom we may mention Messrs. Albert, ex- 
 
252 HISTORY OP 
 
 member of the provisional government, David, Eozier, Mar- 
 chand, Vellicus, Dorgale, etc. 
 
 The point in question was a new organization for the 
 society ; for it was also the tact of the trade to adopt, after 
 every defeat, new appellations and new modes of recruiting. 
 
 Some few attempts at reorganization were made, but as 
 the committee did not show the necessary zeal, everything 
 remained in statu quo, that is to say, the drawing together 
 of the ancient members of the society went on quietly, but 
 the course to .be pursued was left to future consideration. 
 The four principal chiefs preserved for the time the title of 
 Revolutionary Agents; their lieutenants took the name of 
 chiefs of groups, and the members were designated under 
 the generic name of — The Men. 
 
 When the principal pieces of the serpent had been joined 
 together again, when the first flames of propagandism had 
 sprung forth and the society was about ready to become re- 
 constituted, the total of its forces might amount to five or six 
 hundred men. 
 
 The ancient members of the society were naturally ad- 
 mit1*d into the new organization; the new members were 
 subjected to the old formalities of reception ; but for well- 
 known patriots this formality was very much simplified. 
 
 The orders of the day, abandoned by the Families and the 
 Seasons, was resumed. The necessity of this energetic mode 
 of proceeding was felt to be imposed by a defective organiza- 
 tion. Besides the direct effect of these communications, the 
 success of which had been so great in the Bights of Mem, they 
 were known to inspire confidence in the members by leading 
 them to believe that the committee consisted of men of learn- 
 ing and importance. The mob-going folk, notwithstanding 
 their jealousy against the upper classes, are very well aware 
 that they have to take their leaders from these classes ; and 
 it has ever been remarked that their chief care is to know 
 whether their commanders are men of an elevated position. 
 The dress and manners of a man are not viewed with so evil 
 an eye by the conspirators as might be imagined ; at least, if 
 the dress is worn by a patriot, and the manners are not 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 253 
 
 marked by haughtiness. So long as the question is the 
 organization of an insurrection, the bourgeoisie, or, in the 
 parlance of the suburbs, the aristocrats, are very well received 
 and their orders followed with implicit submission ; but 
 when the fight is once commenced, and the fijmes of powder 
 intoxicate the brain, then farewell to the bourgeoisie. But 
 we have already mentioned this trait of the insurrectionists, 
 and will not refer to it again. 
 
 As the effect of orders of the day become greater by being 
 printed, care was taken to set up a clandestine printing 
 establishment. There existed a press somewhere among the 
 groups, and it was sought for and found. It was simply a 
 mahogany box containing the means for setting up a page 
 in quarto. Negotiations for its removal were entered into 
 with the man in whose possession it was found, and who 
 was glad to get rid of it for fear that it might bring him into 
 difficulty. But the question was how to remove this 
 dangerous object v/ithout risk and inconvenience ; it was 
 settled in the following manner : — 
 
 A day was fixed, and several members of the society were 
 posted about the house containing the press. The preniises 
 having been thoroughly explored, M. Noyer, enveloped in a 
 large cloak, arrived in a coach, entered the house, and imme- 
 diately returned with the box under his cloak, and so per- 
 fectly concealed that there seemed to be no change in his 
 appearance. The coachman dashed off at a round pace, 
 according to the orders which he had received. 
 
 The sentinels followed the coach by way of an escort for 
 some time ; but as they were not able to keep up with it, and 
 as nothing had occurred to disturb the operatioUj they soon 
 slackened their pace, and the coach became lost in the mazes 
 of Paris. But, as it appears, this did not satisfy the views of 
 one of the men of the party ; for, suddenly pretending some 
 excuse, he left his companions, took a street which would 
 lead him towards the coach, and, when out of sight, set to 
 running at the top of his speed. After a run of a full quarter 
 of an hour, he stopped, streaming with perspiration, and 
 
254 HISTORY OF 
 
 throwing back his head like a man who had given up the 
 object of his chase in despair. 
 
 But the box was not lost to all the world; for at the 
 moment in which that man seemed to despair at having 
 missed his object, it arrived in Notre Dame des Victoires 
 Street, at a place where it was just as safe as if it had been 
 at the prefecture of the police ; it was at my own house. 
 
 I knew the reorganizers of the society, and enjoyed their 
 unlimited confidence. This confidence I had acquired by the 
 following method: Always declaring myself a republican, I 
 censured the temerity of the party and their secret proceed- 
 ings ; I showed myself ready to assist the serious-minded 
 men among them, but never to become associated in rash 
 undertakings ; I refused to take a part in the new conspiracy, 
 but ofi'ered my services. My combinations were, to appear 
 exceedingly circumspect, and careful of the interests of the 
 cause ; for I was sure that this course would gain me the 
 intimate confidence of the chiefs, and gradually render me 
 indispensable. In order the better to preserve the influence 
 which I desired, I was obliged to acquire it by insensible 
 degrees, and without seeming to seek it. Such a man as M. 
 Miot thinks that one must be constantly rolling up his eyes, 
 making furious gestures and spouting forth Montagnard 
 phrases in order to pipe up the patriots to the dance ; but 
 every one to his taste — that was not mine. 
 
 The orders of the day were issued every month. They 
 were edited either by M. Gallois or M. Dubosc. The copy 
 was sent by M. Noyer to a sectionary, a printer by trade, 
 who came to my house to set it up. Some score of copies 
 were struck off and distributed among the principal chiefs 
 of groups, who were charged with having them read. 
 
 It might be said that, in order to esoape all censure, I 
 ought to have destroyed the box at once, and caused editors, 
 printer, and propagators of these culpable publications to be 
 arrested. Certainly not ; for a course like this to-day would 
 have to be done over again to-morrow. A few pounds of 
 type are easy to be got by the chiefs of a conspiracy, and 
 especially when they have type-setters among their men, who 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 255 
 
 can furnish themf at the expense of their employers. By 
 checking acts like these every time they occur, the police 
 would soon become limited to a too complicated system of 
 supervision ; the country would be kept subject to that agi- 
 tation which results from a discovered plot, and above all, a 
 certain class of men would be kept informed that conspira- 
 cies were still going on. In a country of hot heads and ex- 
 travagant ambition, it is exceedingly essential to keep up 
 the appearances of public tranquillity ; for an excitement in 
 one place is often enough to give rise to it in a dozen others. 
 That foolish absurdity which has been repeated a thousand 
 times, that the police traffics in political disorders, gives a 
 shrug of the shoulders to men who are versed in these mat- 
 ters. To play thus with the fire may seem to be a very easy 
 trade to the good readers of newspapers, and even to their 
 very knowing editors ; but the men who have been called to 
 this difficult service of the French government, are perfectly 
 well satisfied with the natural obstacles in their way, without 
 the useless creation of new ones. Besides, it has already 
 been said, that a too open repression of a conspiracy would 
 tend to establish a belief in the strength of the cause, which 
 would not otherwise be entertained, even by its adherents 
 themselves, and to convert into heroes a set of poor devils 
 whose example others would thus be stimulated to follow. 
 It is excellent tactics, in times of tranquillity, to avoid giving 
 a cause the advantage of publicity, and the prestige of 
 persecution; for it is thus almost inevitably reduced to a 
 stage of consumption. This tactics the government and the 
 prefect of police of that period well understood. M. Deles- 
 sert was animated by a spirit of conciliation and mildness 
 which was admirably well adapted to the peaceful state of 
 the times of which we are speaking. The remaining ele- 
 ments of anarchical extravagance had been banished to a 
 small corner, where, by means of a quiet supervision, they 
 could be narrowed down and hemmed in until their limiting 
 circle should be reduced to nothing. Humanity as well as a 
 sound policy pointed out a course of proceeding like this ; 
 and it was put in practice and attained its end, as will be seen. 
 
256 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 Two adventures — M. Dourille — He becomes cMef of the New Seasons — 
 The Journal of the People — M. Dupoty — His portrait. 
 
 • The orders of the day being sent to the four revolution- 
 ary agents, these chiefs assembled their men in some of the 
 drinking shops, divided them into fractions of fifteen or 
 twenty persons, and, at an hour fixed upon in the evening, 
 went to attend to the reading. Some of the wine sellers 
 were recognized as good patriots, and were in the secret, and 
 others were considered to know nothing; but they did know, 
 however, quite as much as their fellows, for the bearing of 
 such kind of customers was not easily mistakable. In other 
 respects the measures of prudence were not neglected. One 
 man was posted outside of the shop, in order to keep an eye 
 upon the street, and another at the outer dqor of the hall to 
 give notice of the arrival of persons of the house, and recog- 
 nize the affiliated. Wine was called for by the quart ; cards 
 were brought, and in case of an- alarm, every one took to 
 playing, or commenced a noisy and idle conversation 
 When the meeting was full, the revolutionary agent enjoin- 
 ed silence ; drew out his paper and placing it within a news 
 paper, read it as if reading an ordinary editorial of the day, 
 A few brief explanations followed, and then the chief with 
 drew. Discussion and controversy were forbidden; for a 
 Cossack system of this kind was necessary to discipline. 
 
 But, notwithstanding these precautions, an alarm was often 
 given to the' conventicles. One night the man on post out- 
 side of the shop suddenly entered and said that suspicious 
 movements were taking place in the vicinity ; and almost at 
 the same time one of those cool, penetrating looking men, of 
 whom conspirators are instinctively shy, made his appear- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 257 
 
 ance, followed by two others, whose looks, also, were not 
 very consoling. As soon as they were seen, every body ex- 
 claimed at once : A commissary and two agents ! The order 
 of the day was immediately thrust into the flames of the 
 candle, but as it was slow in burning, and as fear was gaining 
 rapidly upon the nerves of the one who was trying to burn 
 it, he threw it upon the floor ; stamped out the flame with 
 his foot, and then endeavored to chew it up. At this mo- 
 ment one of the three men went out, and not a doubt was 
 entertained but that he had gone for a reinforcement. The 
 sectionaries were seized with a panic. In spite of the recom- 
 mendation to keep cool, the idea of imminent peril and the 
 insecurity usually felt in such cases when shut up in an 
 obscure room without any convenient outlet, prevailed over 
 every other consideration, and, rushing together in a crowd 
 to the door of the hall, they upset the two men in their way, 
 trampled them under foot, and got clear from the house 
 under the firm conviction that they had escaped a serious 
 danger. 
 
 The next day, however, when one of them went to the 
 wine-seller's to learn the news, he was told that the men who 
 had been taken for a commissary and two agents were an 
 architect and two laborers, who had come to have an under- 
 standing with regard to some repairs that were to be done to 
 the house. 
 
 On another occasion a group had assembled in a cook- 
 shop at the barrier ; and the order of the day was to be read 
 in a shed, at the bottom of the court where the game of Siam 
 was played. At the hour of the rendezvous two mechanics 
 made their appearance in search of one of their comrades by 
 the name of Joseph. As it so happened that one of the 
 principal chiefs of the groups was of that name, they were 
 allowed to enter without any farther concern. Entering 
 among the crowd in search of their comrade, and not being 
 able to find him, but seeing a game of Siam going on, they 
 became lookers on like the rest. Suddenly the game was 
 stopped, and the mechanics were astonished to see distrustful 
 looks directed towards the doors, while a man drew forth a 
 17 
 
258 HISTORY OF 
 
 piece of paper and imposed silence. Not knowing what to 
 think of this, one of them said to the other : "Hollo I What's 
 going on here ?" This remark was overheard by one near 
 them, and he thought it rather singular ; however, as the 
 reading had commenced he allowed it to go on, not knowing 
 whether the remark was of any consequence or, not, but 
 resolving at any rate to find out what it meant. The reading 
 being finished he went to see Joseph, the chief, and informed 
 him of what he had just heard; but Joseph knew nothing of 
 the two men. A great excitement ensued, which was con- 
 cealed as carefully as possible from those who were the cause 
 of it, and it was resolved to find out who the intruders were 
 and what was their object. 
 
 They were followed, their residence discovered, and a watch 
 set upon their movements. It was soon reported by the watch 
 that one of them had been seen to enter the prefecture of 
 police. There was no doubt, therefore, that they had to do 
 with spies. Information of the fact was given to a revolu- 
 tionary agent, who laid it before the committee. The com- 
 mittee recommended to the chiefs of groups to describe the 
 mechanics clearly to the men in order that they might be 
 avoided, and declared at the same time that measures would 
 be taken against spies. But this was not satisfactory to some 
 of the patriots, and they decided to inflict an exemplary 
 punishment upon the traitors. A day was fixed for lying in 
 wait for them in an unfrequented street, which they usually 
 followed on leaving their workshop, and six men placed 
 themselves in, ambush with iron-bound clubs, fully determin- 
 ed to leave their intended victims upon the pavement ; but 
 unluckily for these officious judges of the highway, the 
 mechanics were informed of their danger, and on the eve of 
 the intended execution had left their workshops and the 
 capital. 
 
 The truth of all this is, that the presence of the mechanics 
 at the game of Siam was a mere accident, and the visit of one 
 of them to the prefecture of the police was not for the purpose 
 of giving information. The only part played by the police 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 259 
 
 in this affair consisted in preventing a crime by sending 
 away two men whose lives it knew to be threatened. 
 
 It may readily be conceived how useless it would be to 
 send agents in quest of conspirators who had so little experi- 
 ence as to make such an observation as was made by one of 
 the mechanics. It is not from men exterior to the afiSliation 
 that information is received at the prefecture. Three or four 
 of the chiefs of the society sent the orders of the day there 
 themselves, and that was enough. 
 
 We have said that the three men who reorganized the 
 society had assumed the direction only provisionally, without 
 intending to retain it. In the mean time a bookseller of 
 Dauphin^, in quest of fortune, M. Dourille, arrived in the 
 capital, and was presented to Messrs. Gallois and Noyer. He 
 was a man about thirty years of age, of a dry and nervous 
 complexion, full of vivacity, eloquent, versatile, and withal 
 somewhat perpendicular. At a first glance he would be 
 taken as a well-known type of southern character ; but on 
 coming to examine his little blue eyes, which were always in 
 motion, there was something there which claimed the atten- 
 tion. From the midst of a dishevelled beard, his pointed 
 face, thin nose, and restless looks, peered forth like the head 
 of a fox from a bramble-bush. He was not wanting in intel- 
 ligence, nor in a certain degree of information. He was par- 
 ticularly remarkable for his powers of locomotion. His 
 tensely formed leg, his elastic body, and in short his whole- 
 appearance was that of a determined walker. His radical 
 opinions were disclosed at the first words which he uttered. 
 Having his memory stuffed with the events of the first revo- 
 lution, he refeired to them on every occasion and with perfect 
 enthusiasm ; the men and things of that period danced through 
 his head and kept his ambition in a constant state of excite- 
 ment and fever. 
 
 Zealous radicalism, activity of mind and body, and an 
 impetuous ambition, were certainly suitable qualities for 
 a chief of conspiracies. The provisional committee were not 
 long in having a talk with him. A part was offered him in 
 the direction, and he accepted without hesitation. The zeal 
 
260 HISTOET OF 
 
 ■vrhicli he exhibited showed that his functions were much 
 to his liking; but it was soon discovered, however, that this 
 zeal was greater than his capacity ; for he was wanting in 
 the very first quality of a conspirator, viz : discretion. While 
 constantly preaching up prudence, he was as constantly violat- 
 ing his own precepts. A candid effusion of his political sen- 
 timents was a necessity to him ; he aimed at passing himself 
 off as a revolutionary artist, and, in order to have his combi- 
 nations appreciated, he exposed them to everybody. 
 
 During the first few months, he was so infatuated with his 
 part that he hardly had time to perceive that his wife and 
 little daughter were dying from want, and that he himself 
 was living only at the expense of his comrades. He had 
 come to see me at the suggestion of M. Gallois, and at vari- 
 ous times I had to give him the means for a dinner. His 
 usual company consisted of students ; among whom figured 
 M. Andr^, since become a socialist democrat of the deepest 
 dye, and M. Bordellet, who subsequently turned his atten- 
 tion to more serious matters. They had been afi&liated by 
 the chief, and were employed as his staff. The revolutionary 
 business on hand being dispatched, he used to go with them 
 to the grog-shops, where he passed around the bottle like any 
 mere mortal — it being well understood that his companions 
 footed the bill. It never seemed to occur to this poor man 
 that he was thus leading a life of idleness and sponging, 
 opposed to every principle of morality, whether repubhcan 
 or any other. Xot till some offensive remarks had opened 
 his eyes could he perceive the necessity of providing means 
 of subsistence. Addressing himself to the Jourrvol of the 
 People, he was accepted, partly as collaborator and partly as 
 solicitor of advertisements. M. Dupoty, during his trial by 
 the Court of Peers, thought proper to degrade him to the 
 simple part of an emiployee of the press ; but il. Dourille was 
 more than that ; for he had written for the paper a series of 
 articles under the title of Hevoluiionary Chronicles. The 
 editor in chief might appear on this occasion to have been 
 governed by aristocratic disdain, but such was not his design ; 
 M. Dupoty was afraid, and hence this act of injustice towards 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 261 
 
 one of his colleagues — a mediocre writer, it is very possible ; 
 but who had his equal in this respect in more than one of 
 his fellow collaborators. 
 
 M. Dupoty, a republican in good faith, but rather timid, 
 declared that he would leave the success of his party to the 
 force of principles alone ; but in the mean time the character 
 of his journal was dangerous in the highest degree: Good 
 naturedness of tone, accompanied with a triviality of style, 
 took easily with his readers ; and a measured prudence in 
 forms of expression only served to give greater effect to his 
 doctrines. The Journal of the People was by far the greatest 
 element of disorganization of the period; operating in a 
 period of profound peace, it seemed to conform to the reserve 
 of the public mind, and thus gave currency to its doctrines, 
 which were of the most anarchical and obstinate kind. 
 Without advocating any one of the ideas of communism, the 
 spirit of the journal encouraged them all ; without directly 
 appealing to insurrection, it heated up all the instincts of 
 revolution ; it was the propagandism of disorder under the 
 guise of wisdom at play — of logic in a good humor. But in 
 all this, the chief editor candidly showed that he was playing 
 off a piece of transcendental tactics ; giving to his paper the 
 simple expressions of nature, he made it a monstrously cy- 
 nical amalgam of peaceable qualities and violent opinions. At 
 a sight of the man one could form some idea of this mea- 
 sured character of his phraseology when compared with the 
 incandescence of the subjects upon which he treated ; he was 
 spruce, beaming with smiles, and so coquettish that his col- 
 leagues could not help laughing at him. Always nicely 
 shaved, and with his hair symmetrically dressed, well gloved, 
 and wearing ruffles, gewgaws and trinkets, he represented at 
 the age of forty five years one of those superannuated dan- 
 dies whose costume is always exceedingly correct if not 
 highly elegant. His mind and manners were in keeping 
 with this tinselled exterior; he loved jokes, jovialities, co- 
 nundrums, the pleasures of the night, followed after gri- 
 settes, and ogled the actresses at the little theatres. But in 
 this respect he was really a good man — kneaded with a de- 
 
262 HISTORY OF 
 
 gree of epicurean clay that had nothing terrible in it ; and it 
 must be confessed that, at bottom, -he was no worse a man, as 
 a politician ; for he entertained none 6f the savage ideas of 
 his confederates, and had a sincere aversion for measures of 
 blood. By his trial, which made so much noise, his friends 
 were at least as much astonished as rendered indignant. 
 One thing is certain, that M. Dupoty openly manifested his 
 i-epugnance to conspiracies, and this repugnance was no 
 affectation. lie was not opposed to conspiracies from princi- 
 ple, but his temperament was such that he refused to have 
 any part in them. But still, it is nevertheless true that the 
 company which he habitually kept was not only almost 
 wholly made up of conspirators, such, for instance, as Messrs. 
 Gallois, Dubosc, and Dourille, but the tendencies of his paper 
 led directly to popular anarchy. This fact may explain the 
 persecutions of which he has been the object. 
 
 In fine, it has been seen that, since the days of February, 
 M. Dupoty has taken no part in the scenes of revolutionary 
 Orgies. For a long time he had made no figure in politics. 
 The patriots of action, who had begun by laughing at his dress, 
 finally came to make sport of his pacific ideas ; and some 
 time before the events of February, this man, who had been 
 reckoned a saint in the democratic calendar, became an object 
 of insulting disdain among his own party. At the Reform 
 they went so far as to spread the report that he had gone mad 
 — sic transit gloria. 
 
 CHAPTBE III. 
 
 M. Cabet and communism — The banquet of Chatillon — The republicans 
 show signs of life — The banquet of Belleville in reply to that of Cha- 
 tillon. 
 
 It was about the year 1840, that Paris became seriously 
 infected with communism. Ideas tending more or less to 
 this doctrine had been disseminated . by Messrs. Godefroy 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 263 
 
 Cavaignac, Raspail and others, in the days of the Rights of 
 Man. The Families and Seasons had also laid down con- 
 clusive formulas upon this subject, and from that time it was 
 declared that property was to be — not destroyed, but very 
 materially modified ; or, in plain language, was to change 
 hands. This was the way for arriving at the true principle, 
 which was, to place all the possessions of the country in the 
 hands of the government, and then turn the government over 
 to the keeping of popular chiefs. By popular chiefs we do 
 not mean such men as M. Ledru Rollin and other newspaper 
 writers, who talk so confidently every day in the name of 
 the people ; we allude to a class of cool and malignant revo- 
 lutionists, whose sphere of action lies beyond that of the 
 more prominent leaders of the people, and who make use of 
 word-dealers and pamphlet-mongers only as so many avant- 
 couriers whose business it is to prepare for their reception. 
 This class of men, indeed, understand the power of eloquence 
 and the libel, and have recourse to it for establishing their 
 domination ; but as this power might subsequently be turned 
 against themselves, they intend to destroy it immediately 
 after having made use of it. Besides, as they themselves say, 
 talent itself is a species of aristocracy, and all kinds of aris- 
 tocracy ought to be made way with. Their' beau ideal of 
 government is a power purely popular, the laws being 
 enacted by general acclamation, and the authority residing 
 in a few hands which are completely enfeoffed to the people ; 
 it being understood that by people is meant the populace of 
 Paris, that is to say, some fifteen thousands of persons, of 
 whom a fourth part are in good faith, and the remainder 
 being made up of such worthies as had a hand in the assassi- 
 nation of General Br^a. 
 
 The ideas upon the subject of communism, represenl^ed 
 principally by M. Blanqui, were sufficient at first for the 
 most exacting ; but as they formed, after all, only a mere 
 programme, there arose a set of cavillers who rendered neces- 
 sary a complete plan of social revolution. The system of 
 Babeuf, it is true, was still extant ; had been re-edited, and 
 was always resolutely adhered to by Messrs. Buonarroti and 
 
264 HISTORY OF 
 
 Charles Teste ; but these two old chiefs intermixed their 
 doctrine with so many religious precepts, that it seemed ridi- 
 culous to the neophytes of the new faith. Besides, there were 
 men among them who, fancying themselves the stuff of which 
 heads of schools were made, undertook to get up a new 
 gospel. Messrs. Laponneraye and Lahauti^re, in a paper 
 called the Intelligence, which made its appearance in the times 
 of the Seasons, commenced the communist movement; but 
 not, however, with that boldness, and those external evidences 
 of profound conviction which take with the masses. It w^s 
 not till the throes consequent upon the 12th of May, not till 
 the legal proceedings wherein the accused emphatically and 
 flatly laid down their principles of absolute equality, that 
 the monstrosity of communism first had its birth. New 
 Messiahs from unknown regions were then seen to come 
 forth, boldly preaching the subversion of everything which 
 had thus far been approved of by human reason and ex- 
 perience. On the one hand were the initiators, teaching by 
 the pen and the word, such as Messrs. Pillot, ex-priest of the 
 French Church ; Savary, journeyman shoemaker ; Desamy, 
 a literary pirate, sprung from no one knows where ; J. J. 
 May, Charassin and Pelletier; and on the other hand were 
 the propagators, preaching their doctrine in drinking shops 
 and other such places, such as Messrs. Eozier, Vellicus, and 
 Lionne, who abandoned, one his bench, another his needle, 
 and the third his comb, for the purpose of taking the apostle- 
 ship. ^ 
 
 The most distinguished transaction of these men was the 
 banquet of Belleville. The republic of those days, in order 
 to show some signs of life, had got up at Chatillon, near 
 Paris, a banquet, the guests of which were reckoned by 
 thousands, and the communists resolved to reply to it by 
 another banquet at Belleville, at which the numbers present 
 were about equal. The police thought that this anti-social 
 festivity might be tolerated with safety, believing that the 
 ideas emitted there would annihilate each other; a conclusion 
 which was not altogether ill founded ; for at that time the 
 follies of pride and covetousness fell before the general good 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 265 
 
 sense of the people. Hence, men who were well known for 
 their radicalism, such as Doctor Lessere, for instance, were 
 seen to withdraw from the cause, and repudiate emphatically 
 the doctrines of the banquet. However, it is not safe to 
 permit charlatans to sell their medicine, even in the times of 
 the very best of health. 
 
 The rhapsodies of Babeuf, augmented and improved by 
 the addition of many others, were revised by M. Desamy and 
 published under the title of The Code of Commonaliy, and the 
 poor man might have added, for the Savages. Although M. 
 Desamy was in favor of commonalty rigorously construed, 
 mathematically adjusted and immediately carried out, he 
 declared, nevertheless, that after the revolution he intended 
 to go to the house of M. Eothschild, fill his pockets, and walk 
 off. Walk off where ? and fill his pockets for what ? Was 
 he not to share again with others ? It is painful even to 
 refer to such deformities ; but hideous as they are, they were 
 surpassed in ugliness by the physical deformities of M. 
 Desamy. It were impossible to conceive anything more 
 revolting than that physiognomy of his. A retreating fore- 
 head, a small eye unequally timid, a venomous mouth, and a 
 skin smelling like a corpse, the whole animated by brutal 
 avidity and cowardly pride, caused one to turn away from 
 him in disgust. 
 
 He had collected together all the rags and fritters of his 
 Utopian predecessors; and not long afterwards, still another 
 Messiah, M. Jean Joseph May, made his appearance, announc- 
 ing in the prospectus of a paper called the Humanitarian, a 
 programme which ran as follows : — 
 
 "1st. We are to tell the whole truth. 
 
 "2d. The principles to be advocated by this paper are 
 materialist. 
 
 " 3d. We demand the abolition of families. 
 
 "rtth. We demand the abolition of marriage. 
 
 "5th. We adopt the arts, not as a diversion, but as a duty. 
 
 " 6th. We proscribe luxury. 
 
 "7th. We desire the abolition of capital, or centres of 
 direction. 
 
266 HISTORY OF 
 
 " 8th. "We desire the distribution of trades among the com- 
 monalties according to the circumstances of place and neces- 
 sity. 
 
 " 9th. We desire the development of travels." 
 
 As a beau ideal of communism this is certainly not want- 
 ing in vigor; and even the most fastidious of amateurs might 
 be satisfied with it. But Mr. John Joseph May, who is since 
 dead — may the genius of commonalty keep his soul! — was no 
 mere common man; for M. Proudhon himself has deigned to 
 borrow from him. The famous system of anarchical govern- 
 ment, that is to say, a government without either governors 
 or governec?, is nothing, more or less, than the property of the 
 late Mr. May. 
 
 One fine day, when all these splendid ideas, well digested 
 and redigested, seemed on the point of becoming lost to the 
 world, M. Cabet stepped in, and with a genius for invention 
 which had certainly never yet turned one of his hairs gray, 
 undertook to found a speculation upon communism. Taking 
 quiet possession of the labors of his friends, as the ground- 
 work of his system, he wrought out a romance called A 
 Voyage in Icaria, which he considered as the ultimatum of 
 the question. Fearing that his book might be seized, like a 
 pettifogger well versed in the expedients of chicanery, he ad- 
 ministeired it to the public only by gentle doses, giving it no 
 publicity, and issuing but a small number of copies. As the 
 work, -from all appearances, would soon become lost in the 
 shades of oblivion, the authorities took good care not to give 
 it a chance for life by a prosecution at law. But the author- 
 ities were duped; for when the legal term of seizure had ex- 
 pired, the edition was drawn from the shop, announced by 
 handbills, and distributed in profusion. 
 
 Eather a low and tricky part, one would suppose, to be 
 played by a benefactor of humanity — in fact the gross mon- 
 keyisms of the sorcerers of the middle ages can hardly give 
 any idea of his manoeuvres. Shrewd, cunning, and with a 
 mouth habituated to all kinds of subtleties, he pretended to 
 frankness, and talked roundly in terms of candor and honesty. 
 Knowing well what influence experience has over simple 
 
^ SECEET SOCIETIES. 267 
 
 minded men when concealed under the exterior of good 
 nature, he set his snare, baited with all sorts of the most deli- 
 cious incitements, and took care to place it only in the way 
 of the unsuspecting and the innocent. His book was the 
 prospectus of a vast association which it was designed to estab- 
 lish, and which he partly succeeded in organizing by the fol- 
 lowing means. 
 
 His first adherents, fascinated by the austere fanaticism of 
 his language, had to become absorbed in the will and glorifi- 
 cation of their master. To spread the doctrine by every 
 possible means and extol the man through every note in the 
 gamut — such was the order of the day. A multitude of 
 pamphlets, trivial in character but marked by a singular 
 exaggeration of logic and eulogy, were sent to the faithful 
 with orders to sell them. All of them came from the hands 
 of the master ; and if the eye of a man of sense should hap- 
 pen to alight upon them, he could not refrain a shrug of the 
 shoulders at the absurdity, bad faith, and interested avidity 
 of homage which they exhibited. They were nothing but 
 the portrayals of an impossible state of happiness, given in 
 terms of serious buffoonery — mere testimonials of veneration 
 addressed to the apostle in the form of letters. The energy 
 of these missives signed either by unknown or fictitious 
 names, was enough to disconcert a face of brass ; M. Cabet 
 reprinted them with all the composure of the stoic. 
 
 The first moneys received from the sale of pamphlets fur- 
 nished the means of dispatching agents into the provinces for 
 the purpose of organizing the propagandism. These agents 
 carried bundles of pamphlets with them, the sale of which was 
 confided to their patriotism ; it being understood that the 
 sales were to be for money down. A point which M. Cabet 
 regarded as by no means of the least consideration. In one 
 of his pamphlets, published about the year 1843, called The 
 Masks torn off, he showed who were to be considered as bad 
 patriots. And who of them, according to his way of thinking, 
 were the most criminal, and the most unworthy ? Why they, 
 to be sure, who injured in any way the sale of pamphlets. 
 Such a one had undertaken the sale of Icarian commodities 
 
268 HISTOBY OF 
 
 and had abandoned it ; he was a doubtful democrat. An- 
 other had taken credit, by which the chest had suffered a loss ; 
 he was a suspicious character. Still another had openly 
 cried down the merchandise; he was evidently a traitor. 
 The pamphlet, in, short, was a perfect monument of impu- 
 dence. 
 
 The director of Icarian affairs, knowing how the ground 
 lay, never strayed off into refractory localities, but addressed 
 himself solely to the centres of the working population. 
 Throijgh the assistance of his agents he established nuclei 
 of communists at Lyons, Toulouse, Limoges, Marseilles, 
 Mulhouse, Saint Quentin, etc. The personality of these 
 nuclei was always the same, the leaders consisting of ambi- 
 tious men and fanatics of low degree, and the rank and file 
 of poor wretches seduced by flattering visions of happiness 
 and equality. 
 
 If the reader is curious enough to know the doctrine itself, 
 it can be explained in a few words. It amounted to but 
 little short of taking society and shutting it up in barracks; 
 but the men, women and children, instead of going to drill, 
 were to go to their work of some kind, under the corcjmand 
 of a corporal. Bed and board were to be in common. As 
 names would become useless, persons were to be designated 
 by numbers. Family relations were to be licensed ; that is 
 to say, one might take a newly born child and adopt him as 
 a son -if he chose, or make to himself any other relation, 
 accordingly as 'might be agreed upon by the society. With 
 respect to religion there was free opinion ; should any one 
 wish to occupy himself with such trifles he would be free to 
 do so; the social direction had nothing to say upon that 
 point. The abolition of property followed as a matter of 
 course ; personality being abolished, everything pertaining to 
 it disappeared together with it. The principles of justice for 
 the government of Icarian life were very fine. The old 
 men were to occupy the first story, as being the most comfort- 
 able ; married men the second story, and as for young and 
 active men, they were to perch in the garret, etc. As for a 
 political organization in such a state of things, it would be 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 269 
 
 useless to think of it ; for as the whole world was to become 
 Icarianized, states and empires would disappear of course, 
 and together with them all national interests and differences. 
 None of the influences now in operation were to exist in the 
 new state of things. If you were an artist, a painter, an 
 orator — you might exercise your talent if you pleased, but 
 at a fixed hour, under certain conditions, and by the word of 
 command given by your corporal ; you might belong, to a 
 different section from the planter of cabbages, your neighbor, 
 but still you would be only a mere number, like him ; and 
 when called to dinner, you must eat soup out of the same 
 wooden bowl with him, enjoy perforce his gracious company, 
 and have no taste or habit of a higher order than his ; for 
 that would be aristocracy, and destructive of the beautiful 
 level upon which the whole institution is based. 
 
 It is no easy matter to conceive how such follies as these, 
 the first consequence of which is the destruction of all liberty, 
 could have found either preachers or disciples. Nor did 
 there ever exist, we venture to say, one single Icarian among 
 enlightened men, of good faith, or who pretended to any 
 principle whatever. It is only by referring to that instinct 
 which leads the lower order of men to level down to their 
 own height everything around them, and by considering 
 what great inducements an assured existence without the 
 trouble of a family offers to certain unfortunate men whose 
 life has been always precarious, that one can come to compre- 
 hend the existence of a public under such doctrines. 
 
 Icarianism, then, made its proselytes ; but heresies, how- 
 ever, soon disturbed the unanimity of the church. M. Cabet, 
 whose doctrine tended to the complete overthrow of society, 
 pretended that his views were pacific ; that his disciples were 
 the agents of an idea of peace and fraternity ; that the excel- 
 lence of this idea would prevail of itself, and that all that 
 was necessary was to let it shine before the world. Whether 
 the apostle had the simplicity to believe all this, is doubtful ; 
 but it is very certain that the principle of propagandism by 
 exclusively moral means, was inscribed at the head of the 
 Icarian code, and that the true faithful conformed to it. It 
 
270 HISTORY OF 
 
 can be readily understood, however, tliat men of greater bold- 
 ness or frankness could not reconcile themselves to such a 
 pacific course ; and hence dissensions and sects arose, ortho- 
 dox pretty nearly as to faith, but disagreeing upon the 
 manner of establishing the system. The majority wished to 
 proceed by revolutionary means; and they were certainly 
 not at fault in their logic ; for, to undertake the destruction 
 of the instincts, the tastes, and the interests of society simply 
 by the force of argument, is a pretension which would hardly 
 be considered practicable. 
 
 Communism, then, became divided into little schools con- 
 sisting of resolute men, the majority of whom were ancient 
 conspirators. M. Cabet, whose supremacy was no longer 
 recognized, excommunicated them in his pamphlets ; but it 
 was labor thrown away ; for these men were seriously bent 
 on practical results, and they had no hesitation in saying that 
 the inventor of Icaria was a knave. 
 
 These groups were joined by some of the sections of the 
 ancient secret society. But the discipline which the laws of 
 September had rendered necessary, and which the com- 
 mittees of the Families and Seasons had succeeded in estab- 
 lishing, was felt to be too constraining by the sectionaries ; 
 passive obedience and the interdiction of all discussion in the 
 official meetings, gave no room for the exercise of pride and 
 vanity. As this want of discussion checked propagandism 
 and led to desertions, some of the chiefs set the example to 
 their men of opposing it; but the majority, however, re- 
 mained firm, and the society existed in that -state of demi- 
 organization in which we have exhibited it. The commu- 
 nist sects remained isolated among themselves, a prey to the 
 jealousies of contending cliques, and emulating each other in 
 exaltation and extravagance. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 271 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 A strike — Revolutionary petulance — The communists of action — Messrs. 
 Rozier, Lionne and Vellious — M. Dourille parades his troops — An ha- 
 rangue upon the boulevards — The equipment of M. Rozier — Arrests. 
 
 Enlistments for the new Seasons still went on. M. Dou- 
 rille, from a state of obscurity tlie year before, had run, seen, 
 and talked so much that he had revolutionary Paris at his 
 fingers' ends. There was but one other man, perhaps, who 
 knew better than he all the names of the conspirators ; that 
 man was M. Martin Bernard ; but there was still another man 
 who could ferret them out sooner from the depths of their 
 dens, viz : the prefect of police. 
 
 Not all the friends of M. Dourille, however, enrolled them- 
 selves in the secret society ; the old patriots had burnt their 
 fingers and dreaded the fire. Enlistments were hardly possi- 
 ble, except among a class of crochety fellows and in the work- 
 shops ; it was in the workshop alone that implicit submission 
 and respect for old forms were still found. A group of stu- 
 dents which the indefatigable propagandist discovered in the 
 Latin quarter, and who were affiliated as representatives of 
 the Youth of the Schools, did not do quite as much honor to 
 the association as had been anticipated ; they were very glad 
 to have the title of conspirators, something which is very 
 flattering to young men when about to leave college; but 
 they preferred playing billiards to making proselytes,- and as 
 to discipline, it may readily be imagined that they never 
 carried its practice to the extreme of abusa 
 
 Notwithstanding all difficulties, however, M. Dourille suc- 
 ceeded in the formation of an imposing army. But by the 
 word imposing it must not be understood that he had djawn 
 together such masses as made up the Bights of Man; for 
 
272 HISTOET OF 
 
 since the enactment of tlie law against associations and the 
 code of September, secret societies of four thousand section- 
 aries were no longer possible. The Seasons had never 
 counted more than twelve hundred members ; M. Dourille, 
 with their organized debris and his new recruits, had arrived 
 at a total of about fifteen hundred men. Of these, eight or 
 nine hundred were disciplined, and the rest ready to take 
 arms whenever the affair should be undertaken. 
 
 In the hands of any other chief this force would have been 
 formidable ; the Blanqui committee had attacked the govern- 
 ment with a much smaller one ; but M. Dourille had neither 
 the head nor the audacity of his • predecessors. Between 
 himself and his recruits, with the exception of the sections 
 commanded by the four revolutionary agents, there was no 
 reliable bond of union ; a fortuitous circumstance, the im- 
 prisonment or retreat of the chief, might at any time reduce 
 the association to four grand disciplined battalions; 
 
 Besides, though M. Dourille knew how to group together, 
 he had no skill at organization ; he was a man of extreme 
 zeal, but of no method. In confiding his plans to many of the 
 old patriots, which he did out of pure vanity, since he knew 
 that they were disgusted with secret proceedings, he ren- 
 dered the existence of the conspiracy publicly notorious, 
 and thus deprived it of its prestige, and at the same time pre 
 pared the way for his own ruin. This result, to which I was 
 then involuntarily instrumental, is the one which I pursued, 
 and which, subsequently, I partly realized. 
 
 At this period a very seiious event occurred. We allude 
 to the strike which, it will be remembered, took place in 
 Paris, in 1840. Thirty thousand working men, deserting 
 their workshops, spread themselves over the quays, the pub- 
 lic places, and the environs of the city ; laid siege, as it were, 
 to industry, and excited those alarms which are occasioned 
 by popular commotions. Divers leaders among the trades 
 came to an understanding with each other, and got up a sort 
 of congress for maintaining the workingmen in their course. 
 This habit of resorting to strikes, the honor of which France 
 has all to herself — a sad honor, which impels to the sacrifice 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 273 
 
 of a real interest for the chance of gaining a chimerical ad- 
 vantage, had never presented an aspect more truly alarming 
 and deplorable. But circumstances were very unfavorable 
 for the factions ; for the indignation against the attempt of 
 the 12th of May was still warm, and the miserable failure of 
 that affair was not calculated to inspire hope. If, however, 
 the revolutionists were compelled to renounce an outbreak 
 on political grounds, they had, at least, what is called the 
 social question on their side ; there, at least, were the means 
 for excitement. To audacious men of a popular character, 
 an occasion was presented for producing the greatest mis- 
 chief It is one of the merits of M. Dourille, that he found 
 himself unequal to the task of giving this crowd the signal 
 of eruption. He went to the heights of Saint Chaumont, 
 where for two days the industrial army lay encamped, and 
 where Paris with all her riches lay spread out at their feet, 
 tempting them, no doubt, more than once, with the reflection 
 that they had only to will it to become its possessors; but 
 wisdom and prudence prevailed ; and besides, the chiefs who 
 might have been able to launch this mass against society, 
 were wanting. M. Dourille, the only representative of an 
 organized popular force, felt himself stifled in the midst of 
 the honest prejudices of these men, who believed that they 
 were justly pleading for the bread of their families. He 
 confined himself to interviews with the leaders in which his 
 democratic old stories were not listened to, and nothing that 
 he could say was appropriate to the occasion. 
 
 They who saw this army suspended over the capital like 
 an avalanche, but which dissolved of itself without leaving 
 a trace behind, can fully perceive how serious the real work- 
 ingmen are when left to their own judgment, and what value 
 they put upon the vain hopes which are sought to be instill- 
 ed into them in the place of their true interests. In view of 
 this instinct of right reason which lies at the bottom of their 
 heart, we can only pity them, sincerely, when they go astray; 
 but we must detest the men who make it a profession to de- 
 ceive them. 
 
 Hence, from the directo"rship of M. Dourille, may be dated 
 18 
 
274 HISTOET OF 
 
 the decadence of secret societies. On the one hand, the 
 heedless zeal of the chief deprived the association of its 
 power of mystery, and on the other, the discussion of the 
 communists introduced an element of discord. Other causes, 
 among which may be mentioned the discovery of treacheries, 
 and especially the uncertainty in which the men were kept 
 as to the time of the revolt, contributed to a general debili- 
 tation. 
 
 It may be conceived, that among so many avaricious or 
 credulous characters, who regarded the overthrow of the 
 government as the object of their ambition, or the end of 
 their ills, a lively impatience must have been felt; but even 
 supposing that the day for the revolt had been fixed upon, 
 according to their wishes, it would have been improper to 
 make it known to the crowd. They understood this at first 
 very well ; but when whole years began to pass away with- 
 out the revolt being attempted, lassitude and indifference be- 
 gan to be predominant. In his orders of the day, as well as 
 in his conversation, M. Dourille indulged freely in empty 
 words and brilliant promises ; but the positive language 
 which the conspirators wished to hear, was never uttered. 
 The chief well knew the terrible importance of formal decla- 
 rations ; the example of M. Barbfes, who had been hurried 
 by his colleagues into a catastrophe which he had foreseen, 
 was a lesson that had not been lost upon him. 
 
 In order to pacify his men, he endeavored to amuse them 
 with plans of strategy and numerous other fine inventions of 
 which he w'as the author, but ' which, however, proved quite 
 insufficient. The old mobbists, confused more and more by 
 explanations which they could not comprehend, came at 
 length to take their chief for what he really was, viz : a very 
 ordinary sort of a man. 
 
 Spurred on by self-love, and wishing at least to exhibit 
 his forces, M. Dourille had been seeking for some time an 
 occasion for a parade, when a favorable one seemed to ofier 
 itself, by the death of M. Garnier-Pag^s. The funeral pro- 
 cession of this radical deputy would furnish the pretext for 
 one of those manifestations, which were becoming too rare to 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 275 
 
 be n^lected by the republicans. The National, therefore, 
 the chief organ at that time of the democracy, convoked its 
 partisans, including a number of students, who were held in 
 leash by the leaders. The Montagnards also passed the word 
 to their men, although these were very much scattered, and 
 pretty well recovered from their former audacity. Then 
 came the society of M. Dourille, republican in opinion, but 
 tending to socialism; and finally, the communists of both 
 colors, those in favor of peace following the Icarian banner,, 
 and the revolutionists, under the orders of Messrs. Eozier, 
 Lionne, and Vellicus. Of these three Luthers of the sub- 
 urbs, who, in their impiety, had dared to assail the Icarian 
 Eome, we may say a few words. M- Vellicus, a journeyman 
 tailor, had at first marched forth boldly under the banners 
 of his chief; but finally becoming cooled off^ M. Cabet, with 
 all the awful vindictiveness of an offended deity, visited the 
 rebellious apostle with annihilating fulmination. Knowing 
 that M. Vellicus had been imprisoned in London, for an at- 
 tempt against good morals, he made the fact, in all its minut- 
 est ugliness, the subject of a pamphlet. Hence, the tailor 
 very naturally passed over to the enemy, and became a re- 
 volutionary communist. M. Eozier was a little young man, 
 horribly nervous and violent, who had deserted the society 
 of M. Dourille, because that chief did not even know his 
 first syllables in the science of communism, and had had the 
 impudence to prevent discussion upon that important sub- 
 ject. He was considered, and not without reason, as the 
 most active dissolvant, both of the secret society and the 
 Cabetist sect. M. Lionne, as he declares himself, follows the 
 profession of artist in perruquery ; he is a dull, mild man- 
 nered, light complexioned man, who is in no way distin- 
 guished from other poor working men who set themselves 
 up as prophets. 
 
 Conventicles were held on the eve of the funeral, both in 
 the camp of M. Dourille and in that of the revolutionary 
 communists. The latter, when carefully summed up, might 
 possibly have numbered one hundred and fifty men ; but as 
 they had all Paris on their side — such is the usual preten- 
 
276 HISTOEY OP 
 
 sion of these miserable -wretches — M. Eozier had no hesita- 
 tion in voting for the insurrection ; and, in fact, he declared 
 that he would fight all alone by himself, rather than not 
 fight at all. M. Dourille and his lieutenants were not quite 
 so determined. However, orders were given to the groups 
 to hold themselves in readiness in case that some favorable 
 event might call for the signal of attack. But in reality 
 there was no intention of coming to an issue, and no one 
 anticipated it. 
 
 The procession was a solemn one,, and numerously attend- 
 ed. All the opposition of tie left, deputies and citizens, 
 were present in mass. They formed, together with the idle 
 persons who usually mingle in such ceremonies, the main 
 body of the procession. The republicans claimed the whole 
 as a part of- their effective strength. The. truth is, there 
 might have been counted, altogether, about three or four 
 thousand men, a number which had varied but very little 
 during the whole reign of Louis Philippe. The friends of 
 the deceased, or in other words, the men of the National, 
 might have been recognized by their self-sufficient air and 
 parliamentary bearing; the Montagnards and the bands of Flo- 
 con, Easpail, and other fragments of former conspiracies, by 
 their unpolished exterior and dogged looks, and the popular 
 fractions, by their blouses and other corresponding signs. 
 At the head of these latter appeared the troop of M. Dourille, 
 machinery in good order and with all the evidences of an 
 organized corps. They went erm in arm, divided into sec- 
 tions, which were headed by chiefs, who were easily recog- 
 nized, and who moved from point to point, preserving the 
 symmetry of the march, and transmitting to their subordinates 
 the orders which they received from the chief supreme. But 
 there was nothing in all this which seenied to be very danger- 
 ous. The little troop of conspirators, and especially their 
 chief, seemed much more desirous of making a display than 
 of fighting a battle. It can- be understood, ho-vyever, that the 
 police, being aware of this band of revolutionists, took its 
 precautions. Annoyed by such manoeuvres on the part of 
 ■the chiefs, and knowing that there had been signs of action 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 277 
 
 manifested on the day preceding, it narrowly watched this 
 suspected corps and surrounded it with a hedge of mounted 
 men of the municipal guards. One of the guards accidentally 
 caused some annoyance to the ranks, aud was assailed" with 
 invectives; and thus a disturbance ensued which gave M. 
 Dourille an opportunity of showing his authority. He 
 mounted upon a corner-stone, ordered a halt, and delivered 
 an harangue, the object of which was to appease the excite- 
 ment. He was listened to not only by his own men but by 
 those of the police. They could not understand such pacific 
 language on the part of a chief of conspirators. Many of the 
 patriots, also, and especially those of the National, could 
 hardly believe their ears; they found the acts of this new 
 Catiline a little too transparent. 
 
 In the mean time a small group of revolutionary commu- 
 nists under the orders of M. Rozier had assembled at a wine 
 seller's on the borders of the canal. M. Rozier, armed with 
 a pistol, burst out into violen^discourses, accompanied with 
 epileptic gesticulations. He wanted to fire his pistol at some 
 one of the municipal guards, no matter which, and thus give 
 the signal for the fight. His companions held him by the 
 collar and endeavored to make him listen to reason ; but in 
 vain, for the little man becoming more and more excited, 
 finally jerked himself loose from his keepers, rushed out of 
 the shop, and fired at random into the crowd. Fortunately 
 no one was hurt by it; and the police coming up took him 
 into custody. 
 
 This was the only iacident of any note that occurred 
 during the ceremony. 
 
 For several days afterwards the band of men of the people, 
 with its chiefs and discipline, which had made its appearance 
 in the procession, was the topic of general conversation ; and 
 the least observant had detected in it a secret association. 
 As the notoriety of the fact occasioned some uneasiness, the 
 police thought it their duty to restore quiet by taking mea- 
 sures which would show their knowledge of the affair; and 
 M. Dourille, together with many of his lieutenants, was ar- 
 rested. 
 
278 HISTOET. OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The attempt of Dannfes — AbominalDle instigations — A pistol fired at the 
 princes — New free and accepted judges — Sentence of death — Its con- 
 sequences. 
 
 V 
 
 At this period, and separated by about the interval of a 
 year, two attempts at assassination were made upon the royal 
 fatnily. On the 15th of October, at. the close of day, a man 
 stationed himself upon the Place de la Concorde with the 
 view of waylaying the carriage of the king,, who was going 
 that evening to Saint Cloud. As the king approached, this 
 man drew out a carbine from ^nder his vestments, took aim, 
 and fired. The contents of the charge lodged in the panels 
 of the coach. Arrested upon the spot, there was found on his 
 person a work of M. Dourille, entitled : The Conspiracy of Gene- 
 ral Mallet. His name, as was soon ascertained, was Darius 
 Darm&s. On being asked what his profession was, he replied 
 — a conspirator. Like Alibaud, he had but one regret, that 
 of not having killed the king, whom he regarded as 'the 
 greatest of tyrants. 
 
 This wretch was an emanation from the secret societies. 
 He had belonged to the communist groups, together with two 
 of his friends, the too famous Consid^re and a coachman by the 
 name of Duclos, both of whom were arrested. Darm^s had 
 listened to the preachings of the republican apostles, had 
 studied the apologist of political crimes, and had finally 
 come to dream only upon one thing, viz : to carry out the 
 doctrines which he had been taught. Since the chiefs, M. 
 Dourille among others, were more ready to preach the de- 
 struction of the government than to execute it, the disciple, 
 a man of ferocious energy of character, took it upon himself 
 to push their principles to their natural consequences. He 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 279 
 
 withdrew from the societies ; shut himself up in infected 
 lodgings, and there, a prey to wretchedness and delivered up 
 to habits of idleness and debauchery, he gnashed his teeth in 
 fiendish rumination over his execrable projects. In the rage 
 of his fever he seized the pen and composed patibulary 
 verses. Some of these verses were found, in which he glori- 
 fied Alibaud and his admirer, Laura Grouvelle, and declared 
 that the race of regicides was not yet extinct. At last, 
 lashed up by demagogic maxims to the highest pitch of 
 frenzy, he went and bought a carbine, and coolly consum- 
 mated his attempt at assassination. 
 
 . He was condemned to death and guillotined. His friends, 
 Consid^re and Duclos, were acquitted. 
 
 Several months afterwarcjs, a timber sawyer by the name 
 of Qu^nisset happened to be confined in Sainte Pelagic in 
 consequence of a quarrel. He was a worthy mafl, seeking to 
 gain a livelihood without making any pretensions to reform 
 the state ; but a weak minded man withal, and with a head , 
 easily excited by wine. Some of the communists who 
 shared in his captivity got around him, and finding him a 
 courageous man, resolved to make hird their tool. By the 
 time that they left prison they had worked upon him with 
 such success that the poor man was entirely at their disposal. 
 But in order to keep him more effectually under their con- 
 trol, they affiliated him as a member of the Equalitarian So- 
 ciety, one of those communist fractions of which I have 
 spoken, the tendency of which was to realize the doctrines of 
 Oharassin, May, Desamy, etc. — a second edition, in short, of 
 the Revolutionary Communists. Between the principles of 
 these two small groups there was but very little difference ; 
 numerous divisions were necessary for making places for 
 all the chiefs. 
 
 Qudnisset and one of his friends named Boucheron were 
 taken to a wine-seller's shop, and there introduced, with theit 
 eyes bandaged, into a room where eight members of the 
 Equalitarians, Brazier, Mallet, Dufour, Launois, Jarasse, ~S. 
 Bazin, Boggio and Petit, were present, charged with their 
 initiation. Petit being the president, he explained the object 
 
280 HISTOET OF 
 
 of the Equalitarians, whicli was the destruction of the throne ; 
 the establishment of National Workshops ; a commonalty of 
 life, wives, and property, and in fine, the realization of all the 
 principles of pure communism. He then put a few questions, 
 such as we have already mentioned in the formulas of the 
 Families, and Seasons, and finally concluded by administering 
 the oath, which, in order to frighten the candidates, he ren- 
 dered terrible. Quelnisset had given proofs of an impres- 
 sionable nature, and they wished to make the most of it. 
 " Eaise thy hand," said the president to him, " and swear upon 
 thy head that thou wilt divest thyself of thy property and 
 thy fortune, that thou wilt leave wife and children, that thou 
 wilt obey the first signal for the battle and fight unto death, 
 however great may be the numljer of thy enemies ! Think 
 well ; this oath is sacred ; and if thou violatest it, not only 
 thou thyself, but thy wife, thy children, and thy family — all 
 shall be massacred ! Swear, then, upon this dagger which I 
 hold in ray hand, and which is designed for thee if thou be- 
 trayest thy word." 
 
 Seized with terror, but not daring to recede, the unfortu- 
 nate man took tKe oath. His eyes were then unbandaged, 
 and they gave him liquor in order to stimulate his courage. 
 For some time he was hardly allowed to be out of their sight ; 
 they dragged him from one lodge to another, where he heard 
 of nothing but pillage and murder, the demons who beset 
 him thus familiarizing him with a crime which they dared 
 not commit themselves. 
 
 On the morning of the 13th of September, Brazier took 
 him into his room, and presenting him two pistols, said : — 
 
 " The moment of execution has arrived : Louis Philippe 
 keeps himself close, and we cannot reach him ; but three of 
 the tyrant's sons are going to pass through the suburb of 
 Saint Antoine with the 17th regiment which is returning 
 from Africa, and the committee have agreed to sacrifice them. 
 Here are pistols, and thou wilt fire when the signal shall be 
 given thee; if thou failest to fire, thou knowest what to 
 expect ; we shall keep' our word." 
 
 Frightened by this threat, Qu6nisset took the pistols and 
 
.SECBET SOCIETIES. 28! 
 
 set out. At the entrance of Traversi^re Street lie found the 
 whole band of his accomplices — his comrade Boucheron, 
 Boggio, Mallet, Jarasse, Petit, and Brazier himself, who had 
 joined them. From there they went to Montreuil Street, 
 where they met the regiment coming in from the suburb. 
 The Duke d'Aumale, its colonel, '(fras at its head, accompanied 
 by the Dukes d'Orleans and Nemours, who had gone out 
 to escort their brother in. Brazier, who stuck to Quenisset 
 like a tiger to his prey, waited until the princes were within 
 pistol-shot, and then pointing them out in a group of officers 
 said : — 
 
 "Now is your time, fire.!" 
 
 The poor man raised his pistol at randota and pulled 
 trigger. 
 
 His companions, who were to have followed his example, 
 seeing that none of the princes fell, got rid of their weapons 
 and took to flight. 
 
 Quenisset, struck with horror at the idea of his crime and 
 of the abominable machination of which he had been the 
 victim, immediately made a full confession. He asked pro- 
 tection for his wife and child against the wrath of his enemies ; 
 but as for himself he submitted to the rigors of justice. 
 
 He was condemned to death by the Court of Peers, and the 
 king pardoned him. 
 
 About the same time there took place in the Seasons a 
 drama of another k^nd. 
 
 One evening, about 9 o'clock, the revolutionary agents con- 
 voked their chiefs of groups and repaired, each separately 
 at the head of his little group, to a cook-shop in Couronnes 
 Street, where they formed themselves all together. This 
 general rendezvous was known only to the four lieutenants 
 of the committee. The chiefs of groups did not know whether 
 they had been called together in a simple assembly of sections 
 or in one of the corps; nor did any one know the object of 
 the meeting. M. Dourille had mqrely said that there was a 
 matter of importance on hand. 
 
 For some time past I had been considered as the chief of a 
 group in the society, and I was present at this meeting. 
 
282 HISTORY OF 
 
 We ascended to a hall in the second story, from which the 
 public were excluded ; and the master of the house, who was 
 known by the chiefs, was requested not to allow servants or 
 any other persons to enter, as it was necessary that the meet- 
 ing should not be disturbed. 
 
 A sort of presentiment, amounting in some cases to a posi- 
 tive annoyance, began to take possession of the assembly. 
 The serious air of the chief, usually so open and loquacious ; 
 the mystery enveloping the object of the meeting ; the vague 
 expressions uttered by the revolutionary agents who seemed 
 to be in the secret — all these indications gave rise to suspi- 
 cions which increased the anxiety. Some extraordinary 
 communication was expected. 
 
 M. Dourille, in a solemn voice which excited emotion, at 
 length broke silence. He referred to the object of the society, 
 which was the destruction of tyrants and the enfranchisement 
 of the people ; expatiated upon the sacredness of this object 
 and the honor to be derived from its pursuit ; and then, com- 
 ing to the duties of the members and the oaths which they 
 had taken, he asked- what ought to be thought of a man who 
 had abandoned the holy mission which he had thus taken 
 upon himself to perform. 
 
 Some one answered that he ought to be considered a 
 coward. 
 
 " And what if that man," continued M. Dourille, "not satis- 
 fied with deserting his post, should pass oyer to the enemy ?" 
 
 " He would be a traitor." 
 
 "And if when having given up the secrets of his brothers 
 he should turn against them?" 
 
 " He would be a wretch." 
 
 Every one remained struck with astonishment and indig- 
 nation ; some of them looked aroUnd restlessly with suspi- 
 cion ; but the majority maintained an anxious reserve, fear- 
 ing to look at their brethren lest they might discover in 
 them evidences of guilt. The object of the meeting was thus 
 made known to all ; but although nothing had yet transpired 
 to show that the guilty man was present, yet every one feared 
 that he was. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 283 
 
 M. Dourille resumed : — 
 
 "When a man has behaved in this manner — when betraying 
 the confidence of the chiefs he has come to occupy a grade in 
 the society and has made arrangements for divulging its 
 important secrets— what fate does he merit, according to our 
 rules of justice ?" 
 
 I arose and replied : — 
 " He deserves death." 
 
 I was near the door, standing up, with one hand upon the 
 latch and the other in a pocket 'of my overcoat, where I 
 carried a pistol ; and I was decided, in case of an attack, to make 
 my way out by the use of my weapon. However, I had no 
 positive apprehension of danger, inasmuch as I knew that four 
 of the members of the meeting were of the police. 
 
 Silence ensued, after which M. Dourille, calling upon the 
 four revolutionary agents, two influential chiefs of groups 
 and myself, requested us to pass into an adjoining room in 
 order to examine the proofs of the accusation. The rest of 
 the assembly had orders not to leave their place, and not to 
 go out of the room on any pretext whatever. 
 
 The treason had but one proof ; it consisted of a letter ■ 
 without signature, which called for explanations of certain 
 facts with regard to the society. From the wording of this 
 letter it appeared pretty plainly that between the police and 
 the person to whom it was addressed there existed a regular 
 correspondence. The letter had been accidentally sent to a 
 man of the same name as that of the person to whom ad- 
 dressed; it had been opened, given to a patriot, and by him 
 was turned over to M. Dourille. It remained to be ^proved 
 that the letter was authentic. . The accused would not fail to 
 pretend that it was a machination designed to ruin him; that 
 the letter, fabricated by the police, had been designedly mis- 
 sent, and that instead of being an agent, he was on the con- 
 trary a victim, of the authorities. To these anticipated ob- 
 jections it might be replied that the paper was recognized as 
 that used in the offices of the prefecture, and particularly by 
 M. Pinel, Secretary-General; that the writing was also of that 
 functionary, for the two had been conipared. And even sup- 
 
284 HISTORY OF 
 
 posing that the police had designed to ruin one of the chiefs 
 of the association, is it probable that they would have chosen 
 one of little note when they might just as well have aimed at 
 one of more importance? 
 
 The seven members having the proof of guilt before their 
 eyes, and weighing the observations of their chief, declared 
 that there could be no doubt as to the treason. 
 
 Being agreed upon this, M. Dourille and his council re- 
 turned to the room where they had left the chiefs of groups. 
 
 It can _ be imagiaed that the anxiety there had not dimi- 
 nished. Among some fifteen men there was one who was 
 going to meet with a fulminating condemnation, and, beyond 
 a doubt, with some terrible punishment; yet no one could 
 imagine who the guilty one was to be; they were all alike 
 in a state of agitation, and how, in the midst of a general 
 paleness of complexion or shrinking of manner could it be 
 told which arose from indignation and which from fear? 
 
 As for myself, I was out of the question; but there were 
 still three men over whom the result of the deliberation hung 
 suspended like the sword of Damocles. These three men 
 were wholly unaware of the part played by each other, and 
 each of them, therefore, might expect the blow to fall upon 
 himself. 
 
 M. Dourille announced the name of the man who had just 
 been found guilty by a first tribunal, and produced the evi- 
 dence of the conviction, in order that every member might 
 examine it for himself. He then demanded of the accused 
 what he had to say. 
 
 Over*vhelmed by the evidence brought against him, the 
 man at first could only stammer out a vague denial, but soon 
 recovering his sang-froid, he exposed as well as^he could the 
 system of defence which had already been foreseen by M. 
 Dourille. He came at length by degrees to assume a tone 
 which was not wanting in firmness nor unaccompanied with 
 some pretty natural displays of indignation. 
 
 He was a man of little education, though rather intelligent, 
 of a dark complexion and strongly defined features, who had 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 286 
 
 thus far always borne the reputation of a very excellent 
 patriot. 
 
 When he had made his defence, which gave rise to some 
 doubts in his favor, M. Dourille resumed, and declared that 
 the reasons which he had advanced had all been anticipated 
 and replied to beforehand in the secret deliberation which 
 had just been held; and that what had been said in that de- 
 liberation he woiild repeat^ in order to leave no doubt upon 
 the subject. 
 
 He then repeated his arguments one after another, and bore 
 with stress upon the improbaMlity and uselessness of ex- 
 planations in face of the facts furnished by the letter. But as 
 these arguments did not produce their due effect, the accused 
 immediately replied to them with, warmth, and, acquiring as- 
 surance in proportion as his cause appeared to be less bad, 
 he finally succeeded in increasing the doubts which already 
 existed. 
 
 But the majority, losing patience at a firmness which they 
 considered as impudence, arose with a threatening air, and 
 made known that they had heard enough, and were satisfied. 
 
 " The matter is understood," said one of the revolutionary 
 agents, "and there is a sentence to be rendered. Silence!" 
 
 M. Dourille, in a solemn tone, then pronounced these 
 words: — 
 
 "Citizens, swear to observe the sentence which I am about 
 to pronounce." 
 
 The majority of the members swore. 
 
 "I declare," replied the chief, "that the accused is convicted 
 of the crime of treason, and that, according to our rules, he 
 merits the penalty of death " 
 
 A threatening murmur interrupted these words, and it 
 could be seen that sanguinary thoughts were beginning to 
 occupy the minds of the crowd. 
 
 M. Dourille continued : — 
 
 "You have sworn to execute the sentence; but you are 
 prohibited, be it understood, from exercising any violence 
 here ; the hour of execution will come, and justice will be 
 done, but under conditions and at the time fixed upon by the 
 
286 HISTORY OF 
 
 committee. In virtue of your oath, I order you to dissolve, 
 and leave tlie condemned man to his remorse ; at a later day 
 he will be smitten by your wrath." 
 
 The conspirators grumbled out their dissatisfaction, but 
 offered no resistance. Soon afterwards the meeting broke 
 up, and the members dispersed in different directions. The 
 man who had thus been sentenced, escorted by two or three 
 friends who remained faithful to him, slipped noiselessly and 
 speedily along the houses, and was soon, lost in the dark. 
 
 While descending the staircase of the cook-shop, some of 
 the chiefs of groups, who had shown a sinister disposition, 
 had opened their knives, with the design of rushing, upon 
 him; but, fortunately, the responsibility of a murder not 
 being to the liking of all, the assailants were held in check, 
 and prevented from the commission of a crime. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The revolutionary congress at Lyons — The wife of a conspirator — M. Cal- 
 lus — M. Bonnardel — M. Jailloux — A session of the conspirators. 
 
 One of the four revolutionary agents, M. Chaubard, having 
 retired, the chief of the association offered me his place. I 
 refused at first; but finally, after much affected reluctance, 
 accepted it. Scarcely had I entered upon its functions, when 
 an affair of great importance occurred, in which I became 
 mixed up in the following manner: About the month of 
 June, 1842, a letter came from Lyons to M. Dourille, which 
 immediately occasioned a meeting of the four lieutenants of 
 the society. The letter was read, and its contents were seen 
 to be of the very first importance. The committee of Lyons 
 had formed a plan of insurrection, which they considered de- 
 cisive, and were making arrangements for its execution ; but, 
 before coming to the issue, they wished to have the appro- 
 bation of the principal cities, in order to generalize the move- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 287 
 
 ment. With this object, a congress had been called at Lyons, 
 to which delegates from the revolutionary centres were in- 
 vited. Paris, especially was expected to send a delegate, in 
 order that he might judge of the state of affairs, and give his 
 opinion, which would have great .weight. 
 
 The letter had been written by a manufacturer of silk cord, 
 by the name of Callus ; and, as a sign of recognition, he had 
 sent the half of a billet, which was to be presented by the 
 delegate as his credentials on his arrival in Lyons. The 
 reader will remember that this M. Callus has already been 
 mentioned in connection with the insurrection of 1834. 
 
 It was immediately decided that the call should be re- 
 sponded to, and all that remained was to determine who 
 should be charged with the mission. M. Dourille having 
 declared that his pecuniary circumstances would not enable 
 him to meet the expenses of the journey, the choice was to 
 be made from among the four revolutionary agents ; and as 
 among these there was only one who could afford to go, they, 
 of course, fixed upon him.. That person was myself. 
 
 Furnished with the sign of recognition, I set out for Lyons, 
 where I soon arrived.^ Eepairing at once to the place pointed 
 out by the billet, I found a house with broken windows, and 
 bearing all the external evidences of being uninhabited. Sur- 
 prised at this, I began to examine the premises, and, finding 
 the handle of a bell-cord, I pulled it at a venture. After a 
 long time had elapsed, a noise began to be heard, and there 
 made his appearance an old sort of a doorkeeper, who seemed 
 to be living there in the midst of ruins. I inquired for a 
 certain dame to whom I had orders to present myself, and 
 asked if she was to be seen. The good man replied that she 
 did not live there, but that he knew her residence, and would 
 point it out; which he did. 
 
 The dame resided in a "retired alley, which I discovered 
 only after much difiiculty. She proved to be a woman 
 pretty well advanced in age, of masculine features, and 
 dressed in a manner that showed her to be a member of the 
 working classes in easy circumstances. Showing her the sign 
 of recognition, I asked her if she knew what it meant. She 
 
238 HISTOEY OF 
 
 perceived its import at a glance ; and drawing out another 
 piece of paper she compared it with the one which I had 
 presented. 
 
 " Yes," said she, " it is indeed here that you were to come ; 
 you are the Brother whom, we were expecting from Paris— 
 you are welcome." 
 
 She offered me civilities ; served wine ; entered into a con- 
 versation upon politics; inquired after the patriots of the 
 capital, and expatiated upon the events of the day with a 
 loquacity and warmth which showed a very highly cultivat- 
 ed state of democratic education. More and more aston- 
 ished, I was beginning to consider whether this woman could 
 be the person to whom I had been accredited, and if it was 
 expected of me that I should have to do with a conspiracy 
 in petticoats, when an end was put to my quandary by the 
 entrance of a man whom the virago addressed as follows: — 
 
 " I introduce to you our brother from Paris ; he has given 
 me his passport and it is all right — -here are the two halves 
 of the billet." 
 
 This man was M. Callus, the manufacturer of silk-cord 
 from whom the letter had come to M. Dourille. Saluting me 
 in a reserved manner, he took the pieces of paper ; examined 
 them attentively, and then came and took my hand. 
 
 " We were only waiting for Pm-is" said he, " and since you 
 have come we will commence our work to-morrow. If you 
 please to follow me I will introduce you at once tothe other 
 delegates." 
 
 He led the way, hurried on at a rapid rate, and conducted 
 me to a hotel in BSt-d'Argent Street, where the majority of 
 the members of the Congress had taken lodgings. 
 
 At the first sight of this man one could see that he was 
 the type of a conspirator in earnest. He was small, lean, and 
 nervous, with a broad forehead and a Eoman beard; and 
 upon his tight skin the swelled veins stood out, filled with 
 vigorous blood. From the manner in which he verified the 
 sign of recognition, some idea may be formed of his sang- 
 froid, and his whole appearance gave evidences of a com- 
 posure amounting to severity. Thin lips, a wrinkled brow, a 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 289 
 
 sliort quick smile and a furtive glance of the eye, all showed 
 a man of intelligent energy and a suspicious disposition. 
 
 At the hotel we met with three other delegates, one of 
 whom had also but just arrived and been installed. This 
 was M. Imbert, formerly a director of the Sovereign People of 
 Marseilles, but at that time a travelling wine agent. He had 
 come expressly all the way from the north to represent Lille, 
 Valenciennes, and other places. A veteran in conspiracies, 
 maintaining a regular intercourse with extravagant men in 
 every quarter of France, he mingled more or less in every 
 manoeuvre of the Eevolutionary cause, but without ever 
 having directly under his orders a single organized corps. 
 Neither at Lille or Valenciennes was there a secret society, 
 properly speaking ; a nucleus of patriots, held together by a 
 community of hatred against the existing order of things, 
 constituted the whole contingent of the republic in those 
 places. M. Imbert had had an interview with them before set- 
 ting out, and had agreed to inform them of the result of the 
 conference at Lyons ; and such was his true position in the 
 congress. But over and above this restricted part, he might 
 be called on to act in a more extended sphere ; for in case an 
 attack should be given, his numerous acquaintances in the 
 departments would enable him to communicate orders at a 
 great many places, and thus prepare these places for respon- 
 sive outbreaks to the principal movement. 
 
 The two other delegates had come to represent, one Tou- 
 louse and Carcassonne, and the other Marseilles. The latter, 
 a man of the lower classes, of little education, but a resolute 
 character, was chief of the street porters of Marseilles. He 
 held under his orders, in virtue of the double influence of his 
 social and political position, an exceedingly energetic cor- 
 poration. 
 
 The delegate from Toulouse and Carcassonne could not 
 claim such a decided influence. The places which he repre- 
 sented had become infected with communism ; and in con- 
 sequence the party had separated into two intrenched camps, 
 one consisting of pure revolutionists, and the other of idealists 
 who were more or less pacific. The powers of this delegate 
 19 
 
290 HISTOET OF 
 
 had come from the latter; but as the objects of the congress 
 "were to be accomplished by force of arms and violent means, 
 he found himself in a very embarrassing position. 
 
 Besides these representatives, the congress was expecting 
 another from Grenoble, a man of little consequence, a glove- 
 maker by trade ; but whose patriotic antecedents, had secured 
 him the honors of the delegation. 
 
 Hence, the members of the conference, excepting those of 
 Lyons, amounted to five. Many of the cities had excused 
 themselves from sending delegates, on the ground of a want 
 of disposable men ; and others had declared that they would 
 be bound by whatever resolutions might be taken. 
 
 M. Callus having introduced me to my colleagues, said 
 that he had some business to attend to, and withdrew, appoint- 
 ing a rendezvous at ten o'clock that evening. 
 
 We soon issued from the hotel, and, conducted by M. 
 Imbert, went to a coffee-house, Place des Terreaux, where 
 another member of the conspiracy was expecting us. 
 
 To judge by M. Callus, the revolutionists of Lyons were 
 engaged in no child's play ; and this opinion was confirmed by 
 the appearance of the man whom we found in the coffee- 
 house. His name was Bonnardel, by profession a banker's 
 clerk. He was a young man, of delicate features, who made 
 a very pleasant impression by his open countenance and de- 
 liberate manners. The reception which he gave us was 
 cordial, and without the least affectation. He showed no 
 signs of self-importance from the prominent part that he was 
 playing. Many of his friends, who were scattered about the 
 room, were not aware of his secret position. Far from affect- 
 ing mysterious airs in order to give rise to suspicions in favor 
 of his vanity, he chatted gayly, going from one person to 
 another, and finally passed off in the most natural way in the 
 world, as a jovial good fellow who had got through with his 
 day's work. 
 
 After a few manoeuvres of this kind very well played off, 
 he proposed to take a walk ; and while still talking in a lively 
 tone, he led us to another coffee-house of an uninviting ap- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 291 
 
 pearance, at tlie further end of whicli was a private room 
 which he had hired, and where we found ourselves alone. 
 
 As soon as the doors were closed, his whole aspect became 
 changed. This little man, who had been so lively, became 
 very serious; and the subject which he was about to broach 
 might justify the change. 
 
 " Grentlemen," said he, "you have come from various quar- 
 ters in order to examine a plan of insurrection which is very 
 well conceived, and above all very audacious, but I must make 
 known to you at once that I do not approve of it ; and why ? 
 — the reasons I shall give you this evening in presence of my 
 colleagues. However, I should not conceal from you that 
 my opinion is in the minority ; and I will add that, what- 
 ever may take place, I shall do nothing to oppose the ope- 
 ration of the plan. Our committee is composed of three 
 members — Callus, Jailloux, and myself; my colleagues being 
 agreed upon action, we have appealed to the most influential 
 members of our association, and they have decided against 
 me. A large majority having decided to go on, I am silent; 
 but since you have been called in to give an imperative 
 opinion in the case, I reserve the right of making known to 
 you the motives of my disapprobation, and I hope that you 
 will appreciate them. Be not deceived as to my intentions ; 
 my design is not so much to influence you as it is to avoid 
 surprise at the opposition between me and my colleagues, 
 and to prevent the impression of there being a division in 
 our army. As to a division, there is none, since the men 
 are agreed upon action, and have an entire confidence in my 
 colleagues. By these few explanations you will be enabled 
 to understand our relative positions in the discussion of this 
 evening. I -have nothing further to say at present, .... and 
 now, if you find it agreeable, while waiting for the hour of 
 the rendezvous, we will go and breathe the air of the Ehone 
 — I have some good cigars to offer you." 
 
 We repaired to one of those avenues of trees which shade 
 the quays of the Rhone, and there commenced a conversg,tion 
 upon things in general, enlivened by the fumes of tobacco 
 and the starlight of a beautiful evening. 
 
292 HISTORY OP 
 
 At ten o'clock M. Bonnardel led us to the place of meeting 
 — a large room, wliich served M. Callfes as a workshop, and 
 which contained neither chairs nor furniture, A plank placed 
 upon two stools supplied us with seats. An oil-lamp lighted 
 up a part of the room, dimly disclosing amidst the obscurity 
 a few machines for spinning silk, the blackened rafters of 
 the roof, and the four dingy walls — a fit and impressive scene 
 for the machinations of a band of conspirators. 
 
 The third member of the committee, M. Jailloux, was 
 present. A clerk, like M, Bonnardel, he had given up his 
 place several days since in order to devote himself wholly to 
 the preparations for the enterprise ; and this fact may give 
 some idea of his character. With him, as well as with M. 
 Callus, the plan of the insurrection had become wholly absorb- 
 ing. For the space of three months they had prosecuted it 
 through difficulties and with a perseverance that bordered on 
 fanaticism. Although the equal of his colleague as a con- 
 spirator, and superior to him by education, he nevertheless 
 yielded him the precedence ; but a perfect harmony reigned 
 between them, and that was the main point with the ex-clerk. 
 His person, like that of his confederates, was small and thin, 
 and to judge of these three men merely by their frail appear- 
 ance, one would have smiled at the idea of their attempting 
 to carry by assault the second city of the kingdom. In 
 matters of this kind, however, it is not safe to scoff at any- 
 thing ; for the revolutionary vertigo never shrinks from the 
 wildest attempt, and every attempt may be followed by tor- 
 rents of blood. 
 
 M. Callus arose and stated the business of the meeting. 
 Now this M. Callus was a very cautious man, and exceedingly 
 methodical in everything he did. 
 
 " We shall submit for discussion this evening," he said, "the 
 general idea of the enterprise ; to-morrow we shall furnish 
 the citizen delegates with the circumstantial details of our plan 
 and its means of execution ; day after to-morrow we shall 
 examine localities and indicate the points of attack, and then 
 we will put our deliberations to the vote. And finally, we 
 have proposed to give the citizen delegates a review of our 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 293 
 
 men, to conclude with a fraternal banquet, at which the citi- 
 zen delegates will doubtlessly please to be present. For the 
 present we may proceed to exhibit the state of our affairs. 
 .... If citizen Bonnardel would like to speak first, he has 
 the floor." 
 
 These latter words were uttered in a tone that evidently 
 displayed a degree of acrimony ; in short, it was the tone 
 and manner of a Eobespierre when provoking explanations 
 from a man whom he had already marked out for the guillo- 
 tine. TheLyonnais chief, indeed, was animated by a thirst 
 for domination not less excessive than that displayed by the 
 tyrant of the convention. His means of despotic rule were 
 the same — puritanical pretensions, a cold enthusiasm, and 
 the management of the masses through their worst instincts. 
 A resemblance might also be traced between M. Bonnardel, 
 his adversary, and some of those open characters who dared 
 to oppose the terrible frown of Eobespierre ; the name of 
 Camille Desmoulins occurred to the memory when the young 
 man, with his good looks and fine manners, arose to address 
 the language of reason and sentiment to a maligant fanatic. 
 
 M. Bonnardel commenced his explanations at once. He 
 gave several details concerning the secret society ; then came 
 to speak of the plan, and finally entered into a long discus- 
 sion which we need not repeat. It is sufiScient to say that 
 the plan was as follows : During the festivities of the Three 
 Days of July, while the authorities should be at the cathedral 
 attending the mass commemorative of the victims of those 
 days, to seize upon aU the forts by a coup-de-main; take two 
 cannons from the fort of Fourvieres ; fiU them with grapeshot ; 
 point them upon the door of the church, and then, when the 
 authorities, civil and military, were coming out, to fire away 
 and cut them in pieces. This butchery was to be the signal 
 for the insurrection. 
 
 The abominable absurdity of this plan was seen at a glance. 
 M. Bonnardel, in his endeavors to demonstrate it, sought to 
 avoid giving offence to his colleagues ; but his reasons were 
 weU set forth, and appeared conclusive to the delegates. M. 
 
294 HISTORY OF 
 
 Callus bit his lips in a rage, but restrained himself till the 
 conclusion of the speech. Then rising to reply, he declared 
 that the arguments which had just been heard were very- 
 good in one point of view — that of fear ; but for his part, that 
 was not the point of view in which he should look upon 
 matters. In the remarks which he made, however, he 
 showed no want of confidence in his adversary, but rather a 
 domineering impatience of opposition. His idea was, that 
 in conspiracies the best course is the one which presents the 
 most difSculties, and that the nearer the plan approached the 
 impossible, the easier would be its execution ; for all fore- 
 sight and precaution on the part of the authorities would 
 thus be transcended. In fact, according to M. Callus, the 
 plan ought to succeed precisely because of its inconceivable 
 rashness. M. Jailloux adopted this opinion, and shared fully 
 in the astonishing confidence of his colleague. In the pre- 
 sence of such resolute men the delegates hardly knew what to 
 say ; they feared being considered as timid ; but still, they 
 could not help regarding the plan as rather fantastic. 
 
 In fine, M. Callus did not rest solely upon the force of his 
 arguments. Satisfied for the present with having counter- 
 balanced the opinions of his rival, he pretended that the 
 hour was too far advanced for further discussion, and con- 
 cluded by appointing a rendezvous for the next day. He 
 knew that the occupations of M. Bonnardel would prevent 
 him from being present, and expected, in his absence, to be- 
 come master of the ground, and in order to be more certain 
 of evading his dangerous adversary, he forgot to designate 
 the place while in his presence, making it known only to the 
 delegates themselves. 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 295 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Details of the plan — Examination of localities — A nocturnal conventicle — 
 Repast of the conspirators— Decision— Why the conspiracy proved a 
 failure — Reflections. 
 
 According to the prescribed order of business, the second 
 session was to be devoted to an examination of the details of 
 the plap and its means of execution. For this purpose the 
 delegates were led to a dram-shop, in a retired place out of 
 the city, where tipplers usually repaired only by night. 
 Having first breakfasted heartily and to the no small scan- 
 dal of the two puritans of the committee, they then addressed 
 themselves to their work. M. Callus drew forth from a case 
 several carefully preserved plans of the forts of the city; 
 spread them out upon the table ; explained the general system 
 of defence, and then marked such points as he conceived 
 should be the points of attack. 
 
 A consideration of importance, and one upon which he 
 laid great stress, was, that the works were hardly finished, 
 contained neither armament nor garrison, and were guarded 
 only by detachments of the police. Some of them were to be 
 carried by means of ladders descending into the ditches, from 
 which the main body of the works could be taken by sur- 
 prise ; others by a direct attack, and main force, the police 
 being shot down at arms' length and the conspirators passing 
 over their dead bodies. In order to facilitate this plan, fire- 
 arms of a particular model had already been ordered, and 
 were to be furnished to the conspirators — short copper blun- 
 derbusses, of a large calibre, which might be concealed either 
 under the blouse or overcoat, and thus enable the bearers to 
 approach the police without exciting suspicion. 
 
 All this was explained with so much minuteness and assur- 
 
296 HISTORY OF 
 
 ance that the delegates began to regard the plan as practi- 
 cable. It is true, the enterprise required a terrible degree of 
 resolution and a perfect precision of execution ; but still, after 
 all, it was not impossible. The question which remained 
 to be examined, and by far the most delicate one, was 
 whether the persons to be employed would prove capable of 
 the execution, and above all, if it would be possible, while 
 waiting the appointed time, to prevent betrayal by some indis- 
 cretion or treason. This point had not been forgotten by M. 
 Callus. 
 
 According to his way of reckoning, success would be ren- 
 dered certain in proportion to the fewest possible numbers 
 engaged, and that sixty men would be enough. Ten con- 
 spirators to each fort, with their blunderbusses charged to 
 the muzzle with slugs, could force their way in and take 
 possession ; and the proper men were on hand ready for the 
 work. The secret society counted about six hundred 
 members, and the advance guard had been chosen from 
 among them with great care. Neither the day nor the means 
 of action had been communicated to this chosen corps ; but 
 every one of its members had been taken individually and 
 informed jaf the plan which had been meditated for a long 
 time, and had given his oath to hold himself in readiness 
 to obey the orders of the committee at any moment and with 
 implicit submission. No explanations were to be given them 
 until a day or two before the attack ; and even then, the men 
 would be merely warned to perform their oaths without re- 
 ceiving any positive information as to what they were to do. 
 Not till the day of the affair, and but a few minutes before 
 the execution, would they be minutely instructed ; and the 
 ten men appointed for each' attack should swear not to quit 
 each other for a single moment, but to keep up a mutual 
 watch upon each other, in order to render all treachery im- 
 possible. 
 
 Such were the explanations of M. Callus with regard to 
 the manner of carrying out the plan and the persons by 
 whom it was to be executed. As to the generalization of 
 the movement, that was to be effected in the old way, by 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 297 
 
 the usual common -place means in such cases — the posting up 
 of notices announcing insurrections, and the proclamation of 
 the Eepublic in Paris, Lille, Toulouse, and Marseilles ; send- 
 ing trusty persons to spread reports in the popular quarters 
 that the insurrectionists were in possession of the forts ; that 
 there were arms enough for the people, etc. etc. The work- 
 ing classes being once armed, the chiefs of the association 
 would immediately form them into corps, by the combined 
 operations of which the whole city would become enveloped. 
 The working people, on learning the capture of the forts and 
 the destruction of the authorities, which would be half the 
 victory, would not fail to declare for the insurrection. 
 
 As feasible as the plan appeared, however, it could never 
 have been entertained by men of reflection; for in fact a 
 single accident interfering with the combinations might cause 
 the whole to prove a failure. But the delegates were very 
 willing to be convinced; and as the demonstration of the 
 ferocious Lyonnais had been rigorously exact, they finally, 
 yielded by admitting his arguments. M. Imbert was the 
 first to yield ; and the deputies from Marseilles and Grenoble 
 followed his example. From the want of the proper powers 
 to stipulate positively for his constituents, the communist 
 delegate did not express his opinion. As for myself, being 
 deeply interested to know what would be the end of this 
 abominable folly, I appeared to coincide with the opinion of 
 the majority. 
 
 On the following day the manufacturer of cord came, 
 agreeably to. his programme, to take us to see the forLs and 
 give us a tangible view of the points of attack as indicated 
 in the plan. He had said that he should come at an early 
 hour ; and by five o'clock in the morning he was at our hotel, 
 BSt-d'Argent Street. He was accompanied by his aid-de- 
 camp, M. Jailloux ; M. Bonnardel was absent that day, as he 
 had been the day previous. 
 
 The first fort to be examined was at Fourvi^res, and to that 
 point we bent our steps. M. Callus was perfectly familiar 
 with the topography of it ; he gave us several details of its 
 interior, and then led us around the outer circumference in 
 
298 HISTORY OF 
 
 order to show us liow negligently it was guarded. Around 
 a very considerable extent of fortifications there were but two 
 or three sentinels, between whom it would be very easy to 
 slip into the fort. This fact established, the Lyonnais, all 
 the while walking on in order not to excite suspicion, 
 requested two of the delegates to follow him to a place where 
 the ground declined, and where the approach was facilitated 
 by a sort of ravine. 
 
 ■" Here is the road," said he, "to be followed by my tenmen. 
 Now come to the edge of the ditch, and I will show you how 
 easy it will be for us to enter the place. I say us, for I 
 reserve the command of this attack to myself; it is the most 
 important one, since upon its success depends the possession 
 of the cannons for the destruction of the authorities." 
 
 Arrived at the edge of the ditch, we saw directly below us 
 and against the wall on which we stood, a flight of stone steps 
 which,' ascending from the bottom of the ditch, stopped at 
 about two-thirds the height of the wall, at a door leading to 
 a subterranean vault. 
 
 "Now a ladder," continued M. Callus, "thrown from this 
 point to the head of that staircase, is a very simple matter, 
 and once in the ditch, we go to that little door which you 
 see yonder, and which communicates with the interior; it is 
 closed only by a latch, I am certain of that, and we enter the 
 fort. "Without troubling ourselves with the small garrison, 
 a part of which will be at the review, we rush at once upon 
 the station of the police, take possession of it, and then open 
 the gates to a platoon of our men in the vicinity, who will 
 enter, and arm themselves. In case of resistance, our blun- 
 derbusses will open us a passage ; fired at so short a distance, 
 the charge of slugs ought to kill four or five men at a shot. 
 As soon as the fort is taken, the men will drag the cannons 
 out, and follow the road which I will show you." 
 
 Rejoining the rest of the group, he led us to the front of 
 the main gate of the fort, and from there, following a road 
 wide enough for a train of artillery, we soon arrived at the 
 site of the Observatory, from which point the city of Lyons 
 lies spread out below like a map. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 299 
 
 "This," contimied he, "is our inost important position. 
 You have seen that there is no difficulty in bringing the 
 cannon here ; and what a place it is for a plunging fire upon 
 the door of the Cathedral, and a part of the Place Bellecour! 
 We have old artillerists foT pointing the guns ; and the 
 matter will be properly attended to, you may rest assured of 
 that." 
 
 The inspection of FourviSres through with, M. Callus led 
 us to the fort of Guillotifere; then to those of the Croix- 
 Rousse, and finally to that of Montessuy, which commands 
 the two quays of the Rhone. At every point, the same 
 careful measures had been taken, and every plan of attack 
 had been conceived in the same spirit of audacity. 
 
 From their long exploration, begun at six o'clock in the 
 morning, and ending only at nightfall, the delegates returned 
 to their hotel, worn out and exhausted. But the two mem- 
 bers of the committee, whose fanaticism seemed to giVe them 
 muscles of iron, continued their work, by attending the meet- 
 ing of one of the sections in the suburb of Yaise. 
 
 The next day M. Bonnardel came to see the members of 
 the congress, and found them completely won over to the 
 opinions of his adversary. Their enthusiasm was not equal 
 to that of M. Callus, but it had been proved to them that the 
 plan was a feasible one, and self-love, co-operating with con- 
 viction, had determined them to support it. The young man 
 was rather vexed than surprised ; for he knew what efiect 
 the dogged obstinacy of his ■ colleagues was capable of pro- 
 ducing. Seeing his cause lost, he declared that in view of 
 an inevitable catastrophe, his conscience forbade hina from 
 going any further, and that he should withdraw. 
 
 During the day, a council was held, at which the delegates 
 were invited to give their official opinions. Those from the 
 North, Marseilles and Grenoble, voted unreservedly for the 
 insurrection ; the one from Toulouse and Carcassonne pledged 
 himself under conditions, and I gave my vote also with the 
 understanding that it would have need of ratification. 
 
 A meeting had been appointed that night, for the principal 
 members of the society, and M. Callus, as he had said. 
 
300 HISTOEY OF 
 
 intended to introduce them to the delegates. This interview- 
 was marked by the same prudence and mystery which cha- 
 racterized all the other proceedings of the conspiracy. At 
 ten o'clock, the two members of the committee led the dele- 
 gates through devious streets, to a point beyond the city 
 limits, and from there, their route lay through narrow paths, 
 along hedges, and over pastures and cultivated fields. At 
 eleven o'clock the party arrived upon a newly-mown meadow, 
 where their attention was attracted by black masses covering 
 the ground. The committee directed their steps towards 
 these objects, which, to all appearances, were flocks of sheep 
 in repose ; but on our approach, the heads of men began to 
 be distinguished, and we could soon perceive some twenty- 
 five or thirty men of the laboring classes, whose forms, seen 
 amidst the darkness, seemed to be endowed with a strange 
 impress of energy. These men were the principal members 
 of the association. The delegates seated themselves in their 
 midst, and made such remarks as were called for by the occa- 
 sion. They divulged nothing of the plan, but spoke of hopes 
 about to be accomplished, of a glorious conflict, and a certain 
 triumph; of everything, in fine, which went to the mark; 
 that is to say, which kept alive excitement, without giving 
 any information. The interview was prolonged until one 
 o'clock in the morning. A very simple precaution rendered 
 a surprise impossible ; the group formed a circle around the 
 speakers, each one facing outwards, so that nobody could 
 approach without being seen. 
 
 At a dinner given the next evening, in the suburb of 
 Vaise, the delegates met again, with the principal persons of 
 the nocturnal meeting. M. Callus directed the model arms, 
 which had been ordered for the insurrection, to be brought, 
 and submitted them to the inspection of the delegates. They 
 consisted, as I have already said, of short copper blunder- 
 busses, capable of being concealed under the blouse, and of 
 containing a handful of slugs, which, by the flaring of the 
 muzzle, would be scattered over a considerable space. These 
 huge pistols might also contain a large charge of grape-shot. 
 Either by accident or design, two of these instruments of 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 301 
 
 death were laid upon the table; and thus remained there 
 during the whole repast, to which they seemed to impart a 
 peculiar tone and character. The dinner, in fact, was a sort 
 of patriotic debauch, pervaded by a sombre joy, and unen- 
 livened by one single trait of natural gayety. The guests 
 separated only at five o'clock in the morning. A good many 
 heads, by that time, had become lost amidst the fumes of 
 wine ; but the two members of the committee had not drunk 
 — their thoughts were elsewhere. 
 
 A last session was held, at which the previous resolutions 
 were repeated and confirmed; and then the congress de- 
 clared its labors finished, and broke up, appointing another 
 meeting at Lyons oh the 26th of July. It was agreed that 
 each of the represented cities should send a new delegate at 
 the moment of the insurrection. 
 
 Such was the plan ; and I have thought it necessary to 
 give it in detail. On returning to Paris, and reporting to M. 
 Dourille what I had seen, I found that he was much more 
 surprised than delighted; the incredible temerity of the 
 scheme astonished his irresolute spirit. However, things had 
 gone so far, that he feared the possible consequences of re- 
 fusing to take a part in it; and it was decided that Paris 
 should hold herself in readiness, and await the result of the 
 Lyonnais explosion. 
 
 All this took place in the month of June, 1842. Three 
 weeks afterwards, a horse took the bits in his teeth, ran 
 away, and broke the head of the heir apparent against a 
 stone. France was struck to the heart with mourning and 
 grief, and an emotion of kindness drew the country still 
 nearer to a family, and to institutions which were regarded 
 as the palladium of national safety. The most obstinate per- 
 ceived that, in such a moment, the efiect of a conspiracy 
 would be to group the whole nation around the royal family. 
 M. Callus himself, penetrated by this conviction, gave up the 
 execution of his scheme. He wrote to Paris that the enter- 
 prise was adjourned; and a thousand causes, in such cases 
 tend to render an adjournment definitive. 
 
 And now, a few reflections: — 
 
802 HISTOEY OP 
 
 If the government had exposed this savage scheme, and 
 delivered up to public indignation arid the rigors of the 
 law those men who designed to prelude social chaos by an 
 infamous slaughter — would the journalists of the radical 
 party have failed to say, and their good readers to believe, 
 that it was all another machination of the police? But the 
 proofs of the conspiracy exist, nevertheless, and the actors 
 in it cannot deny a word that I have said. It is not wholly 
 useless, perhaps, to enlighten the- public upon the declara- 
 tions made by a certain class of newspapers, with regard to 
 secret proceedings. I venture to affirm, and I have some 
 knowledge of what I am saying, that with the single excep- 
 tion of the Reform — and that has not known all by any 
 means — there is not a newspaper which has had any know- 
 ledge, during the last ten years, of one in a thousand of the 
 revolutionary schemes which have approached, more or less, 
 the point of execution. The opposition newspapers may de- 
 clare ci priori, flatly, and by force of argument, that a com- 
 plot is imaginary; but they know nothing about it, for the 
 plotters certainly do not go. to inform them. In fact, the 
 newspapers, as viewed by conspirators, are mere old fogyisms, 
 which, under the pretence of prudence, recommend only re- 
 signation and servility. How is it possible, indeed, that there 
 can be any relation between conspiracies and the press? 
 The press seeks for distinction, and expresses its thoughts 
 openly; while a conspiracy is safe only when enveloped in 
 silence and darkness. The press is based upon an industrial 
 speculation which is obliged to observe all kinds of respect 
 for the law ; while conspiracies exist only beyond the pale 
 of that law, which they labor to destroy. The writers for 
 the press, excepting those who conspire (and such never 
 have the direction of newspapers), are ignorant of the first 
 syllables of what is going on in the subterranean regions of 
 demagogism. There is one institution, however, which is 
 considered as knowing something of the business, whose duty 
 it is to penetrate these misty regions; and if from this insti- 
 tution, there comes a cry of alarm, putting society upon its 
 guard, it is only after having watched the course of anarcTiy 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 803 
 
 for a long time, and finally sees it about ready to spring for 
 the possession of power, like the tiger upon his prey. It 
 may happen, it is true, that when about ready to burst forth, 
 it may be checked by some cause or another, by fear or pru- 
 dence, but supervision and precautionary measur'es are not, 
 therefore, the less necessary. At all events, between pas- 
 sionate men, who flatly deny things which they know nothing 
 about on the one hand, and serious men, who affirm facts 
 jvhich they ought to know, and have the means of knowing 
 on the other, can there be any room for hesitation on the 
 part of an impartial public? It were useless to repeat to me 
 the eternal old babble, that complots are means made use of 
 by the government; for are there not quite too many real con- 
 spiracies among us, to give any occasion for getting up pre- 
 tended ones? In a country of wolves, does the shepherd 
 make use of mock wolves to frighten his sheep with ? 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 M. Flooon becomes a conspirator again — A meeting at the coffee-house of 
 Saint Agnfes — A Revolutionary decision — Fear of the laws of September 
 — Nomination of a committee — A failure. 
 
 While the death of the Duke of Orleans occasioned new 
 disquietudes among the monarchical party, it reanimated the 
 hopes of the republicans. The conspirators of any note, 
 with the exception of the three heroes of May, had not given 
 any signs of life since the passage of the laws of September. 
 A great many of them, it is true, had been, until the amnesty, 
 either shut up in prison, or dispersed in exile ; but still, an 
 important fraction of them had remained at large in the 
 streets of Paris — and was it from the want of inclination 
 that they had ceased to trouble the country ? I cannot say 
 that it was ; but it is nevertheless true, that until 1842, they 
 never budged an inch. 
 
 Among those who composed this fraction, may be men- 
 
304 HISTOEY OF 
 
 tioned Messrs. Eecurt, Floeon, Felix Avril, N. Gallois, Fay- 
 olle, Sobrier, Bonnias, Cahaigne, etc. At the period of the 
 dynastic catastrophe, these men had already been joined by 
 a part of the general staff of the Rights of Man. Messrs. 
 Godefroy Cavaignac, Guinard and Marrast, had returned 
 from England and Belgium ; but the latter was called to the 
 direction of the National^ and had no design to conspire mate- 
 rially. As the fortune of M. Guinard permitted him to wait, 
 he chose to follow the course of events; and as to M. Gode- 
 froy Cavaignac, not only were there no longer elements of 
 conspiracy equal to his capacities, but the offensive annoy- 
 ance which he had suffered in connection with the affair of 
 April, had sunk deep into his heart. The Lyonnais party, 
 represented by Messrs. Lagrange, Baune, Caussidi^re, Ti- 
 phaine, etc., was then in the provinces, bound over to keep 
 the peace, and had little or nothing to do with the affairs 
 of Paris. 
 
 This nucleus of action which we have just mentioned, had 
 no chiefs. Among the members, M. Floeon pretended to 
 have the greatest influence, although in reality it was 
 possessed by M. Recurt. 
 
 The obscure profession of stenographer began to weigh 
 heavily upon M. Floeon. Determined to leave this miserable 
 position, he sought to take charge of some newspaper, by 
 which he might preach democracy as he understood it. The 
 radicalism of the National, the only anti-monarchical paper, 
 of that time, was far from realizing his beau ideal ; for he 
 flattered himself that he alone was possessed of all the oracu- 
 lism of democracy — this oraculism consisting, in fact, in a 
 strict application of the measures of '93 to the society of the 
 present day — something quite impossible. 
 
 Failing in his efforts to become editor, and thus play a part 
 in the world of the press, he resolved to get up a party of 
 adherents among the men of action, and organize a secret 
 battalion. The occasion offered by the death of the Duke 
 of Orleans was a favorable one ; for this unfortunate event 
 had aroused the old revolutionary instincts ; and the idea of 
 a regency was peculiarly flattering to the republicans, since 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 305 
 
 its establislimeiit, or the embarrassments tliat it must meet 
 witli, gave them great hopes of a triumph. 
 
 M. Flocon set to work. He called together at the coffee- 
 house of Saint AgnSs, Jean-Jacques Eousseau Street, an 
 assemblage of republicans, chosen from among the most 
 trusty persons of his acquaintance. About forty patriots, 
 almost all of them ancient conspirators of the times of the 
 Eights of Man, responded to the call. The small troop whose 
 names I have given, made their appearance there in the first 
 rank. All these gentlemen pretended to the exercise of 
 liberal professions, although some of them never had any 
 professions at all, and were what might be called the bour- 
 geoise democracy. The popular democracy was represented 
 by M. Dourille and his principal lieutenants. After several 
 precautionary measures, M. Flocon opened the meeting as 
 follows : — 
 
 " The members of the meeting will be pleased to remember 
 that, against certain contingencies, our object at present is, to 
 establish a newspaper, or in other words, an industrial enter- 
 prise which will have a right to the protection of the laws. 
 This point being admitted, nothing will 
 prevent us, either from prescribing the course to be followed 
 by the paper, or from an immediate inquiry, for example, as 
 to what is best to be done under existing circumstances. A 
 terrible blow has just been dealt against the present dynasty. 
 The important act of transmitting the throne, which certain 
 qualities of the Duke of Orleans might have rendered easy, 
 is now subjected to the difficulties of a^provisional govern- 
 ment, called a regency, and to the obstacles presented by an. 
 unpopular prince. You will conclude, perhaps, that the 
 occasion calls for the consideration of the patriots. I propose 
 then, to submit for your discussion the course which the 
 republican party might be called on to pursue in the case of 
 certain contingencies, such, for example, as the death of the 
 king." 
 
 The establishment of a paper was one of those malicious 
 pretences which M. Flocon has repeated on numerous similar 
 occasions until they have become monotonous; however, it- 
 20 
 
306 ■ HISTORY OF 
 
 ■was as good a trick as any other, and had but little to do 
 with the main point of the meeting. 
 
 The first orator was decidedly in favor of an attack. 
 
 " The death of- the king," said he, " is a precious occasion . 
 there will be trouble in the government, disturbance among 
 the authorities, and excitement in the streets; and besides, it 
 will be a natural signal given to everybody ; let us decide 
 that on»that day all the citizens shall resort to arms." 
 
 This opinion was very much relished; first one orator 
 sustained it, and then another, and so on. It met with 
 but one single, opponent — some one who was foolish enough 
 to. entertairi moderate notions and advance reasonable argu- 
 ments. He observed that the time fixed upon for the attack 
 was precisely that in which the government would be most 
 upon its guard. It is certain that every possible measure 
 would be taken for a safe transmission of the throne; a 
 formidable force would be held in readiness, sustained by the 
 moral force of the republican party, which would be united 
 to a man to meet the test. Would it not be wiser to wait 
 uiitil the distractions of the regency should offer some better 
 occasion? By pursuing a decisive course of action under 
 circumstances which might prove unfavorable, the party 
 might become compromised and its success indefinitely post- 
 poned. 
 
 Such arguments as these might certainly have been adopted 
 without incurring the penalty of treason ; but he who is versed 
 in revolutionary matters would naturally expect, nevertheless, 
 to see them rejected ; for the patriots of whom such meetings 
 are made up, are more like sheep, in one respect, than any 
 other people in the world, following their leader, who is 
 generally the most violent, under all circumstances, thinking 
 that this is the only way in which they can show the greatness 
 of their patriotism. 
 
 As M. Flocon contented himself with presiding over the 
 meeting, without giving his opinion, but showed at length 
 that he agreed with the majority, the assembly concluded 
 that a longer discussion was unnecessary, and the question 
 of an attack, on the death of the king, was put and carried. 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 807 
 
 One of the republicans of tbose days did not make his 
 appearance at the meeting of the coffee-house of Saint Ag- 
 n^s. It is his habit never to be forward ; he prefers to know 
 something of the question, and be assured of his men, before 
 taking part in an affair. Conspiracy is a fire which he has 
 no desire to play with ; not that he condemns it, by any 
 means, for while abstaining from it himself, he is very will- 
 ing to see it engaged in by others, and even encourages them 
 in it, reflecting, and very wisely, that it may be made to 
 serve his turn in some way or another. M. Eecurt possesses 
 all the ability which is pretended to by M. Flocon, but with- 
 out any of that fidgety bitterness which is constantly neu- 
 tralizing M. Flocon's efforts at finesse. 
 
 The meeting at Saint Agn^s coffee-house, then, had de- 
 cided that on the death of the king the patriots should resort 
 to arms. This rule of conduct being once adopted rendered 
 it necessary to prepare for the consequences ; and this matter 
 was attended to at another meeting, held, some time after- 
 wards, at the barrier of Saint Jacques. The same men, with 
 a few exceptions, were again present. M. Flocon declared 
 that the object of the meeting was to prepare forces for the 
 anticipated event ; but as many of the patriots, even among 
 the hottest of them, were very much afraid of having any- 
 thing to do with secret societies, it became necessary to dis- 
 guise" things by means of words, and especially to let them 
 understand that they would incur no danger. 
 
 This evidence of fear, inspired by the idea of resorting to 
 illegal associations, is a remarkable fact, which shows the 
 salutary effect of the political laws of that time. The 
 patriots have managed to retort upon these laws that they 
 were the mere instruments of dynasty ; but since France is 
 at last in a position to decide clearly upon the matter, she 
 sees that the admonitions of this pretended barbarous code 
 were designed for men who were even then scheming for a 
 real barbarous code, not only in pohtics, but in every civil 
 and religious institution of the country. 
 
 In order to quiet the fears of the patriots, M. Flocon pro- 
 posed as follows : That those present should form the general 
 
808 HISTORY OF 
 
 staff of a revolutionary, initiative corps for tHe day of action ; 
 no rule nor hierarchic chain of connection should be imposed, 
 no lists of members, no orders of the day, no periodic meet- 
 ings, nothing, in fine, which should constitute them a secret 
 society, and bring them within the purview of the law. The 
 only thing to be done by the members would be to hold 
 themselves in readiness, and make proselytes. The process 
 of affiliation would be performed by a simple promise of 
 devotion to the objects of the society. 
 
 Certainly, this was not a conspiracy ; but an enterprise 
 thus hemmed -in with restrictions, and depending upon an 
 uncertain date, which might be far removed, cpnld not evi- 
 dently accomplish much; hence, when M. Flocon urged the 
 necessity of reorganizing a corps of direction and attack, 
 something which, as he said, was no longer in existence, M. 
 Dourille and his friends gave the orator to understand, with 
 a smile, that he did appear to be very well posted up in the 
 demagogic affairs of Paris. M. Flocon, in fact, considering 
 himself as the centre of the republican world, had taken no 
 part in conspiracies since the days of the Rights of Man, and 
 hardly knew that there were any conspiracies in existence. 
 This fact may serve to show both the isolation of M. Flocon 
 in his own small church, and the change that had taken place 
 in revolutionary plotting ; it had been driven to the darkest 
 caverns of the capital. 
 
 M. Dourille arose, and made several remarks, which ap- 
 peared rather, surprising to those present; however, he 
 abstained from details, divulging neither the condition of 
 the secret society, nor the grade which he held in it. 
 
 As M. Flocon wished to preserve the initiative, and as the 
 assembly had no relish for becoming merged in the associa- 
 tion, which had been hinted to them, the words of M. Dou- 
 rille produced but little effect. The organization, as proposed, 
 was accepted. It then remained to take a final measure, 
 which, though accompanied with some of the perils that the 
 meeting wished to avoid, was, nevertheless, indispensable ; I 
 refer to a commission for the direction of proceedings. It 
 was decided that this power should be secret, should watch 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 309 
 
 the course of things, decide upon the course to be followed 
 in case of extraordinary events, or call a meeting for the 
 purpose, and, in fine, make all material preparations pos- 
 sible for the d*ay of the insurrection. The members of the 
 commission were limited to four. A vote by secret ballot 
 took place, and then the meeting broke up. One of the per- * 
 sons present had been appointed to count the votes ; and he 
 alone was to know the result,' and communicate it to those 
 who were elected, and as it was seen that he himself would 
 be one of the four chosen, the commission might thus remain 
 the sole possessors of their seCret. 
 
 Messrs. Flocon, Gallois, Grand Louis, one of the revolution- 
 ary agents of M. Dourille, and a fourth member composed 
 the committee. 
 
 It may well be imagined that this semblance of a secret 
 society proved fruitless of results. In such cases, if the 
 danger lies in organization, it is there also that lies the force. 
 It was very natural that the members, after the lapse of some 
 time, having no stimulus to maintain them in their first zeal, 
 nor any reasonable expectations of the immediate death of 
 the king, should gradually forget their mission and cease to 
 make proselytes; and hence, the association found itself, at 
 length, reduced to something quite vague and impalpable; or 
 in plain terras, it proved a perfect abortion. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Retirement of M. Dourille — The new committee — A few words upon secret 
 
 , agents — New orders of the day — Honorable proceedings of M. Delessert 
 
 — The communists of Toulouse — A delegate sent to Paris — Simplicity of 
 
 the Icarians — M. Flocon becomes a committee-man of the New Seasons — 
 
 Review of the groups. 
 
 By the close of the year 1842 M. Dourille had relapsed 
 very much from his former zeal. He perceived that the men 
 of note in the party held him in but very mediocre esteem. 
 
810 HISTOKY OF 
 
 He was reproaclied for the harangue made at the funeral 
 procession of Garnier-Pag^s; for permitting the seizure of a 
 list of members with comments thereon, and for other impru- 
 dences not less real. He might well have treeeived some 
 consideration for his obstinate propagandism, for his lost 
 •time, for leaving his wife and children without bread and 
 without resources; but if gratitude is not a virtue of kings, it 
 is not that of republicans either. The party shows about the 
 same respect for a used-up patriot that is usually paid to a 
 worn-out hack horse. Deeply mortified, and tired, moreover, 
 of his miserably life, he thought of retiring. 
 
 At this period Messrs. Giillois and Noyer had entered into 
 a partnership for the establishment of a bookstore ; and hav- 
 ing need of an employee, and knowing the position of M. 
 Dourille, they offered him the place, which he very gladly 
 accepted. They were among those who considered him 
 wholly unfit for the trade of conspirator, and they obliged 
 him to renounce it entirely. It was very hard to leave a 
 work which had cost him so much labor; but when he came 
 to think of the annoyances which he had suffered, of the 
 necessities of his household, and, above all, of the remote 
 hopes of the republic, which were becoming every day more 
 vague and uncertain, he silenced his grief and gave up. 
 
 The four revolutionary agents were assembled and in- 
 formed of the resolution of their chief; and from that mo- 
 ment the direction of the society was given into their hands. 
 M. Dourille explained that as his withdrawal was occasioned 
 by domestic cqb si derations, it should produce no change in 
 the state of things. He requested his particular friends to 
 rally around the committee ; the orders of the day would be 
 issued by De la Hodde; and in other respects there could be no 
 difficulty, since the men were already under their command. 
 
 Each of us deeming it proper to fulfil our new functions, 
 the combination was accepted, and we assumed the sovereign 
 power. By this arrangement I found myself nearly in the 
 position which I desired. Besides the advantages of educa- 
 tion and social condition which I possessed over my col- 
 leagues, I had the reputation among the groups of being a 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 311 
 
 man^of prudence and- good counsel. Being by nature neither 
 high nor low, ray manners were not unpleasant to the sub- 
 urbans. I spoke their language pretty fluently, and we 
 were not at all ill at ease together. Hence, I had the neces- 
 sary influence for the new part which I wished to play in 
 the association. 
 
 In times of revolutionary fever, the secret police is neces- 
 sarily restricted to a certain course of conduct which is not 
 exactly that of provocation, as it is called, but which consists 
 in a connivance of words, and acts with the leaders of the 
 parties. Generally speaking, it is very certain that for 
 inspiring confidence and getting at the secret of important 
 measures, a man of the police would do very wrong to show 
 opposition or moderation. He is to follow the current and 
 mingle with it ; such is his part, and such are his instruct 
 tions. A thousand times the cry has been raised against 
 provocative agents, and a thousand times the accusers have 
 been put in condition to furnish the proofs, and have failed 
 to do so. The police of M. Gisquet has been particularly 
 charged with these manoeuvres ; but has it ever once been 
 caught in the fact ? and as to the administration of his suc- 
 cessor, that cannot be reached by such attacks ; for the high 
 morality and loyalty of character of M. Delessert are above 
 a certain order of calumnies. But that an agent may assume 
 the mark of those whom it is his business to watch, and 
 imitate them, not only in the violence of their words, but in 
 their acts — nothing is more certain ; it is the very alphabet 
 of the trade ; it has been practised ever since the police had 
 an existence, and always will be practised so long as political 
 supervision shall be considered necfissary. Such a course, it 
 is true, does not exactly quadrate with perfect morality ; but 
 since it is the principal means for accomplishing the end, if 
 the end. is to be attained the means must be admitted.* 
 
 * It is needless to say, perhaps, tliat such an argument as this would 
 hardly pass current in the United States. It is the Jesuitical doctrine that 
 the end sanctifies the means ; and in France and Southern Europe it is often 
 practised by those who censure it in their adversaries. The politicians of 
 our own country do pretty mnoh the same thing in excusing their own 
 faults by pleading those of their opponents. — Teanslatob. 
 
812 HISTORY OF 
 
 . However, there is still a better, means — there is still a bet- 
 ter course to be followed than that of insinuating one's self 
 among the underminings of conspiracies for the purpose of 
 checking them at the moment of explosion ; it is to take up 
 such a position that the whole field of operations may be 
 visible at once, and, instead of allowing tnem to go on in 
 order the better to stop them, to arrest and destroy them 
 from the moment that they are commenced. For the accom- 
 plishment of this end nothing more is needed than simply 
 this: to getthe direction of revolutionary proceedings, and 
 inspire sufficient confidence and have sufiicient skill to lull 
 men of habitual violence into a state of perfect inaction. 
 
 And such was the task that, agreeably to my own views 
 and the orders of the prefect of police, I considered myself 
 capable of undertaking. 
 
 During the direction of M. Dourille, the orders of the day 
 had made their appearance regularly. The style of these 
 productions had varied but very little since the days of their 
 invention ; those of M. Dourille, however, had their peculiar 
 stamp, they were pretty good copies of the Robespierrian 
 originals which he tried to imitate — sharp, dry, and fanatical. 
 In substance they never varied from these three points — 
 propagandism, energy, and approaching hopes. In order not 
 to disappoint my public, I preserved the harshness and as- 
 perity of form, but managed to centre my declamation upon 
 these two words — prudence and patience. I intended by this 
 means, constantly preached and practised, first to enervate 
 and then aanihilate the secret society. 
 
 And it was indeed time to restore some order amidst .the 
 furious mania of the undertakers of conspiracy. Could there 
 be anything more detestable than the part played by these 
 men, luring on poor wretches by impracticable hopes to rush 
 headlong into the streets at the first diabolic impulse given 
 them, and only to be massacred "/ Witness the affair of June, 
 1842, that of Lyons in 1841, and again in 1844, and that of 
 May, 1849 — it is always the same thing; two or three chiefs 
 distinguish themselves, the rest sink into insignificance, and 
 the people leave .their corpses by scores upon the pavement. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 313 
 
 These men talk of provocltion ! could there be a more impi- 
 ous provocation than this, practised by themselves — setting a 
 murderous snare for peaceful men whom they find happy at 
 their work, and drawing them forth to incur misery, impri- 
 sonment, or the grape-shot of the streets. 
 
 The police of M. Delessert had not only the honor of 
 having preserved the tranquillity of the streets since 1839, 
 but of having accomplished it in the most honorable way. 
 But it is true that the state of things permitted the employ- 
 ment of a system of mildness and conciliation, I will not say 
 of fraternity, because that is a term which has been rendered 
 ridiculous. The immense majority of the country, attached 
 to the government which had the rare merit of securing 
 peace, and founding public prosperity, gave up the idea of 
 political squabbles, and was realizing in serenity that well- 
 being which had been lost in the great noise of the revolu- 
 tion. The political franchise was too restricted ; agreed, but 
 besides that the abuse of certain liberties had become only 
 too common, it cannot be denied, after all, that the govern- 
 ment rested upon its true basis, i. e., upon the middle classes, 
 and that the entrance to these classes was open to all. No- 
 thing then prevented the government from pursuing a lenient 
 and humane course, even with respect to its most inveterate 
 enemies, or from acting upon anarchy only by means of 
 gentle dissolvents. We shall see that, dating from this 
 moment until the days of February, the unfortunate army of 
 conspirators raised by Messrs. Barbfes, Blanqui, and Martin 
 Bernard, which had 'left" so many victipas either upon the 
 pavement or in the prisons, had no longer an occasion for 
 regretting the loss either of the life or liberty of any one, of 
 its members. 
 
 Some time after this little revolution in the committee of 
 Paris, the fallowing events took place in the provinces : — 
 
 The doctrine of M. Cabet, propagated by the Peoples 
 Journal, by cart loads of pamphlets and by crowds of travel- 
 ing agents, had made proselytes in the departments of the 
 Haute-Garonne, Aude, and Dordogne. At Toulouse, espe- 
 cially, there was a church of exemplary fervor, too exemplary, 
 
314: HISTOEY OF 
 
 perHaps, since it deviated from the*dogmas in contemplating 
 an appeal to the musket in aid of precept. There was no 
 spirit of revolt shown against the master ; but quite to the 
 contrary, a very natural impatience for the triumph of the 
 cause, and the endowment of France and the world with the 
 felicities of Icaria. The chief of these rather eager com- 
 munists was a painter by the name of Gouhenaus, a fine 
 speaker, ardent and extravagant, a type of the enthusiast of 
 the South. He had been led beyond the rules by an in- 
 timacy with M. Laponneraye, who had arrived from Paris 
 saying that he was authorized to give new instructions. 
 The Intelligence, a poor sheet which had withered away under 
 public indifference, had finally died out ; and as the ex-editor 
 was thus left without any political enterprise on hand, he 
 went to Toulouse to gain a livelihood in some way or 
 another. An idea struck him ; he took it into his head to 
 upset the Icarian altar, and put one of his own in its place. 
 The worship which he wished to establish, was .exclusively 
 that of his pamphlets, his books, and collections from his 
 defunct journal. He gave himself out as one of the marshals 
 of the equalitarian republic of Paris ; declared that he had 
 under his orders the twelve suburbs without including the 
 vicinity, and that he was in a position to give the brothers the 
 very gist of the matter. He admitted that beyond all doubt 
 Icaria was a sublimity ; but then the citizens of Toulouse 
 ought not to be ignorant that pacific Cabetism was altogether 
 out-distanced by the communism of action, which, sure of 
 its fact, because possessed of the double force of principle 
 and tradition, was going to resort to arms, and could not fail 
 to triumph. The Toulousians had to look to it if they 
 intended to remain inactive while their brothers were march- 
 ing to >the conquest of the future. By such pathos as this, 
 it was meant, simply, that the revolutionary jiommunists 
 were in a majority in Paris, and that it was necessary to 
 rally around M. Laponneraye their representative, and aban- 
 don M. Oabet, who was nothing less than an old fogy. 
 
 This communication was considered of immense import- 
 ance ; for a fundamental principle of the doctrine was at 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 315 
 
 stake, and if it should be abandoned, would it not prove to 
 be the destruction of one of tbe columns in such a magnifi- 
 cently constructed edifice ? On the other hand, to be- too 
 late at the feast, and have only a bone to gnaw, that was a 
 matter deserving of consideration. It was decided to remain 
 faithful to Icaria, but at the same time to enter into relations 
 with the partisans of propagandism by force ; it being well 
 understood that a deviation from an article of the credo would 
 be made only with the object of arriving more promptly at 
 the establishment of the true church. 
 
 A new prophet had thus arisen to scatter firebrands among 
 the faithful and attempt a ravishment of infallibility from 
 M. Cabet — a matter of no small importance certainly, but 
 what was of still more importance, he designed to get all the 
 fruits of the worship? And all this was taking place far 
 away from the high priest, and without his knowing a word 
 of it; for, from a -sentiment of delicacy, his disciples in the 
 very interest of the doctrine itself repugned the idea of in- 
 forming him of the course which they had adopted. 
 
 Several months thus passed away, during which remorse 
 assailed more than one conscience. M. Laponneraye had pro- 
 mised news from Paris, which never came to hand ; and as 
 time passfed On, the disquietudes increased, until the disciples 
 became subject to the most desolating reflections ; they feared 
 that they had yielded too easily to representations which 
 might conceal some snare. "What a desperate situation for 
 the children of Icaria, if the words of an intriguer had led 
 them to doabt their father, and even perhaps betray him! 
 
 Under the weight of such overwhelming anxiety, the Tou- 
 lousians and their brothers of the vicinity held a grand 
 council, and resolved to dispatch an emissary to Paris who 
 might, with his own eyes, see how matters stood, and thus 
 relieve them from their load of troubles. The emissary 
 chosen was a young man of Agen, by the name of L'H^ritier. 
 He came pat upon a man who could give him authentic in- 
 formation of all that he desired ; that man was myself. We 
 had served in the same regiment together, and hence the pre- 
 ference which he shpwed me. 
 
316 HISTORY OP 
 
 I could not refrain a shrug of the shoulders at the recital 
 of the great troubles of the Icarians. The mawkish sort of 
 sentimentalism which they showed for their Messiah; the 
 title of father, which they seriously accorded him ; the terror 
 that they were in from having perhaps sacrificed* to false gods 
 without knowing it — all this excited very great pity. The 
 poor envoy learned how matters stood at once. ' I informed 
 him that there was no association in Paris in a condition, to 
 take arms; those directly in favor of revolution composed 
 but a very insignificant battalion ; the communists of various 
 sects were made up of imperceptible fractions ; M. Cabet was 
 looked upon as an old pimp beating up for imbeciles, and M. 
 Laponneraye as a very suspicious dealer in political opera- 
 tions who had not thirty partisans in all Paris. Such was 
 the bill of fare that he had to offer to the patriots of Tou- 
 louse, and if they did not like it, they might choose for 
 themselves. 
 
 The emissary set out on his return filled with consterna- 
 tion. 
 
 Oh, what a cloud of desolation swept over the Icarians of 
 Toulouse when they came to learn the truth ! They launched 
 maledictions upon M. Laponneraye, and hastened to make a 
 confession to the father of Icaria, based upon the purest 
 sentiments of contrite repentance ; henceforth their zeal should 
 be proof against every seductive attempt — their faith immov- 
 able against every shock. And they kept their resolution. 
 The ardor of proselytism redoubled; excitement arose to 
 the highest pitch, and an assembly was held in which the 
 miserable state of society which Icarianism was going to set 
 to rights, was so very patriotically described that the attorney 
 general of the king had to moderate the zeal of the most 
 ardent by sending them to a retired place for reflection. 
 They extended their arms towards their father, calling upon 
 him to assist them in the depths of their captivity, and prayed 
 him to come and raise his voice in their favor. M. Cabet 
 could not abandon such devoted disciples in their distress ; 
 he Avent, having first announced himself so as to secure a 
 brilliant reception, and displayed all the treasures of his 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 317 
 
 eloquence in the service of the accused ; but as the eyes of the 
 judges were not yet open to Icarian lights, his arguments had 
 no other effect than to cost his children a several months' 
 longer term of imprisonment. 
 
 Such, towards the close of 1842, were the transactions in 
 the regions of communism ; and it has been necessary to re- 
 late them in order to give the subject its true physiognomy ; 
 but they are characterized by a degree of folly which has 
 appeared to me to render them unworthy of any serious nar- 
 ration. 
 
 Not long afterwards, an event of some note also occurred 
 in the secret army of Paris ; M. Flocon requested an inter- 
 view with the four chiefs, expressing the desire to become 
 one of the committee. The combination of Saint Agn^s 
 coffee-house having miscarried, and the isolation of the 
 stenographer weighing upon him more and more, he had 
 recourse to an enterprise already under way, and in which he 
 thought he had only to make his appearance in order to 
 assume the supreme authority. The acquisition of the au- 
 thority appeared to him the more easy inasmuch as the four 
 revolutionary agents had no reputation in the party. I my- 
 self was the only one of any note, but I was regarded as a 
 patriot of little ambition and not of the first rank. One 
 evening M. Flocon was led to a meeting of the committee 
 where he made known his wishes. The concurrence of such 
 a man, well known in former conspiracies and renowned for 
 his finesse, could not be refused ; but I well knew how to 
 disgust him very quickly with the part which he wished to 
 play, viz : by checking his pretensions and wounding his 
 pride. I had given my colleagues to understand beforehand 
 that our power must remain intact, even for the sake of the 
 association itself, and that in receiving M. Flocon among us, 
 it was as an equal and not as a chief; it was necessary to let 
 him see this at the outset, for otherwise, if we seem to have 
 need of him, .he would not fail to absorb all the influence. 
 M. Flocon, then, was admitted, but only as a fifth member of 
 the committee. This condition was stipulated at several 
 
318 HISTORY OF 
 
 different times, so that he could not possibly be ignorant of 
 it. It appeared rather impertinent to the illustrious patriot, 
 without doubt, but he could not take offence at it without 
 showing a total want of tact. 
 
 A general review wa« decided upon for the following week, 
 in order to show the forces of the association to the new 
 chief. It took place at the barrier, upon the Boulevard 
 Rochechouart. The groups were assembled in the environs,' 
 and on the announcement of the arrival of the dignitary the 
 chiefs gave the order to file past. The sectionaries passed 
 three by three and arm in arm, being thus distinguished from 
 the other passers by. M. Flocon, accompanied by M. Noyer 
 as cicerone, took his stand at the window of a wine-seller's 
 shop, and from a balcony there, solemnly held his review. 
 His four confederates were at the head of their men, ■ thus 
 showing by their presence the arrival of the different sec- 
 tions. The effective strength was not great ; the total of the 
 society was reckoned at eight hundred men, of whom pro- 
 bably about two-thirds would respond to a call ; the total 
 present did not exceed three hundred men. They were all 
 in thte blouse ; for the conspiracy had sunk deep and deeper 
 into the lower strata of the party. 
 
 To this review, and to an attendance three or four times 
 upon the meetings of the committee, was limited the part 
 played by M. Flocon in the secret society. With the posi- 
 tion that had been granted him, and to which he was closely 
 subjected, he was but little satisfied. Although of a temper 
 not well calculated for sympathy with the masses, being in 
 fact rather unpopular, yet his antecedents were such that he 
 might have imparted some vigor to the conspiracy, if his 
 self-love had been flattered. With the power and the efforts 
 of M. Dourille, the society in his hands would have been 
 restored to its former importance ; it would have attracted a 
 few of the old, and some new conspirators, which, hewever, - 
 the government would have been able to put down at their 
 first attempt ; and nothing would have been more easy than, 
 by encouraging the stenographer, to lead him on to this re- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES, 319 
 
 suit. But the police, by offending his pride, followed a dif- 
 ferent course; and thus proved that there was no need of 
 giving provocations for repressing the re'publican faction. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 History of the establishment of the TJc/ora— Tyranny exercise^ over M. 
 E. Baune — The poor M. GrandmSnil — M. Flooon becomes dictator of 
 the Journal. 
 
 Little satisfied with renownless and divided glory, M. 
 Flocon sought some means of getting the lead of the demo- 
 cracy, a position that belonged to him of right according to 
 his own opinion. The best means seemed to be that offered 
 by the press, and towards the press were bent all his most 
 cherished desires ; but as his talents were only known to 
 himself, the journals showed but very little readiness to ad- 
 mit him as a contributor. Hence he conceived the idea of 
 establishing a newspaper for himself. But the undertaking 
 was by no means an easy one ; to draw from a poor writer 
 and a poor party the funds intellectual and financial for sus- 
 taining a daily paper, is indeed a difiicult problem. The 
 genius of the Eepublic, however, aiding, the problem might 
 be solved. 
 
 At that time M. Grandm^nil had been washed, as it would 
 appear, from the accusations made against him in 1821, and 
 was thinking of getting up an organ of the veritable interests 
 of the country. Several deputies of a reddish color were to 
 have furnished the necessary funds, but on coming to think 
 the matter over, they left the enterprise in the lurch. The 
 conception remained for a long time in a state of embryo, and 
 M. Grandm^nil was beginning to despair, when M. Flocon, in 
 company with M. E. Baune, another great man of disposable 
 services, presented themselves and offered to set the work 
 going. The trio soon came to an agreement, and a society 
 of exploitation was immediately formed, to which each one 
 
320 HISTORY OF 
 
 contributed all that he had, viz: an ardent desire to find 
 some one to lend them the necessary money. They assembled 
 their friends, made fine speeches, gave fair promises, and 
 finally succeeded in obtaining the wherewith to set the paper 
 going. Bail was given, all the preparations made, and the 
 Reform, was launched into publicity one fine morning with 
 10,000 francs borrowed money in pocket, which was destined 
 never to be returned. 
 
 Arrived at the position which he had so ardently desired, 
 that of editor in chief — he was third in fact, but his two co- 
 adjutors gave him no trouble — M. Flocon found himself far 
 above the miserable part of fifth chief of a secret society. 
 He made known then, to the revolutionary agents, that his 
 responsibility as the first publicist of the democracy would 
 prevent him thenceforward from having any relations with 
 them ; but as the little insurrectionary army might become 
 of some use to him, he took me into the ofiQce with him, 
 hoping, through my agency, to have the control of the 
 association. I very easily penetrated this little scheme, and 
 resolved to thwart it. I had charge of the columns devoted 
 to foreign affairs, at a salary of 1200 francs a year, and 
 during nine months I received about a hundred crowns. 
 Becoming tired of the foolish pride of the ex-stenographer, I 
 abandoned this brilliaut position. 
 
 The management of the Reform was to be shared equally 
 by its three founders ; but the establishment of this equili- 
 brium of powers met with a great many more difiSiculties 
 than did the constitutional equilibrium which the editors 
 scoffed at so divertingly. But a few months had passed 
 away when the prose of M. Baune became banished to the 
 second page, and even had much difficulty in keeping its 
 place there ; for it was found to be deplorably turgid and 
 heavy. But it is very true that M. Baune had his opinion, 
 too, with respect to his coadjutor, and could not grant him, 
 b}-- a long shot, a degree of merit equal to his pretensions. 
 He had to content himself, however, by showing his spite 
 among his intimate friends, without daring to proceed to 
 open resistance. Privations, disenchantment, and a life spent 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 321 
 
 in grog-shops, had given him a languid, broken-down cha- 
 racter, over which M. Flocon triumphed without pity. Ee- 
 ceiving the offer of travelling agent for the paper, he accepted 
 it willingly, asking nothing better than to get rid of a 
 colleague who haunted him like a ghost. As to M. Grand- 
 m^nil, a fat, good-natured man, with a sanctified face, and a 
 gluttonous disposition, the very reverse of a lofty mind, he 
 was crushed flat under the despotism of his co-director. 
 
 Having thus acquired the dictatorship, M. Flocon exercised 
 it with all the imperiousness of a Koman emperor. M. Louis 
 Blanc is considered as knowing how to write ; but having 
 been invited to give his collaboration to the paper, he was 
 subjected, like all the rest, to the ferule of the master. One 
 day he was remonstrated with in a very learned manner with 
 regard to one of his articles ; and finding the criticism to be 
 very just, he considered himself incapable of collaboration 
 with such a powerful man, and immediately cut himself off 
 from all participation in the Reform. A singular instance of 
 fraternity, perhaps, the slanderers will say, but it was not^ the 
 business of the Reformers to practise what they preached. 
 
 The pure patriots had hailed the appearance of the new 
 paper with joy. During the first few weeks they were seen 
 hastening forward by platoons, some for the purpose of sub- 
 scribing, and others for offering articles or good advice. M. 
 Cahaigne came with a manuscript romance, which he had 
 already presented to a dozen papers; M. Dupoty brought 
 Paris sketches recopied from his Journal of the People, and 
 as to street poets and statesmen of the grog-shops, they landed 
 at the door of the ofiice by coach-loads. But M. Flocon 
 sent them all packing, with that peculiar urbanity of his 
 which turned their milk of kindness into the bitter gall of 
 enmity. The confiding patriots who had advanced their 
 funds and could not get a cent of them back, joined the 
 offended crowd of unknown geniuses, and such complaints ! 
 they clamored, they styled M. Flocon an aristocrat, and, in 
 short, deserted the office in all quarters. Before making its 
 appearance, the Reform had got two thousand subscribers ; 
 21 
 
322 HISTOKT OF 
 
 and six months after its first issue there remained some six 
 hundred. 
 
 The merits of the editorship had certainly contributed to 
 this result, but the insignificance of the republican party had 
 also a share in it. At this period, commencing with the year 
 1844, the Journal of the People was dead, the National had 
 three thousand subscribers, and the Reform less than one 
 thousand. The strength of the party may be estimated by 
 these numbers. 
 
 The affairs of the new paper soon sank to the lowest ebb ; 
 the chest sounded empty, and patriots having money to lose 
 were becoming very rare — a perfect dislocation ensued. M, 
 Grandm^nil, affirming that the enterprise had consumed the 
 remnant of his fortune, was thrust out of doors. His suc- 
 cessor, a confectioner, by the name of Charrousse, wEis a 
 man of too little enthusiasm to play the fool for the Reform. 
 He brought a great deal of good-will to the concern, but 
 very little money ; which was by no means to the purpose. 
 Fortunately, unexpected assistance came to relieve the em- 
 barrassment. 
 
 M. Ledru-Rollin, having distinguished himself among the 
 democracy by a roaring manifesto, had made no noise since, 
 and becoming tired of his obscure position, he concluded to 
 enter upon that grand career which was destined to such a 
 magnificent conclusion in the conception of the Arts and 
 Trades. The Reform had need of funds, and he had need of 
 newspaper articles, hence a bargain might be struck. An 
 interview was hady and the matter so arranged that the 
 tumidity of the journal was thereafter secured. But the 
 confectioner, M. Ledru-Rollin, and the other capitalists of the 
 concern, finding that their money was not sufficiently secured 
 by the merits of M. Mocon, concluded to give him an assist- 
 ant, or rather a chief; and they chose one of such a charac- 
 ter as could not be objected to without evident presumption. 
 They chose M. Grodefroy Cavaignac. Money was the law, 
 and the editor-in-chief had to succumb, and receive a master. 
 
 Since his return from exile, M. Godefroy Cavaignac had 
 entirely abstained from revolutionary proceedings. He felt 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES. 323 
 
 that France had well merited her repose, and he was con- 
 vinced, moreover, of the weakness of the republican cause. 
 His opinions remained the same, because they were the result 
 of conviction and family inheritance ; but the republic ap- 
 peared to him at such a misty distance, that his thoughts 
 reverted to it with melancholy tenderness rather than with 
 lively hopes. He was still young (45 years), but there was 
 an air of languor and chastened sadness in his appearance, 
 which indicated but too plainly the approach of death. The 
 conflicts of force, blood, and disasters — all these things had 
 become hateful to him ; and, as ardent as he had been in 
 exciting to violence poor men, who are always as ready for 
 acts of heroism as for acts of folly, he now entertained for 
 such work only the feelings of abhorrence. Having been 
 informed of the reorganization of the Seasons, and the 
 rank which I held in it, he made me promise, with the view 
 of preventing new sacrifices, never to excite, nor permit any 
 attempt at an insurrection; a promise which I found no 
 diflBculty either in making or performing. 
 
 The Reform was not edited a long time by M. Godefroy 
 Cavaignac. He was seized with a rapid consumption, which, 
 after a few months of intense suffering, hurried him to the 
 tomb. I must again repeat that he was a sincere republican, 
 and in every way worthy of respect. With such men as 
 he, the austere form of government which he meditated 
 would have been possible, and even natural; but in the 
 background of the scene — behind that noble figure which 
 stood forth for a moment, and then disappeared forever, what 
 a crowd of degraded, cowardly, and trifling characters were 
 writhing in the darkest shades of democracy ! How many 
 reptiles slavering with hatred, envy, and debauchery, and 
 aspiring with a frenzied thirst after gold, pleasures, and 
 honors! How many men, in fine,' who rendered impossible 
 what he would have rendered easy and simple ! 
 
 M. Flocon was reinstalled in his functions. He took as aa 
 assistant a professor of rhetoric, who had one of those 
 southern styles of eloquence which can be turned to any- 
 thing in a country of talkers. This man, after having killed 
 
324 HISTORY OF 
 
 several journals under his direction, and finding himself ou 
 the point of returning to his former condition of school- 
 master, took advantage of the revolution, to transform him- 
 self into a representative of the people ; and he is now one 
 of the flies of the republican coach. His name is Paschal 
 Duprat. 
 
 If I have deviated from the current of my narration, and 
 entered among the affairs of the Reform, with which it might 
 seem I had but little to do, it is because we are approaching 
 the revolution of February ; an event in which it is proper 
 to have a clear idea of the respective parts played by the 
 actors. It is the. general opinion that the Reform had taken 
 possession of all the revolutionary elements of the country, 
 had commanded the secret societies, and directed the pro- 
 vinces ; so that by a mere signal it was able to overthrow the 
 throne of July; but it is not exactly so. The Montagnards 
 have pretensions, which it may be well enough, for the gene- 
 ral edification, to demolish; every one of them, according to 
 their own accounts, having procreated and brought forth the 
 revolution of February ; a revolution which is nothing but 
 a bastard, it is true, but which has not quite so many fathers 
 as they would wish us to believe. 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 Don Quixote-Lagrange — His great enterprises — His decadence — The rather 
 queer but very edifying commercial transactions of M. Caussidifere. 
 
 As M. Baune, that victim of the despotism of M. Flocon, 
 ha,d been bound over by the Court of Peers to keep the 
 peace, he might justly have been confined to any one of the 
 provinces, and not tolerated in his anxious efforts on behalf 
 of the republic ; but such was the tyranny of the govern- 
 ment, and, it must be confessed, such was the importance 
 which it attached to M. Baune, that it condesceiaded to look 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 325 
 
 after his proceedings. And was the government wrong in 
 so doing? What! when M. Baune is one of those who say 
 so complacently, " The revolution which we have made !" 
 But to tell the truth, however, the edifice of July lost only 
 about a brick and a half by his efforts. 
 
 M. Lagrange, another of the heroes of Lyons, under the 
 supervisions of the police, also made his appearance on the 
 Parisian stage about this period. One should know M. 
 Lagrange. He has the parrot nose, hollow cheeks, sunken 
 eyes, martial bearing, and all the melancholy seriousness 
 which characterized the illustrious knight of La Mancha. He 
 is not wanting, either, in that lofty extravagance which 
 rendered the hero of Cervantes so comically lugubrious. 
 Like his predecessor, too, he took it solemnly into his head 
 to redress the wrongs of outraged humanity. The Eed 
 Eepublic was his Dulcinea del Toboso ; and as he pictured 
 her with a brilliance of imagination that went little beyond 
 the sublime, he maintained her to be more supremely radi- 
 ant than any other beauty of the world. Mounted upon his 
 rickety, democratic and socialistic hobby horse, the equal in 
 every respect of Eosinante, he dreams only of giants to be 
 cleft asunder, nations to be delivered, and on he goes, 
 straight ahead, right or wrong-, his eye on fire, nose lifted 
 into the air, and the impending necessity of manifest destiny 
 at work in his head. 
 
 Pardoned, together with his confederates in 1837, and 
 casting about for some position in society equal to his abili- 
 ties, he directed his thoughts towards the higher branches 
 of industry. He put himself at the head of a railroad, 
 which, to be set in operation, had need only of being con- 
 structed; but as the capitalists combined against him in 
 order to stifle his industrial genius and keep their money, he 
 was obliged per force, and in self-defence, to keep the road 
 in his own head. His next enterprise was the sale of one 
 of his own inventions ; which was, to extract the spirit from 
 anything whatever. It would have made the fortune of the 
 speculators if they could have got hold of it and understood 
 it ; but it was lost somewhere, perhaps upon his railroad. 
 
326 HISTOBY ov 
 
 M. Lagrange then struck his forehead ; and it appeared 
 clearly that the difficulty lay in the limited sphere of his 
 operations ; for the police kept him away from his true 
 centre of action, Paris, and to Paris, therefore, he must go, 
 come what might.- He made his appearance there in aa 
 open, manly, faceless way, and was arrested. Not discou- 
 raged by this, he returned to the charge again several weeks 
 afterwards, and was again imprisoned. On being asked the 
 reason of such notable obstinacy, he replied that a man like 
 him was perfectly exiled when out of Paris, the capital of 
 industry and the arts ; that his talents were not properly 
 appreciated in the provinces, and that he might as well be 
 among a parcel of savages as to live there ; while at Paris, 
 all the elements of fortune were laid open to him. The go- 
 vernment might justly have replied to these representations 
 of the hero, by sending him to the correctional police ; for 
 as he had repeatedly broken his bonds, he had rendered him- 
 self liable to a severe penalty ; but instead of pursuing this 
 course, the authorities said to the insurrectional chief: "You 
 wish to work — be it so; the capital is open to you. Go and 
 make known that the only object of the government is per- 
 secution, and that all its efforts are directed to the ruin of 
 the country." 
 
 In the midst of a genial element at last, and free to dis- 
 play that great practical ability for which the patriots are so 
 noted, he set to work and went about from person to person, 
 the colporter of great ideas and the prophet of solemn an- 
 nunciations. He was looked at over the shoulder, and that 
 was all. The fact, too, that the pot must boil, began to make 
 itself felt; and his lofty projects dwindled down under it by 
 degrees, until at length they assumed very much the cha- 
 racter of the most ordinary labor. This demigod of revolt, 
 this Murat of insurrection, this lion of the Court of Peers, 
 finally found his glory reduced to what ? — to peddling wines 
 by the bottle about Paris. But it is not the trade that makes 
 the man ; God forbid that I should impute to M. Lagrange 
 as a shame, a calling which gave him an honest livelihood; 
 but it is well enough to show who these great men of Feb- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 327 
 
 raary are, and vhat they were under a real, positive govern- 
 ment, which, whatever else may be said of it, knew how to 
 give every one his proper place. 
 
 Since the remission of his sentence, he had not occupied his 
 attention with politics except incidentally, feeling assured 
 that he might attain to a social position which would permit 
 him to await the future ; but when he came to see that the 
 science of barricades was no longer a title to public confi- 
 dence, and that his importance as the hero of the Place des 
 Cordeliers had had its day, he thought it high time to mount 
 the cockade again and return to the ranks. A condition of 
 things that reduced M. Lagrange to peddling wines was 
 evidently fit for nothing else but to be overthrown. Unfortu- 
 nately liis theatrical bearing, tending somewhat to the ridicu- 
 lous, finally gave rise to doubts, not only as to his industrial 
 merits but also as to his political value. He used to inti- 
 mate that when the new insurrection should break out, he 
 would be chosen for the general-in -chief ; an idea which gave 
 the shrug of the shoulder to a good many. The wine dealer 
 also gave hints of pretensions to the civil power, as well as 
 to the military, and seemed ogling the presidential chair, in 
 spite of its reservation by so many others. All this appeared 
 to be very presumptuous to the people of the Reform, among 
 whom M. Lagrange was included; and in the region of the 
 National, where even the lowest office boy entertained a per- 
 fect contempt for the whole set of the rival paper, the vanity 
 of the Lyonnais was qualified simply as buffoonery. 
 
 Finding himself so little appreciated by the upper stratum 
 of the party, that he could not even allude to his hopes with- 
 out exciting a smile, he began to delve into the popular so- 
 cieties, hoping that there, at least, his ancient prestige would 
 have left some traces; but the little communist churches, to 
 which he offered himself, were headed by chiefs who had no 
 intention of allowing themselves to be dethroned; and as to 
 the new Seasons, the indifference which they showed him 
 amounted to downright irreverence. We were consulted 
 with regard to him, and by my advice he was decided to be 
 a foundered patriot, and a fit subject for the retired list. 
 
328 HISTORY OF 
 
 The leanness of the poor man was so much increased by 
 this deplorable state of things, that he became a sort of skele- 
 ton, which even outdid that of the knight of La Mancha 
 himself. He wandered about the streets with his samples in 
 his pockets, and showing, by his concerned looks, to what a 
 degree of decadence he had fallen. At night, accompanied 
 by a large gray dog — 
 
 Whose moTirnful mien and wistful looli, 
 His master's mood and humor took, 
 
 he went to drown his cares amidst the excitements of gaming 
 and hard drinking. The coffee-houses of Saint Agn^s and 
 Mandar were his habitual resorts. As the profits of his pro- 
 fession were very small, he gnashed his teeth and cucsed the 
 fates if he lost, more than two stakes of an evening. Such 
 was the condition to which this great man became reduced. 
 
 Besides his resemblance to the hero of Cervantes, M. La- 
 grange might also be compared to one of those large haggard 
 looking birds which are seen in rnenageries; they are of a 
 peaceful aspect, and exceedingly austere and mournful ; but 
 on a closer look, it is seen that their eye is bloodshot, and 
 that over their inclosure is inscribed the word — Yulture. 
 
 Before M. Lagrange's arrival in Paris, and at the same 
 time that M. Baune made his appearance, there came also 
 another distinguished person — ^a sort of giant, with the neck 
 of a bull and the shoulders of a Hercules, presenting upon a 
 broad expanse of face, pierced with two little intelligent eye- 
 let holes, a mingled expression of good nature and cunning 
 — his name was Mare Caussidi^re. He had been one of the 
 category of Saint Btienne in the persecutions of April. Son 
 of an old soldier without fortune, he had embraced, while 
 still young, the profession of designer of ribbon-prints, in 
 which he had attained to a considerable degree of skill. It 
 is stated of him that he soon showed a bent for industry by 
 selling the same designs both to Swiss and French manufac- 
 turers, a proceeding, however, which is hardly admissible in 
 trade, if I am not mistaken. At that time (towards the close 
 of the Eestoration), democracy, and socialism, and the red 
 
SECRET SOCIEIIKS. S29 
 
 flag had not yet been invented ; but the work of anarchy 
 was carried on under cover of the charter. The patriotism 
 of M. Caus&idifere smacked of his age ; it was rather roman- 
 tic. The war of Grecian independence having broken out, a 
 great many young men, who stood in need of making a 
 .noise, hailed with joy a conflict which brought several nations 
 into collision. The ribbon-designer and some of his com- 
 rades, Messrs. Tiphaine and Vignes among others, were of 
 the number. They resolved to march to the aid of Hellenic 
 liberty ; but instead of enrolling themselves in some regi- 
 ment, like the common run of the defenders of Greece, they 
 proceeded in the following way. There existed in the coun- 
 try a pentagruelic society, of which they were the founders, 
 and which bore the name of the Lime-Mln Society. Its object 
 was nothing terrible, tending merely to develop the facul- 
 ties of ingurgitation, and perfect the art of practical joking. 
 The qualification for admission consisted in swallowing 
 down extraordinarily large potations of anything whatever, 
 and when this was done, to have the quantity increased by 
 means of a veterinary syringe', applied by one of the members 
 in a manner which it is unnecessary to describe. 
 
 It was agreed, then, that the principal members of the 
 society should march to the deliverance of the Greeks, not 
 as private citizens, but as representatives of the very honor- 
 able company. M. GaussidiSre was appointed grand master 
 of the expedition, M. Tiphaine contractor general, and M. 
 Vignes almoner. The army, including the general staff and 
 soldiers, amounted to a dozen persons. They set out, ma- 
 rauded right and left, and arrived at Marseilles, the rendezvous 
 of the liberating army. There they presented themselves 'to 
 Colonel Fabvier, and made known to him their generous 
 resolution ; but the colonel, as it appears, placed but a low 
 estimate upon such a reinforcement. The manners and dress 
 of the Lime-kiln folk rendered them suspicious-looking cha- 
 racters. He thanked them for their favorable intentions, 
 but assured them that Greece could get along with6ut their 
 services ; and the country of Homer was actually liberated , 
 without the assistance of these brave men. 
 
330 ' HISTORY OF 
 
 Such was the comraeEcement of M. Caussidifere's political 
 career. He is a great joker ; and it is from this point of 
 view that all the acts of this singular man must be regarded. 
 If serious at all, it is only in an unquenchable thirst for 
 drink, and a perfect eiithusiasm for juicy -dinners. 
 
 After the amnesty, M. Caussidi^re returned to Paris, and . 
 was tolerated there like M. Baune, with whom he entered 
 into partnership in a manufacturing concern, which still 
 remained in embryo. They met with better luck than M. 
 Lagrange had in finding some one to advance the funds ; for 
 having learned that M. Ledru-Eollin had just made a rich 
 match, they knocked at his door, and were not badly received. 
 The Montagnard chief, being solicited by two patriots, who 
 promised, by their great industrial,abilities, to render France 
 as glorious by their skill in commerce as they had by their 
 efforts at insurrection, allowed himself to talk, and then 
 opened his purse. He advanced thirty thousand francs for 
 the concern. 
 
 But the hopes inspired by the high sounding words and 
 flattering promises of the partnership came far short of be- 
 ing realized; the funds, however, soon disappeared. M. 
 Ledru-Eollin was informed of the failure, and called on 
 again for further assistance ; for, all that the concern wanted 
 was to be set going ; b.ut finding that the capital had melted 
 away rather rapidly, and that the dividends from the opera- 
 tions of the patriots were not very brilliant, he refused 
 another advance, declaring that the sum lost was quite suf- 
 ficient. 
 
 I cannot pretend to give positively the causes of the fail- 
 ure. It is very certain, however, that the partnership were 
 often at breakfasts which did not end with the setting of the 
 sun, and that the last of all places they were seen at; was 
 their manufactory ; but this is not a suiificient reason. Im- 
 partial judges will attribute their want of success to the 
 wretched state of society which was then existing. It is 
 well known that the policy of the government of July was 
 to ruin individuals as well as the country ; for it has been 
 proved by M. Garnier-Pag^s and a dozen others besides. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 331 
 
 But be this as it may, the eminent industrial abilities which 
 M. Oaussidi^re boasted of having in the Constituent Assem- 
 bly, were not displayed in the enterprise in question. Mast 
 it be inferred, then, that M. Caussidi^re has no such abilities? 
 Not at all ; the fault lay in the Lime-kiln, or rather in the 
 tyranny of the government — anywhere else than in M. Caus- 
 sidi^re. 
 
 But he was not to be frightened by one failure, for he has 
 a philosophical turn of mind which doubts nothing and be- 
 lieves but little. His next industrial efforts were at merchan- 
 dise. He formed a new company, with M. Lagrange as 
 junior partner, for the sale of silks. The two friends had 
 not a cent to begin with ; and how to get the necessary credit 
 was a question accompanied with difficulties. They suc- 
 ceeded, however, in finding several courageous manufac- 
 turers who were willing to risk a first consignment. It may 
 readily be guessed what became of it. The outlays of the 
 establishment and other expenses absorbed the profits as 
 soon as they were made, so that the share of the consignors 
 was reduced to zero. This result was inevitable, and I am 
 very willing to admit that all the abilities of M. Caussidiere 
 could not have prevented it ; but the question is whether one 
 has any right to exercise such abilities. The house of Caus- 
 sidiere and Lagrange, then, like the house of Caussidiere and 
 Baune, proved a failure. 
 
 Not in the least disheartened, the Lime-lciln man cast about 
 in search of a third partner. He found a good young man, 
 a former clerk, well versed in mercantile affairs, who pro- 
 mised to advance a pretty round sum. They were to sell 
 cravats and other fancy articles. The preparations were 
 made, the store hired, and everything brought to a state of 
 readiness for commencing operations, when a terrible diffi- 
 culty arose ; one of the two partners failed in his engage- 
 ment, and was not forthcoming with the money. This part- 
 ner was not M. Caussidiere, by any means ; for he was to 
 furnish only the essential funds, the industry, which he had 
 already at hand ; but his partner who was to have supplied 
 the money, had none, or at least for a partnership with the 
 
332 HISTORY OF 
 
 hero of Saint Etienne. For the want of this trifle, the sale 
 of cravats was abandoned, and hence it is impossible to have 
 a due appreciation of M. Caussidi^re's genius in that line. 
 
 The last enterprise that he engaged in seemed rather an 
 affair of personal convenience than a speculation. He con- 
 ceived the idea of lighting the numbers of houses at night, 
 and took into company with him for this purpose, M. 
 Berthaud, the brother of the poet of the Charivari. M. 
 Caussidi^re was given to noctambulation ; he liked to go to 
 supper at two or three o'clock in the morning at the cook 
 Joissan's or at the wine-sellers' shops of the Halle ; and 
 doubtlessly on returning home he had mistaken the door so 
 often, that at length he got the idea of his luminous inven- 
 tion. However this may be, the capitalists were not dazzled 
 by it, and Paris remained enveloped in darkness. 
 
 At last, an industrial career seemed entirely closed to him. 
 His former business of designer of ribbon prints still re- 
 mained open to him, but that was a tiresome and wretched 
 pursuit for a man of his genius ; he preferred to abandon 
 himself to the hazards of a lime-kiln life. To follow out his 
 history froni this moment would be a delicate task. When 
 a man, having nothing, and gaining nothing, passes his days 
 and nights in all kinds of public places, where wine costs 
 money, however sour it may be, it is to be presumed that he 
 has generous friends ; but as friends get tired, at last, we may 
 suppose that in the course of time he resorts to the art of 
 living without paying ; and when that art becomes exhausted, 
 we may then imagine what we please. As the criminal code 
 is much more chaste than was Boileau, not permitting us 
 to— 
 
 Call a oat a cat, and Rolet a knave, 
 
 I will go no further. Besides, we ought, pel'haps, to excuse 
 certain weaknesses in a soil over rich. M. Caussidi^re's de- 
 mocracy is epicurean and fantastic; he has introduced pa- 
 triotism into the grog-shops of the Halle, and is the inventor 
 of the Tyrolian hat. All due honor, then, to the artist. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 333 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The democratic press before February — The National and M. Marrast — 
 The man who never pays his dehts, and the toothless lion — The Chari- 
 vari — M. Altaroche — ^M. Albert Clerc — M. Felix Pyat. 
 
 About the year 1846, the peroid when the commercial 
 enterprises of M. Caussidiere had borne their fruit and re- 
 duced this great man to the most hazardous expedients, the 
 republic was not in a very flourishing condition. Conspira- 
 cies still showed themselves now and then, according to old 
 habit, but the important men of the party, or those who 
 styled themselves as such, remained quietly in their tents ; 
 a few of them only continued the conflict in the two re- 
 publican sheets of that time, the National and the Reform. 
 
 The principal editors of the National were Messrs. Marrast, 
 Dorn^s, Bastide, Duclerc and Vaulabelle. M. Marrast, the 
 editor in chief, exercised a sovereignty acquired by a super- 
 lative want of principle, and palliated by a rather remarka- 
 ble talent for pamphleteering. A singular analogy, and one 
 which will not appear far fetched to those who know the two 
 men, is that M. Marrast is merely another Caussidiere pol- 
 ished over; the same eagerness for pleasures, the same 
 scepticism, the same system of cunning, and the same ambi- 
 tion distinguish them both ; but while all these qualities 
 are exhibited in the grossest way by the latter, they are ex- 
 ceedingly refined with the former. 
 
 M. Marrast has a higher opinion of himself under his 
 frizzled hair than any sovereign under his crown ; the em- 
 pire of the world belongs to him of right. And let it not 
 be imagined for a moment that there is the least shade of 
 democracy amidst that scornful manner and Mephistophelic 
 smile of his. He wishes to be the first in the state ; and as 
 
334 HISTORY OF 
 
 lie cannot reasonably aspire to the crown, the crown must 
 therefore be got rid of in order that he may reign in France 
 under any title whatever. It will be remembered what ridi- 
 culous manners he endeavored to bring in vogue at the 
 commencement of the republic, which had been established, 
 they say, for the improvement of our morals. A single 
 word has done justice to these impertinences ; M. Marrast'is 
 now called the Marquis of the republic. Alas ! the good 
 sans-culotte of the Tribune, the great insulter of the National, 
 the great Aristophanes who brought so much ridicule upon 
 honest men, figures now before the public only as a character 
 of the Carnival ! His prints fill the windows of the carica- 
 turists, and even the children, in passing by, salute his span- 
 gled dress with an ironic pun. This terrible mocker is now 
 mocked at just as the poor George Dandin was for endeavor- 
 ing to place himself on an equality with M. de Sottenville; and 
 justly too. France well knew his cold, heartless perfidy, and 
 in the election of 1849 she set her foot upon his neck and 
 drowned him like a cat — the sad destiny of a man who had 
 rendered himself detestable to all parties, and chiefly so to 
 his own. 
 
 M. Carrel, the former editor of the National, was frank and 
 open, never fearing to throw off the yoke of the populace 
 and wage war with visor up, and with sword, or with 
 lance ; but with the editorship of M. Marrast the politics of 
 the paper became cunning, tricky, and underhanded, adopting 
 the Italian system of fence. They consisted in instigating 
 the passions, spurring them on, while retaining a safe distance 
 in the rear, and having a due care for white hands which must 
 not be soiled by too close a contact with the dirty people ; 
 and then, if some fine. day the republic gets knocked on the 
 head, as it did in 1839, what course think you, is followed by 
 the National, that paper which considers itself at the head of 
 republicanism ? Why, it very aristocratically shows the de- 
 bris of the party the doors, and gets rid, as soon as possible, 
 of the poor devils who have been led to their ruin by its 
 pernicious cunning. Ask M. Napoleon Gallois and friends, 
 whether this is true or not ; they will doubtlessly remember 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 335 
 
 the fine setting down they got when they went to the office 
 to ask for a few lines of consolation on behalf of the demo- 
 crats who had just been killed. But why had the unfortunate 
 wretches the impudence to fail ! Ah, but if they had succeeded, 
 though, the National would not have waited to be asked for^ 
 eulogies ; its dithyrambics would have flowed in streams. 
 
 The scorn for those who are called little folk exists no- 
 where in so insolent a shape as at the National. The ancient 
 princes of the blood, never considered themselves so lofty by 
 a hundred cubits, as the paragraphists of Lepelletier Street ; 
 never did a blackguard parvenu treat his valets half so bad 
 as these democrats treat the popular crowd; and hence, 
 between the people whom they despise and by whom they 
 are in turn despised, and the upper classes whose disdain is 
 far above the reach of their hatred, they form a sort of in- 
 trenched camp among the brambly regions of the bourgeoise, 
 which resounds with empty capacities and tumid bombast. 
 They are pedants like M. Genin, sensualists like M. Pagnerre, 
 bullies like M. Charras, and rou^s like M. Eecurt. The esti- 
 mate placed upon the latter gentleman in French affairs is 
 seen by the result of the last elections. 
 
 The National^ which knows itself well enough not to 
 indulge in self-flattery with regard to the sympathies which 
 it inspires, has repeatedly endeavored to find adherents in the 
 army. And this is a point of view which should not be lost 
 sight of; to gain possession of the public force, and establish 
 its own domination at all hazards — such is its fixed idea. At 
 this very moment, I venture to say, it is intriguing among 
 the regiments; I do not know it positively, but I would bet 
 on it as a dead certainty. Its secret connivances, however, 
 wUl miscarry, for our soldiers are not the servants of cliques, 
 and they remember moreover the provisional government 
 which sent them away from Paris, which government was 
 made up by two thirds of the men of the National. But no 
 defeats discourage these Florentine politicians; they are 
 always in action, always on the watch, reckoning upon sur- 
 prises as well as upon connivance, and ever the more avari- 
 
836 HISTORY OF 
 
 cious of power, inasmuch as they have relished its sweets for 
 a moment and then lost it in a way almost ignominious. 
 
 The National had looked upon the establishment of the 
 Reform with a very unfriendly eye ; the pretensions of the 
 new paper towards sharing in the republican subscriptions 
 and in putting itself at the head of the party, seemed to the 
 National to be very much out of place. The corps of writers 
 for the Reform were not terrible; but its agents showed 
 sufficient freshness and activity to cause the rival paper some 
 alarm. A deep feud arose between the two cliques. Several 
 disinterested patriots, and especially Mi Guinard, endeavored 
 to reconcile the parties ; but as the Fhcon paper felt no com- 
 punctions in belaboring the National, in debauching its sub- 
 scribers, and even those who advanced it their funds, the task 
 was'impossible. The attacks of the Reform were replied to 
 by some nice little bits of calumny which M. Degouve de 
 Nuncques contrived to slip into his correspondence from the 
 departments. Things grew worse and worse, until the quarrel 
 became so low that even such men as M. Baune and his fellow 
 travelling agents were attacked ; certain drunkards and 
 political charlatans were pointed out as making a great 
 display in the provinces in favor of a paper of ill-fame. But 
 for the want of an antagonist more worthy of his ire, the 
 editor of the National assailed M. Ledru-Eollin, well known 
 at that time as the chief patron of the Reform. Eecrimina- 
 tions loud and quick passed between the two parties; M. 
 ■Marrast accused M. Ledru-RoUin of allowing his notes to be 
 protested ; and M. Floeon replied for his file leader, calling 
 M. Marrast a toothless lion. Both sides were right, and this 
 public bucking of democratic foul linen proved quite amus- 
 ing to the lookers-on. 
 
 These two journals, one year before the aflfair of February, 
 composed the entire republican press of Paris. They shared 
 between them some five or six thousand subscribers for all 
 France, and thus preluded, as we have just described, the ad- 
 vent of the reign of fraternity. 
 
 Some, perhaps, will set up claims for the Cliaravari, con- 
 ceiving that that paper ought to be classed among the demo- 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 3S7 
 
 cratic organs; but I must undeceive them. The Charmari, 
 then, as now, belonged chiefly to M. Louis Perrde, one of the 
 most zealous writers of the Sih:Ie in favor of monarchy. Its 
 principal editor, M. Altaroche, a good man who has been con- 
 sidered witty for the last fifteen years, very quietly confected 
 the matters of the journal, and has never dreamed for a long 
 time of adding the least republican spicing to it. Some of 
 the more susceptible- democrats even, considered that his 
 illustrations, in which the figures of the people smacked of 
 wine shops and the bawdy-house, were the proof of a want 
 of patriotism. The fact is that the icitiy journal was existing 
 at that time upon a capital of old jokes, which it exhibited in 
 a peaceful way, and offered in all candor to its subscribers, 
 who were persons very easily pleased. It had, especially, 
 about half a dozen conceits, adapted to every taste, which 
 were sure to make their appearance in every number — such 
 as the joke upon M. Amal, that illustrious friend of the 
 editor in chief; the witticisms of Bibloquet the mountebank ; 
 the anarlomania of M. Guizot; the stinginess of the civil list, 
 and the charges against Carpentras. This last piece of malice, 
 which consisted in fastening upon the name of Carpentras 
 everything trivial or ridiculous, appeared so exceedingly 
 ingenious to M. Felix Pyat that he could not refrain, one 
 day, from regaling the Xational Assembly with it. 
 
 The editor next in importance to M. Altaroche was M. 
 Albert Clerc, whom the republic has made a consul. He 
 was charged with the department of riddles, rebuses, and cha- 
 rades ; and it was in the pursuit of these matters that he ac- 
 quired his knowledge of international law. But it is known 
 that at the time when his appointment as consul was made, 
 the government amused it-self — not in choosing men for the 
 place, but rather the place for the men, and that the reputa- 
 tion of patriot was sufficient for anything. When M. Sentis, 
 a tailor, if. Emmanuel Arago, a fourth rate lawyer, M. L^on 
 Favre, an insolvent bankrupt, M. Savoye, a pedagogue, and 
 i[. Thions, an interdicted priest, were invested with diploma- 
 tic functions, M. Albert Clerc, maker of conundrums, might 
 certainly aspire to the same dignity. There is this difierence, 
 
338 HISTOEY OF 
 
 however, in the two cases — the above-named citizens offered 
 themselves as candidates with a reputation of democracy per- 
 fectly dyed in the wool, while the editor of the Gharavari 
 could have no such pretensions. He is a kiud of gentleman 
 of the press, mounting his horse and going to the office 
 booted and spurred, and, in spite of a suspicious looking 
 dress and a doleful air, having claims to licmry. The worthy 
 man would have been very much astonished to have heard 
 fifteen days before February that he was going to receive 
 the favors of the government as a good republican. 
 
 The remainder of the editorial corps consisted of what are 
 called men of letters, pure and simple, that is to say, of young 
 men whose principles, like those of M. Bareste, lay in their , 
 bread and butter. To give some Idea of the conscience of 
 these iane writers who tore up whatever fair character or 
 good name their patron set them to work upon, a single fact 
 may be mentioned. The Upoch, in designing to get up a sys- 
 tem of defence, thought of raising a corps of volunteers for 
 firing aw;ay upon the smaller papers. The idea then occurred 
 to it of choosing one and the same writers for making alike 
 the attack and the defence. In this way the blows from one 
 side would be as good as those from the other. And, the 
 Epoch had the pleasure of being a close spectator of this inter- 
 esting conflict. Having made advances to several of the 
 editors of the Gharavari, they were enchanted with the pro- 
 position, and accepted it without scruple ; and these gentlemen 
 very quietly set to work to breakfast upon the Epoch and 
 dine upon the Gharavari. 
 
 I entered the office of the Gharavari in 1840, and remained 
 there five years, furnishing weekly a piece of verse signed by 
 my name, and occasionally articles in prose. When the witty 
 journal felt itself bound recently to declare that I had never 
 formed a part of its editorial corps, it was certainly not jok- 
 ing with me so much as with its readers. These readers 
 might well ask in what the editorship of a journal consists if 
 I were not an editor of the Gharavari. However, I set up no 
 claims; for having voluntarily sacrificed in 1846 the title 
 which is now denied me, I should be wanting in good sense 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 339 
 
 to seek tte recovery by force of what I had thrown aside in 
 disgust. I must confess that I was tired of playing the part 
 of democratic jester. 
 
 Besides, Messrs. Altaroche, A. Clerc, Caraguel, Delorde, 
 and another writer of a glutinous style called Huart, who 
 had become part proprietor of the journal in order to have 
 his articles published in it, the Charavari reckoned as an 
 editor M. Felix Pyat, who, although he railed at the poor 
 sheet, nevertheless made it an instrument either of his inter- 
 est or his hatred. He edited the theatrical part ; and thus 
 had the double advantage of crying down the productions of 
 his brethren of the drama and extolling his own. The patriots 
 are doubtlessly unaware of the prodigious passion of M. Pyat 
 for a sort of manufactured glory, which is acquired through 
 the journals and which is called puffing; and we may there- 
 fore inform them that this Montagnard excels in this respect 
 the most renowned quacks of the age. About three months 
 before the representation of one of his dramas, he would let 
 drop a word to his intimates, who would carry it to all the 
 opposition papers, and immediately it would become the 
 blast of Fame's trumpet, conjuring up a small mint of money 
 in honor of the forthcoming master-piece. From the cha- 
 racter of the man he could count upon a few friends, but 
 as he had a corner in the two republican journals as well as 
 in the Charavari, his brethren of the press took good care 
 not to offend him for fear of reprisals. But this great noise 
 by which his dramatic pieces were heralded in, a privilege 
 which was also enjoyed by another writer of the same class, M. 
 Anthony Thouret, could not stun either the judgment of the 
 public with regard to his works, or especially that of certain 
 writers whose fear of the revolutionary author was not such 
 as to prevent them from saying what they thought of him. 
 He could not, however, well understand raillery when applied 
 to himself; for, having acquired the sole right of attacking 
 everything respected in the world, any assaults made upon 
 him weire intolerable insolence. A man of a little more ster- 
 ling talent than he possessed, M. Jules Janin, having ven- 
 tured to point out some large spots on the face of his bright 
 
340 HISTOET OF 
 
 sun, was replied to by the democrat in a pamphlet which 
 was so black and acrid with bile that it gave all Paris the 
 heart-burn. It became necessary to administer, by way 
 of a sedative to the ferocious author, a pretty considerable 
 term of imprisonment, including costs and damages. As 
 the gentle M. Jules Favre, his lawyer, insinuated as much 
 poison as possible into the wound already made, the judges 
 had no scruple in awarding a severe sentence. 
 
 But amidst all these various elements, the Charavari had 
 in fact but one serious object, and that was the getting of 
 subscribers. In virtue of a compromise made previous to 
 the year 184:0, by which all attacks against the elder branch 
 of the Bourbons were prohibited, M. Dutacq had acquired 
 for the picture-paper a large list of subscribers among the 
 legitimists ; and M. Perree, the successor of M. Dutacq, reli- 
 giously respected the compact. The entire editorial control 
 of the paper had to conform to this little arrangement, which 
 might have been respected as a matter of conscience, but which 
 the necessities of the till rendered imperiously necessary. 
 The austere M. Pyat himself had to submit to the rule ; for, 
 as he was part owner of the paper, the income of which was 
 very considerable, the poor man had to yield to the obliga- 
 tion of receiving his share of the legitimist's money. 
 
 Such was the character of the Charavari; in which it is 
 not easy to recognize many traits of democracy. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Systematic enfeeWement of the (Seasons— -A new committee — Messrs. Caus- 
 sidiSre, Leoutre, Grandmenil, Leroux — An effort at reorganization — The 
 reason of its failure — An extraordinary contest. 
 
 As M. Plocon had brought nothing but his personality to 
 Tthe new Seasons, his retirement therefrom was of no conse- 
 quence. Things still went on for some time in the old way, 
 without enthusiasm or zeal, and in a state of half organiza- 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 341 
 
 tion which, thougli it permitted the men to consider them- 
 selves members of a secret society, yet gave them no influ- 
 ence as such. The members of the respective groups fre- 
 quently met together, but rather for drinking and singing 
 than for working at t5onspiracy ; excepting that from time to 
 time they were assembled to listen to the reading of an order 
 of the day. The duty of confecting these pieces of eloquence 
 still remained imposed upon me, and I crammed them with as 
 many hollow words as possible. The men, however, applauded, 
 declaring that the thing was done up brown. At the end of 
 every order I invariably returned to the old refrain which I 
 had adopted and established, and which was — no ostensible 
 recruiting operations — no politics in public places — no depots 
 of arms or ammunition. It is true that a conspiracy without 
 arms or munitions seemed at first as something wholly extra- 
 ordinary ; but I succeeded in overcoming all objections. The 
 following may serve as a specimen of the orders of the day 
 containing a summary of the ideas which I had caused to 
 prevail. " The association must no longer become com- 
 promised in disastrous undertakings. The committee has 
 decided to await the advent of some great popular commotion 
 before making a display of its power ; it will then come 
 forth, throw its sword into the balance, and achieve a trium- 
 phant victory. But, in the mean time, let us wait — let us 
 envelop ourselves in impenetrable discretion and unswerv- 
 ing prudence. When the supreme hour shall arrive, then 
 muskets and ammunition will be got ready, and your chiefs 
 themselves will furnish them to your terrible arms. Trust, 
 then, to the patriotism of the committee even as the commit- 
 tee trusts to your valor, and beware of fettering its action by 
 inconsiderate rashness. We must accustom ourselves to a 
 difficult but an indispensable virtue, the virtue of resignation ; 
 but at that price the victory is ours." 
 
 However great was the difficulty in subjecting to this 
 regime of inertia a class of men habituated to the strongest 
 excitements, I succeeded, with the assistance of my colleagues,- 
 in effecting it. A general lassitude contributed to this end, 
 and all these old lions of the mob were left biting their naiis 
 
342 ■ HISTORY OF 
 
 in the cage. They were deceived to their advantage, their 
 own safety being assured, as well as that of the public. 
 
 The orders of the day were no longer printed at my house. 
 During the time of M. Dourille, the clandestine printing- 
 press had been transferred to the house of a chief of group, 
 called Bocage, at Grenelle. I was informed, from the pre- 
 fecture, that it was in good hands, and hence made no efforts" 
 to recover it. M. Gueret made a journey to Brussels at about 
 this period, and had an interview there with M. Imbert, who 
 had left France in consequence of a political prosecution ; 
 and having mentioned the embarrassment that the committee 
 were in with regard to the orders of the day, M. Imbert 
 undertook the charge of printing them. It was in this way 
 that the regular publication of these pieces was continued. 
 They were still read according to the old method, that is to 
 say, in the wine-shops, and at the barrier. 
 
 Had the police devised to get rid of the association, it is 
 evident that a very simple means presented itself ; by trans- 
 mitting an order of the day to each of the chiefs, and send- 
 ing a commissary to take both the order and the man, the 
 disorganization of the secret society would have followed as 
 a matter of course. And why was not this course adopted ? 
 it may be asked. Because France would thus have learned 
 that there were secret associations still in existence ; because 
 the mobbers, who had become lulled into a state of inaction, 
 would have aroused again ; because many a young fool, then 
 without a thought on the subject, would have conceived the 
 idea of becoming a conspirator ; because the existing associ- 
 ation was in a fair way of becoming quietly smothered to 
 death, whereas, if it had been publicly destroyed, a dozen 
 active societies would have arisen in its place. It may be 
 objected that it was at least useless to continue the orders 
 of the day, the bearers of which might become dangerously 
 implicated, either through imprudence or treachery. It has 
 been said that these productions inspired more confidence 
 -than mere oral communications ; but it was precisely for 
 this reason that they were made use of, serving as the most 
 efficacious means for inculcating a temporization and pru- 
 
SKOKET SOCIETIES. 843 
 
 dence, whicli were necessary to a quiet dissolution. It will 
 be seen that they were discontinued as soon as they failed to 
 accomplish this end. I prepared the way of their abolition 
 by discontinuing their periodicity. Originally, an order was 
 issued every month ; I first doubled, and then even tripled 
 this period, following a systerbatic course of irregularity. 
 
 This method of latent and gradual dissolution produced 
 its effect ; the bond of connection between the members and. 
 between the chiefs of groups and the committee became 
 visibly relaxed ; the meetings became merely mechanical, 
 and conspiracy a mere matter of fiction. And this state of 
 dissolution was still further increased by the withdrawal of 
 two of the revolutionary agents. M. Dutertre lost a compro- 
 mising letter, which forced him to retire, and M. Grueret, 
 finding that the republic was too long in coming, threw the 
 handle after the hatchet, and went into the provinces to sell 
 the books of M. Louis Blanc. I was left pretty nearly abso- 
 lute master of the society, M. Boivin, who remained with 
 me, deferring entirely to my decisions. 
 
 Such was the condition of the society when M. Caussi- 
 di^re, forced back to his former trade of conspirator by the 
 hardness of the times, held an interview with me, testifying 
 a desire to become a member. He was accompanied by two 
 friends, Messrs. Grandm^nil and Ldoutre, who also offered 
 their concurrence. M. Caussidi^re, like M. Flocon, brought 
 nothing but his own person to the society. The Gypsy de- 
 mocracy, amidst which he lived, no longer cared for secret 
 affiliations, on account of the attending danger, and as to the 
 people at large, they knew him only by a vague remembrance 
 of his name ; his entrance, therefore, into the society was by 
 no means a remarkable event. I knew the man well ; and 
 finding him at the end of all his expedients, and that his 
 only resource lay in revolutionary machinations, I was not 
 sorry to get him under my hands, and therefore advised his 
 admission. 
 
 M. Ldoutre had left but a short time since a regiment of 
 cuirassiers, and not knowing what to do, he became intimate 
 with M. Caussidi^re, sharing with him his broken down 
 
344 HISTORY 01' 
 
 condition. The republic, however, was the last thing in his 
 thoughts ; it was only at the invitation of his friend, and for 
 the want of something bettor to do, that he became a con- 
 spirator. He was wholly unknown to the patriots. M. 
 Grandmdnil stood in the same relation to the ex-prefect of 
 police of February ; he was but little recommended by his 
 antecedents, but he had a thorough knowledge of the statis- 
 tics of wine-shops, and that was enough. 
 
 Besides these three personages, a fourth came forward for 
 admission, a M. Leroux, manufacturer of mats and a poet, 
 who gave himself out as one of the leaders of the suburb of 
 Saint Martin. The facts being examined into, it was per- 
 ceived that he indeed had some influence in that quarter, and 
 was accepted. 
 
 The four new-comers and the two ancient chiefs came to 
 an agreement, and constituted themselves as a committee to 
 push forward the labors of the association with activity. It 
 was evident that a new organization had become necessary, 
 and it was attended to immediately. A plan was brought 
 forward, discussed, and definitively settled. It was an imita- 
 tion of Oarbonarism ; a chief was to choose his lieutenants, 
 these lieutenants would choose their subalterns, and the 
 subalterns were to make up the sections. The old members 
 were first to be incorporated, and then new battalions formed. 
 M. Boivin and myself kept our old sections, so that our 
 legion was easily made up. M. Leroux also succeeded in 
 raising a small corps. As to the other chiefs, they set about 
 theirs, but the work required a degree of labor inconsistent 
 with their habits. I was fully aware of this, and hence had 
 kept the old sections under my orders, remaining in this way 
 pretty nearly absolute master of the association. 
 
 The committee continued punctual in attendance at the 
 rendezvous during a month ; tben absences took place, and 
 filially the meetings became wholly irregular. At every 
 assembly M. Oaussiilicre swore that he would be punctual, 
 but then, the streets of Paris abound in so many tempting 
 places, how could he attend? And besides, his friends 
 seemed to be setting snares for him in the way of invitations 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES. Bio 
 
 to dinner. He woald accept, promising to leave the table 
 at the hour of the rendezvous ; but vain hope ! the poetry 
 of wine by the quart overcame his resolution. Lost in sweet 
 emotions, he would relate the wonders of his Lime-kiln life, 
 or perhaps practise at harangues for the future constituent 
 assembly, by some beautiful discourse highly seasoned and 
 peppered with blows of the fist. Hence, his revolutionary 
 duties naturally became a sacrifice. • 
 
 Mention has been made in some published work of the 
 gigantic contest that took place one day between M. Grrand- 
 menil and M. Caussidi^re. It was on one of the meeting days ; 
 and from such a contest it may readily be conceived that 
 they might have forgotten everything. The question was, 
 which of the two could come nearer to gargantua ; and the 
 affair came off at the house of Father Eichard, a wine-seller 
 of Montmartre Street. The champions commenced the bout 
 by a pot of tripe, which disappeared at two jerks of the fork. 
 The next essay was upon a rare done shoulder of mutton 
 reeking with garlic enough to suffocate a Spaniard ; it was 
 swallowed down without winking. The adversaries moisten- 
 ed their lips for a few minutes, and then recommenced the 
 attack simultaneously upon a goose and a tray of salad, the 
 whole of which went to join company with the mutton and 
 tripe. At last the decisive morsel was brought forward in 
 the shape of seven or eight pounds of cheese. After several 
 pretty reasonable, slices M. Caussidi^re began to give out ; 
 but M. Grandmdnil still kept on with admirable ease. How 
 could such a formidable athlete be overcome ? The future 
 prefect of police thought of various expedients, and finally 
 hit upon one which was truly extraordinary, he took off his 
 boots! Nothing would do however; for M. Grandmenil 
 came out conquecor by a pound of gruy^re. 
 
8iG IIISTOKV ov 
 
 OIIArTKlJ XIY. 
 
 Ooiitiim;\luM\ of tho history of thp /u/I'im— The I'ollsh sulisovipliou— Tlit> 
 tiilouts of M, l''aussit^i^w — huiniissiun'o of Uio Jinini.'il. 
 
 'PiiK principal tvnvolling anviit ol' tho /iV/ivvx, tlnis 1'nr, had 
 luvu tho worthy M. Hauno, whi*, in onior to avoid M. ,l''looou, 
 his partiouhir tyrant, novor roturntHl to Paris wlion ho ooiiltl 
 possibly holp it.. Uurini;- a poriod of two years, ho had 
 oiroulatod among aohivss of eoiiragyons patriots Avhviso pursos 
 ho had poriodioally phlohotonii/.od, bv;t who woro booowing 
 lirod ol'snoh tnintinuod do[dotions. 'I'lio oollootions gradually 
 grow loss and loss, until tho agout liualty had to voturn 
 on>pty. Ho was rol\isod hia lax, poroontago, or oxpousos, 
 for all tho world just, as it' ho ha>d boon ft bad gi>voninuMit. 
 
 Tho director, M. Ohaiunisso, had had ouuugh ol' tho ooucorn. 
 'Pho small amount of monoy wiiioh ho hail oxpcndod in it 
 woighod lioavily u}nm his hoar!.; and instead of t\irnilign 
 thought towards extrieating tho )iapor [\\m\ its end)arrftSS- 
 mont, ho accosted tJui i'ollv of tho press witli a dolol'ul ilir, 
 explaining to thoni how many hundreds of times liottor it 
 would ha.vo boon Cor lain to Iku'o ronu'iinod in tho direction 
 of his own shop, and not have undortal\cn that of AF, Klocoii 
 and company; and when tho cashier inl'ormed him ol' sonic 
 now dobt that could not. bo sta,vod oil", lie would make ft 
 gesture ol' despair, repeal for tho thousandth time tho 
 immense saoriUces which ho had made for tlio /iV/cr/*), and 
 thou rush to tihe door aiid go away. ITis disillusion was at 
 last complete. K'ccourso was tlu>n had either to M. bodru- 
 Jv'olliu, wdioso signa^turo so ol'lon c.a.nu^ before tho tribunal of 
 conuncrco, that his papoi' wa,s not very greedily aeccpt.cd, 
 ov t.o I\l, Scluolchoi'i tho aiholitiionist, whom Ibo li'ifunii' con\- 
 l)cllcd to ]iay a i^uind sum, and not witluuit reason, for his 
 
PKCUKT SOOIKTIK?. 847 
 
 interminable long articles upon our hrotlircn tlio blacks ; or, 
 in lino, to ^f. Lon»;\.<son, a millionnaiiv b;va'.<or of Rouon, wlio, 
 with ilio grcatost siiiiplioity iniagjuablo, encouraged priii- 
 eiplos which temled to the ruin of men of bis pivl'cssion. 
 Fr\^n\ one or another of these gvntlouieu a few b.ig^ of tive 
 fnvne pieees weiv extracted, and thrown to tbc m^-vst ava- 
 ricious of the cawlitors : and this served to stop up one of 
 tlie leaks for a tew days. But tb,e uulortunate paper re- 
 scinbk\i very much an old coat, which, when mended in one 
 pirt, iin;nediatcly bivaks out in another. Want and wivtch- 
 edaess had soon reacluxl a degive tl\at \\-as utterly lamentable. 
 What \\-;>s to be done? The most skilful \\\>uld have 
 been embarrassed by this question. Tory fortunately P^v 
 kind cotieeivevl the idea, abo\it that time, of shaking the world 
 ag'^iin by another convulsion. Subscriptions were immcvli- 
 ately gvt up in aivl of the unfortunate pc^-'ple. and the parr 
 collcct<.\l by the Rform amoxmted to some lifteon thous;-.;id 
 trancs. The handling of this money proved to be a very 
 thorny matter : tor as the itisurrxvtion in tlie mean time had 
 KxMi suppressevi, leaving it undecided as to what disp^viiion 
 should be made ot" the funds, these funds might, perhaps, be 
 appropriatcvl in pan to a great pati-iotic necessity, it being 
 u'.idei^?!ood, of course, that tlie jvt\rt thus apotvpriated should 
 Iv lYstoiwl as s^vva as jvssible. Messrs. Lovlru-Rollin, 
 FUvon, l.cr.iasson, and Etieune Arago, me;nbe'.-s of the 
 directing conunitti.v, all thought so. Hence, one draft was 
 r.rst made upon the Polish money, then another, and then 
 anoth.cr. until finally the bag bcvame very nearly entpty. 
 l^iu lo and behold 1 the .Va'iojia/ g\>t wind of it, Jwid made 
 hns;e to call its ri\-al to an a^vonnt, Iving justilied in so 
 doing by forming a ywrt of the eo:umission institute^l for 
 n\aki'.ig a repartition of the subsidy. The JRi/bm found 
 i'se'f iu a pretty prcvlicament truly. It could not s;n-. as 
 did the merchant in the fable, tb.:u the r..rs had eaten the 
 deivx-if : and even if it had s;-;id sv\ M, Marrast would have 
 replies! wif:> a very knowing kvk, tliat he very well knew 
 who the nus were, T!ie only course left w;5s to repla^v the 
 money so.r.eh.ow, and th.e svx>ner the Ivttex, for the secivt 
 
348 HISTOBY OF 
 
 ■was in very bad keeping among the folk of the National. 
 M. Ledru-Eollin and others, who had furnished their funds, 
 perceived that the moral existence of the enterprise was in 
 question, and submitted, but not without a grimace, to the 
 repairing of the breach. Two of the editorial corps, how- 
 ever, Messrs. Francois Arago and Eecurt, feeling but ill at 
 ease in a concern where such kinds of forced loans were 
 made, thought it best to retire. 
 
 With the restoration of the Polish funds, honor came off 
 safe, but the affairs of the Reform were in no way bettered 
 by it. The good paper had two very serious causes of 
 trouble, an absence of receipts and the greatest difficulty in 
 coming by a few bags of dollars, on the one part, and a 
 wonderful facility of- dissipating the money of the patriots 
 on the other. It was observed that some of the poor editors 
 went to the of6.ce fasting and down at the heel, while the 
 director (M. L^outre at that time), alighting from his cabriolet 
 with a smiling face and sparkling eye, had all the appear- 
 ance of a man who had had a comfortable breakfast. In 
 this state of things , a council was held, not to busy itself 
 with the articles of the paper, by any means, for M. Flocon 
 would not permit that, but to take seriously, into considera- 
 tion the subject of coining money in some way or another, 
 and of putting an end to the wastefulness of the administra- 
 tion. But as the chest was found to be in the last stages of 
 a collapse, the question of filling it up certainly took pre- 
 cedence of that of regulating the uses to be made of it. To 
 this end, a new travelling agent was looked for, some one 
 who might be able to rekindle in the hearts of the patriots 
 that fire of enthusiasm which seemed to be entirely extinct. 
 M. Caussidi^re was withiti reach, but in the background, 
 not offering himself, and no one thinking of him, so little fit 
 did he appear to represent the virtuous principles of the 
 democratic paper. However, the great dearth of men proper 
 for the employment and the urgency of the case prevented 
 too close a scrutiny, and it was finally concluded, though not 
 without great reluctance, to intrust him with the destinies of 
 the concern. Contrary to every expectation, he accom- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 3-i9 
 
 plisLed his task witli success. By means of that peculiar 
 eloquence, of which he gave us such beautiful specimens in. 
 the constituent assembly, he succeeded in restoring the 
 phthisical paper to an appearance of health. 
 
 He ran over — in fact dug into France in every sense of 
 the word, and had the adroitness to hunt out patriots whose 
 purses thus far had remained unexplored. The means 
 which he put in practice varied according to men and cir- 
 cumstances, but the most common was this : Furnished with 
 a letter of introduction, he presented himself to some of the 
 greenest of the democrats, and addressed them nearly as 
 follows: Directed to you by the most honorable republi- 
 cans of France, I come to inform you that the welfare of 
 French society is threatened in the existence of the Reform 
 newspaper. Every true hearted citizen, without exception, 
 has already contributed towards its support, and your sub- 
 scriptions are the only ones now to be gained, and surely 
 you would not let a paltry sum of money stand in the way 
 of the happiness of the people, the grandeur of the country, 
 the triumph of virtue, or, in a word, you would not let the 
 worthy and patriotic Reform go down. I am convinced, 
 then, that your signature will be given, etc. etc. A share of 
 stock in the paper already prepared and slipped into the 
 hands of the auditors served as a peroration to his discourse; 
 a confederate close at hand sustained his arguments, and if 
 the patriots happened to have a considerable allowance of 
 good nature, everything succeeded well, and the desired sig- 
 nature was acquired. 
 
 But this was a very simple operation ; M. Caussidifere had 
 organized a system of exploitation on a grander scale, and 
 which was practised as follows : On arriving in a city where 
 there were a considerable number of democrats, he spread 
 the report thaf^one of the most illustrious patriots of the 
 capital, happening to be in town, would take the occasion to 
 propose a friendly meeting with his brethren. Several friends 
 to whom he had been recommended, lent their assistance 
 to prepare the brothers for the occasion ; and these brothers, 
 esteeming themselves highly honored in having the oppor- 
 
350 HISTORY OF 
 
 tunity to become acquainted with a person of so much dis- 
 tinction, made haste to accept the invitation. The meeting 
 took place at the house of some democrat whose cellar would 
 be well supplied with wine, and who would give effect to the 
 ceremonies by numerous bumpers. When the enthusiasm 
 of the brothers had been got up to the proper pitch, M. 
 Caussidi^re launched at once into the affairs of the Reform — 
 that organ of patriotism, so pure, so devoted, so courageous, 
 etc.; and declared boldly that all his sympathies were with 
 it, and that (a favorable occasion then presenting itself) he 
 believed it to be his duty, as a good citizen, to bring to the 
 knowledge of the assembly an unpleasant item of informa- 
 tion, which he had but that moment learned, and which was, 
 that the inappreciable organ was reduced to a condition of 
 distress, lie had no hesitation in adding that it was the duty 
 of every republican to give it his support. He was aware 
 of the poverty of the party, and, hence, felt some reluctance 
 in calling upon poor men, who had already given so many 
 proofs of their devotion ; he could not, however, ref];ain from 
 making known to them the afflicting intelligence which he 
 had received. 
 
 At these words, M. Caussidi^re stopped, giving the cue to 
 one of his friends, who added, in a doleful strain, that it was 
 impossible that the precious journal could be allowed to go 
 down ; it would be a disgrace to the party, and it must be 
 sustained at all hazards. For my part, I subscribe five 
 hundred francs. 
 
 Another friend, also in the secret, subscribed an equal 
 sum ; and then another subscribed ; their subscriptions being 
 either in earnest or not, but serving, at any rate, the same 
 purposd'that bird-calls do, in the hands of the fowler. Caught 
 between the cross fires of vinous enthusiasm on the one hand, 
 and ardent self-love on the other, the worthy men who went 
 to the meeting, expecting to be only the auditors of the re- 
 publican apostle, found themselves subjected to the inevi 
 table condition of becoming stockholders in the Reform. 
 One's neighbor had subscribed, everybody had subscribed 
 and hence there was nothing to be done but to subscribe, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 351 
 
 M. Caussidi^re knew his trade -well, and never left a moment's 
 time for reflection. A poor, half decided patriot, on being 
 presented with a pen filled with ink, must either subscribe 
 or be considered a bad citizen. In other respects, the Reform 
 was very accommodating — terms of payment made easy, three 
 months, six months, and even a year; the main point being 
 to have the paper of solvent men, which it discounted at any 
 rate whatever, generously abstaining from trifles where its 
 patrons were so liberal. It may readily be conceived that 
 the name of stock, given to the paper thus acquired, was 
 nothing less than a figure of rhetoric. Neither M. Oaussi- 
 di^re nor the Reform ever thought it worth their trouble to 
 • furnish certificates. The stockholders were transformed, as 
 if by magic, into so many donators ; and they might help 
 themselves the best way they could ; that was no concern of 
 the patriotic Reform. 
 
 It very often happened that the men who had thus been 
 entrapped, would give the matter a maturer consideration, 
 by the time that their notes became mature, and would refuse 
 to pay them ; but there were always some who, out of regard 
 for their obligation, would wince, and pay down their money. 
 
 Such was the very laborious trade which M. Caussidi^re 
 followed during a period of two years ; a proof certainly that 
 his industrial abilities have not always been fruitless of suc- 
 cess ; but when he spoke to the Chamber of his talents as a 
 man of business, he omitted to state in what kind of business 
 he had exercised them. From what has been said, it will be 
 seen that the display of these talents was made in the higher 
 hranches of industry, as understood by Bilboquet. 
 
 From time to time the patriotic travelling agent returned 
 to Paris, and held interviews with his colleagues of the com- 
 mittee. He entered into minute details of what he had seen 
 and done, not omitting to state that he had formed numerous 
 affiliations in the provinces. This, however, was false ; for 
 nothing that might be considered as secret societies existed 
 out of Paris, except, perhaps, those of Lyons, Toulouse, and 
 Marseilles; and even the associations there, were neither held 
 together by any substantial bond of union, nor possessed of 
 
352 HISTORY OF 
 
 any real power. Since the conspiracy of 1842, M. Call6 
 and his confederates of Lyons had lost confidence, and, lik( 
 the conspirators of Paris, no longer pursued their -work witl 
 interest. The little cliques of communists, at Toulouse anc 
 Marseilles, were rather ridiculous than formidable. 
 
 It may well be believed that the mere pleasure of crush 
 ing M. Caussidi^re, who is already down as low as he can be 
 and not likely to conimence his career of prodigious mysti 
 fication very soon again — is not the object which I have ir 
 view in recording all this ; nor is it from the miserable lov( 
 of retailing a scandalous history that I expose the secrets o 
 the Reform. I do it because it is indispensable to show th( 
 characters of that man and of that newspaper which had thf 
 disposal of France, on the 24th of February, and whicl 
 remained our masters for a period of several months. 
 
 I pretend to prove that the event of February was not 
 and could not have been, the work of the republicans, anc 
 above all, that the Reform was not the sole cause, as has lone 
 been believed, of the overthrowal of the monarchy of July 
 At the period of which I am speaking, towards the close o 
 the year 1846, besides the pitiful condition in which that con 
 cern found itself, existing upon the proceeds of fifteen hun 
 dred subscriptions and the craft of M. Caussidi&re, there wer( 
 numerous other causes of enervation and impuissance origi 
 nating even in its own party. In the first place, the impe 
 rial haughtiness of M. Flocon had made a perfect desert o 
 the office ; the numerous subsidies drawn from the patriots 
 no longer rendered it safe to have anything to do with it 
 and finally the secret societies were perfectly independent o 
 the control of Messrs. Ledru-Rollin and Flocon. The littL 
 communist sects, whom the latter had anathematized, consid 
 ered him nothing less than an exploiter. Among the Season 
 all relations with the Reform were prohibited. M. L^outre 
 become the director, and M. Caussidi^re the purveyor, of th- 
 paper, paid but very little attention to the society ; and as fo 
 myself, I had decided to. keep it clear of the paper. It i 
 true that, in order to make his court to M. Ledru-Rollin, IVI 
 Grandm^nil kept him informed of what was going on amonj 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 353 
 
 tlie groups, and from time to time gave some few vague hints 
 in reply to the inquiries of M. Flocon ; but this was all the 
 connection that- existed between the society and the Reform. 
 That paper had no influence or control over the little army 
 of conspirators. Now this paltry, embarrassed, and wretched 
 condition of the Reform was the same in 1848 as in 1846. 
 It can be imagined, then, whether the fall of a formidable 
 government was owing, under such circumstances, to a news- 
 paper clique so small and infamous. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 M. Albert becomes one of the committee — Orders of the day abolished — 
 The dissenting society — Its chiefs — Patriotic theft — Another dismem- 
 berment — A plan of insurrection. 
 
 The organization attempted by the new committee of the 
 Seasons-was not carried out, and the committee itself became 
 very nearly dislocated by the departure of M. Caussidi^re 
 and the connection of M. L^outre with the Reform. The latter 
 having become conspirator only from the want of other em- 
 ployment, withdrew without reluctance. He was moreover 
 instructed to refrain from every act that might compromise the 
 journal, since it already had troubles enough at home without 
 the addition of others from abroad. And such was the condi- 
 tion of every one connected with the Reform ; M. Flocon, not- 
 withstanding his desire to retain a sort of patronage over the 
 society, feared to inquire after its proceedings, and M. Ledru- 
 Eollin was still more circumspect. These gentleri!en are 
 very willing to have it believed now, that they were conspir- 
 ing at that period with might and main ; but as is seen, they 
 were, in fact, thinking of anything else than conspiracies. 
 
 M. Leroux, seeing the society going to ruin, soon lost 
 
 courage and retired, leaving of the new members only M. 
 
 Grandm^nil, who was of but little account. Harassed by 
 
 troublesome affairs, but whichj nevertheless, could not pre- 
 
 23 
 
354: HISTORY OF 
 
 vent him from engaging in speculations of the most colossal 
 character, he paid no attention to the society, and the society 
 paid but very little attention to him. Hence, it follows that 
 M. Boivin and myself had become again the only chiefs of 
 the sections, or at least the only ones who had any direct 
 influence over them. This state of things continued for the 
 space of several months, and then another modification took 
 place. M. Boivin ,had for lieutenant a man who gradually 
 came to possess a very considerable degree of influence. A 
 conspirator wholly unknown until that period, but being one 
 of those who persevered in his faith and devotion, he soon 
 gained an ascendency over his chief and entirely supplanted 
 him. He became the pivot of the association. The position 
 to which this individual thus arrived, without noise or con- 
 tention, merely from the indifference or discouragement of 
 his confederates, proved to be the commencement of a career 
 which was to end in his becoming que of the dictators of 
 France. It will be perceived that I allude to M. Martin, sur- 
 named Albert. 
 
 I can say with impartiality that, as a type of honesty 
 among the laboring classes, the provisional government 
 might have made a much worse choice. M. Albert, a me- 
 chanic by trade, is a simple-minded man, of regular habits, 
 skilful and industrious in his profession. He was foreman 
 to an engineer, and assisted him in the construction of several 
 curious machines, one of which, among others, was for the 
 fabrication of porcelain buttons for linen, an invention which 
 he can partly claim as his own. As to his education or 
 knowledge, beyond the sphere of his profession, there is but 
 little to be said ; such as he had, came from the reading of 
 newspapers and revolutionary pamphlets. His ideas tended 
 to communism ; but as he adhered to principle rather- than to 
 any particular doctrine, he accepted neither the tenets of 
 Cabet, nor those of Babeuf. He was moderate in his views, 
 not claiming, like many of the cracked-brains of the time, the 
 immediate and absolute establishment of his principles. He 
 was neither intemperate in his revolutionary zeal nor ridicu- 
 lous in his ambition. If his subsequent elevation appeared 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 355 
 
 to be unreasonable, that was not bis fault. There was need 
 of an instrument — he was ready at band and was taken ; but 
 I doubt if he had ever dreamed of the singular lot that 
 awaited him. He has set an example, however, which doctors 
 in blouses and statesmen in shirt sleeves would do well to 
 follow, viz : to remain silent upon matters which they know 
 nothing about, and observe a becoming modesty in positions 
 where they find themselves out of place. Before February 
 he had never been seen to abandon his tools for the purpose- 
 of driving the quill, nor had he ever taken to the stumpj, 
 preferring a good trade which he knew, to a bad one of which 
 he knew nothing. When raised by a freak of fortune to the 
 highest point of the wheel, it was observed that he wore his 
 honors with an unaffected ease, free from pride or giddiness ; 
 a fact which cannot be said of many of his colleagues to 
 whom modesty would not have been the less becoming. 
 
 I had made M. Albert understand that the people were 
 affrighted by the ideas of the communists, and that these 
 ideas, therefore, ought to be kept out of the association. And 
 in order to avoid all dissension and the visitations of the 
 police, the discussion of principles and collecting of arms and 
 ammunition remained prohibited. In short,- the old course 
 of things was pursued with the exception of one single point, 
 and that point was an important one ; I proposed to my col- 
 league the abolition of the orders- of the day. A state of 
 tranquillity which promised to continue for a long time ; the 
 implicit obedience of the groups; the confidence which M. 
 Albert had in me — everything, in fine, seemed favorable for 
 the realization of a measure which I had had for a long time 
 at heart. I demonstrated the uselessness of such dangerous 
 productions in the existing state of things ; the seizure of one 
 of them might compromise a large number of persons and 
 throw the whole party into disorder; their importance had 
 become very much diminished by a paucity of events com- 
 pelling thein to run always upon the same text ; and, besides, 
 they might easily be resorted to again if circumstances should 
 render it necessary. M. Albert approved of these arguments ;■ 
 they were transmitted to the chiefs of groups and accepted 
 
356 HISTOHY OF 
 
 by them, and, ia short, the proposition was adopted. In 
 order to supply the place of written instructions, it was 
 agreed that the principal members of the association should 
 be assembled monthly, and receive oral communications 
 which they were to make known to their men. It could be 
 foreseen that these assemblies, although directed by the same 
 chiefs, could not have either the importance or the solemnity 
 which the reading of the orders of the day would have given 
 them, and that the bonds of union would become proportion- 
 ally relaxed. Such, in fact, proved to be the case. The 
 chiefs of groups still repaired to the assemblies as usual ; but 
 as they no longer felt that there was a serious committee 
 concealed behind the orders of the day, they lost interest in 
 their work ; and the men, being deprived of all communica- 
 tion except with their immediate chiefs, were left without a 
 stimulus, and gradually loosened from the bonds of union 
 which constituted their force. 
 
 The hopes of the republic at that time were so faint and 
 unpromising that the greater part of the members submitted 
 peaceably to this dilapidation of the society. The resigna- 
 tion, however, was not general ; for some of the Gypsies, accus- 
 tomed to live upon the chances of democracy, saw with alarm 
 the disappearance of secret societies ; it seemed to them that 
 their bread and the very air itself were withheld from them. 
 They were happy in the importance of the parts which they 
 were playing ; in the dreams of vulgar ambition which ren- 
 dered the grog-shop a palace — and the idea of returning to the 
 common hum-drum life of ordinary, industrious men, was to 
 them exceedingly afflicting. As their views were narrow and 
 their principles consisted in adopting the most exorbitant doc- 
 trine as the most patriotic, they were of course in favor of 
 communism, absolute, entire, and immediate. Subjected thus 
 far, though much against their will, to the regulation 
 which prevented all controversy and equalitarian propa- 
 gandism, they created a schism, formed a small group by 
 rthemselves, and entered upon a career of the wildest projects 
 .and the most abominable hopes. A crack-bxain doctor of phy- 
 .sic, M. Lacambre, was their chief He had lost his reason, 
 
SEGEET SOCIETIES. 357 
 
 and seriously proposed to attack the Tuileries by means of 
 scaling ladders and carry it by assault. In order to cure him 
 of such follies he was arrested ; but his partisans became 
 none the better for it. Seized with a kind of madness, they 
 intrepidly admitted thg most monstrous consequences of their 
 pretended principles, and finally came to declare, that, as their 
 object was the deliverance of humanity, they might make 
 use of any means for that purpose, even of theft. 
 
 This is not a mere insinuation — a way of saying that such 
 and such crimes might be committed because of the theory 
 that was maintained ; the case was argued, the consequences 
 regularly deduced, and the application made, viz : that the 
 property of one's neighbors might be taken for the purpose of 
 effecting a revolution. It is evident that the instincts of the 
 malefactor were here at work, and that they were mingled, 
 too, with a very considerable quantum of imbecility. But 
 be this as it may, the appropriation of property was decreed 
 and executed. Unfortunately, however, for our humanitarian 
 distributors of property, rascality is much easier in theory 
 than it is in practice. A very edifying trial took place, in 
 which Messrs. Cof&neau, Javelot and other socialists of the free 
 and easy school, were, called to an account for their conduct. 
 Some of them denied the theft, and others intrenched them- 
 selves behind their good intentions. But the judges, giving 
 but little weight to denials contradicted by proofs, aipd having 
 but a small appreciation of such intentions as wherewith, it 
 is said, hell is paved, sent these gentlemen to rejoin their 
 companions in the cells for robbers. 
 
 Still another dismemberment of the principal society oc- 
 curred about the same time. Several of the chiefs of groups 
 and some of the members, thinking that the organization of 
 the society was decidedly too weak and the colors too pale, 
 undertook to get up something better. Messrs. Culot, Elotte, 
 Chequ, and Louis Gueret, were the leaders of the dissenters. 
 They formed a crew of about a dozen babblers, drunkards, 
 and subaltern agents of the police, among whom I may 
 mention Messrs. Courtin, Turmel, Gibaut, Barbast, Vitou, 
 senior and junior, Champagne, Moustache, Vellicus and 
 
358 HISTORY OP 
 
 Pottier. These gentlemen were of the opinion that they 
 could use up the government without a moment's delay. M. 
 Gueret, ex-revolutionary agent, had not made his fortune in 
 selling patriotic books, and hence found it necessary to 
 return to the trade of conspirator.- M. Turmel, a wine 
 merchant, made his shop the permanent meeting place of a 
 band of stupid brawlers, to whom he gave the tone. The 
 others, including M. Vellicus, whom we know, were nothing 
 but ordinary hair-brains, who had some influence over a 
 small number of conspirators of the "barriers. Partly from 
 instinct, and partly with the view of playing a trick upon 
 the old association, they got up a tremendotis excitement, 
 intrigued and caballed right and left, made enlistments, and 
 •finally succeeded in drawing together some four or five 
 hundred men. But they had no organization, consisting 
 merely of groups who recognized their, chiefs, and of chiefs 
 who had an understanding with each other. With the view 
 of giving themselves some distinction, the chiefs endeavored 
 to add to their class a number of notabilities. M. Lagrange, 
 less and less known by the big guns of the party, and the 
 very excellent M. Baune, always tyrannized over by M. 
 Flocon, were two of the notables whom they wished to 
 decoy. Several thinly attended banquets were given to 
 these gentlemen, at which they displayed their eloquence, 
 but without any great success. As the band of scape-graces 
 which surrounded them were much better qualified for 
 getting a chief into difficulties than for flattering his pride, 
 they excused themselves from taking the command, and 
 shunned the society of their friends as much as possible. 
 This scorn, or this prudence, or whatever else it may be 
 called, had no effect in checking the fervor of the dissenters. 
 Their chiefs had taken an oath to lead them to battle, and to 
 battle they must go. The festivities of July were approach- 
 ing, and this occasion, though repeatedly chosen for an out- 
 break, apd always proving a failure, yet always appearing a 
 favorable one, was fixed upon, and the blow was to be struck 
 on the 28th. It was arranged that the groups should meet 
 at the column of the Place Vendome, then repair to a depot 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 359 
 
 of arms iu Saint Antoine Street, and immediately commence 
 a discharge of fire-arms. HL. Turmel was designated as gen- 
 eralissimo of the expedition. This chief requested an inter- 
 view with us for the purpose of planning a combined and 
 general movement of the two armies. We replied that we 
 had neither communications nor combinations to make with 
 M. Turmel, and that he and his men might go to prison or 
 lose their lives if it were their pleasure to do so. As the 
 pretended depot of arms had no existence, and as the desire 
 of taking to the streets was opposed by a prospect of success 
 more than doubtful, the affair stopped where it was. 
 
 But it was only adjourned over. Heads became inflamed 
 again ; the lightnings of excitement and exasperation flashed 
 through the streets, and thunderous war-cries reverberated 
 among the grog-shops. The chiefs, pushed on to the foot of 
 the wall, declared again that they were ready to mount. M. 
 Vitou set out for Eouen, in order to get from M. Lemasson 
 the necessary money for the movement; but the banker con- 
 spired only under the blanket, and with his own men, and 
 took good care not to furnish funds. M. Gueret then went 
 to captain Vallier, an old Bonapartist republican, who re- 
 sided in a village of the environs of Paris, and had shown 
 some generosity towards the party. It was thought that he 
 would prove to be more accommodating than the Eouen 
 millionnaire; but no, a subsidy from that quarter was refused 
 too. Such stinginess on the part of opulent patriots ren- 
 dered the revolutionists indignant, and even desperate. 
 Since they were left to themselves alone, they would act 
 alone — they would show that they could do without assist- 
 ance. 
 
 Hence, three or four hundred bandits, commanded by Cap- 
 tains Turmel, Moustache, and Champagne, seriously set about 
 taking Paris and the government by assault! This may 
 cause a smile ; but we must reflect, that the affair of February 
 was brought about in part by this honorable troop. These 
 are the men who always imagine that they have only to 
 come forth in order to upset the country. It can hardly be 
 conceived to what an extent of infatuation passionate men are 
 
360 EISTOEY OF 
 
 borne, by indulging continually in excitement, with glass in 
 band, dwelling forever upon one 'and tbe same idea. 
 
 M. Albert and myself were fully informed of all these pro- 
 jects, and be, being a communist, often showed an impatient 
 desire to come to an understanding with these mad men, and 
 risk the delivery of a battle ; but I persuaded him from it. 
 After due reflection, he agreed with me, not only in censur- 
 ing, but in trying to prevent, at all hazards, the sanguinary 
 coup-de-main which was premeditated. We made known 
 our disapproval in emphatic terms, and an order of the day 
 was disseminated among the groups, announcing that a de- 
 testable project had been formed,, in which the members were 
 prohibited from taking any part. At a meeting held, at 
 Montmartre, where several chiefs of the Dissenting Society 
 were present, we made known the reasons of our disapproval 
 in a way not to be mistaken. The reasonable men listened 
 to our arguments ; others perceived their own weaknesses, and 
 in short, the insurrectional army was reduced to a state of 
 dissolution. 
 
 This took place in 1847, only a few months previous to 
 the affair of February ; and certainly, for a government in 
 the habit of making provocations, a finer occasion had never 
 been presented. An affair undertaken under the conditions 
 ■which, and by the men whom we have mentioned, must have 
 inevitably proved a miserable failure. And what would have 
 been one of the consequences of this failure? Why, evi- 
 dently, the impossibility of a revolution in February. The 
 Left, rendered prudent by the miscarriage, would not have 
 opened its disastrous campaign of banquet giving, or have 
 inspired the public mind with that degree of super-excite- 
 ment which was so successfully taken advantage of by a 
 handful of intriguers to carry out their designs. 
 
 But, however this ma3'- be, the late government has not to 
 reproach itself for permitting bloodshed so long as it could 
 possibly be prevented. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 361 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 The bomb plot — M. Caussidifere forms a revolutionary congress — Tlie cbeck 
 given him — Interview of members of the congress with M. Ledru-RoUin 
 — Their disappointment — Portrait of M. Ledru-EoUin. 
 
 From this army hasteaing to its dissolution there became 
 detaolied a small corps of wrong headed men, who, seeing no 
 longer any prospect of a regular attack, reverted, as nsual, to 
 the idea of a sudden surprise. A nephew of M. Grandmdnil 
 had sent from Nantes the receipt of an incendiary bomb, the 
 effect of which was to be thoroughly devastating. Messrs. 
 Culot, Vitou, Vellicus, Courtin, and Gibaut made a common 
 stock of their chemical knowledge, and undertook to fabri- 
 cate the projectile. What they were going to do with it 
 when once made was not fully decided upon. Circumstances 
 favoring, they would blow up the Tuileries with it, or the 
 Chamber of Deputies, or peAaps set the four quarters of 
 Paris on fire. These three projects stood at the head of the 
 list of sure and expeditious means for effecting a revolution. 
 The other means of destruction upon the list, though rumi- 
 nated upon in the dens of the democracy, would be too long 
 for repetition. At certain periods there seemed to be a per- 
 fect rage for this sort of inventions; everybody wished to- 
 have one of his own. A few intimate friends would be 
 assembled ; the walls of the meeting room carefully exa- 
 mined ; the exterior premises guarded by sentinels, and then 
 the author of the engine would give a description of it with 
 a suppressed voice and unquiet air, as if it were something 
 which was going to change the face of the world. At one 
 time the design would be to throw a phial of prussic acid 
 npon the king ; at another, a mine of fulminating powder 
 was to be so laid at some dinner of the functionaries as to 
 
362 HISTORY OF 
 
 send tliem all up to the rafters. One of the schemes Tvas to 
 saw the wood work of the roofs in such a way, that a move- 
 ment might be commenced by throwing the roofs into the 
 streets. Another still, was to persuade the soldiers to mas- 
 sacre their officers and proclaim the republic, and so on. 
 The greater part of these ferocious designs immediately be- 
 came known to the police ; their authors were watched, and 
 at the first attempt towards carrying them into execution, 
 were thrown into prison. 
 
 M. Pinel, secretary general of the prefecture charged with 
 the political service, was very well informed of the bombs 
 of M. Culot and company, and kept posted up with regard 
 to their fabrication. Learning one morning that the con- 
 spirators were going to Bellville in order to make the trial 
 of some of them, he sent his agents there to lay hands both 
 upon the projectiles and the projectors. 
 
 A dozen conspirators were implicated in this afi'air — were 
 brought to justice, and sentenced to a variety of penalties ; 
 and this completed the disorganization of the little army 
 which had set itself up as a rival of the Seasons. Until 
 February, this army remained without mission or cohesion, 
 made up of demagogues and communists of every hue and 
 complexion, and lost from view among the darkest dens of 
 the capital. 
 
 M. Caussidi^re was then absent in the provinces: but 
 hearing of the discovery of the bomb plot, and of the ex- 
 citement which had been exhibited among some of the 
 groups, he fancied that everything was in a blaze in Paris, 
 and, fearing to be anticipated by his colleagues, who testified 
 but a mediocre esteem for him at any rate, he took it into 
 his head to assemble his friends of the departments, and 
 hasten on to Paris in order to decree the insurrection. 
 About the month of October, 1847, M. Albert and myself 
 were informed of his return ; and on the same day he gave 
 us a rendezvous at the house of M; Ledouble, a wine-seller 
 of Croix-des-Petits-Champs Street, the object of the interview 
 being, as he intimated, of the very highest importance. 
 
 We met at dinner at the wine seller's, Messrs. Caussidi^re, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. . 363 
 
 Grandm^nil, L^outre, and Baune, frequenters of the house, 
 and four delegates from the provinces — Messrs. Rocher, of 
 Nantes, Buvigner, of Verdun, Lorentz, of Nancy, and a fourth 
 from Metz. After the repast was over, the master of the 
 house withdrew, and one of the delegates broached the sub- 
 ject by expressing a desire to be well informed upon the. 
 state of things, and as to what would be expected of them. 
 M. Caussidi^re made a long, studied speech, in which the 
 condition of Paris, which he knew nothing about, was set 
 forth with consummate impudence. He concluded by de- 
 claring that everything was ready for a decisive affair, and 
 that all that was wanting was an understanding with the 
 representatives from the provinces. M. Albert and myself 
 were taken aback by this declaration. We were wholly 
 unprepared for it, and, having exchanged looks with each 
 other, I immediately asked how such a conclusion had been 
 arrived at without our concurrence, since we alone were in 
 such relations with the men of the societies as to know their 
 dispositions. The delegates were very much astonished at 
 the strange want of harmony which this incident revealed 
 among the patriots of Paris, and called for explanations. 
 M. L^outre wished to have it understood that the action 
 taken, so far as it concerned us, had been in good faith, and 
 without ulterior design, and that the gravity of circum- 
 stances alone had dictated the conduct of M. Caussidi&r'e. 
 But I observed that it was not for M. Caussidi^re, slightly 
 connected as he was with the association, unknown to the 
 men, and without influence over them, to be as forward as 
 he had just been, and that M. Albert especially ought to 
 have been consulted, since, from habitually mingling with 
 the men of action, he alone knew something positive of 
 their spirit. I said nothing but the truth ; but I was glad 
 to insist upon it in order to arouse the susceptibility of my 
 colleague, and dispose him unfavorably towards the project. 
 And I succeeded ; for M. Albert declared that the enterprise 
 was inopportune, and expressed his regret that the delegates 
 had been led into a useless proceeding. These gentlemen 
 did ndt conceal their disappointment from M. Oaussidi^re. 
 
364: HISTOKY OF 
 
 He liad represented himself to them as the principal chief of 
 the secret societies, having only to speak to be obeyed. A 
 little presumption might be excused ; but to put men to so 
 much trouble as to call them together from the extremities 
 of France, was no trifling degree of levity. 
 
 "Oh! the devil, now," exclaimed M. Oaussidiere humor- 
 ously, " things are not in so bad a state but that- we can go on 
 if we choose." 
 
 " Since it has become necessary," I replied, " to portray the 
 wretchedness of our condition, I am going to do it in all 
 frankness. The forces of the democracy militant are as 
 follows : The Society of the Seasons, six hundred disorgan- 
 ized men ; the Dissenting Society, four hundred men in a 
 state of disbandment ; add to these about five hundred old 
 conspirators, ready to take arms; the whole amounts to 
 fifteen hundred men, who promise to take to the streets,- but 
 one-half of whom will not make their appearance at the 
 given signal. We should have to undertake the affair, then, 
 with seven or eight hundred men, enough to hold out about 
 two hours. Besides, are the necessary measures taken? 
 Have we arms, or ammunition, or plan of attack ? Have the 
 chiefs of the party been informed, and have they given their 
 word ? Is the new system of government prepared ? Are 
 we agreed as to the men who are to be invested with the 
 power? Nothing of all these matters- has been attended to. 
 In order to deceive no one, there is but a word to be said, 
 and that is, that the party was never in a weaker condition 
 for undertaking a movement than now." 
 
 More and more surprised, the delegates directed inquiring 
 looks towards M. Albert: and he, perceiving the justness of 
 the exposure which I had made, gave it a simple, unqualified 
 confirmation. The emissaries began to think that they 
 had been the subject of a hoax. 
 
 From the wine-shop where we dined, we repaired to the 
 estaminet of Sainte Agn^s. There, Messrs. Oaussidiere and 
 Ldoutre endeavored to work upon us by sentim.ent. 
 
 "You lose everything," said the future prefect of police to 
 me; " we can make nothing more out of those men ; you don't 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES, 865 
 
 reflect what bad effect your words may produce in the pro- 
 vinces." 
 
 " I see but one danger," I replied, " and that is in deceiving 
 naen and leading them to believe in imaginary forces. An 
 attack is impossible, and we will have nothing to do with it." 
 
 Attempts were made to render M. Albert more accommo- 
 dating. What they wanted of him was, not an adhesion to 
 a project thenceforth decided on, but simply a few words in 
 order to save the reputation of M. CaussidiSre. But this con- 
 solation was refused him; I stuck close to my confederate, 
 and did not leave him until the conference was ended. 
 
 M. CaussidiSre had assured the delegates that M. Ledru- 
 Eollin had a part ■ in the affair and patronized it warpily. 
 They, therefore, repaired to the house of the tribune in order 
 to have the matter cleared up. They found a man who was 
 at least as much astonished as they themselves were ; he told 
 them, drily enough; that no insurrection was going to break 
 out, and that consequently he could not be the patron of one. 
 The poor provincials were astounded ; they had got enough 
 this time, and they returned to their homes, entertaining a 
 singular idea of M. Caussidiere, of M. Ledru-Eollin, and of 
 the patriots of Paris generally. 
 
 If they were not highly charmed with the reception given 
 them by M. Ledru-Rollin, he, on his part, was not more so 
 with their proceedings ; for he had by far too many tribula- 
 tions to deal with already to become implicated in affairs of 
 coup-de-main — something for which he had no liking. It may 
 well be believed that the roses were not without thorns in- 
 his brilliant career of patriot in chief, tribune of the people, 
 and, above all, protector of the Reform. • M. Ledru-Rollin is 
 generally thought to be a furious revolutionist, ferocious and 
 indomitable, while, in fact, he is merely a man of sanguine 
 temperament, a lover of noise, fame, and enjoyment. He is 
 a miniature edition of the irregular and gluttonous Mirabeau. 
 The Reform one day, wanting a standard bearer, and espe- 
 cially some one to advance the needful, set him up as chief 
 of the republican party; and as Madam Ledru-Eollin, an 
 enthusiastic Irish woman, who had married her husband from 
 
366 HISTORY 0F_ 
 
 political inclination, urged him forward to assume a brilliant 
 position, he yielded to the double pressure as well as to his 
 own impulses, and rushed at all hazards into a revolution- 
 ary career. The history of a man stumbling headlong down 
 a mountain's side towards unknown precipices was his from 
 that moment. It was in vain that he cast a piteous look 
 amidst the darkness and dangers that surrounded him, for 
 the impulse had been given, and flounder on he must, shut- 
 ting his eyes in order not to see, and uttering loud cries to 
 drown his fears. 
 
 In the Chamber of Deputies he endeavored to make himself 
 terrible, roaring and panting in the most rarified atmosphere 
 of democratic opinion. The- auditor would listen to him for 
 a moment with curiosity, and then shrug his shoulders. He 
 gave forth emphatic harangues, of which the press never pub- 
 lished two words, always excepting the Reform, which, it was 
 well understood, received a consideration for singing his 
 praises. But the adulterated incense of the hungry journal 
 blinded the eyes of the poor orator ; every swing of the censer 
 hit him a stunning blow. He sold his place as advocate at the 
 Court of Cassation in order to defray the expenses of his 
 artificially acquired glory. The proceeds of the sale were 
 soon swallowed up in all sorts of political gulfs. He then 
 had recourse to speculations in land ; but these proved a fail- 
 ure, and consumed the rest of his fortune. To avoid in- 
 trenching upon the fortune of his wife, he gave his signature 
 to the usurers and gambled in the stocks, making use for 
 this purpose of the services of the respectable M. Grandmenil. 
 It was on account of this irregular mode of life that his rival, 
 M. Marrast, let fly a well barbed arrow at him, the arrow 
 being sent back to the Marquis of the Republic, tipt with 
 poison, and thus tapping the gall-bladders of both of these 
 magnanimous democrats. 
 
 The National attacked him not only as a speculator over- 
 whelmed' with debts, but ever as a patriotic notability; 
 chuckling with malicious glee over the airs of the Captain, 
 and the empty rhetoric of the Tribune. With the men of the 
 National, this great man was nothing less than a mere in- 
 
SKCKET SOCIETIES. 367 
 
 triguer, seeking for his own personal advantage, to ruin a 
 rival newspaper. 
 
 Nor did his title of chief of the republic pass current 
 among the other fractions of the party ; he gravitated around 
 a common centre with some half doz§n of sects, but there 
 was no attraction between himself and them. As to the 
 gentlemen of the suburbs, they knew that he kept liveried 
 lacqueys, an equipage and a large train of domestics, and 
 hence regarded him as very much of an aristocrat. And as 
 he had rejected, on various occasions, every idea of com- 
 munism, the apostles Cabet, Pierre Leroux, Kaspail, etc., had 
 excommunicated him. 
 
 And even among the men of the Reform, though they 
 decorated his temples with garlands and pointed him out for 
 the adoration of the faithful, his infallibility was not admit- 
 ted by a very long shot. M. Ribeyrolles, second editor, 
 considered him a very worthy man, whose five franc pieces 
 were very useful. " M. Flocon looked upon him as a passable 
 sort of an orator, but a very small sample of a statesman, 
 and allowed it to be seen very clearly that without his ser- 
 vices the illustrious democrat would have been just nothing 
 at all. The influence of the pretended chief in the councils of 
 the Reform ranked only as third best with that of these two 
 editors ; it was in money matters alone that he took prece- 
 dence, for there it was his own purse which was principally 
 concerned. The advisers are jiot the payers, says the wis- 
 dom of nations ; but the proverb hardly proved true in this 
 case. 
 
 The rather low estimate which was thus formed of M. 
 Ledru-RoUin cannot be considered as wholly unjust. If to 
 be a man of eloquence it is only necessary to open wide a 
 large pair of scornful looking eyes, maintain a lofty bearing, 
 and go buttoned up to the chin in the Canning style, just 
 unbuttoned enough to allow the hand to be always carried 
 in the bosom — if it is only necessary to have appearances, a 
 pretty large head, broad shoulders, and all the evidences of a 
 sound constitution and a happy temperament — why then M. 
 Ledru-Eollin would be one of the first of our orators ; but, 
 
368 HISTORY OF 
 
 ■unfortunately, all these things do not constitute talent, they 
 are but the mere externals of it. 
 
 A portrait of the famous democrat, displayed in the win- 
 dows of the picture-sellers, seems to affect the air of Mira- 
 beau; the head being arrogantly thrown back shows great 
 pretensions to energy and domination. This portrait is in 
 fact something very ridiculous ; its affectation is shocking. 
 It may be seen at a glance that the person who sat for such 
 a portrait had a great deal more pride than merit. 
 
 In examining the two portraits of Mirabeau and Ledru- 
 Rollin, the differences of organization are perceived at once. 
 The first has a natural wildness of expression which evinces 
 a power confident of itself, while the other shows a con- 
 strained effort at the display of uncertain energy. Mirabeau 
 tosses his head upwards like the enraged bull, while M. Ledru- 
 Rollin draws his back with arrogance in order to intimidate the 
 adversary of whom he stands in fear. In his great boldness 
 there mingles neither aggression nor defiance, but simply 
 the necessity of giving an imposing idea of doubtful strength. 
 
 The character of the man may be seen in these traits. The 
 repartee, the unmasking of his adversary — such is his forte. 
 He is a man of intellect, but without much reach of thought, 
 of varied but superficial acquirements, and , naturally bold, 
 but slow of conception. He makes up for his defects with 
 audacity, and, as he never really ventures beyond the limits 
 of prudence, he appears always to have the initiative. Like 
 all the other politicians of his sort, he is quick in discovering 
 the faults of others, but takes good care never to suggest 
 remedial measures of his own. Possessed of incontestable 
 intelligence and of a degree of tact much greater than is be- 
 lieved, he alone knows where the shoe pinches him. From 
 this knowledge of himself arises that circumspection which 
 he shows with regard to parties. He will venture with 
 temerity upon the faith of others; he will parody Cambon 
 or some other equally illustrious revolutionary character, but 
 from his own stock of ideas he will hazard nothing. Fearing 
 to advance upon unknown grounds lest he might meet with 
 some of those slip-ups which kill an orator dead, he waits 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 869 
 
 until the question, proposed by others, has become well set 
 forth ; then, having a clear perception of the subject, he enters 
 the lists and conducts the attack by a well-known process at 
 the bar — that of assailing the weakest point of the enemy. 
 When once upon a clear road where there is no fear of stum- 
 bling, he gives the rein, and, while under full headway, gives 
 out a few phrases of good alloy, and which may well pass for 
 eloquence. But even then, the effect is very much impaired 
 by an enunciation which is rendered difficult from his organs 
 of speech being too much cloyed with fat. 
 
 These higher flights, however, are mere exceptions to a 
 general rule, his speeches consisting usually of nothing but 
 words, characterized by redundancy and presumption. There 
 is nothing in them indicative of originality, or even of pecu- 
 liarity; they are the ordinary verbosities common among 
 men of the gown — the current coin of the oratorial art. 
 
 In short, audacious in words but circumspect in action ;; 
 ever ready to throw pellets of the brain, but never ready to 
 throw those of the musket ; often brought before the tribunal 
 of commerce, but with no desire to come before that of the 
 assizes ; declaring his party invincible, but knowing to the 
 contrary — M. Ledru-Eollin took no part in conspiracies and 
 had no ambition for the title of conspirator ; and hence the 
 cause of the ungracious reception which he gave to the friends 
 of Caussidi^re. Subsequently, when before the Court of 
 Bourges, he purposely threw out a theory upon coups-de-main, 
 such, that it was inferred that he had been the originator of 
 the Machiavelic affair of 1848; but thfi facts are that until 
 the month of February inclusive he formally denied, disap- 
 proved, and rejected insurrectionul measures. It was the acci- 
 dent that gave France into the hands of demagogues that led 
 him to change his opinions as well as to present the de- 
 mocracy with the mortifying spectacle of the 13th of June. 
 If the spectators of the principal scene in that drama had 
 known the tribune face to face wKen assuming his Olympian 
 airs, what a reverse of the medal they must have seen when, 
 in making his escape, he got jammed into the windows of the 
 conservatory 1 
 24 
 
370 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 Profiles in charcoal — Messrs. Proudlion, Louis Blanc, Considerant, thorg, 
 Sarrut, Miot, Xavier Durrieu, Bareste. 
 
 Uaving arrived thus far in the history of the republican 
 party as it existed under the government of July, the reader 
 will be surprised, perhaps, at not having met with certain 
 characters who have recently taken such a decided stand, 
 and whose influence ought, according to their own preten- 
 sions, to be all prevailing either with the press or the con- 
 venticles of the faction. I am now going to say a few words 
 with regard to these men ; and the reason why I have not 
 done so before, is because they have had nothing to do with 
 the events which I have related. 
 
 Among these characters M. Proudhon is the one of most 
 importance; but even his reputation dates as it were but 
 from yesterday. From the writings of this famous socialist 
 and the caricatures given of him by the smaller prints, there 
 is no one who has not formed some idea of his physiognomy 
 ,aud his character. To finish the picture, therefore, we have 
 'but to add a few off-hand strokes. M. Proudhon is a man of 
 thirty -five years of age, of a robust constitution, and with a 
 large head firmly set upon his shoulders ; his prevailing trait 
 being a strange sort of avidity, consisting of half and half of 
 ithe energies of the bull and the greediness of the ostrich. 
 His greediness, however, counts in the devouring of adver- 
 .saries' arguments and objections. Unpolished, negligent in 
 his dress, and laboring as he goes along with a heavy, awk- 
 ward gait, his gaze is always peering through a pair of lunettes, 
 ,and wandering off in search of paradoxes and economic hum- 
 bugs. Venus herself might brush by him without his seeing 
 her. The true riches of this wretched world, such as women. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES._,. 371 
 
 ■works of art, and magnificence of all kinds, he values about 
 as much as he does the heavy prose of the poor M. Pierre 
 Leroux. He is original, mystic, gross, and murderous. He 
 is a greasy monk, a German philosopher, an unkempt boor, 
 a sectarian, but proud withal, and infatuated beyond all 
 conception. He delves into science like an ancient Benedic- 
 tine ; he wields fulminating doctrines like his friends Pueur- 
 bach, Mauerer, and the brothers Bauer; he launches forth 
 audacious truths like the peasant of the Danube, and would, 
 like Omar, destroy the faith of his rivals by fire and sword. 
 He would set fire to the temple of Ephesus if Brdstratus had 
 not got the start of him. 
 
 As to notions upon the nicer elements of life, he has none 
 whatever ; what is called the world is to him an unknown 
 land. If you tell him that in order to make laws for men it 
 is necessary to know something of human nature, he will 
 stare at you and shrug his shoulders. Individuals are to him 
 but the mere figures with which he works out his problems, 
 and if his operations are correct, that is all that he cares for; 
 it is nq consequence whether the data are right or wrong. It 
 is pretended that his logic is exceedingly acute and his phi- 
 losophy arch-profound; whereas, his logic consists in the 
 mere method of mathematics and his philosophy in forced 
 efforts at precision. All the elements of his calculations are 
 brought together with wonderful exactness and symmetry, 
 but unfortunately they are wholly wanting in a very import- 
 ant matter — in the principle of life ; they are nothing but use- 
 less mechanism. A false proposition being stated, M. Proud- 
 hon will undertake to prove it true even to the most infinitely 
 small fraction of a hair's breadth, such is his art and such his 
 character. 
 
 This extraordinary man was originally a simple type-setter 
 of Besangon, his native city. Having' contended for a prize 
 of the academy, he won it, and thus comrcfenced his career of 
 glory. With a natural bias towards questions of political 
 economy, he looked about among the various schools of the 
 day to discover to which he should belong. An idea struck 
 him. To invent a new system was not an easy matter ; to 
 
372 HISTORY OP 
 
 become the disciple of another master was too repugnant to 
 liis genius; but he might become the demolisher in chief of 
 all economical science and all social tradition up to that time. 
 Such then was to be his mission. Kesolved to strike a blow 
 at the outset that would make his name ring through the 
 world, he wrote at the head of a book a combination of 
 letters in comparison with which the incendiary torch is a 
 mere rushlight. These letters are as follows: — 
 
 "PEOPEETT IS THEFT !" 
 
 He had not the remotest doubt but that the utterance of 
 these three v/ords would bring his name down upon the 
 astonished world like a clap of thunder in a fair day ; but 
 in this he was disappointed. For at that time the most 
 towering bonfire of socialism excited but very little curi- 
 osity — no passion whatever ; and the government having the 
 good sense not to throw oil, in the shape of anathemas, upon 
 that of M. Proudhon, the consequence was, that it flared up 
 and then flared out, becoming extinguished of itself. Not 
 till some six months after its appearance did a few amateurs, 
 in search of something to blow up the old world with, re- 
 member this beautiful piece of pyrotechny. The learned, 
 especially, showed an outrageous contempt for the famous 
 book which the author had so imperiously thrown among 
 them as a bone of discord. The Utopian was therefore hurt 
 to the heart. A few Fly-catchers, it is true, considered the 
 work as perfectly sparkling; but M. Proudhon, doubtful 
 whether he understood it himself, was quite sure that they 
 didn't understand it. And, who would believe it ! this fero- 
 cious amateur of ruins had the weakness to fish for the 
 opinions of the very men whom he had used up. To be 
 quietly scorned by a set of wretches to whom he could give 
 five arguments for one, was something intolerable. He must 
 be revenged, and emphatically too, and without delay. His 
 revenge consisted in a work entitled — A System of Uconomical 
 Coiiiradiciioiw. He took up the chiefs of school, one after 
 another, and gave them a terrible lamming, leaving them as 
 flat and hollow as an old tile. But even this magnificeiit' 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 373 
 
 execution made no noise; or if any at all, it was Leard only 
 by the great men whom it demolished. No one was spared 
 by it ; not even M. Louis Blanc the radical, nor .M. Michael 
 Chevalier the conservative. As the author passed for a 
 republican, people were astonished to see him wage war 
 against his own party ; but how little did they know of M. 
 Proudhon ! He a republican! why what can folks be think- 
 ing about ? Is the republic anything new under the sun ? 
 Could the innovator stop for a moment at anything so fossil- 
 iferously old as that? Not he; annihilation — that is the 
 word with him. If anything had an existence dating back 
 before his day, that is enough to damn it to all eternity. As 
 to what is called his doctrine, that consists in establishing 
 religion without a God, society without property, and a state 
 without a government. The rest of his works he has bor- 
 rowed from M. Joseph May, and a few German philosophers 
 in their dotage, with whom be has been made acquainted by 
 M. Charles Griin. Before February, he declared, with all 
 the seriousness imaginable, that every government is a 
 downright usurpation, that every individual is his own 
 sovereign, and that the delegation of sovereignty should be 
 prohibited. No executive, no legislature — nothing, abso- 
 lutely nothing ! Men would live together in perfect freedom, 
 like the Mohicans of Cooper; such is his doctrine, a very 
 difficult one to be invented truly. The inventive genius 
 of M. Proudhon, however, shows itself to a much better 
 advantage when engaged in exterminating his confederates. 
 In the mean time, the socialist destroyer thought of estab- 
 lishing himself in the capital. He had thus far made but 
 short visits there, and one fine day he set out for Lyons, 
 where he had some friends whom he wished to see, being 
 resolved to push on to Paris.,^ But his books had not yet 
 procured him a livelihood, and the uncertainty as to the pot's 
 boiling, forced him to remain at Lyons as the clerk of a 
 steamboat company. It was not until the close of 1847 that 
 he made his entry into that Parisian Babel, to whose confu- 
 sion he was going to add his own. At the outbreak of the 
 revolution, he was preparing, together with Messrs. Pilhes, 
 
374 HISTOEY OF 
 
 Pyat, and Thor^, to establish a journal, the idea of which I 
 had conceived for the purpose of increasing the discord 
 among the jyatriots. 
 
 Hence, M. Proudhon, being wholly unknown to the 
 people before February, and having his light kept under a 
 bushel by the doctors of democracy, who probably foresaw 
 in him an undisciplinable character and a terrible confederate, 
 had no influence, either personal or moral, in bringing about 
 the revolution. 
 
 And one of his rivals of those days, as he is still, M. 
 Louis Blanc, had no more to do with the insurrection than 
 he had ; although his books, better known and more prac- 
 tised, in appearances at least, may have decided or confirmed 
 several persons in a course of revolutionary agitation. The 
 person of M. Louis Blanc consists of two large black eyes, 
 miraculously underscored by a pair of thick lips, and fixed 
 upon a body about the height of an hostler's boot. It is an 
 eternal source of despair with this great man to find that his 
 glory is shut up in an envelop not more than four feet eight 
 inches in height. He has, however, the most refined man- 
 ners, the most aristocratic distinction, and knows very well 
 how to put on the insipid smile of dealers in court holy- 
 water. On witnessing his gentle elegance, mixed always 
 with a certain degree of personality, one suspects a character 
 not exactly symmetrical, and thait within that little body there 
 lies a little man. A workingman, on hearing him make a 
 speech once, said to a comrade : " That's a malicious little 
 fellow, that !" And I am of the workingman's opinion ; M. 
 Louis Blanc has never shown anything else but malice. 
 Since the production of his History of Ten Years, which gave 
 him a pretty high stand in radicalism, he has carefully ab- 
 stained from becoming connected with any coterie, well 
 knowing that the entrance into one would close the doors 
 against him of all the others. The men of the Reform dis- 
 pleased him by their vulgarity, and those of the National^ 
 by their aristocratic bourgeois pretensions; but, whenever 
 one of his volumes was to make its appearance, he had a 
 Ver}' affectionate shake of the hand for both. The tactics of 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 375 
 
 this little man were to raise Ihimself by means of tlie papers, 
 but without connivance with them. His plan was to dazzle 
 the upper classes by his brilliant works, and the lower 
 classes by appearances of communism ; and his object was, 
 anything or everything, so that he was not confounded 
 among the crowd. As M. de Lamartine prevented M. Vic- 
 tor Hugo at that time from sleeping, so M. Thiers gave 
 wakeful nights to M. Louis Blanc ; he was passionately 
 jealous of the historical, oratorical, and statesman-like abili- 
 ties of that celebrated conservative. Like the foolish serpent 
 in the fable, he gnawed away upon the steel of the bour- 
 geoisie, merely because M. Thiers was the personification of 
 that capital force of modern society. The intercourse of 
 M. Louis Blanc with the people having been limited to a 
 few interviews with the more learned of the workingmen, 
 who called upon him with congratulations for his historical 
 and social doctrines, and his reserve with regard to the 
 papers having kept him removed from an active part in 
 intrigues, he could not well have, nor indeed had he, any di- 
 rect influence in the events of February. 
 
 There is nothing to be said with regard to M. Pierre Le- 
 roux ; he remained at Boussac Hollow, in charge of a little 
 printing establishment, the emanations of which were pre- 
 tended to be understood by half a dozen disciples. 
 
 As to M. Easpail, since his disappearance from our pages, 
 his history runs as follows : — 
 
 About the year 1834, he established the Reformer, a paper 
 which -propagated the principles of the author both in 
 politics and chemistry. It was an implacable diatribe against 
 both the government and the faculty. Its odor was so 
 intense and pungent, that the reader, while perusing it, might 
 readily imagine himself in a drug shop. It was one of those 
 concerns which the police call unhealthy. M. Easpail is the 
 incarnation of sulphuric acid. 
 
 The collaborators of the terrible chemist led a miserable 
 life ; never were recruits so cavalierly treated by their cor- 
 poral. The candid M. Dupoty, who cultivates conundrums 
 and little girls, was so outrageously maltreated by him, that 
 
376 HISTORY OF 
 
 he left the office one day, determined to clear out, but he was 
 called back by the ferocious editor-in-chief, collared, and 
 maltreated for being an agent of the police. 
 
 But though the Reformer was conducted by such an extra- 
 ordinary man, it did not prosper ; it met with but a wretched 
 support, hardly enough to cover the two sides with ink ; and 
 the inheritance of the Tribune, which soon fell to it, effected 
 no change in this state of things. The ancient journal of M. 
 Marrast had died from starvation, leaving nothing but fines 
 and lawsuits, which certainly do not enrich a legatee. 
 
 M. Raspail made a vigorous appeal for the support of his 
 doctrines upon the subjects of government and arsenic ; but 
 his partisans were either not very numerous, or not very 
 devoted ; for he didn't get a dollar. At such unworthy con- 
 duct as this, M. Raspail launched out into awful imprecations, 
 and then pact;ed up his baggage. 
 
 Dating from that day, a single word, the word camphor, 
 exhibits the whole history of his career. He took refuge at 
 Montrouge, barricaded his door, refused all intercourse wdth 
 humanity, and delivered himself up to the elaboration of his 
 famous system of hygiene and therapeutics. After immense 
 researches upon the subject as to what diseases camphor 
 cured and what others it prevented, he arrived at a very 
 simple formula which included everything, viz : camphor 
 cured all and prevented all. 
 
 Four- large volumes soon made their appearance, every 
 page, every line, and every word of which proclaimed, 
 repeated, and rung out in every variety of change — that cam- 
 phor was a universal remedy. Do you want a universal 
 remedy ? then take camphor ! 
 
 Adding practice to precept, he camphored himself, his wife, 
 his little ones, his neighbors, and all his acquaintances ; who- 
 ever didn't smell of camphor was his declared enemy. As 
 he could not give advice himself, not being a regular physi- 
 cian, and having too great a contempt of the faculty of Paris 
 to ask for a diploma, he employed a worthy practitioner, who, 
 willing also to preach by example, swallowed so much cam- 
 phor that he gave up the ghost. But this didn't stop the 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 377 
 
 new Hippocrates ; he replied, like the doctor in the comedy : 
 " The patient died according to rule, and there was nothing 
 more to be said on the subject." 
 
 In spite of all his precautions, he had a crow to pick with 
 justice — he was accused of the illegal practice of medicine. 
 A fine accusation, my faith, to make against a man who set 
 himself up as above the whole faculty ! M. Easpail's tongue 
 is not wanting in glibness ; he pleaded his own case, and lost it. 
 It was in vain to demonstrate that he was the victim of igno- 
 rant confederates, and especially of M. Orfila — nothing did it 
 avail him. 
 
 But by the check thus given him he was by no means dis- 
 concerted ; the preaching of the new doctrine went on as 
 usual, and lawsuits followed as a matter of course ; lawsuits 
 against doctors, lawsuits against druggists, and lawsuits 
 against the editors of medical works — M. Easpail bearing the 
 brunt of the whole. He pleaded and repleaded, time and 
 again, until the judges became so much accustomed to his 
 presence that they addressed him as they would have done 
 one of the regular advocates of the bar, thus : " You have 
 the floor, Master Easpail." 
 
 This joke was not unpleasant to him ; in fact, justice had 
 had so much to do with him that he might well permit her a 
 little diversion at his expense now and then. Speaking of 
 the amusement of the court, by the way, reminds us of an 
 incident which, as it is not altogether out of place here, we 
 may be permitted to relate. It is concering M. Emmanuel 
 Arago, ex-ambassador of the Eepublic. Before February, M. 
 Arago was an advocate, but as he always lost his causes, 
 being called on that account M. Maximum, as indicating 
 the usual result of his pleadings, he declared a strike for the 
 greater part of the time, and did nothing. To keep his 
 faculties alive, however, he exercised them upon the ingenious 
 combination of the game of dominos. He became as great at 
 this game as he was inferior as an advocate. Once in a while 
 some stray cause would happen to stop at his door, but the 
 impressions of his favorite game led him into the strangest in- 
 consistencies with it. Having got hold of one of these causes 
 
378 HISTORY OF 
 
 one day, lie repaired to the Palace of Justice in order to 
 plead it. Coining directly from a fine game of dominos, his 
 thoughts were anywhere else than with the matters in 
 hand. As the advocate for the king offered him the floor, 
 Master Emmanuel, who preferred speaking second, in order 
 at least to know something about the question, replied very 
 nai vely : — 
 
 " No, Mr. King's advocate, it is your lay down /" 
 The title of Master applied to M. Raspail, though not so 
 effective as the lay down of M. Arago, is still not without its 
 salt or appropriateness. This illustrious man, in fact, had 
 become deplorably given up to chicanery, and it was while 
 poring over old musty records that he was surprised by the 
 revolution of 1848 ; certainly, if he was expecting anything, it 
 was not a revolution. Until the evening of the 24th of 
 February, he declared openly that the affair was nothing but 
 a trick of the police. 
 
 Let us pass on to several other characters who have 
 become out. and out socialist-democrats, but with whom 
 nothing of the kind had been previously suspected. The 
 first who offers himself to the view is M. Victor Conside- 
 rant, the grand priest of Phalansterianism. Thus far the 
 world had discovered nothing .in Fourierism except a mix- 
 ture of ideas, lascivious, benignant, foolish, and absurd. It 
 was very evident that the application of the Phalansterian 
 system would require a perfect removal of the ancient 
 foundations of society ; but M. Consid^rant and his fel- 
 low faithful were very confident that they could demolish 
 everything pacifically, without disorder, and in the most 
 amicable way in the world; were these gentlemen sin- 
 cere? I am half inclined to believe that they were, for 
 when the Fourierist pleasantry is once admitted, why not 
 admit anj^thing else — the taking of the moon by the horns, 
 for instance, or the destroying of the faith, the morals, and 
 the interests of the world, without a murmur or a complaint ? 
 But whether sincere or not, the Fourierists in the train of M. 
 Considerant were openly in favor of pacific progress, and 
 fully admitted the monarchical principle — this is incontest- 
 able. Now either these Utopians were jesting with the world, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 879 
 
 or else they have made a decided recantation. There is no 
 more similarity between their ideas of 1847 and those which 
 they entertain now than there is between white and black. 
 The revolution has had more effect upon M. Consid^rant 
 and his followers than they have had upon the revolution. 
 
 A man whom it is surprising to meet with in demagogic 
 diggings is M. Etienne Arago. Is he a bad man ? No, unless 
 the habits of a millionnaire without any income might be con- 
 sidered as rendering him so. The truth is, he is overwhelmed 
 with debts, and the monarchy offered him no means of pay- 
 ing or increasing them. M. Etienne Arago is wanting in 
 everything to constitute a literary genius, and he has never 
 passed as such, although, being a brother of the great Arago, 
 he of course must have an intellect. Hence, he had a sort 
 of notoriety in the world of letters, but as his talents did not 
 pass very currently with the sold papers, that is to say, with 
 those that had the means of paying, he was obliged, perforce, 
 to content himself with the pure papers, the only inconveni- 
 ence of which was that they left their editors .to die with 
 hunger. Jle was a theatrical reporter to the Heform, a posi- 
 tion which qualified him for postmaster-general at the revo- 
 lution. His influence in Paris was absolutely nothing, the 
 part which he took in events being merely personal. 
 
 M. Eibeyrolles, the lieutenant of M. Flpcon, is a man of 
 intellect degraded by distress and the usual career of unprin- 
 cipled young men. He had but one consolation in his 
 physical maladies, and that was to jest at the moral miseries 
 which he had directly under his eyes — such, for instance, as 
 the infallibility of M. Flocon ; the legerdemain of M. Caus.'si- 
 di^re; the misfortunes of M. Baune, who had taken to the 
 bottle; the dilapidation of M. Lagrange, and a thousand 
 other little scenes as lamentable as ridiculous. One day the 
 scene presented would be the arrival at the press of M. Jeanty 
 Sarre, now a representative of the people, but then the bearer 
 of the prose of M. Etienne Arago, and of such a quantity of 
 absinth, too, as to be wholly oblivious of what had become 
 of one-half of the manuscript — left somewhere on the road. 
 On another occasion it would be a court of honor instituted 
 
380 HISTORY OF 
 
 for trying M. A. Dangeliers, another representative of the 
 people, for having pawned the watch of M. Watripon ; and 
 so on. 
 
 About this period M. Rupoty had been called to have a 
 hand in the Reform^ with the view of getting the assistance 
 of his relations in favor of the till. But as it was soon dis- 
 covered that he had been squeezed dry, and that his friends 
 had no money to lose, he was left to languish in the office 
 for some time without receiving anything to do, and finally 
 was compelled to retire by force of insult and outrage, being 
 told, byway of an explanation, that he had lost his head, and 
 should go and take care of himself. The worthy man is no 
 more of a warrior than M. Eibeyrolles, and neither of them 
 has knocked tyranny on the head. 
 
 M. Thor^, whsose pretensions are nothing short of reading 
 lectures to all the patriots, and who modestly entitled his 
 paper — The True Republic — is. he, perhaps, one of the Sam- 
 sons who have pulled down the columns of monarchy? I 
 think probably not. About the year 1840, M. Thor^ had 
 attempted to establish a journal, to be. called — The Democ- 
 racy ; but shortly afterwards venturing upon a pamphlet lep- 
 rous with socialism, he became introduced into the precincts 
 of Sainte Pelagie. Since then he occupied himself exclu- 
 sively with the arts, which are his profession. He was a 
 reporter of the Constitutional, a bourgeoise paper, and hence 
 but a faint idea could be formed of what socialistic ferocity 
 he was going to exhibit in the True Republic. M. Thor^ is a 
 nian to be pitied. He had sense enough, as it would appear, 
 to perceive that the diggings of 1848 were located on a wrong 
 prospect, and that he ought to move elsewhere ; but no, into 
 the dirt he went, up to his neck ; and now, the artist, the man 
 of delicate and elegant tastes, lies, and perhaps for life, the in- 
 mate of a prison. The immediate cause of his loss is what 
 is ruinous to us all, viz : jealousy. He saw many of his 
 comrades becoming representatives of the people — such as M. 
 Altaroche, a poor man, M. Pyat, a bad man, and he, who is 
 neither foolish nor wicked, wanted to become one as well as 
 they. And as the quickest way in these ill times of arriving 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 381 
 
 at such destruction is to become the mountebank of the po- 
 pulace, he donned the socialists livery, and brought up at the 
 fine pass in which -we now see him. May the favors of the 
 social republic rest gently upon him. 
 
 The name of M. Thor^ was never pronounced, and he 
 himself had not made his appearance before the events of 
 February. 
 
 But at least, it will be said, such is not the case with M. 
 Sarrut, who declared in the Constituent Assembly, that he 
 had meddled in some hundred and odd conspiracies — such a 
 man as he must certainly have turned the scale in the three 
 glorious days of 1848. Gentle reader, M. Sarrut is a man of 
 the South, full of ardor and imagination. There is no doubt 
 but that he has conspired a hundred times and upwards, 
 since he says so, but it was only in imagination, for the only 
 real conspiracies which he can claim the honor of having 
 been engaged in, are reduced to two or three, viz : those of 
 the Friends of the People, and the Rights of Man on behalf of 
 the republic, and, perhaps, a small affair on behalf of the 
 Bonapartists. His other conspiracies are not known to men 
 who, however, very well knew M. Sarrut. He was not even 
 counted as a unit in the revolution, but rather as a cipher 
 on the left hand. 
 
 M. Miot, a member of the legislature, in a speech which 
 caused his expulsion from that body, mentioned the fights 
 that he had had with the Municipal Guards on the 24:th of 
 February. This lofty minded citizen must have had a car- 
 bine of more than ordinary range, for at that time he was at 
 Moulins Engilbert,, in the Morvan, some sixty leagues from 
 the scene of combat. I do not deny that the minions of ty- 
 ranny may be hit at that distance ; but certainly no one but a 
 montagnard could do it. 
 
 Shall we speak, then, of M. Xavier Durrieu, who, taking a 
 skilful advantage of the disbandment of the 13th of June, 
 became for several months the shepherd of the socialist flock ? 
 Some five or six years ago, M. Durrieu won the cross of 
 Spain by means of some very gallant articles in favor of 
 Queen Isabella. At the commencement of the revolution he 
 
332 HISTORY OF 
 
 was editing a dynastic newspaper. When tlie republic came 
 in vogue lie became a republican ; wben socialism was in- 
 vented, he became a socialist, and a man who conforms so 
 readily to the course of events will probably become any- 
 thing else when the occasion offers. It is useless, then, to 
 speak of him as the maker of revolutions ; he is satisfied with 
 making his profit out of them. 
 
 There are still other great men-from whom the smoke of 
 February is not yet cleared away, but who are seen clearly 
 enough to receive a hit or two for the diversion of the reader. 
 We might, for instance, signal out M. Bareste, and question 
 him about that translation of Homer which he gave out as 
 edited by himself, but which he bought for a hundred Crowns 
 of a German by the name of Wolf, who, coming to him some- 
 time afterwards for the loan of a hundred sous, was sent 
 away empty. We might also ask him to inform us if while 
 at the office of the French Courier, before February, he did 
 not smile with a pleasant naivete at some men who were 
 talking politics, and say that it was utterly ridiculous to have 
 any opinions at all ; but this would be a loss of time, and a 
 useless indulgence in pasquinades. I shall, however, relate 
 an anecdote of him a little further on, which will show in 
 what estimation he was held by his fellow patriots at the 
 period of the revolution. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The effective strength of the republican party in the beginning of 1848 — 
 The bourgeoisie and the royalty of July. 
 
 The account which we have thus far given of the repub- 
 lican party differs so much from that which is usually spread 
 before the public, that our readers may doubtlessly ask in 
 surprise — Have not M. de Lamartine, and M. Louis Blanc 
 both written histories of February, and have not these heroes 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 383 
 
 of the revolution known wliat they were writing about? 
 Have they been jesting with the public ? Partly both. The 
 revolutionary part of republican history was either not well 
 known by these gentlemen, or else they have deemed it too 
 paltry to be recorded ; and hence have embroidered, embel- 
 lished, and invented, , arranging their romances in such a 
 way as to aggrandize the heroes, said heroes being 'the 
 authors themselves. M. de Lamartine speaks of the sections 
 of the Rights of Man and the Families coming down on the 
 24th from Bellville, sombre, filling the streets like a swollen 
 flood, and giving themselves the word of order. This might 
 do very well for newspaper writers, but is simply absurd in 
 a book which has the serious pretensions of history. No- 
 thing compelled him to give designations ; and in the whole 
 course of his work it is easily perceived that he knew no- 
 thing of facts with the exception of those which concerned him- 
 self; and even they are so denaturalized by a puerile vanity 
 as hardly to be recognized. The Rights of jl/are^had been 
 dead for fourteen years, and the Families had been merged 
 in the Seasons since 1836. With regard to M. Louis Blanc, 
 the few important scenes which he touches upon are proba- 
 bly better known to him ; but the little man has arranged 
 everything in such a way that it is difficult to perceive the 
 truth in what he says. 
 
 Thus, the elevation of M. Albert as a member of the go- 
 vernment, which was decided upon at the office of the Re- 
 form by about thirty persons, becomes changed under his 
 pen into the immense acclamations of combatants, assembled 
 in the court of the establishment. But I am *iot making a 
 literary criticism, and this is not the place for exposing all 
 the errors, absurdities, and boastings of these two writers. 
 By comparing their books with the one in hand, it will be 
 readily perceived on which side the truth lies. 
 
 The effective strength of the republican party, in February, 
 may be stated as follows: The National had 4000 subscrib- 
 ers, one-half of whom, at least, had become dynastic un^er 
 the lead of Messrs. Carnot, Garnier-Pag&s, and others. It 
 will be remembered, that these gentlemen made a confession 
 
384 ■ HISTOPY OF 
 
 of faith, much to the ire of the Reform, in which monarchy 
 "was declared sufficient for the march of progress. Of the 
 2000 remaining subscribers, we may put down 600 as be- 
 longing to Paris, and of these, about 200 as disposed to fight 
 for their cause. The Reform had 2000 subscribers, 5.00 of 
 whom were of Paris, and the whole 500 in favor of a revo- 
 lution at all hazards. This makes 700 . combatants among 
 the subscribers to the newspapers. The two secret societies, 
 the Seasons and the Dissenting Society, amounted together to 
 1000 men, 600 of whom belonged to the old society, and 
 400 to the new. But this army was very much broken 
 up and scattered, and could not have furnished, probably, 
 more than 600 men ; but let us put it down at 1000. All 
 the revolutionary communists had joined the' Z'fssenim^' /Sb- 
 ciety, so that of the sectarians there remained only the Ca- 
 betists, numbering some four or five hundred. It is known 
 that by the articles of their creed, violence was not admitted 
 as a meaijf of success ; but let us pay as little attention to 
 their, jjacifio declarations as they do themselves, and count 
 them as among the number of the combatants. There remain 
 now, four or five hundred old conspirators, whom the noise 
 of musket's would call back to their ancient trade, together 
 with a medley of republicans, unaccustomed to conspiracies, 
 which may be estimated at 1500. These fractions, when 
 added together, give a total of 4000 men. I am positive that 
 the effective strength of the republican party of the capital 
 did not exceed this number ; and I defy any one to prove 
 the contrary. 
 
 In the pro^srinces, there was but one single secret society of . 
 any note — that of Lyons, and even that had led a precarious 
 sort of an existence for a long time, like those of Paris. 
 Toulouse, Marseilles, and two or three other cities had the 
 semblances of associations, but they were of no importance. 
 I believe that I give full measure when I state the number 
 of republicans in the provinces as fifteen or sixteen thousand. 
 We see, then, that for all France, that is to say, for a male 
 adiilt population of ten millions of inhabitants, there were 
 some twenty thousand republicans, or about one five-hundredth 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 385 
 
 part of the whole 1 The least grain of common sense would 
 teach us that such a small minority as this could not have 
 overthrown a formidable government. 
 
 However, it is true that the revolution has taken place, 
 and the republicans have claimed it as wholly their work, It 
 is more like a dream than a reality, and to our cost we are 
 made to credit it ; but the question is, how was it brought 
 about ? 
 
 On that head, we may be permitted to make a few obser- 
 vations. 
 
 The third estate, or the bourgeoisie, which is not, as 
 Si^y^s said, everything, but which is at least the heart, the 
 true pivot of our modern society, based upon industrial 
 force, was very accurately represented by the family of 
 Orleans. From the popular king, who was the head of their 
 house, Henry IV., down to our days, this family have always 
 , sympathized with the movements of the middle classes. This' 
 fact is shown by the history of two centuries and a half. 
 Allied to the throne, and attached to the middle classes, 
 when the course of things had led to the establishment of a 
 popular monarchy, this family was unanimously invested 
 with the sovereignty. And has not the monarchy thus 
 established, satisfied the exigencies of the times ? Has it not 
 perceived that the greatness and power of states no longer 
 consists in chivalric renown or great military exploits, but 
 in studying the safe and peaceful occupations of national 
 industry ? There can be no doubt of this ; the impulse 
 given to our national industry dates from the monarchy of 
 July ; the throne became, as it were, an immense countiug- 
 house. This last expression will doubtless oft'end a certain 
 class of men Avho look upon the bourgeoisie as synonymous 
 with weakness and folly. But these gentlemen should re- 
 member that there is a country — England — the population 
 of which is principally made up of this class of citizens, the 
 object of their scorn, but which, nevertheless, makes a con- 
 siderable figure in the world. The^e is another country — 
 the American Union, not without its importance, the whole 
 population of Avhich is occupied with trade. There are, 
 
386 HISTORY OF 
 
 moreover, such states as Prussia, ■which increase daily in 
 power and strength, because of cherishing the interests of 
 commerce. And there are other states, like Spain, on the 
 contrary, whose existence is reduced to a mere vegetation by 
 the loss of their merchants. France has always been the 
 equal of the most powerful of these states in w^r, and has 
 taken the lead of them in the arts ; but what must inevita- 
 bly be the result of not following their example in that new 
 field of enterprise, called the market ? Why, she will be- 
 come comparatively weakened, just in proportion as the 
 others gain strength; she will gradually fall back ipto the 
 condition of a second or third rate power ; and that event 
 may take place much sooner than we think for. To use the 
 word bourgeois as a term of contempt, is very easily done, 
 but this bourgeois does not therefore the less occupy the 
 place of the knight of the Middle Ages, and of the hero of 
 our martial period of history. He is as correct a representa- 
 tive of the genius and grandeur of France at the present 
 day, as the knight and the hero were in their day. I am 
 aware that a certain class of fancy politicians will consider 
 these views as unbecoming the dignity of France; but then, 
 a course of policy which has for its object the well-being of 
 the individual and the tranquillity of the state, is, after all, 
 not so very deplorable. 
 
 But notwithstanding a community of interests and views, 
 a misunderstanding arose between the monarchy of July and 
 a part of the bourgeoisie. Indoctrinated by blind or inte- 
 rested advisers, by the coterie of the National on the one 
 hand and by the leaders of the Left on the other, the lower 
 order of merchants began to suspect that the designs of roy- 
 alty were to subject them to a species of feudalism, of which 
 they were to become the serfs. This feudalism, as it was 
 called, consisted in nothing else than the elevation of a few 
 individuals among the masses, an event of ordinary occur- 
 rence everywhere, but to whom the name of moneyed aristo- 
 cracy, being once applied, became repeated by every one. 
 It was one of the weapons made use of in the political con- 
 test of the period, just as the Eoman question and the tax on 
 
SEOKET SOCIETIES. 387 
 
 drinks liave been since. At bottom, there was a maturely 
 formed and very reasonable desire on the part of the lower 
 order of business men to have a voice in the election of depu- 
 ties. Their services were often required as national guards, 
 and since they defended the government by their arms, why 
 not also by their votes? To keep them removed from the 
 polls showed either contempt or a want of confidence, and 
 they were deserving of neither. That was true. Had the 
 qualifications been lowered from two hundred francs to fifty, 
 it would have firmly attached the great mass of the bour- 
 geoisie to the Orleans family, and taken away every pretext 
 for popular commotions for a long period of time to come. 
 The qualification of fifty francs would have placed the right 
 of voting, in fact, within the reach of every one; for any 
 workingman of the least energy or skill could have attained 
 to it. The main object of the laboring man is to rise above 
 his condition. It was considered immoral, before February, 
 to base a right upon money; but money represents the spirit 
 of order and conservatism, and these two qualities are indis- 
 ' pensable elements in every form of government. If an indi- 
 vidual has not the intelligence or energy to attain to a com- 
 paratively low position, what can he be expected to do with 
 the affairs of state? If a man possesses nothing, his bonds of 
 connection with society are very slight, however honest he 
 may be ; but the moment he becomes possessed of property 
 he begins to perceive its corresponding duties. It is evident, 
 therefore, that duties should be performed before rights are 
 demanded. It is my opinion that a property qualification of 
 some kind or another should be established; it may be as 
 small as you please, but one should be fixed. 
 
 The government of July, forced into a merciless conflict 
 which continued during the period of five long years, had 
 become too much accustomed, perhaps, to see nothing but 
 enemies and snares in everything. But be this as it may, it 
 is certain that the government abstained from every act 
 towards constitutional reform from the- sincere conviction 
 that the attempt would only lead to anarchy. The example 
 of the English government, yielding to popular pressure at 
 
388 HISTORY OF 
 
 the proper time, did not appear to it as applicable to our 
 country ; and it believed tliat duty as well as its dignity ren- 
 dered it necessary to resist. Events have shown that it was 
 mistaken. The reform of the electoral law — all that was 
 wa:nted— would have been an act of justice, and, that act, 
 although properly refused to party dictation, could have been 
 granted after 1840, consistently with every principle of honor. 
 I would not undertake to lecture men who are rendered 
 illustrious by a high order of intelligence and exalted cha- 
 racter, but I have ventured upon these remarks simply be- 
 cause they have been traced out by facts in characters of 
 light. 
 
 The parliamentary opposition, headed by M. Odilon Barrot, 
 had assumed the position of patron and advocate of the bour- 
 geoisie, whom it defended with ardent and sincere, though 
 not unseldom, exaggerated zeal. Nothing, however, was 
 more remote from the intentions of this opposition than the 
 destruction of the monarchy of July ; for a revolution would 
 naturally lead to its own ruin. This opposition, in fact, 
 held the power in its own hands; but being dissatisfied with 
 what appeared to be a badly adjusted equilibrium, it claimed 
 a more decided preponderance in its favor. 
 
 The government persisted in a resistance which it con- 
 sidered wise, but which only served to stimulate the opposi- 
 tion to urge its claims with more vehemence, and thus gave 
 rise to hot and angry disputes, in which the contending 
 parties were generally hurried by passion into imprudences, 
 which neither of them should have committed. By dint of 
 mutual recriminations, repeated in a thousand various ways, 
 the public came at length to regard the ministry and the 
 leaders of the opposition as men who were engaged in a 
 violent contest for power. Hence, it often happened in these 
 passionate contests, that the blow aimed merely at the abuses 
 of the government, would fall wide of the mark, and strike 
 the very government itself. 
 
 It was thus that, by progressive degrees, that state of 
 things became developed which led to the revolution. It 
 arose from a struggle between the government, and a large, 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 389 
 
 respectable, and influential class of citizens ; a struggle, not 
 for principles, but simply for a balance of power. . And had 
 this struggle been conducted With wisdom and moderation, 
 it would have led to an arrangement satisfactory to both 
 parties ; but as it is, it has proved doubly catastrophous. 
 Neither party has benefited by it ; while contending for the 
 oyster, the third party of the fable has stepped in and re- 
 peated his scurvy trick. 
 
 This very simple manner of viewing the question will not 
 please certain men of yesterday, who are fully convinced, or 
 rather are fully interested to have it believed, that the people 
 alone have brought about the revolution, because they had 
 no rights, were dying from hunger, and longing wistfully 
 after socialism. But T think that I know the people, the 
 true people, those who labor, as well as their pretended 
 chiefs. This people are more occupied with gaining a liveli- 
 hood than with the affairs of state; they have never died 
 of hunger until the advent of the beautiful government, 
 which promised them everything, and as to socialism, the 
 true name of which is communism, they consider it simply 
 as a humbug, or something even worse, an impudent fools- 
 trap. 
 
 ' CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The banquets — What the republicans first thought of them — Great wrath 
 of the Left — The banquet of the twelfth arrondissement — The disdain 
 of the Reform — Assemblying of the students — The decision that they 
 came to — The committee of the banquet — The backing out of the Left. 
 
 The result of the elections of 1846 is well known ; the 
 conservatives carried it by a large majority. They pre- 
 sented themselves in the Chambers compact and triumphant. 
 The opposition of the Left, unabated in their zeal, took an 
 unexpected course ; they appealed to the generosity of their 
 adversaries, and urged them to propose the reform them- 
 
890 HISTORY OF 
 
 selves. The proposal seemed to the ministry as one of sim- 
 plicity at least. Convinced that the electors represented the 
 true interests of France, they were surprised to find them- 
 selves called upon to propose a change in the policy which had 
 just been so solemnly confirmed. The legal means of ascer- 
 taining the opinion of the country had been employed, and 
 the opinion thus ascertained was in favor of the cabinet. 
 What more could be said on the subject? Were the nation 
 to be told that they had been mistaken ? If so, what were 
 the proofs ? Were they to be told that their opinions had 
 not been properly ascertained? What better mode was 
 there for ascertaining these opinions than the one which had 
 been used ? If the opposition possessed any great influence 
 in the country, they were at liberty to show it — the ministry 
 asked nothing better than to see the proofs. 
 
 Many of the members of the opposition, less wise than 
 excitable, took fire at this, and swore that the proofs should 
 be given. They set at work and succeeded in persuading 
 their constituents that they were treated with contempt, and 
 that epergetic mea,sures had become indispensable. Hence 
 the organization of banquets was decided on. The first of 
 these banquets took place at the tea-garden of Chateau-Eouge, 
 and was got up with considerable eclat. Every shade of 
 opposition, dynastic as well as radical, was invited to be 
 present, and all were represented except the Reform. The 
 directors of that sheet considered the manifestation as 
 wholly insignificant, and below their notice. This conduct 
 may appear surprising at the present day, but it can be ac- 
 counted for by several reasons. The National, which the 
 Reform accused of monarchism, patronized the banquet, and 
 the Reform had no notion of appearing in the wake of a 
 detested rival ; then it was believed that no agitation of the 
 country would arise from mere parliamentary opposition, 
 and, in fine, there was not the remotest suspicion of the tre- 
 mendous clap of thunder in which this sport was going to 
 terminate. The recusance of the Reform gave the lead to 
 the men of the National. M. Recurt was their spokesman. 
 His speech, though mild in terms, contained several passages 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 391 
 
 that went considerably beyond the limits of the programme, 
 and made some noise in the ministerial journals. The 
 leaders of the opposition were cautioned against their fac- 
 tious proceedings, and advised to reflect well before going 
 any further. A single fact was adduced which might serve 
 to enlighten them ; by a decision of the organizers of the 
 banquet, the toast to the king had not been given — an act 
 of open disrespect and hostility. The leaders rejected this 
 imputation ; for such was not the design either of M. Barrot 
 or of his lieutenants, Duvergier de Hauranne, de Malleville, 
 and others. They were in a huff, it is true, and wished to 
 give emphatic evidence of it, but without the least disrespect. 
 Their presence alone, they said, .was enough to give the 
 banquet a character perfectly proper and constitutional. 
 The conservatives perceived in these remarks something 
 more than a mere gasconade ; there was a mawkish style of 
 cynicism in them that made them tremble. But as they had 
 thrown defiance to their opponents, they felt bound to let 
 them go on ; not, however, without vague presentiments of 
 disastrous consequences. 
 
 The good faith of the agitators, however, showed itself 
 more explicitly a short time afterwards, at a considerable 
 manifestation given at Lille. When they saw a large num- 
 ber of republicans present, and among them those of the 
 Reform,, perceiving that their own presence would give but 
 little of a dynastic character to the meeting, they demanded 
 that the toast to the king should be given as a proof of adhe- 
 rence to the constitution. But, as usual, this attempt at 
 moderation came a little too late ; for the democrats are not 
 men to give up the ground that they may have won. Situ- 
 ated as the democracy were between the alternative of M. 
 Barrot's presence with the toast, and his absence without the 
 toast, they could have no hesitation ; and hence, the conse- 
 quences were that the chief of the Left had to make a very 
 sorry retreat, leaving the banquet wholly to the republicans. 
 
 The presentiments of the conservatives became more and 
 more realized, and more solemn warnings were given to the 
 promoters of agitation ; but the stakes were down, and self- 
 
392 HISTORY OF 
 
 love carried the game beyond all good advice or prudence. 
 The opposition continued their banquets in city after city, 
 harping in their speeches upon corruption as the rallying cry 
 of reform, and complaining against the ministry that its dura- 
 tion threatened to be eternal. At every one of these ban- 
 quets several voices were heard exclaiming against all con- 
 nection with the dynasty; these voices gradually became 
 more numerous, until at last the assemblies of Dijon and 
 Chalons were purely and unqualifiedly republican. But 
 these two famous banquets, of which stunning reports were 
 given by the Beform, consisted, after all, only of a few hun- 
 dreds of republicans, mostly of the vicinity, and drawn 
 together by every possible means. 
 
 The initiative taken by the Left having thrown open the 
 doors to the anarchists, these would have considered them- 
 selves foolish not to have taken advantage of so favorable a 
 circumstance. Besides, the Reform, which had been so dis- 
 dainful of these manifestations at first, had thought the 
 matter over, and come to the conclusion that they might be 
 turned to a good accoimt in filling the till. The two patri- 
 otic collectors, Messrs. Baune and Caussidi^re, no longer 
 served this purpose ; the first had had his time, and the other 
 was used up ; their stories had become stale, and their fine 
 speeches like crocodile's tears — nobody would trust them. 
 Thanks to the banquets, the Reform could dispense with 
 such subordinate measures, and bring forth its chiefs them- 
 selves. What patriot could refuse to come up to the mark 
 when the tam-tam should be sounded by M. Ledru-Eollin in 
 person ? — or how show reluctance when the dish should be 
 presented by so great a man ? The Tribune then was dis- 
 patched right and left into all those places where the subsi- 
 dies had become small. The cloth being removed, he would 
 resort to his. eloquence, and succeed in charming several out 
 of a part of their money. But to be made use of in this way, 
 like a walking-puff, was a game of which he soon grew tired. 
 The chest still sounded hollow, however, and there was no 
 excuse. He tried several times, like popular actors, to escape 
 by pretending indisposition, but nothing would serve his 
 
SEOKET SOCIETIES. 393 
 
 turn. "When the hour for the departure of the diligence 
 arrived, Messrs. Baune, Grandm^nil, and Caussidi^re would 
 go and get him, bundle him into the carriage, and pack him 
 off in spite of himself. He had the consolation of listening 
 to the maudlin conversation of these good fellows while 
 inhaling the grog-shop perfumery with which they were in- 
 fected. At the banquet of Dijon, however, he must have 
 kept at a considerate distance from M. Grandm^nil, on account 
 of that gentleman's showing symptoms of sea-sickness. 
 
 The Left was not only outdone by M. Ledru-Eollin and his 
 band, but also by the familiars of the National, who were 
 half republicans, and who, while submitting to the patronage 
 of the-Left, were seeking to impose upon it their own. In 
 a country like ours, too, where the revolutionary fires are so 
 easily enkindled, words of resistance went much further than 
 was intended by the orators themselves. However much 
 inclined towards monarchy the intention might be, the fact, 
 that is to say, the struggle in a public place instead of parlia- 
 mentary debates, could not fail to push measures to the ex- 
 treme of anarchy. 
 
 Such was the state of things on the opening of the session 
 of 1848. The agitators made their appearance with an air of 
 triumph, like men who had victoriously accepted a chal- 
 lenge ; but, what was not their astonishment on hearing the 
 throne fulminate against them a crushing decree. They had 
 become tired in a long course of preaching, and the men 
 whose eyes they had tried to open, disdainfully scorned 
 them by calling them blind themselves ! The republicans 
 were honored by being styled as enemies, but they on their 
 part were treated with a shrug of the shoulders, as much as 
 to say — poor fellows ! you have lost your senses. The Jour- 
 nal des Debais had already told them so, in fact, in plain 
 words ; but to hear it to their face, in full chamber, and from 
 the mouth of the king, was to the last degree offensive, and 
 of course productive of a storm. 
 
 They contended against the address with obstinacy. They 
 believed that the Chamber would not dare to carry things so 
 far as to ratify the decree of the government ; but, they were 
 
394 HISTORY OF 
 
 mistaken ; for a majority gave it an unqualified confirmation. 
 The wrath that then seized upon them was no fiction ; be- 
 lieving that the design was to overwhelm them with "disgrace, 
 they held a consultation and decided upon an audacious 
 course. The banquets, which had just been censured by a 
 significative vote of the Chamber, they resolved to continue. 
 One of these banquets was being got up by the 12th arron- 
 dissement of Paris, and they openly took the management of 
 it, declaring that they assumed all the responsibility. This 
 was in direct opposition to the legislative will. 
 
 The course of the agitators astonished the public, and occa- 
 sioned considerable trouble to the men of the government. 
 The members of the centre, the office-holders, the bankers 
 and large proprietors — old men for the most part with rigid 
 ideas of discipline — were astounded by such temerity. The 
 aids-de-camp showed impatience mingled with defiance. The 
 ministry were in frowns, but had no doubts of the victory; 
 as councillors of the king they felt themselves adequate to a 
 much greater emergency. And they believed, moreover, as 
 was indeed the truth, that M. Barrot would be stopped by a 
 prospect of danger to the dynasty. 
 
 The government, however, could not fail to perceive the 
 critical condition of things, and while holding itself in readi- 
 ness for every event, it neglected no means for checking the 
 foolish vehemence of the opposition. It is an incontestable 
 fact that the organs of the ministry showed a sincere spirit of 
 reserve and conciliation, and that the sentiments of violence 
 were all on the side of their adversaries. The government 
 saw danger, and coldly and sadly pointed it out; but, M. 
 Odilon Barrot and his followers replied that the design was 
 to frighten them. It had become good taste to laugh in 
 scorn when the government spoke to them of demagogism, of 
 clubs, and invasions of the populace ; such talk was considered 
 as an old tale, which had become ridiculous. A month later, 
 however, the laughers had occasion to change their principles 
 of good taste very materially. 
 
 For the moment, the course of things in the future was in 
 suspense. The National foresaw at most the success of the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 395 
 
 Left ; and the Reform discovered nothing of any interest ; all 
 that it could see was a bonfire of the opposition which would 
 go out of itself — a dynastic game which was below its dignity. 
 Having been invited to take a part in the manifestation, it 
 replied by a refusal full of fatuity. This is but the history 
 of yesterday, and can be easily verified. ' 
 
 The banquet had been proposed before the vote of the 
 Chambers upon the subject. It had been moved by several 
 subaltern leaders of the 12th arrondissement, among whom 
 were M. Bocquet, a pretended student, M. Collet, subse- 
 quently condemned by the councils of war of June, M. Wat- 
 ripon, editor of the Advance Guard, a small journal for young 
 students, and about a dozen other citizens of the same sort. 
 The committee formed of these men was to be merged in that 
 of the parliamentary Left ; but the latter, cqntaining person- 
 ages who considered such a fusion aa^eneath their dignity, re- 
 solved to expel their new colleagues. The committee having 
 been sifted was composed, under the presidency of M. Boissel, 
 deputy of the 12th arrondissement, of the habitual undertakers 
 of the Left ; that is to say, of men who were half for the Sihh 
 and half for the National, attached to the Siick by opinions 
 and to the National by submission. M. Pagnerre was one of 
 the great guns of this intrigue. 
 
 They appointed delegates, collected subscriptions, and made 
 all the usual preparations. But the former committee, which 
 had yielded with a good grace, soon repented that they had 
 done so ; for, on coming to weigh the matter fully, they found 
 that the men of the Left were too moderate; and besides, 
 were they not as capable of organizing a banquet as anybody 
 else ? The editors of the Advance Guard became the propa- 
 gators of this schism. They held several meetings where 
 the question was discussed whether the purely republican 
 party, that is to say, the Reform, ought not to take the direc- 
 tion of the affair. The decision was for the af&rmative. 
 Strengthened by tbis decision, Messrs. Watripon, Bocquet, 
 and company got together a large meeting of Scholars, in order 
 to give a more solemn solution to the difficulty. The meet- 
 ing took place in a large workshop in the suburb of Saint 
 
396 HISTOBT OF 
 
 Marceau ; three hundred yomng men were present, of whom 
 aboat a dozen were members of the Seasons, led there by 
 M. Albert and myself. One of those scenes of disorder took 
 place of which we have since had such fine specimens under- 
 the Eepublic of Clubs. The persons present were divided 
 into two parties, which were nearly equal, one in favor of 
 giving the management to the National and the other to the 
 Reform. They stamped, cried and vociferated until they 
 were tired out; the partisans of the National yielding at 
 length to the stronger lungs, and abandoning the ground to 
 the Reform. It was voted that the banquet should be held 
 under the patronage of M. Ledru-Eollin, and that a committee - 
 of well-ti-ied democrats should be charged with preparing- 
 the toasts. 
 
 All this was done without the knowledge of the Reform 
 and of M. Ledru-Eollin, who were not informed of it till the 
 following day. They saw nothing in it worthy of their at- 
 tention. The ferocious journal liked to decorate itself with 
 the youth of the schools, as it were with a pretty trinket, 
 but no other importance was attached to it. 
 
 The. parliamentary committee heard of the decision of the 
 students, but it in no wise altered their course ; they con- 
 tinued their preparations, looked about for a place which it 
 proved rather difficult to find, and finally, after many delays, 
 fixed upon the 22d of February as the day for the banquet, 
 to be held on the premises of private property at Chaillot., 
 Things remained in this condition until the eve of the great 
 day. 
 
 About a hundred deputies, together with Messrs. de Boissy 
 and d'Althon-Sh^e, peers of the realm, had subscribed, and, 
 from all appearances were determined to be present. They 
 could easily do so in consequence of a compromise which 
 had been consented to by the ministry. As the agitators had 
 on several occasions referred to the law, not an article of 
 which, according to their own interpretation, prohibited the 
 right of holding meetings, M. Duchatel declared that he was 
 ready to test the question by bringing it before the courts. 
 It was agreed that no preventive measures should be taken 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 397 
 
 against the deputies, but that a verbal process might'be in- 
 stituted upon the spot to serve as the basis of a trial by the 
 police courts which should have a final decision in the case. 
 But this was very great condescension on the part of the 
 government, for the courts in fact, offered a very advanta- 
 geous ground to its adversaries for the continuance of their 
 course of agitation. The government might hope to gain 
 time and perhaps lessen the pressure of the question by the 
 detailed formalities of judicial proceedings ; but in the long 
 run, the advantage to be gained by this course was decidedly 
 on the side of its opponents. 
 
 On the evening of the 21st, at a time when the agitators 
 were congratulating themselves upon the great concessions 
 made by the government, they were startled by a sudden 
 piece of news ; the authorities had reconsidered the matter 
 and had posted up threatening proclamations throughout 
 the capital. One of these, issued by General Jacqueminot, 
 enjoined upon the National Guard to abstain from taking a 
 part in all public meetings without superior orders. An- 
 other from the prefect of police, was an injunction against 
 the banquet. A third, also, from M; Delessert, called atten- 
 tion to the ordinances against riots. Disposed to test the 
 question as to its legality, the government still consented 
 that cases might be brought before the courts ; but as the 
 banquet would serve as the pretext for a large gathering, 
 and as in particular a manifesto had been published in the 
 morning announcing that the National Guard had been called 
 on to be present, and prescribing the order of their arrange- 
 ment in regular martial array — which was nothing short of 
 downright anarchy, it was judged indispensable that the 
 manifestation should have some regulating supervision. The 
 injunction then was given to every guest to repair individu- 
 ally to the banquet, and to retire immediately on the first 
 evidence of infraction. In case of resistance, the authori- 
 ties would be compelled to have recourse to legal measures. 
 
 And in taking this course the government certainly made 
 only a moderate use of the right of self-defence — of its at- 
 tribute as the maintainer of order and respect for authority. 
 
898 HISTOEY OF 
 
 In fact, the manifesto referred to assumed a form of officiality 
 which no statesman in any country could possibly have toler- 
 ated. We give the principal part of it for the edification of 
 the public. At the present day, when dangers are no longer 
 made light of by the impertinences of inexperience or 
 passion, the enormity of this production will be clearly per- 
 ceived. 
 
 " The committee of arrangements have thought proper 
 that the manifestation should take place in a quarter of the 
 capital where the width of the streets and public squares is 
 such as to permit the assembling of the people without their 
 being crowded. With this view, the deputies, the peers of the 
 realm, and other persons invited to the banquet, will assem- 
 ble next Tuesday at eleven o'clock at the ordinary place of 
 meeting of the parliamentary opposition. Place de la Made- 
 leine, 2. The subscribers to the banquet who form a part of 
 the National Guard ar,e requested to assemble in front of the 
 church, and to form two parallel lines, between which the 
 invited guests will take their place. 
 
 " The procession will be headed by such superior officers 
 of the National Guard as shall be present to take a part in 
 the manifestation. 
 
 " Immediately after the invited and other guests, will fol- 
 low a body of officers of the National Guards. 
 
 " Then the National Guards, in the order of their corps. 
 
 " Between the third and fourth columns, the young men 
 of the schools, under the direction of marshals appointed by 
 themselves. 
 
 " Then the other National Guards of Paris and the vicinity, 
 in the order above designated. 
 
 " The procession will move at half-past eleven o'clock and 
 proceed by way of the Place de la Concorde and the Champs- 
 Elysees, towards the place of the banquet." 
 
 M. Odilon Barrot, on being questioned with regard to this 
 extraordinary production, replied that ,he neither approved 
 of it iior disapproved of it, having nothing to do with it. 
 And such indeed was the fact. It came from the members 
 of the committee who were under the control of the National. 
 
 ■\ .' 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 399 
 
 These men, endued with a large share of prudence and cun- 
 ning combined, had managed to evade the responsibility of 
 the manifesto, by leaving it to hover over the chiefs of the 
 Left. It is thus that under these unfortunate circumstances 
 the parliamentary agitators added to their own faults those 
 of others. 
 
 The effect of the proclamations upon the deputies, how- 
 ever, was decisive. A meeting which immediately took 
 place among them, showed that they were not yet wholly 
 bereft of reason. Out of about a hundred of them, some 
 ten or a dozen alone resolved to continue in their revolu- 
 tionary course of action. Among the latter, M. d'Althon 
 Sh^e, a peer, declared that he was ready to go all lengths, and 
 to repair to the banquet at the head of the people. To 
 these sentiments, however, he found no response. But the 
 course pursued by the deputies, under the circumstances, 
 showed a degree of rancor that was perfectly puerile ; against 
 a ministry which was so averse to being destroyed without 
 some resistance, tthey resolved to bring an accusation ; the 
 men whose wrong consisted in efforts to prevent the authority 
 with which they had been legitimately invested from being 
 trampled in the mud, they pronounced traitors. 
 
 This was the last scene of the drama in which the Left 
 made their appearance. With honest intentions at bottom, 
 but deplorably misguided as to means, and traitorously im- 
 plicated by underhanded machinations, the deputies had 
 thus suspended over the country one of the most terrible 
 storms which it had ever yet endured. 
 
400 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 state of the public mind on the 21st of February— A council of war held 
 at the Reform — The strange opinions of M. Louis Blanc, and M. Ledru- 
 Eollin — A wonderful decision — The revolution is a trick of the police. 
 
 SoiiE degree of agitation had been felt among that part of 
 the busy bourgeoisie, who believed themselves under the lead 
 of the SiMe, but who were, in fact, under that of the National. 
 They had a tormenting thirst for political rights ; but with 
 no ulterior designs, without suspicion, and especially without 
 a wish for a change in the form of government. The rest 
 of the middle classes, that is to say, the great masses, looked 
 on without displeasure, at a course of thirfgs which seemed 
 tending to their advantage ; but they were content with a 
 system of policy firmly devoted to peace, favorable to 
 credit, and protective of their interests. They awaited pa- 
 tiently the progress of affairs, and were but little disposed to 
 trouble the existing order by their claims. The working 
 people listfened with indifference to the great noise which 
 was being made above them. They were moved solely by 
 ■ that excitement which precedes some extraordinary event ; 
 the curiosity of the suburbs was aroused. Among some of 
 the workshops there was a disposition to be present at the 
 manifestation, partly from the instinct of opposition common 
 among inferior men, and partly from a desire to see the 
 sight. There was to be a procession of deputies and peers 
 in the midst of the people ; it would be a grand spectacle, 
 and it is well known whether the inhabitants of Paris are 
 indifferent to spectacles or not. 
 
 As to the secret societies, they felt the • public emotion 
 from the first; but as their chiefs declared that it was only 
 an aft'air of the bourgeoisie, in which they could have no in- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 401 
 
 terest, their excitement subsided. There were a few turbu- 
 lent groups of the Dissenters, who talked of barricades, 
 musketry, and all that, but as they had no declared chiefs, 
 no organization nor agreement among themselves, what could 
 they do? Many of the members, moreover, were of the 
 opinion that it was best to leave the Left to its own affairs, 
 and to abstain from having anything to do with them. This 
 course was the one which had been adopted by M. Albert 
 and myself Our men had promised not to go to the 
 manifestation in a body, but those who wished to go indi- 
 vidually, were at liberty to do so. The chiefs were to be ou 
 the look-out, and to give other instructions should there be 
 an occasion for it. As the only journal reputed republican 
 also followed this course, the groups made no objection 
 to it. 
 
 The excitement produced by the Presse and the deputies 
 of the Left, was a matter of indifference to the Reform, but 
 the, part played by the National in the affair gave it some 
 trouble. Fearful of being supplanted by the rival paper, 
 and of thus losing the direction of the revolutionary forces, 
 it decided, two days before the banquet, to come forth from 
 its proud reserve. An article, by M. Flocon, brought this 
 fact to the knowledge of its subscribers. It was announced 
 that the Reform would sustain the legal opposition of the 
 deputies, being unwilling to incur the reproach of indiffer- 
 ence, in a question where the interests of the country were 
 at stake. It may well be imagined that this declaration 
 appeared very insignificant to the public. The superb pre- 
 tensions of the Jacobin sheet occasioned a laugh with a great 
 many, and imposed only upon a few. 
 
 But when this resolution had been once taken, as it might 
 happen that the position claimed by the Reform, in the 
 manifestation, might not be conceded to it, and as, on the 
 other hand, the suburbs, whose intentions remained unknown, 
 might resort to some unexpected course of action, it was 
 decided to call a meeting of all the familiars of the concern, 
 in order to act with concert and unanimity. A circular letter 
 was immediately prepared and sent round, under the seal of 
 26 
 
402 HISTOKY OF 
 
 the Journal. It ran as follows: "In view of the condem- 
 nation of the chief editor, and of the manager of the JRefirm, 
 we appeal to your patriotism; a meeting will be held to- 
 morrow, Monday, at precisely 7 o'clock of the evening, at 
 the office of the Journal, in order to consult upon the cir- 
 cumstances in which we find ourselves." 
 
 The reason assigned for this proceeding, was one of those 
 finesses often practised by M. Flocon, and of which every- 
 body knows him to be exceedingly fond. It was very natu- 
 ral that the meeting should be called ; it was very desirable 
 to have ah understanding on an occasion like the one in 
 question. Nevertheless, it was generally conceded that the 
 banquet was merely a movement of the bourgeoisie, and that 
 it had no bearing in favor of the republican party. The day 
 passed off pretty quietly ; the deputies, their confident pro- 
 mises, and their probable conduct on the morrow, were the 
 subjects of conversation; no one ventured a forethought 
 beyond this. But towards night, on the reading of the pro- 
 clamations, a feeling, not of wrath or of hope, as might have 
 been expected, but of surprise, took possession of the leaders. 
 They said that the act of the government was a declaration 
 of war ; and by such an evidence of energy, they were con- 
 siderably disconcerted. Perceiving that the fanfaronade of 
 speech, and the pen, were much easier than a regular battle 
 against a power armed with troops and cannon, a great many 
 of them shook their heads, and concluded that they had been 
 played a bad trick. It was under this impression that the 
 frequenters of the Beform arrived at the of&ce. About 8 
 o'clock, some fifty republicans, editors, stockholders, and 
 subscribers, had come to the meeting. Their names were as 
 follows : — 
 
 Messrs. Flocon, editor-in-chief, 
 
 EiBEYEOLLES, coadjutor-editor, 
 
 E. Baune, agent of the Journal, 
 
 M. Caussidiere, agent of the Journal, 
 
 GEANDMiiNiL, ex-manager, 
 
 Pascal Dupeat, editor, 
 
 Etienne Aeago, editor, 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 403 
 
 Messrs. Louis Blanc, 
 
 HiBBACK, pastry-cook (I'Bcliiquier Street), 
 
 B. Guillemot, gentleman, 
 
 F. Adam, 
 
 J. Gouache, manager of the Journal, 
 
 Leboeuf, clerk, 
 
 FouENiEB, lithograplier (Dauphine Place), 
 
 Charles Lagrange, 
 
 Martin, surnamed Albert, mechanic, 
 
 De La Hodde, 
 
 Pilhes, travelling clerk, 
 
 JouANNE, keeper of an eating-house, Montorgueil 
 
 Street, 
 Pelvilain, grocer (Mogador Street), 
 Beuet, bath keeper (Quatre- Vents Street), 
 Core, mechanic, 
 AuGiER, editor of the Journal, 
 Chesneau, merchant (Montmartre Street), 
 Louchet, grain-mercTiant, 
 TiPHAiNE, business agent, 
 Garnaux, cashier of the Journal, 
 Sedail, editor of the Journal, 
 YvoN-ViLLABCEAUs, captain of the National 
 
 Guard, 
 Detourbet, captain of the National Guard, 
 Lessee^, captain of the National Guard, 
 TissERANDOT, employee of the stage-coach office, 
 Demougeot, horologist, 
 Dupuis, currier, 
 Desirabodb, dentist, 
 AuBERT-KocHE, physician, 
 Chancel, contumacious, at the trial of Bourges, 
 Favreau, employee of the ministry of war, 
 Chambellant, 
 
 Ret, ex-commandant of the H6tel-de-Ville, 
 Bocquet, ex-adjunct of the mayoralty of the 
 
 12th arrondissement, 
 Desgeanges, wine seller, 
 Duseigneur, 
 
■i04 HISTORY OF 
 
 Messrs. Dauphin, painter, 
 
 MoNGiNOT, captain of the National Guard, 
 Leoiialier, placer of assurances, 
 Galland, inspector of markets, 
 Mangin, student. 
 
 Messrs. Ledru-Eollin, Edgar Quinet, and many others, did 
 not make their appearance till after the opening ol' the 
 meeting. 
 
 In order not to lose time in formalities, M. Flocon stated 
 that he would act as president hinisell'. After n low words 
 upon the condemnation of the Jountal, the pretext for the 
 meeting, he announced that they were ready.for discussion ; 
 to say upon what subject was useless, for everybody under- 
 stood the case. 
 
 M. Baune spoke first ; he attempted to make an expos!- , 
 tion of the state of things, and point out the course that 
 ought to be followed. He was not very clear, and his inde- 
 cision was evident. Sharing in a sort of numbness with 
 which the meeting had been seized, and fearful of going 
 astray, he carefully evaded everything positive ; but, true to 
 his gasconade habits, he indulged in high sounding words, 
 and intrepid tosses of the head. This, however, was not 
 satisfactory; for everybody felt the necessity of something 
 decisive — of a line of conduct clearly marked out. 
 
 The next to speak was M. Grandmenil. He came forward 
 with the air of a man who felt that his opinion was expected 
 as one of great weight ; an illusion of his which no one shared 
 in but himself The viscous style and mighty intellect of 
 the man were, in fact, something to be dreiaded. M. Floooii, 
 whose nerves were all in a flutter on seeing him arise, per- 
 mitted him to give utterance to two or three absurdities, and 
 then gave him to understand clearly that there was not time 
 to listen to any more. 
 
 At this moment M. D' Alton Shde arrived, bringing news 
 from the parliamentary Left. The deputies had held a caucus 
 with regard to the proclamations, and the young peer, who 
 had just come from the caucus, announced that it was a con;- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 405 
 
 plefe back-out. As to timself, he had agreed, together with 
 seven or eight of his confederates, to go all lengths, and be 
 intended to stand by his agreement ; but to this end, he must 
 be assured of an earnest support. 
 
 A burst of bravos followed the recital of M. Alton ; he 
 had conducted himself valiantly, and should not be deceived 
 in reckoning upon the republicans. Sustain him, hey ! why, 
 everybody was ready to do so ; his promise ran no risk of a 
 failure ; they would give him the means to keep it. And 
 while they were thus encouraging him, their faces lighted up, 
 their heads assumed a proud, firm set upon the shoulders, and 
 a patriotic shiver ran through the crowd. M. Louis Blanc 
 caused silence to be restored, and then pronounced the follow- 
 ing words : — 
 
 " After the deputies of the opposition have agitated the 
 country even to its very bowels, do they now back out ! I 
 feel the blood curdling in my veins. Were I to listen only 
 to my indignation, I should say at once, in reply, to such 
 felonious proceedings, let us raise the war-cry and advance ! 
 But humanity restrains me. I ask if we have the right to 
 dispose of the generous blood of the people without benefit 
 to the cause of democracy ? If the patriots should take to 
 the streets to-morrow, abandoned as they are by the men 
 who had put themselves at their head, they would be inevit- 
 ably crushed, and democracy drowned in a sea of blood ; 
 such would be the issue of a conflict to-morrow. And do not 
 deceive yourselves ; that National Guard, which displayed its 
 uniform from banquet to banquet, would join in with the 
 army and deal upon you its grape-shot. You may decide 
 upon iosurrection if you please, but if yon so decide, I will 
 return to my house, cover myself with crape, and mourn 
 over the ruin of democracy." 
 
 This speech was certainly nothing else than the expression 
 of the general sentiment. It explained very clearly the rela- 
 tive positions of the republican party and the government. 
 A revolt in the existing state of the democracy would 
 only have ended, beyond a doubt, in a catastrophe ; and the 
 fact that it has ended otherwise, is due to one of those inter- 
 
406 HISTORY OF 
 
 positions of providence which set all human -wisdom at 
 naught. However, reasonable as this speech seemed to be, 
 it produced but a sorry efiect. The more illiterate patriots 
 generally think that their chiefs, whose tongues are so well 
 hung on ordinary occasions, ought to exhibit in the moments 
 of crisis, something else than mere words of resignation. 
 Such was the case in the present instance ; murmurs of disap- 
 proval fell upon the ears of M. Lagrange, and brought the 
 knight-errant to his feet. His opinion was, that in case the 
 popular lion should give a growl, then to display the banner 
 and grasp the scymitar. But the question was whether the 
 lion would growl or not. In case of silence on the part of 
 said lion, M. Lagrange didn't explain what he would do. 
 
 The secret of this indecision was as follows. The plebeian 
 democracy were perfectly confident in the power of their 
 cause ; but, when a battle was in question, they wanted some 
 influential voice to make an exposition of the resources of 
 the party, and prove that the affair could be safely undertaken. 
 With respect to the leaders, they either deceived themselves 
 or very adroitly deceived their followers; in the first case, 
 they expected, like the others, an expose to confirm them in 
 their illusions; in the other case, they remained silent, leav- 
 ing their comedy until the moment in which it should assume 
 the aspect of a tragedy. 
 
 The speech of M. Louis Blanc did not offer the encourage- 
 ment which was felt to be needed ; and that of M. Lagrange 
 did not appear to be more conclusive. M. d'Alton Sh6e fol- 
 lowed M. Lagrange, and was of. the opinion that the only 
 course to be taken was to address the people a formal recom- 
 mendation to abstain. 
 
 With the view of ascertaining whether the chiefs had any 
 ulterior designs, I took a part in the discussion, and asked' 
 what was to be done in case that the people, of themselves, 
 should decide upon the attack, or should find themselves 
 pushed on to it by some aggression. Persons talked of ad- 
 vising them not to move, but, besides that the people had 
 but few real representatives in the meeting, there was no 
 proof that the recommendation would be listened to. And, 
 
 ■ . .<d 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 407 
 
 moreover, there was but a night's time to give the notice in, 
 which was not sufficient. The meeting were not aware of the 
 fact, perhaps, that in some of the workshops the men had 
 promised themselves a holiday on the occasion of the ban- 
 quet, and was it expected that a simple notice, imperfectly 
 given, would check the suburbs and dissuade them from a 
 spectacle which they had so long anticipated ? 
 
 At these questions, which went to the heart of things, some 
 old mobbers aroused, and then the talk of revolution began 
 to be heard in this assembly of revolutionists. M. Eey, who 
 has since been called Colonel Eey, was explicitly in favor of 
 battle. " If the people take the streets, said he, our place is at 
 their head ; if they are ready to throw up barricades, we, on 
 our part, ought to move the first .paving stones, and fire the 
 first shot. Such occasions as the present one have become 
 too rare to be neglected. Let us show that our trade of re- 
 publican is no child's play, and that when the time comes we 
 know how to do our duty." , 
 
 This was a new shock of electricity sent through the 
 crowd, and the men of action exchanged looks of animation 
 and excitement. M. Caussidi^re, who was waiting like the 
 others for explicit words, then entered into the discussion. 
 He stated that, together with M. Albert and myself, he had 
 just passed through the suburbs (which was false), and that 
 a threatening disposition had been observed there. " I cannot 
 swear," said he, " that they will take the bull by the horns, but 
 there will be a row, and if we don't want to come in at the 
 end of the feast, we must plant our batteries. Let us take 
 some little measures ; it can do no harm ; if there is no fuss, 
 we can go to bed ; if there is one, the people will see that we 
 are occupied with the affair ; that Avon't hurt us in any case." 
 
 M. CaussidiSre, it will be perceived, never lost sight of the 
 interests of the house ; his speech was half warlike and half 
 industrial. M. Eey, who was less calculating, spoke again, 
 confining himself this time to the point of honor, and de- 
 claring that the honor of the chiefs of the party had become 
 implicated in the question. It was then that a voice which 
 had been waited for with impatience, made itself heard ; M. 
 
408 HISTOEY OF 
 
 Ledru-Eollin came forward to -give his opinion. With an 
 air rather disdainful, like that of the pedagogue who sees 
 his pupils engaged upon a difficult problem, he let fall 
 these memorable words : " In the first revolution, when our 
 fathers were about entering upon a conflict, they had prepared 
 for it ,a long time beforehand ; but as to ourselves, are we pre- 
 pared ? Have we arms, ammunition, and organized men ? 
 The government, indeed, is all ready, and its troops are only 
 waiting for the signal to crush us. It is my opinion that an 
 affair undertaken under such circumstances, is the extreme 
 of folly." 
 
 Coming from a man who has since assumed such a high 
 stand with regard to the affair of February, this speech will, 
 appear inconceivablcj and one might readily conclude that 
 he was playing a comedy, as he subsequently endeavored to 
 have it believed when before the court of Bourges ; but I 
 have already said that his theory given put on that occasion 
 Avas the invention of an after thought, and that in giving 
 himself out as a rou^, the celebrated montagnard was doing 
 himself an injustice. The fact is he had had a close view of 
 the picture presented by hig party ; had seen its immorality, 
 its laziness, its foolish pretensions, its malignant rivalries, its 
 utter disorganization, and the smallness of its numbers. The 
 idea of leading all this wretchedness and all this turpitude 
 into a conflict against the great nation of France, made up of 
 holiest, brave, and laborious men, appeared to him as an act 
 of veritable madness. I may go still further, and say, that 
 in the existing condition of things, the prospect of an un- 
 expected triumph of his cause filled his mind rather with a 
 sentiment of fear than of joy. In fact, with but a handful of 
 republicans, greedy and inefficient, he perceived that the 
 establishment of a government would be rendered impos- 
 sible ; and, on the other hand, he could hope for no support 
 except in those bad elements of the country which would 
 be shaken up by the revolution. The position of chief under 
 such circumstances possessed nothing very flattering or even 
 reassuring, and the Tribune had but little ambition for it. 
 I render this justice to M. Ledru-Eollin, and let him not 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 409 
 
 attempt to belie me, for it is useless ; but when the revolution 
 of 1848 shall be spoken of again as conceived, organized, 
 directed and executed by him and his lieutenants, let him 
 silence the speakers, and tell them that that joke has been 
 carried quite far enough. 
 
 The meeting, wholly composed of the men of the Reform^ 
 had nothing to do but to remain silent after the master had 
 spoken. A few objections, however, were hazarded, but 
 without any success. M. D' Alton Shee had already gently 
 rejected the palms of martyrdom; and M. Edgar Quinet 
 breathed not a word. M. Flocon made a few remarks under 
 a diplomatic reserve, and, in short, the question of war was 
 completely abandoned. The only decision come to was the 
 resolution to give the people orders not to make their appear- 
 ance in the streets, and in case of disobedience, which did 
 not appear probable, to mingle with them and observe the 
 course of things. 
 
 The recital which we have thus given may appear an un- 
 becoming raillery. What ! on the evening of the great day 
 the montagnards declared an affair impossible, and interdicted 
 every movement on the part of the people! What! that 
 revolutionary oracle, the Reform, had not the least expecta- 
 tion of a revolution ! Did M. Louis Blanc say, that to 
 attempt it would prove a disaster? and did M. Ledru Kollin 
 say, that to think of it was folly ? What 1 the secret socie- 
 ties had orders not to have anything to do with the manifes- 
 tation, as something too insignificant! What! the general 
 staff of the republican party conducted themselves in' this 
 way on the 21st of February, the eve of that famous move- 
 ment, the glory of which they now so loudly claim. Let 
 those who are in doubts upon this subject, question the fifty 
 witnesses whose names are above given; or even read the 
 Reform of the following day. M. Flocon published the de- 
 termination of the chiefs, in which occurs the following 
 phrase, and which ought to be stamped upon the page of 
 history in letters of a cubit's length : — 
 
 " Men of the people, beware to-morrow of being hurried 
 
410 HISTORY OF 
 
 into rashness, do not furnish to the authorities the desired 
 occasion for a bloody success." 
 
 The desired occasion! this time, good people, you will doubt- 
 lessly be enlightened as to the despicable impudence of the 
 charlatans who beset you. Thus, that glorious national 
 manifestation, that irresistible impulse towards revolution 
 and the republic, was — what ? Why, a provocation of the 
 police ! It is not I who say it, it is the Reform ! 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Dissenting Society begins the moveineiit — The morals of this Society — 
 Scenes at the Place de la Concorde — Tlie gamins of Paris — Barricades — 
 An attempt at assassination — Opinion of the chiefs — Council of war — 
 Pillage — A conflagration — Result of the day of the 22d. 
 
 Hence, there is no longer room either for errors or false- 
 hoods with regard to the following points : 1st. On the 21st 
 of February, the eve of the revolution, the two republican 
 chiefs, Ledru-RoUin and Louis Blanc, rejected the idea of an 
 attack, the one as a folly, and the other as an inspiration of 
 ill fortune ; and with their advice, the general staff of the 
 party decided to abstain and to prohibit the people from 
 taking to the streets. 2d. The Secret Society of the Seasons, 
 the most considerable aad the most serious of all the others, 
 had orders not to move, because the movement was below 
 them. And, exclusive of these two categories, what was 
 there remaining to the republicans ? The men of the National 
 could not be reckoned of the party, for almost 3,11 of them 
 had abandoned the idea of a conflict of arms, and none of 
 them was expecting the catastrophe which followed. The 
 Icarian communists paid but little attention to the move- 
 ment, being convinced that their Utopia had nothing to gain 
 by it. One single fraction had made no engagement, and 
 had received no orders; this was the Dissenting Society, which 
 was ready for anything. It contained, as I have said, about 
 
 jii 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 411 
 
 four hundred members, -without organization or discipline, and 
 was commanded by chiefs of the most suspicious characters. 
 Some idea may be formed of their morals, by the following 
 instance : A dozen of them "were in the pay of the police ; 
 they would go directly to the prefecture, give their informa- 
 tion, and receive in return several pieces of a hundred sous. 
 Since they spent their money more freely than the condition 
 of simple workingmen would admit, they guessed each other 
 out, and subjected themselves reciprocally to a hideous spe- 
 cies of black mail. They would station a watch in the vicin- 
 ity of the prefecture, in order to keep a look-out upon the 
 premises; and when one of their number was seen coming 
 out, they would suddenly set upon him, twit him of having 
 imparted a secret, and then force him to foot the bill of some 
 disgusting orgie. It may readily be conceived, that the 
 loyality of these worthy citizens was exactly in proportion 
 to the liberalities of M. Pinel, who threw them their husks ; 
 so that, when one of them was thanked for his pains, he 
 would immediately set to work conspiring in good earnest — 
 becoming out and out a democrat. Their patriotism was not 
 wholly free from accusations, it is true, but as all the chiefs 
 of the very honorable Society of Dissenters were of the same 
 stamp, no one paid any attention to that. This army, in 
 short, was in every respect worthy of its chiefs, having the 
 honor to reckon among its numbers, drunkards, keepers of 
 girls, vagabonds, and even robbers — all excellent commun- 
 ists, by the way, and boldly declaring that the reign of cor- 
 ruption should cease. 
 
 It was this Dissenting Society, made up of such men, and 
 commanded by such chiefs, that spread itself through the 
 suburbs, and induced many of the workshops to take a holi- 
 day; not that the industrious workingmen were under the 
 control of these wretches, but the banquet was going to be 
 an extraordinary ceremony ; persons of all sorts would pass 
 in procession — peers, deputies, journalists, great patriots, &c., 
 and the people had the curiosity to be present. 
 
 Whether this view of things may please the inventors of 
 epics or not, it is nevertheless true that the revolution sprung 
 
■412 HISTORY OP 
 
 materiall}' from such elements as these — from the dregs of 
 society and from popular curiosity. I must confess, that it 
 is impossible for me not to show temper at that opinion 
 which is so openly advanced, and so foolishly admitted, that 
 the affair of February was a great national and republican 
 movement. What! national, when the glorious Dissenting 
 Society caused it to brealc out ! Eepublican ! When Messrs. 
 Ledru-Eollin, Louis Blanc, and Flocon, on the one hand, the 
 chiefs of the Seasons on the other, and the National and all 
 . the leading men of the party formally disapproved and inter- 
 dicted it ! Of what consequence were the faults of the late 
 government ? If the initiative of a band of scape-graces and 
 the curiosity of the people, had not commenced a mob in 
 Paris on the 22d, would there have been any mob at all? 
 No, for the chiefs of the republican faction had perceived 
 their impuissance, and had prohibited not only an attack, but 
 even a manifestation ; and if thfe 22d, had passed off quietly, 
 Paris and France would have been saved ; that great national 
 impulse so much talked of would not have occurred, and the 
 illustrious republican party would have been left in all its 
 infirmity and insignificance. By no possible means can this 
 fact be annulled, and the country will, ere long, come to re- 
 cognize it. Pompous pretensions and interested declamation 
 have had their day. To say ih^t the fall of the government 
 of July, was owing to this, or to that fault, committed during 
 a period of eighteen years, is an old woman's tale. It fell 
 because at a moment when stoical energy was necessary, it 
 observed a course of imprudent generosity ; it fell as even 
 the mightiest may fall, by a false step, in a monient of dis- 
 concertment, and no one can attribute its fall to any cause 
 but the inscrutable and sovereign decrees of Providence ! 
 
 At about eleven o'clock on the 22d of February, the men of 
 action of the Reform and the chiefs of the Seasons set out for 
 the Madeleine in order to observe the movement. After having 
 examined the masses which were stationed upon the Place 
 de la Concorde, and undulating along the boulevards, they 
 perceived that their men were not among them. The popu- 
 lation in the streets consisted of nine-tenths of the amateurs of 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 413 
 
 public spectacles interspersed. "with squint-eyed patriots and 
 exploring bandits. The blouses were in a majority upon 
 the place, forming groups here and there, while the bour- 
 geois were moving to and fro. There was no noise nor ex- 
 citement ; and much less any settled plan. The policemen 
 had orders not to appear in their uniform — one cause less 
 for agitation ; and had it not been for certain signs which 
 are known by men experienced in such matters, no one 
 would have suspected that the crowd contained any elements 
 of disorder. One of these signs exhibited itself at about 
 mid-day: some weather-beaten patriots, blue in the lips 
 and three sheets in the wind, fell upon a poor devil and 
 began beating him, calling him an agent of the police. I 
 was but a few paces distant, in company with M. Cheneau, 
 a rope merchant of the suburb of Montmartre, and I managed 
 to wrest the unfortunate man from the hands of his assail- 
 ants. Who he was I do not know ; and they who were beat- 
 ing him were certainly no better informed on that point than 
 I was. 
 
 Previous to this incident, an attempt had been made 
 against the Chamber of Deputies. The students, led by the 
 editors of the Advance Guard, had set out from the Latin 
 quarter arm in arm, hat cocked over one ear, pipe in mouth, 
 and, being joined on the way by a group of workingmen, 
 madetheir appearance upon the Place de la Concorde. See- 
 ing nothing extraordinary there, they resolved, by way of 
 giving animation to the picture, to penetrate the Palais-Bour- 
 bon by escalading the iron fence. Several of them carried 
 this project into execution. This was only one of those pretty 
 ways familiar to our bright young men, but the example 
 happened to be a bad one under the circumstances. Troops 
 came up, drove away the students, surrounded the chamber, 
 and posted a guard at the bridge. 
 
 At about the same time a mob was got up by men of the 
 suburbs around the ministry of foreign affairs. They shouted 
 forth the old rallying cry of the virtuous journals — "Down 
 with Guizot 1 Down with the man of Gand 1" and then set to 
 throwing stones into the windows. A messenger, who was 
 
41-i HISTORY OF 
 
 coming out on horseback, had like to be stoned. Troops 
 arrived at this point, too, and drove back the crowd, which 
 flowed off towards the Champs Elys^es. 
 
 These demonstrations were nothing surprising ; the Pari- 
 sians had not had a mob for the space of nine years, and 
 their itching for disorder was very explicable, especially 
 when they found themselves in numbers upon the pavement. 
 The population of Paris, when assembled on some political 
 occasion, is hurried away into aggression as naturally as the 
 swollen Seine rushes to the sea ; and this is a fact which the 
 guardians of public order ought never to lose sight of. , 
 
 Though the dense crowds of the Place de la Concorde 
 vexed and annoyed the authorities who were dispersing 
 them with the cavalry, there was still nothing threatening in 
 their attitude. The most turbulent were at the entrance of 
 the Champs Blys^es, near the river, and they were swept 
 back several times among the trees, but with no success in 
 dispersing them, for they would immediately reform again 
 and press back upon the place. There was among them 
 a number of those m£)rose and shameless children who are 
 called the gamins of Paris, and who form the advance guard 
 of sedition. When the cavalry were returning to their post 
 after a charge, these little wretches would assail them in 
 rear by a discharge of stones. And true to their paternal 
 blood, they soon took the chairs that were along the borders 
 of the avenue and piled them up across the road. This was 
 the first barricade ; but there was nothing serious in it, the 
 passers by kicking it down as they passed along. 
 
 When the gamins had finished this work, they then moved 
 upon the fortified guard station upon the line of the main 
 avenue. Armed with a supply of stones, they assailed the 
 men of the guard, who prudently took refuge within their 
 station ; then approaching the inclosure, from which a dis- 
 charge might have cut them in pieces, they kept up a shower 
 of stones upon the station during the space of a quarter of 
 an hoar. As the guards made no movement, a youngster 
 in a blouse, about fifteen years of age, mounted the inclo- 
 sure, climbed up the front of the edifice, and tore down the 
 
SECRET SOCIEIIES. 415 
 
 colors, whicli lie carried off in triumph. The mounted guards 
 being ©ccupied upon the place did not make their appear- 
 ance during this scene ; but an ii^cident soon occurred which 
 brought them to the spot ; a cloud of smoke, arising from 
 behind the station, showed that the little wretches had set 
 the edifice on fire. 
 
 The crowd continued until five o'clock in the same state, 
 at the entrance of the Champs Elys^es and around the Made- 
 leine. Dispersed at one point, they would immediately 
 reassemble at some other. This contact with an armed 
 force; the excitement communicated from one to another 
 among men who had come together without hostile designs, 
 but who gradually became accustomed to the impression of 
 being in face of an enemy; the gleam of the sabre as it was 
 flourished from time to time above the crowd, and then the 
 sly instigations thrown in by demagogues thridding the mass 
 in all directions ; all this finally gave quite a tingling of the 
 nerves to the more excitable. I was accosted by many ask- 
 ing to know what was to be done. 
 
 " The committee is on the look-out," I replied ; " make no 
 movement without receiving instructions." 
 
 "But if anything should occur, where shall we meet?" 
 " This evening, at the Palais Eoyal, at nine o'clock." 
 I took it upon myself to appoint this rendezvous for some 
 dozen chiefs whom I met with upon my way. All of them 
 complied with my recommendation, and abstained from 
 aggressive acts. Bat the example given by the gamins, and 
 that detestable electricity which pervades a mob of the popu- 
 lace, soon led to the commission of more culpable acts. A 
 group of the Dissenting Society threw up a barricade in 
 Matignon Street, from the materials of a house which was 
 being built ; and in Faubourg Saint Honor^ Street, omnibuses 
 and other carriages were upset. The instinct of disorder 
 soon gained the interior of the city, and the pavements were 
 torn up in Eivoli Street, in front of the Hotel des Finances. 
 In Saint Honor^ Street the crowd had time to erect a pretty 
 strong barricade. At a few paces from there a gunsmith's 
 shop was pillaged ; and at the same time that of Lepage, in 
 
416 HISTORY OF 
 
 Eiclielieu Street, having been broken in and invaded, was- 
 defended by a body of troop. 
 
 By the close of day it was evident that the band of 
 patriotic scape-graces which we have designated, had begun 
 to be decidedly emboldened. In Saint Honor^ Street one of 
 their number threw himself upon old Colonel Bisfeld, who 
 was passing with a detachment, wrested his sword from him, 
 and tried to assassinate him. Others uttered seditious 
 clamors and appeals to revolt. These, it is true, were only 
 isolated facts, and were received by the crowd with evidences 
 of fear rather than of sympathy. 
 
 At the moment in which the act of Saint Honord Street 
 was being committed, I met with Messrs. Caussidi^re and 
 Albert, from whom I had willingly separated. The first 
 shook his head. 
 
 " All this is not clear," said he ;, " there are a great many 
 people here, and that is all; there is nothing that looks like 
 the work of the musket." 
 
 M. Albert was of the same opinion ; he had discovered 
 but a small number of patriots among the crowds of the 
 Place de la Concorde, and confessed that there were no signs 
 of a republican manifestation. 
 
 As night closed in, the men of the suburbs gradually 
 evacuated the vicinity of the Madeleine and returned to their 
 quarters. The idle and curious returned to their houses, 
 and the mobbers dispersed among the wine-sellers' shops and 
 at the corners of dark and narrow streets, where anarchy is 
 wont to prepare for its work. At the Champs Elys^es, that 
 night, there was still another deplorable spectacle. Through- 
 out the day, that unusually peaceful quarter had been 
 frightened by the clamors of the mob ; and to its fears of 
 the day there was now to be added that of a conflagration 
 by night. The wretched street boys who had begun .the 
 disorder, gave the finishing touch to their work by making 
 an auto def^ of the seats of the promenade. 
 
 The day past, the impressions of the republican chiefs 
 were everywhere about the same. They perceived that the 
 government had given proofs of extreme moderation ; that 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 417 
 
 it would hence be authorized to act witli the greater vigor 
 on the morrow ; and that in view of its resources energeti- 
 cally employed, a movement of the people would be checked 
 at once. Such was the opinion of M. Ledru-Eollin, who 
 slipped into the oifice of the Reform in the evening, show- 
 ing himself provoked that an affair had been undertaken 
 in spite of his orders, which he considered supreme, and 
 especially since the responsibility would probably fall upon 
 him, notwithstanding his perfect innocence. This particular 
 concern was, and he showed it repeatedly, that the Reform 
 might be broken up and all its editors and patrons placed in 
 arrest. M. Flocon did not see things in a more favorable 
 light ; he confessed that the affair might end in a death blow 
 to the cause. 
 
 At the National, where the intervention of the suburbs 
 was as much feared as it was at the Tuileries even, the events 
 of the day appeared as an enormous fault ; they cjirsed right 
 earnestly the wretched people who had allowed themselves 
 to be hurried into such compromising rashness. 
 
 The men of action, such as Messrs. Caussidiere and Albert, 
 were not so much frightened ; but even they showed but 
 little confidence. At nine o'clock they arrived at the ren- 
 dezvous at the Palais Eoyal, agreeably to the notice which 
 had been given. The meeting consisted of about a dozen 
 individuals — Messrs. E. Baune, Grandm^nil, Fargin-Fayolle, 
 Chancel, Caussidiere, Albert, Pilhes, Chenu, and myself, all 
 more or less engaged in secret societies, besides several 
 familiars of the Reform, who had nothing to do with con- 
 spiracies, among whom were Messrs. Cheneau, Demongeot, 
 and Boissier. The stops were closed, the lights extinguished, 
 and a sullen silence reigned throughout the palace. "We 
 arranged ourselves in a circle under the colonnade in front of 
 the Lemblin coffee-house, and commenced a confused and 
 embarrassed discussion, in which nothing positive was ad- 
 vanced by any one. We must wait, we- must see ; such was the 
 summary of the opinions. Finally, wishing to know where 
 to find the dangerous men on the following day, I proposed 
 as a place of meeting the boulevard of Saint Martin. I knew 
 27 
 
418 HISTORY OF 
 
 that tlie revolutionists would seek the central quarters of the 
 town, and my object was to assemble them as far as possible 
 in an open place. My proposition was adopted; remaining 
 subject, however, to the course that might be pursued by the 
 men of. the s\xburbs. They had taken to the streets them- 
 selves on that day, but perhaps on the morrow they would 
 not make their appearance. In this case it was understood 
 that no one was to move. Such was the decision come to by 
 those intrepid chiefs to whose supreme direction the public 
 attributes the events of July. 
 
 In the mean time, the conspirators of the Dissenting Society, 
 together with a crowd of mysterious characters whom the 
 excitement of the day had drawn together, were shouting at 
 the wine-shops and swearing extermination against the go- 
 vernment on the following day. Some of the old patriots 
 who had retired from the secret societies were yearning to- 
 wards the musket and becoming very busy. Among their 
 number was M. Sobrier, whom I met with about eleven 
 o'clock at the Post Cofiee-House, Montorgueil Street, in 
 company with M. Pilhes and several others. The feverish 
 organization of this person being powerfully acted on, 
 broke out into frenzied words and gestures. He, at least, had 
 no hesitation ; barricades, battles, proclamations of the Ee- 
 public, immediately, on the spot — such was his opinion. 
 " Do you want arms?" said he; " come on, I've got 'em !" 
 The crowd followed him to his lodgings, Mazagran Street, 
 where he laid open an arsenal of arms of all sorts — muskets, 
 carbines, pistols, swords, sabres, and one blunderbuss ; the 
 whole in a bad condition enough. Every one seized the 
 first weapon at hand, and returned to the streets. Arrived 
 in the midst of the Saint Martin quarter, the crew were 
 stopped by a discharge of musketry, which came from Bourg- 
 I'Abb^ Street. Some of the mobbers had made their ap- 
 -pearancein arms in that quarter, and had a slight engagement 
 with the Chasseurs of Vincennes ; and this was the conclud- 
 ing scene of the day in Paris. As M. Sobrier and his friends 
 were not sure of their arms, and had, moreover, no ammu- 
 nition, they beat a retreat, and, after strolling some time 
 
SEOEBT SOCIETIES. 419 
 
 through the suburbs of Saint Martin, came to the conclusion 
 to go to bed. 
 
 A little earlier in the evening, scenes of pillage and de- 
 vastation, committed under the very eyes of the authority, 
 had occasioned the people much alarm. At BatignoUes a 
 band of audacious men disarmed the guard of the barrier^ 
 and set fire to the guard-house. In Saint Hon ore Street, 
 opposite Coq Street, a shop of military equipments was pil- 
 laged. At a hundred paces from there, the door of Berin- 
 ger's gun-shop was forced open. A strong patrol happened 
 to be passing at the time, and the pillagers, ceasing their 
 work for the moment, cried out at the top of their voices — 
 "Hurrah for the troops of the line !" The commanding officer 
 passed on without noticing, or without wishing to notice any- 
 thing, and the noise of the hammer and crow-bar, which were 
 immediately applied again upon the face of the shop, fell 
 dead upon his unperceiving ears. A degree of laxness in 
 the orders for repression had been remarked from the first, 
 and it was already producing its effect. The greatest evil of 
 the 'hour ■Was the impression which this laxness had made 
 upon the troops ; the events of themselves, though sad 
 enough, had nothing in them very alarming. With reso- 
 lute men and vigorous measures the authority would easily 
 have been maintained on the following da3^ 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII.. 
 
 The intrigue of the Reform — All the patijots dou the uniform of the- Kat- 
 tional Guards — The bourgeoisie of the Siicle — Disastrous mediation — The- 
 Seasons in the boulevard of Saint Martin — Arms given ! — M. Albert ao 
 cused of treason — Concession to the revolt. 
 
 At ten o'clock on the morning of the 23d, a dozen fami- 
 liars of the Reform had assembled in the of&ce, when M. 
 .Flocon entered exclaiming : — 
 
 " You must go and dress yourselves in the uniforms of the 
 
420 HISTORY OF 
 
 National Guard ; those who have not got them must get them 
 from among their friends, from the pawnbrokers, no matter 
 where ; tell all the patriots to do the same. As soon as you 
 are dressed, go to the mayoralties and shout 'Hurrah for Re- 
 form !' Then put yourselves at the heads of the detachments 
 and interpose everywhere between the people and the troops. 
 Go, hurry ! the republic depends upon it, perhaps." 
 
 M. Flocon, though a ridiculous man, is a very serious re- 
 volutionist, and he said the truth: for the republic lay in 
 this manoeuvre. A thousand causes, it is true, might have 
 rendered it a failure, such as, especially, a firm determina- 
 tion to repress every act of sedition from whatever quarter 
 it might come ; but as the government made no use of its 
 natural means of defence, it followed that a gross piece of 
 trickery was to triumph over immense forces and beyond all 
 expectation. 
 
 It was on the evening previous that this idea of disguising 
 the patriots as National Guards, and of misleading the bour- 
 geoisie by simple cries of reform, had been proposed ; it had 
 been discussed by Messrs. Flocon, Btienne Arago, Monginot, 
 and Lesser^, and by the morning of the 23d was fully adopted. 
 The two latter gentlemen, being captains of the militia and 
 on good terms with the National, had undertaken to commu- 
 nicate the plan to the people of that paper, and get their con- 
 currence. They found their men very ready to listen, and in 
 a very accommodating tone of mind. To accept a part in a 
 fine intrigue when not too compromising, is a piece of good 
 fortune which those diplomates" have never neglected. 
 
 But it is well known by every intelligent man that with- 
 out the intervention of the middle classes no revolution is 
 possible. At the beating of the recall on the previous day, 
 but very few of the National Guards had paid any attention 
 to it ; they yielded to that carelessness which shifts one's 
 duties from his own shoulders to those of his neighbors, 
 without reflecting that in moments of crisis every faithful 
 -citizen should be at his post. Perceiving this absence of the 
 men of order, the anarchists conceived the idea of taking 
 their place, of making use of their influence, and of passing 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 421 
 
 off their own sentiments as those of the bourgeoisie. A frac- 
 tioa of the middle classes, who were represented by the 
 &'Sc?e, took apart in the trick; kept in a constant state of 
 demi-aggression by men of sterile rhetoric and paltry ambi- 
 tion, they were ready to become instrumental in every clever 
 machination. With the word reform, the summary of the 
 some dozen of phrases which constituted their vade mecum, 
 they might be led blindfolded into anything, no matter 
 what. The rouis of the radical party had discovered this, 
 and were going to make use of it to their own advantage. 
 
 On the morning of the 23d, the drum had called together 
 as yet only a small body of conservatives, when the radicals 
 invaded the mayoralties with the cry of reform, and installed 
 themselves there as masters. The plain men like M. Alta- 
 roche, and the jugglers of the opposition, such as Messrs. 
 Perr^e and Pagnerre, rushed in with their ambition all on 
 fire, and ready to commit all kinds of folly. The patriots 
 immediately commenced their part, fraternizing to the rally- 
 ing cry, as had been agreed upon ; claiming the expulsion of 
 the man of Qand, and declaring that a contest between the 
 people and the troops was an abomination that ought to be 
 prevented at all hazards. The conduct to be observed was 
 directed to a single point, viz : to prevent all collisions. The 
 National Guards of the Left consider this idea an admirable 
 one. In their innocence, the people whom they were going 
 to let loose by a detestable connivance, would stop at the 
 precise point fixed upon by them ; they were to wrest the 
 portfolio from the hands of M. Guizot, present it respectfully 
 to the chiefs of the opposition, and then ask for nothing 
 more than to repose upon their laurels. "What an incon- 
 ceivable absurdity ! — not in believing in the wisdom of the 
 true people, but in not perceiving that the movement, being 
 undertaken by the dregs of the suburbs, and pushed on by 
 intriguers, would rush into anarchy for want of repression, 
 and lead to the triumph of demagogism ! The whole revolu- 
 tion lies in these three facts — in the blindness of the oppos- 
 ing bourgeoisie, in the frightful drama of the boulevard, 
 
422 HISTORY OF 
 
 and finally, and above all, in the generous weakness of the 
 government. 
 
 At about eleven o'dock, M. Aita'roche, at the head of a 
 company of the 2d Legibn of National Guards, perambulated 
 Montmartre Street, shouting for reform. Detachments of 
 the 8th and 9th Legions came froih the suburbs uttering the 
 same cries. Some companies of the 3d Legion, assembled in 
 the vicinity of the mayoralty of Petits-P6res, also conformed 
 with the word of order. All the platoons marched escorted 
 by a crowd of people, inoffensive at some points, but sinister 
 at others, panting for disorder and shouting in passion. 
 By these latter signs could be recognized the savage bands 
 of conspirators from the barriers. All these men had entered 
 the streets, prowling like wolves amidst the storm, and only 
 waiting for a signal to rush on to the work, of blood and 
 devastation. Scattered through the four quarters of the 
 capital, without chiefs and without instructions, they followed 
 only their own instincts of hatred and rapine. 
 
 One of the first acts of that strange mediation which con- 
 sisted in tying the hands of the troops while the populace 
 were at work demolishing the monarchy, took place at the 
 corner of the street of the Bank. Some of the mob had en- 
 deavored to disarm the post there, but had been prevented 
 by a detachment of dragoons; a party of the National Guard 
 came up, and, deciding that the dragoons had been in the 
 wrong, charged bayonets upon them. Similar scenes oc- 
 curred at fifty different places. In Bourtibourg Street, where 
 a fire of musketry was opened for a moment, the National 
 Guard intervened'; in Eoyale Saint Martin Street, at the 
 commencement of a fire of musketry there was the same 
 haste on the part of the National Guard to check the public 
 force in the execution of its duty. The few patriots who 
 had slipped among the platoons, audaciously took the initia- 
 tive of this manoeuvre, and the whole detachment, either 
 from being duped or from weakness, abetted or let things 
 go on. It must not be imagined that I am here arranging 
 the details of history to suit preconceived theories as other 
 writers have done; the miserable imbroglio which I men- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 423 
 
 tion really had an existence, and was tlie web and woof of 
 the day of the 23d. The effusion of blood was avoided 
 almost everywhere, but solely to the advantage of anarchy ; 
 it was a disastrous re-enactment of the fable of Bertrand and 
 Eaton. 
 
 Towards mid-day, the men of the secret societies arrived 
 at the boulevard Saint Martin, agreeably to the orders which 
 had been given the preceding evening, and finding the posi- 
 tion strongly guarded, fell back into the neighboring streets 
 and commenced throwing up barricades. This work was 
 accomplished in the most perfect security, and during the 
 space of two hours several bands remained in absolute pos- 
 session of the quarters of the Temple and Saint Martin. 
 They were surrounded by a crowd who were animated as 
 much by curiosity as by sympathy. Thus far the mob, with 
 rare exceptions, had no arms. When the barricades were 
 finished in the streets of Neuve Saint Laurent, Notre-Dame, 
 and Nazareth, many of the suburbans, half drunk, foul 
 mouthed, and evil eyed, cried out that they must enter the 
 houses of the bourgeois and get their muskets. One of them 
 had a crow-bar, and others large clubs ; they knocked loudly 
 at the doors, and made known their wishes in a brutal man- 
 ner, threatening to sack the houses in case of a refusal. The 
 affrighted families brought forward the arms which they 
 possessed, and the pillagers wrote upon the doors in chalk — 
 ''Arms given !" 
 
 On every like occasion, the revolt traces its passage by 
 this formula, which is like a seal of defeat impressed upon 
 the houses. Nothing can present a sadder or more demo- 
 ralizing spectacle than this of bandits despoiling peaceable 
 men of their arms, and turning them against that society 
 which they were designed to defend. And it is always in 
 this way that the first corps- of insurgents get their equip- 
 ments, and find the means of arraying themselves against 
 the supporters of order. If asked what remedy I would 
 propose for this disastrous state of things, I should say at 
 once, that every citizen armed by the government should be 
 at. his post when the government is attacked, and not wait 
 
424 HISTOEY OF 
 
 to be disarmed in his house ; and after every rebellion, it 
 appears to me that every member of the National Guard 
 should be compelled either to produce his musket or prove 
 that it has been taken from him by superior force ; and in 
 case of not satisfying one of these two points, he should 
 be subject to punishment by a council of discipline. If these 
 means should prove insufficient, then have recourse to what 
 are called measures of public safety ; for it is highly im- 
 proper that the anarchists should be permitted any longer to 
 use as an instrument of revolutions, what ought to be only 
 an instrument of public peace. 
 
 The true, theatre of public action was the place which I 
 have just indicated, that is to say, the higher points of the 
 quarters of Saint Martin and the Temple. The fermenta- 
 tion there was great, but as to combats, properly speaking, 
 there were none. A strong line of troops closed up all the 
 issues of the square of Saint Martin, but they did not fire a 
 gun. Some Municipal Guards, occupying the street a little 
 lower down, delivered one fire, solely, into Gren^ta Street. 
 Messrs. CaussidiSre and Albert came up at this moment to 
 the rendezvous of the Seascms, and had liked to be hit by 
 the discharge. The few armed insurgents whom the Muni- 
 cipal had attacked, made their disappearance, and as the 
 others were inoffensive, the affair had no consequence. 
 
 At the same moment, a group of the men of the Seasons 
 arrived in Old Temple Street, in front of the house No. 
 131, where M. Albert resided. They came to summon him 
 to furnish them with muskets and ammunition as he had 
 agreed to do. Not finding him, they burst out into cries of 
 rage, and resolved, by the advice of one of their number, to 
 erect a barricade in front of his house, solely with the view 
 of compromising their chief, whom they accused of treason. 
 It may be seen from this fact that the more reasonable re- 
 publicans had not as yet the least hopes of success. The 
 barricade was constructed by the mobbers without their 
 receiving any interruption. But an hour afterwards, as this 
 rampart, which rose as high as the first story of the house, 
 seemed rather annoying, two pieces of artillery of the Boule- 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 425 
 
 vard were brought up to destroy it. A great noise was 
 heard, and two balls came to bury themselves in the mass of 
 stones. This was the only place where artillery was heard 
 during the day. The dozen of insurgents who were behind 
 the barricade, made their escape in a hurry. 
 
 In Croix-de-la-Bretonni&re Street, an engagement also took 
 place between a dozen mobbers and a platoon of Municipals, 
 the first having three of their men put hors du combat. 
 
 Such, with a few events of less note, was the day of the 
 23d until two o'clock. It was at that moment that royalty, 
 deceived by false reports and fatal advice, decided upon a 
 first concession, the consequences of which were to end, in a 
 frightful catastrophe not only for France but for all Europe. 
 
 In view of this immortal lesson, all reflection and all re- 
 crimination is useless ; it is now written in letters of fire and 
 blood, that the authority ought never to yield one inch to a 
 rebellion. Though a rebellion may have the best of excuses, 
 the advantages of its success are always a thousand times 
 less than its evils. 
 
 It may be said that there was no reason for such an aston- 
 ishing measure as that of capitulating to a revolt. What- 
 ever certain writers may have said, there had been no con- 
 flicts of arms worthy of notice on that day, and in the first 
 skirmishes which had taken place, the government had met 
 with no notable check. It is well known, moreover, that 
 only a few platoons of Municipals had been engaged. [I^hat 
 a regular attack, if made by the troops at about two o'clock, 
 would have proved successful, no man of intelligence and 
 good faith can doubt. 
 
 The king was fully aware of the incalculable importance 
 of the act to which he became resigned. That from this 
 moment a reform might have appeared to him necessary, can 
 readily be believed, but that from his own free choice he 
 yielded at a time when it was almost dishonorable to have 
 done so, cannot be credited. He found himself in a network 
 of hesitation, false appearances, cowardice and intrigue 
 which disturbed his- mind and enchained his will. He 
 regarded the movement of Paris as the result of an occa- 
 
426 HISTORY OF 
 
 sipnal disorder seized upon by tlie populace — a fact below 
 the anticipations of a statesman ; and partly from a reminis- 
 cence of opposition among the National Guards — something 
 to be regretted, but of no very serious tendency. The course 
 of condact to be observed in such a state of tbings ought 
 never to descend, the king thought, to an act like that which 
 was proposed to him, that is to' say, a backing out of the 
 authority. If he yielded, it was because he had none of that 
 obstinate vanity which the ignorant have imputed to him, and 
 hence he feared that by rejecting the sincQrest advice of his 
 reputed friends, who were all agreed upon counselling him< 
 to a deplorable measure, he might incur the blame of foolish 
 presumption. 
 
 Let other governments profit by this example ; it is in 
 times of crisis and danger that the true servants are seen ; 
 those who, in such moments, have only words of sadness and 
 counsels of concession, have no regard for their master, thgy 
 look out only for themselves. 
 
 OHAPTEE, XXIII. 
 
 Ferocity — The popular wolf let loose in Paris — The Reform and the 
 National organize a catastrophe — A seditious peregrination — M. La- 
 grange — The pistol-shot of the Boulevard des Capucines. 
 
 The result of the change of ministry seemed to restore 
 the counsellors of the king to their senses. The news was 
 spread at about three o'clock through the popular quarters 
 of the town, and the excitement there almost immediately 
 subsided. The part of the National Guard who were under 
 arms, an army of which the friends of the palace were so 
 much afraid, but which after all consisted of only about six: 
 thousand imprudent men, held in tow by a few dozens of 
 republicans ; this National Guard, a very small fraction only 
 of the bourgeoisie which they pretended to represent, had 
 not in fact any design of going beyond a change of ministry. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 427 
 
 and having accomplislied this, something which they cer- 
 tainly had no expectations of doing, they were fully satisfied, 
 and had no stronger desire than that of appeasing the people. 
 And as this people had also yielded to the itching for assert- 
 ing their authority against the authority, they hailed the 
 change with enthusiasm, and claimed nothing more. The 
 fall of M. Guizot, especially, whom they had been taught to 
 hate, appeared to them as a ma'gnificent satisfaction. 
 
 But just in proportion as the wishes of short-sighted men 
 were ' gratified, the fears of the far-seeing men became 
 realized ; the bands of anarchy which had been let loose 
 upon the capital were not disposed to abandon their prey. 
 "While Paris was indulging the belief that it had been saved, 
 all the men of rapine and blood, vagabonds, communists, 
 men of ruined fortunes, robbers, members of secret societies, 
 and bandits of all kinds, still clung to the work of disorder, 
 and opened the eyes at last of the most blind. The Muni- 
 cipal Guards, particularly, were the objects of their rage. In 
 Bourg I'Abb^ Street, at the store of Lepage, a detachment 
 of these brave soldiers, having been pressed upon by a crowd 
 of roaring blood-thirsty men, owed their safety solely to the 
 interposition of the mayor of the sixth arrondissement, and 
 the colonel of the seventh legion. M. Etienne Arago, who 
 happened in just as these men were leaving the store, 
 revenge slumbering in their looks and their fists clinched in 
 wrath, undertook to conduct them to the Hotel de Ville and 
 be responsible for their safety. But in spite of his efforts, 
 the tigers of the suburbs had liked to glut their rage upon 
 them, for, at the Place de Gr^ve, they rushed upon the 
 unfortunate guards, uttering the sinister cry, "To the river 
 with them !" 
 
 At the moment when the Municipal Guards were returning 
 to the suburb of Saint Martin, all the populace of that 
 quarter set upon them in a fury, overwhelmed them at the 
 entrance- of the barracks, and took possession of the edifice ; 
 and had it not been for the arrival of a company of the 
 National Guards, a horrible massacre would have been the 
 consecLuence. Everywhere the same ferocity was displayed 
 
428 HISTORY OF 
 
 against these admirable supporters of public order, against 
 this corps of honor, the very type of military fidelity. 
 
 And this took place, let it be remembered, after the change 
 of ministry had been made known ; a fact which proves that 
 the reptiles of the lowest mud had become stirred up, and 
 that the retreat of the National Guard had not restored order 
 to Paris. These butchers of Municipal Guards and the 
 ragged bands who were seen passing through the streets 
 panting for blood and pillage like so many apparitions from 
 hell, were the outpourings of the caverns of conspiracy and 
 the dens of robbery; they consisted of some thousand 
 patriots of the secret societies, and about as many robbers 
 who, shouted reform at the top of their voice, while their 
 faces lighted up with infernal fire at the idea of overthrowing 
 society and fastening their yellow tushes upon its very 
 entrails. These men had no chiefs except themselves ; for, 
 as is always the case under like circumstances, the hierarchy 
 was broken. Neither M. Albert nor the other members of 
 the committee of the Seasons could find their men again ; they 
 were wandering in the storm and merged among the groups 
 of the Dissenting Society. A third part of the Seasons had. 
 retired with the National Guard ; but the rest remained upon 
 the pavement, in pursuit of the quarry which they were 
 determined should not escape them. 
 
 Such was the happy state of things brought about by the 
 mediation of the National Guard acting under the combined 
 influence of the Si^ele, the National, the Beform, and a few 
 mock militia men! The rankling sediment of gay and 
 sprightly Paris, exposed to the light by political agitation, 
 had infected society with a disease that nothing short of the 
 most violent remedies could eradicate. The bandits who 
 came forward that day, and who had already on the preced- 
 ing day fanned the fires of disorder among the crowd, were 
 to have free scope until France herself should arise to ex- 
 terminate them. They were allowed to gain their end on 
 the twenty-third ; a conflict with them was shunned on the 
 twenty-fourth, and their next step was to become our masters! 
 They rushed to the work of pillage, ruin, and assassination, 
 
SECBBT SOCIETIES. 429 
 
 and on tte twenty-fifth they demanded that a new reign of 
 terror should be signalized by the adoption of the red flag. 
 On the fifteenth of May they dictated through one of their 
 organs the confiscation of wealth; and, finally, in the days 
 of June, it was in a sea of blood of their own digging that 
 they were overwhelmed by outraged society. How much 
 misery, wretchedness, and disgrace would have been avoided 
 if Marshal Bugeaud had taken the same course in February 
 which was followed four months later by General Cavaignac ! 
 
 Power then had capitulated ; the bourgeoisie of the left 
 triumphed, and the populace opened their cry upon wounded 
 monarchy, like the eager pack when about to seize upon the 
 exhausted quarry. There were other passions, too, -brought 
 in play; the most brutal appetites were accompanied with 
 the lowest jealousies, and the most ridiculous ambition. The 
 pretended chiefs of the party, those men who had prohibited 
 the movement on the twenty-first, perceiving that the weak- 
 ness of the government gave room for ulterior designs, and 
 counting upon making up for a deficiency in influence by 
 audacity and chance, fomented the discord with all' their 
 might. The rou^s of the National, throwing wide the doors 
 to all kinds of hopes, racked their brains in trying to con- 
 jecture the issue of things. The two patriotic journals gave 
 vent to the same idea, viz : that the mob must be resuscitated 
 and agitation carried to the very heart of the populace. 
 The fall of the government, which had appeared impossible 
 on the preceding day, and even on that very day, had, by 
 nightfall, begun to appear possible to everybody ; its moral 
 force was gone. 
 
 M. Flocon on the one hand, and M. Marrast on the other, 
 each surrounded by his own familiars, held eager councils in 
 order to hit upon the desired expedient, while some of the 
 amphibious patriots, such as Messrs. Etienne Arago and 
 Louis Blanc, passed to and fro from one conventicle to the 
 other, seeking to harmonize efibrts, and giving the news which 
 they picked up on the way. They discussed, they clamored, 
 they made a thousand motions, but no one could find the 
 word for cutting this new gordian knot. Some one at the 
 
430 HISTOET OF 
 
 Reform was proposing an open appeal to the people, when M. 
 Ledrn-Rollin happened in, and, more irresolute thaii ever, 
 adverted with bitterness to the sad attempt at authority 
 which they had made on the twenty-first. When they asked 
 him for his opinion, he replied as he had done the day before, 
 by shaking his head, and saying, we must see, we must wait. 
 Such were the instructions which were given by this chief of 
 the party to his own men ! 
 
 At the National, the idea of putting itself at the head of 
 the people could not have occurred to any one ; for the coterie 
 were too well aware of their own unpopularity ; and besides, 
 such is not the way of proceeding with these folk of Lepelle- 
 tier Street. To attack a powerful enemy openly, to his face, 
 is altogether too gross — catch them at anything of the kind ! 
 The most timid or the least greedy men of this cavern of 
 intrigues, were of the opinion of M. Ledru-Eollin, that 
 they must let things take their course, and wait; but the 
 great guns, such as Messrs. Marrast and Eecu'rt, for example, 
 were impatient for, the issue. They believed that a reliance 
 on Providence would do only for dupes, and that well timed 
 measures might give a direction to destiny itself. 
 
 I do not pretend to say, that at a given moment, and under 
 such or such circumstances, these men would have decided 
 upon a massacre for the purpose of electrizing the mob; 
 neither the time nor the means was fixed upon; but that 
 they were determined to provoke a conflict, and only wanted 
 for this purpose an occasion and a proper man, I boldly 
 affirm. 
 
 While these councils were being held at the two journals, 
 M. Sobrier arrived at the cofiee-house des Postes, Montorgueil 
 Street, swinging his arms, tremulous with fever, his features 
 all on fire, and his eyes rolling in frenzy. Messrs. Pilhes, 
 Cahaigne, Boivin, Zammaretti, and three or four other 
 obscure conspirators, followed in his train. Hats, daggers, 
 and pistols were thrown upon the table, and then M. Sobrier 
 exclaimed : " Bring some punch, beer, and brandy, and let 
 every one make copies of the proclamations which I am going 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 431 
 
 to dictate ; proclamations to the people, proclamations to the 
 National Guards, proclamations to the army. We've let the 
 revolution escape ns; but we must not lose everything: 
 ■write !" 
 
 Although known as a crack-brained man, he showed such 
 a degree of ardor and resolution that he was obeyed without 
 hesitation. He dictated the fritters of several haggard and 
 windy phrases, and they were copied down; but, after a 
 moment, on reading over his work, he imimediately aban- 
 doned it ; another idea struck him. 
 
 " We are losing time," said he ; " it is upon the barricades 
 and with viva voce that we must speak to the people ; follow 
 me ! Let the men of the Reform, scratch their ears and brew 
 their notions — action is the word for us." 
 ■ The houses were illuminated from top to bottom, and gave 
 out their floods of light upon groups who were passing in the 
 streets, arm in arm, and chanting victory ; that man, the scape- 
 goat of every calumny and of every odium, M. Guizot, had been 
 overthrown; power had been humiliated and mangled, and 
 now, the joy of the crowd was at its height. The joy was 
 sincere in many respects, and might have served at that mo- 
 ment to distinguish the blind misguided from demagogues 
 and malefactors. 
 
 M. Sobr'ier stopped one of these groups as they were pass- 
 ing along preceded by gamins bearing torches, and, addressing 
 himself to the gamins, said : — 
 
 " Give us your light, for I am charged with reading a pro- 
 clamation to the people." 
 
 The boys mounted with him upon the first barricade; 
 silence was restored, and the madman then howled out the 
 following harangue : — 
 
 "Citizens: The satisfaction given to the people is nothing 
 but a derision. Mol^ or Thiers in the place of Guizot, what 
 matters it to us ! The people have been massacred by the 
 police and the Municipal Guards, and these two corps must be 
 discharged I The rights of the people have been disregarded 
 for fourteen centuries, and they must be solemnly recognized ! 
 
432 - HISTORY OP 
 
 Citizens, you are all summoned to assemble to-morrow at 
 tlie Chamber of Deputies to demand justice." 
 
 Thougb but a few, evidences of applause followed this dis- 
 course, yet the instincts of disorder, which it is so easy to 
 arouse on such occasions, were actively at work ; the idea of 
 remaining masters of Paris another day, and of again treating 
 with power on equal terms, was very flattering and agreeable. 
 But there was not, I repeat it, any ulterior designs on the 
 part of the mass'; the republic was thought of only by a very 
 small minority, and even they still regarded it as almost im- 
 possible. 
 
 Followed by a crowd, which grew larger as he passed 
 along, and preceded always by the torches, M. Sobrier per- 
 ambulated the principal streets of the quarters of Montmartre, 
 Montorgueil, Saint Denis, Saint Martin and the Temple, and 
 at every barricade stopped to repeat his harangue. This 
 exercise, added to numerous libations and a sort of epileptic 
 loquacity which had seized upon him since the preceding 
 day, had so much exhausted him that his lungs were no 
 longer capable of giving forth any but a few inarticulate and 
 wheezing sounds. His companions, who were obliged to re- 
 lieve him from time to time, were no better off, saving and 
 excepting M. Pilhes, whose'lungs had proved equal to every 
 test and whose rough voice, breaking out in sharp quick 
 jerks, sounded like claps of thunder amidst the churme of the 
 hurricane. . 
 
 By the time that M. Sobrier had reached the extremity of 
 the Marais, his eyes were out of their sockets, and, panting 
 and extenuated, he entered a drinking house and fell motion- 
 less to the ground. His comrades followed him; and the 
 crowd, being left without orators, pursued their way and 
 gained the boulevard. 
 
 Other assemblages had also perambulated the city during 
 the evening, seeking to reanimate the mob by their cries and 
 excitations; but that of M. Sobrier was the most consider- 
 able and the one which left upon its way the most detestable 
 impressions. 
 
 That crowd, by turns increased and diminished after the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 433 
 
 disappearance of its chiefs, followed a direotioa leading 
 towards the Madeleine, and arrived, at about tea o'clock, in 
 front of the office of the National. There it came to a halt, 
 by the advice of several National Guards who had but a short 
 time previously joined it. M. Marrast made his appearance in- 
 the balcony and harangued it, in prudent terms, but in such 
 a way as to exasperate it against the public force. He was 
 grieved at the loss of those brave citizens who had been 
 massacred by the troops, and he demanded, like M. Sobrier, 
 that those impious myrmidons should be disbanded. The 
 crowd were at liberty to understand that he meant either the 
 army or the Municipal Guards, just as they pleased. 
 
 When the discourse was finished, a man came forward, to 
 put himself at the head of the crowd, and exclaimed : — 
 " Come on, my friends, forward 1" 
 
 The impression made by this man has remained fresh 
 in the recollection of a great many witnesses. He wore a 
 drab-colored overcoat, and his meagre frame, as it swayed 
 right and left, under an awkward gait, caused his shoulders 
 to be swept by a head of long, brown hair. These traits are 
 enough tp designate M. Lagrange. It is certain that this 
 patriot left the coffee-house of Saint Agn^s at about nine 
 o'clock, and repaired, not to the Latin quarter, as has been 
 said, but to the boulevard ; and it is not less certain that he 
 had a conference that evening with the men of the National. 
 There are many significant facts, moreover, connected with 
 this sinister moment. Tumbrels were noticed in Lepelletier 
 Street, not far from the National; and when the column 
 began to move, at the command of the man in the drab- 
 colored overcoat, it was observed that the red flag was float- 
 ing over the leading ranks ; something which had not been 
 seen before the arrival of the crowd at the office ; and finally, 
 the assemblage, which had been inoffensive thus far, exhibit- 
 ing only a few bad sabres, now contained a great many men 
 armed with all kinds of weapons. All this cannot be denied, 
 and it gives rise to reflections, the importance of which can 
 be easily comprehended. 
 
 Commanded by a chief from the National, overshadowed 
 28 
 
434 HISTOET OF 
 
 by its red flag, and liglited by the torches, which showed the 
 gleaming steel of their arms, the crowd arrived in front of 
 the Hotel des Capucines, where, it is known, a battalion was 
 stationed, charged with the delicate and rigid duty of defend- 
 ing a man who had been marked out for popular vengeance. 
 Though the troops may have allowed themselves an impru- 
 dent fraternization at every other point, they could not do 
 so here. Instead of perceiving and respecting the position 
 of these soldiers, the column of mobbers, with the red flag 
 at their head, and the musket in hand, moved straight upon 
 the battalion, apparently with the design of forcing it to 
 yield, and all the while uttering the judaical cry — "Hurrah 
 for the Line!" The commandant declared that his orders 
 were to prevent their passage; and he urged them not to 
 force him to measures of rigor. The man of lantern jaws 
 parleyed with him for a moment; then, raising his arm aloft, 
 the report of a pistol rung upon the ear, and one of the sol- 
 diers of the battalion fell dead. 
 
 There is a case here which may still prove of incalculable 
 consequence, although it has already been productive of 
 immense disasters. Let us give it a moment's consideration. 
 In face of a large crowd of armed and excited men, who, with 
 the red flag displayed, were assuming an attitude of open 
 aggression, and who had actually begun to make use of their 
 arms, can it not be readily conceived that the more impatient, 
 or the more immediately threatened among • the soldiers, 
 might well have fired without orders, that others may have 
 thought that the order to fire had been given, and that the 
 fire might thus have become general? 
 
 But, on the other hand, that man who gave the signal, the 
 consequences of which were to be a frightful massacre, the 
 annihilation of the act of conciliation of the day, and a 
 redoubling of hatred against the government — has he the 
 excuse of the soldiers ? Can he say that he acted under an 
 impulse, and in self-defence ? Can he expect to be believed 
 if he claims that his conduct was exempt from machination 
 and malice aforethought? No! the design was to fasten 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 435 
 
 the stain of blood upon the front of power, and that blood, 
 as usual, was drawn from the bosom of the people. 
 
 The corpses had hardly fallen, when a tumbrel arrived 
 upon the scene of the drama, and gathered in the funeral 
 harvest. The driver, one Junioux, held the reins, while a 
 troop, headed by the man in the drab-colored overcoat, 
 placed the torch-bearers in front of the carriage, and shouted 
 out—" To the National/" 
 
 It was, indeed, there that the good news, the Ivchy issue of 
 the pistol shot, must first be carried ! 
 
 The National had not taken a decided stand thus far ; it 
 had been content to raise the cry of reform and to compro- 
 mise the National Guard ; but as this explosion of the boule- 
 vard des Capucines had shattered the throne, it immediately 
 set to work to deal the finishing blows. Compositors and 
 employees were, forthwith, sent into the streets. " To the 
 barricades I To the barricades!" became the general cry; 
 all the familiars and partisans, were informed — the hour for 
 the general assault had sounded. 
 
 At the Beform, where the tumbrel arrived about mid- 
 night, after having exhibited its sinister appeal to vengeance 
 through the quarter of Montmartre, the same furious hopes 
 seized upon the mind. " The satisfaction shall be terrible," 
 exclaimed M. Flocon; "let every family see the frightful 
 havoc that has been made, and let tyranny be annihilated by 
 public execration !" 
 
 The tumbrel then resumed its march, and trundled all night 
 amidst the affrighted capital. 
 
436 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTBE XXIY. 
 
 The course that ought to have been pursued on the 24th — Hesitation at 
 the barricades — Royalty talies measures for safety — General Bedeau — 
 Disastrous concession — The Hdtel-de-Ville taken — Conoibat of the Palais- 
 Royal — Heroism and ferocity — Scene at the TuUeries — Abdication — The 
 palace abandoned. 
 
 The Catastrophe of the boulevard des Capucines filled 
 the heart of the king with profound grief. Besides the blood 
 that had been shed — besides the infernal spirit of hatred 
 which that machiflaltion made manifest, the event in itself 
 was big with consequences. It especially rendered impossi- 
 ble that peaceful issue towards which such a serious sacrifice 
 had been made on the previous day. Paris indignant or in 
 consternation; the republicans burning with ardor and 
 hope; the gypsies, vagabonds, and bandits alighted upon 
 the capital like so many vultures upon the staggering quarry; 
 pavements torn up ; the streets striped with barricades ; the 
 trees of the boulevards cut down ; arms pillaged ; balls cast ; 
 bivouacs smoking at the corners, and cries, detonations, and 
 the quick hurried peals of the tocsin calling together the 
 soldiers of the revolt — such was the terribly significant 
 spectacle that met the eye, and showed beyond a doubt that 
 the time for battle had arrived. "What then was to be done? 
 It was a sad, but nevertheless an irresistible fact that war 
 existed, and that the conduct of affairs ought to be turned 
 over to the men of war. If there was still room for further 
 management and conciliation it should have consisted only 
 in issuing a proclamation to the people expressive of these 
 three ideas. The government considered the event of the 
 boulevard as a great misfortune, but the responsibility of 
 which it entirely rejected. The electoral reform would be 
 j)roposed to" the Chambers within a period of three months; 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 437 
 
 Paris is in a state of siege, and the armed force will re-esta- 
 blish order at all hazards. 
 
 Everybody -would thus have been warned, friends as well 
 as enemies, and especially that class of men who were neither 
 one nor the other, but who were unawares aiding and abet- 
 ting in disorder. These being decided would have shown 
 clearly how opinion stood ; the friends would have pressed 
 around the throne with renewed confidence, forming a, 
 powerful fasces of strength, and there would have rema,ined 
 to the disturbers only the demagogues and malefactors, a 
 small, insignificant band, incapable of resistance and unworthy 
 of pity. 
 
 And such was the opinion of the king. In the existing 
 state of things his course was clearly marked out, and he was 
 not wanting in resolution to pursue it ; but a confused med- 
 ley of counsellors, laboring under variant impressions, ani- 
 mated by intentions not wholly loyal, and the greater 
 part of them struck with alarm, had invaded the palace, and 
 were entangling the mind of the monarch in a snarl of words 
 without order, energy, or even dignity. To the urgent re- 
 quests which he made to be precisely informed upon the 
 true condition of things, very few either knew how or were 
 willing to answer. The fallen ministry had retired in a huff, 
 excepting M. Guizot, who, in a melancholy mood, was less 
 affected by his fall than by the embarrassment which resulted 
 from it. The new ministry had not yet been formed. As 
 no one held the position of of&cial adviser, the will of the 
 king remained in suspense, between the silent reserve of 
 statesmen on the one hand, and the contradictory statements 
 of a crowd of courtiers on the other. But finally, a man 
 made his appearance who pronounced some decisive words. 
 Nothing was clearer to him than the evil and the remedy; 
 there was a revolt in Paris, it must be fought and suppressed. 
 The middle classes, it was pretended, supported the move- 
 ment; but a few hair-brained and ambitious men did not 
 constitute the middle classes. And besides, a rebel is but a 
 rebel, whether of the National Guard or anything else. The 
 eye of the king glowed with joy ; he had found a man of his 
 
438 HISTOEY OF 
 
 own way of thinking, and fit for the emergency. Marshal 
 Bugeaud then was appointed commanding general of the 
 troops of Paris. This was a fault, say the good men even 
 still ; for the marshal was unpopular, and could be of no use 
 towards conciliation. A pretty argument, truly ! As if the 
 enemy were to have their choice of the general to be sent 
 against them ; and as if conciliatory measures had not been 
 carried a great deal too far already ! There was no longer 
 room for diplomatizing with the sedition in any way what- 
 ever; it had already gained too much ground, and all that 
 remained to be done was to give it a vigorous defeat, and for 
 that purpose a vigorous man was needed. 
 
 It was three o'clock in the morning. The marshal had 
 twenty-five thousand men under his command, and he im- 
 mediately took measures which were as simple as they were 
 energetic : two columns, one commanded by General Bedeau 
 and the other by General Sebastiani, received orders to force 
 their way, the first to the Bastile, where General Duhot was 
 already encamped, and the second to the H6tel-de-Ville, oc- 
 cupied by General Taillandier. A ministry — Thiers, Odilon 
 Barrot — had just been appointed; this would soon be made 
 known by proclamation, and the generals were to announce 
 it while on their way. It was decided that this condescension 
 should be the last, and that at break of day arms should be 
 employed against all resistance. 
 
 In the execution of these measures lay the safety of France 
 — nothing is more certain. And not so much blood would 
 have been shed as is thought; for General Sebastiani reached 
 the H6tel-de-Ville without striking a Mow, and General 
 Bedeau drew an insignificant fire only at the entrance of the 
 suburb of Montmartre. At bottom, and notwithstanding the 
 almost general demonstrations of hostility, it was stupor and 
 fever that pervaded the mass rather than bad intentions. 
 The republican leaders showed themselves almost everywhere, 
 but as they acted under the pretence of reform, the National 
 Guards and the crowd who considered them in earnest, 
 without ulterior designs, did not exhibit that ardor for a 
 fight which threatened to go to extremes. A large part of 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 439 
 
 the men wLo were occupying the barricades had no serious 
 belief, even, that a fight would take place; the idea and the 
 desire existed only with those bands of old conspirators, and 
 the men of rapine whom I have pointed out. The chiefs of 
 the Reform and the National anticipated, without doubt, the 
 fall of the throne, but not as the result of a conflict of arms ; 
 their chief hopes lay in the concessions into which the go- 
 vernment had so inconceivably allowed itself to be hurried, 
 and in the Machiavelic machinations by which they had thus 
 far so well succeeded. From a regular pitched battle men of 
 intelligence could expect only a catastrophe. 
 
 General Bedeau advanced to the top of the boulevard 
 Poissonni^re, passing by barricades the defenders of which 
 shouted "Hurrah for the Line !" and parleyed with vehemence 
 but without showing open resistance. This conduct threw 
 the general off' his balance, and caused him to hesitate in his 
 duty. He believed that a mere misunderstanding existed 
 between the people and the government, and that to push 
 things to extremes would be a fault. This idea, and the in- 
 decision to which it gave rise, may be considered as among 
 the gravest faults of that day. The resolute march of the 
 general as far as the Bastile would have imparted to the 
 government the only force in which it had been wanting for 
 two days, viz : moral force. The men of good faith would 
 have understood that the authority, after all, must retain the 
 ascendency ; the knowing ones of the republic would have 
 seen their unprincipled rascalities exposed, and the troop 
 of demagogues would have found that a hot reception was 
 in store for them. In adding another evidence of weakness 
 to all those which had thus far been shown by the govern- 
 ment, the general gave a wider scope to that rash audacity 
 and to those criminal hopes which a display of energy might 
 have quelled, or at least very much weakened. 
 
 But, that fatal blindness which seemed to seize upon the 
 general was not alone experienced by him ; it obscured the 
 vision also of men who were reputed the most far seeing of 
 all others. The honorable M. Thiers, charged with the go- 
 vernment together with M. Odilon Barrot, also conceived 
 
440 HISTORY OF 
 
 that things might still be brought to a peaceable issue.' He 
 did not see that the hour had come for asserting the position 
 df the government by vigorous and decisive acts; he had no 
 suspicion that behind the manifestation of the bourgeoisie 
 there lay a diabolical intrigue, plotted and managed by the re- 
 publicans. Informed of the hesitation which was shown by 
 the men of the barricades, and knowing that the cry of reform 
 alone was raised against the government, he decided his col- 
 league, and got the consent of the king to recall the columns 
 which were engaged, and even to withdraiw the command 
 from Marshal Bugeaud — two new concessions. It would 
 seem that there was a determination to yield until the very 
 last, without perceiving that by thus giving way, the danger 
 became more imminent. Several of the officers of the Na- 
 tional (ruards, some through good faith, and others with the 
 view of carrying out their plans, spoke to the generals, and 
 promised a prompt re-establishment of order if they were per- 
 mitted to treat with the people. They were listened to, the 
 city was given up to them ; and from that moment anarchy 
 had its foot upon the neck of royalty. 
 
 General Bedeau being informed of the decision of the go- 
 vernment, countermarched with his column. The National 
 Guards of the Reform and the National, supported by a band 
 of republicans in blouses, followed up the retreating troops, 
 and, while shouting "Hurrah for the Line!" and bestowing a 
 thousand ironical caresses upon the soldiers, despoiled them 
 of their cartridges, compelled them to reverse their muskets, 
 and took away from them two pieces of artillery. Never 
 was a more disgusting spectacle exhibited, or a more impu- 
 dent farce played off under the eyes, and at the expense of 
 men of experience. 
 
 At the same time a scene of more serious consequence was 
 taking place upon the Place de Greve, Some of the men of 
 the suburbs, leaving the barricades where they had nothing 
 to do, moved upon the H6tel-de-Ville, which had been aban- 
 doned by the troops; took possession of several pieces of artil- 
 lery, and invaded the apartments, killing the poor Municipal 
 Guards who had been left without defence. The second posi' 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 441 
 
 tion of Paris was thus occupied by the insurgents without 
 hardly the snap of a gun ! Such success could not be other- 
 wise than perfectly infatuating, and why indeed should not 
 these honest worthies, fresh from their demagogic dens and 
 "lodgings for the night" at the barriers, rush furiously upon 
 a prey that lay so fully exposed to their voracity? The 
 H6tel-de-Ville once taken, a bright idea occurred to all — 
 they must take the Tuileries too! And as from the Place de 
 Grfeve, from the boulevard, from the quarters of the centre, 
 and from all parts of Paris the amazed soldiers were seen re^ 
 turning to their barracks, this army of disorder rushed howl- 
 ing upon the seat of royalty. 
 
 Never will the lugubrious spectacle that followed be effaced 
 from the memory of those who saw it; and never can it be 
 explained how a government, reputed formidable throughout 
 the world, should end in such a cataclysm as this — yielding 
 suddenly to a factitious pressure,, cracking and giving way 
 in every joint and falling in fragments like a castle of cards. 
 
 And not one chief of valor, not one seriously directive act 
 in all this extraordinary movement. The committee-men 
 of the Seasons were wandering through the city without find- 
 ing their men, who were lost among the crowd ; the members 
 of the Dissenting Society were apart, among the wine-sellers' 
 shops near the barricades, and the only conti"olling influence 
 that could be perceived was that of a few rouh, shouting re- 
 form and hurrying the credulous National Guards into the 
 trap of the republic. 
 
 As soon as the H6tel-de-Ville was occupied, one of the 
 chiefs of the Seasons arrived at the Reform with the news. 
 M. Flocon's dignity fairly fell prostrate at this — he could 
 hardly believe in such good news. On being informed that 
 the people had remained masters of the cannons of the Place 
 de Gr^ve, he exclaimed: "But if we are the masters of the 
 H6tel-de-Yille, we must take possession of the Tuileries; 
 bring up the cannons to the palace, and all of us go there!" 
 
 The chief of the Seasons returned to the Place de Gr^ve 
 where he found the populace indulging in the most hideous 
 saturnalia. Some of those frightful little monsters, the ga- 
 
442 HISTORY OF 
 
 mins of Paris, were mounted astride of dead horses and play^ 
 ing leap-frog over them; naked bosomed heroes were stag- 
 gering along, arm in arm, holding each other up and howling 
 out couplets of the Marseillaise; thousands who had just 
 armed themselves from the H6tel-de-Ville were firing into 
 the air in honor of their victory ; a public woman, mounted 
 upon a cannon, was haranguing the crowd in indecent lan- 
 guage — numerous, in short, were the signs of joy, a joy that 
 signified as plainly as words themselves could imply — we are 
 the masters here ; on, then, with shamelessness and debauch ! 
 When the envoy of M. Flocon endeavored to take away the 
 pieces of artillery, the public woman opposed it, crying out 
 treason and myrmidons of tyranny; they wanted, she said, to 
 give the cannons to Marshal Bugeaud; The men who were 
 around her sided with her, and gave the chief of Seasons such 
 ill-omened looks that he thought it best to beat a retreat. 
 
 Since the morning the men of the Reform, barricaded in 
 Jean Jacques Eousseau Street, were passing between the office 
 and the drinking shops of the street, rigged out in a panoply 
 of war which attracted the attention of their neighbors. M. 
 Flocon made his appearance from time to time, and with the 
 air of a general listened to the news and gave bombastic in- 
 structions; he carried his National Guard musket suspended 
 from his shoulders by the sling. Messrs. Baune, Fargin 
 Fayolle, and Tisserandot had fowling-pieces, M. Albert a 
 musket, and M. Caussidi^re a carbine, together with a large 
 sabre of '93 hung from his waist by a piece of string. M. 
 Grandm^nil, the Sancho Panza of the troop, carried the wine 
 which he had drunk at the various stations of the patriots. 
 All these furious warriors had taken no part in the skir- 
 mishes of the day. At the moment when the crowd were 
 being hurried by the instinct for ruin towards the royal abode, 
 and the first reports of fire-arms were sounding from the Palais 
 Eoyal, the band then moved towards the theatre of action, 
 excepting the editor-in-chief, who considered his office as the 
 centre of the movement, and seemed to be afraid to leave it. 
 It will hence be seen what importance is to be attached to 
 the idea that the iJe/brm was the pivot upon which events 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 443 
 
 turned; it had about as mucli to do witli the whirl of events 
 as it had with the diurnal revolution of the earth; some few 
 familiars and the above-mentioned band constituted the only 
 army under its orders. Its influence was felt solely through 
 the few dozens of National Guards which it could reckon 
 among the legions. The secret societies had long since thrown 
 off all subjection and obeyed no one.x 
 
 The National, at this moment, was in a great agitation; 
 not that the direction of the popular bands gave it so very 
 much to do, for the revolution was as far beyond its control- 
 ling influence as it was that of the Reform, but the knowing 
 ones of the establishment saw the waters becoming more and 
 more disturbed, and feared that they might lose their share 
 of the fish. 
 
 It was about ten o'clock when the various armed bands 
 arrived in the vicinityi of the Place du Palais Koyal. One 
 of them was commanded by M. Consid^re, the incendiary ; 
 others by unknown chiefs, brought out like reptiles by the 
 storm. Learning that the post of Chateau d'Eau was occu- 
 pied by Municipal Guards, these men resolved to go and 
 massacre them before proceeding to further measures. M. 
 Etienne Arago, that fly of the coach buzzing about the 
 vicinity, arrived there and endeavored to force the garrison 
 to a shameful capitulation. One of the officers of the post 
 replied that that could not be done, that he and his men 
 would die before consenting to dishonorable terms. "While 
 they were parleying, some soldiers of the 14th who were on 
 duty in the court of the palace, being assailed from the 
 interior, fell back upon the main post and delivered their 
 fire. They were supported by their comrades, and a shower 
 of balls was poured in upon the insurgents, which caused 
 them to disappear in the twinkling of an eye behind the bar- 
 ricades and in the court of the palace. The men of the Be- 
 form, who had just arrived, were on the side of Ooq Street; 
 M. Etienne Arago took shelter behind the fagade of the 
 court, together with a platoon of the National Guards, who 
 were taking a part in the invasion of the palace. Major 
 Poissat, Captains Lesser(5, EaUet, Greinezer, Jouanne and 
 
444 HISTORY OF 
 
 Thomas, and about forty of the patriots of the National 
 Guards, were present. The assailants altogether might have 
 numbered five or six hundred men. 
 
 A hot fire of musketry was opened. The National Guards 
 were followed by a band of pillagers, who busied themselves 
 in alternately pillaging the furniture and firing upon the 
 post. During the space of half an hour the issue remained 
 uncertain, for the combatants on both sides were sheltered 
 from each others' balls. However, the garrison was much 
 the most exposed ; they fired from the windows, and not a 
 soldier advanced to deliver his fire without receiving a whole 
 volley in return. The besieged, expecting assistance, but 
 finding that time passed away without bringing any reinforce- 
 ment, began to grow desperate. They made repeated sorties 
 in order to drive back those of their assailants who ventured 
 o\it upon the place, and if possible to break through their 
 enemy, but at every outlet they met with overwhelming 
 showers of stones and balls. They resolved to hold out, 
 then, as long as possible, and die with honor. 
 
 At this moment one of the insurgents conceived a horrible 
 idea. "We must grill them," said he ; "let us go and get straw 
 and set fire to the building." 
 
 And was there not one single brave man there to chastise 
 that wretch? the reader may ask. Chastise him I — on the 
 contrary, his idea appeared admirable, and was hailed with 
 acclamations of ferocious joy. Immediately some of them 
 ran to the stables of the king near the spot and returned in 
 triumph with bundles of straw. The soldiers could do 
 nothing against them ; in order to deliver their fire they had 
 to lean out of their windows and expose themselves to receive 
 five hundred shots for one. The incendiaries piled up the 
 straw against the walls, set it on fire, and the flames soon 
 arose to the top of the roof. The heroes of the barricades 
 shouted with delight at this spectacle ; and their clamors 
 rose still higher, when some of the other insurgents made 
 their appearance dragging up the king's carriages which they 
 had found in the court of the stables. 
 
SECKET SOCIETIES, 445 
 
 "To the fire! To the fire with them," was the cry from all 
 quarters. 
 
 Bundles of flaming straw were thrown into the carriages 
 and their rich hangings disappeared in a moment. The 
 strange moderators who had thus delivered up Paris to the 
 populace, might now appreciate their work ; the royal car- 
 riages were being destroyed, and the turn of royalty itself, 
 would come next. 
 
 The last hour for the heroic defenders of monarchy drew 
 near ; all hope was lost, and a terrible fate awaited them. 
 They had borne themselves like brave men ; but they had to 
 deal with men whose conduct was that of cannibals. Already 
 the hot walls were reeking like a heated stove ; the wretched 
 soldiers felt their muskets dropping from their burning hands, 
 and soon they began to fall themselves under the suffocating 
 heat. They reassembled their remaining forces, and poured 
 a last discharge upon the enemy — as it were their dying 
 malediction. At the same moment a great noise was heard 
 — the roof was giving away ; and it fell,, burying beneath its 
 burning fragments more than half of the garrison. The rest 
 opened the door and came out, covered with blood, black 
 with powder and fire — a band of brave men whom the 
 savages themselves would have respected ; but the rascals 
 who had endeavored to burn them alive, rushed upon them 
 and massacred them without pity. Not one soul escaped. One 
 of their oflScers, who had at first been spared, was assailed by 
 one of the wretches and run through with a bayonet 1 
 
 And while this butchery was going on, the palace was 
 being salcked by the bands who had invaded the apartments, 
 and the furniture and precious objects were either stolen or 
 thrown into the gutters. One of the invaders had even set 
 fire to the apartments. 
 
 During this combat of the Palais-Eoyal, a fact that made 
 a deeper impression than either the ferocity of the assailants 
 or the heroism of the besieged, was the astonishing inertia of 
 the government. What possible motive could it have for 
 withholding assistance from those brave men who wera meet- 
 ing with such a wretched fate ? Alas ! here, as well as in 
 
446 HISTORY OF 
 
 every other act of the governmenti for the three past daya, 
 we see that fatal spirit of error which was leading royalty 
 inevitably to its loss. Because a few concessions had been 
 made, the opinion seemed to be that it was necessary to make 
 others. The opposing National Guard had been yielded to 
 in the sacrificing of M. Gruizot. Very welll It was ima- 
 gined that this portion of the National Guard, though very 
 small, and by no-means of much intelligence, had a sovereign 
 control of the agitation, and that by leaving them the masters 
 of the pavement, they would make haste to re-establish order; 
 and, in consequence, the command of the troops was with- 
 drawn from Marshal Bugeaud. Let us admit even this as 
 reasonable and politic; but a fact of very significant im- 
 portance then took place ; an important post, within a few 
 paces of the Tuileries, was attacked with peculiar fury ; the 
 Palais-Royal was devastated, and the royal carriages were 
 given to the flames. Was it not high time, therefore, to 
 recognize past errors, and perceive that energetic measures 
 had become necessary for the salvation of the monarchy ? 
 Does it not seem that even the most blind ought to have . 
 comprehended the folly or weakness of that portion of the 
 middle class which were allowed to predominate, and that it 
 was full time to give another direction to the course of the 
 government? But, no! the fatal misconception was to con- 
 tinue until the last. Even at this late moment, a mere word, 
 restoring Marshal Bugeaud to the command of the troops, 
 might have saved everything ; but, instead of adopting that 
 course, see what was done, and observe what took place. 
 
 At the very time when the peals of musketry at the Palais- 
 Royal were sounding, as it were, at the doors of the Tuile- 
 ries, like a horrible summons, the authority was amusing 
 itself in posting up the following proclamation : — 
 
 " Citizens of Paris : — 
 
 The order has been given to suspend firing. We have 
 just been charged, by the king, with the formation of a new 
 ministry. The Chamber will be dissolved. An appeal is 
 made to the country. General Lamori6i&re is appointed 
 
SEOEET SOCIETIES. 447 
 
 commander-in-chief of the JSTational Guard of Paris. Messrs. 
 Odilon Barrot, Thiers, Lamorici^re, Duvergier de Hauranne, 
 are ministers. 
 
 Liberty, order, reform I 
 
 ODILON BAEROT, THIERS." 
 
 Concession upon concession, and nothing but concession! 
 And to show what importance the crowd attached to it, M. 
 Odilon Barrot was hissed upon the boulevard, where he had 
 gone to have himsejf recognized ; and M. Lamorici^re, while 
 renewing his attempts at conciliation in Saint-Honor^ Street, 
 was wounded. Since the people continued their firing after 
 this last act of condescension, it proved that they were bent 
 upon disorder at every hazard; and, since the National 
 Guard did not retire, it was evident that they were either 
 factious or incurably blind ; and hence, there was no other 
 course left to the government than to muster up its resolu- 
 tion, make an appeal to the men of heart, and to assume a 
 bold and unyielding attitude in the face of the rebellion. 
 M. Guizot would have done it ; so would Marshal Bugeaud, 
 and so would the king, who was only waiting good advice, 
 and men of action, in order to decide upon a course which, 
 alone, of itself, would have resulted in safety; but fatal 
 counsels and false information continued to beset him. All 
 etiquette was done away with ; every one was talking at one 
 and the same time, and contradictory propositions were 
 clashing and conflicting in every quarter. In the midst of 
 this babel-confusion — this pell-mell of impressions, by which 
 the king was harassed and worn out, a man of adventures, 
 M. De Girardin, made his appearance, and brutally dealt 
 upon him this knock-down argument — "Sire," said he, "you 
 must abdicate." And everybody, excepting the queen, a 
 saint-like, and courageous woman, urged him to sign the act 
 of abdication. 
 
 "But that is not possible," exclaimed the monarch; "it 
 is not possible that the National Guard can require that of 
 me." 
 
 "No, no!" said a courageous deputy, M. Piscatory; "they 
 
448 HISTOEY OF 
 
 deceive you, sire ; we must figlit, for the course wliicli they 
 propose to you leads to the republic !" 
 
 The king arose and was about to tear up the paper which 
 was presented to him, when suddenly new ill-starred coun- 
 sellors arrived. Among them was a man of suspicious cha- 
 racter, and , of gluttonous ambition. M. Cr^mieux, who was 
 listened to because he was not a friend of the family, and 
 because it was not conceived possible that one could be 
 guilty of perfidy or levity at such a moment. He announced 
 that the National Guard was moving in mass upon the 
 palace, and that not only abdication, but flight had become 
 necessary. Marshal Bugeaud, who happened in, blushing 
 with wrath and shame, and cursing that foolish rabble of 
 courtiers who were so pitifully murdering the monarchy, 
 could not arrest the hand of the king, which had already 
 been extended over the fatal paper. 
 
 "Marshal," said the monarch, "the crown was peacefully 
 offered to me by the people, and especially by the middle 
 classes, and I do not wish to keep it at the price of a san- 
 guinary conflict — my mind is made up." 
 
 And he signed the abdication. 
 
 Together with this act of magnanimity an evil of incalcula' 
 ble consequence was also accomplished. The principle of 
 authority was decapitated ! 
 
 The king had been told that this sacrifice, finally, would 
 be enough ; but within an hour afterwards he was informed 
 that he must think of flight. In fact, the army of burners 
 and devastators of the Palais Eoyal, together with the frac- 
 tion of the National Guard, upon whom had devolved 
 the care of restoring order, moved upon the Tuileries, in 
 order to finish their work. Everything had been granted to 
 them thus far, except the possession of the royal abode, and 
 they now demanded that. All idea of resistance having 
 been abandoned, the gates were thrown open, and that old 
 palace of our kings was delivered up to the populace. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 449 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The true heroes of 1848 — The nomination of three Provisional 
 Governments, 
 
 The revolution, then, was accomplished, and the monarchy 
 destroyed. To suppose that after the abdication of the king, 
 the abdication of royalty would not also be demanded, were 
 absurd. Hence, when the people had got possession of the 
 palace, the democrats began to venture their cries of 
 " Hurrah for the Eepublic 1" A great many seemed to be 
 aroused from a dream by this. "While entering the palace 
 among others, I distinctly heard a party of the National 
 Guard say, as they were coming out — ""What have we 
 done?" The republic, in fact, was hailed only by that ho- 
 norable class of patriots whom we have already sufficiently 
 described, and by whom every political catastrophe is re- 
 garded as good fortune. The ovation made by the Cossacks 
 on their entrance into Paris, has been very much talked of, 
 but, there is no doubt about it, the crowd which applauded 
 at that time, with the exception of a few fanatics, consisted 
 of the same elements as that which bestowed its salutations 
 upon the republic. There are always to be found in Paris 
 some ten thousand knaves, who would overthrow the exist- 
 ing government, and shout, hurrah for the republic, for the 
 empire, for the monarchy, or for anything else you may 
 please, so that they might gain by it, some a week of anarchy 
 and licentiousness, and others, the gratification of some am- 
 bition, hatred, or cupidity. And every revolution, as I have 
 said, repeated, and will repeat even to satiety, comes from 
 this class of men. The faults of the government are the 
 pretence, the impulses of the middle class the motive power, 
 but the real machine that catches our governments, good or 
 29 
 
450 HISTORY OF 
 
 bad, in a horrible combination of wlieels witbin wheels, and 
 tears them in pieces, is this class who have become gangrened, 
 leprous, and ulcered in the sinks and gutters of Paris. I 
 think that I have demonstrated this fact ; if not, I could 
 show statistical details which would convince the most obsti- 
 nate. 
 
 Who, then, were this rabble howling through the apart- 
 ments of the Tuileries after the departure of royalty, 
 breaking, destroying, pillaging, drinking wine by the hogs- 
 head, setting fire to the vaults and rendering a place, respect- 
 able from so many considerations, the theatre of such hideous 
 scenes that even the bacchanalian revels of a gang of galley 
 slaves could alone give any idea of them ? "What men were 
 those who -Were carrying off jewels, precious objects, titles of 
 rents and effects of all sorts? What individual was that 
 who was shouting out upon the place of the Palais Royal — 
 "I must kill somebody?" Who were the men who wished 
 to open the doors to the robbers of the Eoquette, and 
 were marking the houses designated for plunder? By 
 whom were the palace of Neuilly, the railroads, the bridges 
 of Louis Philippe, Asni&res, and hundreds of other structures 
 set on fire ? What nameless thing was that which took aim 
 £kt an oflficer of the Invalids, M. de Saint Grielde, and, with- 
 out saying a word, endeavored to assassinate him? And 
 that woman, on the arm of an insurgent, who stopped a lady 
 passing by, saying — " Citizen, lend me thy gold bracelet !" 
 Who were all these? Were they t)i@ French people? No, 
 certainly not 1 but they were the people of our revolutions, 
 and it is they who have the right to claim the paternity of 
 the revolution of 1848 1 
 
 The part played by the Reform, and National, thus far, has 
 been seen. It consisted in maintaining a cautious attitude 
 and in playing off a few tortuous tricks, some of which re- 
 sulted in blood. Let us now look at the course pursued by 
 the two journals after the victory. 
 
 At about two o'clock, whilst going in a melancholy mood, 
 towards the office of the Reform, I met M. Flocon escorted 
 by Messrs. B. Baune, CaussidiSre, Albert, Tisserandot, Fay- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 451 
 
 olle, and many others, hurrying along at a rapid pace and in 
 a great state of excitement. 
 
 " Where are you going ?" said I. 
 
 " To take the Tuileries," proudly replied M. Flocon, who 
 had not left his office during all that day. 
 
 " But you are too late, it is already taken ; I have just 
 seen a rag-picker rolling upon the cushions of the throne." 
 
 What news ! An emotion of tenderness took possession 
 of the crowd ; they embraced each other upon the spot ; then, 
 as all farther dissimulation became unnecessary, they sent 
 up a loud shout of Hurrah for the Republic ! This done, they 
 hastened back to the ofBce in order to prevent the revolution 
 from being pilfered, that is to say, to cut it up into pieces 
 while still warm and reserve the best parts for themselves. 
 
 A fact which proves the mediocre influence of the journal 
 and its men is, that at this moment when the result was 
 known by everybody, the office was nothing less than em- 
 barrassed by it. By and by some of the patriots come in — 
 M. Louis Blanc in uniform ; M. Thor^, cane in hand ; M. So- 
 brier, armed to the teeth and wilder than ever, and finally, 
 the most of the Familiars. The popular element was repre- 
 sented by M. Albert and M. Chenu. The latter came in at 
 the head of a band of mobbers who were draped, begrimed, 
 and equipped according to the most approved fashion — 
 musket in the fist, cartridge box upon the hip, breast laid 
 bare, blouse dirty, face smutty, the eye on fire and the head 
 seething with wine. The names of the men composing this 
 glorious assembly which was about to dispose of the destinies 
 of the empire were as follows : — 
 
 Messrs. Louis Blanc, Flocon, E. Baune, Caussidi^re, Eti- 
 eune Arago, Cahaigne, Sobrier, Fargin-Fayolle, Albert, de 
 la Hodde, Tisserandot, Chenu, Pont, -Garnaux, cashier of the 
 Journal ; Jeanty Sarre, copyist to M. Etienne Arago ; Augier, 
 cutter of the Journal ; Vallier, a retired captain ; Gras, travel- 
 ling clerk ; Bocquet, a tutor ; Boivin, copper turner ; J. Le- 
 doux, cobbler ; Zammaretti, chimney doctor ; BoUeau, a me- 
 chanic ; Gervais, a mason ; Dupuis, a currier ; Delpeeh, a 
 founder; Tissot, a carpenter, and Gaulier, a vine-dresser. 
 
452 HISTORY OF 
 
 There were besides, tlie servants of the establishnjent and 
 several employes and subaltern editors. 
 
 They were all standing up around the green baize of the 
 editorial table. M. Flocon, the natural president of the meet- 
 ing, declared that the state of things required the nomination 
 of a truly popular government, ajid that it was for the Reform 
 to take charge of that duty.; that important matter should be 
 attended to without a moment's delay, for persons of sus- 
 pected patriotism were already busy upon the subject, and 
 thus, a mongrel democracy might get the upper hand of the 
 real pure. The members of the future government, then, 
 would be put to the vote. 
 
 " I ought in the first place," continued M. Flocon, " to bring 
 to your knowledge this list which has just been sent to me ; 
 it is the provisional government decreed by the National. 
 See whether the names which it contains are satisfactory to 
 you or not." 
 
 He then began reading the names, and called out in a loud 
 voice that of M. Odilon Barrot. 
 
 "Good!" exclaimed the retired captain ; "I recognize the 
 intrigues of the National there." 
 
 " M. Odilon certainly counts for something in the revolu- 
 tion," replied M. Flocon in a sly manner ; "the question is to 
 know whether he is wanted to govern the republic or not ?" 
 
 A formidable No ! emphasized by the butts of muskets, 
 was the response of the whole assembly. 
 
 "I propose M. Ledru-Eollin." 
 
 " Bravo ! hurrah for Ledru-RoUin 1 Agreed! agreed !" 
 
 " Francois Arago." 
 
 " Yes, yes ! Hurrah for Arago !" 
 
 M. Flocon presented for the suffrages of the grand electors 
 "the names of Messrs. Louis Blanc and Lamartine, which were 
 accepted without an opposing voice ; then those of Messrs. 
 GarnierPag&s and MarraSt, which were tolerated. The 
 National had had the impertinence not to enter the name of 
 ,M. Flocon upon its list, and the Reform gave a lesson to the 
 rival sheet by accepting its editor in chief. M. Flocon 
 .thought, perhaps, that in overlooking this error, the same 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 453 
 
 good turn would be done him. the next time; as to this, 
 however, I can't say. 
 
 The famous government, then, was nominated. Highly . 
 satisfied with their work, these palatines were thinking of 
 going to install their elected, when M. Baune showed that 
 he wished to be heard. 
 
 " Citizens," said he, " we have an important vacancy to fill 
 up ; the government consists only of black coats ; it is indis- 
 pensably necessary that a blouse should be added. That 
 would give the revolution its sanction and force." 
 
 M. Gaulier, a vine-dresser, made a bound of surprise and 
 admiration. 
 
 " Famous !" cried he ; " that's what I call an idea ! Let us 
 nominate a citizen of the people ; I am one of them !" 
 
 This zealous devotion to the cause came very near pro- 
 curing to M. Gaulier the honors of the government ; many 
 of his comrades were showing signs of approval, without 
 venturing, however, to express themselves openly, when M. 
 Flocon settled the question, by saying: "I believe that 
 citizen Albert is a fair representative of the laboring classes, 
 and that it would be proper to nominate him." 
 
 "Albert! Albert!" shouted the laboring men, who knew 
 him as a chief of secret societies — -"Hurrah for Albert !" 
 
 The election of this statesman in blouse, which M. Louis 
 Blanc has poetized in such a ridiculous way, was made with- 
 out any further ceremony. There was neither acclamation 
 in the court, which was empty, nor a flow of tears, nor inex- 
 pressible emotion ; such grimaces were wholly out of place, 
 and certainly, the persons present were occupied with any- 
 thing else. 
 
 When the meeting was on the point of breaking up, M. 
 Caussidi^re remarked, that it would be well to provide for 
 two important branches of the service — the prefecture of 
 police and the post-office. " We should have there," said he, 
 solid good fellows, and we ought not to leave their nomina- 
 tion to others." The meeting was perfectly of his opinion, 
 after the supreme chiefs nothing was more natural than that , 
 the inferior dignitaries should be nominated. 
 
454 HISTORY OF 
 
 M. Caussidi^re was proposed for, the prefecture, and he 
 made a great display about accepting it ; it was not a trade to 
 his liking ; he was a soldier, not an administrator ; he would 
 be much more suitably placed at the head/of a legion of vol- 
 unteers than at that of a legion of employ &, etc. etc. All of 
 which was very true ; but what was not less true was, that the 
 good man, vexed at not having a seat in the provisional go- 
 vernment, had no design of allowing the offered compensation 
 to escape him. His resistance was not carried too far. M. 
 Sobrier, who was in a great perturbation about this time, pro- 
 posed himself as the second of M. Caussidi^re. He was neither 
 accepted nor refused ; and the poor fellow owed his nomina- 
 tion to that axiom which says — Nothing said is consent given. 
 
 As to the post-office, M. Flocon offered it to M. Btienne 
 Arago, who accepted it with great eagerness. 
 
 And here, this immortal ceremony came to an end. The 
 characters of the farce were thus cast, and the actors went to 
 learn and play their parts. 
 
 Arrived at the post-ofiBce, M. Etienne Arago presented 
 himself with that aplomb which characterizes his race, and 
 demanded the investiture of the administration. The men 
 of the guard looked at him askance and put' him out of doors ; 
 and M. Chenu and his band had to go and communicate to 
 the rebel soldiers the orders of the sovereign diet, and compel 
 them to admit the new director of packages. 
 
 At the National^ towards one o'clock, the whole commu- 
 nion were assembled in full consistory, Messrs. Marrast, 
 Recurt, Dornfes, Thomas, Garnier Pag^s, Marie and Vaula- 
 belle were there, and also M. Louis Blanc and E. Arago, 
 cautious men, who were glad to have a foothold in both 
 camps. They had just learned the result of the combat of 
 the Palais Eoyal, in which neither of these gentlemen, pro- 
 perly speaking, had taken a part, and it was well understood 
 that the existing state of things could not continue much 
 longer. But the weakness exhibited lay the government, 
 however, was something so inconceivable that they still had 
 to fear that it might arouse, and were prepared at any mo- 
 ment to hear some terrible news. But presently a messenger 
 
SECBET SOCIETIES. 455 
 
 arrived. Did lie bring the bad news anticipated ? Had the 
 troops finally become engaged ? The triumphant air of the 
 messenger left them in but a moment's suspense ; he threw in 
 upon the palpitating assembly these few words: — 
 
 " The Tuileries are taken, and the king has fled I" 
 
 Quick — without loss of time in congratulations, the list of 
 a provisional government, already drawn up, was ' decreed, 
 copied, and sent off to the Reform, the chamber, and the mul- 
 titude. It bore at its head the names of Messrs. Marrast, 
 Marie, Gamier Pag^a, and Eecurt — four men belonging to 
 the establishment ! The next were those of Messrs. Fran- 
 cois Arago, Lamartine, Ledru-KoUin, Louis Blanc, and 
 Odilon Barrot. The work was dispatched with less ceremony 
 even, than at the Reform; the new dignitaries literally and 
 positively nominated themselves. 
 
 People, be assured ! the men who thus shamelessly invested 
 themselves with power, are those puritans who have never 
 ceased harping for a period of eighteen years against the 
 proclamation of the Duke of Orleans by 229 legitimately 
 elected deputies! 
 
 There, then, we have two governments nominated! But 
 this is not all; we are going to see a still more lamentable 
 display at the Palais Bourbon. 
 
 The Duchess of Orleans, with the Count of Paris, arrived 
 at the Palais Bourbon at half past one o'clock. Greeted by 
 loud acclamations, it seemed for a moment that the cou- 
 rageous mother and the orphan were going to retrieve the 
 cause that had been lost. M. Dupin, and after him M. Odilon 
 Barrot, had warmly set forth the reasons of state in their 
 favor as well as the touching position of the woman and the 
 child who confided in the devotion of the deputies. In 
 spite of some opposition from a member of the Eight, the 
 sentiments of the Chamber were evidently tending in favor 
 of the regency; but in the then existing state of things, 
 could the authority of the representatives survive the ruin of 
 the other powers ? Those who entertained such hopes were 
 very soon undeceived. A catch word had already been 
 thrown to the populace, warning them against a surprise. 
 
456 HISTORY OF 
 
 Eemember the jugglery of 1830, said the rou^s, who were 
 engaged in executing the jugglery of 1848. Hence, a band 
 from the Tuileries repaired to the Palais Bourbon, invaded 
 it at the moment when M. de Larochejacquelein was demand- 
 ing that an appeal should be made to the nation. The ad- 
 vocates Marie and Cr^mieux had already spoken before him 
 in favor of a provisional government. The invaders, armed 
 and bearing flags, interrupted the session, shouting out: "It 
 is forfeited ! it is forfeited ! no regency 1" M. Ledru-Kollin 
 had not breathed a word thus far ; but encouraged by the 
 presence of the insurgents, he made ready to speak. 
 
 The reader has had no news of this great man for two 
 days ; but let him feel no uneasiness on that account ; for the 
 tribune, he may be assured, notwithstanding his terrible re- 
 putation to the contrary, is a man of admirable prudence, 
 and will see that his precious person is not lost to the party. 
 During the whirl of events he never set foot in the streets 
 except to steal quietly two or three times to the Beform, and 
 even then casting a look at all the corners of the court of 
 the office to see that there were no commissaries of the police 
 stationed there. As the position of nothing was defined, he 
 had no desire to define that of himself. His opinion, how- 
 ever, had not varied — everything would end in a disaster for 
 his party, and the principal weight of it would come upon 
 the Beform. It is even asserted as a positive fact that on 
 the evening of the 23d he designed to take to flight. 
 
 He did not recover his ajohmb until the 24th, after the 
 abandonment of the Tuileries. On repairing to the Chamber 
 with the conviction of finding everything there in a state of 
 dissolution and of meeting with a triumphal reception, he 
 was very much astonished to hear enthusiastic cries in favor 
 of the Duchess of Orleans, and at finding himself as wise a 
 man of Gotham as before. He took his seat and waited. 
 
 When the first band of invaders arrived, he began to feel 
 symptoms of courage. However, among the uniforms of the 
 National Guards and the black coats before his eyes there 
 were as yet but a few blouses; and these were not his men — 
 not the men who sack and pillage and carry their arguments 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 457 
 
 at tlie point of the bayonet. To occupy time, he entered 
 into a regular lawyer's plea upon the subject of the regency. 
 Some of the insurgents had already raised their voices for a 
 provisional government ; M. Marie had formally supported 
 the demand, as also had that truculent man, the advocate 
 Cr^mieux, whose conduct throughout these events is so 
 miserable. M. Ledru-Eollin still pleaded round and round, 
 until at length some of the legitimist members themselves 
 suggested to him the logic of his position ; M. Berryer cry- 
 ing out to him: "Conclude, then, for a provisional go- 
 vernment !" Besides the excitations which he received from 
 various quarters, a great noise and clamor were now beginning 
 to be heard at the doors announcing the presence of the real 
 men of the barricades. Led by a chief of Bellville, one 
 Bussy, several hundreds of sinister looking suburbans forced 
 their way into the hall ; caused the Duchess of Orleans to 
 retire ; dispersed the deputies, and put the great and coura- 
 geous tribune very much at his ease. There remained as re- 
 presentatives only those who had either been republicans or 
 who had suddenly become such in view of the great and 
 glorious spectacle of the sovereign populace. In presence 
 of this chosen people M. Ledru-Eollin remounted the tribune, 
 and, radiant and intrepid, proceeded to an operation of which 
 I shall give an exact report. 
 
 M. Dupont (de I'Eure) and M. Lamartine had endeavored, 
 amidst the noise and confusion, to form what was called a 
 government, ^nd, satisfied with a pitiful semblance of an elec- 
 tion which gave him a part in the dictatorship, the poet had 
 gone to mount the capitol at the H6tel-de-Ville. M. Ledru- 
 Eollin was determined to render the affair more grotesque 
 still. Addressing himself to the populace, a disgusting 
 mass of passion and drunkenness, which was assuming the 
 investiture of sovereign power — 
 
 "Citizens," said he, "you understand that you are performing 
 an act of grave importance in nominating a provisional govern- 
 ment. What all the citizens ought to do is to grant silence 
 and lend attention to those men who wish to constitute them- 
 selves as their representatives ; therefore, listen to me. We 
 
458 HISTORY OF 
 
 are going to perform an act of great importance. It has been 
 demanded this very moment. A government cannot be nomi- 
 nated in a trifling way. Permit me to read you the names 
 which seem to be proclaimed by the majority. As I read 
 them out, you answer Yes or No, accordingly as you are 
 saljisfied or not. (Very well — Listen) and in order to have it in 
 some way official, I beg the gentlemen stenographers of the 
 Moniteur to take note of the names as I shall read them off, 
 because we cannot present France with names which shall 
 not have been approved hy youP 
 
 This might appear to have been drawn from a piece of 
 Odry, but it is literally exact; the Moniteur bears witness to it. 
 
 The question having been stated in this grave manner, M. 
 Ledru-Rollin proceeded to call out the names in the follow- 
 ing order : — 
 
 Dupont (de I'Eure). (0 Yes ! yes !) 
 
 Arago. (Yes 1 yes !) 
 
 Lamartine. (Yes ! yes 1) 
 
 Ledru-Rollin. (Yes ! yes !) 
 
 Garnier Pag^s. (Yes ! yes ! No !) 
 
 Marie. (Yes! yes! No!) 
 
 Cr^mieux. (Yes I yes !) 
 
 A voice from the crowd — Cr^mieux, but not Garnier Pages. 
 Yes ! yes ! No 1 He's dead, the good man ! 
 
 M. Ledru-Rollin — Let them who are opposed to him 
 raise their hands. (No ! no 1 Yes ! yes !) 
 
 Great confusion ensued, the ayes and noes conflicting ; but 
 without stopping at this slight disagreement, M. Ledru-EoUin 
 resumed in these words : — 
 
 " Gentlemen — ■ 
 
 " The provisional government which has just been nominated, 
 has great and immense duties to perform. We are under 
 the necessity of dissolving the meeting in order to repair to the 
 bosom of the government and take all the measures neces- 
 sary for the consecration of the rights of the people." 
 
 And accordingly, the meeting was dissolved, and the Tri- 
 bune set out in triumph for the H6tel-de-Ville.. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 459 
 
 There existed formerly a celebrated sort of elections, by 
 the practice of which the people of Paris used to be highly 
 di verted — those for the king of revellers and the ki ng of fools ; 
 and what would not have been the diversion of these three 
 elections of the patriotic race if behind this stupendous mock- 
 ery there had not been seen tears and blood, ruin, disgrace, 
 and wretchedness 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The Hfltel-de-Ville^— The delegates of the people — A new provisional go- 
 vernment — General Lagrange — The prefecture of police — M. Sobrier — 
 The companions of the prefect — Order for the arrest of the Duchess of 
 Orleans — Organization of ths Montagnards. 
 
 Theough the inertness of a fraction of the National 
 Guard and a fatal generosity on the part of the government 
 the monarchy had been destroyed, and the republican wolves, 
 prowling in rear of the combatants, had rushed upon the 
 prey to devour it. By republicans I do not mean those 
 legions of imbeciles or intriguants who became republicans 
 from the 25th and who would become royalists to-morrow 
 should the monarchy be restored again; I refer solely to 
 that faction which took its rise in 1830, whose frenetic efforts 
 were vainly directed against royalty during a period of five 
 years, who then relapsed into a state of impuissance which 
 continued for thirteen years, and which was about putting 
 an end to their existence, Vhen they were again resuscitated 
 by an unexpected turn of fortune. 
 
 Four important points were occupied by the revolution ; 
 the H6tel-de-Ville, the prefecture of police, the Luxembourg 
 and the Tuileries. I shall give a sketch of these four centres, 
 and then draw to a close, having reached the limits which I 
 had assigned for this work. 
 
 The persons who had been elected by the three conclaves 
 made their entrance into the H6tel-de-Ville without any 
 
460 HISTOET OF 
 
 parade or display, for the crowd were not only strangers to 
 tlieir grandeur but the place was in the most terrible state of 
 confusion. The arrival of M. Ledru-EoHin alone, who made 
 his appearance escorted by Messrs. Felix Piat, Laviron, Jules 
 Favre, the faithful Glrandm^nil and others, produced some 
 sensation. M. Grrandmdnil bawled his throat sore in shout- 
 ing — " Here is Ledru-Rollin, the friend of the people ; hurrah 
 for Ledru-Rollin !" As this name had some notoriety among 
 the people, rough voices applauded, and a triumph, in a small 
 way, accompanied by incidents not exactly triumphal, was 
 got up for the Tribune. Penetrating as best he might into 
 a hall of the first story overlooking the square, he succeeded 
 in mounting upon a table which, by repeated efforts, was 
 kept from being upset while silence was being restored. 
 The thundering noise finally ceased and the orator delivered 
 his harangue. It has been said and repeated that on this 
 occasion M. Ledru-Eollin proclaimed the republic ; but this 
 is false, as hundreds of witiiesses can testify. Still stunned 
 by an inexplicable victory which he- dared not to consider 
 as decisive, he pronounced a devious and wordy discourse, 
 in which even the word republic was not once mentioned. 
 His text was, that the nation had recovered its rights, and 
 was called upon to assume a form of government. This was 
 certainly not very compromising ; not so much so that a 
 proclamation of the regency would have found M. Ledru- 
 Eollin out of the way. I was present, and can affirm the 
 exactness of my version. 
 
 A little before the appearance of M. Ledru-Eollin at the 
 Hotel de Ville, Messrs. Dupont (de I'Bure), Lamartine, Cr^- 
 mieux, and Garnier Pages had arrived, aud after having been 
 hustled about by the crowd for a long time, had succeeded 
 in getting into a room by themselves. M. Ledru-Eollin 
 joined them, and they commenced their deliberations. It 
 must be said to the honor of these men, who had been thrown 
 as it were by a hurricane into a position which was the more 
 terrible as it was an elevated one, that the fears of anarchy 
 had seized upon them all; the word regency was at first 
 upon the most of their lips. M. Garnier Pages pronounced 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 461 
 
 it without occasioning any surprise ; however, they dared not 
 to venture far upon that ground. The arrival of Messrs. 
 Marrast and F. Arago produced no change in the direction 
 of ideas. And in fact, every one felt that the inspiration of 
 such a moment came neither from reason nor experience, 
 but from the brutal force which was making the very place 
 tremble with its disorders. It was a hard necessity, but they 
 accepted it because power was at that price. In the midst of 
 these impressions, three new sovereigns made their appear- 
 ance, the delegation from the Reform, Messrs. Mocon, Louis 
 Blanc, and Albert. They took their seats without ceremony 
 and entered into the deliberations. The men of the Natwnal 
 and the improvised republicans of the Chamber, looked at 
 them with knit brows. 
 
 " What intruders are these ? Whence come they ?" 
 " We are nominated by the people," said M. Flocon. 
 ".What people ?" demanded M. Marie. 
 " The true people, those who have fought," replied M. L. 
 Blanc. " Do you intend t® put us out of doors ? Quotha !" 
 " Yes, sir ; we cannot deliberate in your presence," said M. 
 Arago, coldly. 
 
 The little man clinched his fist in a rage. 
 " I know you," said he, " you are the Lafayettes of 1848 ; but 
 you will go out by the windows before we go out by the 
 doors, you may depend upon that." 
 
 Crimination and recrimination followed until the illustri- 
 ous assembly had like to come together by the ears as a pre- 
 lude to the reign of fraternity and self-denial. After a long 
 parleying, in which the bitterness gradually gave way to the 
 reflection that the legitimacy of their powers was as liable to 
 suspicion in one case as in another, they finally came to an 
 understanding, every one admitting the sovereignty of his 
 neighbor in order to preserve his own. It was in this way 
 that the quarrel between the blues and the reds commenced. 
 Simple minded men were inquiring upon what grave subject 
 of public interest the new government were then occupied ; 
 — their first care was to try to devour each other ! . 
 
 The sovereigns had not yet come to an understanding 
 
462 HISTOET OF 
 
 when new powers by the dozens rose up around them. In 
 the first place there were the Delegates of the People, who, 
 taking the hint from the mechanism of the elections of which 
 they had been witness, got up a little election for their own 
 benefit. Several hundreds of individuals, without distinction 
 of any kind, republicans of the hour, thought that if the new 
 government had the right to decide the fate of the nation, 
 they, in their turn, had the right to impose their decisions 
 upon the government. Why not? They nominated, no one 
 knows how, fourteen delegates who were to be nothing less 
 than the sovereigns of sovereigns. One of them was a man 
 by the name of L. Devins : a citizen by that name has been 
 condemned for robbery; is he the same one? 
 
 At the same time that this committee of public safety was 
 formed, . another government was instituted; which differed 
 in no way from the rest except that it was more open and 
 frank. It originated among the heroes of the Dissenting So- 
 ciety and the frequenters of the Court of Assizes. 
 
 "They are going to nig us," said one of them; "this is not 
 the way that the people are to be dealt with. Let us nomi- 
 nate for our governors some good fellows who will agree to 
 share with their comrades." 
 
 " Agreed," cried the crowd ; and they proceeded to a new 
 election, the result of which was a dozen honest fellows 
 chosen as masters of France, who scorned egotism and swore 
 not to forget their friends. 
 
 Besides these governments, there was the power of General 
 Lagrange, a power that admitted of no rivalry; it stood alone. 
 The knight of the rueful countenance had wandered through 
 the streets since the preceding day, in a wilder mood than 
 ever, exclaiming: "It is I who have saved France; it is I." 
 Learning that a government had 'been installed at the Hotel- 
 de-Yille, he hastened thither, forced his way into the hall of 
 deliberation and cried out: "It is I, Lagrange! Yesterday I 
 saved France. You want a governor. I nominate myself! 
 Fear nothing, you are under my protection !" 
 
 The Eleven were amazed, but allowed him to go on. He 
 got some epaulettes, a cocked hat, and, posting himself at the 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 463 
 
 door of tlie council, lie replied to the inquiring and stupefied 
 looks that were directed upon him — "It is I, General La- 
 grange ! It is I who have saved France !" 
 
 I am not exaggerating. Every body at the H6tel-de- Villa 
 either heard him boasting, of his exploit, or were aware that 
 he did boast of it. At the prefecture of police, where he 
 went to congratulate M. Caussidi^re, he repeated, the same 
 words. This continued during four days, when it was dis- 
 covered that reason had entirely abandoned him. He fancied 
 that conspirators, concealed in the H6tel-de-Ville, were trying 
 to destroy both him and his government. He presented a 
 miserable spectacle, which had liked to end in a tragedy, and 
 the consequences of which were expulsion and the loss of his 
 honors. 
 
 During these hatefully grotesque incidents, the disorderly 
 bands of the place who were fearing measures averse to an- 
 archy, howled with fury and threatened to sack the Hotel if 
 they were not assured on that point. The Eleven, with the 
 .exception of the four dictators of -the Reform, were in con- 
 sternation; they must either abandon their power or yield; in 
 order to remain the masters of France they must become the 
 slaves of the populace of Paris. The word republic, then, 
 was let loose ; not freely and in a decided tone, but in a tor- 
 tuous, circumlocutory manner, amidst the empty, high-sound- 
 ing phrases of a proclamation. "The provisional govern- 
 ment is in favor of the republic, proyided that it be ratified 
 by the people, who will be immediately consulted." Such 
 was the formula. 
 
 As the masters of the H6tel-de-Ville were unknown to the 
 conspirators, the phalanxes of the Seasons and Dissenting Society 
 did not make that place their rally ing-point; they assembled 
 at the prefecture of police, where M. Caussidifere received 
 them with open arms. 
 
 The prefecture was evacuated at about three o'clock. 
 About six hundred municipal guards were in the court when 
 a loud discharge of musketry upon the quaj"- was heard, 
 fired by a battalion of the line out of complaisance on the 
 arrival of the insurgents. It was known that all was over, 
 
464 HISTOET OP 
 
 and M. Delessert, who maintained his post until the last hour, 
 thought only of securing the lives and the, retreat of his 
 soldiers. At the head of the band of invaders was a company 
 of the National Guards, some of those who had evoked the 
 republic in the name of reform. Terrified at what they had 
 done, they had come to endeavor to save the garrison of the 
 prefecture. One of their number, the Adjutant Caron, came 
 to the gate to parley with the garrison, and advised them 
 urgently to yield the place in order to avoid being massacred. 
 "All Paris had surrendered," he said, " resistance would be 
 useless, and a capitulation not dishonorable." 
 
 "Be it so," said the commandant, "if they will leave us our 
 arms." 
 
 "That is impossible," replied the adjutant; "these men here 
 will never permit it." 
 
 "But when we are disarmed the wretches will assassinate 
 
 us What say you, my friends^" said the commandant 
 
 addressing his men ; "will you surrender your arms?" 
 
 At these words a sombre and terrible expression might be 
 seen coming over the features of these brave men. "Death," 
 cried they, " but in fighting." 
 
 The time was pressing ; the crowd were already surging 
 at the gate and beginning to roar like the storm. Some course 
 or another must be pursued. The commandant asked the 
 National Guards if they would be responsible for the lives of 
 his men; and on being. answered in the afiirmative he gave 
 orders to disarm. 
 
 A spectacle of lugubrious grandeur and thrilling drama- 
 tic interest was then exhibited. The guards broke their 
 muskets upon the pavement, and, tearing off their uniform 
 and equipments, trampled them under foot. Some were seen 
 embracing and shedding tears of shame, while others endea- 
 vored to kill themselves. What an inconceivable fatality 
 that a government with such men as these should fall with- 
 out ofiering any resistance ! 
 
 The municipal foot guards, the most of them with their 
 arms and heads bare, filed out between the two lines of Na- 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 465 
 
 tional Guards, who had the good fortune to secure their re- 
 treat to the Barracks of Tournon. As to the mounted guards, 
 who were also with their heads bare and without their arms, 
 they were permitted to leave the prefecture ; but they had 
 not reached the quay when a discharge of musketry pitched 
 many of them to the pavement. Bravo ! was the cry ; and 
 these heroic men, whom capitulation had invested with a 
 sacred character, were shot down like dogs by the infamous 
 populace 1 
 
 Sudh was the prelude to the saturnalia of the prefecture. 
 A moment afterwards, two men, one haying pistols in his 
 belt and a carbine in his hand, the other trailing along a; huge 
 sabre, bustled into the establishment. 
 
 "Citizens," cried the first, with a rough voice and in a wild, 
 haggard manner, "by the will of the people we have come to 
 take possession of this place; I am Sobrier and this is Caus- 
 sidi^rel" 
 
 Very few of the men of the establishment knew them ; but 
 under such circumstances one does not look closely, and their 
 acquaintance was soon made. Sobrier — Caussidi^re, so be it! 
 They were accompanied to the office of the Secretary General, 
 where they installed themselves, and immediately set to work 
 in drawing up a proclamation. It was that famous produc- 
 tion, written in suspicious French, in which occurred this 
 phrase, so worthy a prelude of what was going to follow : 
 "It is expressly recommended to the people not to quit their 
 arms, their positions, nor their revolutionary attitude, etc." 
 Tile proclamation finished, M. Sobrier, whose exaltation had 
 gone on increasing during the last three days, was finally in 
 a burning fever, and he fell upon a couch in a state of uncon- 
 sciousness. 
 
 At the news of the greatness of M. Caussidi^re, all his pot- 
 house companions hastened to join him. Among the number 
 were M. Mercier, his brother-in-law, Messrs. Caillaud, Lechal- 
 lier, Morisset, Gras, Louchet, Core, Tiphaine, etc., the latter 
 taking with him his whole family. These individuals and 
 many others, among whom was a fencing-master, who was 
 accused, two days afterwards, of pilfering arms and plate, led 
 30 
 
466 HISTOEY OF 
 
 a course of life not above suspicion, and from whicli they had 
 strong hopes that their illustrious friend would raise them. 
 Besides these chosen men, the advance guard of that, famous 
 phalanx who were going to immortalize the place, began to 
 make their appearance. The first was M. Chenu, who organ- 
 ized the first fraction of Montagnards. Then came M. Gal- 
 laud, an old conspirator, recovered since from his illusions, 
 and who contributed towards restoring some order to the es- 
 tablishment ; and finally, the captains of barricades, Beaume, 
 Peccatier, and Helie, the latter accused of antecedents* more 
 than suspicious. All came forward in a murderous greedi- 
 ness, their first care being to find out the rack and drinking 
 trough. The illustrious. M. Pornin did not make his appear- 
 ance till the day following; for, having been jugged on the 
 21st, he could not be with the insurgents during the three 
 days except in spirit. 
 
 M. Sobrier recovered his senses; but not his composure or 
 reason. A vertigo had seized upon him; his movements 
 were furious; his words foaming. Either from jealousy or 
 frenzy, he was haunted with the idea of the provisional go- 
 vernment. 
 
 "Marrasts, Lamartines, and Garnier-Pag^s," cried he, "it is 
 infamous! If we wait till to-morrow before putting those 
 men out of doors, we are lost." 
 
 M. Caussidifere assented very readily to the unworthiness 
 of some of the members of the government; but the ambition 
 of his colleague appeared to him rather dangerous. He had 
 a pretty good place after all, and prudence required that he 
 should not risk it foolishly. 
 
 "A little patience," said he; "what the devil! we must 
 have time to look about us. Let us first count our forces 
 and get firmly fixed in pur position. It will go very hard 
 with us if in the end we do not blow up those gentlemen." 
 
 "Art thou afraid?" replied the madman; "then let me 
 alone and I will act by myself." 
 
 " Let you alone," grumbled the prefect in a low voice ; 
 " that is not exactly the way that I understand things ; I'm 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 467 
 
 thinking in fact, that it isn't I who leaves these premises 
 first." 
 
 The fact is, the division of ■ the prefectorial authority 
 pleased him but little, and he was determined from the first 
 to eject his colleague. There was not much difficulty in the 
 way of executing his wishes, inasmuch as Garnier-Pag^, who 
 came to the prefecture, found in M. Sobrier a fit subject for 
 Charenton. 
 
 The proclamation of the two prefects was sent to the 3foni- 
 teur, but did not make its appearance the next day ; an evi- 
 dence of disrespect by which M. Caussidi^re was deeply 
 wounded, and particularly as he learned that it had been 
 brought about by orders from the H6tel-de-Yille. He per- 
 ceived that he had been appreciated, and was not highly 
 esteemed ; an opinion which was confirmed by the offer that 
 was soon made him by his superior, the mayor of Paris. M. 
 Garnier-Pag^s advised him to accept the government of the 
 palace of Compi^gne, which the munificence of the Eleven 
 deigned to ofi'er him. But this proposal met with no success. 
 The e^-Lime-hiln man replied with his little flute-like voice 
 that contrasted so strangely with his large shoulders : — 
 
 "It is impossible that I should leave this place; I am 
 needed here. There are already below some hundreds of 
 fine lads who are working well ; and I am expecting as many 
 more of them. Should good-will or courage fail you at the 
 H6tel-de-Ville, I will come to your assistance. And the 
 revolution will do a neighborly turn, eh 1 eh !" 
 
 " The revolution ! why, it is over." 
 
 " Bah ! it hasn't commenced." 
 
 The puritanism of M. Caussidi^re, in fact, was never of the 
 ferocious kind, and he would be one of the most accommo- 
 dating men in the world if no attempt were made to wrest 
 the prey from his very teeth ; but he was determined from 
 this hour to hold demagogism unmuzzled and embroil every- 
 thing in order to have a better chance to dictate his terms. 
 
 I arrived at the prefecture on the 25th at about three 
 o'clock. Notwithstanding the danger, it appeared to me as 
 my duty to penetrate that gulf of confusion where I might 
 
468 HISTORT OF 
 
 possibly be of some use in giving a cbeck to anarcliy. I had 
 reasons for believing; moreover, that the originals of my 
 letters had been destroyed, and I felt that I might make a 
 good figure under any suspicions that the existence of mere 
 copied extracts might excite. On seeing me, M. Caussidi^re, 
 •who was burning to show his tact to the provisional govern- 
 ment, exclaimed — 
 
 " Ah, come in then ! you know well that I am in want of 
 some good fellows here ; if the prefecture doesn't show itself, 
 we are flats. Here, take this mandate and execute it imme- 
 diately." 
 
 He handed me a paper upon which I read — "Order for 
 seeking out and apprehending the body of the ex-Duchess of 
 Orleans, and of the ex-Count of Paris, who are probably at 
 the Invalides." 
 
 "You understand," added the prefect, "that with such hos- 
 tages as these, if the counter-revolution budges an inch, we'll 
 show them that we've read our history of '93." 
 
 M. Miot, who was at that time in his woods of Morvan, and 
 who ventures to speak of things which he knows nothing 
 about, has denied that this order of arrest was given. I re- 
 fer him for the facts to M. Beaurain, No. 16, Notre-Dame-des- 
 Victoires Street, who was joined with me in my mission. M. 
 Beaurain passes for an honest man ; and I may add, more- 
 over, that on this occasion he showed himself to be a man of 
 heart. 
 
 On returning from this expedition, which was managed in 
 a way to be of no serious consequence to the illustrious pro- 
 scribed, even though they had been at the Invalides, which 
 was not the case, the prefect took me aside and said — ■ 
 
 " Install yourself in the office of the secretary general, and 
 let it be known that the rendezvous of the true patriots is at 
 the prefecture ; we must have here all the old conspirators 
 and the men who know how to handle the musket ; we can 
 then hold the frying-pan by the handle. Ledru-Rollin, , Floeon, 
 Albert and myself understand each other ; the question is 
 to overthrow the National; that done, we will republicanize 
 
SBCEET SOCIETIES, 469 
 
 the country will he nill he 1 Be assured, we have to do 
 with shy fellows, but we'll teach them a thing or two." 
 
 The idea of M. Oaussidi^re was very clear. It was to sur- 
 round himself with a corps of Janissaries drawn from the 
 dens of the capital ; set up this hideous phalanx as a scare- 
 crow- before the majority of the Eleven, and as occasion 
 offered, to throw them upon the H6tel-de-Ville. This plan 
 was executed ; and it is known that during three months its 
 success fully answered the expectations of the terrible good 
 man. 
 
 From the 27th the prefectare became the head-quarters of 
 the revolutionary populace. The court, the offices of the 
 employes, the halls, all were thronged by a wild-looking set 
 of men, hideous, offensive to the very smell, lounging upon 
 the cushions, or howling among the drinking pots. Nothing 
 can give any idea of the spectacle unless it is a camp of 
 drunken and rampant Cossacks. 
 
 M. Caussidiere was hail fellow well met with his worthy 
 friends, fraternizing and bandying jokes with them, and from 
 time to time inviting the most knowing ones of them to his 
 table. That table, which he has since calumniated, was 
 ^worthy of a much finer if not more gluttonous palate than 
 his. It was furnished by the cook of M. Delessert, in a very 
 aristocratic style, and plentifully moistened with the wines of 
 the ex-prefect. I speak with some knowledge of the fact, 
 having had the sad honor of occupying a seat in it for fifteen 
 days. At first, the desire of exhibiting something of Lace- 
 demonian virtue, had led him to have recourse to the ra- 
 gouts of a neighboring cook ; but he soon got tired of that 
 regimen, and by the end of eight days had come to the con- 
 clusion that extra heating wines and superfine dishes were 
 nothing too good for his honorable self and company. En- 
 chanted with the manners of their chief, the old soldiers of the 
 prefecture conceived a tender regard for him, and swore to 
 defend him to the last gasp. 
 
 In order to derive all the advantage possible from their 
 devotion, he thought of giving them an organization. M. 
 Pornin, whom he had appointed governor of the establish- 
 
i70 HISTORY OF 
 
 ment, received the title of Commandant of the Mon- 
 tagnards, with directions to form a regular battalion. He 
 made up a battalion of three companies, of which the desig- 
 nations and the chiefs were as follows : — 
 
 1st company, The Mountain, commanded by Captain Me- 
 nant, and Lieutenants Javelot and Davoust. M. Menant is 
 the frequenter of obscure drinking shops ; M. Javelot is one 
 of the honorable chiefs of that band of Bobbers called the 
 Materialists Society, and M. Davoust is a patriot of the wrong 
 complexion, as it would appear, since he was requested to 
 take his discharge and not make his appearance at the pre- 
 fecture again. 
 
 2d Company, The 24:th of February, Captain M. Leon and 
 Lieutenants Paquette and Badieux, three hair-brained men 
 who were characterized by nothing in particular, and who 
 were all killed, it is said, upon the barricades of June. 
 
 3d Company, The Eights of Man, its officers Messrs. Dor- 
 mes, Butte, and Guibourg. The first was a ticket taker at 
 the Theatre Histbrique, and the others were bandits of the 
 ordinary stamp. M. Guibourg has rendered himself liable 
 to prosecutions which have forced him to expatriate himself. 
 
 M. Porn in appointed as Adjutant Major of this honorable 
 legion the very honorable M. Helie; 
 
 Not satisfied with having this army at the prefecture, M. 
 Caussidi^re established other companies of the same kind in 
 various quarters of Paris". One of them was stationed at the 
 barracks of Tournon, where M. Cord commanded ; another at 
 those of Petits-P^res, governed by M. Martin, who had under 
 his orders M. Chenu and several other officers. 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 471 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Records of tie prefecture — The secret tribunal of the Luxembourg — The 
 eight barrelled revolver — Poison — Orgies at the Luxembourg — The band 
 of the Tuileries — Finale. 
 
 These dispositions had been made, when a thunderbolt 
 fell upon the greatness of M. Caussidi^re. M. Sobrier, who 
 considered himself a man of first-rate importance, and be- 
 lieved that all the denunciations of the police must have 
 been directed exclusively upon himself alone, had got from the 
 keeper of thd archives the files of papers pertaining to. poli- 
 tics ; and his surprise may be imagined when he found no- 
 thing in them relating to him except a few notes which were 
 as insignificant as himself The files relating to the prefect, 
 however, were very full and complete, and on being opened 
 they were communicated to him without delay. M. Caus- 
 sidi^re fairly bounded with amazement and wrath ; the in- 
 famous fellow who had unmasked him, had given a detailed 
 account of his life from day to day, and, instead of exhibiting 
 him as a formidable man and a matchless patriot, had repre- 
 sented him as an impudent charlatan, a speculator of sus- 
 picious character, an habitual drunkard, and a conspirator of 
 no importance. I am quite certain that had M. Caussidi^re 
 foreseen the curious disclosures that were going to be made 
 from those records, he would have posted his most trusty 
 Montagnards over them with orders to shoot the first one 
 who should venture to touch them. But as it was, the blow 
 had been given, and all that remained was to have vengeance 
 of the traitor. * 
 
 I can very readily say, in reply to a passage in the me- 
 moirs of M. Caussidi^re, wherein he states that he had never 
 held me in any esteem — I can readily say that I have always 
 
472 HISTORY OF 
 
 paid him back liberally in the same coin, and that I have 
 never sought his society nor accepted his services — some- 
 thing which he cannot say with' regard to me. I have freely 
 expressed my opinions to hundreds of the patriots with 
 regard to him. I made no efforts to induce him to enter the 
 association of which I was the principal chief ; and I defy 
 him or any one else to prove that I have pursued any other 
 course than that of getting possession of the moral influence 
 of the conspirators with the view of undermining and de- 
 stroying it. I have had no intimate relations with any one 
 in the way of demagogism excepting M. Pilhes ; I have been 
 in his company daily for a period of three years, but with- 
 out saying a word of secret societies; I believe that M. Pil- 
 hes is loyal enough not to deny this fact, which however can 
 be proved without his testimony. 
 
 The original copies of my letters and other documents were 
 not destroyed ; the private secretary of the ex-prefect, M. de 
 Lachaussde, held them under lock and key in a chest which 
 was in his office. During the events of the 25th, he suc- 
 ceeded, with the assistance of -M. Nabon, chief clerk of the 
 office, in conveying the contents of the chest to the archive 
 keeper, who put them in a sack that had been taken from 
 among the old papers of no importance. This measure would 
 have secured me against all danger, had not an employ^ of 
 the office, M. Martorey, given information of the removal of 
 the papers to M. Elouin, chief of the municipal police. M. 
 Elouin, who would not have even deigned to look at M. Caus- 
 sidi^re the day before, now made haste to tell him everything, 
 mslking, for a smile, a cowardly sale of secrets which in no way 
 concerned him. Although I had not once visited the prefec- 
 ture during a period of eight years, yet my name and the 
 part that I was playing were known, as it would appear, to 
 M. Elouin ; another employ^ also knew that I had formerly 
 manifested the design of aiding the police in destroying the 
 republican party, and both of them had already directed the 
 suspicions of M. Caussidi^re upon me. They were charged 
 with making researches concerning me. After a long ex- 
 ploration, the missing file of papers was discovered. I was well 
 
SEGEET SOCIETIES. 473 
 
 aware that there was a certain distrust hanging over me ; but 
 convinced, as I was, of the destruction of my original papers, 
 I had taken the resolution of holding out to the last. 
 
 One night, at about eight o'clock, I was taken to the 
 Luxembourg — for reasons that I could not possibly conjec- 
 ture. On entering the office of M. Albert, I found myself in 
 the presence of fndividuals whose names are as follows: 
 Messrs. Caussidi^re, Grrandm^nil, Monnier, CaiUaud, Bocquet, 
 Chenu, Pilhes, Bergeron, LechaUier, Tiphaine and Mercier. 
 They began by forming a tribunal, which, though it occa- 
 sioned me some surprise, was not so very astonishing when I 
 reflected that it was a formality frequently had recourse to by 
 the patriots in many cases of no importance. M. Caassidi^re 
 opened the proceedings ; and at the very first words which 
 he uttered I was relieved from all uncertainty. He made a 
 •positive charge against me, without, however, mentioning the 
 material proofs which he had in his possession. Leaning 
 with my back against the chimney, I listened to him, and 
 made preparations for my defence. When he had finished 
 speaking, I made a few paces forward, and as he thought that 
 I was going to take to flight, he threw himself between me 
 and the door in order to prevent it. Drawing out an eight 
 barrelled revolver and levelling it at me, he declared that if I 
 made any attempt at violence or evasion, he would blow my 
 brains out. I had no idea of making my escape, and I told 
 him to put up his artillery, for it was useless. I had taken 
 such prudential measures with M. Pinel, and my position ap- 
 peared so favorable in some respects that I succeeded with- 
 out much-difficulty in destroying the first effect of the accusa- 
 tions against me. M. Caussidi^re allowed me to go on, keep- 
 ing his little eyes fixed upon me, full of venomous irony. 
 Finally, stopping me by a gesture of impatience, he an- 
 nounced that since I was so sure of my cause, he, on his part, 
 was going to show that he had not accused me without due 
 consideration ; and he immediately exhibited the whole bundle 
 of my letters. One of them was signed in my own name ; 
 and it gave such details that I could not say a word in defence. 
 I was overwhelmed ; the thought of the scandal which would 
 
474 HISTOEY OF 
 
 come upon my name and family, tore my heart; and the 
 more so as I could see no possible means, very soon at least, 
 of making known my real position. 
 
 M. Caussidi^re declared that the assembly was transformed 
 into a council of war for the purpose of trying me. 
 
 "My life is at your disposal," said I, "you can do with it 
 as you please." 
 
 I stood resting my elbow upon the chimney, whilst they 
 were deliberating upon my fate. The general opinion was 
 that I ought to be condemned to death. This sentence was 
 put to vote and carried. The next step to be considered was 
 the manner of its execution. Various opinions were ex- 
 pressed ; some were for shooting me upon the spot, others for 
 removing me for that purpose to the garden; but as an exe- 
 cutioner was necessary, and as the trade was rather a danger- 
 ous one, they concluded that it would be best to make me 
 perform that office myself. One of the free and accepted 
 judges was of the opinion that the pistol should be given to 
 me for that purpose. I replied that I would not kill myself. 
 The whole tribunal then assailed me with furious invectives, 
 and declared that I should not leave the Luxembourg alive. 
 
 "Ah, well! you may assassinate me," said I, "but I shall 
 not kill myself." 
 
 M. Bocquet, who was foaming with rage, took the pistol 
 from the hands of M. Caussidi&re, and thrusting it into my 
 very face, exclaimed: — 
 
 " Here, coward that thou art, take this and blow thy brains 
 out, or I will do it myself!" 
 
 A shuddering sensation ran through my frame; I raised 
 my hand to take the weapon, determined that the head of that 
 miserable pedant, who would have trembled before me if we 
 had been alone, should receive its contents before mine, when 
 one of the assassins cried out to him not to let go the pistol. 
 
 " A murder must not be committed here," said M. Albert, 
 "especially by means of fire-arms; the report would throw 
 the whole palace into disorder, and that would be a terrible 
 affair." ' 
 
 "However, he must die," said the prefect; "he knows too 
 
SECEET SOCIETIES. 475 
 
 much ; what lie has seen, first and last, might ruin us forever. 
 Instead of the pistol we may use poison; I've brought some." 
 
 M. Bocquet leaped with joy. 
 
 "I have said that I would not kill myself," I replied; "will 
 you make me take poison by force?" 
 
 "Yes, if necessary," said M. Caussidifere; "thou canst 
 not live much longer." 
 
 The moment had arrived when the scoundrels were going 
 to bind me in order to force me to swallow the mortal drug. 
 Without means of defence or escape, I gave up and recom- 
 mended my soul to God. 
 
 But the unbridled fury of some of the free and accepted 
 judges had begun to produce a reaction among the others; 
 M. Albert was the first to say that I must be let alone and 
 that the affair should be carried no further. . As the majority, 
 though still making preparations to massacre me, could not 
 regard the consequences of their criminal intentions without 
 terror, the ideas of death began to subside ; and the prefect 
 announced that I should be taken to prison and turned over 
 to justice. 
 
 This resolution appeared to me more horrible than all the 
 rest. A trial — the scandal of the affair when brought before 
 the courts, under the existing circumstances wherein every 
 attempt at defence would be in vain — all this frightened me, 
 and I was in despair. 
 
 "You have no right to imprison me," said I-, "the law has 
 nothing to do with the case ; I do not wish to go to prison, 
 and I will not." 
 
 The ferocious tribunal hesitated. Seeing that they began 
 to consult, I went to M. Caussidi^re and beseeched him to 
 revoke his decision. He repulsed me brutally; but as I ap- 
 peared determined to offer resistance, he agreed to detain me 
 only a few days and keep the affair secret in consideration of 
 my family. 
 
 On leaving the palace, he offered me his arm, doubtlessly 
 for the better making sure of me. 
 
 " There is no need of your holding me," said I ; " since you 
 have promised to avoid scandal, I am ready to follow you." 
 
476 HISTOBY OF 
 
 I was led to the depot, and from there to prison, where I 
 ■was kept during the two months and a half which elapsed 
 before the fall of the prefect of February. I was subjected 
 to an examination which no one dared to continue, so absurd 
 did it appear, and so deserving of the scorn with which I 
 treated it. As to the promise of the loyal M. CaussidiSre, he 
 kept it by placarding me that very night in the Commune 
 (newspaper) of M. Sobrier, as the hero of an adventure, but, 
 taking good care, however, to arrange the scene of the Lux- 
 embourg in such a way as not to compromise himself. 
 
 Such is the truth with regard to the affair of the Luxem- 
 bourg ; I have neither exaggerated nor exte.nuated, but have 
 given the facts. * 
 
 The scenes that took place afterwards at the prefecture, 
 the gay light-hearted rascalities, the ambitiously stupid plans 
 and Homeric boon companionship of M. CaussidiSre, of M. 
 Pornin and his patriotic crew — all this -is beyond my as- 
 signed limits ; it has already been portrayed by a masterly 
 hand, in bold touches and of frightful verity ; I could neither 
 better it nor render it more exact. 
 
 Before taking leave of the prefecture, I must relate a single 
 anecdote connected with it. M. Sobrier, being obliged to 
 give up his share of the prefectorial authority, immediately 
 set to work to invest himself with a power of a difierent kind. 
 He assembled a dozen old patriots, and got up together with 
 them a handbill, of which the substance was as follows : 
 " The ancient measures of Marat must again be brought in 
 force ; a system of delation and epuration must be organ- 
 ized, and the government compelled to admit our creatures. 
 To this end, a committee formed of old conspirators, has just 
 been nominated and is already occupied with its lahors; 
 every citizen is invited to bring his denunciations before -it." 
 
 The signers of this document were Messrs. Sobrier, Ber- 
 geron, Pilhes, Felix Pyat, Cahaigne, and seven or eight 
 others. It was posted up in Paris, occasioning some alarm 
 to the peaceable citizens, and not a little jealousy among the 
 intriguants, who, if they could only get their names upon 
 such an instrument as that, fancied that the road to honors 
 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 477 
 
 would be opened to them at once. The next day, as M. So- 
 brier was reading his master-piece over again upon the walls, 
 what was not his astonishment to find that a name had been 
 inserted among those of the signers which he had had no 
 idea of having there. It was that of M. Bareste, the editor- 
 in-chief of the Republic. This honest man, as it is left to be 
 inferred, had had some new copies of the document struck 
 off in which he had interpolated his own name. But to 
 show the mock patriot that he was known, orders were given 
 to tear down all the placards, and others were put up, from 
 which the intruder's name was ignominiously stricken out. 
 
 All the birds of prey of the secret societies had alighted 
 upon the prefecture. But when M. Albert had established 
 himself at the Luxembourg, a party of his old companions 
 joined him there, and had the satisfaction of a demagogic re- 
 gency there too. Festivities without name were got up at 
 the Petit- Luxembourg, which was placed at the disposal of 
 these wretches. The Pornin of the place was an ancient chief 
 of group of the Seasons, by the name of Barbier. During 
 the day he led his men to listen to the preaching of Louis 
 Blanc, and at night, he presided at the diversions upon the 
 grass-plots of the garden; The wine of the grand referend- 
 ary, brought by the pitcherful, moistened the palates of the 
 patriots and their poetic mistressesj dames taken from the 
 harems of the city or from the barriers. M. Albert yielded 
 to the torrent through weakness. One day, M. Henry, that 
 mercenary idiot who simulated a regicide by way of a spe- 
 culation, called on the dictator in blouse, and reminded him 
 of that exploit ; and M. Albert gave him a note for 1000 
 francs. A chest was established at the Luxembourg, sup- 
 plied with public funds, for the payment of claims for politi- 
 cal services ; and crowds of persons, of whom the sharpers 
 were not among the last, were dipping into it, morning, 
 noon, and night. Messrs. Grandm^nil, Barbier, and L'Heri- 
 tier (de I'Ain) drew up the bills, which M. Albert decorated 
 with his signature without looking at them. Finally, he 
 even signed his name for blank amounts. To every patriot 
 who presented himself with dirty hands, a hoarse voice, and