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 Cornell Ilenorah Society 
 
Cornell University Library 
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 3 1924 028 579 294 
 
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The original of this book is in 
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MOVEMENTS IN JUDAISM 
 
 ZIONISM 
 
 BY 
 
 RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL 
 
 Professor of Semitic Languages in Columbia University, New York 
 Sometime President of the Federation of American Zionists 
 
 Philadelphia 
 The Jewish Publication Society of America 
 
 1914 
 
 /v^:^ 
 
 rV 
 
 ,^^(1. 
 
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 / 
 
Copyright, 1914, 
 
 BY 
 
 The Jewish Publication Society of America 
 
TO 
 
 E. G. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Foreword 13 
 
 I. The Pre-Herzlites 17 
 
 II. The Colonization of Palestine 48 
 
 III. Leo PiNSKER AND Autoemancipation 60 
 
 IV. Theodor Herzl iz 
 
 V. The Jewish Congress 108 
 
 VI. The Post-Herzlian Period 143 
 
 VII. Some Phases of Zionistic Theory 165 
 
 VIII. Ahad ha-Am and the Philosophy OF Jewish History. 181 
 
 IX. Zionism and the Western Jews 198 
 
 Notes 217 
 
 Bibliography 233 
 
 Index * 235 
 
 9 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) Frontispiect 
 
 Moses Hess (1812-1875) facing page 36 
 
 Leo PiNSKER (1821-1891) " " 66 
 
 The Second Congress, Basel, August 28-31, 
 
 1898 folioiuing * ' 92 
 
 Medal Struck IN Honor OF THE Second Congress, /afiw^ " 124 
 Certificate of an Inscription in the Golden 
 
 Book of the Jewish National Fund " " 156 
 
 Six Stamps of the Jewish National Fund " ** 188 
 
 ^ 
 
 11 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 It was with much pleasure that I accepted the 
 mandate, offered to me by The Jewish Publication 
 Society of America, to contribute an essay on Zion- 
 ism as one of a series dealing with prominent 
 Jewish movements. Whichever side of the ques- 
 tion appeals to us, we must all recognize that under 
 the name Zionism a solution of the Jewish problem 
 has been presented which must be of much moment 
 for the future of the Jewish people. I venture to 
 think that it is the only solution and to hold that the 
 weal or woe of our race depends upon our espousal 
 or rejection of it. In saying so much, I am prac- 
 tically affirming my standpoint. I make no excuse 
 for the trend of my thought. I have written 
 frankly as a Zionist, and I believe that the Publi- 
 cation Society and its many members will be served 
 best by the presentation of all such subjects at the 
 hand of those whose sympathy for them has made 
 them able to understand their essence. Above all, 
 I have been mindful of the advice given by the 
 
 2 13 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 philosopher on the throne of the Caesars, *' Let 
 there be in your speech an accent of heroic truth." 
 
 It is sometimes held that an historian must be 
 unbiased, and must stand vis-a-vis to his subject 
 much as a physician does to his patient. Such de- 
 tachment may be valuable for a mere chronicler, 
 to whom dry dates and lifeless facts are all-im- 
 portant. But a people has a soul, just as individual 
 human beings have. To understand that soul, 
 something more is needed than mere dates and 
 facts. If evolution is creative, as Monsieur Bergson 
 holds, the attempt must be made to understand in 
 what that creative spirit consists, and this can be 
 attained only by active sympathy with the peculiar 
 phase of the soul-life the historian has to depict. 
 This need not prevent him from taking a broad 
 view of the opinion of others who do not see the 
 light in exactly the same fashion. I have tried to 
 do justice to the opposing view, and, If I have not 
 succeeded, the shortcoming is excusable from the 
 earnestness with which the problem appeals to me. 
 The reader will make his own deduction on that 
 score. 
 
 I have omitted many minor details — small differ- 
 ences of opinion that loomed large at certain 
 times and became subjects of heated discussion — in 
 
 14 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 order to lay stress upon what seemed to me to be the 
 leading lines of development. I have also respected 
 confidences, due to my intimate relations with most 
 of the leaders, which might discover motives or 
 place certain facts in a clearer light. The time has 
 not yet come for disclosing the inner history of 
 many of the negotiations to which reference Is made 
 in the following pages. 
 
 Richard Gottheil. 
 
 Columbia University, New York, 
 October, 191 2. 
 
 15 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 In commenting upon a passage in the Book of 
 Psalms — so the Talmud relates* — two rabbis ex- 
 pressed opposing views. One held that " the time 
 is adapted to the leader"; the other, that "the 
 leader is adapted to the time." As is so often the 
 case when views diverge, both phrases ** are expres- 
 sions of eternal truth." To very few men has it 
 been given to be far ahead of the forces they were 
 leading. Such a faculty has been reserved for the 
 thinker and the seer, for the more poetic nature, 
 which can set itself above the demands of practical 
 life and measurable possibilities and soar into the 
 refined atmosphere of pure thought. 
 
 Theodor Herzl was not originally a man of 
 action. A poet, a writer, a dreamer in the best sense 
 of that term, he would seem to have been fitted 
 poorly by his early life, his education, his associa- 
 tions for the role he was called upon to play. Yet 
 the circumstances in which the Jewish people were 
 placed and the various converging currents of 
 
 17 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 thought were such as to force him to the leadership 
 of a people at a most critical period of its history. 
 Since 1896 sixteen years have gone by. Some of 
 the acuter controversies raised by the appearance of 
 Zionism have passed away. As opposition has be- 
 come less marked, and the dire results presaged 
 have not ensued, so also a certain inner evolution 
 has taken place within the movement itself. The 
 fundamental principles upon which the whole 
 organization rests have indeed remained intact and 
 inviolate, but it was inevitable that the direction of 
 its conscious effort should change as the circum- 
 stances changed in which it worked. Perhaps the 
 moment has come when an estimate can be made 
 of the part played by Zionism in modern Jewish 
 life, of the clearer perception of Jewish problems 
 which it has induced, and of the contribution it has 
 made towards a possible solution of some at least 
 of these problems. With this purpose in view, the 
 following pages have been written. 
 
 I have taken the year 1896 as the starting-point, 
 not because historical movements of great moment 
 can be fixed within definite limits of time, but be- 
 cause that date affords a convenient point of vantage 
 from which to look both backward and forward: 
 backward, because it is necessary to see how " the 
 
 18 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 le was adapted to the leader " ; forward, in order 
 measure the degree in which " the leader was 
 ipted to the time." 
 
 One need not be biased towards any of the ex- 
 ng expressions of Jewish feeling and thought to 
 ^ that to none of them could the situation have 
 pealed as satisfactory in itself or as promising 
 the hope that it held out for the future. Western 
 vry, and by that I mean the Jews who had been 
 rn and reared in contact with the more advanced 
 ilization of Central and Western Europe and 
 
 the United States, had staked its all upon the 
 litical emancipation for which it had fought with 
 :h tenacity and with such eminent success. It is 
 [e that there were many inner conflicts within that 
 fvry, but the larger mass of the Jews had been 
 itent to leave such matters for discussion among 
 ; learned and the religious leaders. The great 
 lals enounced by the prophets of old had found 
 
 echo in the highest aspirations of some of the 
 ding thinkers and statesmen of the century. The 
 5vs, born optimists as they are, eagerly followed 
 lead that spoke in language to which they and 
 *ir forebears had been well accustomed. As the 
 ills of the physical and constitutional Ghettos 
 :re razed one by one, the Western Jews felt that 
 
 19 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 at last they had come into their heritage, that they 
 could take their place by the side of their non- 
 Jewish fellow-citizens, and that both would move 
 forward and on to a higher level, leaving behind 
 them all the controversies and the struggles of the 
 past as unpleasant reminiscences of a time that was 
 gone forever. 
 
 It is quite certain that the Jewish Reformers and 
 their followers were absolutely sincere in their the- 
 ories and in their actions. They met the demands 
 of the newly-created situation with characteristic 
 energy. They were not merely shouting the lan- 
 guage of patriotism. They knew that the enjoy- 
 ment of new rights carried with it the obligation of 
 new duties ; they had to fit Jewish thought and Jew- 
 ish observance into the new grooves in which their 
 lives and the lives of their children were to run. 
 Above all, they wished to save the Jewish religion, 
 even at the expense of nationality and race, not 
 realizing that the two last were the chief bulwarks 
 of the religion. They commenced to doff the Jew- 
 ish gabardine, to shuffle off ways, habits, and ob- 
 servances that seemed to run counter to the forms 
 of modern conditions. For them, in very truth, 
 the ** East was the East and the West was the 
 West.'' They felt that they must do their share 
 
 20 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 in the tacit understanding they had come to with 
 what they called the " modern spirit." 
 
 It is not difficult to sympathize with the Re- 
 formers in their attempt to save Judaism. This 
 was the kernel, for which rites, ceremonies, and 
 observances made up the husk. Nor did they 
 imagine that the kernel could continue and be 
 shorn of its husk. But they did think that the husk 
 was unnecessarily thick; even that its whole char- 
 acter could be changed and still remain the husk of 
 that particular kernel. In point of fact, a good part 
 of the husk had commenced to be withered and 
 blighted. Various forms had died a natural death 
 and had fallen by the wayside. Jews ever3^where 
 had bridled at some of the ancient customs, and had 
 silently sunk them into oblivion. But no official 
 action had been taken. Very few of the changes 
 that occurred in ritual matters during the Middle 
 Ages had been made consciously or with delibera- 
 tion. They had been accepted de facto and post 
 eventum. Least of all had such action been taken 
 in matters of belief or theory. But It had always 
 been a Jewish postulate that religion and life were 
 intimately bound up one with the other. The first 
 to break the rivet had been Moses Mendelssohn, the 
 Berlin sage." He had laid entire stress upon one side, 
 
 21 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Jewish life, and had allowed individual belief to 
 range as wide as possible. ** The Spirit of Judaism 
 is freedom in doctrine and conformity in action." 
 But absolute conformity in action, both as regards 
 the individual and his neighbor and as regards 
 the present and the past, being impossible, the re- 
 sult was inevitable. Jewish life became atrophied, 
 and Jewish belief, having no hold and no stability, 
 soon lost all distinctive character. The descendants 
 of the Mendelssohnian group have very largely 
 passed out of Jewry. 
 
 The German Reformers chose the other way to 
 break through the attachment. They laid great 
 stress upon Jewish belief, upon the religious side. 
 Jewish life as such did not appeal to them with 
 much force, and, freed from what they considered 
 the ** trammels '' of Jewish observance, Jewish be- 
 lief became in time watered into a thinly-veiled 
 theism. The most serious renunciation was that 
 connected with the great hope of Israel's restora- 
 tion, the pivot on which Jewish spiritual life re- 
 volved. The Jewish world had until then believed 
 that the dispersion was a punishment. To the Re- 
 formers it became a blessing. Dispersion should be 
 encouraged, " so that there might be worshipers 
 of the one only and true God everywhere.'' ' The 
 
 22 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 loss of Palestine signified progress, since Israel's 
 ideals were carried into all lands. In conformity 
 with these views, the Frankfort Rabbinical Confer- 
 ence of 1845 voted that '* all petitions for the 
 return to the land of our fathers, and for the restor- 
 ation of a Jewish state, should be eliminated from 
 the prayers." * 
 
 That the Reform movement has not fulfilled its 
 undertaking, and that the Reformers were mistaken 
 in part of the theory on which they worked, must not 
 be laid to their discredit. They could not foresee 
 the general trend of the world's thought and aspira- 
 tion; they could not presage the effect of the new 
 orientation upon their own descendants ; and, above 
 all, they could not measure the influence the 
 masses of Eastern Europe were to exercise in inter- 
 national Jewry, when once their weight was put in 
 the balance. 
 
 At various times in the history of Europe, the 
 principles of internationalism and of national par- 
 ticularism have fought for predominance. In the 
 Middle Ages the Church dreamed of a universal 
 Christian community, divided into nationalities it 
 is true, but all under the sway of the acknowledged 
 head of the Roman Church. Such dreams were 
 rudely shattered by the inner development of the 
 
 23 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Church itself, by the resurrection of Paganism or 
 of pagan ideals at the time of the Renaissance, and 
 by the growth of national sentiments that refused 
 to submit even to spiritual domination. Again, at 
 the extreme end of the Middle Ages, a movement 
 towards internationalism was distinctly apparent, 
 led by the encyclopedists and deists of France, and 
 fed by the growth of the natural sciences and the 
 discoveries in the domain of exact knowledge. This 
 was soon followed, however, by a reversal in which 
 old races revived the consciousness of their separate 
 existence, and new national segregations were 
 formed, which tended to develop diversity in place 
 of unison. The first of such transformations may 
 be seen in the rebirth of the German Empire, in 
 the forward movement of the Slavs, and in the 
 growth of the smaller Balkan states ; ' the second, 
 in the vast growth of the United States and of 
 Canada in the northern half of the new world and 
 of the newer republics in its southern half. 
 
 Amid such varying developments, the Jewish 
 people occupied a peculiar, not to say dangerous, 
 position. Even in the Roman state, tolerant as it 
 was of alien faiths, existence was always fraught 
 with some danger to the Jews. Exceptional laws 
 were passed in their favor, but just because of these • 
 
 24 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 laws and because of their refusal to enter the melt- 
 ing-pot in which nationalities and races were fused, 
 the Jews were liable at any moment to feel the pres- 
 sure of exceptional treatment when Roman over- 
 lordship was felt to be in danger/ And, after all, 
 even in the Roman Empire citizenship was bound 
 up with religion. However syncretistic that re- 
 ligion might be, it was Roman and not Judaic' In 
 the evolution of a universal Christian community 
 the Jews manifestly could have no share. As both 
 the motives and the objects of this evolution were 
 religious, no proper place could be found for them. 
 All the legislation of the Middle Ages in regard to 
 the Jews turns about the endeavor to make some 
 provision for a people who had been omitted in the 
 scheme according to which the statehood of the day 
 was built up. Again, both the Reformation and 
 the Renaissance were inner Christian movements. 
 The revolt from Rome, as far as it affected the 
 Jews, was a revolt from a religious and a secular 
 tyranny, and what resulted was a tyranny that was 
 religious only. Protestantism did little better than 
 Roman Catholicism ; it could not assimilate the Jews 
 upon the only terms possible for the latter. They 
 remained, no longer a proscribed people, one that 
 was merely tolerated. 
 
 25 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Had the universalistlc and international ten- 
 dencies of the early part of the nineteenth century 
 persisted, the Jews would undoubtedly have found 
 their place as one of the many forces working 
 towards that end. It is interesting to note that Jews 
 have not been backward in furthering movements 
 of a universalistic character. The founders of 
 Socialism were Karl Marx and Ferdinand Las- 
 salle; the inventor of a universal language was 
 Lazarus Ludwig Zamenhof ; ' the projector of the 
 Universal Race Congress was Felix Adler. With 
 equal ardor, the Jews threw themselves into the 
 national movement of the peoples among whom 
 they dwelt. Not only did they wish to justify the 
 granting of equal rights; in some countries their 
 stake was deeper down in the ground than that of 
 many of their co-citizens, and it had been there for 
 a much longer period. Their patriotism was quite 
 whole-souled. Unfortunately, the nationalist bias 
 in Europe tended towards chauvinism, and chau- 
 vinism led to a narrowing of the wider outlook. 
 Church and Society joined hands, and once more 
 there was no place for the Jews, who held with 
 tenacity to their separate existence and refused to 
 lose their existence. In this way the ground was 
 prepared in which Bismarck, for political reasons, 
 
 26 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 laid the seed of the modern anti-Semitic movement, 
 which wrought so much havoc in Germany and in 
 France, and which, in passing over to less cultured 
 nations, produced veritable cataclysms among the 
 Jews of Russia, Roumania, and Gallcia. 
 
 How was the new danger of anti-Semitism to be 
 met? Some of the better elements in German 
 Christian society thought that a league against anti- 
 Semitism would be efficacious, and founded the 
 Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus. Amopg 
 the Jews, many were of opinion that if they 
 dropped all customs that render them distinct as a 
 community and all forms that differentiate Jewish 
 public worship from that of the Christian Church, 
 the foundations of anti-Semitism would be de- 
 stroyed. In the same spirit, Salomon Reinach 
 argues that the Jewish proletariat will have more 
 success in economic competition, if Jewish law is so 
 amended as to permit the Jews to violate the Sab- 
 bath and to eat pork.' Just as Reinach forgot that 
 such a course, quite apart from all higher considera- 
 tions, would only increase competition, the ultra- 
 Reform Jews erred In thinking that anti-SemltIsm 
 was based upon theoretical considerations, and argu- 
 ments could avail where passion was the moving 
 
 27 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 spirit. The genuinely Jewish answer to anti-Semi- 
 tism was yet to be given 1 
 
 The effect upon the Jews themselves of these 
 changes in orientation was formidable. The pas- 
 sage from the Jewish Middle Ages, later in point 
 of time than the general European, to the modern 
 period was naturally fraught with much difficulty. 
 It meant a wrench with the past which was so 
 momentous in many cases as to disorganize families 
 and communities. Here and there excessive zeal in 
 modernizing led to deplorable results, and weak- 
 ened the foundations upon which Jewish cohesive- 
 ness was based. Concessions are necessary on the 
 part of every unit in a state organization: ideas 
 change with increasing knowledge. But the smaller 
 unit must always consider the length to which it may 
 go in making such concessions and the point at 
 which concession loses all its grace and becomes an 
 ungainly rush towards complete self-obliteration." 
 ' Perhaps the most serious objection that can be raised 
 I to some of the later developments of the Reform 
 movement is that they are destroying the unity that 
 has hitherto prevailed in the corporate expression 
 of Jewish practice and of Jewish hope. Violent 
 changes have been made in the ritual, and the Jew- 
 ish perspective has been remodeled in such manner 
 
 28 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 as to make the remodeling a renunciation. The 
 one was apt to make the Jew a stranger among 
 his brethren in many countries, the other to remove 
 the fixed point in the future towards which all 
 Jewish endeavor pointed and converged. For, as 
 surely as the old Hebrew prophets had a wide out- 
 look embracing more than simply Jewish interests, 
 so surely was this outlook centered upon Judea and 
 upon the return of the Jews to some form of a 
 reconstructed common existence." A people that 
 has no common physical center and not even a 
 spiritual one is dependent upon its common outlook 
 to hold it together and direct its efforts to some con- 
 certed end. This once removed, disintegration is 
 bound to set in. 
 
 In this respect, a study of ancient Judaism in its 
 relation to Hellenism is most instructive. No 
 movement with which the Jews have come in con- 
 tact was so persuasive in its attraction and so se- 
 ductive as Hellenism. It came to the Jews as the 
 representative and symbol of culture and of art. 
 It contained no political element, as did later 
 Roman culture. It was quite adaptable to varying 
 and differing civilizations; its ideals insinuated 
 themselves among men and peoples. Had it not 
 been for the national ideals that animated the Jews 
 3 29 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 in Palestine, they might have gone the way of 
 their brethren in Egypt, or have descended to a 
 compromise which would eventually have produced 
 some form of hybrid civilization, like that of pagan 
 Syria. Despite all their Hellenizing, the Jews in 
 the Diaspora looked upon the city in which they 
 dwelt as patris (native city) , but upon Jerusalem as 
 metropolis (mother-city, home)." 
 
 On the other hand, an unvarying persistence in 
 stereotyped formulae and an unmodified observance 
 are bound to get out of joint with the times. If the 
 Reform movement has weakened the supports of 
 traditional Judaism, and has facilitated egress from 
 the community, certain forms of unbending Or- 
 thodoxy have allowed dry-rot and putrefaction to 
 enter into those supports, and have contributed to 
 the alienation of large numbers of the younger ele- 
 ment, whose Jewish feeling failed to find expression 
 in the older manner. The result has been a decided 
 weakening of staying force and a capitulation, on a 
 somewhat large scale, to the iniquitous demands 
 made by social and bureaucratic anti-Semitism, 
 especially in such countries as Germany and 
 Austria." 
 
 A new chapter in the history of modern Judaism 
 has been written by the forced exodus of large 
 
 30 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 numbers of Jews from Eastern Europe. As the 
 sad human stream is still flowing, it is too early to 
 gauge its full effect upon their brethren in Western 
 Europe and in America. But even now it is easy 
 to see that this effect must be deep and far-reaching. 
 Forced by circumstances, the Jews of Eastern 
 Europe had lived more secluded from the outside 
 world than those of the West. Segregated in 
 this manner, they had been able to preserve intact 
 more of the forms of Jewish life and to maintain 
 an intenser Jewish spirit than had been possible 
 where contact with other ideals and the demands of 
 more expanded social relations had drawn the Jews 
 into other, orbits. To them the Jewish question 
 presented itself, not merely as a subject for indi- 
 vidual speculation, but as a question of their col- 
 lective life or death. The opposition against which 
 they had to contend was not one of mere pin-pricks ; 
 it threatened their whole existence. They were 
 thrown back upon their own resources, and strength- 
 ened In maintaining that which they felt instinc- 
 tively was their sole hope of salvation. Into their 
 newer exile they carried an intense Jewish spirit and 
 a feeling of solidarity, which revived the waning 
 spirit of Western Jewries. 
 
 In addition, the cry for help that went up from 
 
 31 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 the victims of a relentless persecution that refused 
 to disarm, awoke a responsive note in all the various 
 communities into which they came. The active 
 work of making proper provision for the outcasts 
 brought Eastern and Western Jewry into close con- 
 tact. To many Western Jews it suggested for the 
 first time the thought that, though amongst them- 
 selves there was to be found what they were pleased 
 to consider the best product of the amalgam of 
 Judaism and modern culture, the great mass of 
 Jews lived elsewhere — in Eastern Europe; that the 
 Jewish proletariat lived therCy a proletariat that 
 would outweigh themselves both numerically and 
 Jewishly in any settlement of the Jewish question 
 in which the Jews had a word to say. In short, the 
 modern crusade waged against the Jews of Eastern 
 Europe had the result that must attend all such 
 crusades. Instead of hastening the disintegration 
 and final disappearance of the Jews, which was its 
 object, it retarded it. It introduced the Eastern 
 Jews to their Western brethren : it drove them into 
 each other's arms, so that a close bond of sympathy 
 was established between two portions of a people 
 that had been estranged for so long a time. 
 
 The Jews emigrating from Russia, however, 
 carried with them into their new homes an ideal 
 
 32 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 that had been fostered by some of their most cher- 
 ished leaders and widest-read writers— the ideal 
 that has been called Jewish Nationalism JMuch has 
 been written to prove and to disprove the statement 
 that the Jews are a " nation." In the last analysis, 
 the dispute turns upon a definition of the term. The 
 same is true of, the word " race " and its relation 
 to " nation.'* The question of the purity of th( 
 Jewish race, of the measure of intermixture it has 
 suffered during its centuries of exile or before, does ' 
 not concern us here at all. It may well be left, 
 with other similar questions, to be determined by 
 anthropologists. [Race may or may not be condi- 
 tioned by physical phenomena; but so much may 
 be said : it is not due to the exertion of the human 
 will acting as a free agency. It is different with 
 ** nation,'* which represents an ideal rather than a 
 fact. Men band themselves together for the ac- 
 complishment and achievement of certain ideals. 
 Whether they reach the end sought for or not, 
 matters little. The heart of the business lies in the 
 effort that Is madej^t is this common and con- 
 certed effort that binds men together : it is the ideal 
 that animates them which makes of them a nation ; 
 It is the common past of weal or woe, the collective 
 intuition of deeds done or of experiences passed 
 
 83 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 through ; it is the combined outlook Into the future. 
 In other words, it is the common soul that segre- 
 \gates a nation and differentiates it from others. 
 ^ It was In this sense that Perez Smolenskin under- 
 stood the term Jewish Nationalism. Between the 
 years 1869 and 1884, his fruitful pen labored with- 
 out cessation to the quickening of the Jewish con- 
 science in Russia. The very title of his chief work, 
 Am Olam {An Eternal People), gives us the 
 keynote of all his endeavor: an eternal people 
 must keep an " eternal Ideal '' constantly In view. 
 That ideal he finds expressed in the one word 
 ** Zion.'* Since the destruction of the Temple, it 
 has represented the hopes of the Jewish people. 
 It stands for the peculiar culture after which the 
 Jews have striven; It connotes the Hebrew lan- 
 guage, the use of which must be cultivated anew, 
 as the expression of that Ideal; and later in life it 
 betokened to him the physical goal for which the 
 Jews must strive In order to attempt the realization 
 of the Ideal. Here, for the first time In Russia, a 
 view of Jewish nationalism was proclaimed that 
 was civic and social, not religious. The old in- 
 herited Messianic doctrine had become secular 
 and profane. As we shall see, Smolenskin was not 
 alone In his leadership. Many choice spirits were 
 
 34 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 to gather around him and follow him, and they not 
 only propagated the transformed doctrine among 
 their brethren in Russia, but in the persons of many 
 of the exiles from the Pale of Settlement sent it 
 fructifying in the remotest corners of the Diaspora. 
 Though it received its most tangible expression 
 among Russian Jews, it Is wrong to suppose that 
 this ideal of Jewish nationality was entirely strange 
 to the West. This will not surprise any one who 
 is familiar with Jewish thought and history. Ever 
 since the Second Jewish Commonwealth received 
 its death-blow at the hands of Rome, the Jews as a / 
 body have lived an anomalous life. Driven west- 
 ward, not only by the general trend of civilization, 
 but also by the special circumstances of their isolated 
 existence, their religious and cultural ideals were so 
 closely connected with Oriental thought, so clothed 
 in Oriental forms, they could sing with their be- 
 loved poet Jehudah Halevi, uip^ o!?l in2;D2 ^i«, 
 " though I live in the West, my heart is in the 
 East." It did not need the formalizing genius of 
 a Maimonides to include the doctrine of the return 
 to Palestine in the Jewish creed. It had always been 
 part and parcel of the belief of the Jew, and had 
 been expressed in countless sayings, prayers, and 
 poems." It is true that this return was looked upon, 
 
 35 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 always remain strangers among the nations ; these, 
 It is true, will grant us rights from feelings of 
 humanity and justice; but they will never respect 
 us so long as we place our great memories in the 
 second rank, but in the first the principle, * ubi bene, 
 ibi patria.' '' His great work Rome and Jerusalem, 
 the Latest National Question, published in 1862, 
 not only laid down the historic and economic bases 
 of that which was not yet called Zionism, but also 
 contained a complete plan for the colonization and 
 rejuvenation of the Holy Land.l With this latter 
 we are not concerned; it was catled forth by similar 
 plans formulated by Kalischer, Gordon, and 
 Guttmacher in Russia. jBut it is interestingjto see 
 the strength of Hess' Jewish consciousness, jj^e, a 
 German political writer and leader, went the length 
 of advising his Jewish brethren to sacrifice even 
 their much-prized emancipation, if emancipation 
 should be found to be irreconcilable with Jewish 
 nationality. For he held that it was impossible to 
 eradicate the Jewish national consciousness, and the 
 Jewish type was bound to persist. \ 
 
 Hess' words, ardent and thrilling though they 
 were, found little echo among his German breth- 
 ren." As one of his critics said, " It is an old idea 
 which, with its practical demands, has come too 
 
 37 
 
^ ZIONISM 
 
 early." '' Upon one man, however, Ro7ne and Jeru- 
 salem exercised a decided influence, the historian 
 Heinrich Graetz. In an article entitled Die Ver- 
 jungung des judischen Stammes ( The Rejuvenes- 
 cence of the Jewish Race)^ published in 1864, he 
 recognizes, as an historian should, the new force 
 that was slowly making its way into Jewish life: 
 *' The Jewish race is approaching, and under our 
 very eye, a rejuvenescence which would formerly 
 not have been thought possible. The enemies of 
 the Jews look upon it with implacable rage, the 
 Jews of cosmopolitan tendency secretly shake their 
 head, the followers of the letter of the law associate 
 deceptive hopes with it — all are dumbfounded at 
 its appearance." He goes on to compare this stir- 
 ring of the dead bones with a similar agitation 
 among the exiles in Babylon, and leaves his readers 
 to draw their conclusion.'' 
 ■*^ It is true that in some of the proposals put for- 
 ward the romantic and the fanciful outweighed all 
 practical possibilities ; but though the branches and 
 the twigs reached far out into the realm of imagina- 
 tion, the roots were firmly grounded in facts and in 
 a clear recognition of these facts. Even the some- 
 what grotesque plan of Mordecai Manuel Noah, to 
 found a refuge for the Jews on Grand Island near 
 
 38 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 Buffalo, was built upon principles which have found 
 acceptance in later days. He saw clearly the need 
 for the Jews of some segregation, of a return to the 
 cultivation of the soil; that though only a certain 
 number of Jews could be benefited by a segregation, 
 the whole Jewish race would profit by it; that it was 
 necessary to cultivate the Hebrew language; and, 
 finally, that his own scheme provided only for a 
 half-way house to Palestine — very much in the sense 
 in which the East African scheme was finally pre- 
 sented to the Zionist Congress.^" 
 
 Nor were there wanting well-wishers of the Jew- 
 ish cause among Christians, who, in different ways 
 and from diverse motives, had arrived at conclu- 
 sions similar to those of the pre-Herzlite Jewish 
 nationalists. It is even said that Napoleon had 
 some such project in mind, for he inserted in 
 the Moniteur Universelle of 1799 a proclamation 
 inviting the Jews of Asia and Africa to place them- 
 selves under his leadership for the purpose of re- 
 establishing ancient Jerusalem.^ It is possible that 
 the romantic side of the idea appealed to him ; per- 
 haps it was only an attempt to win the Eastern Jews 
 to his cause, as he was to win many of those in the 
 West by calling the '' Sanhedrin " together in Paris. 
 It Is asserted that at a later time Bismarck enter- 
 
 39 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 tained similar projects," though the evidence is 
 not at all clear on the subject. But that the re-estab- 
 lishment of the Jews In Palestine might become 
 a matter of general European interest was not with- 
 out its advocates during the first half of the nine- 
 teenth century. The French Jew Joseph Salvador, 
 the historian of the Second Jewish Commonwealth 
 and of the Pentateuchal Legislation, had publicly 
 advocated the calling of a European Congress for 
 the purpose of reinstating his people in their old 
 hom^e, an idea that is supposed to have fired the 
 mind of Disraeli, who, in his novels Tancred, 
 Alroy, and Coningsby, gives unwitting support 
 to the theory by his insistence upon the value of 
 racial endurance. In one passage he goes even 
 beyond this, and speaks the language of the most 
 modern of Zionists in the words he puts into the 
 mouth of the high priest in addressing Alroy: 
 " You ask me what I wish : my answer is, the Land 
 of Promise. You ask me what I wish : my answer is, 
 Jerusalem. You ask me what I wish : my answer is, 
 the Temple, all we have forfeited, all we have 
 yearned after, all for which we have fought, our 
 beauteous country, our holy creed, our simple 
 manners, and our ancient customs.'* ^^ An English- 
 man, Hollingsworth by name, went still further. 
 
 40 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 In 1852 " he published a pamphlet wherein he ad- 
 vocated the establishment of a Jewish state, urging 
 It as a matter of much moment to Great Britain, for 
 the purpose of safeguarding the overland route to 
 India. 
 
 It cannot be denied that sometimes other con- 
 siderations formed an unwelcome background to 
 similar proposals. In some quarters the solution of 
 the question assumed a purely theological aspect, 
 which required the return of the Jews to Palestine 
 as the premonition of the second coming of Christ. 
 The whole work of Laurence Oliphant, his prac- 
 tical procedure in Palestine, his own settlement near 
 Haifa, was dominated and vitiated by such theories. 
 It is evident that the Jews of the West could feel 
 little sympathy for these schemes of salvation, 
 based, as they were, upon Christological theorems. 
 They naturally looked askance at their authors, 
 though recognizing the perfect good faith of such 
 real friends of Israel in Exile. Unfortunately, they 
 closed their ears also to appeals made to them by 
 other and quite disinterested Christian writers, in 
 whose analysis of their ills theology played no part 
 at all. I shall mention three in particular. 
 
 Among the plays written by that great French 
 psychological dramatist Alexandre Dumas fils, 
 
 41 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 there is one entitled La femme de Claude. In this 
 play a Jewish character, Daniel, represents devotion 
 to race in contrast to the devotion to science of one 
 of the principal characters, Claude. Daniel char- 
 acterizes the hope animating him in regard to the 
 future of his people in the following words : 
 
 I We have come to an epoch when each race has resolved to 
 claim and to have as its own its soil, its home, its language, its 
 temple. It is long enough since we Jews have been dispossessed 
 of all that — we have been forced to insinuate ourselves into the 
 interstices of the nations, and there we have taken up the interests 
 of governments, of societies, of individuals. This is a great deal, 
 yet it is not enough. People still believe that persecution has 
 dispersed us; it has merely spread us over the world. . . . We 
 do not want to be a group any more, we want to be a people, a 
 nationj The ideal name does not suffice us; the fixed territorial 
 fatherland is again necessary for us, and I go to seek it and to 
 obtain there our legalized birth certificate." 
 
 More practical and more definite, but with equal 
 warmth, the Swiss Henry Dunant, the founder of 
 the Red Cross and the inspirer of the Geneva Con- 
 vention, tried, between the years 1863 and 1876, 
 to awaken interest among the Jews for the coloniza- 
 tion of Palestine. In vain he knocked at the doors 
 of the Alliance Israelite in 1863; in vain he ap- 
 pealed to the Jews in Berlin in 1866, and finally to 
 the Anglo- Jewish Association in London. He even 
 
 42 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 went to the length of founding an International 
 Palestine Society, and in 1876 a Syrian and Pales- 
 tinian Colonization Society/' The Jews of Western 
 Europe were still wrapt up in the seeming security 
 that complete legal emancipation had brought them. 
 In a few years they were to be awakened with a 
 rude hand and with a violent jar. 
 
 No Christian and perhaps no Jewish writer has 
 struck the high note of pathos and enthusiasm as 
 has George Eliot in her novel Daniel Deronda 
 (1876). Into the mouth of one of her heroes, the 
 representative of the new Judaic nationalism, she 
 places words that show how deeply she had pen- 
 etrated into the Jewish soul : 
 
 When It IS rational to say, " I know not my father or my 
 mother; let my children be aliens unto me, that no prayer of 
 mine may touch them," then will it be rational for the Jew to 
 say, " I will seek to know no difiFerence between me and the 
 Gentile; I will not cherish the prophetic consciousness of our 
 nationality.'* Let the Hebrew cease to be, and let all his memorials 
 be antiquarian trifles, dead as the wall-paintings of a conjectured 
 race. Yet let his child learn by rote the speech of the Greek, 
 where he adjures his fellow-citizens by the bravery of those who 
 fought foremost at Marathon; let him learn to say, That was 
 noble in the Greek, that is the spirit of an immortal nation ! But 
 the Jew has no memories that bind him to action; let him laugh 
 that his nation is degraded from a nation; let him hold the 
 monuments of his law which carried within its frame the breath 
 
 43 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 of social justice, of charity, and of household sanctities; let him 
 hold the energy of the prophets, the patient care of the masters, 
 the fortitude of martyred generations, as mere stuff for a pro- 
 fessorship. . . . 
 
 In the multitude of the ignorant on three continents who 
 observe our rites and make the confession of Divine Unity, the 
 soul of Judaism is not dead. Revive the organic center: let the 
 unity of Israel which has made the growth and form of its 
 religion be an outward reality. Looking forward to a land and 
 a polity, our dispersed people in all the ends of the earth may 
 share the dignity of a national life which has ^ voice among the 
 peoples of the East and the West — which will plant the wisdom 
 and skill of our race so that it may be, as of old, a medium of 
 transmission and understanding. Let that come to pass, and the 
 living warmth will spread to the weak extremities of Israel, and 
 superstition will vanish, not In the lawlessness of the renegade, 
 but In the Illumination of great facts which widen feeling, and 
 make all knowledge alive as the young offspring of beloved 
 memories. . . . 
 
 There is a store of wisdom among us to found a new Jewish 
 polity, grand, simple, just, like the old — a republic where there is 
 equality of protection. . . . Then our race shall have an organic 
 center, a heart and a brain to watch and guide and execute; the 
 outraged Jew shall have a defense in the court of nations, as the 
 outraged Englishman or American. And the world will gain as 
 Israel gains. For there will be a community in the van of the 
 East which carries the culture and the sympathies of every great 
 nation In its bosom; and there will be a land set for a halting- 
 place of enmities, a neutral ground for the East as Belgium is 
 for the West. Difficulties? I know there are difficulties. But let 
 
 44 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 the spirit of sublime achievement move in the great among our 
 people and the work will begin. . . . 
 
 f Let the torch of visible community be lit! Let the reason of 
 Israel disclose itself in a great outward deed, let there be another 
 great migration, another choosing of Israel to be a nationality, 
 whose members may still stretch to the ends of the earth, even 
 as the sons of England and Germany, whom enterprise carries 
 afar, but who still have a national hearth and a tribunal of 
 national opinion. . . . Let the central fire be kindled again, and 
 the light will reach afar. The degraded and scorned of our race 
 will learn to think of their sacred land, not as a place for sacred 
 beggary, to await death in loathsome idleness, but as a republic 
 where the Jewish spirit manifests itself in a new order founded 
 on the old, purified, enriched by the experience our greatest sons 
 have gathered from the life of the ages. . , . The sons of Judah 
 have to choose, that God may again choose them. The Messianic 
 time is the time when Israel shall will the planting of the national 
 ensign. . . . Let us help to will our own better future and the 
 better future of the world — not renounce our higher gift, and say, 
 " Let us be as if we were not among the populations," but choose 
 our full heritage, claim the brotherhood of our nation, and carry 
 it into a new brotherhood with the nations of the Gentiles. The 
 vision is there : it will be fulfilled." 
 
 Three years later, in an essay entitled The 
 Modern Hep! Hep! HepT George Eliot re- 
 newed her appeal to the Jewish people : 
 
 There is still a great function for the steadfastness of the 
 Jew: not that he should shut out the utmost illumination which 
 knowledge can throw on his national history, but that he should 
 4 45 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 cherish the store of inheritance which that history has left hira. 
 Every Jew should be conscious that he is one of a multitude 
 possessing common objects of piety in the immortal achievements 
 and immortal sorrows of ancestors who have transmitted to them 
 a physical and mental type strong enough, eminent enough in 
 faculties, pregnant enough with peculiar promise, to constitute a 
 new, beneficent individuality among the nations, and, by con- 
 futing the traditions of scorn, nobly avenge the wrongs done to 
 their Fathers. 
 
 It IS surprising that this appeal failed to awaken 
 much enthusiasm in the many Jewish readers of the 
 novelist. The chord of passionate sentiment seemed 
 to have been struck in vain; the time was not yet 
 to mobilize the conscience of the Jewish people. In 
 one or two cases, it is true, intellectual assent was 
 given to the theory developed in Daniel Deronda. 
 A noted English Review had this to say at the hand 
 of a Jewish reviewer:^ ** And Mordecai's views 
 of the resumption of the soil of the Holy Land by 
 the holy people are the only logical position of a 
 Jew who desires that the long travail of the ages 
 shall not end In the total disappearance of the race." 
 And a German Jewish scholar of the highest repute 
 wrote : "° *' All these objections [that Israel's final 
 mission is to be found in the dispersion] do not 
 touch this work of art; If we look closely, not even 
 Its central idea. For the establishment of a political 
 
 46 
 
THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 center is not intended to prevent the spread of the 
 Jewish people on the earth, but rather to elevate 
 and support the actions of the dispersed people, so 
 that they become conscious of belonging to a unified 
 and acknowledged community." 
 
 The new life that was fermenting Russian Jewry 
 had not yet reached the West. Even the great 
 exodus that commenced in 1882 did not confound 
 the prophets of peace ; the hands of Jewish men and 
 women were filled with the immediate work of the 
 hour, and few had the opportunity — if they had the 
 desire — to project relief on large and noble lines." 
 
 [Notes, pp. a 1 7-220] 
 
 47 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 One of the consequences of the new interest 
 jhown among the Jews of Russia in the larger 
 ispect of the Jewish question, and at the same time 
 ts most valuable fomenter and fosterer, was the 
 ittempt made to resettle the Promised Land. This 
 movement Palestinewards had its recrudescence at 
 the very moment when the more theoretic solution 
 proposed for the alleviation of the ills from which 
 the Jews were suffering was engaging the mind and 
 the heart of those of them settled in the East End 
 oi Europe. It thus fell upon fruitful ground; the 
 theoretic and the practical met in one common 
 effort. 
 
 All through the Middle Ages communities of 
 fews had lived in various parts of Palestine, making 
 1 brave fight against political and economic odds, 
 fvhich, from time to time, threatened to become too 
 strong for resistance. The varying vicissitudes of 
 the country's history had prevented any concerted 
 iction on their own part. They had been equally 
 miserable under Arab, Christian, and Turkish 
 dominion, and yet they had persisted. Ever and 
 
 IS 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 anon their numbers had been increased by indi- 
 vidual and collective additions, most notably from 
 Russia and Galicia. They had settled chiefly in 
 Jerusalem and in one or two cities of Galilee, such 
 as Safed and Tiberias, where Cabalistic activity had 
 formed an additional magnet. The connection of 
 these communities with those of their brethren in 
 other lands had not been intimate, and had been 
 preserved largely by the collectors of alms who 
 gathered, in Europe and later in America also, 
 sustenance for the Talmudic and Cabalistic schools 
 in Palestine. Two events were destined to work a 
 change in these relations. 
 
 In the year 1840 a Capuchin friar in Damascus, 
 Father Thomas, disappeared. At the instigation 
 of an Italian, Ratti Menton, who had been ap- 
 pointed French consul, the blame for his disappear- 
 ance was laid upon the Jews, and a case of " ritual 
 murder '* was made out. In conjunction with the 
 Catholic clergy, the instigators were successful; 
 many Jews were tortured and imprisoned, some 
 even meeting their death. The tale of woe reached 
 Europe, led to many meetings of protest, and in- 
 duced Sir Moses Montefiore, Adolphe Cremieux, 
 and Salomon Munk to journey to Mehemet Ali of 
 Egypt, under whose power Syria at that time was 
 
 49 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 governed, and to obtain redress from him. It was 
 at Damascus that these public-spirited men first 
 became acquainted with their Eastern brethren, and 
 saw the real tale of their suffering. 
 
 Twenty years later, in i860, Damascus was once 
 again to focus the attention of Europe. The 
 Druses in the neighborhood of the city had fallen 
 upon their ancient enemies, the Maronite Chris- 
 tians, had massacred many, and had pillaged their 
 dwellings. The Jews were again falsely implicated 
 in these troubles. 
 
 The attention of the world being in this manner 
 directed towards Palestine and Syria, the Jews in 
 Europe began to see the duty that lay upon them in 
 connection with their brethren in the nearer East 
 and to feel the bond that had held so loosely in times 
 gone by. This new interest in Palestine is connected 
 with the names of three men, Albert Cohn, Charles 
 Netter, and Sir Moses Montefiore. That their 
 interest was more than merely eleemosynary can 
 fairly be deduced from the utterances and writings 
 of the first two, who, in conjunction with Adolphe 
 Cremieux, later a Minister of Justice In the French 
 Cabinet of 1870, became the chief founders of 
 the Alliance Israelite Universelle In i860. Salo- 
 mon Munk had as early as 1 840 expressed the wish, 
 
 50 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 ** Would that the sad Damascus incident might at 
 least serve to make us take cognizance of our dis- 
 organized condition, which, though mournful to 
 contemplate, is unfortunately a fact/' ^ In view of 
 later developments in the conduct of the Alliance 
 and of the distinctly anti-national tendencies in- 
 duced by it, it is interesting to note that its founders 
 at least were animated by a different spirit. Its 
 very name " Universelle " is warranty sufficient 
 that its outlook was wide and transcended the some- 
 what narrow horizon of the French Jews. Indeed, 
 the founders had based their action upon a senti- 
 ment expressed in the following words: ** All 
 other important faiths are represented in the world 
 by nations; that is to say, they are incarnated in 
 governments especially interested in them and 
 officially authorized to represent them and speak 
 for them alone. Our faith alone lacks this im- 
 portant advantage; it is represented neither by a 
 state nor by a society, nor does it occupy a clearly 
 defined territory." ' In his report on the Mikweh 
 Israel Agricultural School near Jaffa, Charles 
 Netter, its real founder, wrote to the Central Com- 
 mittee of the Alliance at Paris : 
 
 You are preparing an asylum for whole populations, -who 
 perhaps to-morrow will be forced to flee en masse because of the 
 
 51 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 fanaticism of the Greek victorious over the crescent. . . . You 
 will accomplish the pacific conquest of this sacred land where— 
 neither Orthodox nor Reformer has forgotten it — the Supreme 
 Being was invoked by our fathers, while the rest of the world 
 was plunged in paganism. ... In this wise you will gain the 
 Holy Land. The magnitude of the task need not frighten you. 
 That which appears to be a revery to-day may to-morrow become 
 a reality.* 
 
 There were further tokens that even in very 
 Orthodox circles a new conception of the role Pales- 
 tine was to play in the future had gradually asserted 
 itself, that the hand of man was necessary for the 
 proper achievement of the purposes of Providence. 
 In a letter to Albert Cohn, Samuel David Luzzatto 
 of Padua, the learned scholar, critic, and writer, 
 wrote in 1854, "Palestine must be peopled by 
 Jews and tilled by them, in order that it flourish 
 economically and agriculturally, and take on beauty 
 and glory." But perhaps no one insisted upon the 
 changed outlook which circumstances had com- 
 pelled as did Hirsch Kalischer, rabbi in Thorn, 
 Prussia. The title of his work, Emunah Yesharah, 
 published in i860, shows that he Is more concerned 
 with religious dogmas than with the practical de- 
 mands made by these dogmas. He concedes that 
 a new interpretation must be given to the older 
 ideas, that the divine purpose of the future in- 
 
 52 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 gathering of the Jews must come about in a natural 
 way, and that the Messianic idea can become a fact 
 only in the slow working of historic events. 
 Kalischer's book is, in a measure, a complete break 
 with the past ; it represents a more human rendition 
 of the old hope and promise, a change from the 
 former policy of laisser-aller to one of positive 
 action and forward help. The first step in that 
 forward policy was to be the colonization of Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 The ideas expressed by Kalischer in his Emunah 
 Yesharah, and completed by more practical sug- 
 gestions in a little pamphlet entitled Derishat 
 Ziyyon, published in 1862, in which the definite 
 founding of a society for the colonization of Pales- 
 tine was proposed, were the first rays of the new 
 light that penetrated from Eastern European to 
 Western Jewry. Hess thankfully records the incite- 
 ment he received from this Orthodox source; but 
 while Hess based his argumentation upon social and 
 economic considerations, Kalischer started from 
 religious motives. It is evident that though Hess 
 might appeal to the reasoned judgment of choicer 
 spirits, Kalischer would have the ear of the multi- 
 tude. It was through Kalischer, then, that both in 
 Germany and in Russia a certain zeal was en- 
 
 53 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 gendered for that which, in later times, has been 
 called '' practical work " in Palestine. 
 
 In fact, it was Kalischer's written word that 
 brought about the first attempt made by the Jews 
 to redeem the Land of Promise. He was the in- 
 spirer of Charles Netter, under whose auspices the 
 Alliance Israelite Universelle founded the Mikweh 
 Israel Agricultural School referred to above. It 
 was a strange irony of fate, still more pronounced 
 when we remember that a position in connection 
 with the school was offered to Kalischer, which, 
 however, he was unable to accept. The school was 
 intended to train scientific agriculturalists, who were 
 to lay the foundations for future colonization. The 
 institution, great in promise, has not played the 
 part its founders laid out for it. The leaders that 
 followed Netter and his co-founders in directing the 
 policy of the Alliance gradually moved out of touch 
 with the mainsprings of Jewish life. It is the merit 
 of the Alliance that it was the first Jewish body to 
 apply itself seriously to the education of the Jewish 
 masses in the Orient, but in the course of time it 
 turned its back upon the wider and higher aspira- 
 tions of the Jewish people. The young men who 
 proceeded from the school near Jaffa emigrated to 
 Egypt, to the United States, to Canada : they have 
 
 54 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 been of little service to Palestine and to the Jewish 
 cause there. Instead of producing agriculturalists, 
 the school has trained up agronomic specialists, who 
 naturally could find little field for their activity in 
 a country so backward as Palestine. 
 
 Nor were the early attempts at actual coloniza- 
 tion any more successful. It is true that a society 
 for this purpose had been formed at Frankfort-on- 
 the-Oder, and that in the early " seventies " of the 
 nineteenth century a settlement had been effected 
 at Petah Tikwah near Jaffa, and again, by Kalischer 
 himself, near the Sea of Tiberias. But they were 
 sporadic and probably unintelligent experiments, 
 valuable rather as indications of a real interest in 
 the matter than as successful practical accomplish- 
 ments. 
 
 As a concomitant of the revived national 
 sentiment we must regard the awakened interest in 
 the Hebrew language. It is wrong to suppose that 
 Hebrew had ever become a dead language, in the 
 full acceptation of that term. It is true that it was 
 no longer used as the ordinary means of personal 
 intercommunication; that in the countries of mid- 
 and Western Europe and America its place had 
 been usurped by the tongues of the various lands 
 in which the Jews dwelt, and that in Eastern 
 
 55 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Europe it had been superseded by the Judeo-Ger- 
 man, or " Yiddish/* a dialect based upon a sub- 
 stratum of Middle Age High German with a large 
 admixture of Hebrew. But it had persisted as the 
 official language of the Synagogue and as the means 
 of literary intercourse among scholars. Its later 
 development has, of course, been retarded by 
 the fact that this development proceeded among 
 writers and not among " livers." The Hebrew of 
 the Italian school kept too rigidly to the forms and 
 expressions found in the Hebrew of the Bible ; that 
 of the German Jews suffered from being too often 
 a mere translation from the German; and that 
 of the Russian Jews was largely newspaper- 
 Hebrew, and, written in haste, was not over-scru- 
 pulous in its adherence to standards. The breath 
 of real life was wanting.* 
 
 Now, language is one of the most potent spurs 
 to national development. Our modern times have 
 seen striking examples of the rejuvenation of lan- 
 guages supposed to be dead or cultivated merely for 
 the purpose of learned examination. One recalls 
 to mind the revival of Cymric in Wales, of Gaelic 
 in Ireland, of Bulgarian in the Balkan peninsula. 
 The first of these was to all appearance dead, and 
 might have gone the way of its sister dialect in 
 
 56 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 Cornwall, but for the resolute attitude of a few 
 energetic Welshmen, who have made it chief among 
 the forces to save Welsh culture from shipwreck 
 and annihilation. The resuscitation of Gaelic, we 
 are told by unprejudiced observers, has done more 
 for the betterment of conditions in Ireland than 
 the speeches of a thousand agitators.' And the 
 recrudescence of Bulgarian has proved a powerful 
 weapon in the reconstruction of the Bulgarian state. 
 Hebrew, as a real living speech, had a harder 
 battle to fight than any of these. The Jews who 
 lived in scattered communities had naturally little 
 use for a common language different from the one 
 used by the people among whom they lived. Even 
 in the synagogue service, the vernacular threatened 
 to take the place of the sacred tongue. In the 
 denser and larger agglomerations of Eastern 
 Europe, Judeo-German had so completely asserted 
 itself as to leave neither room nor time for the 
 cultivation of Hebrew; while in the Semitic East 
 the Spanish of Castile, brought thither by the exiles 
 from the Iberian peninsula in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries, acquired almost the same 
 standing among the Sefardim that Judeo-German 
 has among the Ashkenazim. Indeed, Judeo-Ger- 
 man had so gained the ascendancy among its adepts, 
 
 57 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 and had produced so prolific a literature, that there 
 was danger of its becoming a national tongue in its 
 own turn ; and the fact that Hebrew was the lashon 
 ha-kodesh, '* the holy tongue," predisposed a cer- 
 tain section of Orthodox Jews to look with scant 
 affection upon its attempted use in the concerns of 
 everyday life. This distaste was increased by the 
 knowledge that some of the protagonists in the 
 revival of Hebrew were not known for their adher- 
 ence to Orthodox standards, and the movement was 
 believed to lead away from an insistence upon these 
 standards. 
 
 It is agreed that a common language is a necessity 
 for the corporate existence of any body of men. 
 Jewish tradition recognizes this. An ancient Mid- 
 rash, recapitulating the merits of the Israelites in 
 Egypt upon the basis of which they were found 
 worthy of redemption by the Almighty, mentions as 
 one of these merits the fact that *' they had not for- 
 saken their national speech." ^ Many of the new 
 generation, who had been fired by the new national 
 idea, eagerly took up the cultivation of the ancient 
 tongue. Societies were established and text-books 
 written for the purpose of acquiring a knowledge 
 of Hebrew by a more natural method than the 
 one hitherto employed. But it was especially the 
 
 58 
 
THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 new interest in Palestine and the founding there of 
 Jewish colonies that gave a strong fillip to the move- 
 ment. Coming from various countries, the col- 
 onists found it necessary to develop a means of 
 common intercourse. In addition to the senti- 
 mental considerations, which naturally served as an 
 incentive, — the Jewish soil was so intimately con- 
 nected with the language of the Jews, — practical 
 motives made the demand imperative, especially in 
 the field of education. The only modern schools to 
 which the Jews of Palestine could send their 
 children had been founded by Jewish societies in 
 France, Austria, England, and Germany; and as 
 these schools made the language of the country of 
 their origin the vehicle of instruction, the children 
 of one and the same family ran the risk of becoming 
 polyglot collectively but individually strangers to 
 each other. Only gradually, and after much in- 
 sistence, did the idea make its way, that the only 
 rational course to pursue was to take Hebrew for 
 this purpose. And, in very truth, the Jewish 
 schools in Palestine are becoming the training 
 ground for the renaissance of Hebrew as a living 
 tongue in the fullest sense of the term. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 220-221] 
 
 59 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCI- 
 
 PATION 
 
 The various influences which have been detailed 
 were brought to a head by the anti-Semitic move- 
 ment of 1 8 8 1 and the following years. As we have 
 seen, it struck at the most cherished acquisition of 
 the Jews in Germany and Austria, the social posi- 
 tion which they supposed had been conferred upon 
 them by their emancipation. It is hardly to their 
 blame that they imagined that the granting of rights 
 would end the eighteen hundred years of mar- 
 tyrdom. Was it not an era of constitutions, of con- 
 ferences, of formal paper agreements? Had not 
 the Berlin Conference of 1878 secured equitable 
 treatment for the Jews in the newly-formed Balkan 
 states ? However difficult the situation might be at 
 times for the Jews in Central Europe, in Russia the 
 difficulty became a tragedy. For, under a civiliza- 
 tion that was both in form and in fact less advanced 
 than the civilization of the rest of Europe, anti- 
 Semitism developed into pogroms and into an 
 economic oppression that drove hundreds of thou- 
 
 60 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 sands out of the country in search of new homes. 
 No one can measure the sum of human misery that 
 has been heaped up there consequent on the passing 
 of the May Laws in 1881 and the administrative 
 regulations that followed them, promiscuously but 
 only too quickly. Nor was it different in Roumania. 
 The paper-rights of the Jews there, forced upon the 
 government in 1878, had remained — as they re- 
 main to this day — a dead letter. Thousands had 
 been forced to quit the country, fleeing in despair 
 to save the little life that had been left in them. 
 To these two must be added Galicia, where Aus- 
 trian anti-Semitism, with more refined methods, had 
 instituted economic pogroms quite as effective as 
 the physical ones in near-by Russia. 
 
 Of the various parties in Jewry who tried, by 
 one means or another, to weather the storm that 
 had broken in upon them, few understood its real 
 significance, or saw that the real significance of the 
 whole business lay in the fact that the present state 
 of the Jews was more parlous than the past, in that 
 the Jewish position had grown worse, while the 
 world had progressed in its general ideas of inter- 
 communal and international comity. Some of 
 these few were to be found in Russia — men who, 
 like M. L. Lilienblum, were keener-sighted and 
 
 61 
 
EIONISM 
 
 longer-headed than their brethren, and who scented 
 the danger in the air, and as early as 1870 sounded 
 the alarm in the Jewish camp. Their words, how- 
 ever, fell upon barren ground, perhaps because 
 they were alarmists and had no constructive policy 
 to offer. It needed a practical lesson not only 
 to teach them the truth, but to set them to think- 
 ing. In fact, they began to think furiously. The 
 lesson came in the years of terror 188 1 and 1882. 
 Happily, in the advance guard stood a man like Leo 
 Pinsker, a physician, who, towards the end of the 
 year 1882, sent a warning note ringing through 
 Russian Jewry, which is still heard by all those who 
 seek a final healing of the old complaint. 
 
 Pinsker had grown up in the ideas prevalent dur- 
 ing the mid-decades of the nineteenth century, and 
 he believed, together with his fellow-intellectuals, 
 that the ideas of world-wide cosmopolitanism and 
 internationalism were the surest guarantees for the 
 welfare of the Jews. From these reveries, as he 
 himself relates, he was awakened rudely by the ex- 
 cesses of the early " eighties." He was an eye-wit- 
 ness of the havoc created by the May Laws of 1 8 8 1 . 
 Although he was advanced in years, his soul was 
 touched to the quick. Using an interval in the 
 forward movement of the scourge, he sat down 
 
 62 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 to Study, not only the pathology of his own and his 
 brethren's status, but also the necessary therapeu- 
 tics. Whether Pinsker was aware or not of the 
 earlier attempt of Hess seems uncertain. Though 
 his conclusions agree in the main with those of his 
 predecessor, he formulates them with greaterpre- 
 cision, but with no less warmth of feeling. jJThe 
 root of the evil from which the Jews are suffer- 
 ing he finds to be the fact that, since the destruction 
 of Jerusalem, the various peoples and rulers have 
 never had to deal with the Jews as a nation, but only 
 with individual settlements of Jews. The blame 
 for this lies primarily at the door of the Jews them- 
 selves. They have not only never felt the necessity 
 for national concentration, but, on the contrary, 
 have actively denied that necessity. The conse- 
 quence has been that, having attempted to commit 
 national suicide, they have been taken at their word, 
 have been regarded as a dead nation — and treated 
 as suchj They have walked the earth as a ghost, 
 and, as all ghosts do, have inspired fear and dislike. 
 yin addition, Jews have suffered from being strangers 
 in a double sense : strangers in the lands to which 
 they have been driven, and more than strangers be- 
 cause they had no land of their own in which they 
 and others could feel that they were completely at 
 
 63 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 home. It is for this reason that emancipation in the 
 eyes of the law has not carried with it the social 
 emancipation for which the Jews had hoped. It 
 is a duty which the Jews owe to themselves, to get 
 rid of this alien condition, to find and to found a 
 home in which their superfluous population in the 
 various countries can be settled/^ 
 
 / It is worthy of note that Pinsker breaks, in a 
 measure, with the religious hope of the restoration 
 
 \ as Judaism had always understood it. Such a home 
 
 /is to be sought, not necessarily in the Holy Land, 
 but wherever a fitting soil can be found for the 
 
 ^ homeless people. He argues that it is the God-idea 
 and the Bible that have made Palestine holy, not 
 
 /Jerusalem and not the Jordan, and these ideas 
 can be carried by the Jews into any land in which 
 they may settle. He is thus a territorialist long 
 
 /before the rise of the Ito movement; and as the 
 Russian Jews were impregnated and fired by 
 Pinsker's arguments, we can understand why they 
 have greeted the latest movement with so much 
 warmth. 
 
 In one word, it is self-emancipation that Pinsker 
 preaches, as he calls it in the title of his work, 
 Autoemanctpation,'^ It is this that he considers 
 to be the true answer to anti-Semitism.' But 
 
 64 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 Pinsker went further, and sketched in broad outline 
 the means that were to be adopted to reach this 
 end. His perspicacity and his clear vision are 
 evident from the fact that, in a general way, the 
 lines he foreshadowed, but was not destined to 
 see realized, are those upon which later develop- 
 ments were to run. In one point, however, he was 
 mistaken. He looked to the various Jewish *' Alli- 
 ances " to head such a movement, thinking, no 
 doubt, of the Alliance Israelite, the Vienna AUianz, 
 and the Anglo- Jewish Association of London, all 
 three of which had been established, during the 
 twenty years that preceded the first Russian po- 
 groms, for the conservation and forwarding of gen- 
 eral Jewish interests. He was spared the knowl- 
 edge that these institutions proved to be among the 
 most determined opponents of the ideas which he 
 had set forth. As if he himself half suspected 
 that his hopes in this regard might not be realized, 
 he suggested that a sort of general board (Direk- 
 torium) should be formed, made up of men prom- 
 inent in finance, science, and letters, in whose hand 
 the leadership of the movement should be placed, 
 though he failed to indicate in what manner and by 
 what means the choice was to be made. In addi- 
 tion, a company was to be launched to care for the 
 
 65 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 financial side of the undertaking, the moneys for 
 which were to be gotten partly from the sale of the 
 lands acquired by the general board, partly from a 
 national Jewish subscription, which Pinsker thought 
 would be carried through upon a large scale. 
 
 I have mentioned these few details of the manner 
 in which Pinsker imagined his scheme might be 
 carried out, merely because they now seem almost 
 prophetic in character. They have found expres- 
 sion in the Zionist Congress, in the Jewish Colonial 
 Trust, and in the National Fund. Nor was he 
 wanting in political foresight. Though he did not 
 dwell on the subject, he saw clearly that any fore- 
 gathering of Jews would be impossible unless it had 
 at least the passive good-will of the political forces 
 that control the fortunes of Europe. That he did 
 not insist upon this point is no doubt due to the very 
 modest program he had in mind. Nowhere in the 
 pamphlet do we find the word ** state '* used. He 
 speaks of a ** home '' and of a ** colonist-com- 
 munity *' (Kolonistengemeinwesen). 
 
 It is safe to say that many of the Jewish leaders 
 in Russia at that time went through the same pro- 
 cess of refinement as Pinsker. Moses Lob Lilien- 
 blum is another characteristic example. Born in 
 1843 1^ ^ village near Kovno, he had been drawn 
 
 66 
 
LEO PINSKER 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 into the Haskalah movement. His personal eman- 
 cipation from the confining boundaries of the Tal- 
 mudic education, the only education possible for 
 Jewish students in the Russia of his day, had led 
 him far afield from the Jewish outlook, into a 
 materialistic view of life, which threatened him 
 for a time with intellectual shipwreck. A large 
 soul, however, which could not remain insensible 
 to the sufferings of his people, soon furnished the 
 counterbalance. As early as 1876 he had publicly 
 defended a project for buying Palestine from the 
 Sultan — a project that had been advanced by a cer- 
 tain Hayyim Gedaliah. The persecutions of 1880 
 and iSTi^opCTed^his eyes to the real question that 
 the Russian Jews had to solve, and, throwing aside 
 all considerations for his future, he gave himself 
 heart and soul to the new movement, Hibbat 
 Ziyyon (Love of Zion). Pinsker's Autoemancipa- 
 Hon made a great impression upon him. He be- 
 came secretary of the society of which Pinsker was 
 the inspiration and the head, and in his Return of 
 the Exiles he has given us a history of the early 
 years of the society's work. 
 
 The passage of so many of his brethren from 
 Russia to America set Lilienblum thinking. He 
 could see no real salvation in this exodus en masse, 
 
 67 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Though liberal America might offer very many 
 more advantages to the Jews than Russia ever 
 could, the emigration was no real solution of the 
 Jewish question. It tended merely to create a 
 Jewish question in another country. It was with 
 this idea in mind that in 1883 he published his 
 Rebirth of the Jewish People in the Holy Land of 
 Their Ancestors. His political insight was, of 
 course, not deep; his chief concern was to see as 
 many Jews as possible settle in Palestine, with no 
 thought as to their preparedness for the work there 
 or the readiness of the land to receive them. We 
 are, therefore, not concerned with the practical 
 measures which he suggests for colonization, but 
 rather with the central idea, that, as the Jews are 
 everywhere considered to be strangers, a common 
 existence with the native element in the various 
 countries of the Exile is impossible, and therefore a 
 national home is an imperious necessity." 
 
 Ideas similar to those of Llllenblum were set 
 forth by O. L. Levanda. After a long period of 
 literary activity, in which he had preached the 
 transformation of the Russian Jew into the Russian 
 citizen, in much the same manner as Jewish leaders 
 in Western Europe had done for their own fol- 
 lowers, he came to the conclusion that this step 
 
 68 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 forward in state-citizenship carried with it irre- 
 sistibly a diminution of Jewish sentiment. He is 
 the first perhaps to use the word " assimilation '^ — 
 about which so much ink was to be spilled later on 
 — and to make it clear that assimilation, to be really 
 effective, must proceed from the larger body in 
 which the smaller one is placed. To Levanda, the 
 root of Jewish misery lies in the fact — misconceived 
 alike by Jews and by non-Jews — that the real op- 
 ponents of assimilation are the various nations 
 among whom the Jews live, who have no love for 
 union with them. The distaste for union does not 
 come from the Jews. 
 
 It is perhaps remarkable that this whole move- 
 ment, which had stirred so deeply the Jews of 
 Russia, failed to find a resonant echo in Western 
 Europe. If one excepts Doctor Riilf in Memel, one 
 looks in vain for an intelligent appreciation of the 
 ideas that were slowly transforming the Jewish 
 masses in Eastern Europe. It is probably due to 
 the ignorance of Russo-Jewish matters shown even 
 by those In the West who were supposed to be 
 students of contemporary Jewish life. Besides, 
 many of the articles by Lillenblum, Levanda, and 
 others were written either In Russian or In Judeo- 
 German, and were not likely to fall into the hands 
 
 69 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 of Western publicists or to be read by them. But 
 Doctor Rulf was situated in the northernmost cor- 
 ner of Prussia, a stone's throw from the Russian 
 frontier. Memel had been a center of distribution 
 when the Russo- Jewish exodus was at its height. 
 Riilf had witnessed the tragedy at his very door, 
 and Pinsker's work reached him at a psychological 
 moment, when his Western training was suffering 
 from the severe shock it had received by a return 
 to medieval barbarism. Riilf's Arukat Bat Ammi 
 ( The Healing of My People) is not remarkable for 
 the closeness of its logical argumentation, but rather 
 for the warm feeling and lofty idealism that per- 
 vade it. Avowedly written under the influence of 
 Pinsker's Autoemancipation^ it formed in a measure 
 a stepping-stone over which some ideas of the 
 Russian leaders passed into Central Europe. 
 
 Only some of them. Jewish nationalism had 
 little attraction for the Jewish denizens of the rest 
 of Europe. Having been emancipated before the 
 secular law, most of them were concerned in emanci- 
 pating themselves from Jewish law, or, where this 
 was not sufficient, in proving their right to the new 
 status by a complete abandonment of the old. It 
 was only in certain Orthodox circles, notably in 
 Frankfort-on-the-MaIn and Berlin, that one side of 
 
 70 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 the Russian movement received sympathetic fur- 
 therance, the side connected with the colonization 
 of Palestine. Now, the idea of Yishub Erez Yisrael 
 (The Resettlement of the Land of Israel) was so 
 closely associated with Orthodox tenets that it may 
 well be said to be a part of the silent creed that 
 usually goes hand in hand with official and doctrinal 
 presentment of the principles of a religion/ The 
 furtherance of Jewish colonization in the Holy 
 Land could not well be neglected by those who held 
 that Jewish ** custom " (minhag) when followed 
 for a length of time became invested with a religious 
 significance and developed into a " commandment " 
 (mizwah). Many a conscientious Jew salved his 
 conscience by accepting this part of the new pro- 
 gram, while resolutely denying the validity of the 
 rest. 
 
 But even In Russia Itself the echo of Doctor 
 PInsker's piercing cry was faint. There were 
 leaders sufficient In whom the larger spirit moved, 
 but there were few regulars to assist In carrying out 
 the lofty ideas of the leaders, which were only dimly 
 understood by the people at large. It was but 
 natural. A broad view demands a position of 
 vantap:e from which It can be taken. The life of 
 the Jews In Russia was too circumscribed and too 
 
 71 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 cramped to afford them an opportunity to rise to 
 such a position. It is, therefore, greatly to Doctor 
 Pinsker's credit that, being unable to achieve the 
 
 jfuU measure of his purpose, he was content to 
 accept less and to become the head of the Cho- 
 vevi Zion (Hobebe Ziyyon). This movement, 
 which had Odessa for its center, sought to give 
 tangible expression to the newly-awakened interest 
 in Palestine. Its ramifications reached out into 
 other parts of the Diaspora, notably into Roumania, 
 where it received active support from such men as 
 Doctor K. Lippe and L. Pineles. From Russia it 
 spread to Austria, Germany, England, and the 
 United States. Some of its daughter-societies were 
 the Kadimah in Vienna, the Ezra in Berlin, and the 
 Bnei Zion associations in English-speaking coun- 
 tries. Indeed, In 1 890 the attempt was made to weld 
 the societies together Into an organic whole by the 
 formation of a Central Committee In Paris, under 
 the direction of Doctor Haffklne and M. Myerson. 
 Had it been possible to Inform the movement with 
 the larger Ideas of Pinsker and some of his Imme- 
 diate associates, a world-wide Jewish movement 
 might have resulted from the Chovevi Zion. But 
 the Odessa Committee retained Its preponderat- 
 
 ^ ing Influence, and despite the excellent work It has 
 
 72 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 done in assisting colonization and furthering the 
 dissemination of culture among the Jews of Pales- 
 tine, it has, like the Alliance Israelite Universelle, 
 failed to utilize the rare opportunity it had of mak- 
 ing its program large, bold, and statesmanlike. 
 And when Zionism started to occupy the position 
 the Chovevi Zion societies should have taken, there 
 was noticeable discord between the two parties, and 
 the debate was carried on with much sound and 
 fury. It is true that the London body accepted 
 the Zionist platform in 1898, and the Odessa Com- 
 mittee, in 1906, acquiesced in the resolutions 
 adopted by the Seventh Congress. Nevertheless, 
 Hibbat Ziyyon has remained, with its incom- 
 plete policy, the program of many Russian Zionists 
 and of some friends of the movement in the West. 
 The Chovevi Zionists must be regarded as spade- 
 workers in a cause greater than they themselves 
 imagined ; for without the primal interest in Pales- 
 tine which they generated and centralized in Russia, 
 it would have been difficult for Herzlian Zionism to 
 penetrate there." 
 
 I have said that Pinsker was willing to accept 
 less than he asked for rather than receive nothing. 
 Among the Jewish apostles at that time there was 
 one, however, who refused to serve permanent 
 
 73 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 interests by opening the door to passing moods. 
 Pinskcr was nearing the end of his life when Asher 
 GInzberg came to Odessa. I shall have something 
 to say later on in regard to Ginzberg's literary 
 work as a student of Jewish history. He rec- 
 ognized at once how pusillanimous and mediocre 
 was the spirit that informed the Chovevi Zion as 
 he found it in 1889. Envisaging the Jewish 
 problem in its totality, the calamitous destiny that 
 seemed to hang over his brethren in Russia, Ahad 
 ha-Am (to use his pen-name) sought to infuse new 
 life into the Chovevi Zion, to interject a wider and 
 deeper interpretation into the old Hibbat Ziyyon. 
 In an article published in Ha-Meliz, entitled Lo zeh 
 ha-Derek (Not This Is the Way) " he tried to dis- 
 cover for his readers in what manner the movement 
 Zionwards had failed to grasp the real significance 
 of the problem it had started out to solve. In a 
 subsequent number of the same paper, he published 
 a positive program, which he entitled, very char- 
 acteristically, Derek ha-Hayyim {The Way of 
 Life). In this pronouncement, Ahad ha-Am 
 pleads for a more spiritual conception of Hibbat 
 Ziyyon, which shall busy itself not only with the 
 attainment of a certain goal, but also with the prep- 
 aration of the Jewish people to be worthy of that 
 
 74 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 goal. He suggests an association of the men of 
 this true nationalist persuasion, who are to be ** an 
 inspiration to each other and a help in communicat- 
 ing their own feelings to the people," so that per- 
 haps " in the course of days and years they may 
 succeed In infusing their spirit into the people at 
 large and in restoring those moral qualities to it 
 without which a people cannot exist as such. Such 
 a society ought to be quite untrammeled in its 
 activities ; it should not regard numbers as essential, 
 but quality." 
 
 It will be seen that what Ahad ha-Am was 
 searching for was a breeding-place for leaders, 
 where in company with others of like tendency that 
 moral and spiritual strength might be developed 
 which he wished to breathe into the whole Chovevi 
 Zion movement. A chosen few gathered around 
 the author of the Way of Life, but though lishkot, 
 or lodges, were formed in many Russian cities, and 
 though adherents were gained in some of the larger 
 cities of mid-Europe, the number of actual members 
 was never much above one hundred and fifty. And 
 it was not merely fortuitous that this little band took 
 the title Bene Mosheh (Sons of Moses) ; for to 
 Ahad ha-Am Moses was the protagonist of the 
 highest prophetical outlook developed in the Bible 
 
 75 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 — the man of truth, the extremist, the example of 
 righteousness in word and action/ Jewish nation- 
 alism was to embody these great qualities of the 
 prophet. 
 
 The Bene Mosheh failed of its greater promise. 
 It remained a small group, whose members were 
 not of the necessary caliber to penetrate the whole 
 of the Chovevi Zion movement with their influence, 
 much less to mobilize the conscience of the Jew- 
 ish people and produce that ** vitalized generation *' 
 which Ahad ha-Am demanded. Yet, during the 
 short period of its existence, it is said that there pro- 
 ceeded out of the midst of that circle certain in- 
 fluences that founded a number of Institutions which 
 are among the best of the moving forces in Pales- 
 tine Jewry to-day : the colony Rehobot, the Carmel 
 Wine Company, the publication society Ahiasaf, 
 and the Hebrew magazine Ha-Shiloah.' 
 
 It was in the year 1 874 that the first attempt was 
 made to found a Jewish agricultural colony in 
 Palestine ; some Jews from Jerusalem laid the first 
 stones of Petah Tikwah (^Melebbes). The 
 second dates from 1882, when immigrants from 
 Russia and Roumania settled at Rishon le-Ziyyon 
 and Wadi el-Hanin (=Nes Ziyyona) in Judea, 
 Rosh Pinnah in Galilee, and Zikron Yaakob in 
 
 76 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 Samaria. The real impetus to these attempts be- 
 longs to the Chovevi Zion. It has often been said 
 that the history of these early foundations is an ex- 
 tremely sorry one and not auspicious for their future 
 prosperity/ The fact is undeniable. Most of the 
 new colonists suffered dire necessity, and must have 
 found it difficult to decide whether their present 
 situation was any better than that which had pre- 
 ceded it. Yet it is characteristic of the high purpose 
 and the incurable optimism that animated these 
 pioneers that few of them longed for the fleshpots 
 of Europe, and that, in spite of almost insuperable 
 difficulties, they kept manfully to the task they had 
 set for themselves. 
 
 But in nothing perhaps is the disorganization of 
 Jewry at that time so evident as in the manner in 
 which the whole movement was begun and carried 
 forward. East and West faced each other, if not 
 as opposing forces, at least as brothers who were 
 at the same time strangers. The Eastern leaders 
 were not men of the world, but denizens of the 
 study, students and university graduates. Those 
 of the West were indeed men of the world, but 
 they had not the same Jewish feeling possessed by 
 their brethren in the East. It was not merely the 
 eternal conflict between the practical and the ideal 
 6 77 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 that seems to have vitiated the whole Chovevi ZIon 
 movement; it was a sort of inner contradiction 
 among the members themselves. The Russian 
 leaders were animated by a strong national senti- 
 ment, which was the incentive and the background 
 for their interest in Palestine. Colonization in that 
 country had a higher object for them than the pos- 
 sible solution of a present and very pressing crisis. 
 Among the Jews in the West, most of those who 
 threw in their lot with the Chovevi Zion felt con- 
 vinced that religious considerations enjoined upon 
 them the furtherance of the movement, but refused 
 to allow any considerations of a Jewish nationalist 
 character to influence their action. And there was 
 a third group, whose association with the work was 
 purely philanthropic, who had as little sense for the 
 religious preoccupations of their Orthodox brethren 
 as they had for the more patriotic sentiments of the 
 nationalists. It was fateful that just this latter 
 class was bound to have a preponderating influence 
 upon the course of events, because in its hands lay 
 the means for any action on a large scale. 
 
 In the first category were the leaders of the 
 Odessa Committee, Pinsker, Lilienblum, Rabbi 
 Mohilever, Professor Shapira of Heidelberg, Pro- 
 fessor Mandelstamm of Kiev, and S. P. Rabino- 
 
 78 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 witz; in the second the Ezra Verein of Berlin, 
 with men like Doctor Hirsch Hildesheimer at the 
 head; and in the third Baron Edmond de Roth- 
 schild, the Jewish Colonization Association, and the 
 Alliance Israelite Universelle. The third class, it is 
 true, never attached itself formally to the ChovevI 
 Zion movement. It was through Chovevi Zionists 
 that their aid for Palestinian colonization was 
 secured. How was it possible for such disparate 
 elements to combine in any common effort or to 
 give proper and unified direction to so radical and 
 novel a movement among the Jews ? No organiza- 
 tion existed to which the nationalists could turn and 
 in which they could find their proper place. A 
 leading mind was wanting that could effect such an 
 organization within their own ranks. They were 
 forced to ally themselves with the Chovevi Zion. 
 But when Zionism with its larger outlook ap- 
 peared, they immediately found their bearings and 
 became its chief supporters. 
 
 The history of Jewish colonization in Palestine 
 between the years 1882 and 1899 represents a 
 further attempt at a solution of the Jewish question 
 upon the old philanthropic basis. It was bound to 
 prove abortive just because it was philanthropic. 
 For to treat the needs of a whole people from so 
 
 79 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 narrow a standpoint was to measure a country with 
 the tailor's yardstick. Had that philanthropy at 
 least been informed by a higher ideal, it might have 
 stood a chance of laying the foundation, if nothing 
 more, for a greater effort. Philanthropy as a pal- 
 liative for Jewish suffering has been tried so often 
 during the centuries that have passed that its bank- 
 ruptcy in Palestine was a conclusion almost fore- 
 gone. A bureaucracy can move only upon narrow 
 lines, and the bureaucracy of this epoch of Palestin- 
 ian colonization was further vitiated by all the evil 
 concomitants with what in practice was a species of 
 absentee landlordism. That something was, in the 
 end, saved from the wreck, and became the basis 
 for a newer and more wholesome development, was 
 due to the good sense of the chief absentee land- 
 lord and to the perseverance of the colonists them- 
 selves. Baron Edmond de Rothschild deserves all 
 the credit and praise that has been meted out to 
 him for having been sufficiently open-minded to 
 recognize a fault, when it was called to his attention 
 with no uncertain voice. He had spent a large sum 
 of money in the founding and the upkeep of many 
 of the Palestinian colonies ; rumor fixes the sum as 
 high as sixty or seventy millions of francs. It 
 was no easy matter to disengage himself from the 
 
 80 
 
LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 responsibility this expenditure carried with it. But 
 in the year 1899 he handed over whatever interest 
 he still had in the colonies to the Jewish Coloniza- 
 tion Association. 
 
 The change was perhaps for the worse. It 
 rendered the bureaucracy still more bureaucratic, 
 and the absentee landlordism more pernicious. 
 But even the Jewish Colonization Association was 
 not able to resist for long the continued demands of 
 the colonists themselves, nor combat successfully the 
 rising and ever-increasing dissatisfaction among the 
 Jewish masses. In 1907, the colonies were handed 
 over to the colonists, and the duties of self-govern- 
 ment were laid upon the shoulders of those who by 
 rights were called upon to bear them. Bureaucracy 
 and absentee landlordism fell at a stroke, and a 
 more healthy spirit was engendered, which made 
 it possible for the colonists to strive for some of 
 the ideals for the sake of which they had attempted 
 the work. Material prosperity followed in the 
 wake of the change. In 191 1 the Wine Growers 
 Association of Rishon le-Ziyyon and Zikron-Yaa- 
 kob were able to pay off nearly half a million 
 francs of their indebtedness to Baron Rothschild. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 221-222] 
 
 81 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THEODOR HERZL 
 
 On July 3, 1904, the many friends and the in- 
 numerable followers of Herzl were shocked to hear 
 of his death. Since then sufficient time has gone 
 by to make both friend and foe calmer and more 
 deliberate in judgment. Perhaps to use the word 
 ** foe " in this connection is wrong. Herzl may well 
 have had opponents and critics; foes — if that word 
 connotes enmity and hatred — he could not have 
 had. And If, in the following pages, the personal 
 note resounds too strongly and too persistently, it 
 is because the personality of Herzl signified so 
 much In the unifying and upbuilding work that he 
 did. The doctrines he propounded In his Judenstaat 
 were not new. They had been set forth quite as 
 translucently by Pinsker in his Autoemancipation, 
 perhaps even with warmer feeling, and certainly 
 with a more Intimate acquaintance with Jewish 
 history and Jewish life. They had been preached 
 with the fervor of a prophet by Riilf ; they were 
 the foundation stones with which Lllienblum and 
 Levanda had worked. Even the practical measures 
 
 82 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 enounced by Herzl, by means of which the ** Jewish 
 State *' was to be built up, are all to be found in 
 PInsker's pamphlet. The results are all the more 
 strange when we consider that Pinsker intended 
 to call forth a practical realization of his theories, 
 while HerzPs pages were conceived and written as 
 a sort of self -communing, not even destined for a 
 large circle of friends. The Judenstaat is the cool 
 reasoning of the philosopher; Autoemancipation, 
 the cry of the hunted stag that pants after some 
 haven of refuge. The one is the expression of noble 
 sentiments touched by poetic fancy and of a keen 
 sense of injustice done to others; the second, the 
 prescription of the physician who has studied his 
 own disease, and is ready to plunge the scalpel into 
 his own flesh. 
 
 I have intimated that it was largely the person- , 
 ality of Herzl, when once it was forced out into the^ ^ 
 open by various circumstances, that carried the day ^ 
 and invoked a zeal and a passion perhaps unique 
 in modern history. He possessed in a larger 
 measure than most men intellectual grace and per- 
 suasive enthusiasm. In a short time he was sur- 
 rounded by a band of determined men, to whom his 
 word was almost law, his wish a command. They 
 put themselves willingly under his somewhat auto- 
 
 83 ' 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 cratic rule, and gathered around his still unfurled 
 banner/ No leader of men has ever been placed in 
 exactly the same position. Herzl had nothing 
 visible or future to offer to those who immediately 
 and intimately assisted him — no hopes of prefer- 
 ment, no prospect of personal advancement. Both 
 they and he were to be in the service of an ideal, 
 and in that service they were to do battle together 
 against skepticism within the ranks and opposition 
 without. With very few exceptions, they have 
 proved faithful to their trust. If the term '* beauti- 
 ful ** can be applied to a man without derogating 
 his manhood, it can be used of Herzl. But he was 
 no less beautiful in sentiment and in mind than he 
 was in person. He was fascinating intellectually 
 and physically, so that he quickly drew all men 
 within the charmed circle of his influence. 
 
 Nor was any one less prepared for the work 
 he was to be called upon to do than was Herzl. 
 Born in Austria and educated for the legal pro- 
 fession at the Vienna University, he had followed 
 the usual course of his Jewish fellow-students, 
 whom larger and more secular interests had drawn 
 away completely from contact with Jewish affairs. 
 He had taken no part in the Jewish revival that 
 had found its way among some of its students at 
 
 84 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 his Alma Mater. He was practically a stranger 
 to his people, and they to him. His exquisite and 
 facile pen had led him into literature and jour- 
 nalism. As representative of the Neue Freie 
 Presse, he had lived in Paris for a number of years ; 
 and this voluntary exile had not served to counter- 
 act the secular and universalistic tendencies of a 
 nature that was broad and free. But there was 
 slumbering in him, quietly and unobserved even by 
 himself, a great fund of Jewish feeling and senti- 
 ment. I do not know that it was ever called forth 
 during his younger days, though anti-Semitism had 
 begun to be rampant at the Vienna University and 
 the Vienna Rathaus. But his stay in Paris 
 synchronized with the early period of the Dreyfus 
 affair. The anti-Semitic campaign, of which this 
 " affair " was the expression and in the miasma of 
 which It flourished, made a deep impression on his 
 sensitive nature, and awoke with a start his dormant 
 Jewish consciousness. 
 
 The Judenstaat was written In Paris In the year 
 1895.* It was intended to be nothing more than a 
 private confession of the author to himself and a 
 phllosophico-polltlcal disquisition for a few intimate 
 friends. The circle In which Herzl moved at that 
 time may be gauged by the fact that when it was 
 
 85 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 read by one of those friends, he declared unhesi- 
 tatingly that the author was making straight for 
 the madhouse. That it ever became public was due 
 to the fortuitous circumstance that shortly after this 
 Herzl moved back to Vienna, where he became 
 feuilleton-editor of the newspaper which he had 
 represented in Paris. Not only was Vienna more in 
 touch physically and spiritually with the great Jew- 
 ish centers of Eastern Europe. In the early 
 ** eighties " of the last century Nathan Birnbaum 
 had founded there, largely among Jewish university 
 students, the society Kadimah. This society was 
 thoroughly Imbued with the Jewish nationalism that 
 had raised so high the hopes of the Jews in Russia. 
 It was perhaps the first point of contact between the 
 Russian Jews natlonalistlcally inclined and their 
 brethren in other parts of Europe. The Kadimah 
 addressed a letter to Herzl in which it acknowl- 
 *edged its adhesion to his views, and made a direct 
 proposition looking to the founding of a Society of 
 Jews to take up the work Herzl had mapped out. 
 It is significant that it was proposed to fix the head- 
 quarters of this society in London. England was 
 one of the few great powers that had not capitulated 
 to anti-Semitism, and whose liberal tendencies con- 
 tinually inspired the hope in Herzl that he would 
 
 sa 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 find a ready assent to his theories among the Eng- 
 lish Jews. 
 
 And, indeed, the first just appreciation of the 
 whole scope of the scheme propounded in the 
 Judenstaat was by an English Jew, Israel Zang- 
 will. This brilliant writer and lover of his people 
 happened to be in Vienna shortly after HerzFs 
 return. Zangwill, of course, stood much closer to 
 the Immediate Jewish past than Herzl. He had 
 been born and bred In strictly Jewish circles, 
 and, as he knew some part of the Jewish masses 
 better than did his distinguished fellow-artist, 
 he may have recognized many of the difficulties in 
 the situation more clearly than Herzl. But his 
 poetic imagination was fired by the novel conception 
 and the daring solution proposed therein. Here 
 at least was a theory and an Interpretation inspiring 
 in their mettle and their audacity. The Jewish 
 public ought to have a chance to hear them — to 
 accept or to refuse. It was through ZangwIlPs 
 instrumentality that Herzl was Invited to appear 
 before the Maccabaeans in London, July 6, 1896.'' 
 Herzl himself had Inaugurated the public discussion 
 of what has now become known as Zionism * by a 
 letter to the Jewish Chronicle, In which he says: 
 " My pamphlet will open a general discussion on 
 
 87 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 the Jewish question. . . . [The newly-formed 
 society] will then find out for the first time whether 
 the Jews really wish to go to the Promised Land, 
 and whether they ought to go there/' The first 
 edition of the Judenstaat had been published in 
 Vienna in 1896/ 
 
 I have had occasion to refer to the answer which 
 certain sections of European Jewry had given to 
 the anti-Semitic attack. By his aloofness from 
 Jewish affairs, Herzl had followed along similar 
 lines, probably without much thought, and uncon- 
 sciously led by his early surroundings and upbring- 
 ing. But just as soon as the question became for- 
 mulated in his mind, his native nobility of feeling 
 rose In revolt against the supine attitude such a 
 course involved, and his clear-sighted vision saw 
 the fatuousness of such a program, if program it 
 could be called. He soon saw that the answer to 
 anti-Semitism was not to be found In a dull resigna- 
 tion that accepted an Impossible situation, but rather 
 in a constructive policy that would remove some 
 of the causes that had contributed to make the 
 disease possible, and would restore to the Jews 
 the self-consciousness they were In danger of losing. 
 The Judenstaat and what It represented were the 
 answer to anti-Semitism. 
 
 88 
 
THEODOR HER2X 
 
 In the whole pamphlet there was nothing really 
 new. Both the underlying principles and the means 
 suggested to make them fruitful of result are con- 
 tained in Pinsker's Autoemancipation, I am as- 
 sured that Herzl had never heard of this work until 
 several years had elapsed, as little as he had known 
 of Hess' Rome and Jerusalem or Riilf's Arukat 
 Bat Ammi. It is therefore the more remarkable 
 that the conclusions are so similar. Starting from 
 'the premise that anti-Semitism is a continually in- 
 creasing menace, and that evidently it is eradicable, 
 he comes to the conclusion that the outside world 
 does not desire to amalgamate with the Jews, ex- 
 cept upon conditions that are subversive of the con- 
 tinuance of the Jews as a people. Unless the 
 Jewish people is desirous of committing collective 
 suicide, it must find some egress from a position 
 which, with every year, is becoming less and less 
 tenable. That which it needs is a definite and cer- 
 tain home, and it is to the accomplishment of this 
 need that Herzl devotes most of his attention. He 
 demands the formation of a new organization, a 
 " Society of Jews." No existing corporate body 
 appeared to him to be sufficiently broad to serve as 
 a sure foundation for so important a work. This 
 society IS to make all the preliminary scientific and 
 
 89 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 political investigations. Then a ** Jewish Com- 
 pany '' is to be founded, with a capital of fifty mil- 
 lion pounds and with its seat in London. Herzl 
 obviously had in mind the great English trading- 
 companies, which, half-political and half-mercan- 
 tile, had administered, under the supervision of the 
 Crown, vast territories in Asia and Africa. For 
 this reason, too, he already adumbrated the idea 
 of a charter, which, in the years following, was to 
 loom so large in Zionist discussions. The con- 
 clusions come to by the " Society of Jews '* are to 
 be put in practice by the '* Jewish Company", in 
 whose hands, too, was to be placed the organization 
 of the new community. 
 
 The distinguishing feature of HerzFs present- 
 ment is the greater stress he lays upon the practical 
 consummation of the plan as compared with that of 
 his predecessors. His general political outlook was 
 larger and wider. He envisages the question in 
 its totality. Notwithstanding a poetic foresight 
 that was native in him, he writes with the pen of a 
 politician and speaks the language of a statesman. 
 The fire of the prophet, which lights up the writings 
 of his German and Russian precursors, never gains 
 the ascendancy over the cooler judgment of the 
 practical legislator. Palestine exercises no fascina- 
 
 ^^ 90 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 tlon^uponjnm^ He shows no trace of a knowledge 
 of the Chovevi ZIon movement or of the various 
 attempts made to rebuild the waste places In the 
 land of the forefathers. Palestine is but one of 
 various possibilities for Jewish settlement, as is 
 Argentina or Canada. In the Judenstaat there are 
 no dithyrambics. Everywhere cool pronounce- 
 ments that capture the mind rather than transport 
 the imagination. It is for this reason perhaps that 
 Herzl was understood of the West, and his argu- 
 mentative presentation had a greater chance of 
 success than the more elaborate disputations of 
 previous writers. In one word, he is a cool and 
 modern man of the world, speaking to modern^/ 
 like himself. 
 
 From all the evidence it is plain that Herzl never 
 had the slightest idea of placing himself at the head 
 of a practical organization." He had been led by 
 others to give his ideas to the world at large. The 
 very force of circumstances was to take him away 
 from his desk and from the quiet of his study into 
 the turmoil and ferment of public life. But just 
 as chance had discovered In him the deep-set racial 
 Jew, so it was to reveal the statesman. Even in 
 exile the Jews had from time to time developed 
 men of large political views, men capable of leading 
 
 91 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 the ship of state. One is led at once to think of 
 such men as Disraeli, Cremieux, Luzzatti, Sonino, 
 and others, if only modern times are taken into 
 account. But, with the exception of Don Joseph 
 of Naxos in the sixteenth century and Adolphe 
 Cremieux in the nineteenth, none of these statesmen 
 had placed his abilities and his opportunities in the 
 service of his own brethren. Other nations and 
 stranger peoples had profited of their gifts. Herzl's 
 special claim rests upon his unique devotion to the 
 needs and aspirations of the Jewish people. 
 
 Slowly but surely the consciousness deepened in 
 HerzPs mind that his first step forward necessitated 
 a second. The adhesion of the Vienna Kadimah 
 and the request for a meeting at which the whole 
 subject should be discussed, soon determined him 
 to proceed. He was not deterred by the some- 
 what lukewarm reception he had met in London. 
 HerzPs greatest fault perhaps was his besetting 
 optimism. As Nordau said of him in his memorial 
 address at the Seventh Congress,* he imagined that 
 he had behind him a multitude of Herzls, " that 
 very many Jews had, like himself, determined no 
 longer to bear oppression, that they had his steel 
 will, his moral earnestness, his ideal inspiration, 
 his unstinted unselfishness, his self-sacrifice." But 
 
 92 
 
THE SEC 
 
 BASEL, Ai 
 
OND CONGRESS 
 
 JGUST 28-31, 1898 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 such optimism is indispensable in any leader of men. 
 The call for the First Congress, which was to be 
 the beginning of Herzl's constructive policy, was 
 issued early in 1897. Another circumstance had, 
 in the meantime, intervened, which was calculated 
 to induce him to persevere. The public discussions 
 of his pamphlet had penetrated far and wide. 
 From the very first Herzl had desired this publicity. 
 He believed that the Jewish question was one that 
 intimately affected certain political considerations, 
 and the interests of various states demanded that it 
 should be settled; and, especially, a permanent 
 settlement could be effected only if it were reached 
 to the satisfaction and with the assistance of 
 European diplomacy. In some manner, not as yet 
 explained, the publication of the Judenstaat and the 
 theories it contained, had been brought to the notice 
 of the Turkish Sultan. He dispatched to Herzl, 
 in May, 1896, a secret emissary, the Chevalier de 
 Newlinsky, with the offer of a charter for Palestine, 
 in return for the cessation of the European press 
 campaign against him because of the Armenian 
 massacres." The Sultan had the usual exaggerated 
 idea of the power of the Jews in the Continental 
 press, and endeavored, in this manner, to buy off 
 the just criticism of the barbarities he had inflicted 
 7 93 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 upon a race with a history somewhat similar to that 
 of the Jews in its tragedy and lonesomeness. Not 
 only were the Jews not so powerful in this respect 
 as the Sultan supposed; they were not so supine 
 as to execute such a bargain and reach their own 
 goal over the dead bodies of another race. Un- 
 fortunately, too, they were not sufficiently proud to 
 make a distinctively Jewish question their own. 
 The Neue Freie Presse, of which Herzl was one of 
 the editors, never once mentioned the word Zionism 
 as long as the leader lived. 
 
 Perhaps the attitude of the Vienna newspaper 
 was the attitude the greater part of Western Jewry 
 would have desired to take in the premises, had this 
 been possible. To ignore the assaults upon posi- 
 tions considered impregnable is good tactics, when 
 the assumption that they are impregnable is correct. 
 As long as the questions raised remained subjects 
 for academic discussion within the Jewish camp, 
 such a policy, though not one of the highest virtue, 
 was possible. But the call for a Congress meant 
 the passage from discussion to deed, and the ardor 
 and spirit with which the campaign for it was 
 carried on made it necessary that the various Jewish 
 organizations and certain public men should define 
 their position towards the new movement. It must 
 
 94 
 
THEODOR HERZL . 
 
 ' be admitted that their position was, in most cases, 
 frankly hostile. This hostility came from the most 
 varied quarters — from Orthodox, from RefornJ, 
 from No-nothing Jews. Even the Chovevi Zioit 
 in Western Europe refused to join hands, and thd 
 larger organizations, such as the Alliance in Paris,! 
 the Jewish Colonization Association, and the^ 
 Vienna Allianz, announced a determined oppo- 
 sition. That this antagonism proceeded from such 
 different spheres is evidence that the question^ 
 turned about some basal idea, and that the Jews 
 were lined up in two opposing forces on either side 
 of it. For the Reform Jews Zionism was too or- 
 thodox; for the Orthodox it was not sufficiently 
 religious; for the No-nothings it was too Jewish.^ 
 If we take the last class first, it is easy to see that 
 the new pronouncement required of such Jews a 
 great mental and moral effort. I should not care to 
 say that many of them were incapable of such an 
 effort. To make such a demand for effort from the 
 plain man of the street is perhaps asking too much, 
 whether in the interest of Zionism or of any other 
 idea. He is accustomed to follow the line of least 
 resistance. He objects to being awakened some- 
 what rudely. Especially In this case he was averse 
 to being asked to take sides. It was a question from 
 
 95 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 which he had hoped to escape; and he feared for 
 the social position which he imagined he had se- 
 cured at the cost of his own and his forefather's 
 past. If his circumstances were such as to render 
 him free from all cares, Zionism came in as a sort 
 of trouble fete, and the quicker done with it the 
 better. 
 
 The religious difficulties scented by the Orthodox 
 in the new movement are readily intelligible. The 
 Messianic idea among the Jews, which was firmly 
 coupled with that of the Restoration, was opposed 
 to a human realization of the hope, in strong con- 
 trast to the Christian, which was based upon a 
 more human accomplishment. But, even apart 
 from such doctrinal considerations, many of the 
 leaders of the new Zionism were indifferent to 
 religious sentiment and disassociated from Jewish 
 practices. Herzl himself belonged in this category, 
 as also some of his principal helpers. Indeed, it 
 must be conceded that early there were currents 
 discernible in the movement that were definitely 
 anti-religious; and, in general, the insistence upon 
 the view that the question was economic and 
 political rather than religious, was calculated to 
 fill the Orthodox with alarm. The opposition from 
 this quarter has never wholly disappeared, even 
 
 96 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 though Herzl was compelled by the logic of events 
 to become more Palestinian in his attitude, and even 
 though the Second Congress passed a resolution de- 
 fining clearly the official attitude of the movement,' 
 without, of course, impairing the freedom of the 
 individual member. At a later period a break was 
 made, and a section of the Orthodox camp, under 
 the name of Mizrachi, joined the Zionists, and has 
 very noticeably made its influence felt. But, though 
 one can understand the religious difficulty which 
 the Orthodox apprehended, one fails to appreciate 
 the tactics of abstention. Zionism, whatever else 
 might result from it, made for a deepened sense of 
 Jewish solidarity, a profounder study of Jewish 
 history, and a wider sympathy with all manifesta- 
 tions of the Jewish spirit. It was in a line with a 
 part at least of Orthodox aspirations. In truth, 
 upon the appearance of HerzPs pamphlet. Doctor 
 Gudemann, Chief Rabbi of Vienna, wrote to the 
 author, ** I have read it through, and find nothing 
 in it to criticise.*' ' In the same manner, Doctor 
 J. H. Diinner, Chief Rabbi of North Holland, 
 a well-known Talmudic authority, welcomed the 
 Zionist program from the standpoint of traditional 
 Judaism, though carefully distinguishing between 
 that program and the fulfillment of Messianic 
 
 97 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 prophecy," an opinion concurred in by Doctor M. 
 Friedlander, the learned principal of Jews' College, 
 London." 
 
 The greatest opposition, however, came from 
 the Reform wing of the Jewish Church. Under 
 this designation I comprehend all those Jews who 
 believe that a certain evolution must take place 
 In religious formulae as well as in religious forms, 
 and who hold that In every age Judaism can 
 and must fit itself to the changed conditions in 
 which It finds Itself. This opposition was to be 
 expected. The central thought of the whole Re- 
 form movement had been the disassoclation, In a 
 large measure, of religion and nationality, the 
 insistence upon the universality of the Jewish re- 
 ligion, and the hope of Messianism (a term which 
 I use merely for want of a better), In the promul- 
 gation of which the Jews were to take an active 
 part. It will be seen readily that such Ideals mil- 
 itated. In some material points, against the funda- 
 mental theories of Jewish nationalism and of 
 Zionism. Jewish nationality had no meaning for 
 those who held such views. In fact, the old Tal- 
 mudic dictum, *' The laws of the land In which the 
 Jews live are the laws that must be obeyed," ^' 
 had been reiterated times without number, and 
 
 98 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 had been stretched almost beyond recognition. 
 Wherever a conflict occurred between the laws of 
 the state and the Jewish law, there was a tendency 
 to decide in favor of the former. The dispersion 
 of the Jews was held to be providential and neces- 
 sary for the propagation of the monotheistic 
 faith. Any undue concentration, therefore, worked 
 counter to divine purpose, and, putting the hands 
 of the clock back," delayed unduly the consumma- 
 tion of the hope which was the well-spring of 
 Judaism. 
 
 Even in Russia this distinction between what 
 may be called Jewish Jews and un- Jewish Jews was 
 apparent. While the chief Hebrew newspapers, 
 Ha-Meliz and Ha-Zefirah, welcomed Zionism, the 
 Voskhod, written in Russian, was violently opposed 
 to it. Advanced Jewish Reform in Germany and in 
 America was fully prepared to take such an attitude 
 of resistance. It had removed all mention of Zion 
 and Jerusalem from the official prayer book. But 
 in other centers the hope of the restoration still 
 remained as an integral part of Jewish doctrine as 
 expressed in Jewish prayers, and these had to be 
 explained away. The Chief Rabbi of Vienna had 
 revised his former attitude; he now declared that 
 " Zion '' was nothing but a symbol of the future 
 
 99 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 of Judaism and of the world, that the role of the 
 Jews lies in the very opposite direction to that 
 preached by Zionism — as solvers of nationalism and 
 preachers of internationalism." Lucien Wolf con- 
 cedes that the highest traditional ideal of Judaism 
 is undoubtedly national, which he, however, quali- 
 fies by adding, " It is not the nation of a kept 
 principality, but the holy nation of a kingdom of 
 priests.'' " This is also the central thought of 
 Doctor K. Kohler, who characterizes the mission of 
 the Jews to be ** not only spiritual or religious in 
 character,'' but also '' social and intellectual," and 
 he opposes to official Zionism what he calls the 
 ** true Zionism," which *' demands of the Jews to be 
 martyrs in the cause of truth and justice and 
 peace." " Along similar lines, Claude Montefiore 
 proclaims that the Jews must continue ^* to fight 
 the good fight, not to despair, but with self-purifica- 
 tion and brave endurance to await the better time 
 that civilization will shortly bring, when their 
 fellow-citizens will claim them as their own." " 
 And, as regards the immediate question, as it pre- 
 sented Itself in Eastern Europe, especially in Russia 
 and Roumania, a somewhat unhealthy optimism 
 reigned. The parole was given out, " The Russo- 
 Jewish question must be solved in Russia itself," 
 
 100 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 and various attempts were made to bring about the 
 betterment of the situation in Roumania by diplo- 
 matic and economic pressure. In both Instances 
 failure waited upon the efforts. 
 
 But, in addition to the doctrinal considerations 
 noted above, which held many critics of Zionism as 
 in a vise^ there was added a certain solicitude and 
 mistrust, an apprehension that Zionism might bring 
 in its wake a catastrophe boding evil to the political 
 positions won by the Jews in so many modern 
 civilized states. Continental anti-Semitism had 
 made much of the charge that the Jews were 
 strangers in the various lands of the Diaspora, and 
 had urged that they be treated as such in all future 
 legislation. It was feared by many that Zionism 
 justified such a charge, and would give a handle 
 to all manner of obloquy that might be cast upon the 
 Jews as not being full-fledged citizens of the states 
 in which they lived. 
 
 They [the Zionists] are part-authors of the anti-Semitism which 
 they profess to slay, wrote Laurie Magnus." For how can 
 European countries which the Jews propose to " abandon " justify 
 their retention of the Jews? And why should civil equality have 
 been won by the strenuous exertions of the Jews, if the Jews 
 themselves be the first to " evacuate " their position and to claim 
 the bare courtesy of " foreign visitors " ? 
 
 ini 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 The same disquietude was exhibited In other 
 quarters, and a certain chauvinism which was 
 deemed necessary as a counterblast to Zionist propa- 
 ganda. In one part of the Jewish world the Central 
 Conference of American Rabbis declared: 
 
 Such [z. e. Zionist] attempts do not benefit, but infinitely harm, 
 our Jewish brethren where they are still persecuted, by confirming 
 the assertion of their enemies that the Jews are foreigners in the 
 countries in which they are at home, and of which they are 
 everywhere the most loyal and patriotic citizens.*"* 
 
 In another part of the world, Professor Ludwig 
 Geiger sounded the German note on the Jewish 
 clarion : 
 
 Zionism is as dangerous to the German spirit as are social 
 democracy and ultramontanism. . . . The German Jew who 
 has a voice in German literature must, as he has been accustomed 
 to for the last century and a half, look upon Germany alone as 
 his fatherland, upon the German language as his mother tongue, 
 and the future of the German nation must remain the only one 
 upon which he bases his hopes. Any desire to form together with 
 his coreligionists a people outside of Germany is, not to speak 
 of its impracticability, downright thanklessness towards the nation 
 in whose midst he lives — a chimera; for the German Jew is a 
 German in his national peculiarities, and Zion is for him the land 
 only of the past, not of the future. 
 
 20 
 
 Indeed, the dissonance grew so great as to be- 
 come dangerous. The opponents of Zionism were 
 
 102 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 ready to appeal for outside help in order to put 
 down the unwelcome intruder. The^ inauspicious 
 eflfect of such a course, when it had been tried in 
 the past, cried out aloud against a renewal of the 
 attempt. One remembers all that happened at the 
 time of the Second Monarchy, when Hellenists and 
 anti-Hellenists called in the secular arm in the solu- 
 tion of internal difficulties; the dangers to which 
 the Prussian Jewish communities exposed them- 
 selves in 1817,"^ when the Government was invited 
 to inhibit the introduction of reform services, or 
 again in 1843,'' when the Senate of Frankfort-on- 
 the-Maln was called in to inforce a ritual provision. 
 Yet the suggestion of the same Professor Geiger, 
 that ** the withdrawal of citizen's rights appears 
 to be the necessary consequence of German enact- 
 ments against Zionism, the only answer the German 
 national conscience can give," can only be construed 
 as an invitation to the German Government to 
 come to the aid of the opponents of Zionism. 
 
 Happily this was the expression only of an in- 
 dividual, and fell flat because of the very exuber- 
 ance of its chauvinism. Yet the feeling in Germany 
 was strong enough to bring forth a public pro- 
 nouncement on the part of the Association of 
 Rabbis in Germany (July 16, 1897), which de- 
 clared " 
 
 103 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 that the attempts of the Zionists to found a Jewish national 
 state In Palestine are contrary to the Messianic promises of Juda- 
 ism as laid down in Holy Writ and in the later religious authori- 
 ties; that Judaism demands of its adherents to serve the state in 
 which they live and in every way to further its national interests; 
 but that no opposition thereto can be seen in the noble plan to 
 colonize Palestine with Jewish agriculturalists, because that plan 
 has no connection with the founding of a national state. 
 
 The limitation contained in the last sentences of 
 the foregoing declaration evidently foreshadowed 
 a compromise, or, at least, it suggested the pos- 
 sibility of an entente. Not only would it remove 
 the discussion from what was evidently a field of 
 battle ; it squared the radical opponents of Zionism 
 with the Orthodox wing, and removed the taint of 
 indifference to the uplifting of Palestine. In all 
 ententes, of course, there must be a certain limita- 
 tion on both sides ; but the limitation demanded of 
 the Zionists was one which in good conscience they 
 could not possibly accept. It meant a return to 
 simple Chovevi Zionism, with just those elements 
 eradicated which constituted the propelling force 
 and individuality of the new movement. It signi- 
 fied a reaction to the older method of solving 
 Jewish difficulties, and it took no account of the 
 palpable fact that all attempts at a philanthropic 
 solution had proved failures. It was Jewish nation- 
 
 104 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 alism that offended the taste of these opponents. 
 But nationalism was the very heart of Zionism. 
 Without it all the other members would become 
 atrophied. The contending positions were thus 
 clearly defined: the two sides had joined issue. 
 
 The complaint has been raised in some quarters 
 that by insisting upon its propaganda Zionism has 
 caused a split and a division in the Jewish ranks; 
 that it has set community against community; even, 
 at times, house against house. The impeachment 
 IS perhaps true, but a complaint on that account 
 is unwarranted. A large and dispersed community, 
 such as the Jewish, is bound to exhibit much diver- 
 sity as its opinions develop. It would mean spiritual 
 death, were absolute uniformity to be its char- 
 acteristic, more especially at a time when so large 
 a proportion of its members were in sufferance, and 
 when the outlook was so absolutely dreary. The 
 first three-quarters of the nineteenth century had 
 been fruitful of the great questions connected with 
 the attainment of civic freedom and political 
 equality as far as concerned the relation of the Jews 
 to the outside world. Within the community, 
 the battle had raged over the right of individual and 
 collective freedom in religious matters. In Western 
 Jewries the battle for civic and political freedom 
 
 105 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 had been won. As regards religious freedom within 
 the community, one cannot help feeling that the 
 debate had been ** talked out," but with a sort of 
 tacit understanding that the right demanded had 
 been conceded. 
 
 When we read the Jewish newspapers of the day 
 or peruse the reports of the various Rabbinical Con- 
 ferences, we are struck with the meagerness and 
 paltriness of the questions at issue, when compared 
 with the exhausting passions they called forth. 
 But this meagerness is only apparent, not real. 
 For the underlying idea was to make possible the 
 further development of Jewish law, so that it 
 should not become petrified, as it had threatened 
 to become in the Shulhan Aruk, So uncompro- 
 mising a radical as Samuel Holdheim was acknowl- 
 edged, even by his fiercest opponents, to be a studied 
 Talmudist. His Madmar ha-Ishiit, a memorable 
 treatise designed to advance the position of women 
 as members of the Synagogue, is a piece of fine 
 Talmudic reasoning. At the various conferences, 
 another Reformer, though less uncompromising, 
 Abraham Geiger, made his demands from the 
 basis of Talmudic law; as likewise did Samuel 
 Adler, later minister at Temple Emanuel In New 
 York. Without prejudice It may be said that an 
 
 106 
 
THEODOR HERZL 
 
 untoward fate prevented the two parties at the 
 conferences from coming together and directing 
 future development. But the more conservative 
 wing evidently took fright, and, through their re- 
 treat, not only emphasized the cleft between them 
 and their opponents, but also drove the opponents 
 further and further afield from the traditional basis. 
 These interminable bouts in regard to minor 
 points connected with the synagogue service and 
 with ritual observances palled upon the palate, and 
 some new vivifying force was necessary to gal- 
 vanize the body politic. This new force was Zion- 
 ism. In the face of this question all others paled, 
 so that many wondered how the older questions 
 could ever have called forth the feeling and the 
 fire they did. The national question became an 
 international Jewish one in the highest sense of the 
 term. It set the Jews to thinking hard. I cannot 
 see that anything has been lost by the fierceness 
 with which the battle raged. On the contrary, 
 much has been won that will work permanent ad- 
 vantage. A question has been put that is one of 
 life and death. It has called into the firing-line of 
 each of the two parties the most experienced and 
 the best-tried warriors. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 223-224] 
 107 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 I have said that the summoning of the Congress 
 was the first constructive work attempted by Herzl. 
 Its importance lay in the fact that it was not only 
 to be the means for concentrating various efforts 
 that were being made towards a common goal, but 
 in itself it was the announcement of a definite policy. 
 That policy is intimately connected with all Zionist 
 endeavor. It meant organization, and, what is 
 more, organization upon a democratic basis. It may 
 be said with truth that no such attempt had been 
 made since the times immediately following the 
 destruction of the Jewish polity. For since that 
 time the Jews had lived as mere scattered com- 
 munities. They had been held together in a loose 
 and much disjointed brotherhood, a brotherhood 
 of bondage for the most part, informed by a 
 spiritual ideal. But something more than this was 
 needed in a world of hard fact. Common forms of 
 worship and a common ghettohood had been the 
 clasp that kept the communities from going too far 
 
 108 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 asunder. The walls of the Ghetto, however, had 
 fallen, and the forms of worship tended to differ- 
 entiate more and more. The danger of complete 
 disintegration was very real. 
 
 Even then no endeavor was evident to reunite 
 the scattered remnants for common action along 
 any one line. It Is true that the Alliance Israelite 
 Universelle had had this purpose at Its Inception; 
 Its name Indicates this. But It never realized its 
 high aim. In the nature of things, it was impos- 
 sible. The broad basis was wanting, upon which 
 alone such a fabric could be built up, and the leaders 
 were necessarily Impotent to resist the claims of 
 French nationalism, which effectively mastered their 
 Jewish feeling. In a short time, sister-societies 
 grew up in Austria, England, and Germany, that 
 were as naturally In the bonds of their own country's 
 nationalism as the parent society. 
 
 Democracy, too, was at bottom dear to the Jew- 
 ish heart. The Jews have always shown a strong 
 Individualistic tendency. It can be followed right 
 through their history. It Is evident In the sterner 
 Biblical times ; according to one version, the very In- 
 stitution of kingship was not really In accord with 
 the divine wish.* It comes to light during the 
 struggles of the Second Commonwealth. The 
 
 8 109 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Jewish communities in Europe were democratic in 
 their form of government in the Middle Ages. 
 With the passing of the priestly functions, the last 
 shadow of special prerogative vanished away.' The 
 Synagogue knew no priesthood ; no privileged class 
 exercised functions that were impossible for the 
 humblest congregant. It Is only in such deformed 
 products of religious exaltation as Hasidism that 
 the semblance of functional authority has made its 
 appearance. In Germany, the office of Landes- 
 rabbiner was often forced upon the Jewish com- 
 munities by the state for purposes of more active 
 supervision of the congregations. In England the 
 Chief Rabbi has gradually been shorn of all real 
 power. The Grand Rabbin de France has been 
 ** Grand '* mainly from the government point of 
 view, notwithstanding the personal excellence of the 
 holders of the position. In Italy, nearly every 
 rabbi of a large community is a Rabbino Maggiore. 
 Every attempt to establish even a spiritual headship 
 seems to have failed. It Is only In the nearer East 
 that a certain amount of power was always granted 
 to either the lay or the spiritual head of the Jewish 
 bodies, from the Resh Geluta (Exilarch) In Baby- 
 Ion down to the Hakam Bashis of modern Moham- 
 medan countries. And, indeed. It Is one of the argu- 
 
 110 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 merits usually brought forward against the Zionist 
 platform that the Jew is assumed to be unwilling to 
 subject his own will to that of other Jews. Yet, 
 without any organization, no concerted action was 
 possible. Was it now to prove successful on a 
 broad democratic and secular basis, and in a manner 
 that made the leaders as it were responsible min- 
 isters to the people at large? 
 
 Regarded from yet another point of view, 
 the Congress idea was of significance. The Jews 
 had had no forum from the boards of which they 
 could speak to the world at large outside. The 
 non- Jewish world has always known very little of 
 real Jewish sentiment. Whenever it has tried to 
 understand, it has usually misunderstood it. This 
 was, in a measure, the fault of the Jews themselves, 
 and various attempts have been made by rabbinical 
 associations and by a modern vernacular press to 
 remove this reproach. It is not belittling these 
 laudable efforts to hold them to have been insuffi- 
 cient for the purpose. They neither spoke with 
 incorporate authority, nor were their utterances 
 received as having been made in coram publicam. 
 A Congress of Jews, speaking with a delegated 
 authority In the name of a large body of the people, 
 holding Its deliberations In public, and in that way 
 
 111 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 attracting the attention of Europe and America, 
 was calculated to have a wide hearing and serve 
 the cause of the Jews In general. 
 
 It has been argued that the Zionists arrogated to 
 themselves an office they did not In reality possess, 
 that of speaking In the name of the whole Jewish 
 people, though they represented merely a section 
 of that people. The arraignment is not without 
 some justification, which, however, on second 
 thought, is more seeming than real. It Is true 
 that only a portion of the Jewish people stood 
 sponsor to the idea of the Congress, but It must not 
 be forgotten that in this respect a great part of the 
 whole body was quite inarticulate. It had little 
 thought for anything beyond Its own individual and 
 present needs. There were no means at hand to 
 make its voice heard, and, had it been possible to 
 take a poll, it would be hazardous to presume the 
 result. In addition, of all Jews It was the Zionists 
 who had the lustiest wish to live, who desired action 
 that would keep the Jews together as a people. 
 This is said without prejudice to the non-Zionist 
 camp, and without any intention to brand those who 
 did not agree with them as less good Jews than the 
 Zionists thought themselves to be. Nor did the 
 Congress ever hide, or seek to hide, the fact that it 
 
 112 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 had Its many opponents. But it felt that its composi- 
 tion had a certain universally Jewish character. 
 It was made up of delegates representing all the 
 various phases of Jewish life and thought — Ortho- 
 dox, Reform, indifferent in religious matters, and 
 frankly non-religious, Chovevi Zionists, and pure 
 nationalists. Looked at from this point of view, 
 the assumption of the Congress to speak for what 
 has been well called Catholic Israel ' was not the 
 presumption it seemed to be at first sight. 
 
 It had been intended to hold the First Congress 
 in Munich. That it met in Basel was due to the 
 opposition of the official Jewish community in the 
 first-named city. When one reads the various pro- 
 nouncements made at the time against the holding 
 of the Congress, even the lapse of years does not 
 lessen one's astonishment, for the leading motive 
 seems to have been one of fear and of dread — fear 
 of a public discussion of Jewish problems, dread of 
 the results likely to follow any success the Zionists 
 might achieve. In the circumstances, Herzl and 
 his friends had the proper instinct In yielding. It 
 would have been a disservice to the Jewish cause 
 to have exhibited Jewish dissension to the world in 
 so palpable a form. It would have been a calamity 
 for the new movement to have had its birth at- 
 
 113 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 tended by strife and discord. Passive resistance 
 might be overcome and overwhelmed; active op- 
 position, however, might have proven a death-blow. 
 The First Congress was, therefore, held in Basel, 
 in August, 1897. It was, to a large extent, pre- 
 paratory. It was a manifestation, not only to the 
 Jewish, but also to the non-Jewish world. But its 
 chief import lies in the fact that it drew up a 
 declaration which, in its opening paragraph, has 
 become the watchword of the whole movement, 
 and which is universally known as " the Basel Pro- 
 gram." This paragraph affirms that " the object 
 of Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people a 
 publicly and legally assured home in Palestine." 
 The terseness with which this expression is worded 
 makes some explanation necessary. The words 
 " publicly and legally assured " in themselves em- 
 phasize the broad view taken of the question. In 
 bringing it to the attention of the world, the Con- 
 gress laid stress upon the fact that what was de- 
 manded was a ri^ht and not a favor, and the Jewish 
 masses counted upon the assistance of more fortu- 
 nate peoples in attaining the status which these 
 enjoyed. In a negative way It suggested that the 
 root of the whole business lay in the fact that the 
 Jews as a people had no home, and, such being the 
 
 114 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 case, they became easily the play-ball of contending 
 factions and of warring interests. But that home, 
 to be effectively assured to the Jewish people, must 
 be " legally " recognized as such by the forces that 
 controlled the forward movement of modern civili- 
 zation. For a home under other conditions might 
 become as insecure as the present tenure in various 
 lands. International recognition was imperatively 
 needed. 
 
 There were also added the important words ** in 
 Palestine." They mark a step forward in the 
 program as originally laid down in the Juden- 
 staat. It will be remembered that there Herzl had 
 in mind Palestine or any other country that might 
 be found suitable. The declaration evidently takes 
 account of only one country, and as Herzl was the 
 one who finally formulated it, the words denote a 
 distinct change in his mental attitude. What was 
 the cause of this change ? It is not far to seek. Not 
 only had he felt as it were the pulse of the Jewish 
 people; not only had he come to see that the Jewish 
 heart was beating for one spot, and that the great 
 forward course he desired his people to take was 
 possible only if it was fired by a propelling senti- 
 ment. Not that alone. By reason of his closer 
 contact with Jews and with Jewish affairs, Herzl 
 
 115 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 had at last found himself, and had, of his own ac- 
 cord, reached the view that the future of Israel was 
 bound up irrevocably with Palestine. Though the 
 large majority of his followers either had pre- 
 ceded him on this road of mental development, 
 or were carried forward on it by him, a number re- 
 mained behind. A strong minority in the organiza- 
 tion and in the Congress insisted upon the older 
 standpoint, and formed an active opposition, which 
 led in after years to the exciting scenes of the Sixth 
 and the Seventh Congress, and eventually to the 
 formation of the Ito, or territorialist group. 
 
 Ten sessions of the Congress were held between 
 1897 and 191 1 ; from 1897 to 1901 yearly; from 
 that time forward biennially. I have said that a 
 certain change had taken place in HerzPs attitude 
 regarding Palestine. But it must not be forgotten 
 that he still held to the large political view of the 
 whole question. He was, above all, endowed with 
 the qualities of a statesman, and it was from the 
 statesman's angle that he mapped out the work he 
 and the organization were to do. Above all, he 
 wanted Zionism to move on a lofty and generous 
 plane. He was, therefore, a determined opponent 
 of the Chovevi Zionists, not so much because of 
 their aims as because of their methods. In his vari- 
 
 116 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 ous presidential addresses to the Congress, he em- 
 phasized this view sufficiently. He did not believe 
 anything was to be gained by what he called 
 the smuggling of a few families into Palestine. 
 Such a policy was, he thought, unworthy of a great 
 cause, and a source of prejudice to the ultimate 
 object in view. He believed it was necessary to 
 advance on quite different lines, to secure, first and 
 foremost, the political rights, without which any 
 extended colonization was practically useless, before 
 proceeding with such colonization. In this manner 
 he came to be looked upon, by a portion even of his 
 own adherents, as an opponent of Palestinian 
 colonization. Those who were in his confidence 
 knew that this was a wrong interpretation to put 
 upon his attitude; and, in the state in which the 
 Turkish Empire was at that time, HerzPs attitude 
 was probably right. 
 
 Under Abdul Hamid, Turkey had gone steadily 
 on the downward track. The continual interfer- 
 ence of the Palace in the engagements of the Porte 
 had brought about a state of affairs that rendered 
 all things precarious, and Herzl felt that unless 
 the political guarantees were first secured upon 
 which any tenure of land in Palestine was held, 
 the Jewish colonies there ran the risk of sudden 
 
 117 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 annihilation at almost any moment. In fact, a 
 warning note was heard in the year 1900. In 
 the month of November instructions were sent to 
 the Vali of Beirut not to permit Jewish visitors 
 to remain in Palestine longer than three months. 
 They had also to be provided with a " red ticket/* 
 as a sign that they were only transient guests. 
 The regulations were not new. They had been 
 promulgated some twelve years previously, but 
 since that time they had practically remained in 
 abeyance. Their revival naturally struck consterna- 
 tion to the hearts of all those concerned for the wel- 
 fare and growth of the Palestinian colonies. To 
 the honor of two of the great powers, Italy and the 
 United States, it must be said that they made an 
 immediate protest on the ground that they could 
 not allow any distinction to be drawn between their 
 Christian and their Jewish subjects in so far as 
 treaty rights were concerned.* The incident, how- 
 ever, serves to show that there was some reason and 
 much ground for HerzPs fears. 
 
 HerzPs negotiations with the Sultan, carried on 
 in various ways between the years 1898 and 1903, 
 seemed to lead to no definite result. Of these 
 negotiations more will be said later on. It is 
 perhaps idle to speculate now upon the good or 
 
 118 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 bad faith of the Sultan in the various offers he 
 made. Even if they had been in good faith, the 
 Jewish people refused to give Herzl the means 
 with which to close any bargain. They were suffi- 
 ciently unimaginative to decline the risk of a few 
 paltry millions in getting at the heart of the evil, 
 when so many were being spent yearly in trying to 
 make good its ravages. The foul-weather friends 
 were too numerous who scented danger in every 
 trial of strength. All such negotiations are long, 
 arduous, and very tortuous. In addition, it was 
 impossible to keep the Congresses fully informed of 
 transactions in their nature private and only pre- 
 liminary. Many in the organization itself grew 
 restless and, wanting something to fan their faint- 
 ing courage, demanded a quicker tempo and more 
 evident results. This was especially true of two 
 groups in the Congress, one representing the older 
 Chovevi Zion view, and composed of those who 
 were Zionists because they were Chovevi Zion- 
 ists, and not the reverse, and to whom the name 
 Ziyyone Zionists, or Zionists a outrance, was given; 
 the other made up of pure nationalists, whose 
 specific interest was directed to Palestine as a pos- 
 sible center rather than the only possible one. It 
 was this latter group that was most insistent. It 
 
 119 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 4 
 
 reasoned — and the reasoning was logical from its 
 point of view — that if the undertakings with the 
 Sultan were likely to prove abortive, it behooved 
 the Zionist leaders to look elsewhere and find 
 another land in which the much-desired home 
 could be established. It is from this point of 
 view that we must regard the attempt made in 
 1899 by Davis Trietsch and others to transfer 
 Jewish colonization to the island of Cyprus. Had 
 the economic conditions there been of a kind to 
 make success likely, such a settlement might have 
 been regarded as a stepping-stone to Palestinian 
 colonization, with the additional advantage of the 
 ordered life and circumstances which had been in- 
 troduced into that island since the agreement be- 
 tween England and Turkey had placed it under 
 British administration. But the mere mention of 
 the project at the Third Congress (1899) aroused 
 such violent opposition that even its consideration 
 was rendered impossible.' 
 
 In a similar light the concession demanded for 
 a Jewish settlement in El-Arish must be regarded. 
 The land so called comprises a strip of territory of 
 about one thousand square kilometers. It is sit- 
 uated to the south of Palestine, and forms the con- 
 necting link between that country and Egypt; as 
 
 120 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 It were, between Asia and Africa. One can almost 
 say that it is a no-man's land, in the sense that it is 
 most sparsely settled, and whatever natural ad- 
 vantages it may possess have never been developed. 
 It was under Anglo-Egyptian administration, and 
 any tenure obtained there would be certain. It 
 was also nearer Palestine, much nearer than 
 Cyprus; in fact, geographically it was a part of 
 that country. The whole matter had originally 
 been broached by the German Zionists at their 
 yearly meeting in May, 1901. It was taken up by 
 Herzl in the autumn of 1902, as he himself said, 
 " because of the unsuccess of the latest negotia- 
 tions in Constantinople and in view of the increas- 
 ing distress [among the Jewish masses]."" The 
 negotiations opened in London were pursued In 
 Cairo, and at the beginning of 1903 a scientific ex- 
 pedition, accompanied by a delegate representing 
 the Anglo-Egyptian Government, was sent thither 
 to report upon the feasibility of the plan. The re- 
 port of this commission has never been made public ; 
 but it is generally understood not to have been un- 
 favorable. The negative outcome, however, of the 
 whole business seems to have been due to personal 
 considerations, albeit the official reason given out by 
 the Anglo-Egyptian Government was the lack of 
 
 121 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 water there, which would necessitate the use of 
 some of the Nile overflow for irrigation purposes, 
 and this could not be spared by Egypt. In view of 
 what was to follow, it should be noted that the 
 Anglo-Egyptian Government had manifested a wise 
 understanding and appreciation of Jewish needs, in 
 showing itself willing to accord to a Jewish settle- 
 ment in El-Arish, should such be finally determined 
 on, a Jewish administration and certain extended 
 municipal powers. The failure is, therefore, deeply 
 to be regretted, as such a settlement would have 
 made possible an experiment in Jewish self-govern- 
 ment which would have been both profitable and in- 
 structive. 
 
 The spirit in which the British Government had 
 treated the proposal concerning El-Arish was partic- 
 ularly pleasing and encouraging. The good-will and 
 support of the statesmen of a land that often cham- 
 pioned the rights of a minority, that was thoroughly 
 imbued with liberal ideas and tendencies, and that 
 had had such varied experiences in colonization, was 
 rightly looked upon by Herzl as a most valuable 
 asset. The " Jewish Colonial Trust " had been 
 established in London, and, though the Zionist 
 movement has been most careful not to identify 
 itself with the national aspirations of any one of 
 
 122 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 the great or small powers, the British Government 
 may have felt that it owed it some kind of friendly 
 tutelage. It is probable also that the failure of the 
 El-Arish negotiations weighed in the balance, at 
 least with some of her statesmen. Joseph Cham- 
 berlain was at that time the most powerful figure 
 in the English Cabinet. The Boer War had just 
 been ended, and Chamberlain set out to visit the 
 English possessions beyond the sea in South and 
 Eastern Africa. The East-African Protectorate 
 stretches from the Indian Ocean, with Mombassa 
 as the chief port, as far over as Lake Tanganyika. 
 It was while visiting this country that Chamberlain 
 conceived the idea that here might be found a 
 convenient place for the Jewish settlement Herzl 
 had proposed to him in El-Arish. 
 
 It seems certain that the proposal did not come, 
 in the first instance, from the Zionists. The pos- 
 sibility of such a settlement had been mooted in 
 the London Jewish Chronicle In July, 1903, by 
 a correspondent, Robert P. Yates, who was entirely 
 outside of the Zionist body/ The negotiations 
 culminated in an official letter dated, from the 
 Foreign Office, August 14, 1903, in which Sir 
 Clement Hill writes to Mr. L. J. Greenberg in re- 
 gard ** to the form of an agreement which Doctor 
 
 123 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Herzl proposes should be entered into between his 
 Majesty's Government and the Jewish Colonial 
 Trust Ltd., for the establishment of a Jewish settle- 
 ment in East Africa." The letter goes on to say 
 that the Marquis of Lansdowne 
 
 has studied the question with the interest which his Majesty's 
 Government must always take in any well-considered scheme for 
 the amelioration of the position of the Jewish race. ... If a site 
 can be found which the Trust and his Majesty's commissioner 
 consider suitable, and which commends itself to his Government, 
 Lord Lansdowne will be prepared to entertain favorably proposals 
 for the establishment of a Jewish colony or settlement on con- 
 ditions which will enable the members to observe their national 
 customs .... the details of the scheme comprising as its main 
 features the grant of a considerable area of land, the appoint- 
 ment of a Jewish official as the chief of the local administration, 
 and permission to the colony to have a free hand in regard to 
 municipal legislation as to the management of religious and 
 purely domestic matters, such local autonomy being conditional 
 upon the right of his Majesty's Government to exercise general 
 control.' 
 
 « 
 
 It has been said in some quarters, and I think 
 with reason, that this letter marks an epoch in 
 Jewish history. No Government up to that time or 
 since has put itself on record as taking up the Jewish 
 cause in so noble and so whole-hearted a manner. 
 It is not concerned with individual Jews or with a 
 small community, but with the whole ** Jewish 
 
 124 
 
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 D 
 
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 Q 
 LU 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 race''; and its offer contained a measure of self- 
 government which might well tempt the most 
 sanguine nationalist : a grant of land, a Jewish head 
 official, and practical autonomy under the general 
 control of the home Government. Invitations to 
 the Jews to settle In various countries, it is true, 
 have not been unknown. The case of Sultan 
 Bayazid II of Turkey at the end of the fifteenth 
 century is in point; the more recent (19 12) offer 
 of a tract of land in Angola by the Portuguese 
 Republican Government may also be cited. But 
 no Government has ever taken the step to invite 
 the formation of an autonomous settlement of the 
 Jewish people. It is as well to state here that 
 official Zionist hopes and aspirations had never 
 gone beyond that point. In a letter dated Decem- 
 ber 14, 1903, Doctor Herzl had laid down the 
 conditions upon which alone the scheme could be 
 acceptable. These were : 
 
 1. The territory has to be sufficiently extensive to admit of an 
 immigration of such a character as should be eventually a 
 material relief to the pressure which to-day exists in Eastern 
 Jewry. 2. It follows that the territory has to be one colonizable 
 by such a people as ours. 3. The concession has to be invested 
 with such autonomous rights as would insure the Jewish character 
 of the settlement; and 4, perhaps governing all, the enthusiasm 
 of our own people in respect to the offer has to be of such a nature 
 9 125 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 as -¥7111 overcome all the obvious difficulties, which under most 
 favorable conditions will be bound to arise in the creation of the 
 settlement." 
 
 It is true that, from time to time, some Zionists 
 of more stalwart than sober faith, have spoken of 
 a Jewish state fully independent, with all the accom- 
 paniments and appanages belonging thereto. But 
 the more sober and deliberate judgment of those 
 who spoke with authority has never gone beyond 
 the borders of reasonableness. The " Basel Plat- 
 form " speaks of a home, in which Jewish aspira- 
 tions may be realized. A home demands security 
 and permanence; and, under the aegis of a great 
 and liberal power and with a measurable amount 
 of autonomy, such a home could be more readily 
 procured and preserved than if independence were 
 complete and unrestricted. Besides, where at the 
 present day Is such a land to be found which is not 
 in the possession, or at least within the purview, of 
 one of the Powers ? 
 
 The position of Herzl was indeed difficult. 
 The letter of Sir Clement Hill had come to him 
 almost on the eve of the Sixth Congress (August 
 23-28, 1903). The delegates were tense with sup- 
 pressed emotion. Herzl had just returned from 
 St. Petersburg, where he had been in consulta- 
 
 126 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 tion With WItte and von Plehve in the endeavor 
 to mitigate the harshness of a secret circular 
 which the latter minister had issued to the gov- 
 ernors, city prefects, and chiefs of police, putting 
 a ban upon all Zionist meetings and forbidding all 
 collections for Zionist purposes. Though he had in 
 a measure succeeded, and had obtained the promise 
 of a possible mitigation of the interdict, his action 
 had been misunderstood, especially by many of the 
 Russian delegates, whose natural indignation at the 
 cruelties, for most of which they held von Plehve 
 personally responsible, made them distrust the min- 
 ister and any promise given at his hand. By pre- 
 senting the letter of the English Government, he 
 ran the risk also of alienating the Chovevi Zion 
 element in the Congress, who were known to be 
 intransigent on the subject of Palestine. On the 
 other hand, it was quite impossible for him, as it 
 was impossible for the Congress, to ignore so gen- 
 erous an action on the part of a leading Govern- 
 ment. Even if the offer were not acceptable, 
 courtesy — not to speak of political exigency — de- 
 manded some decision. 
 
 In what light Herzl regarded the offer, it is im- 
 possible to say. It would be indiscreet to go be- 
 hind his own public and solemn statements; we 
 
 127 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 must wait until his Memoirs are published for 
 complete light upon the subject. But it is permis- 
 sible to conjecture that he recognized its value not 
 only intrinsically but also as a political weapon to 
 be used in other quarters. The negotiations which 
 he had been conducting in Constantinople seemed to 
 have reached a blind alley. The offers made to 
 him by the Sultan at various times were such as he 
 could not accept. The proposition of the English 
 Government might perhaps open the eye of the 
 Sultan to the fact that places other than Palestine 
 were possible for a Jewish " home." And then he 
 had the hope that, should a suitable spot be found, 
 other forces in Jewry might join in the effort, or 
 perhaps do the work themselves after the way 
 had been pointed out to them. In point of fact, 
 the Jewish Colonization Association did at first 
 seem disposed to lend a helping hand. It withdrew, 
 however, upon the specious plea that the English 
 Government had made too liberal an offer, and 
 that the political and economic autonomy suggested 
 vitiated the whole scheme. 
 
 Those who were present at the Sixth Congress 
 remember well the mutterings that presaged the 
 storm. In his masterly and carefully-worded open- 
 ing address, Herzl presented the offer with proper 
 
 128 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 words of recognition. He tried to make it clear 
 that this was not an alternative for Palestine, that 
 East Africa could not be Zion, and Nordau coined 
 the expression Nachtasyl as defining the use to 
 which such a settlement might be put. But the Con- 
 gress, by a large majority, would have none of it. 
 The opposition was made up of the Democratic 
 Fraction, nearly all the Russians, the Chovevi 
 Zionists, and even some of the closest friends of 
 Doctor Herzl. The minority was composed of 
 some nationalists in whom the old ideas still re- 
 mained alive, and of benevolent Zionists who were 
 only lukewarm political followers of Herzl. It was 
 perfectly evident that, if a vote on the question 
 itself had been taken at the Sixth Congress, the 
 offer would have been rejected with no uncertain 
 voice. But any decision at that moment would 
 have been ill-considered. An acrimonious agita- 
 tion had arisen, and the judgment of both partisans 
 and opponents was warped and prejudiced by senti- 
 ment. Nor was there any assurance that the part 
 of the Protectorate in view was at all suited for 
 colonization by Europeans. The country had been 
 imperfectly surveyed and studied from an agro- 
 nomic and economic point of view. Manifestly, 
 the one proper course to take was to send a com- 
 
 129 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 mission of inquiry, upon the basis of whose report 
 an intelligent estimate could be made of the real 
 value of the whole offer. Such a line of conduct 
 would also comport with the dignity of all the 
 factors involved. It would stave off a brusque 
 refusal of a magnanimous proposal, and it would 
 allow the hand of time to calm the impassioned 
 enthusiasm of both sides. The proposition was 
 accepted by a substantial majority, in spite of a 
 large number who abstained from voting at all. 
 Provision was also made for a special meeting of 
 delegates at the next Congress, at which jthe report 
 of the commission should be discussed. 
 
 It is necessary to insist upon the subject of this 
 vote ; for with the obstinacy of set purpose the seem- 
 ing of things has been represented as a fact, and 
 members of the Congress themselves have main- 
 tained that this was a vote upon the offer itself. 
 Even after the Congress had gone apart, the con- 
 fusion persisted; and no less an authority than 
 Israel Zangwill has affirmed that the sentiment of 
 the delegates was clearly in favor of the proposition. 
 The stenographic report of the Congress is sufficient 
 evidence how mistaken this view is. The Congress 
 was, in its largest part, strongly opposed to ac- 
 ceptance; it marked its opposition by passing a 
 
 130 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 resolution prohibiting the use of any Shekel moneys 
 or of any property of the Trust for the purposes 
 of the expedition. The Russian members of the 
 Central Committee (Actions Committee) went 
 still further, and made a demonstration by publicly 
 quitting the Congress session together with some 
 of their Russian fellow-delegates. 
 
 The commission which went out to East Africa 
 in December, 1903, made its report to the Central 
 Committee in May, 1904. The territory examined 
 and delimited by the British Government at Herzl's 
 request comprised an area covering some six thou- 
 sand square miles, and was known as the Guas 
 Nglshu Plateau. Although the members of the 
 commission did not agree upon all points, the gen- 
 eral view seemed to be that the territory would be 
 insufficient for any large number of Jewish settlers, 
 and that the ground was fit rather for grazing than 
 for agriculture. In addition, a strong opposition to 
 the grant had developed In the East African Protec- 
 torate itself. Telegrams from Lord Delamere, the 
 High Commissioner of British East Africa, from 
 Lord HIndlipp, and from Sir H. H. Johnston ar- 
 rived at the Foreign Office couched In terms that 
 showed the difficulties such a settlement would have 
 
 131 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 had to encounter " All this was meat for the Pales- 
 tinian enthusiasts. 
 
 In addition several lines of cleavage were be- 
 ginning to show themselves within the ranks of the 
 Congressists. Perhaps it is wrong to put it in this 
 way. The lines had, in reality, existed from the very 
 beginning of the movement. It was the East Afri- 
 can project that accentuated them and made them 
 very apparent. Under normal conditions, a strong 
 and determined Opposition is as essential in a Par- 
 liament, into which the Congress had developed, as 
 is a Government party. It has the double function 
 of keeping a close watch upon the leaders in power 
 and of taking the rudder at the moment a change 
 is desired or becomes necessary. But Jewish con- 
 ditions have never been normal since the suppres- 
 sion of Jewish statehood, and the circumstances 
 under which the Zionist movement had grown 
 would have made a change of horses while in the 
 stream a most precarious undertaking. Zionism 
 was still in the formative period of its growth. Its 
 very existence was at times dubious. For its build- 
 ing up it needed the combined efforts of all parties. 
 The East African project, acting as a divisor, was 
 most unfortunate In its sequel. 
 
 During the sessions of the Sixth Congress, a 
 
 132 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 Jewish Congress had been held in Palestine. In 
 ordinary circumstances such a gathering would have 
 been viewed by all Zionists with satisfaction, and 
 been accompanied by their applause. But it had 
 been organized and it was presided over by Michael 
 Ussischkin. He was one of the old Russian Zionist 
 leaders, a man of much merit and with a consider- 
 able following, but he had little sympathy with the 
 political and tactical methods of Herzl. He was 
 and he remained a Chovevi Zionist; and the organ- 
 ization which this Congress proposed, and which 
 was to include representatives of Baron Edmond 
 de Rothschild and of the Odessa Committee, the 
 Jewish Colonization Association, the Alliance 
 Israelite, and the Ezra, shows that its object was 
 antagonistic to that of the Zionist Congresses, and 
 was intended rather as a substitute than as a supple- 
 ment. 
 
 Most of the Russian leaders went even further 
 than this. They broke out Into what was practical 
 rebellion. Those of them who were members of 
 the Central Committee met at Kharkoff in October, 
 1903, and determined to found a committee of 
 their own within the Central Committee. They 
 further agreed to demand from Herzl a written 
 promise to relinquish the East African project 
 
 133 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 prior to the convening of the Seventh Congress 
 and, in his capacity of leader of the Zionists, to 
 engage In no further territorial schemes. In addi- 
 tion, he was to be required to make a formal 
 promise to take up the work In Palestine and 
 further the acquisition of land there and In Syria 
 with the moneys of the National Fund. A threat 
 was also attached to the promises demanded — sup- 
 plies were to be withheld from Vienna In case of a 
 refusal. This was an all too evident attempt to 
 force HerzPs hand and, by means of caucus rule, 
 to limit the free exercise of the will of the majority 
 In the Congress. When these various proceedings 
 became known, much indignation was expressed at 
 the methods that had been adopted and the want 
 of tact exhibited, due no doubt to a combination 
 of lack of experience and excess of zeal. The 
 excitement made its way Into other quarters, no- 
 tably Into England, where a cross-current of local 
 English patriotism in favor of the British offer 
 came in to trouble the waters still more. By a sort 
 of tacit understanding, however, the resolutions of 
 the Kharkoff Conference were permitted to drop 
 out of sight, and nothing further was heard of the 
 new organization projected In Palestine. In the 
 meantime, the Zionist leader had closed his eyes, 
 
 134 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 worn out by the struggles of the last years and ex- 
 hausted by the storm of which he had been the 
 center, one may say innocently. Though he had 
 been harshly and unjustly treated, his generous 
 nature bore no malice. He was even filled with 
 admiration that those for whom in the first instance 
 the relief measure had been projected should spurn 
 it because it seemed to involve a divergence from 
 their ideal. 
 
 The Seventh Congress, of 1905, was to decide 
 upon the East African offer. The Russians had 
 taken time by the forelock, and, at a conference 
 held at Vilna (January 14, 1905), had expressed 
 the view that any attempt at colonization outside 
 of Palestine " was opposed to both the historical 
 ideal of Zionism and to the Basel Platform." The 
 conclusion arrived at by the special Congress of 
 July 30 was foregone. The coalition comprising 
 the Government Party, the Ziyyone Zionists, and 
 the Mizrachi Fraction were known to be in a large 
 majority. I quote in full the final resolution that 
 brought to an end the discussion on the subject 
 within the ranks of the Congress : 
 
 The Seventh Zionist Congress declares: The Zionist organiza- 
 tion stands firmly by the fundamental principle of the Basel 
 
 135 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Program, namely, "The establishment of a legally-secured, 
 publicly-recognized home for the Jewish people in Palestine," 
 and it rejects, either as an end or as a means of colonizing, 
 activity outside Palestine and its adjacent lands. The Congress 
 resolves to thank the British Government for its offer of a territory 
 in British East Africa, for the purpose of establishing there a 
 Jewish settlement with autonomous rights. A commission having 
 been sent out to examine the territory, and having reported 
 thereon, the Congress resolves that the Zionist organization shall 
 not engage itself further with the proposal. The Congress 
 records with satisfaction the recognition accorded by the British 
 Government to the Zionist organization in its desire to bring 
 about a solution of the Jewish problem, and expresses a sincere 
 hope that it may be accorded the further good offices of the British 
 Government where available in any matter it may undertake in 
 accordance with the Basel Program. The Seventh Zionist Con- 
 gress recalls and emphasizes the fact that, according to article i 
 of the statutes of the Zionist organization, the Zionist organization 
 includes those Jews who declare themselves to be in agreement 
 with the Basel Program. 
 
 The wound which had been inflicted could not 
 be healed by a simple resolution. The minority did 
 not disarm. Most of the territorialists had ab- 
 stained from taking part in the final vote, and the 
 Poale Zion, who were to a large extent advanced 
 socialists, marked their complete disapprobation by 
 refusing to participate further in the proceedings 
 of the Congress. It was these two bodies that 
 
 136 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 formed the nucleus of the first real and effective 
 split in the Zionist, organization. 
 
 The premonitory signs of this secession were 
 seen in 1905, when the Zionistic Territorial Or- 
 ganization in Berne first made its appearance. The 
 British offer in East Africa and the difference of 
 opinion in regard to its acceptance formed the oc- 
 casion for its active manifestation. It gained 
 greatly in importance by the fact that Israel Zang- 
 will put himself at its head. By the power of 
 his pen and by a devotion similar to that of his 
 friend Herzl, he has been able to build it up in a 
 manner not thought possible by those who witnessed 
 its birth. The object of this organization, or Ito ," 
 as it has come to be called, is : 
 
 I. To procure a territory upon an autonomous basis for the Jews 
 who cannot or who will not remain in the lands in which they 
 already live. 2. To achieve this end, the organization proposes: 
 to unite all Jews who are in agreement with this object; to enter 
 into relations with governments and public and private institu- 
 tions; and to create financial institutions, labor bureaus, and 
 other instruments that may be found necessary. 
 
 One would wish to speak with all due reserve 
 in criticism of a writer and leader who has deserved 
 so well of the Jewish people as Israel Zangwill. 
 Yet the public utterances and the public acts of even 
 
 137 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 the greatest are legitimate subjects for public 
 criticism. The mental evolution of Zangwill in 
 regard to Zionism has been peculiar. One is led 
 to doubt whether he was ever a real Zionist in 
 the full acceptation of the term. The enthusiastic 
 selflessness with which he loved his people and 
 their history led him to be a follower of Herzl upon 
 part of the road. He had come to the First Con- 
 gress merely as a spectator, and was drawn into 
 the strong current that it produced.^' He followed 
 the leader's development into a Palestinian Zionist, 
 and remained so up to the Sixth Congress. His 
 brilliant pen has written many an impassioned 
 praise of Palestine and of its possibilities under 
 Jewish leadership. ** He that owns no land is no 
 man," he cited from the Talmud at the head of an 
 article full of fine sentiments and careful statistics 
 about Palestine." He was of opinion that " George 
 Eliot, the great seer, pierced into the heart of the 
 question with keener vision than any Jew,'' and he 
 described aptly the attitude of many Zionists when 
 he wrote, ** We have followed the largely uncon- 
 scious evolution by which — even against his will — 
 Israel's feet have been turned Zionwards at the 
 very moment in history It is possible for him to re- 
 occupy the country for the world's benefit and his 
 
 188 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 own.'' And he adds: " But the dullest imagina- 
 tion must feel what a world of romance and 
 spiritual hope, what a ferment of religious revival 
 and literary and artistic activity, must attend and 
 follow the home-coming of the Jew." At the Fifth 
 Congress he uttered a noteworthy protest against 
 the pusillanimous leaders of the Jewish Coloniza- 
 tion Association and the Alliance Israelite Univer- 
 selle, in the course of which he said : " " In the 
 year 68, when Titus hovered round Jerusalem, 
 the father of anti-Zionism, Johanan ben Zakkai, 
 escaped from the Holy City in a coffin, and fled 
 to the Roman camp. He had persuaded himself 
 Jews could live without a country, by Torah alone. 
 To-night, eighteen hundred and thirty-three years 
 later, I stand here and see the delegates from all 
 the lands of the Exile who still cry, ' If I forget 
 thee, O Jerusalem, may my right hand forget its 
 cunning.' " And he has sent broadcast into the 
 Jewish world such cries as, " Give the country with- 
 out a people to the people without a country." 
 
 At the beginning of the Territorialist propa- 
 ganda, Zangwill still spoke well of Zionism, hold- 
 ing that one could become an Itoist and remain 
 a Zionist. Nevertheless he was sharply attacked by 
 his former colleagues; but this attack does not 
 
 139 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 excuse his ever-increasing opposition to a move- 
 ment which he had helped to expand. Legitimate 
 criticism on his part degenerated into open antag- 
 onism. He was the prime mover against the Jew- 
 ish Colonial Trust when it attempted to carry out 
 a resolution of the Congress and to change its 
 statutes for the purpose of preventing the use of 
 Zionist moneys for any other than strictly Zionist 
 purposes. Of course, Zangwill hoped that at some 
 time or other the moneys might become available 
 for the purposes of the Ito, but the place to carry 
 through such a project or to safeguard the future 
 was in the Congress itself and not before a court 
 of law. The action was costly, and injurious to 
 the good fame of all concerned in it. It is a 
 subject of reproach to him that, though in 1900 
 and in 1904 he publicly labored the idea that the 
 minority must perforce give way to the majority," 
 in 1905 he acted directly contrary to such advice, 
 and that, instead of stepping out quietly from a 
 movement when he found himself no longer in 
 sympathy with it, he chose to become one of its 
 chief opponents and critics. 
 
 It would be invidious to criticise any movement 
 that makes a serious attempt to solve some of the 
 problems that confront the Jew. In the present 
 
 140 
 
THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 State of Eastern European Jewry, no endeavor 
 ought to be made to block any practical work that 
 is being done to lighten its burden. It is not with 
 what the Germans call Schadenfreude that one 
 records the repeated failure of the Ito to find 
 a territory fit for Jewish colonization, whether in 
 the Cyrenaica, in Canada, in Australia, in Meso- 
 potamia, or in Angola. It is with sincere regret 
 that the fact is borne in upon us that no land seems 
 available for such a purpose. But from the more 
 extended Zionist point of view Itoism is like the 
 play with the principal character taken out: it is 
 Zionism minus Zion. It has undoubtedly earned 
 much praise for its attempt to regulate emigration 
 from Eastern Europe and deflect part of it through 
 Galveston to the Southern states of North America. 
 It has grouped around a distinctively Jewish 
 standard some of the best forces in English and 
 Continental Jewry. But it is just these forces that 
 have led it further and further away from its 
 original ideals. It does not insist with the same 
 vehemence upon the autonomy of the colonization 
 It wishes to effect : Indeed, some of Its most ardent 
 supporters are determined opponents of autonomy 
 in any form whatsoever. To the outsider, there- 
 fore, it appears to be falling back Into the old idea 
 lo 141 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 of helping Jewish wants and needs by benevolence. 
 Well and scientifically though this benevolence may 
 be applied, it has yet emasculated the greater hope 
 with which Pinsker, Riilf, Herzl, and others had 
 fired the Jewish world. 
 
 But entirely apart from such considerations, it 
 is pertinent to remark that the further and system- 
 atic dispersion of Jews must act unfavorably on the 
 whole body, and can only be entertained as a last 
 resort — faute de mieux. This, of course, is a point 
 of view which may well appeal to those of us who 
 do not live under political and economic pressure, 
 but which we cannot press upon those who do not 
 enjoy the same privileged position. In a general 
 and somewhat theoretical way, it may be held 
 that the Zionist organization as such ought to have 
 no official connection with movements based upon 
 the principle of further dispersion. In this sense, 
 the whole discussion on emigration at the Tenth 
 Congress was entirely out of place. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 225-226] 
 
 142 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 The death of Herzl robbed the young move- 
 ment of the great personality around which it had 
 gathered; it took away its foremost representative 
 to the outer world. No such eventuality had been 
 envisaged by Herzl himself, though some of his 
 more intimate friends had tried to induce him to 
 look for a successor. Their efforts had been abor- 
 tive, the poetic optimism of the leader had calmed 
 all suspicion in his own mind in regard to his phys- 
 ical weakness. To his followers, his loss brought 
 consternation ; from his critics and from opponents 
 of the cause, a flood of prophecies that the end of 
 Zionism was close at hand. These prophecies 
 might have proved true, if Zionism had been 
 simply a one-man's theory and the work of a single 
 individual. In that case, however spectacular its 
 expression and however promising its outlook, It 
 would inevitably have crumbled to pieces and been 
 lost in the sands of time. But HerzPs work was 
 
 143 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 merely the culminating point in a development that 
 was the most determined expression of Jewish vital- 
 ity. As he had not called Zionism into existence — 
 however much he had aided its growth — his dis- 
 appearance could not annihilate it. To fill his place 
 in any adequate manner, it was clearly felt, would 
 be quite impossible : he united in his person certain 
 qualities that do not often commingle in one and 
 the same individual. Various devices have been 
 adopted to fill HerzFs place by a commission, some- 
 times of three, at other times of seven. The plain 
 fact is that Zionism is still awaiting the appearance 
 of one man who by common consent is fitted to sit 
 in his seat. 
 
 In another respect also Herzl's death produced 
 a change. The center of Zionist activity had very 
 naturally been in the place of his permanent 
 abode. Vienna possessed certain natural advan- 
 tages even beyond this fortuitous circumstance. It 
 was easy of access from Russia, the great back- 
 bone of the movement; it was a sort of half-way 
 house to Constantinople, the center of HerzPs 
 political negotiations. But it was not a spot favor- 
 able for active Jewish propaganda. The conflict of 
 nationalities in Austria had had a deleterious effect 
 upon the Jews. They had been drawn, willy-nilly, 
 
 144 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 into the maelstrom of inner Austrian politics; in 
 one district they had been forced to take sides with 
 one grouping, in another, to flock to the opposing 
 standard. Nor must it be forgotten that the Jew- 
 ish representatives in Vienna had been particularly 
 hostile to Herzl and to the other Zionist leaders, 
 and that the atmosphere was decidedly unfriendly. 
 Herzl had a " bad press " in his own city, and with 
 his passing the center of gravity was bound to move 
 elsewhere. 
 
 There could be little doubt to which part of 
 Europe the move would be made. For a short 
 while London was debated, but London was the 
 seat of the Jewish Colonial Trust, and it was a 
 wise forethought not to concentrate all the Zionist 
 institutions in one locality. In addition, Jewish 
 nationalism and the modern Zionist movement had 
 been born on the Continent. To have given them 
 an Anglo-Saxon coloring might have added still 
 another difficulty and another subject of disunion 
 to the many that existed already. German was still 
 the language understood, in one form or another, 
 by the largest number -of Jews. Germany was 
 clearly marked out as the future home of the move- 
 ment. Not only was Cologne the home of two 
 of the leaders and closest friends of Herzl. Ger- 
 
 145 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 many had, by a peculiar development, earned a 
 fully-written title to the distinction. 
 
 Nothing is perhaps so remarkable as the manner 
 in which this title was acquired. During the early 
 years of Zionism, the strongest protests and pro- 
 nouncements had come from this very Germany. 
 Laymen, clerics, and intellectuals had Joined hands 
 in condemnation. Germany was the cradle of the 
 Reform movement, the principles of which were 
 the antithesis of those upon which Zionism was 
 based. To the Reformers, Zionism represented a 
 sort of lese majeste, and some of the leaders were 
 willing to go any length to stamp it out. But there 
 were many Russian and Roumanian Jewish stu- 
 dents at German universities; a number of them 
 were nationalists, who Interpreted their nationalism 
 In a cultural sense. They commenced to study 
 Jewish history, to get Into touch with the Jewish 
 past, to sound the soul of their birthright. Modern 
 in their way of thinking, they began to Infuse a 
 Jewish spirit Into their modernism and to have 
 visions of a Jewish culture of the future; to dream 
 of Jewish art, of Jewish music, and the like. 
 Vigorous In body as they were strong In mind, they 
 had founded their own Verblndungen. Their 
 answer to the attempt to keep them out of assocla- 
 
 146 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 tion With the highest advances of German develop- 
 ment In the arts and sciences was virile: it led 
 to self-communion and to self-concentration. 
 
 This whole movement had commenced in Ger- 
 man Austria at the time of the first extensive po- 
 groms in Russia, in 1882, when the Kadimah was 
 founded at the University of Vienna. Its name in 
 its double signification, " Onwards-Eastwards," 
 had been the suggestion of Perez Smolenskin. Its 
 text-book was Pinsker's Aiitoemancipation. At the 
 outset, its membership was composed largely of 
 Russian students; these were joined by Galicians 
 and Roumanians. Very naturally, it was looked at 
 askance and with some suspicion by Jewish students 
 of German Austria. Such a Jewish assertion as it 
 represented was quite foreign to their own nature 
 and to their surroundings. But Vienna soon be- 
 came a hotbed of anti-Semitism, and the univer- 
 sity its chief breeding-place. The emphasis with 
 which the Jewish cause was defended by the 
 Kadimah soon brought it adherents from among 
 the German-raised Jewish students. Above all, it 
 became a meeting-ground for Jewish university 
 men coming from different lands, on which the 
 Westerners learned for the first time that their own 
 problems were in reality similar to those of the 
 
 147 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Jewries further East. That the soil was amply 
 prepared for such student-societies is evident from 
 the fact that the Kadimah became the model for a 
 number of similar organizations, not only at the 
 Vienna University, but also at Prague, Czernowitz, 
 Briinn, Lemberg, Gratz, Bielitz, and Suczawa. 
 Many of the societies undertook to cultivate the 
 Hebrew language; some of them had a strong 
 nationalist tendency; and it was the Kadimah, as 
 we have seen, that was the first Jewish group to 
 extend a welcoming hand to Doctor Herzl/ 
 
 It was natural that the foundation of such 
 societies at the German University of Vienna should 
 have a repercussion in Germany Itself. At about 
 the same time began the attempt to exclude Jewish 
 students from the academic societies In German 
 universities. The action of the Akademische 
 Lesehalle in Berlin was answered by the opening 
 of the Jiidlsche Lesehalle. The first German Jew- 
 ish Students' Society was formed in 1886 (Viadrlna, 
 in Breslau, now Thuringia). Since then a sur- 
 prisingly large number of such societies have been 
 established, in Berlin, Breslau, Darmstadt, Frei- 
 burg, Konlgsberg, Marburg, Munich, Bonn, and 
 Strassburg. The variety and the multiformity of 
 these societies are the best warrant that they satisfy 
 
 148 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 an inner and irrepressible need. The first were 
 founded frankly with the purpose of combating 
 anti-Semitism by strengthening the Jewish con- 
 sciousness of their members. They are united in 
 what is called a Kartell-Konvent, and take no sides 
 in political or religious questions. The Kartell was 
 soon followed by the Bund jiidischer Korporationen 
 (1900), which went one step further, and turned 
 the rather negative program of the Kartell into 
 one more positive, for the purpose of " developing 
 a living Judaism." None of the societies in the 
 above-mentioned groups was distinctly Zionistic 
 or even Jewishly national. The first official Zion- 
 istic students' society was the Maccabaea, in 
 Breslau (1901). It has been followed by several 
 others, which have been gathered into a Kartell 
 zionistischer Verbindungen, founded in 1906. To 
 these must be added the Academic-Zionistic Society 
 Tchioh, founded in Kothen, in 1903, which has, 
 from time to time, instituted summer courses in 
 the history and geography of Palestine ; the Freie 
 Verbindung Dahlemia (Berlin, 1905-1906), made 
 up of students of pharmacy; and the Bund jiidischer 
 Akademiker (1906 ) , in Berlin, Munich, and Strass- 
 burg, whose object is to strengthen traditional 
 Judaism among university students.' And, finally, 
 
 149 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 mention must be made of the Bund jiidischer 
 Jugendvereine, a sort of by-product of the students* 
 societies. Though this Bund is not distinctly Zion- 
 istic in its program, most of its members come from 
 Zionist circles. The organization is said to contain 
 thirteen thousand members, and is similar in its 
 tendencies to the Young Judaea in America.' 
 
 I have dwelt somewhat upon these societies, be- 
 cause they have brought into the bonds of the 
 closest ideal friendship a number of young men, 
 who have acted as leaven both within the university 
 and without. That there was need of such a 
 strengthened dike, upon which the waves of anti- 
 Semitism were to beat, was all too evident. Many 
 of the older dikes had not held; they had given 
 way gradually, either through pressure from with- 
 out or through weakness from within. The alarm- 
 ing number of conversions to Christianity that took 
 place in Germany during the closing years of the 
 nineteenth and the opening years of the twentieth 
 century, show plainly the need for a deeper Jewish 
 consciousness. It will be remembered that at the 
 time of Germany's greatest political degradation, 
 consequent upon the Napoleonic regime, the new 
 spirit that was to bring freedom was born and nur- 
 tured in the universities. Quite a similar idealism 
 
 150 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 proceeded from among the Jewish students a Httle 
 less than a hundred years later, and prepared the 
 way for the definite leadership assumed by the Ger- 
 man Zionists in 191 1, when the seat of the Inner 
 Actions Committee was fixed in Berlin, and when 
 Professor Otto Warburg was chosen by his col- 
 leagues to preside over the Committee. 
 
 This change in the place of the central governing 
 body denoted also a certain change in policy, or, 
 to be more just, a greater accentuation of one part 
 of Zionist activity. The old rivalry between the 
 two lines along which the movement had been con- 
 ducted had become accentuated as years went by. 
 It had become somewhat stereotyped by the desig- 
 nation of the one as " political " Zionism and of the 
 other as " Palestinian " Zionism. The designations 
 were false, and therefore the stereotyping was a 
 misfortune. At best, no essential antagonism 
 existed between the two policies, not even any appre- 
 ciable gulf between one and the other. There were, 
 of course, extremists on both sides, but the question 
 was largely one of proportion only. The arch- 
 *^ politicals " held fast to the formulae which Herzl 
 had laid down at the beginning of his Zionist 
 career; they still believed that it was wrong and 
 unwise to forward colonization before full political 
 
 151 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 guarantees had been secured ; they looked askance 
 at what was called " petty colonization '' (Kleln- 
 Kolonisation) and at any extensive application of 
 the funds of the Jewish Colonial Trust to the 
 purchase of land in Palestine. They conceived 
 Zionism along large lines, and counseled a waiting 
 policy until the time should come when really de- 
 cisive and thoroughgoing action would be possible 
 — unconsciously nearing, though upon quite differ- 
 ent grounds, the position held by the ultra-Ortho- 
 dox wing of the Synagogue. But to describe them as 
 anti-Palestinians would be to mistake a method of 
 procedure for a matter of principle. Again, there 
 were also extreme Palestinians, the so-called 
 Ziyyone Zionists. These were impatient of de- 
 lay in furthering what was called *' practical work " 
 in Palestine, and some even went so far as to de- 
 mand the transference of the whole movement, bag 
 and baggage, to the Promised Land.* It is true 
 that such showed a want of political perspicacity, 
 but most of their leaders had in no way broken with 
 the political side of Zionism. They simply be- 
 lieved that this feature was of secondary impor- 
 tance, one which, in some unknown way, would 
 take care of itself. 
 
 It was these extreme Palestinians who were, in 
 
 152 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 a measure, to carry the day. Originally, they were 
 a group composed mostly of Russians, at whose 
 head was M. Ussischkin. They were admirably 
 organized, and they were among the most deter- 
 mined of those who had opposed the East Africa 
 proposition. Ussischkin had been the moving spirit 
 at the all-Russian Zionist Congress at Minsk, Sep- 
 tember, 1902, at which the proposition was made 
 to invest in Palestine land the whole of the sums 
 collected for the National Fund. In the year 1903 
 he had convened a Zionist Congress in Palestine 
 itself, as related above, and during the last years 
 of Herzl's life he had been his opponent, antagoniz- 
 ing him secretly and openly. After HerzPs death, 
 the Russian opposition grew in power; their repre- 
 sentatives at the Congress were assisted by the Ger- 
 man contingent, much of .whose interest lay more 
 exclusively in Jewish developments in Palestine than 
 in the larger questions at issue. During the period 
 1904-19 1 1, when the Zionist organization was 
 under the leadership of David Wolffsohn, who had 
 taken the ungracious task upon his shoulders of 
 heading the movement In the most critical period In 
 Its development, they had made rapid strides. 
 Wolffsohn's efforts were largely expended — and 
 necessarily so — in healing the many breaches made 
 
 153 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 in its walls. At the Congress of 19 ii the combina- 
 tion of Russians and Germans won its final victory, 
 and passed from the Opposition to the Government 
 benches. Its policy is expressed in the words used 
 by Professor Warburg at the Seventh Congress: 
 ** Their right to the land by reason of their having 
 possessed it two thousand years ago is not a suffi- 
 cient claim ; they must create a modern title, which 
 would consist in the fact that Palestine depended 
 economically upon the Jews, owing its progress to 
 Jewish initiative and resources." " It is Professor 
 Warburg who has given practical expression to this 
 policy in his character as founder and chairman of 
 the Palestine Commission. Under his auspices, 
 the Commission has assisted various Palestinian en- 
 terprises, and has encouraged the formation of 
 a number of societies that collect information 
 regarding the agricultural and commercial possi- 
 bilities of the country.' It is practically the Pales- 
 tine Commission which now guides the Zionist 
 movement. 
 
 Though it has been felt by many Zionists that 
 the work projected by the Commission — and now, 
 presumably, to be followed by the organization — 
 is of too varied a character, and sometimes be- 
 yond the immediate means, the work of the Pales- 
 
 154 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 tine Commission has always commanded interest. 
 It provided opportunity for willing hands, and 
 material, other than pure theorems, with which 
 to fix on Palestine the interest of the ever-widening 
 Diaspora. It represented action, and the ordinary 
 man looks upon action, of whatever kind it may 
 be, as the final warrant of success. In addition, it 
 made it possible to rally to its assistance other ele- 
 ments in Jewish life than merely ^l^^ed Zionists: 
 some whose attitude was one of synT{>athetic de- 
 tachment, others who refused to follow the de- 
 cadent lead of Jewish cravens. For the claim of 
 Palestine has always found more or less of an 
 echo in the heart of the Jew, however much he 
 might be estranged from the current life of his 
 people. Historical, sentimental, and benevolent in- 
 stincts joined hands to produce this result. The 
 Technical School at Haifa, the Hebrew Gymna- 
 sium at Jaffa, the Jewish Agricultural Experiment 
 Station at Athlit, and the Bezalel School at Jeru- 
 salem, though all the outcome of Zionist impulse, 
 are cases in point. These would hardly have been 
 possible without the substantial aid of many who 
 would object to being classed In any of the cat- 
 egories Into which Zionists may be divided. The 
 
 great danger, however, lies in the possible one-sided 
 
 155 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 insistence on this work as the quintessence of Zion- 
 ism, Unless it is informed with the ideal repre- 
 sented by the so-called ** politicals/' it is, indeed, in 
 danger of falling back into the rut of Chovevi 
 Zionism and of running into the sands of mere 
 benevolence a movement that at one time quivered 
 with national sentiment. It is the duty of the pres- 
 ent Opposition to keep this larger view alive. 
 
 The new direction given to the Zionist movement 
 has been strangely favored by historic events in 
 Turkey itself. The regranting of the Constitution, 
 forced upon the late Sultan Abdul Hamid in 1908, 
 and confirmed after the counter-revolution in 1909, 
 was bound to have its effect in Palestine and react 
 upon the Zionist movement. During the absolutist 
 regime of the former Sultan, it was possible for 
 Herzl to treat with the Sultan alone. Nearly all 
 the power in the state had been concentrated grad- 
 ually in the Palace, to the exclusion of the Porte and 
 to the derision of so-called responsible ministers. 
 The Constitution took this power out of the hands 
 of the Sultan, and gave it back to the people, or 
 at least to their parliamentary representatives. It 
 IS quite evident that a procedure that promised 
 success under the old order, would require modifica- 
 tion under the new. Different forces had to be con- 
 
 156 
 
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THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 sidered, and attention had to be given to the power 
 of public opinion. 
 
 It has been repeated with insistence that with the 
 change of Government at Constantinople Charter- 
 ism was dead, and as Charterism was set up as the 
 equivalent of Zionism, the inference was drawn 
 that Zionism was dead. But Charterism was 
 merely a method, and was in no way of the essence 
 of the movement. Charterism was a possibility 
 under a system that was personal in character, 
 when, for personal, if not for state, reasons, such 
 an arrangement might seem advantageous to some 
 ulterior plan of the ruler. But new forces were at 
 work now, and these forces demanded recognition. 
 The emotion that accompanied the new order of 
 things had produced a wave of patriotism among 
 Turkish subjects. unknown hitherto, which looked 
 with disfavor upon any special groupings accord- 
 ing to nationalities and races. The attempt was 
 to be made to " Ottomanize " everything. The 
 definite incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina 
 into the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1908), the 
 proclamation of the independence of Bulgaria, 
 and the attempt of the Cretans to secure their 
 junction to the Hellenic kingdom served only to fan 
 the flame. It was obviously not the moment to push 
 
 u 157 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 whatever claims the Jews might have to urge in 
 Palestine, but simply to work there for the upbuild- 
 ing of the country and for the economic and cultural 
 strengthening of the Jewish position in the land. 
 In addition, it was necessary to clarify the situation 
 and enlighten the leaders of the Committee of 
 Union and Progress upon the real ends and aims 
 of Zionism. 
 
 Unfortunately, this enlightening process has not 
 been carried very far, despite the fact that in 1907 
 a daughter-institution of the Jewish Colonial Trust 
 had been established at Constantinople itself, the 
 Anglo-Levantine Company, for the express purpose 
 of facilitating such enlightenment. Certain currents 
 hostile to the Zionists and to the Jewish colonists 
 in Palestine had commenced to make their appear- 
 ance, with the evident intention to prejudice the 
 minds of responsible statesmen in the capital. Some 
 of the German colonists in the neighborhood of 
 Jaffa had not seen with a welcoming eye the success 
 of their Jewish fellow-colonists and the forward 
 movement of the Jews in Jaffa and Haifa. A 
 series of letters published in the Ottomanischer 
 Lloyd at Constantinople ' gave tongue to these 
 complaints, and the voice was heard in the high 
 places. In addition, the Arabs were becoming, or 
 
 158 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 were said to be becoming, restless. Certain Syrian 
 agitators thought to push their claims by means of 
 an anti-Jewish campaign in a penny-sheet pub- 
 lished at Haifa/ More unfortunately still, a cer- 
 tain support was given to this misconstruction by 
 Jewish bodies themselves. In characteristic fashion, 
 the Jews in Constantinople and in other parts of 
 Turkey in Europe were for the most part ultra- 
 Turkish in their sympathies, and, in a situation in 
 which every nationality — Greek, Bulgarian, Kutzo- 
 Vlach, Albanian, Servian, and Arab — was asserting 
 its righteous (and sometimes unrighteous) claims, 
 the Jews alone remained silent. They had bound 
 themselves hand and foot to the Committee of 
 Union and Progress. Nor can certain elements 
 in West European Jewry be absolved from all 
 blame for actions which can hardly be the result of 
 pure ignorance. In 1910 a deputation of the Com- 
 mittee of Union and Progress had come to Paris. 
 It was quite natural that the leaders of the Alliance 
 Israelite should seek to get into closest touch with 
 the Turkish authorities, in view of the many edu- 
 cational institutions supported by them in the 
 Ottoman Empire. But they seem to have insin- 
 uated into the minds of the members of the deputa- 
 tion the idea that Zionism was incompatible with 
 
 159 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Ottomanism — an idea that was actively propagated 
 through Alliance channels in Turkey itself." In 
 this manner, an atmosphere of suspicion was 
 created, in which all sorts of rumors had a chance 
 to take root and flourish. This was fully revealed 
 in the Turkish Parliament, during the autumn of 
 1 9 ID and the spring of 191 1, when the conduct of 
 Djavid Bey, the former Minister of Finance, was 
 under review. 
 
 Djavid Bey is by birth a Donmeh, a descendant 
 of those followers of Sabbata'i Zebi who saved 
 themselves by conforming outwardly to Moham- 
 medan rites; in other words, an Islamic Marano. 
 In order to discredit him completely, European 
 methods had been imported into Turkey, and the 
 Jewish financial bogy evoked, of which he was said 
 to be the tool. This bubble agitation succeeded in 
 a measure, and with fatuous credulity was pub- 
 lished urbi et orbi by the correspondent of the 
 London Times at Vienna." The severe attack 
 leveled at the Hakki ministry issued often in the 
 charge of ** Judaizing," savoring strongly of 
 Inquisition days and Inquisition methods. The 
 words " Zionism '' and " Zionist " were used freely 
 in this harrying process, and, in defending them- 
 
 160 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 selves against any such suspicion, both Djavid Bey 
 and Hakki Pasha displayed such ignorance of the 
 first principles of the movement as to raise the suspi- 
 cion that they had heard of it then and there for the 
 first time. The charges were in a nutshell that 
 Zionism was a world-wide Jewish intrigue against 
 Ottoman statehood, behind which some great Jew- 
 ish banking-houses of international fame were seek- 
 ing to gain their own ends. Such muddle-headed- 
 ncss might be excusable among the penny-a-liners 
 of the daily press, but it was quite inexcusable at 
 the bar of a nation's assembly. The one or two 
 Jewish deputies who intervened achieved the won- 
 derful performance of bemusing the confusion still 
 further." 
 
 Now, upon no point had so much insistence been 
 put by Zionist leaders as upon the relation of the 
 movement to Ottoman sovereignty. In the pre- 
 Herzlian period, Pinsker" had insisted upon a 
 proper and faithful understanding with Constanti- 
 nople. Ahad ha-Am had followed him in this." 
 At the very first Congress, in 1897, Herzl had set 
 the seal upon an open and loyal intercourse with 
 the Turkish authorities, and his disapprobation of 
 any procedure that might awaken distrust led him 
 
 161 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 to object to Palestine-colonization as it had been 
 carried on previously. His words were : " 
 
 The confidence of the state which is necessary for a settlement 
 of large masses of Jews can only be gained by publicity and by 
 loyal action. . . . The immigration of the Jews is an influx in 
 force of an unexpected wealth for this poor country, yes, even 
 for the whole Ottoman Empire. His Majesty, the Sultan, has had' 
 the best of experiences of his Jewish subjects, just as he has 
 always been towards them a kind sovereign. 
 
 At the Third Congress, Herzl again emphasized 
 the point in his opening address : 
 
 IB 
 
 Naturally we lay the strongest stress on giving proof of this 
 loyalty, above all to the Turkish Government. No step will be 
 taken by us which even in a remote degree could arouse the 
 justifiable mistrust of the sovereign power of Palestine. We will 
 and can confer the greatest advantages on the Ottoman Empire; 
 we may act altogether openly. 
 
 Again, at the Seventh Congress, Nordau reiter- 
 ated, and in no uncertain words, the attitude of the 
 Zionist leaders : " 
 
 In these circumstances, the Turkish Government might realize 
 that it would be of great value to possess, in Palestine and Syria, 
 a numerous, strong, and well-organized population, which, with 
 due regard to the rights of the indigenous peoples, would tolerate 
 no attacks on the authority of the Sultan, but on the contrary 
 would repel them with all its power. And Europe would prob- 
 ably regard it as a service if the Jewish people, by its peaceful 
 
 162 
 
THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 
 and energetic occupation of Palestine, prevents violent changes 
 in the government of the country, and renders superfluous an 
 intervention of the Powers, the dangers of which are only too 
 well-known in diplomatic circles. 
 
 At the Eighth Congress, David Wolffsohn again 
 took up the thread, and, addressing the Porte 
 through the Congress, spoke of the " loyalty of our 
 endeavors and the civilizing and peaceful character 
 of our movement which had been laid to the heart 
 of the Porte : we have continually represented to 
 the Turkish Government the loyalty of our aspira- 
 tions, the civilizing and peaceful significance of our 
 undertakings, and we hope that the Sublime Porte, 
 which entertains great sympathy for our people, 
 will find the correct measure for the estimate of our 
 intentions." " 
 
 Such citations could easily be multiplied. They 
 all show plainly that the Zionists conceived their 
 mission as in no way hostile to Ottoman statehood. 
 Considering the downward pace at which things 
 were going during the reign of Abdul Hamid, and 
 the probable break-up of the Empire that this fore- 
 shadowed, it was natural that the largest possible 
 measure of autonomy figured in the Zionist pro- 
 gram for the future Jewish home. Modern con- 
 stitutionalism in Turkey has diminished the neces- 
 
 163 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 sity of insistence upon the political side of this 
 autonomy. It is true that the bloom of the new 
 life there has been somewhat hectic in its flush. 
 It demanded too much. It attempted to sink all 
 differences of race and nationality in the all-embra- 
 cing arms of Ottomanism. Such a policy is impos- 
 sible of success in Turkey. Nay, it is directly 
 opposed to the fundamental principles of Moham- 
 medan political doctrines, which distinctly permit 
 the existence of separate entities, bound together 
 by a common allegiance to the state power. The 
 only hope for the future prosperity of the Ottoman 
 Empire lies in a wise and wide decentralization, in 
 which the various races, nationalities, and religions 
 shall be able to develop their innate powers, and 
 along their own peculiar lines. The second and 
 sober thought of Turkish statesmen is veering 
 gradually to this policy — a policy put forward with 
 a strong plea by Prince Sabaheddin at the Congress 
 of the opposition parties held in Paris in 1907, and 
 to advance which the party of the ** Entente " has 
 been formed. As a member of such a reorganized 
 state, a Jewish Palestine will take its due and proper 
 place. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 226-227] 
 
 164 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 It IS natural that a movement which made its 
 appeal to Jews in every land, and was consciously 
 meant to be '* all-Jewish '* in its application, should 
 receive different and varying interpretations. Per- 
 haps the very fact that it has been interpreted 
 variously might be cited in support of the conten- 
 tion that it is the very heart of the Jewish question 
 as felt by the Jews themselves. With some of these 
 interpretations we are already acquainted, especially 
 with the two most important ones : that put forward 
 by Herzl and his immediate followers, and termed 
 " political," and that represented by the so-called 
 Palestinians. Some phases in the development of 
 Zionism were only momentary in their appearance, 
 and due either to special circumstances or to per- 
 sonal considerations. A few phases, however, are 
 of larger import and deserve special mention. 
 
 The first of these phases is that represented by 
 the Poale Zion. As their name signifies, they repre- 
 sent the Labor Party within the Zionist organiza- 
 
 165 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 tion. The untoward condition in which Jewish 
 laborers live, not only in the modern Ghettos of 
 Eastern Europe, but also in the large cities of 
 Western Europe and America, has made their at- 
 tachment to the Zionist cause somewhat natural. 
 They have suffered along with others in the same 
 social class under the rapid and haphazard develop- 
 ment of our great modern industrial centers. The 
 fact of their being Jews has, however, added to their 
 difficulties in Eastern Europe, and, when they em- 
 igrated, the fact that they are strangers in the land 
 of their adoption. The legislation of the Middle 
 Ages had forced them into a few and definite occu- 
 pations, and, as land-tenure by Jews was prohibited, 
 agricultural employment was entirely impossible. 
 An unhealthy one-sidedness was thus developed, of 
 which they themselves were only too well aware. 
 At first, there was every indication that they would 
 join hands with the Socialists, and find rest and 
 respite in their camp. For their attachment to the 
 Jewish cause, either religious or national, was not 
 known to be strong. Socialism has always been 
 more or less of a revolt against the domination of 
 religious influences, such influences having been 
 represented as one of the forces of capitalism. Nor 
 have the Socialists anywhere been strong nation- 
 
 166 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 allsts, despite the facts that individual Socialists 
 have expressed strong nationalist sentiments, and 
 the German Socialists have of late years refused to 
 follow their French colleagues in the endeavor to 
 break down the barriers that separate one nation 
 from another/ The Socialism of Marx, however, 
 is thoroughly international in spirit ; the celebrated 
 manifesto of Marx and Engels (1848) says ex- 
 pressly that the workman has no fatherland.' The 
 Jewish Socialist and labor parties should have had 
 no reason to look beyond the party in which their 
 fellow-workmen were to be found. 
 
 That this has not been so, is only one of the 
 many curious phenomena that accompany and 
 signalize the history of the Jews. The chief 
 founder of modern Socialism, Karl Marx, is a 
 Jew. Singer and Bernstein, to name only two of 
 the more prominent leaders, are also Jews. But 
 the Socialists were as unwilling as others to take 
 up the cause of their persecuted fellow-proletarians. 
 Shortly after the Kishineff disaster, in 1905, a 
 monster-meeting of protest was held in Hyde Park, 
 London. The Socialists, however, refused to join 
 in the demonstration,^ just as the peasants and 
 workingmen in Russia have declined to make 
 common cause with their Jewish fellow-citizens.^ 
 
 167 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 In Germany and Austria, the Christian-Socialist 
 Party, evidently Intended to turn Socialists away 
 from their international and anti-religious dreams, 
 made a juncture with Jewish laborers impossible. 
 In this manner, the Jewish workingman was forced 
 to throw in his lot with his own brethren. It is 
 interesting to note that Moses Hess, a staunch 
 worker in the Socialist cause, was a prophet of 
 modern Zionism. 
 
 The beginnings of the Poale Zion group go 
 back to the so-called Democratic Fraction, which 
 was formed at a time shortly preceding the Fifth 
 Congress. Its members were in a certain sense 
 followers of Ahad ha-Am, but they laid more 
 stress than he upon the proper and successful devel- 
 opment of the Palestinian center of which he wrote, 
 more particularly in the direction of the broadest 
 democracy. The grouping was short-lived, though 
 represented at the all-Russian Zionist Congress held 
 at Minsk in 1902. After the Fifth Congress, it. 
 sank its identity in the party of the Poale Zion. 
 This latter had its origin in Russia, in 1901, whence 
 It spread into Austria, America, and Palestine. In 
 1909, the various territorial societies formed 
 themselves into an international combination, in 
 which the attempt was made to square Socialism 
 
 168 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 With Zionism. As Zionists they take sides neither 
 with the " politicals " nor with the " practicals," but 
 lay stress upon what they call the social-economic 
 side of the work in Palestine. They start from the 
 principle that a people, whether in the majority or 
 in the minority, can make its influence felt per- 
 manently only when it is attached to the ground on 
 which it lives, and actually tills this ground. They 
 believe that the great evil from which the Jews have 
 suffered in the Diaspora has been this estrangement 
 from the land, not simply estrangement from land- 
 ownership. The problem the Zionists have to solve 
 In the first instance is therefore how to form a 
 Jewish peasant population, for they hold that all 
 the attempts at colonization made in Palestine are 
 vitiated at the root by the fact that the old system 
 of land-ownership and landlordism has been pre- 
 served. The Jews have become possessors of cer- 
 tain lands, but the real tillers of the soil are the 
 Arabs, as is the case with the Germans in certain 
 Slavic portions of Austria.' The Poale Zion are 
 thus followers of Franz Oppenheimer, in whose 
 theories regarding Siedlungsgenossenschaften (co- 
 operative settlements) " they see a possible reali- 
 zation of their purpose, and they were among 
 the first to suggest that such a settlement should be 
 
 169 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 undertaken by the Zionist body/ That their in- 
 fluence in the Zionist Congress must be consider- 
 able, can be seen from the fact that at the Ninth 
 Congress their theories were officially accepted as 
 worthy of a trial/ A special fund has been 
 gathered with which this trial is to be made, on land 
 belonging to the National Fund.* Many of the 
 demands made in the program of the Democratic 
 Fraction have likewise been accepted by official 
 Zionism. 
 
 The formation of the Poale Zion and their recog- 
 nition by the Congress as a special federation was 
 a novelty in the way of organization. The Zionist 
 body had been built up on the basis of groupings 
 according to territorial aggregations. The differ- 
 ences of opinion between the so-called ** politicals " 
 and " practicals '' had not gone the length of segre- 
 gating either the one or the other into separate 
 formations, nor had special economic needs and 
 economic theories entered as contributing factors. 
 With the Poale Zion the case was different. The 
 woof was here cut into by the web, for the Poale 
 Zion were not confined to any territory. They 
 were to be found in all large Jewish centers, and 
 the special needs of a special class found expression 
 in the Zionist position they occupied. But, as 
 
 170 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 originally conceived, the Zionist organization had 
 made no provision for such groupings. In this 
 respect the Congress has had to grow through an 
 evolution which none of the great Parliaments of 
 the world has been spared. Great Britain is a 
 conspicuous example. Up to the year 1886, the 
 two great parties, Conservatives and Liberals, 
 faced each other alternately on one side of the mace 
 and the other. However much economic ques- 
 tions might divide the country, the lines of economic 
 cleavage ran parallel with those of political separa- 
 tion. The Liberals, as a body, were free-traders; 
 the Conservatives, protectionists. But with the ad- 
 vent of the Irish Party and of the Laborites, this 
 dual hegemony lost its real being, and has been 
 giving way gradually to the Continental system, in 
 which the economic Interests of the various parties 
 condition the political complexion of Parliament. 
 
 The system has its drawbacks, but Its coming 
 was inevitable. In the case of the Zionist Congress, 
 its inadequacy Is only too evident, and the danger 
 only too actual. Were such a Congress being 
 held in a Jewish land, the various divisions would 
 rest upon a basis of fact; they would coincide with 
 actual everyday Interests. With the Zionists, at 
 the beginning of their work In Palestine, they 
 
 171 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 rested upon theory, i. e., upon ideal interests. There 
 was therefore little to prevent other theories from 
 finding expression in other groupings, and the 
 whole Congress from developing — or degenerating 
 ■ — into a meeting for theoretical debates, with a 
 natural repercussion in the organization itself. If 
 we bear this in mind, we shall understand the many 
 debates on ** organization " that have taken place, 
 from the Second Congress onward. The formation 
 of such groups was strongly opposed by Doctor 
 Herzl and the *' politicals," but it was impossible 
 to stave them off, and at the Tenth Congress the 
 wording of the statutes was so changed as to admit 
 them into full fellowship. 
 
 Another attempt to cross the Zionist movement 
 by other theories of an economic character was 
 made by the Bund, a name given to the General 
 Jewish Workingmen^s Union of Russia and Poland. 
 The formation and the development of this group 
 is of more than passing interest, because it illus- 
 trates forcibly the inevitable trend of any concerted 
 Jewish action. Just as the Poale Zion found that 
 the question they were called upon to solve re- 
 quired special treatment because of the fact that it 
 dealt with Jews, so the Bund was compelled to go 
 a certain distance on the road to Jewish nationalism. 
 
 172 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 At first, the Jewish intellectuals in Russia wished 
 to work hand in hand with the other leaders that 
 had put themselves at the head of the proletarian 
 movement. But they soon saw that, as they would 
 have to labor exclusively in the Pale and with a com- 
 pact body that had other traditions and other 
 aspirations than their Russian fellow-workmen, 
 other means and methods were necessary. The 
 Bund was formed in 1897. Shortly after this, 
 the Russian Workingmen^s Democratic Party was 
 founded. Now, the leaders of the Bund had little 
 sympathy with the religious or national ideals of the 
 Jewish people. Religion they considered to be 
 merely one of the means by which workingmen were 
 held in subjection to the bourgeois class, and their 
 national ideal was more Russian than Jewish. It 
 was therefore quick to throw in its lot with the 
 newly-formed Democratic Party, and it endeavored 
 to find salvation in obliterating any lines of demar- 
 cation that might separate it from the general move- 
 ment. 
 
 The Bund, however, had not reckoned fully with 
 the host whose hospitality it proposed to enjoy. 
 The Democratic Party demanded complete as- 
 similation. For this the Bundists were not yet 
 ready. Perhaps a spark of the old fire was still 
 
 12 173 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 alive among them. Perhaps also the particularism 
 of their fellow-proletarians of other nationalities 
 shamed them out of complete acquiescence in such 
 demands. For all the other oppressed nationalities 
 had a claim upon the recognition of their national 
 character as part of their platforms. The Jewish 
 workmen were wooed first by one of the national 
 groupings and then by another, in much the 
 same fashion as the Jewish vote has been caressed 
 in Austria and Hungary. The bride declared for 
 none of them, but proceeded to set up house for 
 herself in single blessedness. At its fourth con- 
 vention, the Bund declared that " a state like 
 Russia, which is composed of a number of different 
 nationalities, should in future be organized on fed- 
 erative principles, each nation enjoying complete 
 autonomy, irrespective of the territory occupied by 
 it,'' and ** that the idea of nationality is also ap- 
 plicable to the Jewish people." " 
 
 After such a declaration, one would imagine the 
 course of the Jewish Bundists to be clear. But 
 they remained a peculiar section of a peculiar 
 people. The Social-Democratic Party had taken 
 umbrage at the Jews' assuming a position it was 
 willing to accord to other nationalities, and in 
 1903 it broke completely with the Bund. These 
 
 174 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 differences and dissensions lasted for three years, 
 during which time the Bund coquetted with Zion- 
 ism. The logical outcome from its demands was a 
 complete recognition by itself of its Jewish nation- 
 alist character, but it evidently did not have the 
 courage to take the step. Its highest ideal re- 
 mained a sort of cultural nationalism, which was 
 bound up with the use of Judeo-German (Yiddish) , 
 elevated for the nonce to the plane of a national 
 speech. It reproached Zionism for refusing to take 
 up the war against capitalism and for striving after 
 an Utopia. On the other hand, it must also be said 
 that the Zionist organization had little real feeling 
 for the Bund. It had studiously avoided taking 
 part in any politics, local or national, in the states 
 in which its adherents lived. In course of time and 
 under the stress of circumstances, the Bund had 
 changed its economic program, and become a revo- 
 lutionary society. Any connection with it would 
 have proven fatal to Zionist work in Russia, and 
 would have been fraught with infinite harm to the 
 Jews in general. And it was evident that the Bund 
 wished to make use of Zionism to its own ends. In 
 1906, the opportunity was offered it to round off 
 its national character, when the Poles succeeded in 
 securing recognition from the Workingmen*s Dem- 
 
 175 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 ocratic Party as a national body irrespective of 
 territorial limitations. But the Bund laid down its 
 arms and accepted the ignominious role of capitulat- 
 ing to the Democratic Party, thus giving itself its 
 own death-blow. 
 
 I have referred above to the fear that the forma- 
 tion of the Poale Zion would inspire and suggest 
 imitation. That this fear was not unwarranted 
 was proved by the constitution of the Mizrachi 
 group. At the Fifth Congress the radical-minded 
 young Zionists had banded together into the so- 
 called Democratic Fraction. Though religious 
 questions in no manner entered into the program 
 of the Fraction, it was quite evident that its mem- 
 bers were not attached to the Orthodox view of 
 Jewish theory or practice, and, as they were very 
 determined in their own views, and evidently pur- 
 posed to effect an influence not only on the decisions 
 of the Congress, but also upon the character of the 
 whole Zionist organization, the orthodox Zionists 
 took alarm and commenced to gather themselves 
 into a separate body. This alarm was heightened 
 by the proceedings of the all-Russian Zionist Con- 
 ference at Minsk, in 1902, where the discussion on 
 the " Kultur " question seemed to show that this 
 Kultur might become a dangerous weapon in the 
 
 176 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 hands of the radicals. For the Mizrachi the 
 Zionist ideal is bound up with a strict adherence to 
 the ideas and forms of traditional Judaism. It is 
 true that at the Second Congress " and as a result of 
 the Kultur debate, a resolution was adopted em- 
 phasizing the point that it is the duty of the Zionist 
 organization to do nothing to offend the scruples of 
 the Orthodox, or ** Gesetzestreuen,'' as they prefer 
 to be called, and this resolution was reiterated 
 at subsequent meetings. For the Mizrachists this 
 was not suiScient. They did not wish the ideas 
 represented by the Fraction and other radical ele- 
 ments to permeate the everyday life of the Zionist 
 societies. They desired also to emphasize the 
 point to those of their own particular persuasion 
 that Zionism was in no way opposed to Orthodoxy, 
 but was in reality part and parcel of its religious 
 outlook. This group was founded in Vilna, and it 
 held its first yearly meeting at Lida, Russia, 
 February 23, 1903, under the leadership of its 
 spiritual father, Rabbi J. Reines of that place. At 
 that time it claimed to have as many as eleven 
 thousand members, and since then it has spread its 
 influence into the most disparate portions of the 
 Diaspora. It maintains, at Jaffa and Jerusalem, 
 model schools on modern lines but upon a Mizrachi 
 
 177 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 basis. Its representatives at the Congress have 
 been well organized, and, as it officially takes no 
 sides on political and practical questions, it makes 
 its voice heard only when it believes that the prin- 
 ciples for which it stands specifically are in danger. 
 The MizrachI have, in this way, run a strong 
 religious thread through the fabric of Zionism, 
 and it has not at all times been easy to meet their 
 exigencies in the solution of other than purely re- 
 ligious questions, for Jewish religious premises 
 are too closely interwoven with Jewish life. This 
 difficulty became acute at the Tenth Congress, and 
 it was apparent how dangerous it was to allow 
 such cross-currents to disturb the tide of a stream 
 which in itself did not run all too smoothly. The 
 question of a grant in aid to the Jaffa Hebrew 
 Gymnasium, which was supposed to set its teaching 
 in a direction away from, rather than towards, tra- 
 ditional beliefs, not only called for the opposition 
 of the Mizrachi, but threatened to drive them from 
 the Congress and out of the organization. The 
 efforts at a compromise were only half successful, 
 for the Mizrachi body as a whole refused to give 
 its vote of confidence to the work of its delegates, 
 and the Mizrachi convention which dealt with 
 the matter a little while after the close of the 
 
 178 
 
SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 
 Congress failed to heal the breach within its own 
 ranks." 
 
 The position of the Mizrachi, in its attitude 
 towards the Congress, is a difficult one, but that of 
 the Congress towards the Mizrachi is no less em- 
 barrassing. In the practical question at issue during 
 the Tenth Congress, the position taken by the 
 Mizrachi, that no official recognition should be 
 given to the Jaffa Gymnasium, but that, if such 
 recognition was accorded, a similar recognition was 
 due to the Tachkemoni (Mizrachi) schools as well, 
 was fully justified. If the Congress represents all 
 the various tendencies in Zionism, all have the 
 right to demand equality of treatment. But the 
 whole discussion and the warmth of spirit en- 
 gendered by it show how dangerous is this intermix- 
 ture of religious considerations with official Zionist 
 work. Anything like a " Kulturkampf " would be 
 most unfortunate, perhaps even fatal. With wise 
 and felicitous foresight, Herzl had seen that Zion- 
 ism can fulfil Its undertaking only If it dismisses all 
 such questions from Its concern, and his Immediate 
 followers have always held that it was the duty of 
 the organization to stand clear of such entane^Ie- 
 ments and simply prepare the ground which shall 
 
 179 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 make possible various manifestations of the Jewish 
 spirit in Palestine. 
 
 One further phase demands more than a passing 
 notice, for it has acquired much credit, not only in 
 Zionist quarters, but in Jewry in general. It has 
 not gone the length of forming a party; its funda- 
 mental idea precluded such a practical outcome. 
 But Its subtle influence has been such that its adepts 
 have raised it to a certain prominence by giving it 
 an appellation, Ahad ha-Amism. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 227-228] 
 
 180 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 AHAD HA-AM AND THE PHILOSOPHY 
 OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 It was in the very midst of the upward movement 
 of anti-Semitism in Germany that an attack was 
 made upon Jewish historians in general through 
 a criticism of the most complete account that has 
 as yet been written of Jewish history — the monu- 
 mental work of Heinrich Graetz. This attack 
 was commenced by Heinrich von Treitschke/ the 
 historian of modern Germany and a noted publicist. 
 It was continued by Theodor Mommsen,* the his- 
 torian of ancient Rome, himself a well-wisher of 
 the Jews and their defender. The burden of the 
 complaint seemed to be that the point of view 
 adopted was short-sighted and circumscribed, and 
 that events and movements in Jewish history were 
 regarded in their relation to Jewish interests rather 
 than in connection with the history of the countries 
 in which the Jews lived or from the lofty pinnacle 
 of universal history. It is not my purpose to 
 
 181 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 discuss the pertinency of the charge or to plead 
 that von Treitschke, in his various articles on the 
 Jewish question, adopts an uncompromising Ger- 
 man attitude, and Mommsen champions the Ro- 
 man cause against the Palestinian Jews in the fifth 
 volume of his history. But, apart from this, in 
 defense of the Jewish historians it may be said 
 that they were too much concerned in gathering the 
 stones wherewith to build up the edifice, to think 
 largely of the relation of the edifice to the buildings 
 erected by others. This is true of Jost, Graetz, 
 Paulus (Selig) Cassel, Steinschneider, Herzfeld, 
 Giidemann, and even of Zunz, the founder of Jew- 
 ish literary and historical criticism. One has only 
 to think of the mass of conflicting testimony, the 
 inaccessibility of many of the sources out of which 
 Jewish history has to be written, and the precon- 
 ceived notions accumulated during the centuries of 
 ignorance, both wilful and undesigned, to appre- 
 ciate the immense amount of work to be done be- 
 fore a comprehensive presentation could be ac- 
 complished. 
 
 Nor must it be forgotten that the earlier Jewish 
 historians lay under the ban of a more pressing and 
 direct diflSculty. They studied and wrote at a 
 moment when the Jewish Middle Ages were on the 
 
 182 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 point of developing into the Modern Epoch, when 
 for the first time since the Spanish-Arabic period 
 the Jews had come into contact with a new world of 
 thought and with new aspirations. The real diffi- 
 culty lay in the very fact that the Jewish historians 
 not only wrote but also worked. Most of them 
 stood in the very thick of the fight, and did much of 
 their literary labor with a view to proving and 
 strengthening the religious position with which they 
 were affiliated. Zunz's GottesdienstUche Vortrdge 
 was written in favor of the plea that a sermon in the 
 vernacular should be introduced into the service 
 of the Synagogue.^ The last volume of Graetz's 
 history was nothing more than a long polemic, his- 
 torical in character, against the Reform movement ; 
 while Steinschneider's voluminous and minute in- 
 vestigations were intended to prove that the Jews 
 had not been insensible to outside cultural influ- 
 ences with which they had been brought in contact. 
 From a certain point of view, then, all these writ- 
 ings are vitiated by the fact that they are, in a 
 measure, Tendenzschriften; but this does not de- 
 tract from their value in other respects. 
 
 The ground thus prepared, it became possible for 
 Jewish scholars to survey the history of their people 
 from a more general point of view. During the 
 
 183 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 last twenty years, three attempts have been made 
 to write a philosophy of Jewish history. The first 
 is that of James Darmesteter,"* written with all the 
 elegance and charm with which that scholar was 
 wont to inform whatsoever his pen touched. But 
 Darmesteter, although in his youth a student of 
 Jewish theology, had become too far removed from 
 Jewish life and from contact with his Jewish breth- 
 ren to understand fully the forces at work among 
 them. Jewish history was to him a dead body, 
 into which he put the knife of the calm and cool 
 investigator. He characterizes his own position 
 when he says: " ** Not yet have all those engaged 
 in these studies [i. e., history of religion, etc.] 
 reached that degree of serene impartiality where 
 facts are studied for the sole purpose of being 
 understood, and where thought is carried to a 
 height that will not permit of conclusions dictated 
 in advance by the ephemeral prejudices of politics, 
 of faith, or of metaphysics.'' He had a surer 
 knowledge of Zoroastrianism than of Judaism. 
 He probably looked upon the Jews as he did upon 
 the Parsees — a remnant that has survived from 
 times gone by, interesting to the historian, especially 
 to one who had issued from them, and who was 
 concerned that a decent tombstone should be set 
 
 184 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 upon their grave. For in his concluding paragraph 
 we read : ^ 
 
 Does this mean that Judaism should nurse dreams of ambition, 
 and think of realizing one day that " invisible church of the 
 future," invoked by some in prayer? This would be an illusion, 
 whether on the part of a narrow sectarian or on that of an 
 enlightened individual. . . . And when the nation who made 
 the Bible shall have disappeared — the race and the cult — though 
 leaving no visible trace of its passage upon earth, its imprint will 
 remain in the depth of the heart of generations, who will, uncon- 
 sciously perhaps, live upon what has been implanted in their 
 breasts. 
 
 Evidently Darmesteter did not realize that in 
 Eastern Europe there were millions of these his 
 Jewish brethren who were not ready for suicide or 
 interment, but had visions of Jewish life very differ- 
 ent from those entertained by the elegant litterateur 
 and versatile scholar in the French capital. In 
 Darmesteter's presentation the personal note is 
 wanting entirely. He is concerned chiefly in show- 
 ing that the Jews have not been vagabonds on the 
 face of the earth, nor have they been held in the 
 rigid vise of their own constricted circle ; that they 
 have been present at all the great junctures in the 
 world's history, and have done as fair a share of 
 the work as could in reason be expected of them; 
 and, finally, through the prophetic portions of their 
 
 185 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Bible they have sent a force into the world that will 
 last to the end of time. Darmesteter is concerned 
 with an honorable past; he has no thought for the 
 present, and no hope, at least no particularly Jewish 
 hope, for the future. He Is a Frenchman of the 
 Jewish race. 
 
 A somewhat different note Is struck by Simon 
 Dubnow/ The painstaking historian of the Jews 
 In Poland and Russia was better situated than his 
 French predecessor to know the people of whom 
 he wrote. He had devoted a singularly fertile pen 
 to elucidating the political and communal life of his 
 brethren living In the great East End of Europe. 
 He was in daily Intercourse with many of their 
 leaders, and was therefore In a much better posi- 
 tion to know their mind and express their hopes. 
 The more the wonder that one finds no mention 
 by him of the newer hope that had for fully thirty 
 years — his essay was first published in 1893 — 
 been transforming his Jewish countrymen. It is 
 true that he speaks of a " Jewish national soul " ; 
 but this IS merely the deposit of " a mass of similar 
 impressions which have cystallized." And as Jew- 
 ish history is both national and universal, it is to 
 the universal side that we ought to bend our efforts. 
 ** Union with mankind at large, on the basis of the 
 
 186 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 spiritual and intellectual, the goal set up by the 
 Jewish prophets in their sublime vision of the 
 future, Is the ultimate ideal of Judaism's noblest 
 votaries.'' Religion, race, and especially the com- 
 munity of historical fortunes, are the elements 
 that have held the Jews together in the past. 
 Presumably these factors are to have the same 
 effect in the future, though Dubnow does not dilate 
 on this. The true significance of Jewish history, he 
 finds, lies in the role it has played of conciliator : it 
 has accomplished its end as far as the Biblical part 
 is concerned, and he believes that the time Is not 
 very far when " the second half of Jewish history, 
 the record of two thousand years of the Jewish 
 people's life after the Biblical period, will be ac- 
 corded the same treatment." A better knowledge 
 of this history will secure respect for the Jewish 
 people, because It will be a source of sublime moral 
 truths. He ends with these words, " In this sense, 
 Jewish history In its entirety Is the pledge of the 
 spiritual union between the Jews and the rest of the 
 nations." 
 
 As an historian, Dubnow characterizes the Inter- 
 play of Jewish movements and uncovers the under- 
 lying spiritual ** motives " with a master hand. But 
 one who is historian and philosopher Is not, of neces- 
 
 187 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 sity, also a prophet. Dubnow seems to be a prophet 
 of soft illusions in a time of stern realities. There 
 is a sort of nebulous uncertainty about the prophecy 
 which reminds one of the many beauteous peans 
 on the Messianic time that grace the columns of 
 the Western Jewish press. His message to his 
 suffering Jewish brethren Is to continue to suffer 
 nobly and continue to demonstrate that they are 
 worthy of their heroic past. In such advice there 
 is neither light nor leading. 
 
 Ahad ha-Am has delved far deeper into the Jew- 
 ish conscience than either of the two preceding. I 
 do not know that he has ever written anything that 
 bears so ambitious a title as a Philosophy of Jewish 
 History. Darmesteter and Dubnow are, ex pro- 
 fession historians. Ahad ha-Am is a student of 
 philosophy, and his historical ken has a philosophic 
 depth entirely wanting in his predecessors. In ad- 
 dition, he is in perfect sympathy with the people, 
 for whose ills he is seeking a solution, and the cause 
 of whose ills he proposes to study. In his own soul 
 he has felt all that his people has suffered; and yet 
 he has sufficient detachment to study its ills with 
 a severity that does honor to his acumen, as his 
 feeling does to his character. His main theory as 
 
 188 
 
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 Cvr^Kr:^- "'< '' ^" '''^'P ' " " v^>3l '^ V: t^ 
 
 tS:'rj=$y$?^Jg''P^ '''"' 
 
 ^S 
 
 . _ Wiii"^"^ - 
 
 \^^'^w^ tmy pp 
 
 SIX STAMPS OF THE JEWISH NATIONAL FUND 
 
 The cancelled stamp Is a post-stamp used In the Jewish Colonies In Palestine 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 to the cause of Jewish unrest is laid down In the 
 opening paragraph of The Way of Life: 
 
 / The vicissitudes of Israel throughout the Dispersion, but par- 
 / ticularly during these latter days of ours, make it plain that we 
 I Jews cannot hope to lead the life of a separate nation among 
 / strange peoples, and yet be as one of them, taking part in all 
 ) the activities about us as though we were full-blooded natives of 
 I the lands of our sojourn, and at the same time remain a nation 
 j peculiar in views and distinct in character. . . . Misfortunes 
 maim our manhood, favorable circumstances our national spirit. 
 The former make of us men despicable in the eyes of our fellows, 
 the latter a nation despicable in its own sight. . . . Two paths 
 lie stretched out before us : the path of life and the path of death. 
 If our eyes are fixed upon the death goal, then let us disregard 
 the counsel of temporizing healers, let us await death with a 
 calm spirit. ... If, "however, we choose life, then it behooves us 
 to build us a house for ourselves alone, and in a secure spot — and 
 can there be any spot securer than the land inherited from our 
 fathers? — then it behooves us to consecrate our noblest powers, 
 material and spiritual, to the one purpose, the regeneration of 
 our people in the land of our forefathers. 
 
 The national feeling, Ahad ha-Am holds, has 
 never really been dead among the Jews. It has 
 been overwhelmed and driven into a corner by the 
 feeling of self-love which has dominated so large a 
 section of the people. He finds that this self-love 
 is prevalent even among those who have held aloft 
 the standard of Nationalism and of Zion; that the 
 .. 13 189 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 moral concept which the word " national " typifies 
 to him, has given way to a materialistic connota- 
 tion. In fact, his continued cry has been that the 
 Western Jews have paid for their emancipation with 
 moral slavery, and that what he calls *' the funda- 
 mental morality of the Jewish spirit '* affords the 
 true historical basis for the Ideal of the national 
 revival. In other words, the term " national " is 
 to him no empty-sounding word, but it is expressive 
 of the very essence of the Hebraic spirit, and the 
 Hebraic spirit is the spirit of Prophetism. In 
 turn, the spirit of Prophetism Is the spirit of right- 
 eousness, righteousness not only In word but also 
 in actions. If the Jews are really to follow the 
 ideal traced out for them by the greatest of their 
 teachers, and become a peculiar people in the sense 
 of " exemplars of righteousness," they must be en- 
 abled to live unfettered and to " develop along their 
 own lines, as one of the social units of humanity." 
 f^ Ahad ha-Am Is insistent upon this, the real mean- 
 fing, as he considers It, of the Jewish national senti- 
 (ment. His Interest Is centered upon something 
 I other than the political form of any resettlement of 
 Jews in Palestine. He is not even interested that 
 jsuch a settlement should be large In extent. His real 
 Iconcern is for the form of Jewish culture that will 
 
 190 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 DC fructified there. In Palestine it would be pos- 
 sible to revive the real spirit of Judaism, if — and 
 only if — those who settle there are fully imbued 
 with the true sense of this spirit. Palestine is to be 
 " a spiritual center." But in order that it may be- 
 come this, the Jews in the Diaspora who are work- 
 ing towards this end must also be regenerated 
 spiritually, so that *' the spiritual center which is 
 destined to be created in our ancestral country *' 
 shall come as a " response to a real and insistent 
 national demand." 
 
 ^ The attempt has been made in various quarters 
 to set up the postulate of a *' spiritual center " as 
 a negation of what is called Herzlian Zionism, or 
 at least as a substitute for it. It is true that Ahad 
 ha-Am has been engaged at various times in ardent 
 polemics with Zionists, even with official Zionism.' 
 But the differences have often seemed to be rather 
 the concomitant of violent discussion regarding 
 one or the other phase of Zionist effort than opposi- 
 tion to the movement as a whole. In the same 
 way, though he was one of the leaders in the 
 earlier Hibbat Zlon enthusiasm, he violently depre- 
 cated the manner in which colonization in Palestine 
 was then attempted, a journey to Palestine in the 
 early " nineties " of the last century having con- 
 
 191 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 vinced him of the false basis on which it was being 
 carried out.' Ahad ha-Am was a member of the 
 First Zionist Congress, in 1907. He has criticised 
 the Basel Program as one-sided and as purely polit- 
 ical and economic in character. He holds that this 
 political character narrows down the Zionist con- 
 ception and robs it of half of its true meaning. 
 But at the same time, he acknowledges it as a part 
 of his own program. " On one side,'' he says, " we 
 must work for the creation of an extensive and 
 well-ordered settlement in our ancestral land; but, 
 on the other side, we are not at liberty to neglect 
 the effort to create there, at the same time, a fixed 
 and independent center for our national culture, 
 for learning, art, and literature." " In fact, he 
 seems to demand the formation of '* a special or- 
 ganization for cultural work,'* which shall march 
 hand in hand with the political Zionist body." 
 
 Ahad ha-Am is the great preacher of prophetical 
 Hebraism. According to his own analysis, one of 
 the characteristics of the prophets was their extrem- 
 ism. It is evident that he imitates them at least in 
 this particular. It must be conceded that a number 
 of the Zionist leaders, especially during the early 
 days of the movement, had little sense for the higher 
 aspect of the whole question. In excuse of them it 
 
 192 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 may be said that many had issued from surround- 
 ings that were out of touch with the spiritual and 
 religious life of Judaism, and the economic and 
 political side of their work engaged so much of their 
 attention as to cover the whole field of their vision. 
 But the moment Herzl came into real contact with 
 the Jewish people, he issued the parole:/" Zionism 
 means a return to Judaism prior to a return to a 
 Jewish land," " leven though he might not have 
 understood th^word Judaism in the same man- 
 ner as Ahad ha-Am or others. The various dis- 
 cussions at the Congresses on the question of Kul- 
 tur, far removed though they were at times from 
 the kernel of the subject, showed that the idea was 
 germinating in the minds of many of the delegates. 
 In fact, at the very first Congress, Doctor Ehren- 
 preis proposed the formation of a special organiza- 
 tion for the study and the spread of the Hebrew 
 language," one of the measures which Ahad ha-Am 
 specifies as leading towards the rebirth of the 
 Hebraic spirit. 
 
 Indeed, it is a true sign that the spirit for which 
 Ahad ha-Am pleads is still alive among the Jewish 
 people that those who have gone to Palestine have, 
 entirely of their own accord and without any sug- 
 gestion from the outside, proceeded directly to the 
 
 193 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 cultivation of the Hebrew spirit along lines that 
 lead to the goal envisaged by Ahad ha-Am. That 
 spirit has been refreshed and refined by the sur- 
 roundings in which it moves; more normal condi- 
 tions of life have had the natural effect, and a 
 noble ideal has not been soiled for want of free 
 room in which to develop. There the Hebrew 
 language is indeed being cultivated, and is gradually 
 driving Judeo-German and the European tongues 
 to the wall. It is being employed in schools and in 
 daily intercourse. Art has commenced \o find a 
 home there, due to the efforts of Boris Schatz and 
 the Bezalel School. The Hebrew Gymnasium at 
 Jaffa may be criticised in certain directions; these 
 faults arc part of the residue brought from the 
 Galut and will be removed by filtration. For the 
 Gymnasium and the Tachkemoni schools serve 
 one and the same end — to train the young in the 
 spirit of the fathers, in the rejuvenated ideals 
 of the past. Jewish life cannot be unilateral in its 
 development. The Jews coming to Palestine will 
 have passed through the sieve of various civiliza- 
 tions, will have acquired varied experiences, which 
 have become a part of their being. Above all, 
 the authentic voice of the Synagogue has spoken 
 in various tones to its different members and in 
 
 194 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 diverse notes. They will come with divergent views 
 of life, which they cannot be asked to relinquish 
 when living together. Indeed, Zionism would fail 
 of its truest purpose — to insure surroundings of 
 such a nature as to permit the free development 
 of minds that are themselves free — if it neglected 
 to take account of these divergences. 
 
 It is good to have one that cries out — let us 
 hope, not in the wilderness — how inconsiderately 
 soever the crying may be done. The expression 
 " spiritual revival " is not a mere catchword. It 
 contains a heartening appeal, which is to prick the 
 torpid idealism of the Jewish public and bring back 
 to it the full intent and meaning of Jewish nation- 
 alism. But if the ^^ local center '' is to be estab- 
 lished — and for this Ahad ha-Am pleads — it can 
 only be done by much spade-work. The building 
 must be erected from the ground up, and not from 
 the top down. It must not be forgotten that, be- 
 ginning with 1897, everything of a material kind 
 had to be created — Congress, bank. National 
 Fund, all the various instruments, paraphernalia, 
 and trappings which are the outer shell of a national 
 revival. The prophets of old cried condemnation 
 upon every part of the body politic — king, priests, 
 and people, even on other prophets. But the difE- 
 
 195 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 cult task of representing law and order, of keeping 
 the ship of state above the waters, rested with the 
 men in command at Jerusalem. The prophets saw 
 above and beyond the heads of those whom they 
 criticised ; they often failed to see the ground upon 
 which they trod. Isaiah could say that neither 
 Assyria nor Egypt was more than a broken reed 
 upon which to rest; but one was threatening from 
 the north, the other was menacing from the south. 
 A " splendid isolation '' may have been morally 
 right ; it was politically unsound. 
 
 Ahad ha-Am's plaint, that Zionism leaned too 
 much towards the political side, as Chovevi Zion 
 had leaned too much to the practical, may be justi- 
 fied in theory. But neither the " politicals '* nor 
 the " practicals '* desired the Zionist movement to 
 issue as did the Bene Mosheh; and to say with 
 Ahad ha-Am, that " Zionism has need not only of 
 subscriptions and shares, but even more of souls,'^ " 
 is to utter a platitude. For these souls were 
 in the process of being won by the very methods 
 that were being condemned. It was only by 
 " subscriptions *' to the Jewish Colonial Trust, to 
 the National Fund, and to many other Zionist 
 foundations, that many were able to show their at- 
 tachment to the cause. Gathered within Its ranks 
 
 196 
 
AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 were many of " the poor and the needy/' to whom 
 " subscriptions and shares " meant a real sacrifice 
 — a signal evidence of the very spirit for which 
 Ahad ha-Am was contending. In the various clubs, 
 societies, and meetings, the old bonds were being 
 reforged, and the gaze was being converged upon 
 what was still an ideal center, but which, it was 
 hoped, would some day become invested with 
 reality, and which Ahad ha-Am has so trenchantly 
 described as possessing ** a strong attraction for all 
 of them, not because of some accidental or tem- 
 porary relation, but by virtue of its own right," and 
 in which " all will find at once a purifying fire and 
 a connecting link." " 
 
 [Notes, pp. 228-239] 
 
 197 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 Among the many misconceptions current in re- 
 gard to Zionism, one of the most popular would 
 confine its function to some particular class of Jews, 
 to some section distinguished either by its economic 
 condition or by its peculiar conception of the Jewish 
 religion, or to those living in a certain part of the 
 great Diaspora. It has been said, and it has been 
 written, that such a concentration of Jews and such 
 a centralization of Jewish efforts as is foreshadowed 
 by the Basel Platform, may be a means for mitigat- 
 ing in part some of the Jewish misery that is only 
 too apparent in Eastern Europe, that it may well 
 prove another outlet for those unfortunate ones who 
 are forced through the Russian and Roumanian 
 mill, that it may relieve the pressure which is so 
 evident in the Ghettos of Galicia, and offer a further 
 means of livelihood to those who are in too active 
 a competition in the great European and American 
 centers. In a word, Zionism, regarded from this 
 
 198 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 angle, has no real message to the emancipated Jew 
 of Western Europe and America, and its sole 
 significance lies in the fact that it is another attempt 
 to heal the wounds inflicted upon the Jews by 
 modern industrial developments. 
 
 On the other hand, the assertion is made that 
 Zionism may have a message for those who have 
 remained within the four walls of Orthodox 
 Judaism, and is the logical outcome of the ideas 
 and hopes that have been conserved wherever tra- 
 ditional Judaism has retained its hold, but for 
 those Jews whose trend of thought and whose 
 course of life have led them away from the beaten 
 track, it may be a matter of indifference what the 
 ultimate fate of Palestine is, and a Jewish center 
 has no part in the conception they have of the 
 future of the Jews and no religious worth in 
 their image of the future of the Jewish faith. 
 This is very frankly the attitude of the Reform 
 wing of the Synagogue in Western Europe and in 
 America. For them Zionism has no message, or, if 
 It has any, it is one of despair and an unworthy ac- 
 quiescence — and a somewhat unwilling one at that 
 — in circumstances which we have not religious and 
 moral power enough to overcome. The leaders of 
 American Reform have gone even further than 
 
 199 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 this, and look upon Zionism as the negation of the 
 best hope and promise of Judaism, as a wilful 
 abjuration of the role traced for Judaism by the 
 greatest of the prophets. The dissemination and 
 diffusion of the Jews throughout all parts of the 
 world is elevated by them to the position of doc- 
 trinal sublimity, and stress is laid upon this disper- 
 sion as the means — one might almost say, the only 
 means — for the proper fulfilment of the Jewish 
 
 mission. 
 
 Now, we may leave out of account any at- 
 tempt to define the word mission when used of a 
 people. To do so would lead dangerously near 
 to religious speculations and to the discussion 
 of questions which might raise the odium theo- 
 logicum. But the question Is pertinent: how is 
 such a mission to be carried out, if in the process 
 the bearers of the mission are bound to succumb? 
 It is true that, until quite modern times, the var- 
 ious communities of Jews maintained their exist- 
 ence in a manner which at first sight seems to defy 
 explanation. Without any visible unity, without 
 any physical or ideal center, at times without much 
 intercommunion, individual bodies of Jews Have 
 existed in all corners of the Diaspora. They have 
 succeeded in existing because of the ideal bond 
 
 200 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 that held them together, a common past and 
 a common hope for the future. This bond has 
 remained practically unchanged throughout the 
 ages. Judaism has been surprisingly free from 
 sectarian schisms. With the exception of that of 
 the Karaites, none has come to disturb the unity 
 of practice and aspiration that welded the differ- 
 ent communities together into an unseen brother- 
 hood. Living in agglomerations that were usually 
 small in extent, they have been able to keep up 
 a similar communal life by means of a common 
 practice. Territorial distinctions have been dis- 
 regarded and almost obliterated. In the early 
 Middle Ages there was little difference between the 
 life of the Palestinian and the Babylonian Jew, as 
 little as there was between the Continental and the 
 English. Even the distinction between Sefardic 
 and Ashkenazic Jew was not accentuated until 
 both commenced to live outside the countries from 
 which they derived their nomenclature. An Asher 
 ben Yehiel could become an authority in Spain, a 
 Solomon ben Adret an oracle in Germany. To the 
 great world-movements with which they came in 
 contact they were not insensible. They had a fair 
 share in their development, and were themselves 
 not uninfluenced by the contact. But only in rare 
 
 201 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 instances was this influence allowed to drive deep 
 down into their beings. If Philo was more of a 
 neo-Platonist than he was a Jew, his example was 
 not followed ; neither was Spinoza's. From Saadia 
 to Maimonides, it was the non- Jewish systems of 
 philosophy that were put into the strait-jacket of 
 Jewish theology. In most cases the Jews retired 
 from this contact before the harm had become too 
 great. Hellenism is the classic example of the 
 reverse policy, a policy in consequence of which 
 large numbers must have become lost to the Jewish 
 cause. 
 
 At the present day, however, the circumstances 
 in which the Jews live are very different. The 
 constitution of European society during the Middle 
 Ages was such as to favor individual groupings. 
 Communities were disjointed from one another; 
 means of intercommunication were undeveloped; 
 news could not spread easily and rapidly; cities were 
 comparatively small, and even in those in which 
 contact with the larger world would have affected 
 adversely Jewish cohesiveness, compensating influ- 
 ences were present in the Ghetto system and in the 
 steady, though scanty, infiltration from country 
 communities. The industrial development of mod- 
 ern times has thoroughly changed conditions. The 
 
 202 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 rise of national feeling has frowned upon other com- 
 binations within the state, so that a general leveling 
 process has been at work. Cities have grown to 
 immeasurable proportions. The race to these large 
 centers has been fast and furious. Thus, not only 
 have the Ghetto walls been cast down ; the smaller 
 communities outside of the large cities have been 
 greatly depeopled of their Jewish inhabitants. 
 France is a classic example. We think of the flour- 
 ishing communities in the Midi, in Avignon, Car- 
 pentras, Carcassone, etc., where now many of the 
 synagogues are closed, and Jewish centers are on the 
 verge of disappearance, because most of the Jews 
 have gone to Paris, there to be swallowed up in the 
 great army of the unchurched. Italy is another 
 instance. Bari, Otranto, Reggio, Ancona, Pesaro, 
 and many other places that would constitute an 
 " Italia Judaica," have become denuded of Jews, 
 in favor of Rome and Florence. Similar conditions 
 in other countries could easily be cited. 
 
 In addition, the language and customs of their 
 surroundings have pressed heavily upon the Jews. 
 In the Middle Ages, documents concerning trans- 
 actions between Jews and non-Jews were usually 
 drawn up in two languages, of which one was He- 
 brew. Such documents have come down to us from 
 
 203 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Spain, from Germany, and from England. There 
 was nothing strange in this ; for even among non- 
 Jews a literary tongue, the Latin, was^ still the lan- 
 guage in which official documents of all sorts were 
 drawn up. In modern times, modern languages 
 have displaced the old literary tongue. Latin has 
 been relegated to the store-room of the university, 
 and Hebrew to the study-room of the learned. 
 Custom, social practice, and social life have been 
 unfavorable to the retention of peculiar Jewish 
 observances, which have been largely banished from 
 collective gatherings and from the household. 
 They have been relegated to the synagogue and 
 confined there. But even the synagogue has had 
 to give way to the unifying forces at work to-day. 
 We may think that, in many instances, this has 
 gone too far, and an unwarranted desire for as- 
 similation has found a pretext in what is called 
 *' the needs of the day." But even where this has 
 not been the case, many concessions have had to 
 be made. There is no doubt that such concessions 
 are bound to increase In the future, and in this 
 manner Jewish communities will tend to develop 
 away from each other. The German Jew is not so 
 apt to feel at home in Anglo- Jewish surroundings 
 or in the synagogues of English-speaking countries 
 
 204 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 as he was wont to formerly, nor the Italian Jew 
 in Germany. " Deutsche Staatsbiirger jiidischen 
 Glaubens " have commenced to lose touch with 
 their French brethren, and in some circles in the 
 United States we have heard mutterings about an 
 " American Judaism." The points of contact are 
 evidently growing less in number and weaker in 
 strength, and as Jewish unity tends to disappear, 
 a consequent deadening of Jewish consciousness is 
 bound to occur. There is, indeed, evidence that 
 the process has already begun. It is true that at 
 all times such a danger has been more or less 
 present. Many have been lost to the Jewish cause. 
 This enables us to understand the relatively small 
 number of Jews existing at the present day, in spite 
 of the acknowledged fecundity of the race. But the 
 ravages occasioned by modern conditions — active 
 anti-Semitism on the one hand, passive social op- 
 pression on the other — are nothing less than alarm- 
 ing. As regards Western Europe and America, this 
 loss has been offset of late years by immigration 
 from Eastern Europe. But such immigration can- 
 not continue indefinitely, and the continued depres- 
 sion of the masses in Eastern Europe is having its 
 effect in making the material with which the recon- 
 structive process in the West is being carried on less 
 
 14 205 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 worthy of its purpose and less effective in carrying 
 it out. 
 
 I have left out of all account the ignoble sug- 
 gestion, made among others by Schopenhauer," Ed- 
 uard von Hartmann,'' Mommsen,' and the Rouma- 
 nian historian Xenopol,' that it would be a service- 
 able act to the nations with which they live, if the 
 Jews would subscribe to the Christian creed, even 
 If they do not believe In it. It is sad to see so 
 eminent and so truly liberal a scholar as Professor 
 Theodor Noldeke In Strassburg " subscribe to a 
 similar view : that Jewish parents ought to bring up 
 their children In the Christian faith, in order that 
 these children may be able to become full Germans, 
 and be released from the suffering the parents have 
 undergone, an idea ventilated also by a Jew who 
 signs himself *' Benedictus Levita " (both of which 
 names he besmudges In using them) in the Preus- 
 sische Jahrbiicher." The whole Idea must be 
 repugnant to every right-minded Christian, as It 
 must be to any but a bloodless Jew. 
 
 From the foregoing observations It will be clear 
 that some means are necessary to counteract the 
 corroding influences to which reference has been 
 made. From whatever point of view we regard 
 the situation, the unity of Israel must be restored. 
 
 206 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 A complete reversion to the unity of practice seems 
 impossible, as modern conditions in the Diaspora 
 will continue to increase disfavorably to the Jews. 
 The Jewish hope must be reconstituted upon 
 modern lines. Embodied in a physical center, and 
 that center illumined by a rekindled light, It will 
 serve as a point towards which the thoughts, aspira- 
 tions, and longings of the Diaspora Jews will con- 
 verge, and from which they will draw, each in his 
 own measure, that sufficiency of moral and religious 
 strength that will better enable them to resist the 
 encroachments of their surroundings. The knowl- 
 edge that in some one place, in some one country 
 — and that country the most hallowed by its recol- 
 lections — Jewish life is possible without the un- 
 natural restrictions that naturally hem it in else- 
 where, will act as a centripetal force, the very force 
 that is so much needed to-day. 
 
 It may be objected that this will constitute a 
 religious life by delegation to others. But the 
 erection of a Jewish center in Palestine would in 
 no way carry with it the nullification of duties rest- 
 ing upon Jews elsewhere. The Reform Jew, with 
 his ideal of a mission, could carry forward that mis- 
 sion in the future as he has In the past. The theory 
 that Zionism looks for the concentration of all 
 
 207 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 Jews on one spot is a theory of windy unreality, 
 which has loomed large in the minds of those only 
 who do not understand, or who persist in mis- 
 representing, its basal teaching. For Palestine, even 
 in the broadest definition ever thought of by 
 prophet or singer, is insufficient to contain a large 
 portion of the Jewish population of the world 
 in addition to its present inhabitants. In very fact, 
 a serious stimulus would be given to the spreading 
 of the very mission it is feared will be endangered. 
 The closer Jews are kept within the fold, the 
 greater their interest in Jewish life and Jewish 
 thought, the more propagators there will be for 
 that mission. The early Reformers at least were 
 insistent upon the view that whatever divergence 
 from received practice they favored was not due 
 to a simple love for divergence itself, but was the 
 result of the difficulties experienced in overcoming 
 a situation that demanded a greater sacrifice than 
 their congregants felt able to make. Their spiritual 
 descendants might well welcome any movement 
 calculated to render the Jew more willing to 
 sacrifice than he is to-day. 
 
 Another serious difficulty that seems to confront 
 the Western Jew is the supposed conflict that 
 might arise between his responsibility to a Jewish 
 
 208 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 concentration and his allegiance and fealty towards 
 the state of which he is a citizen. The struggle for 
 political emancipation in European countries dur- 
 ing the nineteenth century has left its mark behind 
 in a certain nervousness on the part of the Jew 
 concerning the fruits of the victory gained. This 
 is due to the fact that only in one country, France, 
 had the right been conceded freely. In other 
 states, it had been won after a period of political 
 strife that had not been wanting in acerbity. The 
 Jews felt that their claim to citizenship was still 
 questioned by a not Inconsiderable portion of their 
 fellow-citizens. They themselves seemed to con- 
 sider it, not a right inherent in their status, but 
 the result of a barter in which they had to pay an 
 exorbitant price. That exorbitant price was an 
 exaggerated nationalist ardor for the country of 
 their adoption. This feeling was fed still further 
 by the charge of the anti-Semites, that the Jews 
 formed an impertum in imperio. The latter charge 
 might well be neglected, for it was advanced long 
 before the rise of modern Zionism; and anti- 
 Semites, whose warmth is apt to be fed by the 
 heat of passion, are not known to be overscrupulous 
 in testing the veracity of their facts or the cogency 
 of their arguments. M. Theodore Relnach, re- 
 
 209 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 garding the Jewish question in France from another 
 point of view, makes the price to be paid a moral 
 life unapproachable by large masses of men — " all 
 our men of commerce must be honest, all our 
 millionaires simple and charitable, all our learned 
 men modest, all our journalists patriotic and dis- 
 interested," ^ a degree of perfection not demanded 
 of any other element in the French state. But quite 
 apart from such considerations, there are many 
 Jews who are most sincere in their fear that Zionism 
 and patriotic citizenship are somewhat incompatible 
 with each other. This is practically the burden of 
 the official protest published by the council of the 
 German Rabbiner-Verband two months previous to 
 the first Basel Congress, in 1897. It was repeated 
 by the Union of American Hebrew Congregations 
 in 1898,'' and it has continually reappeared as a 
 ghost that frightens and refuses to be laid. 
 
 Now, I have already hinted that this fear is 
 based upon an abnormal valuation of the contents 
 of citizenship. It is founded on the errors that 
 citizenship is coincident with racial unity, and that 
 a good citizen can have no other ties of allegiance 
 than those which bind him to the state of which 
 he is a member. That, this is not the case can 
 be seen by the most casual observer. Germany 
 
 210 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 and Austria-Hungary are examples to hand of the 
 falsity of the whole theory. In the one, we find 
 Danes, Poles, Czechs, Wends, and Walloons, be- 
 sides a number of smaller races, all owning fealty 
 to the German Empire. In Austria-Hungary we 
 have Germans, Poles, Magyars, Czechs, and Croats 
 doing homage to the same emperor-king. No less 
 a German than the Emperor William II has said : 
 " The kingdom of Prussia is made up of many 
 races that are proud of their past history and 
 of their individuality [Eigenart]. This does not 
 prevent them from being, above all [vor AUem] 
 excellent Prussians." Our own country has a 
 population made up of the most diversified racial 
 elements. Here the Germans have done excel- 
 lently in preserving their own peculiar customs and 
 national traditions. They have their German 
 Sangerbund, their German societies; they cultivate 
 their national literature, and sustain German news- 
 papers and German societies. No charge has ever 
 been brought against them that, for this reason, 
 they are less American than their co-citizens of 
 other races. The Irish-Americans have done the 
 same, and much more. They have intervened 
 actively in the social and political affairs of their 
 mother-land. No more fervent or devoted nation- 
 
 211 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 alists exist to-day than the Americans of Irish 
 extraction. In Canada, the French have gone even 
 further. They have to all real purpose remained 
 French, though they have become excellent British 
 subjects, just as the Boers persist the Dutchmen 
 they were before the year 1903, though loyally ac- 
 cepting British citizenship. 
 
 The point need not be labored further, nor the 
 examples multiplied. They serve as the best refuta- 
 tion of the view held by many Jews of the supposed 
 conflict between Zionism and citizenship, and show 
 that this view is ill-imagined. The state cannot 
 demand that the individual shall relinquish his 
 peculiarities, his traditions, his family relationship. 
 Nor can it ask of any group to give up its historic 
 associations, its connection with other groups of the 
 same race or of the same religion living elsewhere. 
 It can only demand that as citizens all elements 
 shall put the needs of the state in which they live 
 in the forefront of their thought and render to it 
 and to the Ideals for which it stands the best 
 effort they are capable of. Should a conflict ever 
 arise between the duties towards the state in which 
 the Jew lives and his responsibility to the recon- 
 structed Jewish home, he will be forced to make 
 his choice — in exactly the same manner as the Ger- 
 
 212 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 man-American or the Irish- American would be com- 
 pelled to do in similar circumstances. But as the 
 Jewish home is not to be founded for territorial or 
 other aggrandizement, such a conflict lies in the 
 penumbra of pure speculation. 
 
 In preparation for this home, Zionism has com- 
 menced to lay the foundation stones. Its work in 
 Palestine is a surety that the end can be reached, 
 if only the will is there. But it has been less suc- 
 cessful in organizing the Jewish communities in 
 the Old and New World for this or, in fact, for 
 any combined purpose.'' And yet the conviction 
 forces itself upon us that some such organization 
 of Jewry is necessary. I should have used the ex- 
 pression " international Jewry," had not that ex- 
 pression been seized upon in some quarters to 
 denote a certain opposition on the part of the Jews 
 to the aspirations of the various states in which 
 they live. If the Jewish interests at stake are 
 purely religious, as is often claimed, it stands to 
 reason that some common direction must be given 
 to these interests. Even as a religious body, we 
 cannot measure our numbers with those of other 
 faiths, and the losses we sustain by secession or 
 because of indifference are hardly more than made 
 good by a birthrate that is also steadily decreasing. 
 
 213 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 At one time the idea was cherished that the Alli- 
 ance Israelite Universelle would serve as a unifying 
 force, but the parallel societies founded in other 
 countries rendered nugatory the hopes that had been 
 set upon the larger program of the Alliance. The 
 new societies are doomed to follow in the wake of 
 the parent body. The very nature of their forma- 
 tion, the help they are bound to demand from the 
 Governments under which they are organized, and 
 upon whom they reckon for the furthering of their 
 end, vitiate them at their source, as far as their 
 general Jewish service is concerned. 
 
 Nor have more ambitious attempts been more 
 successful. The Russian excesses in the " eighties " 
 and *' nineties '* of the last century might have 
 led, and ought to have led, to a permanent pooling 
 of Jewish interests. Unfortunately they did not, 
 probably because Jewish leaders in philanthropy 
 and charity insisted upon regarding the sinister 
 Russian business as an event rather than as a state, 
 and persisted in the fatuous belief that conditions 
 could be met as they arose. The same infirmity 
 of purpose was evident in the conferences held at 
 Frankfort (1904), London (1905), and Brussels 
 (1906). Some agreements were reached upon 
 minor points, and measures were taken looking to 
 
 214 
 
ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 
 the regulating of emigration from Russia. But 
 the meetings finished as they had begun, and were 
 fruitless of permanent results. Evidently some 
 other basis must be found upon which the future 
 of the Jews and of Judaism is to be built. Zion- 
 ism proposes to offer that basis, one that Is wide, 
 inclusive, self-confident without boasting, and in- 
 formed with an outlook courageous and undis- 
 mayed. 
 
 To speculate upon the future of Zionism would 
 be absurd. To predict its success upon the lines 
 of its modern development would be as reckless as 
 to foretell Its failure. The transmutation of values, 
 to use a NIetzschean term, that is being accom- 
 plished in these latter days makes a sober mind 
 wary of prophecy. The situation of Turkey Is 
 more distraught than ever; the political status of 
 Palestine may suffer a change at any moment. 
 However, the continuing dispersion of the Jews 
 into yet new corners of the globe makes the Jewish 
 patriot, whether he be purely religious, or purely 
 national, or religiously national, fearful of the 
 consequences. The Incessant pressure of the out- 
 side world Is having Its slow and cumulative effect. 
 They who do not see this are blind wilfully. Some 
 such solution of the problem as that foreshadowed 
 
 215 
 
ZIONISM 
 
 in the Zionist outlook seems necessary and desir- 
 able — if there is to be any outlook left, and if the 
 ** remnant that returns " is to be worthy of its 
 issue. It has been said in another connection " that 
 a people that has had a great past, if it is to have 
 a correspondingly great future, must also have a 
 great present. For this great present Zionism is 
 working, in order that Judaism may have a still 
 more glorious future. And in this sense Zionism 
 and Judaism become one and the same. 
 
 [Notes, pp. 230-231] 
 
 216 
 
pp. 17-23] 
 
 NOTES 
 
 Chapter I 
 
 THE PRE-HERZLITES 
 
 (pp. 17-47) 
 
 'Arakin, 17^. 
 
 'See the excellent presentation by Max L. MargoHs, The 
 Mendelssohnian Programme, in Jewish Quarterly Review, xvii. 
 531 et seq. 
 
 *Jew. Quart. Rev. xviii. 273. It is interesting to note that an 
 early Jewish philosopher was not insensible, however far he 
 had traveled from the beaten track, to the old Jewish hope. In 
 his theological treatise, Spinoza remarks: "Indeed, unless the 
 fundamentals of their [i. €., the Jews'] religion bring upon them 
 effeminacy of mind and character, I am inclined to believe that, 
 with the opportunity afforded, since human affairs are notoriously 
 changeable, they may again recover their empire, and God elect 
 them to himself anew." Tractatus Teol. Pol. iii. 53 ; in English 
 translation, London, 1868, p. 87. 
 
 '*ProtokolIe und Aktenstiicke der Zweiten Rabbiner-Versamm- 
 lung, Frankfort, 1845, P* ^06. In somewhat similar spirit, but 
 in cryptic language, the founder of the science of national 
 psychology, H. Steinthal — who, singularly enough, failed to 
 understand the psychology of his own people — calls Zion "the 
 innermost kernel of the inner consciousness of modern nations " 
 (quoted in Ahad ha-Am, Selected Essays, Philadelphia, 1912, 
 p. 180), and Adolphe Franck speaks of Jerusalem as " une ville 
 ideale qui n'existe que dans le passe et dans I'avenir, dans le 
 souvenir et dans I'esperance " (Nouvelles Etudes Orientales, Paris, 
 1896, p. 302). In a tone unworthy of a great philosopher, Her- 
 mann Cohen says, "Weil wir Palastina allenfalls als eine 
 Reisegelepenheit betrachten '* (Ein Bekenntniss in der Judenfrage, 
 Berlin, 1880, p. 14). See also. Greenstone, The Messiah Idea, pp. 
 243 et seq. 
 
 217 
 
NOTES [pp. 24-36 
 
 ''The most significant is Bulgaria, with "a peasant people who 
 have been for five hundred years barely a name in the world at 
 large or even to themselves." Monthly Review, Jan. 1906, p. 25. 
 
 " Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, v. 542. The Earl of Cromer 
 (Ancient and Modern Imperialism, p. 93) has a fine paragraph 
 on the relation of Rome to the Jews, which he finishes with the 
 following sentence, " The Jews were vanquished and dispersed, 
 but they never were assimilated." 
 
 ^ Vogelstein and RIeger, Gesch. der Juden in Rom, i. 26 ; Jean 
 Reville, Die Religion zu Rom, p. 10. 
 
 * It is interesting to note that Zamenhof was originally a 
 nationalist Jew. In 1881 he convened a meeting of his Jewish 
 fellow-students at the Moscow University for the purpose of form- 
 ing a Jewish colony in some part of the globe, which should 
 become the center of an independent Jewish state. See Jewish 
 Chronicle, Sept. 6, 1907, p. 17. 
 
 ^ Orpheus, German transl., p. 192. 
 
 " On the modernization of the Synagogue service and the 
 danger of its becoming Christianized, see a fair criticism from 
 the standpoint of incipient Zionism in the article by Margolis, 
 already referred to, Jew. Quart. Rev. xvii. 534. Comp. also 
 Louis Zangwill, Church or Synagogue, in Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 
 29, 1907, p. 8. 
 
 "See such passages as Amos ix. 14; Zeph. iii. 20; Zach. a. 10; 
 Ps. xiv. 7; Is. ii. 1-4; Deut. xxx. 1-5; and comp. Schultz, Alttesta- 
 mentliche Theologie, Gottingen, 1889, p. 742. 
 
 ^See Monatsschrift fiir Gesch. und Wissenschaft des Juden- 
 thums, liii. 534. 
 
 "On Jewish conversions to Christianity, see N. Samter, Juden- 
 taufen im 19. Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1906. Some data from this 
 book will be found in Die Welt, x. no. 6, pp. 10 et seq. Comp. also 
 Ruppin, The Jews of To-Day, 1913, PP. 181 et seq. 
 
 " A collection of such sayings will be found in Zlsling, Yalkut 
 Erez Yisrael, Vilna, 1890; Baruch David Hakohen, Sefer Hibbat 
 ha-Arez, Jerusalem, 1897. 
 
 ^'In 1540 an Augsburg Jew seems to have had Messianic ideas 
 
 218 
 
pp. 36-39] NOTES 
 
 in connection with the founding of a Jewish state. See the letter 
 of Sebastian Theodoricus Windsheim to Dr. Vogler, in Anzeiger 
 des Germanischen National-Museums, 1894, p. 103. 
 
 "Revue . . . von Bohmen, Oct. 1903, p. 14. 
 
 "It is worthy of note that the last edition of Hess' book was 
 burnt by order of his family, in order to remove this "offense." 
 See Die Welt, ii. no. 9, p. 16. 
 
 " Simon Szanto, editor of the Vienna Neue Zeit. I have the 
 quotation from the Zionistisches A-B-C Euch, Berlin, 1908, p. 66. 
 
 ^The original essay was published in the Jahrbuch fiir 
 Israeliten, 1863-1864, and has been republished with an intro- 
 duction by Theodor Zlocisti in Jiidischer Volkskalender, Briinn, 
 1903-1904, pp. 90 et seq. 
 
 ^" See Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, 
 viii. 106 et seq. ; xxi. 230 et seq. In France, too, a voice was heard, 
 the owner of which deserves to be rescued from oblivion. Lazar 
 Levy-Bing of Nancy was a successful banker and later a member 
 of the Chambre des Deputes (1871). He espoused warmly the 
 cause of Jewish nationalism at a time and amid circumstances in 
 which one would least have expected it. It was the heyday of the 
 resuscitated monarchy in France, a time of much French chauvin- 
 ism, in which the Jews took a considerable part. Levy-Bing was 
 fired by a pamphlet written by a Christian, Abraham Petavel. 
 Though a Protestant minister and professor in Neuchatel and an 
 outspoken conversionist, Petavel had become a member of the Al- 
 liance Israelite Universelle. In 1864 an anonymous pamphlet ap- 
 peared in Geneva under the title, Devoir des nations de rendre au 
 peuple juif sa nationalite. Though, at a later time, Petavel denied 
 the authorship, he is responsible for a poem, La fille de Sion, ou la 
 retablissement d'Israel (Paris, 1864), which expresses views 
 identical with those in the pamphlet. It was the discussion in 
 the Archives Israelites on this pamphlet that brought Levy-Bing 
 to the front with a warm plea for Jewish nationality and a 
 demand that Jerusalem should be made the ideal center of the 
 world. See Die Welt, 1903, no. 51. 
 
 No. 243, " Constantinople, le 23 Germinal. Bonaparte a fait 
 
 219 
 
S2 
 23 
 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 
 NOTES [pp. 40-51 
 
 publier une proclamation, dans laquelle il invite tous les julfs de 
 I'Asie et de I'Afrique a venir se ranger sous ses drapeaux pour 
 retablir I'ancienne Jerusalem." See Max Kohler in Publ. Amer. 
 Jew. Hist. Soc, x. 172. 
 
 See Max J. Herzberg in The Maccabaean, xiii. 4. 
 See Arnold White in Newberry House Magazine, June, 1893. 
 Disraeli is also said to have supported Laurence Oliphant's 
 scheme for an autonomous state in Palestine. See Jewish Chron- 
 icle, Dec. 16, 1904, p. 25. 
 
 ^* Remarks upon the Present Condition of the Jews in Palestine, 
 Kerleys, 1852. 
 
 See Maurice Leon in The Maccabaean, ii. 256. 
 See Die Welt, i. no. 22, p. 7. 
 
 Extracts from Daniel Deronda, vol. ii, book 1, have been put 
 together in the Publ. of the Fed. of American Zionists, no. 3, 
 June, 1899, under the title, George Eliot as a Zionist. 
 
 ^ Essay xviii of The Impressions of Theophrastus Such, re- 
 printed in the Publ. of the Fed. of American Zionists, no. 5. 
 
 ^"^ Joseph Jacobs in Macmillan's Magazine for 1877; reprinted 
 in Jewish Ideals, p. 80. 
 
 '° David Kaufmann in Monatsschrift, 1877, p. 266. 
 ^ There were undoubtedly exceptions, but they kept their peace 
 before the larger public. As such, I might mention Mr. Gustav 
 Cohen of Hamburg, who, in 1896, published, but for private 
 circulation only, a pamphlet. Die Judenfrage und die Zukunft, 
 which he had written in 1891 under the double influence of 
 Daniel Deronda and the passage of the Russian Exiles on their 
 way to America. 
 
 Chapter IT 
 
 THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 
 
 (pp. 48-59) 
 
 'Graetz, Geschichte, xi. 554", the translation is from the 
 
 English ed., v. 672. 
 
 ^ Cited in Cohn, Some Problems of Modern. Jewry, p. 15. 
 
 220 
 
pp. 52-64] NOTES 
 
 'All. Israel. Univ. Bulletin, 1869, p. 64. 
 
 *In general, see Fabius Schach, Eine auferstandene Sprachc, 
 Berlin, n. d, ; N. Slousch[z], The Renascence of Hebrew Lit., 
 Phila., 1909, p. 19. For Palestine in particular, see David Yellin, 
 Die Renaissance der hebraischen Sprache in Palastina, in Die 
 Welt, xiv., io8i et seq. ; English transl. in Zionist Work in 
 Palestine, London, 191 1, pp. 143 et seq. 
 
 *I cannot refrain from adding, in a note, the reasoned judg- 
 ment of one of the latest — let me say, also, one of the sanest — 
 observers, Mr. Sydney Brooks. To the adept as well as to the 
 critic of Zionism the following words have a pregnant meaning: 
 "The Irish party has consistently acted on the principle that the 
 salvation of Ireland is to be wrought by speeches and manoeu- 
 vers in the House of Commons; it has neglected the intellectual, 
 moral, and, in a large part, the economic progress of the country 
 in order to devote its exclusive power to the constitutional 
 panacea. . . . The New Ireland, on the other hand, relies for 
 the upbuilding of the country and its people upon the practical 
 work of Irishmen in Ireland, scouts the notion that the Irish ques- 
 tion is a question of politics merely, and insists that the task of 
 betterment should no longer be postponed until an Irish Parliament 
 is able to take it in hand." See his Aspects of the Irish Question, 
 London, 1912, p. 87. On the excellent work done by Sir Horace 
 Plunkett in this connection, see an informing article in the Monthly 
 Review, Jan. 1906, and in Sydney Brooks, The New Ireland, 
 1907, p. 42. 
 
 *Lo shinnu et-leshonam, Mekilta, § 5, beginning; Shemot Rabba 
 to Exod. ii. n, and parallels. 
 
 Chapter III 
 LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 
 
 (pp. 60-81) 
 
 * First ed. 1882; 2d ed. Briinn, 1903; transl. into English by 
 Albert A. L. Finkenstein, Self -Emancipation, London, 1891 ; and 
 by David S. Blondheim, The Maccabaean, x. 91 et seq. Comp. 
 15 221 
 
NOTES [pp. 64.77 
 
 Pinsker and His Brochure, by Ahad ha-Am, transl. by Henrietta 
 Szold, Baltimore, u. d. 
 
 'Comp. the words of Nietzsche: " Valeur de Vantisemitisme : 
 d'amener les juifs a se poser des fins plus elevees et a trouver 
 repugnante I'idee de I'absorption par les etats.'' Oeuvres post- 
 humes, xiii. 355. 
 
 'A very thoughtful and sympathetic study of Lillenblum has 
 been made by Leon Simon, Moses Leib Lilienblum, Cambridge 
 (England), 1912. 
 
 *A somewhat remarkable collection of letters and opinions on 
 this subject has been put together by Abraham Jacob Slutzky, in 
 his Sefer Shibhat Ziyyon, 2d ed., Warsaw, 1899. 
 
 °A short account of the activity of the Chovevi Zion will be 
 found in an article by S. Ravikovitch, entitled The Palestine 
 Committee in Odessa: Its Origin, Development, and Activity, 
 published in The Maccabaean, xiii. 16 et seq. See also M. 
 Gliicksohn, Das Werk der Chowewe-Zion, in the Palestine number 
 of Die Welt, xiv. 1088 et seq. ; in the English translation, Zionist 
 Work in Palestine, pp. 157 et seq. 
 
 "1889, Adar Sheni 12; republished In Al Parashat Derakim, 
 Odessa, 1895, pp. 1 et seq. 
 
 ' See Selected Essays by Ahad ha-Am, transl. by Leon Simon, 
 Phila., 1912, pp. 311 et seq.; comp. pp. 125 et seq. 
 
 ' For the foregoing, see the illuminating presentment by Hen- 
 rietta Szold in The Maccabaean, viii. 207 et seq. 
 
 "A faithful picture of the early colonies is given and a warn- 
 ing note sounded as early as 1878 by Fishel Rosenzweig, in 
 Ha-Zefirah, no. 33, August 27 of that year. The warning was 
 repeated by the same writer in Ha-Asif, ii. 182 et seq., under the 
 title We'alu Moshi'im. A detailed history of the individual 
 colonies will be found in Curt Nawratzki, Die jiidische Kolonisa- 
 tion Palastinas, 1914, pp. no et seq. 
 
 222 
 
pp. 85-98] NOTES 
 
 Chapter IV 
 
 THEODOR HERZL 
 (pp. 82-107) 
 
 * First ed. 1896. Since then it has appeared in numerous 
 editions as well as in Theodor Herzl's Zionistische Schriften, 
 Berlin, 1905. 
 
 *See Jewish Chronicle, July 10, 1896, p. 3. It was at this 
 meeting that Lucien Wolf declared the scheme to be practical^ 
 but not practicable (ibidem, p. 9). At a later time Mr. Wolf 
 joined hands with Zangwill in pursuing the policy of the Ito, 
 holding that Zionism had failed because it attached itself " to 
 one territory.'* See Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 12, 1906, p. 36. 
 
 'It is said that this designation was first used by Birnbaum 
 (Matthias Acher) in his article Selbst-Emanzipation. See Ost und 
 West, 1902, p. 576; Ahad ha- Am, Al Parashat Derakim, Berlin, 
 
 1903. P- 93- 
 *Eng. transl. by Sylvie d'Avigdor, London, 1896; 2d ed. by 
 
 J. de Haas, New York, 1904.. Translations have appeared in 
 
 French, Hebrew, Judeo-German, Russian, and Bulgarian. 
 
 " " I had not intended to commence a personal agitation for the 
 Jewish cause." Selbstbiographie, in Gesammelte Schriften, i. i8 ; 
 Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 14, 1898, p. 20. 
 
 'Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 9; English, 
 in The Maccabaean, ix. 113. 
 
 ^The only authority I have for this statement is Lucien Wolf 
 in his article, Zionism, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. 
 
 ' Protokoll . . . des Zweiten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 222 : " Der 
 Zionismus unternimmt nichts, was dem Religionsgesetze des 
 Judenthums widerspricht.'* 
 
 ' Oesterreichische Wochenschrift, April 23, 1897. 
 
 "Die Welt, ii. no. 48, p. 7. 
 
 ""There are some theologians who assume the Messianic period 
 to be the most perfect state of civilization, but do not believe in 
 the restoration of the Kingdom of David, the rebuilding of the 
 
 223 
 
NOTES [pp. 64-77 
 
 Pinsker and His Brochure, by Ahad ha-Am, transl. by Henrietta 
 Szold, Baltimore, u. d. 
 
 ^ Comp. the words of Nietzsche: "Valeur de rantisemitisme: 
 d'amener les juifs a se poser des fins plus elevees et a trouver 
 repugnante I'idee de I'absorption par les etats." Oeuvres post- 
 humes, xiii. 355. 
 
 ^A very thoughtful and sympathetic study of Llllenblum has 
 been made by Leon Simon, Moses Leib Lilienblum, Cambridge 
 (England), 1912. 
 
 ^A somewhat remarkable collection of letters and opinions on 
 this subject has been put together by Abraham Jacob Slutzky, in 
 his Sefer Shibhat Ziyyon, 2d ed., Warsaw, 1899. 
 
 *A short account of the activity of the Chovevi Zion will be 
 found in an article by S. Ravikovitch, entitled The Palestine 
 Committee in Odessa: Its Origin, Development, and Activity, 
 published in The Maccabaean, xiii. 16 et seq. See also M. 
 Glucksohn, Das Werk der Chowewe-Zion, in the Palestine number 
 of Die Welt, xiv. 1088 et seq. ; in the English translation, Zionist 
 Work in Palestine, pp. 157 et seq. 
 
 "1889, Adar Sheni 12; republished in Al Parashat Derakim, 
 Odessa, 1895, pp. 1 et seq. 
 
 ' See Selected Essays by Ahad ha-Am, transl. by Leon Simon, 
 Phila., 1912, pp. 311 et seq.; comp. pp. 125 et seq. 
 
 •For the foregoing, see the illuminating presentment by Hen- 
 rietta Szold in The Maccabaean, viii. 207 et seq. 
 
 ^ A faithful picture of the early colonies is given and a warn- 
 ing note sounded as early as 1878 by Fishel Rosenzweig, in 
 Ha-Zefirah, no. 33, August 27 of that year. The warning was 
 repeated by the same writer in Ha-Asif, li. 182 et seq., under the 
 title We'alu Moshi'im. A detailed history of the individual 
 colonies will be found in Curt Nawratzki, Die judische Kolonisa- 
 tion Palastinas, 1914, pp. no et seq. 
 
 222 
 
pp. 85-98] NOTES 
 
 Chapter IV 
 
 THEODOR HERZL 
 (pp. 83-107) 
 
 * First ed. 1896. Since then it has appeared in numerous 
 editions as well as in Theodor Herzl's. Zionistische Schriften, 
 Berlin, 1905. 
 
 ^See Jewish Chronicle, July 10, 1896, p. 3. It was at this 
 meeting that Lucien Wolf declared the scheme to be practical^ 
 but not practicable (ibidem, p. 9). At a later time Mr. Wolf 
 joined hands with Zangwill in pursuing the policy of the Ito, 
 holding that Zionism had failed because it attached itself " to 
 one territory.** See Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 12, 1906, p. 36. 
 
 *It is said that this designation was first used by Birnbaum 
 (Matthias Acher) in his article Selbst-Emanzipation. See Ost und 
 West, 1902, p. 576; Ahad ha-Am, Al Parashat Derakim, Berlin, 
 
 1903, p. 93. 
 *Eng. transl. by Sylvie d'Avigdor, London, 1896; 2d ed. by 
 
 J. de Haas, New York, 1904. Translations have appeared in 
 French, Hebrew, Judeo-German, Russian, and Bulgarian. 
 
 ° " I had not intended to commence a personal agitation for the 
 Jewish cause.** Selbstbiographie, in Gesammelte Schriften, i. 18 ; 
 Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 14, 1898, p. 20. 
 
 'Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 9; English, 
 in The Maccabaean, ix. 113. 
 
 ^The only authority I have for this statement is Lucien Wolf 
 in his article, Zionism, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. 
 
 ' Protokoll . . . des Zweiten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 222 : " Der 
 Zionismus unternimmt nichts, was dem Religionsgesetze des 
 Judenthums widerspricht.*' 
 
 ' Oesterreichische Wochenschrift, April 23, 1897. 
 
 "" Die Welt, ii. no. 48, p. 7. 
 
 " " There are some theologians who assume the Messianic period 
 to be the most perfect state of civilization, but do not believe in 
 the restoration of the Kingdom of David, the rebuilding of the 
 
 223 
 
NOTES [pp. 98-103 
 
 Temple, or the repossession of Palestine by the Jews. They 
 altogether reject the national hope of the Jews. These theologians 
 either misinterpret or wholly ignore the teaching of the Bible, 
 and the divine promises made through the men of God." The 
 Jewish Religion, 2d ed., 1900, p. 161. 
 
 "Dina de-Malkuta Dina. Baba Kamma, 113a, etc. 
 
 " " Zionism would have us return to the primitive stage of a 
 national religion.'' Karpeles, Jews and Judaism in the Nineteenth 
 Century, Phila., 1905, p. 63. 
 
 ^* See his National- Judenthum, Leipzig and Vienna, 1897. 
 
 " See his article, with its suggestive title, The Zionist Peril, 
 in Jew. Quart. Rev. xvii. 1-25. 
 
 *" See his address in The Judaeans, 1897-1899, pp. 68 et seq. 
 
 " ibidem, pp. 86 et seq. 
 
 " Aspects of the Jewish Question, London, 1902, p. 18. 
 
 ^"Year Book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis 
 for 1 897-1 898, p. xli. 
 
 '"See Die Stimme der Wahrheit, Berlin, 1905, pp. 165 et seq. 
 
 ^ Jew. Quart. Rev. xv. 501 ; comp. also ibidem, xvi. 48. 
 
 " ibidem, xvii. 342. 
 
 *^The protest was published in the Allgemeine Zeitung des 
 Judenthums, no. 29, July 16, 1897, and was signed by Maybaum 
 (Berlin), Horowitz (Frankfort), Guttmann (Breslau), Auerbach 
 (Halberstadt), and Werner (Munich), as the Vorstand des 
 Rabbiner-Verbandes in Deutschland. It ought to be added that 
 this action on the part of the Vorstand was taken without consulta- 
 tion of the whole body which it represented. See Riilf, Erklarung 
 gegen Erklarung, in Die V^elt, i. no. 7. Assent to the " protest " 
 was obtained from the Rabbinerversammlung at its meeting in 
 1898 only by an unparliamentary stifling of the discussion. I may 
 be pardoned for citing the answer to this protest published by my 
 father, the late Gustav Gottheil, in the Allgemeine Zeitung des 
 Judenthums for Sept. 3, 1897- See also Herzl. Gesammelte 
 Zionistische Schriften, i. 211, Protestrabbiner. 
 
 224 
 
pp. 109-132] NOTES 
 
 Chapter V 
 
 THE JEWISH CONGRESS 
 
 (pp, 108-142) 
 
 ^I Sam. viii. 
 
 ' Certain special honors shown in the synagogue to descendants 
 of priestly and Levitic families are merely Reminiscent. 
 
 ' The expression is that of Doctor Solomon^ Schechter. 
 
 *The protest had been made the first time by Mr. Ambassador 
 Straus; it was renewed on Nov. 19, 1898, by the same ambassador 
 to Tewfik Pasha in these words : " The United States does not 
 make any discrimination between its citizens based upon religion 
 or race, nor will it concede to any other government the right or 
 power to make any such discrimination in respect to American 
 citizens." See United States Senate Reports, Foreign Relations, 
 for 1898-1899, p. 1092. This protest is reasserted in a letter of Mr. 
 Secretary Hay to Mr. Charge d'Affaires Griscom, dated Feb. 28, 
 1901. See Foreign Relations for that year, p. 517. The regula- 
 tions, dated respectively Feb. 23, 1888, and Nov. 21, 1901, will be 
 found in George Young, Corps de droit ottoman, Oxford, 1905, 
 ii. 156. 
 
 "On this Cyprus project see the notes I have gathered in 
 Jewish Encyclopedia, iv. 401, and Zionistisches A-B-C Buch, 
 Berlin, 1908, pp. 165 et seq. It should be noted that Herzl himself 
 was not unfavorably disposed and regarded it as an " ultima 
 ratio, wenn wir nicht reussieren, und eine mitlaufende Kom- 
 binatlon, wenn wir reussieren"; ibidem, p. 167. 
 
 See Protokoll . . . des Sechsten Zionisten-Kongresses, Wien, 
 1903, p. 6, 
 
 'See issue of July 17, 1903, p. 6. 
 
 "See the text of the whole letter in Die Welt, Aug. 27, 1903, 
 p. I ; English transl. in The Maccabaean, v. 250. 
 
 "See the Blue Book containing the Report of the Work of the 
 Commission Sent out by the Zionist Organization to Examine the 
 Territory Offered by H. M. Government, etc., London, 1905, p. 4. 
 ^See the London Times, Aug. 28, and Sept. 2, 1903. A little 
 
 225 
 
 10 
 
NOTES [pp. 137.154 
 
 later Sir H. H. Johnston in a measure changed his view. See 
 Die Welt, 1904, no. 42. 
 
 "i e., J[ewish] T[erritorial] 0[rganization] in the Judeo- 
 German pronunciation. 
 
 " See his Dreamers in Congress, in Dreamers of the Ghetto, 
 pp. 430 et seq. 
 
 "New Liberal Review, i. 615; from which articte the two 
 following quotations are also taken. 
 
 ^* Protokoll . . . des Fiinften Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 325 ; Jew- 
 ish Chronicle, London, Jan. 3, 1902, reprinted in The Maccabaean, 
 li. 64 et seq. See also Zangwill's speech at the Shoreditch Town 
 Hall, reported in Jewish Chronicle, Feb. 7, 1902. 
 
 " " Whichever way the next Congress decides, the real traitor 
 will be he who does not loyally accept the decision, and work 
 heart and soul with the majority," he said on Shekel Day, 1904. 
 In speaking at the Jewish Workingman's Club in London, he 
 added, " What is necessary is that the minority should abide by 
 the vote of the majority; that is peace." 
 
 Chapter VI 
 
 THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 
 (pp. 143-164) 
 
 ^ See Werner, Die jiidischen Studentenverbindungen in Oester- 
 reich, in Ost und West, 1901, pp. 415 et seq.; Zionistisches A-B-C 
 Buch, p. 246. 
 
 ^ See Albert Friedenberg, Zionist Studies, New York, 1904, pp. 
 23 et seq.; Zionistisches A-B-C Buch, pp. 243 et seq. Note also 
 the Jewish gymnastic societies in Munich, Berlin, Frankfort-on- 
 the-Oder, Freiburg, Posen, Leipzig, Mannheim, and Breslau, and 
 their publications, Judische Turnzeitung and Vereinsliederbuch. 
 
 ' I give the figures on the authority of a correspondent in the 
 Jewish Chronicle, London, Aug. 9, 1912, p. 11. 
 
 "* Protokoll des Neunten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 239. 
 
 "Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 71. 
 
 226 
 
pp. 154-167] NOTES 
 
 •e. g., Palastina Handelsgesellschaft, Palestine Land Develop- 
 ment Company, German-Levant Wool Company, Oelbaumspende, 
 Siedlungsgenossenschaft (according to the plan of Doctor Franz 
 Oppenheimer). 
 
 ^Especially during the years 1909 and 1910. 
 
 *Carmel. The paper has since ceased publication. It is signifi- 
 cant that the author of Le reveil de la nation arabe (Paris, 1905), 
 Negib Azoury, had in preparation a work entitled Le peril juif 
 universel. 
 
 *And by the editor of the leading Judeo-Spanish weekly in 
 Turkey. See, inter alia. Die Welt, xvi. 139. 
 
 ^°See the issues of the Times (London), July 11, 12, 13; Aug. 
 3, 15, 31, 1911. The editor of the Vienna newspaper Die Zeit was 
 evidently privy to the attack. 
 
 "See the Constantinople daily paper Stamboul, 1911, nos. 52, 54, 
 56, 91, 115, 267, etc. 
 
 " Autoemancipation, 2d ed., p. 28. 
 
 " See Sapir, Der Zionismus, p. 107. 
 
 "Protokoll des Ersten Zionisten-Kongresses, 2d ed., p. 18; Eng- 
 lish in Jewish Chronicle, Sept. 3, 1897, p. 11. 
 
 "Protokoll des Dritten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 6; English 
 in Jewish Chronicle, Aug. 18, 1899, p. 12. 
 
 " Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 25 ; English 
 in Jewish Chronicle, Aug. 4, 1905, p. 16; The Maccabaean, ix. 88. 
 
 " Protokoll des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 9 ; English in 
 Jewish Chronicle, Aug. 16, 1907, p. i6. 
 
 Chapter VII 
 
 SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY 
 (pp. 165-180) 
 
 * Comp. the differing resolutions on anti-militarism proposed by 
 the Germans and the French at the International Socialist Con- 
 gress of Stuttgart in 1907 in the ofEcial Report, p. 404, and 
 Vorwarts for April 26, 1907, for pronouncements in the Reichstag. 
 
 227 
 
NOTES [pp. X67-181 
 
 "^ Manifesto of the Communist Party, Chicago, 11. d., p. 41. 
 
 ^Jewish Chronicle, June 26, 1903, p. 10. 
 
 * ibidem, Dec. 22, p. 29 ; Dec. 29, p. 14. 
 
 ^ The theories of the Poale Zion are well set forth in Protokoll 
 des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp. 305 et seq. Comp. also 
 Pasmanik, Die Theorie des Poale Zion, Berlin, n. d. As an 
 oflFshoot might be mentioned the Ha-Poel ha-Za'ir, an organization 
 of workingmen in Russia and Palestine, who are perhaps more 
 Zionistic in their tendency than the Poale Zion. 
 
 See Oppenheimer, Die Siedlungsgenossenschaft, Leipzig, 1896; 
 Landliche Kolonisation in Palastina, in Die Welt, xiii. 913 et seq. 
 A fund of more than 100,000 francs has been subscribed in order 
 to carry out the project of a co-operative settlement. 
 
 ' Protokoll des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp. 234-328. 
 
 ^ Protokoll des Neunten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp. 195 et seq., 
 509. 
 
 "Situated in Galilee; see Bericht des Actions-Comites ... an 
 den Zehnten Kongress, p. 42. 
 
 *** I have the quotation from The Bund, published by the Central 
 Verband of the Bund in America, New York, 1905 (?), p. 9. 
 See also Die Tatigkeit des Allgem. jiidischen Arbeiterbundes, 
 Geneva, 1904, pp. 23 et seq.; Sara Rabinowitsch, Die Organisa- 
 tionen des jiidischen Proletariats, 1903, passim; Jewish Chronicle, 
 Jan. 13, 1905, p. 24; Die Welt, x. no. 34, p. 6. 
 
 "Protokoll, etc., p. 222. 
 
 " See Die Welt, xv. 953. 
 
 Chapter VIII 
 
 AHAD HA-AM AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 (pp. 181-197) 
 
 *Preussische Jahrbucher, xliv. 572 et seq.; Herr Graetz und 
 
 sein Judenthum, in Deutsche Kampfe, Neue Folge, 1896, p. 37' 
 
 ^He speaks of the " talmudistische Geschichtsschreiberei von 
 
 228 
 
pp. 
 
 :83-i97] NOTES 
 
 Graetz/' Auch ein Wort iiber unser Judenthum, ser Abdruck, 
 Berlin, 1880, p. 6; reprinted in Reden und Aufsatze, Berlin, 1905, 
 pp. 410 et seq. See also the Memoir prefixed to the Index volume 
 of Graetz, History, in the English translation, p. 77. 
 
 * See the preface to the first edition, p. x., and the last chapter, 
 entitled Die Gegenwart. 
 
 *Coup d'oeil sur I'histolre du peuple juif, Paris, i88i; reprinted 
 in his Les prophetes d'Israel, Paris, 1892, pp. 153 et seq.; transl. 
 into German by J. Singer, Die Philosophic der Gesch. des jiid. 
 Volkes, Vienna, 1884; and into English by Helen B. Jastrow, in 
 Selected Essays of James Darmesteter, Boston, 1895, pp. 241 et seq. 
 It is singular that this treatise, the most Jewish of all his writings, 
 is not even mentioned in the article on him contributed by his 
 wife to the Jewish Encyclopedia, iv. 444. 
 
 Moc. cit, p. 243. 
 
 Moc. cit, p. 275. 
 
 'Chto Takoe Yevrelskaya Istoria, in Voskhod, 1893, pp. 9 et 
 seq.; German transl.. Die jiidische Geschichte . . . autorisierte 
 Uebersetzung von I. F., Berlin, 1893 ; English transl., Jewish His- 
 tory, Phila., 1903. Comp. Israel Friedlaender, Dubnow's Theory 
 of Jewish Nationalism, in The Maccabaean, viii. 243 et seq. 
 
 " See, e. g., Die Welt, vii. no. 1, p. i ; xi. 1317. 
 
 'See the translation of an article on the subject that appeared 
 in Der Jude, in Die Welt, v. 30 and 31. 
 
 *" Selected Essays by Ahad ha- Am, transl. by Leon Simon, 
 Phila., 1912, p. 289. 
 
 ^ibidem, p. 295. 
 
 " See above, chap, iv., note 8. 
 
 "Protokoll des Ersten Zionisten-Kongresses, 2d ed., 191 1, p. 
 208. 
 
 " Selected Essays, p. 30b. 
 
 "ibidem, p. 123. 
 
 229 
 
NOTES [pp. 206-zio 
 
 Chapter IX 
 
 ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS 
 (pp. 198-216) 
 
 ' Parerga und Paralipomena, Berlin, 1851, 11. 223: "Den 
 verniinftigen Juden, welcher, alte Fabeln, Flausen und Vorurtheile 
 aufgebend, durch die Taufe aus einer Genossenschaft heraustritt, 
 die ihm weder Ehre noch Vortheil bringt (wenn auch in Aus- 
 nahmsfalle Letzteres vorkommt), muss ich durchaus loben, selbst 
 wenn es ihm mit dem christlichen Glauben kein grosser Ernst 
 seyn sollte." 
 
 ^ Von Hartmann, though against any proselytizing on the part 
 of Christians, thinks it a pity that certain classes of Jews in 
 Germany have ceased to have their children baptized. See Das 
 Judenthum in Gegenwart und Zukunft, 1885, p. 37. 
 
 'Auch ein Wort (iber unser Judenthum, 3d ed., Berlin, 1880, p. 
 15: " Ausserhalb dieser Schranken [i. e., des Christenthums] zu 
 bleiben und innerhalb der Nation zu stehen ist moglich, aber 
 schwer und gefahrvoll. . . . Aber es ist eine notorische Thatsache 
 dass eine grosse Anzahl von Juden nicht durch Gewissensbedenken 
 vom Uebertritt abgehalten wird. Sondern lediglich durch ganz 
 andere Gefiihle, die ich begreifen, aber nicht billigen kann," 
 Comp. also von Treitschke, Deutsche Kampfe, Neue Folge, Leip- 
 zig, 1896, pp. 37, 45. 
 
 "Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 26, 1900, p. 2i. 
 
 ^ See Strassburger Post, Unterhaltungsblatt, Jan. 6, 1907. It is 
 no wonder that Noldeke is unfriendly to Zionist aspirations. See 
 his article, Semitic Languages, in Enycl. Brit, xi ed. p. 622b. 
 
 ® Die Eriosung des Judenthums, vol. cii, 1900, pp. 131-140. 
 
 ' See Actes et conferences de la Societe des Etudes Juives, 1887, 
 p. cxxxii. 
 
 * At Richmond ; see Twenty-fifth Annual Report, p. 403, and 
 American Hebrew, New York, Jan. 26, 1912, p. 384. 
 
 230 
 
pp. 213-216] NOTES 
 
 'In this connection the correspondence between the Zionist 
 Actions Comite and the president of the Alliance Israelite in 
 reference to combined action is most instructive. See Die Welt, 
 XV. 334 et seq. 
 
 "See Spectator, London, Oct. 6, 1906, p. 478, 
 
 281 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The literature on Zionism is very extensive, and is scattered in a 
 large number of general and special periodicals. A Bibliography 
 in Russian has been published by Belkowsky, Ukazatel literaturi 
 Sionisme, St. Petersburg, 1903. A Bibliography of Hebrew 
 publications on the subject has been printed by William Zeitlin, 
 Bibliotheca Sionista, in Zeitschrift fiir Hebraische Bibliographic, 
 xii. 52 et seq., and has been issued in the form of a reprint. 
 
 A general history of the movement has been attempted in the 
 Jewish Encyclopedia and in the Encyclopaedia Britannica ; in a 
 shorter form also in the SchaflF-Herzog Encyclopedia. A good 
 reference work, alphabetically arranged, is the Zionistisches A-B-C 
 Buch, herausgegeben .... von der Zionistischen Vereinigung 
 fiir Deutschland, Berlin, 1908. A history of Zionism (but only 
 down to 1903) has been attempted by J. B. Sapir, Der Zionismus 
 .... autorisierte Uebersetzung von A. Benjamin, Briinn, 1903. 
 For Russia, see E. Deinard, Dibre ha-Yamim le-Ziyyon be-Russia, 
 2 parts, Kearney (N. J.), 1904. The most trustworthy sources are 
 the files of the official Zionist publication Die Welt (since 1897) ; 
 and the " Protokolls " of the ten Congresses, an index to which 
 has been published by Hugo Schachtel, Register zu den ProtokoUen 
 der Zionisten-Kongresse I-vi., Berlin, 1905. A collection of Essays 
 on a variety of subjects connected with the Zionist movement will 
 be found in Die Stimme der Wahrheit, ed. E. Nossig, Berlin, 
 1905, and in the various brochures published by the Federation of 
 American Zionists. Of the rest of the literature only a few titles 
 can be mentioned: 
 
 Herzl, Theodor, Gesammelte zionistische Schriften, 2 vols., 
 Jiidischer Verlag, Berlin, 1905. 
 
 Nordau, Max, Zionistische Schriften, Koln, 1909. 
 
 Hess, Moses, Jiidische Schriften, herausgegeben von Th. Zlocisti, 
 Berlin, 1905. 
 
 233 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Pinsker, Leo, Autoemancipatlon, 2d ed., Briinn, 1903. 
 
 Nawratzki, Curt, Die judische Kolonisation Palastinas, Munich, 
 1914. 
 
 Neufeld, A., Der Versuch einer Bibliographic fiir die Zwecke 
 der wirtschaftlichen Erschliessung Palastinas, Vienna, 190X. 
 
 Zionist Work in Palestine, by various authorities, ed. by 
 Israel Cohen, London, 1911. 
 
 Heman, F., Das Erwachen der jiidischen Nation, Basel, 1897. 
 
 Jaffe, Max, Die nationale Wiedergeburt der Juden, Berlin, 1897. 
 
 Kronberger, Emil, Zionisten und Christen, Leipzig, 1900. 
 
 Zangwill, Israel, Zionism, in Lippincott's Monthly Magazine, 
 October, 1899. 
 
 Philippson, M., Neueste Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes, vol. ii. 
 
 234 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abdul Hamid, Sultan, in com- 
 munication with Herzl, 93; 
 Turkey under, 117; Herzl's 
 negotiations with, without re- 
 sult, 1 1 8- II 9, 128; granting 
 of Constitution by, 156; al- 
 luded to, 163. 
 
 Actions Committee. See Central 
 Committee. 
 
 Adler, Felix, promoter of a uni- 
 versalistic movement, 26. 
 
 Adler, Samuel, and the Jewish 
 law, 106. 
 
 Africa, the Jews of, and Napoleon's 
 Jewish nationalist plan, 39. 
 
 Agricultural colonies in Palestine, 
 76-77; suffering in, tt, under 
 the Jewish Colonization Asso- 
 ciation, 81 ; opposed by the 
 Germans, 158. See also Pales- 
 tine, the colonization of. 
 
 Ahad ha- Am (Asher Ginzberg), 
 criticises the Chovevi Zion 
 movement, 74-75 ; adherents of, 
 75 ; founds a society, 75-76; 
 insists upon understanding 
 with Constantinople, 161; the 
 Democratic Fraction follower 
 of, 168; a student of philoso- 
 phy, 188; in sympathy with the 
 Jewish people, 188; theory of, 
 on Jewish unrest, 189; on Jew- 
 ish national feeling, 189 ei 
 seq.; on Palestine as a cul- 
 tural center, 190 et seq.; op- 
 poses Zionism, 191-192, 195- 
 197; advocates revival of 
 Hebrew, 193, 194; criticism 
 oi, 195-197. 
 
 Ahad ha-Amism, a phase of Zionist 
 thought, 180. See Ahad ha- 
 Am. 
 
 Ahiasaf, publication society, a 
 Bene Mosheh creation, 76. 
 
 Akademische Lesehalle, Berlin, ex- 
 cludes Jews, 148. 
 
 Albanians, the, in Turkey, 159. 
 
 Alliance Israelite Universelle, the, 
 refuses to interest itself in 
 Palestine colonization, 42; the 
 founders of, 50; motives un- 
 derlying foundation of, 51; 
 founds the Mikweh Israel 
 Agricultural School, 54; merits 
 and demerits of, 54; part as- 
 signed to, by Pinsker, 65; 
 purely philanthropic, 79; hos- 
 tile to Zionism, 95; fails to 
 organize international Jewry, 
 109; to be represented in or- 
 ganization proposed at Pales- 
 tine Congress, 133; Zangwill 
 on, 139; exerts influence 
 against Zionism, 159-160; ex- 
 pected to be an organizing 
 force, 214. 
 
 AlHanz, the, of Vienna, part as- 
 signed to, by Pinsker, 65; hos- 
 tile to Zionism, 95. 
 
 Alroy, nationalist tendencies in 
 Disraeli's, 40; quotation from, 
 40. 
 
 Am Olam, work by Perez Smo- 
 lenskin, 34. 
 
 America, Jewish emigration to, de- 
 precated by Lilienblum, 67-68. 
 See also United States. 
 
 235 
 
INDEX 
 
 American Judaism, 205. 
 
 Ancona, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Anglo-Egyptian Government, the, 
 and Jewish colonization of El- 
 Arish, 121-122. 
 
 Anglo-Jewish Association, the, re- 
 fuses to interest itself in Pal- 
 estine colonization, 42; part 
 assigned to, by Pinsker, 65. 
 
 Anglo-Levantine Company, the, at 
 Constantinople, 158. 
 
 Angola, Jews invited to settle in, 
 125; colonization contemplated 
 in, by the Ito, 141. 
 
 Anti-Semitism, modern, originated 
 by Bismarck, 26-27; how com- 
 bated, 27-28; not founded on 
 theoretical considerations, 27; 
 detrimental effect of, on Jews, 
 30; strikes at the social posi- 
 tion of Jews, 60; causes po- 
 groms in Russia, 60-61; causes 
 economic distress in Galicia, 
 61; effect of, on Jews in gen- 
 eral, 61; self-emancipation 
 true answer to, 64; Herzl sen- 
 sitive to, 85; England not af- 
 fected by, 86; Herzl's reply to, 
 88; an increasing menace, 89; 
 calls Jews strangers, loi; ram- 
 pant in Vienna, 147; at the 
 German universities, 148; di- 
 rected against Jewish histo- 
 rians, 181; ravages of, 205. 
 
 Arab dominion, in Palestine, hos- 
 tile to Jews, 48. 
 
 Arabs, the, anti-Jewish campaign 
 of, 158-159; in Turkey, 159; 
 tillers of the soil in Palestine, 
 169. 
 
 Argentina, alluded to, 91. 
 
 Armenian massacres, the, alluded 
 to, 93. 
 
 Art, in Palestine, 194. 
 
 Arukat Bat Ammi, work by Rulf, 
 70; forerunner of the Juden- 
 staat, 89. 
 
 Asher ben Yehiel, alluded to, 201. 
 
 Ashkenazim, the, use Judeo-Ger- 
 man, 57; alluded to, 201. 
 
 Asia, the Jews of, and Napoleon's 
 Jewish nationalist plan, 39. 
 
 Assimilation, Levanda on, 69. 
 
 Association of Rabbis in Germany, 
 the, on Zionism, 103-104. 
 
 Athlit, alluded to, 155, 
 
 Australia, colonization in, contem- 
 plated by the Ito, 141. 
 
 Austria, alluded to, 59; the Cho« 
 vevi Zion movement in, 72', 
 home of Herzl, 84; German, 
 originates the Jewish national- 
 ist university movement, 147; 
 students* societies in, 147-148. 
 
 Austria, the Jews of, harmful ef- 
 fect of anti-Semitism on, 30; 
 anti-Semitism strikes at social 
 position of, 60; in Austrian 
 politics, 144-145. 
 
 Austria-Hungary, lack of racial 
 unity in, 210-211. 
 
 Auto emancipation, work by Leo 
 Pinsker, 64-66; influences Lili- 
 enblum, 6y\ influences Riilf, 
 70; forerunner of Herzl's 
 Judenstaat, 82, 83, 89; com- 
 pared with Herzl's Judenstaat, 
 83; text-book of the Kadimah, 
 147. 
 
 Avignon, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Babylon, alluded to, no. 
 
 Babylonian Jews, the, alluded to, 
 201. 
 
 Balkan states, the, manifest na- 
 tional consciousness, 24; in the 
 Berlin Conference, 60.. 
 
 Bari, alluded to, 303. 
 
 236 
 
INDEX 
 
 Basel, meeting place of the First 
 Zionist Congress, 113, 114. 
 
 Basel Program, the, 114-116; de- 
 mands a home for the Jews, 
 126; and colonization outside 
 of Palestine, 135; criticised by 
 Ahad ha-Am, 192. 
 
 P.ayazid II, Sultan, invites the 
 Jews to settle in Turkey, 125. 
 
 Beirut, alluded to, 118. 
 
 Belief, the Jewish, and the Re- 
 formers, 22. 
 
 Bene Mosheh, the, society founded 
 by Ahad ha-Am, 75-76; daugh- 
 ter institutions of, 76; alluded 
 to, 196. 
 
 Benedictus Levita, advises Jews to 
 educate children as Christians, 
 206. 
 
 Bergson, quoted, 14. 
 
 Berlin, the Jews of, refuse to be 
 interested in Palestine coloni- 
 zation, 42; Orthodox Jews of, 
 favorable to colonization of 
 Palestine, 70-71; alluded to, 
 72; Jewish students' societies 
 at, 148, 149; the seat of the 
 Actions Committee, 151. 
 
 Berlin Conference, the, and the 
 Jews of the Balkan states, 60. 
 
 Bernstein, a Jew and a socialist, 
 167. 
 
 Bezalel School, the, at Jerusalem, 
 supported by Palestine senti- 
 ment, 155; for arts, 194, 
 
 Bielitz, Jewish students' society at, 
 148. 
 
 Birnbaum, Nathan, founds the 
 Kadimah at Vienna, 86. 
 
 Bismarck, author of modern anti- 
 Semitism, 26-27; supposed to 
 entertain Jewish nationalist 
 plans, 39-40. 
 
 Blood accusation. See Damascus. 
 
 Bnei Zion associations, connected 
 with the Chovevi Zion move- 
 ment, 72. 
 
 Boer War, the, alluded to, 123. 
 
 Boers, the, remain Dutchmen, 212. 
 
 Bonn, Jewish students' societies at, 
 148. 
 
 Bosnia, alluded to, 157. 
 
 Breslau, Jewish students* society 
 at, 148; first official Zionist 
 students' society at, 149. 
 
 British citizenship, and the Boers, 
 212. 
 
 British Government, the, good-will 
 of, valued by Herzl, 122. 
 
 Brooks, Sydney, on the New Ire- 
 land, 221. 
 
 Briinn, Jewish students' society at, 
 148. 
 
 Brussels Conference, the, unsuc- 
 cessful as an organizing 
 agency, 214-215. 
 
 Buffalo, New York, alluded to, 39. 
 
 Bulgaria, alluded to, 157. 
 
 Bulgarian, the revival of, 56, 57. 
 
 Bulgarians, the, in Turkey, 159. 
 
 Bund jiidischer Akademiker, fed- 
 eration of Jewish students' 
 societies, 149. 
 
 Bund judischer Jugendvereine, fed- 
 eration of juvenile societies, 
 ISO. 
 
 Bund judischer Korporationen, 
 federation of Jewish students* 
 societies, 149. 
 
 Bund, the, Jewish nationalistic 
 sentiment in, 172; why formed 
 as a Jewish section of the Rus- 
 sian proletarian movement, 
 173; cherishes the Russian 
 rather than the Jewish national 
 ideal, 173; refuses to assimi- 
 . late completely, 173-174; breaks 
 with the Russian Working- 
 men's Democratic Party, 174; 
 
 16 
 
 237 
 
INDEX 
 
 recognizes its Jewish national- 
 ist character, 175; reproach of, 
 against Zionism, 175; capitu- 
 lates to the Democratic Party, 
 176. 
 
 Cabalistic activity, attracts settlers 
 to Palestine, 49. 
 
 Cairo, alluded to, 121. 
 
 Canada, growth of, and national 
 consciousness, 24; alluded to, 
 54, 91; colonization in, con- 
 templated by the Ito, 141; an 
 example of racial diversity, 
 212. 
 
 Carcassone, alluded to, 203. 
 Carmel Wine Company, the, a 
 Bene Mosheh creation, yS. 
 
 Carpentras, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Cassel, Paulus (Selig), alluded to, 
 182. 
 
 Castile, alluded to, 57. 
 
 Center, a, value of, 207. 
 
 Central Committee, demonstration 
 of members of, against East 
 African proposal, 131; report 
 to, 131; Russian members of, 
 meet at Kharkoff, 133; seat of, 
 in Berlin, 151. 
 
 Central Conference of American 
 Rabbis, the, on Zionism, 102. 
 
 Ceremonial law, the Jewish, and 
 the Reformers, 21-22. 
 
 Chamberlain, Joseph, and a Jewish 
 settlement in East Africa, 123. 
 
 Charter, a, proposed by Herzl, 90. 
 
 Charterism, killed by the Turkish 
 Constitution, 157; character- 
 ized, 157. 
 
 Chauvinism, a mark of the new 
 nationalism, 26. 
 
 Chief Rabbi, the, of England, with- 
 out power religiously, no. 
 
 Chovevi Zion movement, the, 
 headed by Pinsker, "jz'y spread 
 
 of, 72; attempt to federate 
 societies of, yz', superseded by 
 Zionism, yy^ criticised by 
 Ahad ha- Am, 74-75; influence 
 of the Bene Mosheh on, 76; 
 gives impetus to agricultural 
 settlement in Palestine, tj\ 
 groups within, 78; enlists other 
 societies in Palestine coloniza- 
 tion, 79; not known to Herzl, 
 91; in Western Europe, hostile 
 to Zionism, 95; and Zionism, 
 104; opposed by Herzl, 116- 
 117; a threat to Zionism as a 
 national movement, 156; too 
 practical, 196. See also Odessa 
 Committee; Hibbat Zion; Pal- 
 estine, the colonization of; 
 Palestinian Zionism. 
 
 Chovevi Zionists, the, insist upon 
 Palestine work, 119; East Afri- 
 can proposal apt to alienate, 
 127; opposed to the East Afri- 
 can proposal, 129. 
 
 Christ, second coming of, and 
 Jewish nationalism, 41. 
 
 Christian community, a universal, 
 and the Roman Church, 23; 
 and the Jews, 25. 
 
 Christian dominion in Palestine, 
 hostile to Jews, 48. 
 
 Christian-Socialist Party, Jews 
 naturally barred from, 168. 
 
 Christianity, conversions to, in 
 Germany, 150; conversion to, 
 advised by writers and histo- 
 rians, 206. 
 
 Chiistians, German, oppose anti- 
 Semitism, 27 ; sympathizers 
 with Jewish nationalism, 39-47' 
 
 Cities, influence of growth of, on 
 Jewish unity, 203. 
 
 Citizenship, and religion in Rome, 
 25; not coincident with racial 
 unity, 210-212. 
 
 238 
 
INDEX 
 
 Claude, character in play by Alex- 
 andre Dumas fils, 42. 
 
 Cohen, Gustav, influenced by 
 George Eliot, 320. 
 
 Cohen, Hermann, on Palestine, 
 317. 
 
 Cohn, Albert, interested in the 
 Jews of the East, 50; alluded 
 to, 52. 
 
 Collectors of alms, link between 
 Palestine and the Diaspora, 49. 
 
 Cologne, seat of Zionism, 145. 
 
 Colonial Trust. See Jewish Colo- 
 nial Trust, the. 
 
 Colonization, the, of Palestine. 
 See Palestine, the colonization 
 of. 
 
 Commandment, developed from 
 custom, 71. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist, an expres- 
 sion of Pinsker's ideas, 66; 
 indicates organization, 108; a 
 Jewish forum, 11 1; ten ses- 
 sions of, held, 116; parties in^ 
 170 et seq.; theoretical de- 
 bates in, 172. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (First), the 
 beginning of Herzl's con- 
 structive policy, 93; takes 
 Zionism out of the sphere 
 of academic discussion, 94; 
 universal character of, 112- 
 113; meets in Basel, 113- 
 114; opposition to, 11 3-1 14; 
 platform adopted by, 114; ad- 
 vocates loyal intercourse with 
 Turkey, 161; society for the 
 study of Hebrew proposed at, 
 
 193. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Second), 
 defines attitude of movement 
 towards religion, 97; debates 
 on organization in, 172. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Third), 
 frowns upon Cyprus coloniza- 
 
 tion, 120; favors loyal inter- 
 course with Turkey, i6a. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Fifth), al- 
 luded to, 168; Democratic 
 Fraction formed at, 176. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Sixth), East 
 African proposal at, 126 et 
 seq., 128-131; an opposition 
 party formed in, 132 et seq. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Seventh), 
 resolutions of, accepted by the 
 Odessa Committee of the Cho- 
 vevi Zion, 7z\ address on 
 Herzl at, 92; the East African 
 proposal before, 135 et seq.; 
 Palestinian Zionism at, 154; 
 favors loyal intercourse with 
 Turkey, 162-163. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Eighth), 
 favors loyal intercourse with 
 Turkey, 163. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Ninth), 
 accepts theories of the Poale 
 Zion, 170. 
 
 Congress, the Zionist (Tenth), dis- 
 cusses emigration, 142; Pales- 
 tinian Zionism victorious at, 
 154; admits groupings based 
 on theory, 172; Mizrachi de- 
 mands at, 178, 179. 
 
 Coningsby, nationalist tendencies 
 in Disraeli's, 40. 
 
 Consciousness, the Jewish, dead- 
 ened in modern times, 205. 
 
 Conservatives, the, a party in 
 Great Britain, 171. 
 
 Constantinople, alluded to, 121, 
 1 58 ; the Jews of, ultra-Turkish 
 in sympathy, 159. 
 
 Conversion to Christianity, advised 
 by writers and historians, 206. 
 
 Conversions to Christianity, in 
 Germany, 150. 
 
 Cornwall, dialect of, extinct, 57. 
 
 239 
 
INDEX 
 
 Cosmopolitanism, supposed guar- 
 antee for welfare of Jews, 62. 
 See also Internationalism. 
 
 Cremieux, Adolphe, intervenes in 
 the Damascus blood accusa- 
 tion, 49-50; one of the found- 
 ers of the Alliance Israelite 
 Universelle, 50; example of a 
 modern Jewish statesman, 92. 
 
 Cretans, the, alluded to, 157. 
 
 Croats, in Austria-Hungary, 211. 
 
 Cromer, Earl of, on Rome and the 
 Jews, 218. 
 
 Culture, Jewish, in Palestine, Ahad 
 ha-Am on, 190 et seq. 
 
 Custom, developed into command- 
 ment, 71. 
 
 Cymric, the revival of, 56-57. 
 
 Cyprus, stepping-stone to Palestine 
 colonization, 120; for Jewish 
 colonization, 120, 121, 
 
 Cyrenaica, colonization in, contem- 
 plated by the Ito, 141. 
 
 Czechs, in Germany and Austria- 
 Hungary, 211. 
 
 Czernowitz, Jewish students' so- 
 ciety at, 148. 
 
 Dahlemia. See Freie Vcrbindung 
 Dahlemia. 
 
 Damascus, center of Maronite 
 massacres, 50. 
 
 Damascus blood accusation, the, 
 influences Moses Hess, 36-37; 
 history of, 49-50. 
 
 Danes, in Germany, 211. 
 
 Daniel, character in play by Alex- 
 andre Dumas fils, 42. 
 
 Daniel Deronda, novel by George 
 Eliot, on Jewish nationalism, 
 43-45; Jewish opinions of, 46- 
 
 47. 
 Darmesteter, James, a philosophy 
 of Jewish history by, 184-186; 
 how disqualified for his task, 
 
 184; quotation from work of, 
 185; personal note lacking in 
 work of, 185-186; alluded to, 
 188. 
 
 Darmstadt, Jewish students' so- 
 cieties at, 148. 
 
 Delamere, Lord, telegram of, on 
 East African proposal, 131. 
 
 Democracy, cherished by Jews, 
 109-111. 
 
 Democratic Fraction, the, of the 
 Congress, opposed to the East 
 African proposal, 129; gives 
 rise to the Poale Zion party, 
 168; follower of Ahad ha-Am, 
 168; represented at the Minsk 
 Congress, 168; merged into 
 the Poale Zion, 168; demands 
 of, accepted by official Zion- 
 ism, 170; formation of, 176; 
 effect of, 176; and the Miz- 
 rachi, 177. 
 
 Derek ha-Hayyim, article by Ahad 
 ha-Am, 74-75. 
 
 Derishat Ziyyon, pamphlet, by 
 Hirsch Kalischer, 53-54. 
 
 " Deutsche Staatsbiirger jiidischen 
 Glaubens," 205. 
 
 Diaspora, the. See Dispersion, the 
 Jewish. 
 
 Discoveries, and internationalism, 
 24. 
 
 Dispersion, the Jewish, as viewed 
 by the Reformers, 22-23; and 
 Jerusalem, 30; held by Re- 
 form to be providential, 99; 
 favored by the Ito movement, 
 142; to be feared, 215-216. 
 
 Disraeli, as a Jewish nationalist, 
 40; example of a modern Jew- 
 ish statesman, 92. 
 
 Djavid Bey, said to be tool of Jews, 
 160; ignorant of Zionism, 161. 
 
 Donmeh, follower of Sabbatai 
 Zebi, 160. 
 
 240 
 
INDEX 
 
 Dreyfus affair, the, Herzl in Paris 
 
 during, 85. 
 Druses, the, massacre Maronite 
 
 Christians, 50. 
 Dubnow, Simon, a philosophy of 
 
 Jewish history by, 186-188; 
 
 qualifications of, for task, 186; 
 
 lays stress on universal aspects 
 
 of Jewish history, 186-187; 
 
 message of, 187-188; alluded 
 
 to, 188. 
 Dumas, Alexandre, fils, on Jewish 
 
 nationalism, 41-42. 
 Dunant, Henry, founder of the 
 
 Red Cross, sympathizer with 
 
 Jewish nationalism, 42-43. 
 
 East African proposal, the, com- 
 pared with Noah's, 39; how 
 originated, 123-124; an epoch 
 in Jewish history, 124-125; 
 tempting features of, 125; ac- 
 ceptable terms of, defined by 
 Herzl, 125-126; made on the 
 eve of the Sixth Congress, 126; 
 apt to alienate the Chovevi 
 Zionists, 127; as viewed by 
 Herzl, 127-128; attitude of the 
 Jewish Colonization Associa- 
 tion toward, 128; presented to 
 the Congress by Herzl, 128- 
 129; opposition to, 129, 130- 
 131, 131-132; commission of 
 inquiry on, 129-130, 131; re- 
 port on, 131; produces lines of 
 cleavage in the Congress, 132 
 et seq.; before the Seventh 
 Zionist Congress, 135 et seq.; 
 causes split in Zionism, 136- 
 
 East, the Jews of the, interest 
 taken in, by the Jews of 
 Europe, 50; Spanish used in 
 the Semitic, 57. See also 
 Eastern Jews. 
 
 Eastern Europe, ascendancy of 
 Judeo-German in, 57-58. 
 
 Eastern Jews, exodus of, 30-31; in* 
 fluence Western Jews, 31-34; 
 compared with Western Jews, 
 77-78. See also East. 
 
 Economic questions, parties formed 
 on the basis of, 171 et seq. 
 
 Egypt, alluded to, 54. 
 
 Ehrenpreis, Doctor, proposes so* 
 ciety for study of Hebrew, 
 193. 
 
 El-Arish, proposed Jewish coloniza- 
 tion of, 120-122, 123. 
 
 Eliot, George, on Jewish national- 
 ism, 43-47; Zangwill on, 138; 
 influences Gustav Cohen, 220. 
 
 Emancipation, political, and West- 
 ern Jews, 19-20; and the Re- 
 formers, 20; Moses Hess on, 
 37; does not include social 
 emancipation, 64; Zionism sup- 
 posed to be incongruous with, 
 198-199; cost of, 209. 
 
 Emanuel, Temple, New York, al- 
 luded to, 106. 
 
 Emigration regulated by the Ito 
 movement, 141; at the Tenth 
 Zionist Congress, 142. 
 
 Emunah Yesharah, work by Kali- 
 scher, 52-53. 
 
 Encyclopedists, the French, favor 
 internationalism, 24. 
 
 Engels. See Marx and Engels. 
 
 England, alluded to, 59, 204; the 
 Chovevi Zion movement in, 
 72; not affected by anti- 
 Semitism, 86; Herzl looks to 
 Jews of, for support, 87; and 
 Cyprus, 120. See also Great 
 Britain; London. 
 
 Eternal People, An, work by Perez 
 Smolenskin, 34. 
 
 Exilarch, lay head of the Jewish 
 community in Babylon, no. 
 
 241 
 
INDEX 
 
 Extremism, a. characteristic of the 
 prophets, 192. 
 
 Ezra Verein, the, of Berlin, con- 
 nected with the Chovevi Zion 
 movement, 72; religious in 
 sentiment, 79; to be repre- 
 sented in organization pro- 
 posed at Palestine Congress, 
 
 133- 
 
 Florence, alluded to, 203. 
 
 France, alluded to, 59, 203. 
 
 Iranck, Adolphe, on Jerusalem, 
 217. 
 
 Frankfort Conference, the, unsuc- 
 cessful as an organizing 
 agency, 214-215. 
 
 Frankfort-on-the-Main, Orthodox 
 Jews of, favorable to coloniza- 
 tion of Palestine, 70-71; Sen- 
 ate of, 103. 
 
 Frankfort-on-the-Oder, Palestine 
 colonization society formed at, 
 
 55. 
 Freiburg, Jewish students' societies 
 
 at, 148. 
 
 Freie Verbindung Dahlemia, Ber- 
 lin students* society, 149. 
 
 French, the, in Canada, 212. 
 
 Friedlander, M., on Zionism, 98. 
 
 Gaelic, the revival of, 56. 
 
 Galicia, Jews from, settle in Pales- 
 tine, 49. 
 
 Galicia, the Jews of, effect of anti- 
 Semitism on, 61; affected by 
 anti-Semitism, 27. 
 
 Galician Jewish students, in Vien- 
 na, 147. 
 
 Galilee, alluded to, 76; Jews in, 
 during the Middle Ages, 49. 
 
 Galveston, emigration directed to, 
 by the Ito movement, 141. 
 
 Geiger, Abraham, and the Jewish 
 law, 106. 
 
 Geiger, Ludwig, on Zionism, 102, 
 103. 
 
 General Jewish Workingmen's 
 Union of Russia and Poland. 
 See Bund, the. 
 
 Geneva Convention, the, inspirer 
 of, 42. 
 
 German patriotism, and Zionism, 
 102; leadership of Zionism, 
 151. 
 
 German Empire, the renewed, a 
 manifestation of national con- 
 sciousness, 24. 
 
 German universities, the, and 
 Zionism, 146 et seq.; nurture 
 Jewish idealism, 150- 151. 
 
 Germans, in Austria-Hungary, 211; 
 the, in Palestine, prejudiced 
 against Zionism, 158; the, in 
 the United States, 211. 
 
 Germany, anti-Semitism in, 27 
 alluded to, 59, 204; the Cho 
 vevi Zion movement in, 72 
 hostile to Zionism, 103; ad 
 vantages of, as seat of Zion 
 ism, 145-146; Zionist develop 
 ment of, 146 et seq.; students 
 societies in, 148-150, 150-151 
 conversions to Christianity in 
 150; lack of racial unity in 
 210-211. 
 
 Germany, the Jews of, harmful 
 effect of anti-Semitism on, 30; 
 use Teutonized Hebrew, 56; 
 anti-Semitism strikes at social 
 position of, 60. 
 
 Ginzberg, Asher. See Ahad ha- 
 Am. 
 
 Gordon, Moses Hess influenced 
 
 by» 37. 
 
 Cotiesdienstliche Vortrage, work 
 by Zunz, 183. 
 
 Graetz, Heinrich, historian, in- 
 fluenced by Moses Hess, 38; 
 quoted, 38; history of, at- 
 
 242 
 
INDEX 
 
 tacked, 181-182; alluded to, 
 182; on the Reform move- 
 ment, 183. 
 
 Grand Island, New York, a refuge 
 for Jews, 38-39. 
 
 Grand Rabbin de France, a govern- 
 ment office, 110. 
 
 Gratz, Jewish students* society at, 
 148. 
 
 Great Britain, interest of, in a 
 Jewish state, 41; party lines 
 in Parliament of, 171. See 
 also England; London. 
 
 Greeks, the, in Turkey, 159. 
 
 Greenberg, L. J., and the East 
 African proposal, 123. 
 
 Guas Ngishu Plateau, territory 
 concerned in the East African 
 proposal, 131. 
 
 Gudemann, M,, on the ludenstaat, 
 97; hostile to Zionism, 99-100; 
 alluded to, 182. 
 
 Guttmacher, Moses Hess influ- 
 enced by, 37. 
 
 Gymnasium, the Hebrew, at JaflFa, 
 supported by Palestine senti- 
 ment, 155; grant to, opposed 
 by the Mizrachi, 178, 179; 
 faults of, 194; purpose of, 194. 
 
 Hafikine, Doctor, organizer of the 
 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 72. 
 Haifa, alluded to, 155, 158, 159. 
 Hakam Bashi, spiritual head of 
 
 Eastern Jewish communities, 
 
 no. 
 Hakki ministry, the, in Turkey, 
 
 charged with Judaizing, 160. 
 Hakki Pasha, displays ignorance of 
 
 Zionism, 161. 
 Halevi, Jehudah, quoted, 35. 
 Pla-Meliz, alluded to, 74; welcomes 
 
 Zionism, 99. 
 Ha-Poel ha-Zair, offshoot of the 
 
 Poale Zion, 228. 
 
 243 
 
 Hartmann, Eduard von, advises 
 conversion to Christianity, 206. 
 
 Ha-Shiloah, magazine, a Bene 
 Mosheh creation, 76. 
 
 Plasidism, alluded to, no. 
 
 Haskalah movement, the, alluded 
 to, 67. 
 
 Hayyim Gedaliah, advocates the 
 purchase of Palestine, 67. 
 
 Ha-Zefirah, welcomes Zionism, 99. 
 
 Healing of My People, The, work 
 by Rulf, 70. 
 
 Hebraism, prophetical, Ahad ha- 
 Am preacher of, 192-193. 
 
 Hebrew language, the, in Noah's 
 nationalist scheme, 39; Jewish 
 nationalism awakens interest 
 i") 55-59; superseded by vari- 
 ous languages, 55-56, 57-58; 
 official and literary use of, 56; 
 development of, retarded, 56; 
 secularization of, discounte- 
 nanced, 58; cultivated by Jew- 
 ish nationalists, 58-59; culti- 
 vated in Palestine, 59; culti- 
 vated by Jewish students* so- 
 cieties, 148; revival of, dis- 
 cussed at the First Congress, 
 193; in the Middle Ages, 203- 
 204. 
 
 Heidelberg, alluded to, 78. 
 
 Hellenism, in relation to Judaism, 
 29-30; alluded to, 202. 
 
 Hellenists, alluded to, 103. 
 
 Herzegovina, alluded to, 157. 
 
 Herzfeld, alluded to, 182. 
 
 Herzl, Theodor, how qualified as a 
 leader, 17-18; death of, 82, 
 134-135; forerunners of, 82- 
 83; personality of, 83, 84; fol- 
 lowers of, 83-84; education of, 
 84-85; career of, 85; returns 
 to Vienna, 86; looks to English 
 Jews for assistance, 86-87; and 
 Zangwill, 87; in London, 87; 
 
INDEX 
 
 and anti-Semitism, 88; de- 
 mands formation of a Society 
 of Jews and a Jewish Com- 
 pany, 89-90; a practical states- 
 man, 90-91, 91-92; why suc- 
 cessful in the West, 91 ; de- 
 voted to the Jewish people, 92; 
 Nordau on, 92; constructive 
 policy of, 93; in diplomatic re- 
 lations with the Turkish Sul- 
 tan, 93-94, 156; indifferent to 
 religious sentiment, 96; grows 
 more Palestinian in attitude, 
 97, 1 15-1 16; political view of, 
 116-118; negotiations of, with 
 Turkey, without result, 118- 
 119; and the colonization of 
 El-Arish, 121; values good-will 
 of British Government, 122; 
 alluded to, 124, 142; on the 
 East African proposal, 125- 
 126; difficult position of, 126- 
 127; in Russia, 126-127; opin- 
 ion of, on East African pro- 
 posal, 127-128; presents the 
 East African proposal to the 
 Congress, 128-129; opposition 
 to, at the Kharkoff Conference, 
 133-134; generosity of, 135; 
 effect on movement of death 
 of, 143-144; hostility to, in 
 Vienna, 145; the Kadimah 
 first to join, 148; doctrines of, 
 espoused by the " politicals," 
 151-152; Ussischkin antago- 
 nizes, 153; favors loyal inter- 
 course with Turkey, 161-162; 
 opposes groupings in the Con- 
 gress resting upon theory, 172; 
 opposes introduction of re- 
 ligious considerations in offi- 
 cial Zionist work, 179; on 
 Judaism, 193. 
 Hess, Moses, as a Jewish national- 
 ist, 36-38; quoted, 36-37; work 
 
 t>y> 37-38; on political emanci- 
 pation, 37; influences Graetz, 
 38; acknowledges indebtedness 
 to Hirsch Kalischer, 53; 
 Pinsker in agreement with, 
 63; forerunner of Herzl, 89; a 
 Socialist, 168. 
 
 Hibbat Ziyyon, Palestine coloniza- 
 tion movement, 67; finds no 
 response in Western Europe, 
 69; espoused by Rulf, 69; in 
 Russia, 71-72; the program of 
 some Russian Zionists, 73; 
 Ahad ha-Am seeks to enlarge 
 idea of, 74-75; Ahad ha-Am 
 leader in, 191. See also 
 Chovevi Zion; Palestine, the 
 colonization of. 
 
 Hildesheimer, Hirsch, leader of 
 the Ezra Verein, 79. 
 
 Hill, Sir Clement, and the East 
 African proposal, 123-124, 126. 
 
 Hindlipp, Lord, telegram of, on 
 East African proposal, 131. 
 
 Historians, Jewish, attacked, 181; 
 the task of, 182-183. 
 
 Hobebe Zion. See Chovevi Zion. 
 
 Holdheim, Samuel, and the Jewish 
 law, 106. 
 
 Holland, alluded to, 97. 
 
 Hollingsworth, Christian sympa- 
 thizer with Jewish national- 
 ism, 40-41. 
 
 Holy Land, the. See Palestine. 
 
 Hyde Park, London, Kishineff pro- 
 test meeting at, 167. 
 
 Immigration, counteracts ravages 
 
 of anti-Semitism, 205. 
 India, overland route to, and a 
 
 Jewish state in Palestine, 41. 
 Indian Ocean, the, boundary of 
 
 East African Protectorate, 123. 
 Industrial system of modern times, 
 
 the, breaks up Jewish unity, 
 
 202 et seq. 
 
 244 
 
INDEX 
 
 Inner Actions Committee. See 
 Central Committee. 
 
 International Palestine Society, 
 founded by Henry Dunant, 43. 
 
 Internationalism, and the Roman 
 Church, 23-24; at the end of 
 the Middle Ages, 24; and the 
 Jews, 26; supposed guarantee 
 for welfare of Jews, 62; and 
 Socialism, 167. See also Cos- 
 mopolitanism. 
 
 Ireland, alluded to, 56, 57. 
 
 Ireland, The New, Sydney Brooks 
 on, 221. 
 
 Irish-Americans, the, nationalists, 
 211-212. 
 
 Irish Party, the, in Great Britain, 
 
 171. 
 
 Italy, protests against the " red 
 ticket," 118; alluded to, 203; 
 the Jews of, use stilted He- 
 brew, 56. 
 
 Ito movement, the, origin of, 116; 
 a secession from Zionism, 137; 
 Zangwill leader of, 137; ob- 
 jects of, 137; difficulties en- 
 countered by, 141; a philan- 
 thropic movement, 141-142; 
 promotes dispersion, 142. See 
 also Zionistic Territorial Or- 
 ganization. 
 
 Jaffa, alluded to, 51, 55, 155, 158; 
 a Mizrachi school at, 177. 
 
 Jerusalem, how viewed by the Jews 
 of the Diaspora, 30; Napoleon 
 plans to re-establish, 39; Jews 
 in, during the Middle Ages, 
 49; a. Mizrachi school at, 177. 
 
 Jewish Agricultural Experiment 
 Station, the, at Athlit, sup- 
 ported by Palestine sentiment, 
 
 155. 
 Jewish Chronicle, the London, let- 
 ter by Herzl in, 87-88; and 
 the East African proposal, 123. 
 
 Jewish Colonial Trust, the, an ex- 
 pression of Pinsker's ideas, 66; 
 established, 122; and the East 
 African proposal, 124; moneys 
 of, withheld from use in con- 
 nection with the East African 
 proposal, 131; action against, 
 140; London seat of, 145; use 
 of funds of, 152; alluded to, 
 196. 
 
 Jewish Colonization Association, 
 the, purely philanthropic, 79; 
 as a factor in Palestine colon- 
 ization, 81; hostile to Zionism, 
 95; attitude of, towards East 
 African proposal, 128; to be 
 represented in organization 
 proposed at Palestine Con- 
 gress, 133; Zangwill on, 139. 
 
 Jewish Company, a, proposed by 
 Herzl, 90. 
 
 Jewish history, three attempts at 
 a philosophy of, 148 et seq. 
 
 Jewish National Fund, the, an ex- 
 pression of Pinsker's ideas, 
 66; proposition to invest, 
 wholly in land in Palestine, 
 153; gives land for the Sied- 
 lungsgenossenschaft, 170; al- 
 luded to, 196. 
 
 Jewish question, the, viewed opti- 
 mistically, 100. 
 
 Jewish Territorial Organization, 
 the. See Ito movement, the. 
 
 Jewish vote, the, in Austria and 
 Hungary, 174. 
 
 Jews, the, in Rome, 24-25; and a 
 universal Christian community, 
 25; and Protestantism, 25; 
 and internationalism, 26; and 
 nationalism, 26-27; under the 
 modernizing process, 28-29; 
 since the destruction of the 
 Temple, 35; attitude of, to- 
 wards return to Palestine, 35- 
 
 245 
 
INDEX 
 
 36; and Christian sympathizers 
 with Jewish nationalism, 41; 
 of Europe, interested in the 
 Jews of the East, 50; anom- 
 alous position of, analyzed by 
 Pinsker, 63-64; and assimila- 
 tion, 69; individualistic, 109; 
 invited to settle in various 
 countries, 125; interested in 
 Socialism, 167; compared with 
 the Parsees, 184-185; united, 
 200 et seq.; unity of, broken 
 under industrial system of 
 modern times, 202 et seq.; the 
 need of unity for, 207; duties 
 of, in the Diaspora, 207-208. 
 Jchanan ben Zakkai, Zangwill on, 
 
 139. 
 Johnston, Sir H. H., telegram of, 
 on East African proposal, 131. 
 
 Joseph of Naxos, example of a 
 modern Jewish statesman, 92. 
 
 Jost, alluded to, 182, 
 
 Judaism, modified by the Reform- 
 ers, 20-23; in relation to Hel- 
 lenism, 29-30; free from sec- 
 tarian schism, 201; equivalent 
 to Zionism, 216. 
 
 Judaizing charge, a, against the 
 Turkish Hakki ministry, 160. 
 
 Judea, alluded to, 76. 
 
 Judenstaat, by Herzl, doctrines in, 
 not new, 82, 83; compared 
 with Pinsker's Autoemancipa- 
 Hon, 83; when and how writ- 
 ten, 85-86; reception accorded 
 to, 86; alluded to, 87; first edi- 
 tion of, 88; Herzl's reply to 
 anti-Semitism, 88; forerunners 
 of, 89; calmness of, 91; 
 brought to the notice of the 
 Sultan, 93; Giidemann on, 97. 
 
 Judeo-German, the, supersedes He- 
 brew, 56; ascendancy of, in 
 Eastern Europe, S7-S8; almost 
 
 a national tongue, 58; works 
 in, not known in Western 
 Europe, 69-70; the language of 
 the Bund, 175; superseded by 
 Hebrew in Palestine, 194. 
 Judische Lesehalle, the, Berlin, a 
 product of anti-Semitism, 148. 
 
 Kadimah, the, of Vienna, connected 
 with the Chovevi Zion move- 
 ment, 72; founded by Nathan 
 Birnbaum, 86; Jewish nation- 
 alistic in sentiment, 86; ad- 
 herent of Herzl, 86, 92; origin, 
 aims, and influence of, 147- 
 148; model for similar organ- 
 izations, 148. 
 Kalischer, Hirsch, Moses Hess in- 
 fluenced by, 37; on the colo- 
 nization of Palestine, 52-54; in- 
 spires Hess, 53; inspires Net- 
 ter, 54; offered position in 
 Mikweh Israel Agricultural 
 School, 54; forms colony near 
 Sea of Tiberias, 55. 
 Karaites, the, a Jewish sect, 201. 
 
 Kartell-Konvent, federation of Jew- 
 ish students' societies, 149. 
 
 Kartell zionistischer Verbindungen, 
 federation of Zionist students' 
 societies, 149. 
 
 Kharkoff, Russian members of the 
 Central Committee meet at, 
 133-134. 
 
 Kiev, alluded to, 78. 
 
 Kishineff protest meeting, Social- 
 ists do not participate in, 167. 
 
 Klein-Kolonisation, deprecated by 
 the "politicals," 152. 
 
 Kohler, K., on Zionism, 100. 
 
 Konigsberg, Jewish students' so- 
 cieties at, 148. 
 
 Kcthen, Zionist society at, 149. 
 
 Kovno, alluded to, 66. 
 
 246 
 
INDEX 
 
 Kultur, the debate on, 176-177; 
 and Judaism, discussions on, 
 
 193. 
 
 Kulturkampf, the, danger con- 
 nected with, 179. 
 
 Kutzo-Vlachs, the, in Turkey, 159. 
 
 Laborers, Jewish, situation of, 165- 
 166. 
 
 Laborites, the, a party in Great 
 Britain, 171. 
 
 La femme de Claude, drama by 
 Alexandre Dumas fils, 41-42. 
 
 Land-tenure, forbidden to Jews, 
 166. 
 
 Landesrabbiner, a state rather than 
 a synagogue office, 110. 
 
 Language, a universal, a Jew in- 
 vents, 26. 
 
 Language and nationalism, 56-57. 
 
 Lansdowne, Marquis of, and the 
 East African proposal, 124. 
 
 Lassalle, Ferdinand, promoter of a 
 universalistic movement, 26. 
 
 Latin, compared with Hebrew, 204. 
 
 Law, Jewish, Reform desires de- 
 velopment of, 106. 
 
 Legislation concerning Jews, in 
 Rome, 24-25; during the Mid- 
 dle Ages, 25. 
 
 Lemberg, Jewish students' society 
 at, 148. 
 
 Levanda, O. L., on assimilation, 
 68-69; not known in Western 
 Europe, 69; forerunner of 
 Herzl, 82. 
 
 Levy-Bing, Lazar, espouses Jewish 
 nationalism, 219. 
 
 Liberals, the, a party in Great 
 Britain, 171. 
 
 Lida, first annual meeting of 
 Mizrachi at, 177. 
 
 Lilienblum, Moses Lob, alarmed by 
 the spread of anti-Semitism, 
 61-62; favors Palestine colo- 
 
 nization, 66-67; influenced by 
 Pinsker, 67; works by, 67, 68; 
 on emigration to America, 67- 
 68; not known in Western 
 Europe, 69; leader of the 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 78; 
 forerunner of Herzl, 82. 
 
 I.,ippe, K., supporter of the Chovevi 
 Zion movement, 72. 
 
 Lo seh ha-Derek, article by Ahad 
 ha- Am, 74. 
 
 London, Herzl in, 87; lukewarm 
 reception of Herzl by, 92; al- 
 luded to, 98, 121, 167; under 
 consideration as Zionist cen- 
 ter, 145. 
 
 London Conference, the, unsuc- 
 cessful as an organizing 
 agency, 214-215. 
 
 Lnzzatti, example of a modern 
 Jewish statesman, 92. 
 
 Luzzatto, Samuel David, quoted on 
 Palestine, 52. 
 
 Maamar ha-Ishut, work by Samuel 
 Holdheim, 106. 
 
 Maccabaea, the, first official Zion- 
 ist students' society, 149. 
 
 Maccabaeans, the, London, invite 
 Herzl, 87. 
 
 Magnus, Laurie, on Zionism, loi. 
 
 Magyars, in Austria-Hungary, 211. 
 
 Maimonides, Moses, and the return 
 to Palestine, 35; alluded to, 
 202. 
 
 Mandelstamm, Professor, leader 
 of the Chovevi Zion move- 
 ment, 78. 
 
 Marburg, Jewish students' societies 
 at, 148. 
 
 Maronite Christians, massacred by 
 the Druses, 50. 
 
 Marx and Engels, manifesto by, in- 
 ternational, 167. 
 
 247 
 
INDEX 
 
 Marx, Karl, promoter of a uni- 
 versalistic movement, 26; a 
 Jew, 167; socialism of, inter- 
 national, 167. See also Marx 
 and Engels. 
 
 May Laws, the, in Russia, 61, 62. 
 
 Mehemet AH, sultan of Egypt, 
 urged to intervene in the 
 Damascus blood accusation, 
 49-50. 
 
 Melebbes. See Petah Tikwah. 
 
 Memel, alluded to, 69; a center of 
 distribution of Russo-Jewish 
 emigrants, 70. 
 
 Mendelssohn, Moses, attitude of, 
 towards Judaism, 21-22; the 
 descendants of, 22. 
 
 Mesopotamia, colonization in, con- 
 templated by the Ito, 141. 
 
 Messianic idea, the, secularized by 
 Smolenskin, 34; and Zionism, 
 96-97. 
 
 Messianism, in opposition to Zion- 
 ism, 98. 
 
 Middle Ages, the, ritual changes 
 during, 21; and international- 
 ism, 23-24; legislation of, re- 
 garding the Jews, 25, 166; 
 Jews in Palestine during, 48- 
 49; favor individual group- 
 ings, 202; Hebrew in, 203-204. 
 
 Midrash, the, on a national lan- 
 guage, 58. 
 
 Mikweh Israel Agricultural School, 
 the, near Jaffa, alluded to, 51; 
 founde . by Charles Netter, 
 54; fails to fulfil purpose, 54- 
 
 55. 
 Minhag (custom), developed into 
 
 mizwah (commandment), 71. 
 Minsk Zionist Congress, dominated 
 by the practical Zionists, 150; 
 the Democratic Fraction at, 
 168; the Kultur question dis- 
 cussed at, 176-177. 
 
 Mission, the Jewish, said to be in 
 opposition to Zionism, 200 et 
 seq. 
 
 Mizrachi, the, Orthodox Zionists, 
 97, 176; and the East African 
 proposal, 135; the demands of, 
 177; foundation of, 177; in- 
 stitutions of, 177-178; well or- 
 ganized, 178; influence of, on 
 Zionism, 178 et seq. 
 
 Mizwah (commandment), developed 
 from minhag (custom), 71. 
 
 Modern Hep! Hep I Hep!, The, 
 essay by George Eliot, on 
 Jewish nationalism, 45-46. 
 
 Mohammedan political doctrines, 
 164. 
 
 Mohilever, Rabbi, leader of the 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 78. 
 
 Mombassa, port of East African 
 Protectorate, 123. 
 
 Mommsen, Theodor, attacks 
 Graetz's history, 181- 182; ad- 
 vises conversion to Christian- 
 ity, 206. 
 
 Moniteur Universelle, alluded to, 
 39. 
 
 Montefiore, Claude, on Zionism, 
 100. 
 
 Montefiore, Sir Moses, intervenes 
 in the Damascus blood accusa- 
 tion affair, 49-50; interested in 
 the Jews of the East, 50. 
 
 Moses, Ahad ha-Am on, 75-76. 
 
 Munich, chosen as meeting place 
 of First Zionist Congress, 113; 
 Jewish students' societies at, 
 148, 149. 
 
 Munk, Salomon, intervenes in the 
 Damascus blood accusation, 49- 
 50; quoted, on the Jews of the 
 East, 50-51. 
 
 Myerson, M., organizer of the 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 72. 
 
 248 
 
INDEX 
 
 Nacktasyl, term coined for East ' 
 Africa, 129. 
 
 Napoleon, Jewish nationalist 
 scheme of, 39. 
 
 Nation, definition of, 33-34. 
 
 National Fund. See Jewish Na- 
 tional Fund. 
 
 Nationalism, revived, 24; and the 
 Jews, 26; marked by chauvin- 
 ism; 26; and language, 56-57. 
 
 Nationalism, Jewish, and race, 33; 
 as defined by Smolenskin, 34* 
 35; civic and social, 34; in the 
 West, 35-41; Christian sympa- 
 thizers with, 39-47; and the 
 second coming of Christ, 41 ; 
 Alexandre Dumas fils on, 42; 
 Henry Dunant on, 42-43; 
 George Eliot on, 43-47 ; 
 awakens interest in the He- 
 brew language, 55*59; not 
 fostered in Western Europe, 
 70; Ahad ha-Am on, 76, 189 et 
 seq.; the Kadimah imbued 
 with, 86; in opposition to Re- 
 form, 98; the heart of Zion- 
 ism, 105. See also Chovevi 
 Zion; Hibbat Zion; Zionism. 
 
 Nationalist sentiments, and Social- 
 ism, 166-167. 
 
 Nationalists, Jewish, 36-4!' 
 
 Natural sciences, the, and inter- 
 nationalism, 24. 
 
 Nes Ziyyona. See Wadi el-Han in. 
 
 Netter, Charles, interested in the 
 Jews of the East, 50; quoted, 
 on relation of Jews of Europe 
 to Palestine, 51-52; inspired 
 by Hirsch Kalischer, 54. 
 
 Neue Freie Presse, Vienna, Herzl 
 Paris representative of, 85; 
 Herzl feuilleton editor of, 86; 
 attitude of, toward Zionism, 
 94. 
 
 New York, alluded to, 106. 
 Newlinsky, Chevalier de, emissary 
 
 of the Turkish Sultan, 93. 
 Nile, the, alluded to, 122. 
 Noah, Mordecai Manuel, as a Jew- 
 ish nationalist, 38-39. 
 Noldeke, Theodor, advises Jews to 
 
 educate children as Christians, 
 
 206. 
 Nordau, on Herzl, 92; favors 
 
 loyal intercourse with Turkey, 
 
 162-163. 
 Not This Is the Way, article by 
 
 Ahad ha-Am, 74. 
 
 Observances, Jewish, influence of 
 the modern spirit on, 204. 
 
 Odessa, center of Chovevi Zion 
 movement, 72; alluded to, 74. 
 
 Odessa Committee, the, of the 
 Chovevi Zion, influential in 
 the movement, 72-73; national- 
 ist in sentiment, 78; to be 
 represented in organization 
 proposed at Palestine Con- 
 gress, 133. See also Chovevi 
 Zion movement, the. 
 
 Oliphant, Laurence, Christian 
 sympathizer with Jewish na- 
 tionalism, 41, 
 
 " Onwards-Eastwards." See Kadi- 
 mah, the. 
 
 Oppenheimer, Franz, the Poale 
 Zion followers of, 169. 
 
 Organization, an achievement of 
 Zionism, 108-109; debates on, 
 in the Congresses, 172; of 
 Jewry, Zionism fails in, 213 
 et seq.; of Jewry, philanthropic 
 agencies fail in, 213 et seq. 
 
 Orthodoxy, detrimental effect of, 
 on Jews, 30; and secularization 
 of Hebrew, 58; favorable to 
 colonization of Palestine, 70- 
 71; hostile to Zionism, 95; 
 
 249 
 
INDEX 
 
 opposes Zionism for religious 
 reasons, 96-97; Zionism not 
 opposed to, 177; congruous 
 with Zionism, 199-200. 
 
 Otranto, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Ottoman statehood, Zionism in no 
 ■way hostile to, 163-164. See 
 also Ottomanism. 
 
 Oltomanischer Lloyd, the, Constan- 
 tinople, expresses German op- 
 position to Jewish colonists in 
 Palestine, 158. 
 
 Ottomanism, Zionism represented 
 as incompatible with, 160; said 
 to be endangered by Zionism, 
 161; Zionist leaders insist 
 upon, 161 et seq.; the excesses 
 of, 164; future prosperity of, 
 conditioned on decentraliza- 
 tion, 164. See also Ottoman 
 statehood. 
 
 Padua, alluded to, 52. 
 
 Paganism, and a universal Chris- 
 tian community, 24. 
 
 Palestine, the loss of, as viewed by 
 the Reformers, 23; return to, 
 in the creed, 35; attitude of 
 Jews towards, 35-36; Jews in, 
 during the Middle Ages, 48- 
 49; Charles Netter on, 51-52; 
 new conception of place of, in 
 Jewish life, 52 e* seq,; Samuel 
 David Luzzatto on, 52; the 
 schools of, 59; why holy, in 
 Pinsker's view, 64; the pur- 
 chase of, advocated, 6y; agri- 
 cultural colonies in, 7(>-77', 
 Herzl not fascinated by, 90- 
 91 ; charter for, offered to 
 Herzl, 93; place of, in the 
 Basel Program, 115-116; study 
 of, under the Tchioh, 149; in- 
 stitutions in, supported by 
 general Jewish sentiment for. 
 
 15s; the general sentiment for, 
 fostered by the Palestine Com- 
 mission, 155-156; prejudice to- 
 wards Zionism in, 158; in a 
 decentralized Turkey, 164; 
 tilled by Arabs, 169; cultural 
 aspects of resettlement in, 
 Ahad ha-Am on, 190-191; a 
 spiritual center, 191; the re- 
 vival of Hebrew in, 193-194; 
 general revival of culture in, 
 194-195; too small for a large 
 portion of the Jewish race, 
 208; Zionist work in, 213; 
 political status of, dependent 
 on that of Turkey, 215. 
 
 Palestine Commission, the, place 
 
 of, in the Zionist movement, 
 
 154; criticism of plans of, 
 
 1 54- 1 55 ; value of work of, 
 
 155-156. 
 
 Palestine, the colonization of, early 
 advocates of, 37; Jewish or- 
 ganizations refuse to be in- 
 terested in, 42; stimulated by 
 Russian- Jewish troubles, 48; 
 Samuel David Luzzatto on, 
 52; Hirsch Kalischer on, 52- 
 54; early attempts at, unsuc- 
 cessful, 55; and the cultiva- 
 tion of Hebrew, 59 ; Pinsker at 
 head of society for, 67; Lilien- 
 blum on, 68; associated with 
 Orthodox tenets, 71; advanced 
 by the Odessa Committee of 
 the Chovevi Zion, 72-7Z't as 
 viewed by Eastern Jews, 78; 
 supported by various organiza- 
 tions, 79; as a philanthropy, 
 79-81; participation of Baron 
 Edmond de Rothschild in, 80- 
 81; participation of Jewish 
 Colonization Association in, 
 81; A generally acceptable 
 element in Zionism, 104-ioS; 
 
 250 
 
INDEX 
 
 Herzl's attitude toward, 117- 
 118; deprecated by the "polit- 
 icals," 151-152; objected to, 
 for the sake of Turkey, 162. 
 See also Hibbat Ziyyon; Cho- 
 vevi Zion; Palestinian Zion- 
 ism; Ziyyone Zionists; Agri- 
 cultural colonies in Palestine. 
 
 Palestine Zionist Congress, organ- 
 ization proposed by, 133; al- 
 luded to, 153. 
 
 Palestinian Jews, the, alluded to, 
 201. 
 
 Palestinian Zionism, emphasized, 
 151 et seq.; advocated by the 
 Ziyyone Zionists, 152; Ussisch- 
 kin leader of, 153; advanced 
 under Wolffsohn, 153; victo- 
 rious at Congress of 191 1, 
 154; Warburg on, 154; and 
 the Palestine Commission, 154; 
 danger in, 155-156; favored by 
 recent events in Turkey, 156 
 et seq.; a phase in the develop- 
 ment of the movement, 165. 
 See also Chovevi Zion move- 
 ment, the; Palestine, the col- 
 onization of, etc. 
 
 Paris, alluded to, 39, 203 ; Herzl in, 
 
 85. 
 
 Parsees, the, alluded to, 184. 
 
 Parties, in Great Britain, 171. 
 
 Patriotism, and Zionism, 208 et seq. 
 
 Pesaro, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Petah Tikwah (Melebbes), early 
 colony in Palestine, 55, 76. 
 
 P^tavel, Abraham, on the restora- 
 tion, 219. 
 
 Pharmacy, Jewish students of, 
 form society, 149. 
 
 Philanthropy in the colonization 
 of Palestine, 78, 79, 79-81. 
 
 Philo, alluded to, 202. 
 
 Pineles, L., supporter of the Cho- 
 vevi Zion movement, 72. 
 
 Pinsker, Leo, alarmed by the ef- 
 fects of anti-Semitism on Jews, 
 62; analyzes the situation with 
 reference to the Jews, 62-64; 
 ^ agrees with Moses Hess, 63; 
 a territorialist, 64; work by, 
 64-66; influences Lilienblum, 
 67; influences Rulf, 70; in- 
 fluence of, in Russia, 71; at 
 the head of the Chovevi Zion 
 movement, 72, 78; alluded to, 
 72, 73, 74, 142; forerunner of 
 Herzl, 82, 83, 89; alluded to, 
 142; insists upon understand- 
 ing with Constantinople, 161. 
 
 Plehve, von, Herzl in consultation 
 with, 127. 
 
 Poale Zion, the, and the East 
 African proposal, 136-137; 
 Zionist labor party, 165; origin 
 of, 168; spread of, 168; Zion- 
 ist principles of, 169; followers 
 of Franz Oppenheimer, 169- 
 170; new form of Zionist fed- 
 eration, 170-171; alluded to, 
 172; offshoot from, 228. 
 
 Poles, in Austria-Hungary, 211; 
 in Germany, 211; the, secure 
 national recognition in the 
 Workingmen*s Democratic 
 
 Party, 175-176. 
 
 Political Zionism, in abeyance, 151 
 et seq.; principles of, 151-152; 
 a phase in the development of 
 the movement, 165. 
 
 Pork eating advised by Salomon 
 Reinach for Jews, 27. 
 
 Portuguese Government, invites 
 Jews to settle in Angola, 125. 
 
 " Practical work " in Palestine, 
 colonization of Palestine, 54. 
 See Palestine, the colonization 
 of; Ziyyone Zionists, etc. 
 
 Prague, Jewish students' society 
 at, 148. 
 
 251 
 
INDEX 
 
 Prayers, the, modified by the Re- 
 formers, 23, 99. 
 
 Pre-Herzlites, Western, 36-41. 
 
 Preussische Jahrbiicher, the, refer- 
 ence to, 206. 
 
 Proletarian movement, the, in 
 Russia, 173 et seq. 
 
 Promised Land, the. See Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 Prophets, the, extremists, 192. 
 
 Protestantism, and the Jews, 25. 
 
 Proudhon, Moses Hess adherent 
 of, 36. 
 
 Prussian Jewish communities, al- 
 luded to, 103. 
 
 Psalms, the, commentary on, 
 quoted, 17, 19. 
 
 Rabbiner-Verband, the German, 
 holds Zionism and patriotism 
 to be incompatible, 210. 
 
 Rabbinical Conference, the Frank- 
 fort, on the restoration of the 
 Jewish state, 23. 
 
 Rabbino Maggiore, a title without 
 religious significance, no. 
 
 Rabinowitz, S. P., leader of the 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 78. 
 
 Race, and Jewish nationalism, 33. 
 
 Racial unity, citizenship not coin- 
 cident with, 210-212. 
 
 Ratti Menton, French consul at 
 Damascus, raises blood accusa- 
 tion, 49. 
 
 Rebirth of the Jewish People in 
 the Holy Land of Their An- 
 cestors, work by Lilienblum, 
 68. 
 
 Red Cross, the, founder of, 42. 
 
 "Red ticket," the, revival of, 118. 
 
 Reform movement, the, destroys 
 unity of Jewish practice and 
 hope, 28-29, 30; hostile to 
 Zionism, 95; hostility of, to 
 Judaism, 98-99; desires de- 
 
 velopment of Jewish law, 106; 
 antithetic to Zionism, 146; 
 Graetz on, 183; Zionism incon- 
 gruous with, 199-200; the mis- 
 sion theory of, not incompati- 
 ble with Zionism, 207-208. 
 See also Reformers, the. 
 
 Reform services, Prussian Govern- 
 ment asked to inhibit intro- 
 duction of, 103. 
 
 Reformation, the, and the Jews, 
 
 25. 
 
 Reformers, the, and political eman- 
 cipation, 20; and the cere- 
 monial law, 21-22; and Jewish 
 belief, 22; and the Jewish dis- 
 persion, 22-23; theory o'f, 
 superseded, 23; advise abro- 
 gating Jewish customs to meet 
 anti-Semitism, 27. See also^ 
 Reform movement, the. 
 
 Reggio, alluded to, 203. 
 
 Rehobot, Palestine colony, a Bene 
 Mosheh creation, 76. 
 
 Reinach, Salomon, advises modifi- 
 cation of the Jewish law, 27. 
 
 Reinach, Theodore, demands civic 
 perfection of the Jew, 209-210. 
 
 Reines, Rabbi J., founder of the 
 Mizrachi, 177. 
 
 Religion and citizenship in Rome, 
 
 as- 
 Religious considerations in Zion- 
 ism, 176. 
 Renaissance, the, and a universal 
 Christian community, 24; and 
 the Jews, 25. 
 Resettlement of the land of Israel, 
 the. See Palestine, the colon- 
 ization of. 
 Resh Geluta, lay head of Jewish 
 
 community in Babylon, no. 
 Restoration, the, of the Jewish 
 state, Reformers on, 23 ; Pinsk- 
 er's view of, not religious, 64; 
 
 252 
 
INDEX 
 
 Spinoza on, 217; Steinthal, 
 Franck, and Cohen on, 217. 
 See also under Palestine. 
 
 Return of the Exiles^ work by 
 Lilienblum, 67. 
 
 Eishon le-Zion, early agricultural 
 colony in Palestine, 76; al- 
 luded to, 81. 
 
 Ritual changes, made by Reform- 
 ers, 21, 28. 
 
 Roman Church, the, and a uni- 
 versal Christian community, 
 23-24. 
 
 Roman culture, compared with 
 Hellenism, 29. 
 
 Rome, the Jews in, 24-25; alluded 
 to, 203. 
 
 Rome and Jerusalem, the Latest 
 National Question, work by 
 Moses Hess, 37-38; how re- 
 ceived, 37-38; influences 
 Graetz, 38; by Hess, forerun- 
 ner of the Judenstaat, 89. 
 
 Rosh Pinnah, early agricultural 
 colony in Palestine, 76. 
 
 Rothschild, Baron Edmond de, in- 
 terested in Palestine only as 
 a philanthropist, 79; large par- 
 ticipation of, in Palestine col- 
 onization, 80-81; and the Wine 
 Growers' Association, 81; to 
 be represented in organization 
 proposed at Palestine Con- 
 gress, 133. 
 
 Roumania, the Jews of, affected by 
 anti-Semitism, 27; the Chovevi 
 Zion movement in, 72) Jews 
 from, settle in Palestine, 76; 
 Jewish question in, viewed 
 optimistically, 100. 
 
 Roumanian Jewish students, in 
 Germany, 146; in Vienna, 147. 
 
 Eulf, Isaac, espouses the Hibbat 
 Ziyyon movement, 69; connec- 
 
 tion of, with Russo-Jewish 
 exodus, 70; influenced by 
 Pinsker, 70; work by, 70; fore- 
 runner of Herzl, 82, 89; al- 
 luded to, 142. 
 
 Russia, Jews from, settle in Pales- 
 tine, 49, 76; Jewish question 
 in, viewed optimistically, 100; 
 the proletarian movement in, 
 173 et seq. 
 
 Russia, the Jews of, affected by 
 anti-Semitism, 27; interested 
 in colonization of Palestine, 
 48; use unliterary Hebrew, 56; 
 effect of anti-Semitism on, 60- 
 61; why inclined to territorial- 
 ism, 64; and the Hibbat 
 Ziyyon movement, 71-72. 
 
 Russian Jewish students, in Ger- 
 many, 146; in Vienna, 147. 
 
 Russian Workingmen's Democratic 
 Party, the Bund a section of, 
 173; demands complete assimi- 
 lation, 173; the Bund breaks 
 with, 174; recognizes the Poles 
 as a nationality, 175. 
 
 Saadia, alluded to, 202. 
 
 Sabaheddin, Prince, favors Otto- 
 man decentralization, 164. 
 
 Sabbatai Zebi, alluded to, 36; Don- 
 meh followers of, 160. 
 
 Sabbath violation, advised by Salo- 
 mon Reinach, 27. 
 
 Safed, Jews in, during the Middle 
 Ages, 49. 
 
 St. Petersburg, alluded to, 126. 
 
 Salvador, Joseph, historian, as a 
 Jewish nationalist, 40. 
 
 Samaria, alluded to, 77. 
 
 Sangerbund, a German contribu- 
 tion to American life, 211. 
 
 ** Sanhedrin," Napoleon's, 39, 
 
 Schatz, Boris, founder of the 
 Bezalel school, 194. 
 
 17 
 
 253 
 
INDEX 
 
 Schopenhauer, advises conversion 
 to Christianity, 206. 
 
 Second Jewish Commonwealth, his- 
 torian of, 40. 
 
 Sects, Jewish, fewness of, 201. 
 
 Sefardim, the, alluded to, 20; use 
 Spanish, 57. 
 
 Self-emancipation, preached by 
 Pinsker, 64-65; means for 
 securing, 65-66. 
 
 Sermons, in the synagogue, a plea 
 for, 183. 
 
 Servians, the, in Turkey, 159. 
 
 Shapira, Professor, leader of the 
 Chovevi Zion movement, 78. 
 
 Shekel money, the, withheld from 
 use in connection with East 
 African proposal, 131. 
 
 Shulhan Aruk, the, threatens petri- 
 faction, 106. 
 
 Siedlungsgenossenschaft, form of 
 settlements in Palestine, sup- 
 ported by the Poale Zion, 169- 
 170. 
 
 Singer, a socialist and a Jew, 167. 
 
 Slavs, the, manifest national con- 
 sciousness, 24. 
 
 Smolenskin, Perez, on Jewish 
 nationalism, 34-35; names the 
 Kadimah, 147. 
 
 Social-Democratic Party. See 
 Russian Workingmen's Demo- 
 cratic Party. 
 
 Socialism, Jews founders of, 26, 
 167; anti-religious and anti- 
 national, 166-167; and Zion- 
 ism squared by the Poale Zion, 
 168-169. 
 
 Socialists, the, refuse to espouse 
 cause of persecuted Jews, 167. 
 
 Society of Jews, a, demanded by 
 Herzl, 89-90. 
 
 Solomon ben Adret, alluded to. 
 
 201. 
 
 Sonino, example of a modern Jew- 
 ish statesman, 92. 
 
 Sons of Moses. See Bene Mosheh. 
 
 Spain, alluded to, 204. 
 
 Spanish, the, supersedes Hebrew 
 in the Semitic East, 57. 
 
 Spinoza, alluded to, 202; on the 
 restoration to Palestine, 217. 
 
 Statesmen among modern Jews, 
 91-92. 
 
 Steinschneider, alluded to, 182; in- 
 tention underlying investiga- 
 tions of, 183. 
 
 Steinthal, H., on Zion, 217. 
 
 Strassburg, Jewish students' so- 
 cieties at, 148, 149; alluded to, 
 206. 
 
 Students' societies, in Austria, 147- 
 148; in Germany, 148-150; in 
 Germany, bulwark against anti- 
 Semitism and conversion, 150- 
 
 151. 
 
 Suczawa, Jewish students' society 
 at, 148. 
 
 Synagogue, the, democratic, no; 
 in modern times, 204. 
 
 Syrian and Palestinian Coloniza- 
 tion Society, founded by 
 Henry Dunant, 43. 
 
 Tachkemoni schools, the, of the 
 Mizrachi, make justified de- 
 mands, 179; purpose of, 194. 
 
 Talmud, the, quoted, 17, 19, 98, 
 
 138. 
 Tancred, nationalist tendencies in 
 
 Disraeli's, 40. 
 Tanganyika, Lake, boundary of 
 
 East African Protectorate, 123. 
 Tchioh, Zionist society at Kothen, 
 
 149. 
 Technical School, the, at Haifa, 
 
 result of Palestine sentiment, 
 
 I5S. 
 
 254 
 
INDEX 
 
 Tendenzschriften, characterization 
 of works of modern Jewish 
 historians, 183. 
 
 Territorialism. See Ito movement, 
 the. 
 
 Thomas, Father, disappearance of, 
 causes Damascus blood accusa- 
 tion, 49. 
 
 Thorn, alluded to, 52. 
 
 Thuringia, the, Breslau Jewish 
 students* society, 148. 
 
 Tiberias, Jews in, during the Mid- 
 dle Ages, 49. 
 
 Tiberias, Sea of, early Jewish set- 
 tlement at, 55. 
 
 Times, the London, alluded to, 160. 
 
 Trading-companies, English, 
 Herzl's model, 90. 
 
 Traditional Judaism, society for 
 strengthening, 149. See also 
 Orthodoxy. 
 
 Treitschke, Heinrich von, attacks 
 Graetz's history, 181- 182. 
 
 Trietsch, Davis, advocates Cyprus 
 colonization, 120. 
 
 Turkey, under Sultan Abdul 
 Hamid, 117; and Cyprus, 120; 
 recent events in, favorable to 
 Palestinian Zionism, 156 et 
 seq.; awakened patriotism in, 
 157-158; prejudice towards 
 Zionism in, 158 et seq.; Zion- 
 ism favors loyal intercourse 
 with, 161 et seq.; distraught 
 state of, 215. 
 
 Turkish dominion in Palestine 
 hostile to Jews, 48. 
 
 Union and Progress, Committee of, 
 and Zionism, 158; influenced 
 by the Alliance Israelite Uni- 
 verselle, 159-160. 
 
 Union of American Hebrew Con- 
 gregations, the, hold Zionism 
 
 and patriotism to be incom- 
 patible, 210. 
 
 United States, the, growth of, and 
 the national consciousness, 24; 
 alluded to, 54; the Chovevi 
 Zion movement in, 72; protest 
 against the "red ticket," 118; 
 an example of racial diversity, 
 2 1 1-2 1 2. See also America. 
 
 Unity, Jewish, threatened in modern 
 times, 204-205. 
 
 Universal Race Congress, the, 
 projected by a Jew, 26. 
 
 Universalism. See International- 
 ism; Christian community, a 
 universal. 
 
 Universalistic movements, pro- 
 moted by Jews, 26. 
 
 Ussischkin, Michael, presides over 
 a Congress in Palestine, 133; 
 a Chovevi Zionist, 133; leader 
 of Palestinian Zionism, 153; 
 antagonizes Herzl, 153. 
 
 Verbindungen, at German uni- 
 versities, nationalistic, 146. 
 
 Verein zur Abwehr des Anti- 
 semitismus, founded by Chris- 
 tians, 27. 
 
 Viadrina, the, Breslau Jewish 
 students' society, 148. 
 
 Vienna, alluded to, 72, 88, 97, 160; 
 in touch with Eastern Jews. 
 86; the center of Zionist activ- 
 ity, 144; advantages and dis- 
 advantages of, 144-145; hostile 
 to Herzl, 145. 
 
 Vienna University, the, Herzl 
 educated at, 84; anti-Semitism 
 at, 85; and the Kadimah, 147, 
 148. 
 
 Vilna, the Mizrachi formed at, 177. 
 
 Vilna Conference, the, on the Ea«t 
 African proposal, 135. 
 
 Voskhod, the, opposes Zionism. 
 
 255 
 
INDEX 
 
 Wadi el-Hanin (Nes Ziyyona), 
 early agricultural colony in 
 Palestine, 76. 
 
 Wales, alluded to, 56. 
 
 Walloons, in Germany, 211. 
 
 Warburg, Otto, presides over Cen- 
 tral Committee, 151; on Pales- 
 tinian Zionism, 154; chairman 
 of the Palestine Commission, 
 
 154. 
 
 Way of Life, The, article by Ahad 
 ha- Am, 74-75, 78, 189. 
 
 Welsh culture rescued, 57. 
 
 Wends, in Germany, 211. 
 
 Western Jews, and political eman- 
 cipation, 19-20; effect of 
 exodus of Eastern Jews on, 
 31-34; the, not acquainted 
 with Judeo-German works, 69- 
 70; not interested in Jewish 
 nationalism, 70; compared with 
 Eastern Jews, 77-78; the, in 
 moral slavery, 190. 
 
 William II, of Germany, on citizen- 
 ship and racial diversity, 211. 
 
 Wine Growers' Association, the, 
 prosperous, 81. 
 
 Witte, Herzl in consultation with, 
 127. 
 
 Wolf, Lucien, on Zionism, 100. 
 
 Wolffsohn, David, Herzl's suc- 
 cessor, 153; advances Palestin- 
 ian Zionism, 153-154; favors 
 loyal intercourse with Turkey, 
 163. 
 
 Workingmen's Democratic Party. 
 See Russian Workingmen's 
 Democratic Party. 
 
 Xenopol, advises conversion to 
 Christianity, 206. 
 
 Yates, Robert P., and the East 
 
 African proposal, 123. 
 Yiddish. See Judeo-German. 
 
 Yishuh Eres YisraeL See Pales- 
 tine, the colonization of. 
 Young Judaea, alluded to, 150. 
 
 Zamenhof, Lazarus Ludwig, pro- 
 moter of a universalistic move- 
 ment, 26; a nationalist Jew, 
 218. 
 
 Zangwill, Israel, accords apprecia- 
 tion to Herzl's scheme, 87; 
 secures Herzl's appearance in 
 London, 87; affirms delegates 
 to Sixth Congress to have been 
 in favor of East African pro- 
 posal, 130; leader of the Ito 
 movement, 137; as a Zionist, 
 138; on Palestine, 138-139; 
 protests against policy of Jew- 
 ish philanthropic societies, 139; 
 on Zionism, 139; opposition of, 
 to Zionism, 140, 
 
 Zikron Yaakob, early agricultural 
 colony in Palestine, yS; al- 
 luded to, 81. 
 
 Zionism, proper time for estimate 
 of, 18; Moses Hess forerun- 
 ner of, 37; the platform of, 
 accepted by the Chovevi Zion, 
 73; supersedes the Chovevi 
 Zion movement, 73, 79; public 
 discussion of, inaugurated by 
 Herzl, 87; attitude of Neue 
 Freie Presse towards, 94; hos- 
 tility to, 95; effect of, on in- 
 different Jews, 95-96; religious 
 difficulties connected with, 96- 
 97; deepens Jewishness, 97; 
 J. H. Dtinner on, 97; M. 
 Friedlander on, 98; hostility 
 of Reform to, 98-99; welcomed 
 by the Russian Hebrew press, 
 99; Russian Jewish press hos- 
 tile to, 99; M. Gtidemann on, 
 99-100; Lucien Wolf on, 100; 
 K. Kohler on, 100; Claude 
 
 256 
 
INDEX 
 
 Montefiore on, loo; feared as 
 anti-patriotic, loi ; Laurie 
 Magnus on, loi; Central Con- 
 ference of American Rabbis 
 on, 102; Ludwig Geiger on, 
 102, 103; Association of Jew- 
 ish Rabbis in Germany on, 
 103-104; place of Palestine 
 colonization in, 104-105; the 
 heart of, 105; cause of strife 
 in Jewish communities, 105- 
 106; a vivifying force, 107; 
 a policy of organization, 108- 
 109; objection to, in democ- 
 racy of Jew, iii; accused of 
 speaking for the whole Jewish 
 people, though it represents 
 only a part, 112-113; uni- 
 versalism of, 113; object of, 
 defined by the Basel Program, 
 114-116; political view of, n6- 
 118; and a fully independent 
 Jewish state, 126; split in, 136- 
 137; compared with Itoism, 
 141; how affected by death of 
 Herzl, 143; not a one-man 
 movement, 143-144; commis- 
 sion leadership of, 144; re- 
 moval of seat of, from Vienna 
 to Germany, 145-146; develop- 
 ment of, in Germany, 146 et 
 seq.; German leadership of, 
 151; danger to, from Palestin- 
 ian work, 156; Charterism not 
 equivalent of, 157; and the 
 Committee of Union and Prog- 
 ress, 158; prejudice towards, in 
 Palestine and Turkey, 158 et 
 seq.; represented as incom- 
 patible with Ottomanism, 159- 
 160; Turkish officials ignorant 
 of, 161; accused of being a 
 Jewish intrigue against Otto- 
 manism, 161 ; leaders of, in- 
 sist upon Ottoman sovereignty, 
 
 161 et seq,; in no way hostile 
 to Ottoman statehood, 163- 
 164; phases in the develop- 
 ment of, 165 et seq.; squared 
 with Socialism, by the Poale 
 Zion, 168-169; and a Jewish 
 peasant population, 169; ac- 
 cepts certain demands of the 
 Poale Zion and the Democratic 
 Fraction, 170; the Poale Zion 
 a novel grouping under, 170- 
 171; reproach against, by the 
 Bund, 175; why junction of, 
 with Bund impossible, 175; re- 
 ligious questions in, 176-177; 
 effect of the Mizrachi on, 178 
 et seq.; Ahad ha-Am's opposi- 
 tion to, 191-192; takes account 
 of Jewish diversity, 194-195; 
 necessity for the instruments 
 of, 195-196; idealism of, 196- 
 197; supposed to have no mes- 
 sage for the emancipated Jew, 
 198-199; supposed to have a 
 message for the Orthodox Jew, 
 199-200; supposed to be in 
 opposition to the Jewish mis- 
 sion, 200 et seq.; fallacies con- 
 cerning, 207 et seq.; the Re- 
 form mission theory compati- 
 ble with, 207-208; and patriot- 
 ism, 208 et seq.; no conflict 
 between citizenship and, 212- 
 213; work of, in Palestine, 
 213; small success of, in or- 
 ganizing Jewry, 213 et seq.; 
 offers basis for organization 
 of Jewry, 215; speculations on 
 the future of, 215-216; equiv- 
 alent to Judaism, 216. 
 
 Zionism, political. See Political 
 Zionism. 
 
 Zionism, practical. See Palestin- 
 ian Zionism. 
 
 257 
 
INDEX 
 
 Zionist activity, change in, 151 et 
 seq. 
 
 Zionist character of the German 
 juvenile societies, 150. 
 
 Zionist meetings and collections, 
 forbidden in Russia, 127. 
 
 Zionist students* society, first of- 
 ficial, 149. 
 
 Zionistic Territorial Organization, 
 a sign of the secession at the 
 Seventh Zionist Congress, 136; 
 Zangrwill leader of, 136. See 
 Ito movement, the. See also 
 
 Palestinian Zionism; Chovevi 
 Zion; Palestine, the coloniza- 
 tion of. 
 
 Ziyyone Zionists, the, insist upon 
 Palestine work, 119; and the 
 East African proposal, 135; 
 extreme Palestinians, 152; 
 mostly Russians, 153. See 
 also Palestinian Zionism, etc. 
 
 Zoroastrianism, alluded to, 184. 
 
 Zunz, alluded to, 182; work by, 
 183. 
 
 BALTIMORE, MD., u. o. A- 
 
 258