I Cornell University Library DA 17.B78 Thirty years of colonial government 3 1924 026 424 147 DATE DUE hwr^r- !9S*41p GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S. A. THIRTY YEARS OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT VOL. I. PItlNTKD BY aroTTiawuoDE and co., new-stueet square LONDON Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026424147 m £3% * /#£• Engraved, try (} J Stodartjivm a Photograph i -■>•■")■■ "-'■'■'- ' ' ' ■ ,! - 1 *■ l '° ll38a THIETY YEAHS OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT A SELECTION FROM THE DESPATCHES AND LETTERS OF THE RIGHT HON. SLR GEORGE FERGUSON BOWEN, G.C.M.G. Hon. D.C.L. Oxon., Hon. LL.D. Cantab. GOVEBNOB SUCCESSIVELY OP QUEENSLAND, NEW ZEALAND, VICTOEIA, MAUEITIUS, AND HONG KONG EDITED BY STANLEY LANE-POOLE ©litb portrait TWO VOLUMES— VOL. I. LONDON LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO. AND NEW YOEK: 15 EAST 16'" STEEET ffi) All riahts reserved /l-3 03/f /cor^EllN 11/ k x^ J b ' I j CONTENTS THE FIEST VOLUME. PAET I. PBEFATOBY MEMOIR. CHAPTEB I. PAGE Introductory — Importance of the Colonies — Altered state of public opinion on this subject — Views of Adam Smith — Mr. W. E. Forster — Lord Bosebery — Imperial Federation — Colonies governed by Sir G. Bowen 3 CHAPTEB II. Sir G. Bowen's early years — Oxford — The Ionian Islands — Publi- cations on Greece, &c. — Travels in Eastern Europe — Vienna in 1848 — War in Hungary — Lord Stratford de Bedcliffe— Appointed Secretary of Government at Corfu — Marriage — Lord Palmerston and Modern Greek — Mr. Disraeli on Eastern Questions ........... 14 CHAPTEB III. Promotion to G.C.M.G. — To Queensland — To New Zealand — To Victoria — On leave in Italy — King Victor Emmanuel — Pius IX . — Garibaldi — King Humbert — Leo XIII. — The Vatican and Ireland — Italian Politics 30 CHAPTEB IV. On leave in England and America — Entertained at a public dinner in London with H.B.H. the Duke of Edinburgh in the chair — Varieties of life in England, Canada, and the United VI THIRTY YEARS OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT PAGE States — Lord Dufferin — President Grant — American Polities — The Mormons — Brigham Young — San Francisco — ' The Stars and Bars ' — Miss Lee of Virginia — Return to Melbourne . 49 CHAPTER V. Mauritius — Hong Kong — China — Japan — India — 'Dufferin Bur- rnanicus ' — Sir Edwin Arnold — Privy Councillor — Hon. D.C.L. Oxford — Hon. LL.D. Cambridge — Retirement — Malta . . 68 PART II. THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND: 1859-1868. CHAPTER VI. Sir G. Bowen appointed first Governor of Queensland — Letter from Sir E. Bulwer Lytton— Enthusiastic reception at Brisbane — Addresses and Replies — Report to the Secretary of State and his Reply ........... 79 CHAPTER VII. Organisation of the Public Departments — Letters to Sir E. Bulwer Lytton — To the Duke of Newcastle —Tour on the Darling Downs — Rapid but solid progress of settlement . . . 105 CHAPTER VIII. The first Parliament — The first Elections— The Franchise— Results of Vote by Ballot and Manhood Suffrage— Meeting of the Parliament — Speech of the Governor, and Addresses of both Houses — Addresses to the Queen and Her Majesty's Reply — The ' Times ' on Queensland 130 CHAPTER IX. The work of the first Session— The Governor's Prorogation Speech — The Land Legislation — Letters from the Duke of Newcastle and Sir E. Bulwer Lytton 163 CHAPTER X. The progress of Queensland— Official Tours— Speech on Education —Visit to the Northern districts— Colonial Forces— Letters to CONTENTS OP THE FIRST VOLUME vii PAGE the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Cobden, Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, Sir Roundell Palmer — Mr. Gladstone — Australian Federation — Pax Britannica ........... 178 CHAPTER XL The northward expansion of Queensland — Exploring Expeditions — Governor's voyage to Cape York and back — Foundation of a new settlement — Public dinner at Rockhampton — Foreigners settled in Queensland — Letters to Mr. Cardwell . . . 212 CHAPTER XII. Dissolution of the first Parliament — Reasons for it — The second Parliament — The first Railways — Letter to Mr. Gladstone — The ' Times ' and ' Edinburgh Review ' on Queensland — Testimony of the Colonial Press 234 CHAPTER XIII. The Governor's term of office extended — Financial crisis — The Governor successfully resists the proposed issue of inconvertible legal tender Notes — Approval of Her Majesty's Government — Opinion of Lord Norton — Promotion to New Zealand — Farewell Addresses from the Queensland Parliament and other public bodies — Demonstrations of respect and esteem on the Go- vernor's departure 250 PAET III. NEW ZEALAND : 1868-1873. CHAPTER XIV. Condition of New Zealand on the arrival of Sir George Bowen — Addresses of welcome — The Fenian movement — Visit to a Maori eamp — The Auckland Goldfields — Captain Cook . . . 273 CHAPTER XV. Visits to the Maoris — Meetings at Waitangi and in the Waikato — Tamati Waka Nene — Analogy between the Maoris and the Scotch Highlanders — The so-called Maori King — Tauranga — The Gate Pah — The East Coast — Napier — Bishops Selwyn and Patteson — Shipwreck of the Anglican Bishops .... 29G viii THIRTY YEARS OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT CHAPTER XVI. TAGE Renewal of the Maori War — Titokowaru and Te Kooti — Massacre at Poverty Bay — Policy of the Governor— He proceeds to Wan- ganui, and addresses the assembled Clans, who take up arms for the Queen— Defeat of the Rebels— Capture of Ngatapa— Trial of the Maori Prisoners — The Governor's comments on the state of affairs, and practical suggestions .... 327 CHAPTER XVII. The War becomes a Guerilla — Governor continues his Official Tours — Last Survivor of the Maoris who had seen Captain Cook — Visits of H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh — Expedition to the Hot Lakes — Quotation from ' Greater Britain ' 359 CHAPTER XVIII. Further visits to the Maoris— Kaipara— The Northern Clans — Maori Church at Ohaiawai — Presentation of Swords of Honour —Letters to Lord Kimberley — Lord Dufferin and Lord Kim, berley 377 CHAPTER XIX. Final close of the Ten Years' War — The Governor's ride through the interior of the North Island from Wellington to Auckland — Submission of the former Rebels — Albert Victor Pomare — Letter to Sir T. M. Biddulph — Maori Members in the Colonial Parliament 404 CHAPTER XX. Official Tours in the South Island — Canterbury — John Godley — The ' Canterbury Pilgrims ' — Otago — Hokitika — Southern Alps — Fjords of New Zealand — Milford Sound— Lake Wakatipu . 430 CHAPTER XXI. Promotion to Victoria — The New Zealand University— Foundation of the ' Bowen Prize ' — The Governor's Speech at the com- mencement of Railways in the North Island — Farewell Visits — Approval of Her Majesty's Government .... 445 Paht I. PREFATORY MEMOIE VOL. I. CHAPTEE I. INTRODUCTORY — IMPORTANCE OF THE COLONIES — ALTERED STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION ON THIS SUBJECT — VIEWS OF ADAM SMITH MR. W. E. FORSTEE — LORD ROSEBERY — IMPE- RIAL FEDERATION — COLONIES GOVERNED BY SIR G. BOWEN. There are few subjects in the arena of political debate upon which the minds of the majority of Englishmen have so completely changed in recent years as that of the relations of the Colonies towards the mother-country. There was a time when the so-called Manchester school of politicians, together with many of their allies among the Statesmen of the day, could talk complacently of the final separation of Canada, Australasia, and South Africa, from a parent who seemed anxious to rid herself of her encumbrances. What is still stranger, similar ideas were then prevalent even among the bureaucracy of the Colonial Office. Prom the Autobiography of Sir Henry Taylor, 1 long one of the most prominent and influential members of that Department, it appears that he was strongly in favour of getting rid of the greater Colonies, and that Sir Prederic Rogers (now Lord Blachford), then the Permanent Under-Secretary of State, wrote to him, 'I go very far with you in the desire to shake off all responsibly governed Colonies ; and as to North America, I think if we abandoja one, 1 Vol. II. chap. 17. 4 PREFATORY MEMOIR we had better abandon all.' Nay more, we find Sir H. Taylor writing (in February 1864) to the Colonial Minister, the Duke of Newcastle ; ' As to our American possessions, I have long held, and often expressed, the opinion that they are a sort of damnosa hcereditas ; and when your Grace and the Prince of Wales were employing yourselves so successfully in conciliating the Colonists, I thought you were drawing closer ties which might better be slackened.' The time when such sentiments could be openly professed is gone for ever. The politicians and officials once hostile or indifferent to the Colonies now feel that, in the altered state of public opinion, they must (as one of the most prominent among them recently admitted) ' assume a virtue, if they have it not.' The distant provinces of the British Empire are no longer in their struggling infancy : they have grown, and are still growing, in wealth and population, so fast that they have already left behind them, in most elements of material prosperity and importance, the secondary kingdoms of Europe. The rapid development of steam communication has brought our most remote provinces practically nearer to us than the Hebrides were a hundred years ago ; and the old country has begun to realise that distance is not disintegration, and that a great colonial city twelve thousand miles away is as much British as if it were situated in Yorkshire or in Midlothian. Those of us whose work lies in Canada or Australia are so frequently revisit- ing the ever-welcoming white cliffs, that we who stay at home readily forget the space of ocean which parts us from the scene of their labours ; and there is a general feeling of kinship and common loyalty among IMPORTANCE OF THE COLONICS 5 us all, wherever our place may be in the Empire, which hardly existed a generation ago. England has at last awoke to the sense of her own greatness. Many causes have contributed to this awakening. Not the least of these has been the example of our powerful neighbours in Europe, who have taught us that what we used to undervalue is to them above all things to be desired. ' The nations of Europe,' said the late Mr. W. E. Forster, in 1885, 'begin to find out how important it is for England to have great possessions in different parts of the world, and try to have their share in such possessions.' Germany and France in recent years have striven at immense cost to establish themselves on such spots of the globe as still remain open to colonisation. Tongking, the New Hebrides, New Guinea, East and West Africa, Mada- gascar, are names which testify to the colonising am- bition of these powers ; and Italy, the newest of Euro- pean kingdoms, has not waited long before making an effort in the same direction. Emulation is the soul of enterprise, and these endeavours of foreign nations have keenly aroused the pride and interest of Great Britain in her far-off provinces. Even if the example of our neighbours had not stirred us, other reasons led towards the same happy result. The Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886, and the Colonial Conference of 1887, have exercised a salutary influence on the public mind. Moreover, the statistics of recent years have proved beyond doubt that the maxim that ' trade follows the flag ' is true ; and we have learnt that in the fierce and ever-increasing competition of commerce our colonial kinsmen are our best customers. And if this be 6 PREFATORY MEMOIR thought a somewhat sordid, however necessary, con- sideration, let us remember that our Colonies have shown themselves one with us not in commercial interests only, but in national spirit. They have heartily responded to the enthusiasm which the idea of a United Empire has aroused in England, which is still to every colonist his ' home ' ; and they showed their eagerness to share in the dangers as well as in the glories of the mother-country when they sent their volunteers to help us in our war in the Soudan ; when they contributed with their customary generosity to the relief of Indian famines ; and responded in many other ways to calls for assistance, often but indistinctly heard across half the globe. ' But as relates to the great question of the future, it would be impossible to use more impressive language than that of Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, 1 while Secretary of State for the Colonies, in a speech worthy of himself and of the subject, delivered on the occasion of a celebration in London of the foundation of the Australian Colonies. "You, gentlemen of Australia,"said the brilliant orator, " took with you from this country no bitter or angry resolutions, no associations of the reigns of the Stuarts ; but, on the contrary, you carried with you the feelings of affection for a free country, and the tie has been all the stronger because it has been more gently felt. The time will come when these new Colonies will be great States ; when they will find it easier to raise fleets and armies than they now find it to raise a police ; when they will have in their harbours forests of masts and navies of their own. It may so happen that in that distant day England may be in clanger, that the great 1 Afterwards the first Lord Lytton. MR. W. E. FORSTER— IMPERIAL FEDERATION 7 despotic and military powers of Europe may then rise up against the venerable mother of many free Commonwealths. If that day should ever arrive I believe that her children will not be unmindful of her, and that to her rescue, across the wide ocean, ships will come thick and fast, among which there will be but one cry, " While Australia lasts, England shall not perish." ' 1 Lord Lytton did not live to see the general awakening of the national spirit which now presses more and more eagerly towards the realisation of some such settled scheme of unification as is conveyed in the words Imperial Federation, — words which have stirred the imagination and roused the sympathies and enlisted the energies and thought of many of the leading Statesmen in all parts of the Empire. Mr. W. E. Forster, whose closing years were much occupied with this great subject, defined this Fede- ration to be ' such a union of the mother-country with the Colonies as will keep the British Empire one State in relation to other States, through the agency of (1) an organisation for common defence, and (2) a joint foreign policy.' So the Earl of Eosebery, who succeeded Mr. Forster as President of the Imperial Federation League, said in a recent speech : ' The cause which we call Imperial Federation is worthy of the devotion of the individual lives of the people of this country. . . . Ever since I traversed those great regions which own the sway of the British Crown outside these islands, I have felt that it was a cause which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that man could give to it. It is a cause for which any 1 Quarterly Bcview, 1803, art. 'Australian Colonies.' 8 PREFATORY MEMOIR one might be content to live : it is a cause for which any one might be content to die.' In one of the latest letters which Mr. Forster ever wrote (in August, 1885), he exhorted his friend Sir George Bowen to throw into the scale of Imperial Federation ' the weight of his unmatched experience in colonial administration.' This prompting was in accordance with all that the veteran Proconsul had felt during his long career; but coming when it did, almost as a voice from the grave of the departed Statesman, it moved him deeply. Since then, at many public meetings, and especially before the Eoyal Colonial Institute, he has set forth his views on the nature and limitations of the future Federation to which so many people, both in England and in the ' Greater Britain,' look forward with patri- otic hope. This is the main reason for the present work. Many public men have given their opinion that, in view of the present increasing interest and ap- preciation of the Imperial relations of Great Britain, it would be useful to lay before the British people an outline of the work of Colonial government, illustrated by despatches and letters, and reaching over many years and a wide extent of the Empire, together with a summary of the official career of one who may justly be regarded as the type of a Colonial Governor. Five of our chief Colonies have seen Sir George Bowen in the highest command ; for more than a quarter of a century he has aimed at binding our kindred across the seas closer to the Crown and the mother-country ; and the record of his official work cannot but throw light upon the varied phases of colonial government, and upon some of the problems which still await OPINIONS OF ADAM SMITH AND PROF. SEELEY 9 complete solution. Above all, this book will have achieved its chief object if it helps to promote the movement towards Imperial Federation. The diffi- culties which surround this grandest of colonial pro- blems are manifold : but assuredly they ought not to be beyond the powers of British statesmanship. * In the pregnant words of Adam Smith : ' There is not the least probability that the British constitu- tion would be hurt by the union of Great Britain with her Colonies. That constitution, on the con- trary, would be completed by it, and seems to be imperfect without it. The Assembly which delibe- rates and decides concerning the affairs of every part of the Empire ought certainly to have represen- tatives from every part of it. That this union, however, could be easily effectuated, or that diffi- culties, and great difficulties, might not occur in the execution, I do not pretend. I have yet heard of none, however, which appear unsurmountable. The principal, perhaps, arise, not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions of the people both on this and on the other side of the Atlantic' 2 In the same spirit, Professor Seeley observes : ' The old colonial system is gone. But in place of it no clear and reasoned system has been adopted. The wrong theory is given up, but what is the right theory ? There is only one alternative. As the Colonies are not, in the old phrase, possessions of ' The question of Imperial Federation, and of the relations of the mother-country and the ' Greater Britain,' are ably discussed in Mr. Froude's Oceana, chap. 21. 2 Wealth of Nations, Book IV. chap. 7. 10 PREFATORY MEMOIR England, they must be a part of England ; and we must adopt this view in earnest. We must cease altogether to say that England is an island off the north-western coast of Europe, that it has an area of 120,000 square miles, and a population of thirty odd millions. We must cease to think that emigrants, when they go to the Colonies, leave England, or are lost to England. We must cease to think that the history of England is the history of the Parliament that sits at Westminster, and that affairs which are not discussed there cannot belong to English history. When we have accustomed ourselves to contemplate the whole Empire together, and to call it all England, we shall see that here, too, is a United States. Here, too, is a great homogeneous people, one in blood, language, religion, and laws, but dispersed over a boundless space. We shall see that, though it is held together by strong moral ties, it has little that can be called a constitution, no system that seems capable of resisting any severe shock. But if we are disposed to doubt whether any system can be devised capable of holding together communities so distant from each other, then is the time to recollect the history of the United States of America. For they have such a system. They have solved this problem. They have shown that, in the present age of the world, political unions may exist on a vaster scale than was possible in former times. No doubt our problem has difficulties of its own, immense difficulties. But the greatest of these difficulties is one that we make ourselves. It is the false precon- ception which we bring to the question, that the problem is insoluble, that no such thing ever was IMPERIAL FEDERATION 11 done, or ever will be done ; it is our misinterpre- tation of the American Eevolution. From that Devolution we infer that all distant Colonies, sooner or later, secede from the mother-country. We ought to infer only that they secede when they are held under the old colonial system.' x ' Those persons,' said Sir George Bowen, in his address at the Eoyal Colonial Institute in 1886, 2 ' who still insist that the Federation of the British Empire is impossible, even hereafter and in the fulness of time, would do well to ponder on the striking prece- dents of Germany and America. The federal Con- stitution of the United States was long despaired of by its strongest advocates, and was not carried until 1789, thirteen years after the Declaration of Inde- pendence in 1776. Again, ten short years before the proclamation, in 1871, of the federal Empire of Germany, before the victory of Sadowa and the capitulation of Sedan — that Empire which now throws its gigantic shadow across Europe was gene- rally regarded as a dream of a few patriotic enthu- siasts. Finally, thousands of those who recently witnessed the opening by the Queen-Empress of the Imperial Exhibition (as it may justly be called), which owes so much to the Prince of Wales, the President of this Institute, hoped and prayed that this grand national spectacle may prove a fore- shadowing of permanent union and of future Im- perial Federation. Thus we should be brought nearer to the prophetic vision of Burke, when " the 1 Expansion of England, p. 158. 2 Republished in a pamphlet form by Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, & Co., Second Edition, 1889. 12 PREFATORY MEMOIR spirit of the English Constitution, infused through the mighty mass, shall pervade, vivify, unite, and invigorate every part of the Empire." ' x A preliminary glance at the sphere in which the work of Sir George Bowen has been carried on will help towards the realisation of what is meant by ' the Greater Britain.' The Ionian Isles, Queensland, New Zealand, Victoria, Mauritius, Hong Kong, Malta — the varied scenes of his public life — comprise a large por- tion of our Colonial Empire, and severally illustrate many of the salient points of our Imperial rule. Corfu and Malta, of which the former marked the commence- ment of his career of colonial administration thirty- five years ago, while the latter was but last year (1888) the theatre of his latest appearance in that field — are both striking landmarks in England's route to India, China, and Australia by way of the Mediterranean. Mauritius, which Thiers called the ' Malta of the Indian Ocean,' is an essential link in our alternative chain of communications with our Eastern dominions by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Queensland, the latest formed, and Victoria, long the most wealthy and prosperous of the Austra- lian provinces, afford typical illustrations of the enor- mous extent, of the rapid progress, and of the consti- tutional system of government on the parent model, which characterise the British Empire in Australia. In New Zealand we see the ' Great Britain of the South ' ; but with glaciers and snowy peaks resem- bling those of Switzerland ; with geysers and hot 1 Of. Virgil, Mn. VI. 726. Spiriius intus edit, totamque infusa per artns Mens agilat molcm, ct magna se corporc miscct. COLONIES GOVERNED BY SIR G. BOWEN 13 lakes worthy of Iceland ; and with arms of the sea winding among lofty mountains and precipices, surpassing the fjords of Norway. And here we are brought into contact with the Maoris, the noblest race of savages that has ever been absorbed by civilisation. Finally, Hong Kong, at once a great emporium of trade and a commanding naval and military station, brings more especially into promi- nence one of the principal factors in our national greatness, the commercial as distinct from the Impe- rial and Colonial element in the British Empire. As our main stronghold in a quarter of the globe which contains one-fourth of the entire human race, but which long resisted all intercourse with the western world, and as the channel through which passes the vast trade of the teeming millions of China and Japan, the Crown Colony of Hong Kong illustrates, perhaps to a fuller degree than any other British de- pendency, the commercial instinct which has so power- fully pervaded and strengthened the expansion of England. Thus it will be seen at the outset that a comprehen- sive view of those portions of the Queen's dominions with which Sir George Bowen has been officially con- nected tends to bring before the mind many of the most important considerations and problems affecting the past and future history and progress of the British Empire. Before, however, entering upon the detailed record of his administration of these varied seats of colonising and commercial enterprise, it may be useful to set down the chief incidents of his life in brief outline. PREFATORY MEMOIR CHAPTER II. SIR G. BOWEN's EARLY YEAES — OXFORD — THE IONIAN ISLANDS — PUBLICATIONS ON GREECE, ETC. TRAVELS IN EASTERN EUROPE — VIENNA IN 1848 — WAR IN HUNGARY — LORD STRAT- FORD DE EEDCLIFFE— APPOINTED SECRETARY OF GOVERNMENT AT CORFU MARRIAGE LOED PALMERSTON AND MODERN GREEK — MR. DISRAELI ON EASTERN QUESTIONS. George Ferguson Bowen, though descended from an old Pembrokeshire family (Ap-Owen), was born in Ireland in 1821. He is the eldest son of the late Rev. Edward Bowen, rector of Taughboyne in Donegal, and is brother of the present Dean of Raphoe. He is wont to state that the earliest public event which he remembers was the battle of Navarino in 1827, which led to the independence of Greece, and to ascribe partly to that fact his active sympathy throughout life with the progress and welfare of the modern Greeks. His education was the good old-fashioned training of an English public school and university — Charter- house, and Trinity College, Oxford, where he gained an open scholarship in 1840, at the side of the late Rt. Hon. Montague Bernard, of the present Bishop (Jones) of 8t. David's, and of Henry Coleridge, brother of the Chief Justice. During his career at the university he formed many life-long friendships. Like many other men who have won success in after life, he was a prominent member of the Union, and EARLY YEARS— OXFORD 15 he enjoyed the rare distinction of having been twice elected President of that society. His long vacations were generally spent abroad. As a child he had lived with his family for two years in the south of France ; and this experience, matured by later rambles in Brittany, Germany, Italy, and Sicily, explains his fluency in European languages. In 1844 he took his degree in the first class in classical honours, having with him in the same class the present Deans of Westminster (Bradley) and Wells (Plumptre) ; and in the same year he was elected to an open Fellow- ship at Brasenose College. The political activity of his after life has not obliterated the stamp of his old Oxford days. Classical studies have always retained for him their early charm, and have been his solace amid official cares. Nor is it unreasonable to presume that sympathy with the history of the Greeks, the chief colonisers of the ancient world, and of the Eomans, the first practical exponents of imperial rule — ever mindful of the stimulating counsels of Anchises — Tu regere imperio populos , Bomane, viemento ; Ha tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos, — l may have contributed to his appreciation of the dig- nity of Colonial and Imperial administration. The first Lord Lytton once wrote to him : ' It requires a Scholar as well as a Statesman fully to appreciate what Bacon calls " the heroic work of Colonisation." ' The same remark might be extended to the apprecia- tion of Lord Beaconsfield's maxim that the British Empire should be founded on the principles alike of lmperium and Libertas ; — that is, Imperial control in 1 Mn. VI. 851-3. 16 PREFATORY MEMOIR matters of Imperial concern, and local self-government in matters of local concern. After taking his degree, Sir G. Bowen became a member of Lincoln's Inn, bnt he never practised at the Bar ; his tastes and special capabilities lay else- where. In 1847 he was offered a post congenial to his Oxford training, the task of reorganising, as President, the Ionian University, which had been founded at Corfu in 1820 by an eminent scholar and philhellene, Frederick North, Earl of Guilford, as the chief centre of education for regenerate Greece. In congratulating him on this appointment, Dr. Liddell, the present Dean of Christ Church, wrote : ' for an Englishman to preside over the destinies of a Greek University is indeed a picture in the words of JEschylus 1 ' of great and hyperborean felicity.' The manner in which he performed his duties at Corfu on this temporary mission gained him the approval of the English Government and the thanks of the Ionian Senate. During his residence there he acquired a thorough knowledge of both the Italian and modern Greek languages, and made himself acquainted with Greece and the Greek provinces of Turkey, through which he made two extensive tours on horseback. The knowledge which he thus acquired of these regions and their various peoples was embodied in a practical form in the ' Handbook for Greece ' which he con- tributed to Mr. Murray's series ; and which, like Ford's ' Handbook for Spain,' was intended for readers at home as well as for travellers abroad. Prefixed to this volume are several essays on Greek archaeology, the Greek Church, and the history and language of 1 iBschylus, Clioeph. 373. THE IONIAN ISLANDS— TRAVELS IN GREECE 17 modern Greece. Another result of his quasi-Greek residence was his 'Ithaca in 1850,' which has been recognised by Mr. Gladstone and other Homeric scholars as a conclusive identification of that island with the island of Odysseus ; while his ' Mount Athos, Thessaly, and Epirus,' was a graphic journal of a ride, in 1849, from Constantinople to Corfu across the principal provinces of European Turkey, including a visit to the celebrated monastic communities of Mount Athos, and Meteora, and to many parts of Albania, of which it was truly said by Gibbon, k a country within sight of Italy is less known than the interior of America.' 1 Several articles on these countries in the chief periodicals of the day were contributed by Sir George Bowen ; and, at a later period, after a visit to the Prince of Montenegro, he wrote an article for the 'Edinburgh Eeview ' (April 1859) which first drew general attention in England to the peculiar position of that principality, which has maintained its indepen- dence for more than four centuries against the Turks, ' rising, like Ararat, above the overwhelming flood of Mohammedan conquest.' In 1848 occurred one of the most remarkable incidents of his life. Having suffered severely from Greek fever, 2 he was sent, on medical advice, for 1 This book was favourably noticed in the Edinburgh Review for January, 1855. 2 It is curious that Sir G. Bowen has ascended the three famous classical mountains of jEtna, Olympus, and Parnassus ; and that the man who wentup iEtnawith him, a Polish Count, was afterwards hanged by the Russians for treason ; the man who went up Olympus with him, an English colonel, afterwards died of fever ; and that he himself barely escaped the same fate after going up Parnassus. He attributed his recovery to the friendly care of Sir Edmund (afterwards the first Lord) VOL. I. 18 PREFATORY MEMOIR change of air to Austria; and in October 1848 he witnessed the celebrated insurrection in Vienna and its capture by the Imperial troops under Prince Win- dischgratz, and Baron Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia, who led to the rescue of the House of Hapsburg his wild levies from the Debatable Land between Christendom and Islam. They were looked upon in Vienna much as the Scotch Highlanders who followed Prince Charles Edward in 1745 were regarded in England. Sir G. Bowen's narrative of the events of which he was an eye-witness was contained in a letter to the Principal of Brasenose, who communicated it to the ' Times,' wherein it was published, with the editorial comment ' admirably graphic' Extracts from it were reprinted in the ' Annual Eegister ' for 1848, and a few passages may here be quoted. ' The Jagerzeile, the beautiful street leading to the Prater, had been the scene of the hardest fighting of all, as it had been fortified by the insurgents with a succession of barricades, built up to the first-floor windows in a half-moon shape, with regular embra- Lyons, then British Minister at Athens, with whom he ever afterwards maintained a cordial friendship. A striking incident of the Crimean War was related to him by Lord Lyons when he visited Corfu in 1858 in command of the Mediterranean Fleet. He had always advo- cated a prompt attack instead of a regular siege of Sebastopol after the battle of the Alma. In confirmation of this policy, he recited a conversation with an old friend, a Russian Admiral, who described in graphic language how the chief Russian Commanders had stood watching the advance of the Allies from Balaklava, and expecting an immediate occupation of the town, which was then almost wholly unfortified on the south side ; when suddenly the enemy was seen to halt and to begin his trenches and parallels instead of marching directly to the assault. Then Todleben threw his cap into the air, ex- claiming, ' Nous sommes sauvds / We are to have a regular siege. I will raise defences that will be hard to take.' And how he did it the history of that weary siege forcibly attests. VIENNA IN 1848 19 sures, and planted with cannon. This street was strewn with the dead bodies of men and horses ; but they and the pools of blood all about did not strike us so much as the horrid smell of roast flesh, aris- ing from the half-burnt bodies of insurgents killed in the houses fired by Congreve rockets, which we saw used by the Imperial troops with terrible effect. Half of the houses in this suburb were thus burnt down, while the other half were mostly riddled with shot and shell. On every side we could see weeping wives, sisters, and daughters picking literally piecemeal out of the ruins the mutilated bodies of their relatives. ' On Sunday evening, the 29 th October, the city, dreading a bombardment from the Imperial batteries, agreed to surrender ; but the capitulation was vio- lated, when, early the next morning, the approach of the revolted Hungarians to raise the siege was signalled from the tower of St. Stephen's cathedral. Then came the real crisis. Most of the Imperial troops and guns were removed from the Leopoldstadt to meet the Hungarian enemy in the rear ; while the remainder set to work to barricade the bridge which connects the suburb with the city, so as to prevent a sortie. There was a steady fire from the ramparts ; and I, for the first time, literally tasted blood, which was dashed over my face and clothes when a round shot carried off the head of an artillery- man by my side. . . . Meanwhile the roar of cannon and the rattle of musketry in our rear told us that the Hungarians had joined battle to raise the siege ; while in our front, from the ramparts and the roofs of the houses and churches, the insurgents were firing signal guns and waving flags to cheer them on. It o 2 20 PREFATORY MEMOIR was a dark, lowering autumn day, and all felt that there were trembling in the balance not only the fate of the grand old Austrian Empire, An Siegen und an Ehren reich, 1 the monarchy of Charles V. and of Maria Theresa, and long the bulwark of Christendom against the Turks — but with it the peace and safety of Europe. High above the roar of battle and the shouts of the combatants swung the solemn peal of the great bell of St. Stephen's, never before tolled except at the death of an Emperor, but which now seemed, when rung as a tocsin by the insurgents, to toll the knell of the Empire. . . . ' At length the firing behind us gradually slackened and then died away ; and towards sunset the vic- torious Imperialists marched back from the field of battle, having utterly routed the Hungarians and driven three thousand of them into the Danube, which will roll their bodies down to Pesth — fearful tidings of their defeat. You may fancy what cheers now arose from the Imperialists, and what yells of de- spair from the insurgents, whose offers of a con- ditional surrender were scornfully rejected. 'All that night and the ensuing morning Avere devoted to the rest of the troops, wearied by the incessant fighting of the last week. But in the after- noon a fierce bombardment began from the batteries opposite the Burg Thor ; and as it grew dark, Jellachich forced his way over the ramparts, his soldiers arriv- ing in time to save the priceless treasures of art and science in the Imperial Palace, to which the rebels had set fire in their baffled rage and spite. . . . On 1 ' Rich in victories and honours ' : so Austria is described in Arndt's famous national song, Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland 1 THE WAR IN HUNGARY 21 that dreadful night of October 31st I saw Jellachich, a tall and magnificent-looking man, by the blaze of the burning houses and the flashing of a hundred cannon, lead his wild Croats to the storm, his white plume shining, like Henry IVs at Ivry, as the pole- star of the whole army. He seems to be one of those remarkable men who are raised up from time to time to sway the destinies of nations.' l Hardly less impressive was Sir G. Bowen's journey across Hungary in 1849, at the great crisis in the history of Eastern Europe when that country was re- conquered by the Austrian and Russian armies after a resistance of nearly two years. He witnessed the siege of Comorn (then held by the Magyars under Klapka), and noted the strange variety of tongues spoken by the composite Austrian army ; for the military orders of the day were printed in some twelve languages and dialects of languages — German, Italian, Hungarian, Roumanian, Polish, Bohemian, Croatian, Dalmatian, Servian, &c. From Buda-Pesth he proceeded down the Danube to Constantinople. At Vidin he found Kossuth and the other chief 1 When Sir G. Bowen again visited Vienna, forty years later, in May 1888, he accompanied the English Ambassador to the grand inaugural ceremony of the monument of Maria Theresa, erected in front of the Palace Gate (Burg Thor), near the very spot where, in 1848, he had seen planted the Imperial batteries for the bombardment of the insurgent city. A generation had passed away, and in that vast and glittering assemblage where the Emperor and Empress stood encircled by all that is fair .and noble in Vienna, it seemed that there were few but he who could explain the traces of the cannon-balls still visible on the huge blocks of stone which form the Burg Thor. Here too Sir G. Bowen renewed his old acquaintance with Dr. Smolka, still President, as he had been in 1848, of the Austrian Chamber of Deputies. The cordial greeting of these two survivors of a social and political state of affairs which had well-nigh disappeared, was noticed with interest in the Press of Vienna. 22 PREFATORY MEMOIR Hungarian leaders, who had fled into Turkey after the close of the war in Hungary. The Austrians and Eussians demanded their extradition, to which the Turks might have yielded had it not been for the energetic interposition of Sir Stratford Can- ning (afterwards Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe), then the British Ambassador at the Porte. Hearing that there was an Englishman on board the steamer, several of the refugees at Vidin came off with their wives and daughters, and implored him to take charge of a letter for the Ambassador, for, they pleaded, it was a matter of life or death. He consented, at some personal risk, to take charge of this letter, and de- livered it to the Ambassador, whose guest he became at his summer residence at Therapia on the Bosphorus. The result of Sir Stratford's action is well known. Aided by the French Ambassador, he saved the refugees, with vast and far-reaching consequences to the eastern world. 1 In 1854 Sir George Bowen received his first political appointment. He was recommended to the Queen by the Earl of Aberdeen, then Prime Minister, and the Duke of Newcastle, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, for the post, especially important at that crisis, of Chief Secretary of Government (under the Lord High Commissioner) in the Ionian Islands, which were then under the British protectorate. His appointment shortly preceded the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 ; and during that struggle Corfu became the chief point d'appui and place d'armes of England in the Levant. The normal difficulties of the protectorate of the Ionian Islands 1 See S. Lane-Poole, Life of Stratford Canning, Vol. II., chap. 22. SECRETARY OF GOVERNMENT AT CORFU 23 conferred on the English Sovereign by the European Treaties of 1815,— always ' a tough and unprofitable job ' (as the Duke of Wellington foretold it would prove), — were greatly increased by the excitement caused throughout the Greek nation by the war undertaken by England and France in defence of its hereditary foes, the Turks, and against its co- religionists and hereditary friends, the Eussians. The strong feeling in favour of national union was further promoted in Greece by the similar feeling prevalent in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere. All fair- minded Ionians admitted that their English govern- ment was a just and efficient rule, and had conferred many material and social benefits on their country. But they preferred the chance of being even less well governed by their own countrymen to any rule what- soever by foreigners. The Ionians argued somewhat in this fashion : ' We are thankful to England for undertaking our protection at a period when with- out such protection we should have fallen under the dominion of the Turks. But now that England has herself powerfully assisted, by her cannon at Pylos (Navarino) and by her influence in the councils of Europe, to create an independent Kingdom of Greece, we pray that we may be permitted to throw in our lot with our countrymen.' This was practically the purport of the Address to the Queen unanimously adopted by the Ionian Parliament in 1858, when Mr. Gladstone was sent out as ' Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary,' to inquire and report on this complicated question. Sir George Bowen strongly advocated, in official reports and otherwise, that (if possible, and con- 24 PREFATORY MEMOIR •sistent with the faith of treaties), the proper course for England to pursue would be to give up to the Kingdom of Greece the southern Ionian Islands (Cephalonia, Ithaca, Leucadia, Zante, and Cerigo) which lay along the coasts of that kingdom, and where the population and their sympathies were purely Hellenic ; and to incorporate with the British Empire (like Malta and Gibraltar), Corfu, with, of course, its tiny satellite Paxo, which lay off the coast of the Turkish province of Albania, and where all the upper classes and a considerable part of the general population were Italian rather than Hellenic in lan- guage, feeling, and customs. Moreover, large sums of money had been spent on the fortifications of Corfu, whereas there were practically no strongholds in the southern islands. Again, he urged an argu- ment which, in the light of later events, is a proof of political foresight. He showed that Corfu had always been of supreme importance, both in ancient and modern times, as a commanding naval a.nd mili- tary station, controlling the entrance to the Adriatic Sea. Corfu, the Corcyra of old, in the most brilliant period of Greek history was the greatest naval power in Western Greece, and the natural base of operations between Athens and the Greek colonies in Italy and Sicily. Here assembled the famous expedition of Athens and her allies against Syracuse, which was the turning point of the Peloponnesian War. Here was the rendezvous of the fleets of Augustus before the battle of Actium, and of Don John of Austria before the battle of Lepanto — two of the most decisive battles of the world. So, in Eoman times, Corcyra became the chief connecting link, with its opposite and IMPORTANCE OF CORFU— MARRIAGE 25 neighbouring port of Brundusium (Brindisi) between Italy and Greece, the West and the East. In 1859, and for many years afterwards, Marseilles was the point of departure and arrival for mails and passengers to the East ; the Suez Canal had not been completed ; and railways did not exist in Southern Italy. But Sir G. Bowen foretold that the time would come when the overland route to Egypt and the East would resume its ancient channel by Brindisi, and that then the posses- sion by England of the beautiful and historic island of Corfu would mean the practical control of that route. The importance of such a position to England needs no demonstration. The ultimate result of Mr. Glad- stone's mission, however, was the surrender of Corfu, together with the southern Ionian Islands, to Greece in 1864. Doubtless there were grave diplomatic diffi- culties, arising from the jealousy of the other great Powers, which obstructed the course preferable for the interests of England. 1 While Secretary of Government in the Ionian Islands, Sir George Bowen married the Countess Diamantina Boma, daughter of His Highness Count Candiauo Boma, G.C.M.G., President of the Ionian Senate — a nobleman of an ancient Venetian family, possessed of large estates in the island of Zante. Lady Bowen's name is a ' household word ' in the Colonies which her husband has ruled, and is held in grate- ful remembrance in consequence of her exertions in support of charitable institutions, and of the grace 1 Moreover, much difficulty was created by the premature publica- tion in a London journal of a copy (purloined from the Colonial Office) of a despatch from the Lord High Commissioner (Sir John Young, afterwards Lord Lisgar), in which the above-mentioned views were advocated. 26 PREFATOEY MEMOIR with which she presided over the constant hospitalities of the Government Houses. During his wedding tour in England, Sir George wrote as follows : To a political Friend. London : July, 1856. The most interesting event of my brief stay in London was the interview to which I was invited by the Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston. As I had travelled so much in Greece and in the Greek pro- vinces of Turkey, and as my official position in the Ionian Isles has given me peculiar opportunities of observation, I was enabled to answer fully the acute questions put to me by him concerning Greek and Turkish affairs. He referred also to the famous Pacifico case, concerning which his policy and action were so powerfully attacked in Parliament in 1850, and were regarded unfavourably by many even of his political adherents. In his earlier career, when con- nected with Canning, the constant friend of Greece, he seemed inclined to Philhellenic views ; but he has now been long ill-disposed towards the Greeks, and determined, from policy rather than from personal feeling, and from hostility to Eussia rather than from friendship for Turkey, to support the Turks. I do not think it right to place on record, even in a private letter, the details of our conversation on political subjects ; but there can be no reason why I should not tell you that, after he had finished picking my brains on Greek politics, he turned the conversation LORD PALMERSTON AND MODERN GREEK 27 to questions of Greek scholarship. He remarked, very truly, on the many points of similarity between the ancient and the modern Greeks ; but did not go so far as the French Consul at Athens, who assured Lord Byron in 1810, that ' the Greeks are the same canaille as in the days of Themistocles ! ' He was also far in advance of most English scholars of the present day in agreeing with me that the modern Greek language is practically the same with the ancient language, and not a different language, as Italian differs from Latin. I pointed out, moreover, that it can be proved by many arguments, that the ancient Greeks must have pronounced the vowels and diphthongs in the same way as the moderns ; and that the only real difficulty is respecting the accents, for modern Greeks pronounce according to accent and not according to quantity. But then, as a Greek scholar once re- marked to me, ' the accents were first invented in the decline of the language, and must have been invented to preserve the right pronunciation. Eng- lishmen talk as if they were invented only to puzzle English schoolboys ! ' Lord Palmerston related to me, with much glee, the controversy which had arisen about the proper pronunciation of the name of his mare Ilione, well known on the English turf. He him- self pronounced it in the Greek way, Ilione, whereas large bets had been laid that it should be pronounced Ilione, and an amusing ballad had been written on the subject by, of all people, a Scotch judge (Lord Neave). 28 PREFATORY MEMOIR I observed that we must necessarily pronounce either by quantity or by accent ; so Ilione, on English princi- ples, must be wrong : we must say either Ilione accord- ing to quantity, or Ilione according to accent. In reply to other queries, I explained that the modern Greeks pronounce 77, t, ei, 01, v, vi, all like the Italian i, and that consequently o^ei?, we, and vfj-ets, you, are pronounced identically. ' Ah ! they confound we and you, do they ? ' said Lord Palmerston ; ' I fear that is not the only way in which modern Greeks confound meum and tuum ! ' I think this is as good a mot as even the best of those ascribed to Lord Palmerston ; as, for instance, when he advocated granting permission to marry a deceased wife's sister on the ground that ' a man might thus have two wives and only one mother-in-law ' ; or when he defended putting some pictures in the base- ment story, or cellars, of the National Gallery, on the principle that ars est celare artem. I may here mention that, in discussing the ques- tion of Greek pronunciation with Bishop Wilber- force, he told me that he recently had as a candidate at one of his ordinations, Mr. M., the son of an English merchant settled in Greece. 'I examined him my- self,' said the Bishop, ' in the Greek Testament, when he used what to me was an unknown pronunciation. ' L Oh ! Mr. M.," I cried, " where did you learn Greek?" "At Athens, my lord," faltered out the trembling candidate.' For other information about the modern Greek MR. DISRAELI ON EASTERN QUESTIONS 29 language, I would refer you to my remarks on that subject in the introduction to the 'Handbook for Greece.' It will be seen that the English mode of pro- nouncing Greek was invented by Erasmus early in the sixteenth century, and as a badge of Protestantism ; for our Universities were then divided into parties call- ing themselves Greeks and Trojans — i.e. Catholics and Protestants respectively. Since that time, says honest old Fuller, ' We English speak Greek, and understand each other, which nobody else in the world can.' Differing widely as I do from much of Lord Palmerston's policy, my practical acquaintance with the Levant enables me to agree with Mr. Disraeli, who remarks in ' Tancred,' l that ' whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the policy pursued by the Foreign Minister of England with respect to the settlement of the Turkish Empire in 1840-1, none can be permitted, by those at least competent to decide upon such questions, as to the ability with which that policy was accomplished.' The policy of 1840-1 sounded the key-note of Lord Palmerston's subsequent policy in the Levant. A propos of 'Tancred,' I may mention that Disraeli considered that book to contain the best record of his views on the Eastern questions therein discussed ; for when a political friend of mine, and supporter of his, asked him some question on the subject, he replied, ' You should read what I say in " Tancred " on that point.' 1 Book III. chap. 6. PREFATORY MEMOIR CHAPTER III. PROMOTION TO G.C.M.G. — TO QUEENSLAND — TO NEW ZEALAND — TO VICTORIA — ON LEAVE IN ITALY — KING VICTOR EMMANUEL — PIUS IX. — GARIBALDI — KING HUMBERT— LEO XIII.— THE VATICAN AND IRELAND — ITALIAN POLITICS. In recognition of his services in the Ionian Islands, Sir George Bowen, who had in 1856 been created a K.C.M.G, was appointed on the recommendation of the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir B. Bulwer Lytton, to be the first Governor of the new Colony of Queensland in Australia. We shall show in subsequent chapters how he helped to raise that country from small beginnings to a noble growth. In 1860 the Queen promoted him to the Grand Cross of St. Michael and St. George in token of approval of the manner in which he had organised the new Colony ; and he enjoyed the rare honour of having the usual term of a Governor's office (six years) extended to eight years. At the close of 1867, on the recommendation of the Colonial Minister (the late Duke of Buckingham), he was promoted from Queensland to New Zealand, then the most difficult of our Colonial Governments ; where the Maori War, which had virtually lasted for ten years (1860-1870), was brought to a close under his auspices, and a durable peace was established between the contend- ing races. From 1873 to 1879 he was Governor of A r ictoria, long the most energetic, populous, and pro- ON LEAVE IN ITALY gressive of the Australian Colonies, which passed safely during his administration through a very severe political crisis and parliamentary deadlock, caused by a prolonged dispute between the two Houses of the Legislature. As the Secretary of State, Lord Knutsford, observed in Parliament in 1887, Sir George Bowen was absent on leave for only eighteen months in the aggregate during the first twenty-nine years of his service abroad. He left Corfu for six months in 1856, on his marriage tour, and he took a year's leave from Victoria in 1875, when his presence in England was required on urgent private affairs after a continued absence of sixteen years. On his way home from Mel- bourne, in 1875, he spent ten days with the Governor of Bombay (Sir Philip Wodehouse), visiting Poona, the Caves of Elephanta, &c, and then proceeded to Eng- land by Brindisi and Eome. In the Italian capital he was received cordially by Victor Emmanuel and by the present King and Queen, then Prince and Princess of Piedmont, in consequence of his having entertained at Melbourne the Duke of Genoa (Prince Thomas of Savoy, the nephew of the King, and brother of the Princess Margaret), when in 1873 he visited Australia as an officer of the Italian frigate ' Garibaldi.' 1 1 "When Sir G. Bowen visited Spezzia, in the spring of 1887, the Duke of Genoa was there in command of an Italian ironclad, and showed him much courtesy and hospitality. He also telegraphed to his Duchess (a Bavarian princess) to invite his friend to dinner at Turin when he passed through that city on his return to England. The Palace of the Duke of Genoa and the Opera House occupy opposite sides of the Boyal Palace, untenanted since the King and Queen have resided at Borne, but famous for its armoury, probably the finest in Europe after that at Madrid. After dinner the Duchess invited Sir George to accompany her to the opera in a very striking procession, 32 PREFATORY MEMOIR One of Sir George's interviews with Victor Emmanuel was characteristic of the Re Galantuomo. At 8 a.m. he found the King dressed in a shooting- jacket in his roughly furnished room on the ground floor of the Quirinal. After his usual bluff and hearty greeting, he made him sit down beside him on two common wooden chairs — which, with a plain table and two benches for the Ministers when they attend the Council, formed the only furniture. The conversation that ensued was carried on in Italian, and was very frank and friendly. His Majesty remarked that he had followed the example of the Queen of England with regard to her son (the Duke of Edinburgh) in putting his nephew the Duke of Genoa into the Eoyal Navy, which he hoped would soon revive the old mari- time glory of Italy. He added that he was entirely satisfied with both his army and navy ; that he was aware that some foreigners were of opinion that both those forces were maintained on too large and ex- pensive a scale for the revenue of the new Kingdom ; but that the fact was that they were required not only to secure the recently consolidated State in its proper position as one of the Great Powers of Europe, but also as a school of Italian nationality, in which the various component parts of the nation, the Piedmontese, Lombards, Venetians, Genoese, Tus- cans, Eomans, Modenese, Neapolitans, and Sicilians, should learn to speak and feel like one people. His visitor here remarked that it was delightful for preceded by several soldiers of the Guard bearing flambeaux, along the dark and silent halls of the Eoyal Palace, the light of the torches playing fitfully on the arms and banners — until the Princess with her guest reached the full blaze of the illuminated theatre. KING VICTOR EMMANUEL 33 him, as a sincere friend of Italy, to return to Eome after an absence of twenty years, and find the country which he had formerly known when divided into seven sepa- rate States, now united in one. — ' Yes,' said the King, ' our House of Savoy has had great good fortune.' ' Will your Majesty permit me to say that the House of Savoy has had great merit ? ' ' Ah ! ' said the King, 'we have been bold (siamo stati audaci).' Here Sir George re- marked : ' What says the great Italian poet Virgil, Audaces Fortuna ' ' Juvat,' added the King. He spoke with deep respect of Pope Pius IX., saying 'We are Italians, but we are also Catholics, and we revere the Pope as the head of our religion.' Eeference having been made to the measures then (1875) being taken by Prince Bismarck against the Eoman Catholic clergy in Prussia, the King observed with a smile, ' I fear Bismarck does not know how to treat priests as well as I do. One should treat priests much as one treats women (Bisogna trattare i Preti come si tratta le donne) ; one should treat them with perfect respect, courtesy, and indulgence, but one should not allow them to have too much money or too much political influence.' When Sir George observed that he sup- posed that Bismarck was more hot-tempered (pas- sionate) than Cavour, the King replied, * Cavour also was passionato, but I reined him in' — making a gesture with his hands as if curbing a mettlesome horse. The conversation then turned to the Franco- German war and the fall of Napoleon III. The King lamented the imprudent conduct of M. Benedetti, the French Ambassador at Berlin in 1870 — quel benedetto Benedetti, as he styled him. 'I warned my friend the Emperor,' continued his Majesty, ' that his army was VOL. I. D o4 PREFATORY MEMOIR not in a fit state to cope with the Prussian veterans who conquered at Sadowa ; a large portion of the French troops had been employed in hunting Arabs in Algeria, which really is little better as a prepara- tion for European warfare than your hunting kan- garoos in Australia.' At this point, the Ministers arrived for a Council, and Yictor Emmanuel dis- missed his visitor with a hearty shake of the hand, saying, ' Mio caro amico, I thank you once more for your kindness to my nephew.' This interview with the King was followed by a dinner at the Quirinal. On the next day Sir George Bowen had interviews with the Pope and with Gari- baldi. The hours fixed for these only allowed just time enough to drive from the Vatican to the villa outside the walls which was then inhabited by the great patriot. So on his visit to Eome in 1881, it happened that both King Humbert and Pope Leo XLTI. fixed the same day for receiving him, and he had only just time to drive direct from the Vatican to the Quirinal. Sir George Bowen had always maintained friendly relations alike with the Anglican and with the Eoman Catholic Bishops in the several Colonies over which he had presided. Some of these latter had mentioned his name favourably in their correspondence with the Vatican, and the consequence was his admission to a private interview with Pius IX. in 1875 and with Leo XIII. in 1881. On entering the ante-chamber to the former's private audience-room he was cour- teously received by several Cardinals and other digni- taries. On his remarking on the fine view over the city and the Campagna to the Alban and Sabine pope pius ix. 35 mountains from the windows of the Vatican, ' the most interesting palace in Europe,' a prelate who from the accent with which he spoke Italian seemed to be a foreigner, exclaimed, ' Formerly it was a palace, now it is a prison ' [Prima era palazzo, adesso e pri- gione). But this exclamation was courteously rebuked or excused by the Italian Cardinals and Prelates standing by. They seemed to feel that it was im- proper to introduce papal politics in the presence of a foreigner, whose personal feelings might be froisses, and who was for the moment the guest of the Holy Father. Sir George related that he remembered how, on one of his earlier visits to the Eternal City, in 1846, at the time of the election of Pio Nono, the walls were covered with huge placards bearing the words Graii nomi, Amnistia e Ferrovia (Pleasant words, amnesty and railroad), which form an anagram on the, name of the new Pope, Giovanni Maria Masta'i- Ferretti (as the name of Horatio Nelson makes ' Honor est a Nilo') ; and alluded to His Holiness having granted two most popular boons, refused by his predecessor, a political amnesty and permission to construct rail- ways in the Papal States. One of the Cardinals said, ' I hope your Excellency will repeat that to the Holy Father at your audience, for it will please him.' Accordingly, when admitted, and asked by the Pope the inevitable question, ' Have you been at Eome before ? ' his visitor repeated the reminiscence, at which the Pope smiled, but said merely : ' You have a good memory.' Pius IX. was then fully eighty years of age, but he was still vigorous in mind and body — distupenda salute, as an Italian statesman said. He asked several questions about Australia, and 36 PREFATORY MEMOIR showed more acquaintance with that country than is possessed by most English Bishops. It is believed that the reports of the Eoman Catholic Bishops abroad to the Vatican are very complete. Leo XIII., Cardinals Howard, Jacobini, and many other Eoman dignitaries, displayed similarly accurate knowledge of the British Colonies. It was a sudden and striking change to drive in less than an hour from the historic Vatican, and the Pope and his ecclesiastical entourage, to the modern villa in which Garibaldi — the persistent enemy of the temporal power of the Holy Father — sat in his well- known ' red shirt,' surrounded by many of the rough soldiers who had been with him throughout those wonderful expeditions that had proved so fatal alike to thrones and altars. It need scarcely be said that the visitor neither told the Pope that he was going from him to Garibaldi, nor Garibaldi that he had come to him from the Pope. He was received with the habitually simple yet dignified courtesy of Gari- baldi, who thanked him for his kindness at Melbourne to his son Eicciotti, who had married an English- woman and emigrated to Australia. He mentioned that in 1852 he had himself visited the Australian waters in an Italian merchant-ship, and that he had ever since taken a warm interest in the progress of the British Colonies in Australia. Six years later, Sir George Bowen, while Governor of Mauritius, was again in Eome ; and as we shall not have occasion to revert to the affairs of Italy, some letters written during this visit may here be quoted. They illustrate very clearly the views of the Vatican on the Irish question. THE QUIRINAL AND THE VATICAN 37 To an English Statesman. Home : January 24, 1881. My dear Lord, . . . Writing from Eome, I may perhaps be expected to say something about the affairs of Italy, in which I believe you are much interested. I have always taken a warm interest in the progress of Italy, and my long service at Corfu made me master of Italian, without a thorough knowledge of which language no stranger can really understand the Italians. I have also the advantage of having entertained at Melbourne, while I was Governor of Victoria, the Duke of Genoa, the ' sailor prince ' of Italy, and brother to the reigning Queen. Consequently I have received the most gratify- ing attentions and hospitality at the Quirinal, and from the court generally; while through our ambassador, Sir Augustus Paget (my old friend and former school- fellow), I am personally acquainted with the leading statesmen of all parties. On the other hand, I used fre- quently to ask the Eoman Catholic Bishop of Mauritius to dinner, and from what I hope is more than the pro- verbial ' lively sense of future favours,' he has repre- sented me to the Vatican as a sort of colonial Charle- magne ! So the Pope will give me a private audience next week, and has directed that every facility shall be granted me at the Vatican. I have already had interviews, and most interesting conversations, with Cardinal Nina, the late, and Cardinal Jacobini, the present, Secretary of State (i.e. Prime Minister of the 38 PREFATORY MEMOIR Pope), who spoke to me in a very frank and friendly way on many subjects. In particular, they botli asked earnestly what I thought of the Pope's letter of January 3rd ult. to the Soman Catholic Bishops in Ireland. Of course I told them that I thought it excellent. The Vatican probably has gone quite as far as it could safely go in discouraging the present agitation in Ireland. Cardinal Jacobini remarked that the Penians were regarded at the Vatican as a kind of Communists — a feeling which I encouraged, adding that it was everywhere hoped that the Vatican would continue to support the cause of law and order in Ireland. There was one point in Cardinal Jacobini's remarks which will, I think, specially interest you. Mr. Gladstone is regarded by the overwhelming majority of Italians as the chief foreign founder of Italian nationality, and with almost the same sort of affectionate veneration as that with which the Americans regard Lafayette. But I am free to confess that I was not prepared, after certain papers which he published some years back, to find that Mr. Gladstone's name appears to stand so well also at the Vatican. And yet Cardinal Jacobini spoke to me of the sense entertained there of the conduct of the party now again in power in England in removing all religious inequalities and Soman Catholic disabilities in Ireland, and in allowing full liberty in the British dominions to the Jesuits and other religious corporations recently expelled from France. Tie gave me the impression that the Vatican THE KINGDOM OF ITALY 39 feels that it owes a practical return for this conduct on the part of the English Government. I was very much struck with the statesmanlike views of Cardinal Jacobini. He is said to have more than the ability, without the equivocal per- sonal character and political unscrupulousness, of Cardinal Antonelli. Indeed I have heard him de- scribed here as the ' ablest and best Papal Minister since Consalvi.' He was for many years Nuncio in Germany, and is said to be the only ecclesiastic who ever measured swords with any success with Bis- marck. Moreover, he is a younger man than most papal functionaries, being only forty-nine, which (as you will recollect) Aristotle declared to be the prime of the intellect, as thirty-five is of the body. I have also established friendly relations with Cardinal Howard and other prominent ecclesiastics. Indeed my ' officious ' and personal relations with the Vatican are almost as cordial as with the Quirinal. There can, I think, be no doubt of the successful consolidation of the Italian kingdom and dynasty. Of course, there are some codini, or reactionists, especially among that portion of the Eoman nobility which sprang from the papal families. I met also at Lady Holland's charming parties at Naples some members of the old Neapolitan noblesse, who not unnaturally regret, but more, I fancied, in a social than in a political view, the loss of the local court and corps diplomatique. There is a similar feeling among a small clique also at Florence, Turin, and 40 PREFATORY MEMOIR the other disestablished capitals ; but the best judges, native and foreign, believe that these feelings will pass away with the present generation. On the other hand, Garibaldi's extravagancies have destroyed his influence except with a section of the people. I have heard several even of the advanced Liberals express their regret that he had not been, like Victor Emmanuel, felix opportunitate mortis, when his great work in the unification of Italy had been accomplished. To the Same. Rome, February 21, 1881. My dear Lord, Since I wrote to you on the 24th ultimo, I have had another most interesting interview with Cardinal Jacobini, and I have also been favoured with a private audience by the Pope, who received me in the most gratifying manner. His Holiness began by saying that he had given me a special audience be- cause he wished to tell me that there were on record at the Vatican letters from the Catholic Bishops in the several Colonies that I had governed, and that they all expressed a high sense of the good offices which they had received from me ; and that he (the Pope) desired to convey to me the expression of his entire satisfaction and thanks [plena sod- disfazione e ringraziamenti). I replied (in Italian) that anything I had been able to do in the matter of which his Holiness had been pleased to speak in such LEO XIII. 41 gratifying terms was simply my duty, and in the execution of the instructions, and in carrying out the general policy of the English Government. The Pope rejoined that he had every reason to be satisfied with the instructions issued by the English Government to the authorities in the British Colonies with respect to their conduct towards the Catholic ecclesiastics, Bishops, Vicars Apostolic, and others ; and that he was confident that these instructions would always be faithfully carried out by all the Viceroys and Go- vernors as they had been by me. He added that he had especial reason to be satisfied with what had been done in this way recently ' at Calcutta and Malta.' I now thought that, after these compliments to my- self and my Government, the time had arrived for me to say in my turn something pleasant, so I spoke to the following effect : ' Santissimo Padre, it must be very gratifying to every Englishman to learn that your Holiness has been pleased to express yourself in terms of satisfaction with the acts of the English Government, and of its servants, who, I repeat, have simply discharged their duty by carrying out their instructions. On the other hand, though T have no special authority to speak on behalf of the English Government, I feel confident that every Englishman is deeply sensible of the valuable support afforded by your Holiness to the cause of law and order in addressing to the Catholic Bishops in Ireland the excellent letter of January 3rd ult., which cannot fail to produce results favourable to public tranquillity.' I 42 PREFATORY MEMOIR observed that the Pope ' pricked up his ears ' (if one may use so familiar a phrase with regard to so great and sacred a personage) when I mentioned the word ' Ireland,' and that he listened to my remarks with profound attention, keeping his eyes fixed on mine. After a moment's pause, he replied, in very measured and decisive langiiage and tone, nearly as follows : ' Yes, I addressed the Irish Bishops in support of the cause of order. Let the people of Ireland bring forward their grievances and complaints by way of petition and by legal and constitutional means {per via cli petizione e con mezzi legali e costituzionali), but the Holy See will always support public order and discourage all revolutionary measures (ogni misura rivoluzionaria).' The Pope then spoke of other matters ;— of the Vatican Library, of which, as a learned theologian and accomplished scholar, he is a munificent sup- porter ; and of my family, for he had kindly allowed me to bring my daughters with me to the audience. While speaking to me, he held in his hand, in a most gracious and paternal manner, the hand of my young- est daughter, a girl of twelve. He finally dismissed us with his blessing, laying his hand on the head of each of us ; and he added that he would send the Apostolic Benediction ' to the faithful in your island of Mauri- tius (a fedeli nella vostra Isola cli Maurizio).' I have had long conversations, to the same effect with that sketched above, with Cardinal Jacobini, Cardinal Howard, and other leading functionaries of THE VATICAN AND IRELAND 43 the Vatican. All that I see and hear in Kome -fully confirms the belief that the Vatican would help us as far as it can in our Irish difficulties ; but the Irish priests are nearly all taken from, and dependent upon, the mass of the people ; and, while they can do a good deal to swell the cry against England, they have little power if they try to stem the tide of popular enmity to us. I did not think it right to speak to the Pope on a subject which is ' exercising ' the Vatican consi- derably, and on which His Holiness recently spoke strongly to a friend of mine— an English Soman Catholic. I refer to the re-establishment of at least the former ' officious ' diplomatic relations, as carried on with the Holy See by Lord Odo Eussell, Lord Lyons, and other members of our corps diplomatique. The Pope complained to the friend to whom I allude, that he was often pressed indirectly to do good offices for England with respect to Ireland, the Colonies, and otherwise, and yet that the Holy See was not recog- nised by the English Government even in the modified way of former years. I should much have liked to have spoken to the Pope on this point, to which Cardinals Jacobini and Howard had directed my attention, but I abstained from doing so, partly on account of my official position as an English Governor, and partly because I have reason to know that my friend Sir Augustus Paget is not favourable to the re- sumption of any diplomatic relations with the Vatican. •He can, and does, get things done sometimes, chiefly 44 PREFATORY MEMOIR through Cardinal Howard ; but Cardinal Howard told me, in the strongest language, that he was thus placed in a most invidious position ; that the Irish Bishops and clergy had come to suspect him, as an Englishman, of prejudicing the Vatican against Ire- land ; and that he was subjected to many slights and attacks in consequence. I may mention en passant that I frequently see here on friendly terms not only Cardinal Howard, but also Bishop Clifford (of Clifton), Bishop Vaughan (of Salford), Algernon Stanley (a brother of Lord Stanley of Alderley and a recent convert), and other English Eoman Catholics of good family ; and that they all scarcely conceal their dis- like for some of the Irish clergy. However, this feeling evidently arises, in great part, from the want of sympathy of polished English gentlemen for persons whose manners often betray the peasant class from which they sprang. One of the most prominent of the Irish Prelates is Dr. Croke, now Eoman Catholic Archbishop of Cashel, but who was Bishop of Auckland while I was Governor of New Zealand. He dined with me in 1871 while the Duke of Edinburgh was my guest in that Colony ; when a naval officer said of him : ' By Jove, Sir George, this Irish Bishop has got a brogue on which you might hang your hat ! ' There is undoubtedly a strong feeling at the Vatican in favour of the resumption of some kind of diplomatic relations with England ; and this feeling is shared by the English here who have given attention KING HUMBERT 45 to the subject ; and in particular, by Sir Henry Layard, who is spending the winter at Eome, and with whom I am carefully studying Roman art and antiquities. Of course I am aware of the practical difficulties in the way of either establishing ' official ' or renewing ' officious ' relations. 1 You will smile to hear that the King appointed for his private interview with me the day appointed also for my private interview with the Pope. Cardinal Jacobini had given me an order for admission that morning to the Pope's chapel at the Vatican, where a solemn service, with the Dies Irce, was performed on the anniversary of the death of the late Pope, in the presence of his successor and of the College of Cardinals. I had some difficulty in hurrying from the Vatican in time to present myself at the Quirinal at the hour appointed by his Majesty. I had a most interesting conversation with the King, who spoke much of the progress of Italy, and of his recent triumphal tour in Sicily and in the south. ' Nun ci manca altro die il danaro (Nothing but money is wanting to us),' was his summary of the position of his Kingdom. You are aware that the Government and Parliament are about to abolish inconvertible paper, and to return to what the Americans call ' hard money.' 1 On a visit to a country-house in Ireland in the autumn of 1887, Sir George Bowen met Monsignor Persico, whom Pope Leo XIII. had sent to inquire and report on Irish affairs, and had much con- versation with him ; saying ' I am confident, Monsignor, that your Beport to the Vatican will he such that no Englishman will have to say with Horace, " Persicos odi, puer, apparatus." ' (Carm. I. 38.) 40 rEEFATORY MEMOIR His Majesty proceeded to refer to English affairs, and spoke of Mr. Gladstone. He said that he had carefully studied the course of recent parliamentary proceedings in England, and that he felt certain that Gladstone and his Ministry would triumph over Irish disaffection and obstruction. 1 There is evidently even less sympathy for the Irish agitators at the Quirinal than at the Vatican. I was sorry to see the King look worn and weary. He is known to work much harder than most constitutional sovereigns. He observed that I must have sometimes felt tired of my exile of above twenty years from Europe as a Colonial Governor, but that he supposed that, like himself, I found consolation in the diligent discharge of my duty. He added that the day was often too short for all he had to do in his cabinet, in visiting public institutions, &c, and that his only recreation was an occasional day's shooting or hunting. King Humbert is generally regarded, like his father, as a thoroughly honest man — re galantuomo ; while la Perla d' Italia, as the Italians delight to call Queen Margaret, is beloved for her grace and goodness, like our Princess of Wales. As you are doubtless aware, Eoman society is divided into Bianchi and Neri, i.e. adherents of the King and of the Pope, respectively ; divisions some- what analogous to those of the Guelphs and Ghibe- 1 It will be recollected that this letter was written in 1881, and that Mr. Gladstone did not change his policy concerning Irish affairs till 188G. ITALIAN POLITICS 47 lines in Italy in the Middle Ages, and of the Jacobites and Hanoverians in England during the first half of the eighteenth century. I need scarcely assure you that we are strictly neutral, and go one night to a Court ball among the Bianchi, and the next night to a ball of the Neri, among Princes Bor- ghese, Altieri, and the other great papal families, and the ambassadors accredited to the Pope. It is be- lieved that the Jacobite feeling will die out gradually in Italy, as in England. The younger Eoman princes are gradually succumbing to the smiles of the Queen and the brilliancy of the Quirinal. What a revolu- tion it is! When I was first at Eome in 1845, how little I dreamed that I should live to dine with a King of Italy in the old palace of the Popes ! There can, I think, be no question of the success of constitutional government in Italy. I attend fre- quently the debates in both Houses of the Italian Parliament (in which, by the way, I am always given a place of honour, as an English Governor — a distinc- tion not accorded at home to English Ambassadors and Governors). The proceedings of the Italian Senate are as decorous as those of the English House of Lords. As an Italian Statesman remarked to me yesterday, Non abbiamo una Irlanda net nostro regno.' The speeches of the leading members of both sides are practical and businesslike ; without, I think, much pretension to eloquence. A fortnight ago there was a meeting at Eome of delegates of the Eadical party from all parts of Italy ; avowedly in favour of universal 48 PREFATORY MEMOIR suffrage, but really with republican objects. The Government prohibited the meeting taking place on the Capitol, as the promoters wished, and the whole thing was a ludicrous fiasco, the Eomans treating the entire movement with contemptuous indifference. The Italians are very proud of their showing them- selves so much more capable of steady Parliamentary self-government than the other chief nations of the Latin race — the French and the Spaniards. I have asked several Italian Statesmen to what they ascribe this unquestionable superiority. They ascribe it partly to their historical traditions of the old Eoman consti- tution, and still more to their long training under their municipalities in modern times. I fancy that they are more indebted than they would like to admit to the strong admixture of Teutonic blood in modern Italy, through the Lombards, Normans, and other northern invaders, and through the vast number of northern captives imported by the old Eomans. The modern French are more Gauls, i.e. Celts (like the Irish) than Franks ; and the modern Spaniards more Iberians (i.e. probably Basques) than Visigoths. I was at a ball last night at the German embassy on the Capitol (the house inhabited by Niebuhr and Bunsen when Prussian ministers at Eome), and it was interesting to hear this Teutonic theory strongly ad- vocated in the old Eoman fortress and sanctuary on the top of the Tarpeian Eock. 49 CHAPTEE IV. ON LEAVE IN ENGLAND AND AMEEICA — ENTEETAINED AT A PUBLIC DINNEE IN LONDON WITH THE DUKE OP EDINBURGH IN THE CHAIE VAEIETIES OP LIFE IN ENGLAND, CANADA, AND THE UNITED STATES — LOED DUFFEEIN — PEESIDENT GBANT— AMEEICAN POLITICS — THE MOEMONS — BRIGHAM YOUNG — SAN FEANCISCO — ' THE STAES AND BAES ' — MISS LEE OF VIEGINIA — EETUEN TO MELBOUENE. To return to 1875. Sir George Bowen travelled from Eome direct to London, stopping only for a day or two at Paris, to see the British Ambassador, Lord Lyons, whom he had known twenty years before at Athens, where he began his distinguished career as Attache to his father, then British Minister in Greece, but afterwards the Admiral commanding our fleet during the Crimean War. On his arrival in London, Sir George Bowen was entertained at a public dinner attended by nearly three hundred leading Statesmen and politicians of all parties, and prominent Colonists from all quarters of the Empire, with the Duke of Edinburgh in the chair. We believe that this was the first occasion on which any one of the Queen's sons presided at an entertainment given to an individual. 1 Lockhart, in his Life of Scott, 2 remarks that the range of the society in which Sir Walter mixed 1 In the chapters on Victoria and Mauritius will be found a full report of this banquet, and also of that given to Sir George Bowen at Paris in 1881 by the French planters of Mauritius. See Vol. II. chaps. 23 and 31. 2 Vol. VI. {first Edition) chap. 11. VOL. I. E 50 PREFATORY MEMOIR on his visits to London is strikingly exemplified in the record of one day, when we find him break- fasting at the Eoyal Lodge in Windsor Park, and supping in ' honest Dan Terry's house like a squirrel- cage ' above the Adelphi Theatre. A single day of Sir George Bowen's social life puts even this versa- tility into the shade. It began with a reception by the Queen, and luncheon at Windsor Castle. The same evening he was present at a dinner given in London by the members of Trinity College, Oxford, of which he had been a Scholar. Lord Seaborne, the late Lord Chancellor, who had also been a Scholar of Trinity, was in the chair. Later on the same night, Sir G. Bowen had accepted an invitation from Mr. Henry Irving to attend the representation of ' Faust ' at the Lyceum Theatre, and afterwards to a supper on the stage. He got back from Windsor just in time for the Trinity dinner, and he effected his retreat from the dinner just in time to see the last act of ' Faust,' and to be received on the stage by Mr. Irving in the costume worn as Mephistopheles. On his ex- plaining why he had to leave the dinner before the company dispersed, a prominent politician present said : ' You certainly have had an eventful day. You lunch with the Queen, you dine with the Trinity, and you sup with the Devil ! ' This was in 1886; but similar crowded days occurred during his visit to England in 1875. On one day he was invited to dinner by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Tait) and by the Prime Minister (Disraeli). The ecclesiastical invitation came first and was ac- cepted, so the bidding of the Premier had to be de- clined. Mentioning this to Mr. Eobert Lowe (now VARIETIES OF LIFE IN LONDON AND AMERICA 51 Lord Sherbrooke), who supposed that the Archbishop would of course be thrown over for the Prime Minis- ter, Sir George declared that he should stick to the prior engagement. ' How unwise ! ' said his friend. ' What possible good can an Archbishop be to a Governor ? Oh ! I see how it is. You are tired of being a Colonial Governor and wish to become a Colonial Bishop ! ' In September 1875, Sir George Bowen, attended by his A.D.C. Major Pitt, E.A., left England to return to Victoria by way of America ; his family proceeding shortly after by the less fatiguing Suez route, and rejoining him at Melbourne. At New York he re- mained a week and saw some of the best American society ; thence he proceeded up the Hudson and by railway to Stockbridge in Massachusetts, a beautiful village with an ivy-covered church — like a country village and church in England — where he was the guest of Mr. Dudley Field, the eminent New York lawyer ; thence to Boston, where he had letters of introduction to Longfellow, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Eussell Lowell, and other eminent men ; and where, as an Oxford scholar, he was entertained by the President of Harvard University. A letter written from Washington gives some further account of this tour in Canada and the United States. To the Earl of Carnarvon. Washington, November 22, 1875. My dear Lord, Mr. Herbert may jDrobably have laid before you the letter which I wrote to him last month, while I E 2 02 PREFATORY MEMOIR was staying with Lord Dufferin in Canada. I had then seen New York, Boston (where I found the literary society very brilliant, the talk at Harvard University being better, but the dinners worse, than at Oxford) ; Quebec, which quite deserves its repu- tation for beauty and interest ; Montreal ; and Ottawa, that wintry Washington of Canada. I have since seen Toronto, Niagara, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Eich- mond, and Washington. To-morrow I shall start on my way across the continent, via Chicago, the Salt Lake City, and San Francisco, and reach my post at Melbourne at the expiration of the twelve months' leave granted me after my sixteen years' continuous service as a Colonial Governor. Lord Dufferin and I have compared opinions on many subjects of colonial interest, not, as he said, without mutual advantage. I have seen all the lead- ing public men of Canada and the United States, and I have collected a mass of information and precedents of all kinds, which cannot fail to be of practical use to me hereafter. Public men in Canada are of much the same calibre as in Australia, but Canada is a poor and cold country when compared with Australia. A Canadian politician remarked to me, ' We spend half of our short summer in providing for the subsistence of ourselves and of our cattle during our long winter.' The revenue of the single Colony of Victoria is equal to that of the entire Dominion of Canada. At Toronto I frequently saw my old Oxford friend AMERICAN POLITICS 53 Goldwin Smith. He has married a rich Canadian lady, and they make their very pleasant home a sort of Holland House for America. The news- paper edited by him is the oracle of the American doctrinaires. His idea would seem to be to make Canada independent of England, and to form it into a sort of American Belgium, a small Parliamentary State, near the great American Eepublic or Empire. A man must have visited the United States and con- versed with all classes to understand how right Lord Dufferin was in showing that there is much more real and practical democracy (in the classical sense) under British institutions ; and how well justified Louis Napoleon was in stating in one of his last speeches to the French legislature, that the institutions of France under the Empire and of the American Eepublic were somewhat similar, with the exception that in France there is an hereditary President. Americans are rather fond of boasting that their President and the Emperor of Eussia are now the only two personal rulers among Christian potentates. As Kinglake (in his ' History of the Crimean War ') puts it : ' They alone can ring a bell and tell an aide-de-camp to order an army to march.' All American Presi- dents and State Governors, as incarnations of the popular will, and dictators ne quid detrirnenti capiat respublica, are expected to veto, according to their personal discretion, all acts of the Federal and State legislatures to which they may personally object. Many Americans now rather distrust some of their 54 PREFATORY MEMOIR legislatures owing to the corruption which they believe to be as prevalent as in the English Parliament in the clays of Walpole. I may mention one illustra- tion. I have seen a great deal of General Bristow, the Secretary to the Treasury (that is, the Finance Minister) of the United States. I asked him if he thought the United States Government would return to ' hard money.' He replied : ' Our Congress is not your House of Commons : the Executive here does not care ten cents for its acts, and the President will go on as he has done, steadily vetoing all " soft money " Bills.' An English friend said, ' Only fancy our Chan- cellor of the Exchequer boasting that the Queen would go on steadily vetoing all money bills.' The late Attorney-General (Mr. Evarts) told me that he dared not advise what he thought would be the best course with regard to the proposed trial of Jefferson Davis, for the late President, Andrew Johnson, would have turned him out, and replaced him by a more compliant lawyer. The Cabinet of the President, of course, are not responsible advisers, and constitution- ally hold a status little higher than that of Permanent Under-Secretary in England. I found that the great majority of Canadians are averse to Goldwin Smith's idea of a Canadian Belgium. They are loyal to the Crown, but say that if their connexion with England should be severed, they will prefer incorporation with the United States. They feel that the age of small States is past, and they are determined to be either Britons or Americans. Lord WASHINGTON 55 Dufferin is generally, and most deservedly, popular in Canada, and his speeches have made a great im- pression in the United States. Lord Houghton and I, and the English Minister, Sir Edward Thornton, were invited last week to a very interesting dinner at Mr. Hamilton Fish's (the Secretary of State's). There were present, Presi- dent Grant and his Cabinet, with the principal heads of the public departments ; the Chief Justice of the United States (Mr. Waite) ; Mr. Bancroft (the historian) ; indeed most of the principal official men of this country. There was excellent badinage. Lord Houghton humorously talked so much in favour of polygamy, that the President said, with a grim smile, that he really thought he must make him the next Governor of Utah. At this dinner at Mr. Fish's, I suggested, as I frequently do in conversing with Americans, that Lord Stanhope is right in the opinion stated in his History, that if England had not pursued so insane a policy towards the British Colonies a hundred years ago, the revolution would never have taken place. The President and his Cabinet, like most other Americans, agreed that if Eng- land had adopted in the eighteenth century her present colonial policy, and, as a high functionary present politely remarked, ' sent out such good Governors as Lord Dufferin and Sir George Bowen,' we should possibly still be all members of one United Empire ; only, as the Attorney General added : ' Xow that the great majority of the Anglo-Saxon race is on the west 56 PREFATORY MEMOIR side of the Atlantic, we Americans would claim that the Queen should reside, at least partly, on our side.' All agreed also that if the Queen were to visit the Centennial Exhibition of 1876 at Philadelphia, she would receive such a triumph as the world has never seen. All Americans will be greatly disap- pointed if one of our Princes does not come over on this grand occasion. There is already a picture of George IV. in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, where the famous Declaration was adopted on July 4, 1776 ; and the President of the Exhibition Com- mission told Lord Houghton and me that he is trying to get a statue of George III. to put up in the place of honour in the central hall of the Exhibition. I sat next President Grant at the dinner to which I have referred, and had much interesting conversa- tion with him. He is a modest and unassuming man, and told me many curious anecdotes of his early career, as well as of his great campaigns. Alluding to the luxurious habits of the young men of the present time, he observed : ' My son often does not get up before ten o'clock ; and I told him the other day that when I was at his age I had to rise before daylight to milk a cow and clean a horse.' ' May I ask, sir, what your son answered ? ' ' Oh ! he said that " your father was not so good to you as you are to me." ' ' He might have replied,' I rejoined, ' that your father was not President of the United States.' It was very interesting to hear simple anecdotes of this kind from one of the great soldiers TRESrDENT GRANT , 57 of the century, and who now is also one of the greatest potentates in the world. Turning to American politics, he told me that his own opinion inclined to agree with those who think that the President ought to be elected for six ) T ears, and to be afterwards ineligible. However, most Americans think that General Grant would be probably elected for a third term if it were not for their almost superstitious reverence for the unwritten law of the protest of Washington against any such prolongation, which he declined to accept for him- self. There is a general feeling that Grant saved the Union in the late war ; that he is a man of deeds, not words, and that he will also steadily veto any measure adverse to ' hard money ' and to the secular system of public instruction, which is a favourite article in the political creed of the majority of Americans. I asked the President and other American Statesmen what they thought of the idea of a future alliance or confederation of the Anglo-Saxon race, such as Mr. W. E. Forster has often shadowed forth, and especially in his recent speech at Edinburgh. They all say that they like the idea, though of course they do not pledge themselves to any details ; and looking to the recent utterances of some of our English politicians and journalists, they doubt if England at present really desires anything of the kind. Lord Houghton and I were much interested in our visit to Eichmond and the battlefields near it, the bloodiest in all history. The chief men in the South •"iS PREFATORY MEMOIR still speak of the Union Government much as the Irish Home Eulers speak of the English Government, while the Southern ladies are all as fierce rebels 1 as the Jaco- bite ladies in Scotland a hundred and fifty years ago. All however agree that there is no chance of another attempt being made to break up the Union, at least in the present generation. The Americans now feel themselves a nation and not a bundle of States. The war of Secession has done for their nationality what the war with France has done for German nationality. They are now less sensitive, while we are more re- spectful ; they are like a successful young man who is no longer bumptious when he feels his position in the world to be secure. The statue of the Confederate General, Stonewall Jackson, was lately set up at Richmond with much ceremony, and a great parade of English flags, and of sympathy with England. No doubt, as the ' Times ' said, it was very indiscreet in any body of Englishmen to send it over ; and their indiscretion, some years ago, might have led to grave consequences. But the Americans have now out- grown the sensitiveness of their national youth ; they know that they have waged a war in which they had, from first to last, and on both sides, more than two millions of men under arms ; they feel the great position which they now hold in the eyes of the world; 1 Sir G. Bowen was told at Washington that General Lee once met with a flag cf truce some Northern Generals to arrange for a cartel for the exchange of prisoners ; and that alluding to the term ' rebels ' as applied to the Confederates, he said, ' Gentlemen, I propose a toast which we can all accept : '" The first Rebel, George Washington!" ' THE MODERN AMERICAN 50 they are almost as proud of tlieir victory in law and diplomacy at Geneva in the ' Alabama ' case, as of tlieir warlike triumphs at Bichmond and Charleston ; in short, they are in good humour with themselves, and consequently with us. They really seem to care as little about a rich Englishman sending over a statue of Jackson to Bichmond, as we should care if some rich American were to set up a statue of Cromwell at AVorcester or Xaseby. According to my observation, the typical Yankee is now as nearly extinct as the typical John Bull. The overflowing kindness and courtesy everywhere accorded this year to Lord Houghton and myself, are meant as demonstrations of national good will to our country. In Lord Houghton they had one who com- bined two capacities which they like and admire, that of an English peer, and an English man of letters ; and when I have remonstrated against some of the flattering attentions showered upon myself, I have been told that I am the first Colonial Governor they have had amougst them for a long time, and that they desire to show tlieir respect and sympathy for one who represents alike the Queen and also that British Colonial Empire to which their fathers belonged. Colonel Scott, the ' Bail way King ' of America, insisted on sending me and my aide-de-camp across America from Philadelphia to San Francisco in a most com- fortable ' President's car,' containing drawing-room, dining-room, bedrooms, and excellent kitchen and attendants. In fact, it was an hotel on wheels. GO PREFATORY MEMOIR It was very interesting in the course of this tour in Virginia to see the many traces of the Civil War in the capital of the Confederate States and its immediate neighbourhood. The Mayor drove Lord Houghton and Sir George Bowen over the battlefields near Eichmond, many of which then resembled an Australian goldfield, for they presented a surface of crumbling earthworks, which had been pushed on by the contending armies so close to each other that in many cases the Northern and Southern soldiers fought with their ba3 r onets over the ridges of their trenches. The drivers of the Mayor's carriages and all the hack drivers of Eichmond were liberated slaves — cheery, laughing negroes, who seemed often to look back with sympathy to their old masters and former homes. In a letter which Sir George Bowen after- wards received from Lord Houghton, it was said : ' I shall never forget the party to which we were invited at Eichmond by the Governor of Virginia, a former Confederate general, who had been wounded in battle; how much I was touched by a charming American lady suddenly striking up my own song, Strangers yet; and how, when the Governor apolo- gised to us for retiring early, because he had a ball in his back, you remarked to me that " such an arriere- pensee was a sufficient excuse ; " a mot which I often repeat in England as one of the most amusing I ever heard.' On their return to Washington, the travellers visited together Washington's old home at Mount Vernon, which resembles some of the early settlers' houses in Australia. On crossing the Potomac, a question was raised about the story related in some SALT LAKE CITY Gl of the popular biographies of Washington, viz. that he was so strong that he could throw a dollar across the Potomac, which is there far wider than the Thames at Westminster ; for legends have already grown up about him as if he had been an early Christian saint. Lord Chief Justice Coleridge, on his tour in America some years later, was escorted to Mount Yernon by the Attorney-General of the United States, who when asked if this legend was true, replied : ' Well, my Lord, if you have read that story, I suppose it must have some foundation. At all events, it is not for me to belittle the Father of my country ; but your Lordship will please to recollect that a hundred years ago the dollar went much further than it goes now ! ' From Washington Sir G. Bowen returned to Philadelphia, and thence crossed the continent to San Francisco in the ' President's car ' attached to the express train, fie stopped for one day at Chicago, and for four days at Salt Lake City. To an English Statesman. Salt Lake City : December 3, 1875. This is a glorious place in point of scenery — as fine as anything in Switzerland. Moreover, when I say that the Great Salt Lake, surrounded by its amphitheatre of snowy mountains, varying in height from 8,000 to 12,000 ft., reminds me of Lake Wakatipu in New Zealand, and of the mountains of Otago, I mean that it reminds me of some of the most magnificent scenery in the whole world. But after all, ' the proper study of mankind is man ' ; and I have just G2 PREFATORY MEMOIR returned from an interview with Brigliam Young, who received me cordially, and with an evident desire to make a favourable impression on a British Go- vernor. ' Oh, I do hope,' he said, ' that the time will come when England, whence we receive so many of our brethren and sisters, will do us the justice which America withholds.' And speaking of the next contest for the Presidency, he remarked : ' What we really want for President of the United States is a man like one of your stout old English admirals, who has no theories, and will stand no nonsense.' I had a letter of introduction to the Governor of the Territory of Utah, a sharp lawyer from Boston, and he took me a drive in the afternoon. I asked him what he sup- posed that Brigham Young meant in his remark about British admirals ; when, after stroking his beard for some minutes in deep reflection, he replied : ' Well, Sir, I reckon that Brigham has read the life of your Lord Nelson, and believes that your " stout old British admirals" (as he calls them) would not object to a plurality of wives so much as does our General Grant.' In appearance and manner Brigham Young re- sembles a cross between a Methodist parson and an American sea-captain. He has the white tie, the black clothes, and the unctuous manner of the first, and the clear cold eve, and look of habitual command of the other. All, however, admit that the Mormon prophet is a man of extraordinary personal influence and skill in organising labour and colonisation. His followers worship him much as the old Greek colonists THE MORMONS 63 worshipped their OEkists ; — as the Moses, who in 1846, after the assassination, or, as they call it, the ' mar- tyrdom,' of Joseph Smith, led their Exodus across the American desert, through wild tribes of hostile Indians, over the Rocky Mountains, and through every species of danger and hardship, to their Canaan, or ' Sion,' which then formed part of Mexico, and lay beyond the jurisdiction of the United States. But the railroad, that Iron Horse more powerful than the American cavalry, has followed them up, and now there is a strong force of United States troops en- camped on the hill above the city, whose guns (as the commanding officer said to me) ' could soon make it hot for the Mormons, if they should resist the law.' The position of affairs here is very curious ; as you are aware, a ' Territory ' is analogous in its constitu- tion to a ' Crown Colony.' Although the population of Utah is now 150,000 (of which number 10,000 are ' Gentiles,' i.e. non-Mormons), and although Nevada, California, and other former Territories have been erected into States when their population was much smaller, the Congress steadily refuses to make Utah a State so long as the Mormon organisation continues ; for if the Mormons had full powers of self-government, they would of course have a Mormon Governor, and Mormon Executive Officers, Judges, &c, and would pass laws establishing polygamy, and rendering their country uninhabitable except by Mormons. While Utah remains a Territory, the Governor is appointed by the President from Washington ; and he has an 64 PREFATORY MEMOIR absolute veto on all acts of the local legislature, which is entirely Mormon. All the Judges and chief public officers are also appointed by the President, and use the United States troops as a posse comitatus to execute their decrees ; nay more, the Governor is by law Commander-in-Chief, and he refuses to allow the Mormons to parade or be drilled with their own rifles. Brigham bitterly complained to me, with the tone and air of a pious confessor or martyr, of the bondage in which his people are held, as ' worse than that of the Israelites in the Land of Goshen.' On the other hand the few ' Gentiles ' in Utah say that their lives would not be safe if things were otherwise, and that in the country districts even now, apostate Mormons have ' disappeared ' {"q^avia-d-qcrav, in the phrase of Thucydides l ), under the hands of the ' Avenging Angels,' or ' Danites,' as the secret police of the ruling priesthood is called. They are said to have perpetrated murders and massacres in the disguise of Indians. Many people believe that this strange theocracy will break up on the death of Young ; but that is not the opinion of the Missionary Bishop of the Anglican Church in the United States, who has a small congre- gation in Salt Lake City. He believes that the organi- sation has been so successful as a colonising power, that so many personal interests have grown up under it, and that it is worked by so many other able men besides Brigham Young, that it will not be easily de- 1 Thucydides, III. 83. Cf. IV. 80. BttlGI-LVM YOUXG Go stroyed. It is recruited every year by several thousand emigrants, chiefly from the labouring classes of Wales, Scotland, and Sweden, who find comfortable home- steads provided for them, while their women are (for ■peasant girls) luxuriously lodged in the houses of the rich Mormons. Polygamy in Utah, as in Turkey, is necessarily practised only by comparatively wealthy men. The Bishop told me, among many other curious facts and anecdotes, that Brigham Young often asks clergymen of various communions, who visit Utah, to preach in the ' Tabernacle,' as his large, theatre-like church is called ; warning them, however, that if they should say anything against the ' peculiar ' institution (polygamy), he reserved to himself the right of reply- ing at the end of the sermon. Mr. Newman Hall, the well-known Baptist Minister, was thus invited, and preached on the parable of the ' Eich Man and Laza- rus.' In the course of his sermon, he brought in an attack on polygamy, but wound up with the hope that all present, whether polygamists or monogamists, would meet at last in ' Abraham's bosom.' When he sat down, Brigham rose up, and merely said : ' My Mormon brethren, our reverend friend, Mr. Newman Hall, has forgotten in his eloquent sermon to remind us of one little fact, and that is that Abraham himself was a polygamist.' San Francisco : December 8, 1875. After crossing the Eocky Mountains by railway at a point higher than the convent of Mount St. Bernard, i.e. more than 8,000 ft. above the sea, and vol. l. f 66 PREFATORY MEMOIR being whirled along for two days among snow) peaks, we descended to the soft Italian climate anc perpetual summer of the Pacific coast, and reachec San Francisco, the New York of the West. Cali- fornia closely resembles Australia in climate, pro ducts, and the general appearance of the country while San Francisco has about the same population though it is not so handsomely or solidly built, as Mel bourne. A box at the principal theatre was this even ing placed by the Mayor at my disposal, and, on 1113 entrance, ' God save the Queen ' was twice played bj the orchestra, having been encored by the largi audience, which received it with enthusiasm. Bu this is only a fresh proof of the respect and courtesy which the Americans are prepared to extend to ever English official. Nothing could be more gratifying personally, more satisfactory on public grounds, than the recep tion accord ed in the United States to Sir G. Bowen a a British Governor representing the Queen in on of the most important provinces of the Empire. Tlii good feeling continued till the last moment of hi stay on the soil of the Great Eepublic ; for on em barking on board the mail steamer for Australia, th Directors of the Company gave a lunch in the cabi: in his honour, inviting several of the chief resident of San Francisco to meet him. As he stepped o the deck, the American flag was hoisted, but by som mischance the rope gave way, and the flag fallin enveloped in its folds a young lady standing nea THE ' STARS AND BARS —MISS LEE C7 him. Sir George advanced to, as it were, unveil the lady, saying, ' I am sure it will do no harm to any American to be enveloped in the Stars and Stripes.' A voice came from under the Hag : 'Sir, I perceive you are a Britisher. What have / to do with the Stars and Stripes ? I am for the Stars and Bars ' (the nag of the Confederate States). Her rescuer for u moment thought that in his last moments on Ameri- can waters he might be a witness of what Americans call ' a difficulty,' that is, some sharp-shooting with revolvers. But a captain in the American navy, whose acquaintance he had recently made, stepped forward and said, ' Sir George Bowen, permit me to introduce you to Miss Lee of Virginia, the daughter of the famous Confederate General, Bobert Lee ; and now you will understand why she prefers the old Confederate flag, though the country is now reunited under the National banner.' Such was his first acquaintance with Miss Lee, who afterwards became his guest in Australia, and whom he has since met at Borne, London, Paris, Hong Kong, and elsewhere. The ' City of Saa Francisco ' conveyed Sir George on a prosperous voyage back to his government of Victoria. There was but one stoppage, at Honolulu, before Sydney was reached. Here he found in the British Commissioner and Consul-General, an old Oxford friend, Mr. James Wodehouse. From Sydney he proceeded, after staying there for three days with the Governor, Sir Hercules Bobinson, to Melbourne, where he was welcomed by his Ministers, and by the Mayor of Melbourne, who gave a banquet in his honour on his return, as he bad done on his departure on leave of absence twelve months previously. 68 PREFATORY MEMOIR CHAPTER V. MAUEITIUS HONG KONG — CHINA JAPAN — INDIA — ' DUFFEEIN BUEMANICUS ' — SIE EDWIN ABNOLD — PEIVY COUNCILLOE — HON. D.C.L. OXFOED — HON. LL.D. CAMBEIDGE — EETIEEMENT — MALTA. From 1879 to 1883 Sir George Bo wen was Governor of Mauritius, the beautiful island of ' Paul and Virginia,' where, as in Canada, English is blended with French colonisation ; and where he succeeded in leaving all races, creeds, and classes of the population in amity and contentment. 1 In 1883, after more than thirty years' continuous service, he thought of asking permission to retire, when it was proposed that he should undertake the government of Hong Kong, ' the Malta of the Far East,' where serious difficulties of various kinds required the care of an experienced and conciliatory ruler. We shall show in subsequent chapters how, in two years, he had reconstructed the Colonial Legislature, and established friendly relations with the leading actors of all nations in the historical drama then playing in that quarter of the globe. In the beginning of 1885 he had reluctantly obtained leave, on medical certificate, to visit England ; but the embarrassments consequent on the prolonged Franco-Chinese hostilities and on the then threatened 1 See Vol. II., Tart V. ' DUFFEBIN BUEMANICUS ' 69 war with Eussia convinced the Governor that it was his duty to remain at his post, at whatever risk of health. The Colonial Minister (Lord Derby) signified in an official despatch his ' high appreciation of the public spirit which led him to this decision.' When peace was finally restored, his leave of absence was renewed ; and Lord Stanley of Preston, the Colonial Minister who had succeeded Lord Derby, addressed the Acting Governor in the following terms : ' I have pleasure in availing myself of this opportunity of ex- pressing my sense of the energy and ability with which Sir George Bowen has devoted himself to the adminis- tration of the important government of Hong Kong.' 1 Sir George Bowen returned from Hong Kong by way of Britisli India, and was the guest at Calcutta of his friend from Oxford days, Lord Dufferin. He made the acquaintance, while the guest of the "Viceroy, of many of the Indian Princes, and of the high func- tionaries of Government. Lord Dufferin, having announced at an official dinner that the Imperial Government had approved by telegraph his annexa- tion of Burma, was saluted by his guest in the old Eoman fashion, as Dufferin Burmanicus ; — an antici- pation of the title of Marquis of Dufferin and Ava, afterwards conferred on him by the Queen. Sir George afterwards made a very interesting tour in India, visiting Benares, Agra, Gwalior, Lucknow, Cawnpore, and Delhi, where he was present with the Viceroy at the grand review of January 1886, when 40,000 troops marched past. He afterwards proceeded through Jeypore and Eajpootana to Bom- bay, where he was the guest of the Governor, Lord 1 See Vol. II., Part VI. 70 PREFATORY MEMOIR Peay, as lie had been of the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Provinces, Sir Alfred Lyall, at Allah- abad. He enjoyed, of course, special opportunities of personal observation, and of learning the views of many of the leading men of India, both English and native. He refers in his pamphlet on Imperial Federa- tion (pages IS, 14) to the question as to how India .should be treated in any general scheme of Federa- tion. ' I said above that I did not, in this paper, reckon India with the Colonies. That great depen- dency might be treated as still (so to speak) in statu jmpillari to the Imperial Crown and Legislature. Personally, however, I am inclined to believe that it should be regarded as a Crown Colony on a grand scale; and that former members of the Supreme Council at Calcutta, including a certain proportion of native princes, should hereafter be delegated by that body, or selected by the Crown, to represent India in any new Imperial Council at London. It should be borne in mind that, with regard to the gradual communication of the chief rights of British citizens to the natives of India, there is the example of Eome. Cicero considered the liberality of the Eomans in admitting foreign nations to the rights of Koman citizenship as the main cause of the rapid extension and consolidation of the Eoman Empire. 1 From what I myself saw and learned, I believe that we have a just right to apply 1 ' Illud vero sine ulld, dubitatione maxinie nostrum fun davit ini/ierium, et popiili Bomani nomen auxit, quod princeps ille creator hujus urbis Romulus fcedere Sabirio docuit, etiam liostibus recipi- endis augeri heme civitatem oportere ; etijus autoritate et cxcmplo nunqitam est intcrmissa a, majoribus nostris larc/itio et commuui- catio civitatis.' (Pro Balbo, c. 13.) The liberality of the Romans in this respect was contrasted by Dionysius with the exclusivenoss of the Greeks (Anl. Horn. II. 17.) SIR EDWIN ARNOLD 71 to the British Empire in India those noble verses in which the Roman poet Claudian described the Imperial policy of Rome : Hac est in gremium victos quce sola recepit, Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit, Matris, non domince, ritu ; civesque vocavit Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.' 1 Sir George Bowen returned from Bombay to England by Suez, Cairo, Brindisi, Borne, and Florence. On the voyage to Suez there were in the P. &, 0. steamer a distinguished company of Anglo Indian Generals and Civilians ; and also Sir Edwin Arnold, the accomplished author of the ' Light of Asia.' We subjoin the graceful verses addressed by him to Sir G. Bowen : Lightly we talked, in our British way, On the dancing deck, day after day, Of times and peoples, and fair old sayings From Grecian legend and Latin lay. You, with the laurels of many a year Nobly crowning your silvered hair, Five times Consul, faithfully guarding England's majesty, far and near. King — for the Queen — in Queensland, long, King — for the Queen — Victorians among ; Ruling New Zealand, ruling Mauritius, Governing pig-tails in far Hong-Kong. 1 De Secundo Consulatu 8tilichonis,'V. 150-153. Claudian (ibidem, V. 154-9) speaks of the facilities of intercourse introduced by the Romans into their vast empire, partly by the maintenance of peace, and partly by their roads — a passage which has been reduced to sober truth by railways and steamers in the British Empire : — Hujus pacificis debemws moribus omnes Quod veluti patriis regionibus utitur hospes ; Quod sedem mutare licet ; quod cemere Thulen Lusus, et liorrendos quondam penetrate recessits ; Quod cuncti gens una sumus. 7 2 PREFATORY ' MEMOIR I a poet, and scribe of the press, Stealing a pause from its daily stress, To wander once more in the Land of my boyhood, India, wonderful, — measureless ! Swiftly those sea-leagues glided by, Shortened by friendliest company ; Fallentes iter — we cheated old Ocean Of half his weary monotony. But you — of five royal colonies chief, What room is left for a myrtle leaf, Virnulld non donande lauro! In your wreath of honour ? Yet here receive One shipmate's word of the thanks and praise Which England owes, and England pays For great work wrought for the Commonwealth In watchful midnights and burning days ! Nor deem you will come to the Mother-land Unloved — unwelcomed, though placemen stand Silent and foolish ! The nation knows ! Securus judicat populus ! And History writes you in letters of gold With those who have compassed the art to hold Imperial mother and lordly children In free affection ; their pride t'enfold In bond of amity. You, who see, Teach us that large simplicity Which voices of wisdom, and great dead heroes, And kinship, enjoin, ' One Britain be ! ' So resting, Good Friend ! from toils sublime, Bude donatus, — the latter time Shall burnish the gold of your heaped-up honour, And sunset be brighter than noon's broad prime. Edwin Abnold. P. & 0. Steamer ' Siam.' In the Indian Ocean. March 16, 1886. Not long after his return to England in 1886, Sir G. Bowen was sworn in before the Queen at Windsor as a member of the Privy Council; — an emphatic PRIVY COUNCILLOR 73 recognition of public services which has been granted to very few other Colonial Governors. Annexed is the letter addressed to him on this occasion by the Et. Hon. Edward Stanhope, then Colonial Minister. Colonial Office, November 26, 1886. My dear Sir George Bowen, I saw with regret the premature announcement in the Gazette, because I wished to be one of the very first to write to you and express my deep sense of satisfaction that your long and honoured services should have been recognised by Her Majesty the Queen. Speaking for myself, and for the Govern- ment with which I am connected, I should like to say that our sense of the value of those services, and of the example which you have set to the whole body of men engaged in the work of Colonial Government, is real and abiding ; and by enrolling you in the select list of those Governors who have been summoned to the Privy Council in recognition of their worth, the Queen gives encouragement to your successors to follow in your footsteps. Thanking you for your personal kindness and consideration towards myself, publicly and privately, I hope you may be given long years of health to enjoy the honours you have so justly earned. Believe me, dear Sir George Bowen, Yours very truly, Edward Stanhope. It should be mentioned that, as Knights Grand Cross of St. Michael and St. George are entitled to 74 PREFATORY MEMOIR supporters to their family arms, the Heralds' College assigned to Sir George Bowen two Maori Chiefs, in remembrance of his having engaged their aid to fight for the Crown ; with the motto lmperi Porrecta Majestas. The lines of Horace from which this motto is taken, 1 Per quas Latinum nomen et Italce Crevere vires, famaque et lmperi Porrecta majestas ad ortum Solis ab Hesperio cubili, are still more applicable to the British than to the Roman Empire. We must not omit to record that the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge respectively have conferred on Sir George Bowen their honorary degrees of D.C.L. and LL.D. The Latin speeches with which he was presented in the Sheldonian Theatre and in the Senate House both referred to his literary as well as to his official reputation ; and he was received on both occasions with loud and general applause. Towards the close of 1886, on account partly of ill-health in his family, and j)artly in consequence of a desire manifested in many cpiarters that his experi- ence should be rendered available in Parliament, Sir George Bowen tendered the resignation of his office. Sir George Strahan, the Governor 'of Tasmania, was selected as his successor at Hong Kong ; but on the sudden death of that officer, early in 1887, it was pro- posed to the former, in the most gratifying manner, by Her Majesty's Government, that he should resume his government ; when he at once signified his readi- ness to place himself at their disposal. But the hope ' farm. IV. 15. KETIREMENT— MALTA 7o of a seat in Parliament induced him finally to ask permission to retire, unless his services should be absolutely required by an early prospect of war or other grave difficulties in the Far East. This per- mission was granted by Sir Henry Holland, now Lord Knutsford, who had succeeded Mr. Stanhope at the Colonial Office, and who wrote in the following terms (June 24, 1887): 'I have read with interest the re- capitulation of the important services which it has been your good fortune to be enabled to render in the Governments which you have successively filled ; and I fully concur in the expressions of appreciation and approval with which my immediate predecessors iir this office have referred to those services. Those communications are so recent that I need not now repeat at length the sentiments which they contain.' Sir George Bowen took a prominent part in the public ceremonies which marked the Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886, and the Colonial Con- ference and Jubilee celebrations of 1887. Having such long and varied experience in the administra- tion of both Crown and self-governing Colonies, he has become a special authority on many questions affecting the ' Greater Britain.' Although he had formally retired from the perma- nent service of the Crown, the veteran Governor re- mained ready and eager to be employed in any mission in which his experience might be useful. A few months after his retirement such an occasion arose ; and he was appointed by the Queen, in December 1887, to be the chief of a Eoyal Commission sent to Malta, to inquire and report on the arrangements connected with the new constitution granted to that island. The 76 PREFATORY MEMOm principal parliamentary papers connected with this mission will be found in a subsequent chapter. 1 It will be seen that the two Commissioners, Sir George Bowen and Sir George Baden-Powell, received through the Secretary of State for the Colonies the thanks of the Queen for their ' care and ability ' ; and that all their recommendations were adopted by Her Majesty's Government. Such, in brief, are the main features of the public life of Sir G. Bowen,- — a life devoted to the service of his country. The fuller record of his work, to which the preceding sketch is introductory, has been compiled from the materials furnished by his public reports and addresses, and from a selection of his semi-official correspondence, and of his letters to his numerous friends among politicians and literary men of eminence. It will be easily understood that in so large a mass of documents, it has been found necessary to make many omissions and abridgments. In particular, care has been taken to avoid the reproduction of any part of his despatches which was of a confidential nature, or which could reason- ably give pain or offence to any classes or individuals in the Colonies. The principal end which has been kept steadily in view has been to record in a per- manent form, and to render more widely available for reference, the long and varied experience of his life, as a contribution to the history of the Colonies ; and as a support to those statesmen who, rising above the strife of party politics, are labouring to establish on a firm and solid basis the unity of the British Empire. 1 See Vol. II., Part VII. Part II. THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND 1859-1868 CHAPTER VI. SIR G. BOWEN APPOINTED FIRST GOVERNOR OF QUEENSLAND — ■ LETTER FROM SIR E. BULWER LYTTON — ENTHUSIASTIC RECEP- TION AT BRISBANE — ADDRESSES AND REPLIES — REPORT TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND HIS REPLY. From Corfu to Queensland is a gigantic leap, not in space alone, but in habits of thought and traditions of government. If political life in the Ionian Islands was not all that might have been wished, at least there was a settled system of administration, and principles of government founded upon ancient pre- cedents and not inglorious records. In Queensland there was nothing of the sort ; and if ever a State was entitled to the happiness which is said to belong to the nation that has no history, that State was the district of Moreton Bay, now, in 1859, on the petition of its inhabitants, to be severed from the maternal care of New South Wales, and to begin a sejmrate life of its own in the commonwealth of nations. As Chief Secretary in the Ionian Islands, Sir G. Bowen had won the approval of the Home Government in circum- stances of no little difficulty ; and his appointment to be the first Governor of the new Colony of Queens- land was a proof of their confidence. But no one knew better than himself how abrupt would be the transition from the official guidance of a few small islands to the government of a country half the size of Western Europe ; and from the maintenance of a 81) THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND constitution which had prevailed for over forty years, and was itself a survival of a far older system, to the inauguration of a State where the whole machinery of government and legislation had to be created. Only the leading men resident in the Colonies really know how great and pervasive is the influence of a Governor who understands and performs his duty, how many — even in Colonies which have long enjoyed representative institutions — are the delicate crises to be smoothed away, and how serious the constitutional and imperial interests to be guarded — always, however, with the gloved hand and sheathed sword — by the Queen's representative. All such problems and difficulties naturally present themselves in the crudest shape in the first years of a new State, however well disposed towards its Governor, and desirous to learn those lessons of moderation and compromise which are of the essence of successful self-government. The responsibility of a first Gover- nor is immense, but so is his reward. Few rulers enjoy so fully the high recompense of seeing their work shape itself beneath their touch as the Proconsuls of England's younger Colonies. As in a tropical climate the grain seems to stir and the fruit to ripen almost as soon as sown, and the husbandman has the happiness of speedily garnering the harvest which his own toil has prepared, so a generation in Australia effects more transformation than a century in Europe or a ' cycle in Cathay ' ; and the founder of a Colony may witness more national growth in a dozen years than the oldest Statesman in the old world can hope to survey ; while, great as is the achievement of the present, the possibilities of the future are boundless. LETTER FROM SIR E. BULWER LYTTON 81 The first Lord (then Sir Edward Bulwer) Lytton, as Minister for the Colonies, gave Sir George Bowen sound advice on the duties and bearing of a Colonial Governor in a characteristic letter which is here reprinted. 1 It comprises a code of public principles without which no Governor in a free Colony can hope for success ; and is a proof of the practical statesmanship of the poet-philosopher. The Et. Hon. Sir E. B. Lytton to Sir G. F. Bowen. Great Malvern : April 29, 1859. Dear Sir George Bowen, I have the pleasure to inform you that the Queen approves of your appointment to Moreton Bay, which will henceforth bear the appellation of Queensland. Accept my congratulations and my assurances of the gratification it gives me to have promoted you to a post in which your talents will find ample scope. There is not much to learn beforehand for your guidance in this new Colony. The most anxious and difficult question connected with it will be the ' Squatters.' But in this, which is an irritating con- test between rival interests, you will wisely abstain as much as possible from interference. Avoid taking part with one or the other. Ever be willing to lend aid to conciliatory settlement ; but, in order to secure that aid, you must be strictly impartial. Eemember that the first care of a Governor in a free Colony is to shun the reproach of being a party man. Give all parties and all the Ministries formed the fairest play. Mark and study the idiosyncrasies of the com- 1 See Speeches of Edioard, Lord Lytton, edited by his Sod, Vol. I., page 121. VOL. I. G 82 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND munity ; every community has some peculiar to itself. Then, in your public addresses, appeal to those which are the noblest : the noblest are generally the most universal and the most durable. They are peculiar to no party. Let your thoughts never be distracted from the paramount object of finance. All States thrive in proportion to the administration of revenue. You will as soon as possible exert all energy and persuasion to induce the colonists to see to their self- defence internally. Try to establish a good police ; if you can then get the superior class of colonists to assist in forming a militia or volunteer corps, spare no pains to do so. It is at the commencement of Colonies that this object can be best effected. A Colony that is once accustomed to depend on Im- perial soldiers for aid against riots, &c, never grows Up into vigorous manhood. Witness the West Indian Colonies. Education the Colonists will be sure to provide for. So they will for religion. Do your best always to keep up the pride in the mother-country. Throughout all Australia there is a sympathy with the ideal of a gentleman. This gives a moral aristocracy. Sustain it by showing the store set on integrity, honour, and civilised manners ; not by preferences of birth, which belong to old coun- tries. Whenever any distinguished residents in jovlt Colony come to England, give them letters of intro- duction, and a private one to the Secretary of State, whoever he may be. This last is not sufficiently done in Colonies ; but all Secretaries of State who LETTER FROM SIR E. BULWER LYTTOX 83 are fit for the office should desire it. You may quote my opinion to this effect to my successors. As regards despatches : Your experience in the Ionian Islands will tell you how much is avoided in despatches that may be made public, and done in private letters. This practice is at present carried to inconvenience and abuse. Questions affecting free Colonies may come before Parliament, of which no documents whatever afford the slightest explanation, The communications from a Government should be fourfold : — (1.) Public Despatches. (2.) Confidential: — Intended for publication, if at all required. (3.) Confidential: — Not to be published unless absolutely necessary for defence of measures of the Governor or of the Home Department. (4.) Letters strictly private : — These, if frank to a Minister, or to an Under Secretary, like Mr. Merivale, should be guarded to friends ; and should touch as little as possible upon names and parties in the Colony. A Government may rely on the discretion of a Department, never on that of private corre- spondents. As you will have a free press, you will have some papers that may be abusive. Never be thin- skinned about these ; laugh them off. Be pointedly courteous to all editors and writers — acknowledging socially their craft and its importance. The more you treat people as gentlemen the more ' they will behave as such.' 1 1 The present Lord Lytton, in his Prefatory Memoir to his edition of his father's speeches (page 124), makes the following comment on this 84 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND After all, men are governed as much by the heart as by the head. Evident sympathy in the progress of the Colony ; traits of kindness, generosity, devoted energy, where required for the public weal ; a pure exercise of patronage ; an utter absence of vindic- tiveness or spite ; the fairness that belongs to magna- nimity — these are the qualities that make Governors powerful, while men merely sharp and clever may be weak and detested. But there is one rule that I find pretty universal in Colonies. The Governor who is the least huffy, and who is most careful not to over-govern, is the one who has the most authority. Enforce civility upon all minor officials. Courtesy is a duty which public servants owe to the humblest member of the public. Pardon all these desultory hints ; and, wishing you all health and enjoyment in the far land, Believe me, yours very truly, E. B. Lttton. P.S. — Get all the details of the Land Question from the Colonial Office ; and master them thoroughly. Convert the jealousies now existing between Moreton Bay and Sydney into emulation. Your recollection of the old Greek States will tell you what strides States can take through emulation. You are aware that since I have been the Secre- text : ' This was the instinct of his nature ; and in it is the explanation of all that was both Liberal and Conservative in his political aspirations. Not to pull down the highest, but to exalt the lowest class of the com- munity ; to elevate the soul of the whole nation ; to induce every man, born the free citizen of a great empire, to feel that he is by birth a great gentleman.' ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION IN QUEENSLAND 85 tary for the Colonies I have changed the old Colonial uniform for the same as that worn in the Imperial service. I consider it a great point to assimilate the two services in outward emblems of dignity. The Queen's servant is the Queen's servant, whether at Westminster or at the antipodes. E. B. L. If their first Governor was deeply impressed with the gravity and responsibility of the trust confided to him, the people of Queensland were not less alive to the importance of this epoch in their existence or less sanguine in their anticipations of the golden age which was to open before them. What they thought and hoped will be best understood from some passages in the local press. The work of a Governor, it must be remembered, is not to be traced in his despatches alone : it is largely made up of public ceremonies and interviews, face to face with the Colonial Legis- lature and with all classes of the community ; and to understand his influence one must not only see him at his desk, but follow him to receptions and deputations, hear his speeches and replies to addresses, and read their effect in the public records and journals of the time. The feeling of the people of Queensland on the arrival of their first Governor on December 10, 1859, is faithfully represented in the following extracts from the ' Moreton Bay Courier ' -. — ' The great event of our history stands recorded . A new epoch in the annals of Australia has come to pass ; " our era " has commenced ; and the delays and disappointments of the past are amply com- pensated for by the triumphant successes of the 86 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND present. We have, as a free and independent people, welcomed amongst us the first representative of royalty to whom the task of governing our young State has been allotted ; and never was welcome given with heartier zest. . . . 'Yesterday week, the 5th instant, was the first day upon which the arrival of H.M.S. " Cordelia " was looked for, and upon that account a series of holidays, lasting over four days, was commenced. Steamers went down to the bay, visitors poured in from the country, and flags waving by day, and fire- works by night, gave a glimmering idea of the en- thusiasm held in check until the actual landing. On Friday evening, about sunset, the troopers who had been upon the look-out at Sandgate rode with " hot haste " into the town, and announced that the " Cor- delia " was coming across the bay. Flags were every- where hoisted as the glad intelligence spread like wild-fire through the city, and other demonstrations of joy were also made. ' On Saturday morning the " Breadalbane " started for the bay, having on board Captain Wickham (Government Eesident), Mr. Justice Lutwyche (of the Supreme Court), Colonel Gray, Mr. Pring (the Attorney-General elect), and several ladies and gen- tlemen. After we were moored alongside, Captain Wickham appeared at the gangway of the " Cordelia," and said that Captain Vernon Harcourt would be happy to see any one who wished to come on board. The invitation was no sooner given than accepted by the majority of the " Breadalbane's " passengers, and we had scarcely reached the deck of the " Cor- delia ' when we were informed that his Excellency LANDING AT BRISBANE 87 was desirous of having everyone presented to him. It became evident in the course of this improvised levee that his Excellency had not failed to obtain informa- tion relative to the place previous to his arrival, for many of those who were introduced had already be- come known to him both by name and reputation. In the happy countenance of his Excellency were to be recognised the peaceful termination of all our struggles for independence, and the hope of a prosperous future. ' Various compliments were paid on the passage up the river, which were all noticed and acknowledged by his Excellency ; but it was not until the arrival of the steamer at the Botanical Gardens in Brisbane that the grand expression of feeling was evinced. Upwards of 4,000 persons were congregated on the banks, and the cheers that were given were worthy of any assembly of loyal Britons all the world over. His Excellency was received at the landing place by the Mayor and Corporation of the city of Brisbane ; and as he stepped on shore a salute of twenty-one guns was fired. At the same moment a party of twelve young ladies, uniformly dressed in white, presented to Lady Bowen a bouquet of choice flowers. Passing under the triumphal arch, his Excellency and Lady Bowen entered the viceregal carriage, and a pro- cession was formed to escort them to Government House. Along the whole line of route his Excel- lency was cheered after the genuine English fashion, and the procession that followed was of very credit- able length and appearance. The banners carried by the various bodies of working men were especially noticeable for their appropriateness to the occasion, 88 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND and the flag adopted as the Queensland ensign was frequently to be seen along the line of the cortege. The Union Jack, blended (out of compliment to Lady Bowen) with the Greek flag, waved on every side, and all the windows and balconies were filled with enthusiastic spectators.' ' The administration of the customary oaths of office to the Governor, and the reading of the procla- mation of the new Colony from the balcony of the Government House, concluded the formal proceedings of the day Sir George then came forward and said : — " Gentlemen, — I thank you all for the warm and hearty welcome which you have this day given me. I shall not fail to represent to our gracious and beloved Sovereign the loyal greeting with which you have received Her Majesty's first representative among you. I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again at the pavilion at ten o'clock on Monday morn- ing, and, till then, I bid you all good-bye." An en- thusiastic outburst of cheers followed the delivery of these few words, and the large crowd quietly dis- persed, leaving his Excellency to enjoy the peace and comfort of his new home, and the fine scenery of which Lady Bowen and he had already frequently expressed their admiration.' 1 1 A writer in the Edinburgh Review (October 1863) states that the city of Brisbane ' stands upon a scene of surpassing beauty. The noble river, which winds almost underfoot, and appears and dis- appears, and appears again, as it pursues its tortuous course to the sea, presents ever and anon points of view surpassingly beautiful ; the thick brush on its banks, with the majestic Moreton Bay pine over- topping all the other giants of the forest, indicating the spots of extraordinary fertility, where the hand of man is erecting his future dwelling, and transforming the wilderness into smiling farms and fruitful fields.' It should be observed that very vivid sketches of the ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 89 The Governor's first reception at the Botanical Gardens on Monday, December 12, 1859, was attended by fully four thousand persons ; and a large number of addresses of welcome were then presented to him. The first was from ' the people of Queensland ' : — • ' May it please your Excellency. ' We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have the honour to convey to your Excellency the con- gratulations of the inhabitants of Queensland on your arrival in the Colony, and to welcome your Excellency to your seat of Government. ' Suffering, as we have been, from the evils con- sequent upon a distant Legislature, which, however well disposed, could not, from the nature of the case, either understand or provide for our requirements with sufficient promptitude, we hail the advent of Separation and your Excellency's arrival with feel- ings of heartfelt gratitude to our beloved Queen. 'We desire to convey through you, her Eepre- sentative, our love and devotion to our Sovereign. We see in your Excellency's presence amongst us another instance of Her Majesty's earnest desire to promote the welfaxe and happiness of her subjects ; and keeping this steadily in view, it shall be our con- stant aim to prove ourselves worthy of the privileges ceded to us, and to render the Colony of Queensland not alone jjrosperous and happy in itself, but at the same time worthy of its Queen and mother-country.' scenery of Queensland and of ' Life in the Bush ' will be found in some of the novels of Mrs. Campbell Praed, who was born in the Colony, being a daughter of Mr. Murray Prior, one of the earliest settlers, and afterwards a member of the Parliament and Ministry. 90 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND The Governor made the following reply : — ' Gentlemen, ' I have received with most sincere gratification your cordial welcome and your loyal address. I thank you with my whole heart for your good wishes, and for the assurance of your personal regard for myself and my family. Those good wishes and that personal regard we warmly return. Like myself, Lady Bowen contemplates with unalloyed satis- faction a residence of many years among you, in a country where the charm of the climate and the beauty of the scenery vividly recall the land of her birth. ' It will indeed be a pleasing and honourable duty for me to convey to the Queen, my august Mistress, your loyal expressions of heartfelt gratitude, love, and devotion. I know that our Sovereign will re- ceive most graciously, and with cordial satisfaction, the many proofs which I shall be able to lay before her of your growing welfare and happiness. And here, gentlemen, let me announce a fact which I know you will all hear with delight. Queensland, the name selected for the new Colony, was entirely the happy thought and inspiration of Her Majesty herself. Other designations had been suggested to her, but the Queen spontaneously determined to con- fer her own royal title on this new province of her Empire. It should assuredly, then, be the constant aim of us all to show ourselves not undeserving of this signal mark of the favour and sympathy of our Sovereign, and (to quote your own well-chosen phrase), " to render the Colony of Queensland not ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 91 duly prosperous and happy in itself, but at the same time worthy of its Queen and mother-country." ' In your address (as in other addresses which have been presented on my arrival among you), your kindness has assigned to me many gifts and qualities that I only wish I could more confidently appropriate. But it is only simple justice to attribute to me the most lively sympathy and the most abiding interest in all that concerns the welfare of the great and rising Colony in which the Queen has been graciously pleased to name me Her Majesty's first representative. ' Supported and strengthened by the Legislature and population, as I am confident, from the warmth of your greeting, that I shall be, it would be unpar- donable if I were ever to neglect the duties which I. have undertaken to perform, or ever to spare the best exertions of which I am capable towards promoting your happiness and prosperity. 'I rejoice to witness around me the obvious pro- gress alike of material industry, of mental activity, and of moral and physical well-being. Everything may be expected from such signs as these. They are strong proofs to our Queen and countrymen at home that the foundations of a mighty and flourishing province of the British Empire have already been laid in this part of Australia/ In reply to the address of the Mayor and Corpora- tion of Brisbane, the Governor said : — ' Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, ' I request that you will accept my warmest thanks for the cordial and generous welcome to Bris- bane which your address conveys to me. From my 92 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND reception here I have derived deep personal grati- fication, and the most favourable impressions of the loyalty and good feeling that animate all classes of the community. ' I esteem it no ordinary privilege to be permitted to watch over the progress of this city and Colony, at a period so full of promise as that of the inaugura- tion of local self-government. My object here, as in the other principal settlements of Queensland (all of which I hope to visit within the next twelve months), will be to see and judge for myself — to ascertain the real wants and wishes of the inhabitants of all classes, in order that the views and measures of the Governor may harmonise with the voice of the people. Candid expressions of opinion and full information on all important topics of local interest, in the addresses which may be presented to me, will materially con- duce to this end. You may rest assured that all suggestions emanating from public bodies — such as the Municipality of Brisbane — will at all times com- mand my attention. ' It has invariably been held by the highest authorities, that the system of local government by municipalities has been one of the main elements of our national greatness, and of the stability of the British Constitution. I rejoice, therefore, that the city of Brisbane has set the example of applying for incorporation — an example which I hope will be extensively followed throughout Queensland. I am anxious to draw general attention to the conclusions on this subject, arrived at, after deliberate considera- tion, by the practical and experienced Statesmen who form the Privy Council of Great Britain. In their ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 93 report on the political institutions to be granted to the Australian Colonies, which was presented to the Queen in 1849, I read as follows : — ' " We are of opinion that the existence in Aus- tralia of municipal bodies in a state of efficiency is scarcely less necessary to the public welfare than the existence there of representative legislatures. A large part of the benefit to be derived from such legislatures seems to us to depend on the simultaneous establishment and co-existence of incorporated muni- cipalities. It is the only practical security against the danger of undue centralisation. It is the only security for the vigilant and habitual attention by the local legislature to the interests of the more remote localities. It is by such bodies alone that in those secluded societies public spirit is kept alive, and skill in the conduct of public affairs acquired and exer- cised. It is in such corporations that the colonists are trained to act as legislators in a larger sphere. By them and by them alone can any effectual resist- ance be made to the partial and undue dedications of the public resources to the advantage of districts peculiarly fortunate in the zeal and authority of their representatives in the legislature." ' These, gentlemen, are wise and weighty words. Still, this, like all other political questions, in a free country, must ultimately be decided by the people themselves. Far be it from me to attempt to press on the inhabitants of any portion of this Colony un- welcome duties under the name of municipal privi- leges. It has been rightly observed that " if such duties are not undertaken with alacrity, and per- formed with zeal, and controlled by public vigilance, 94 THE FOUNDING' OF QUEENSLAND and rewarded by public applause, they would be undertaken to no good purpose." ' But, Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, you may very probably consider that I have already said too much, while I myself am painfully conscious that I have said too little on a topic of such vital importance. I will, therefore, conclude by again thanking you, in the name of the Queen, for your loyal greeting to Her Majesty's first representative among you ; and by assuring you that you will at all times find in me a most willing coadjutor in all public works and measures that can conduce to the improvement and prosperity of the port and city of Brisbane.' Other addresses from the Clergy and from several public bodies followed, and were duly acknowledged, Then came a numerous deputation of working men, whose foreman said : — ' May it please your Excellency, 'We, the representatives of the working-men of Brisbane, loyal subjects of the British Crown, would respectfully offer your Excellency our sincerest con- gratulations on your safe arrival on these shores as the first Governor of Queensland. We feel thankful that a gracious Providence has brought your Ex- cellency and your family in safety to this the land of our adoption. ' We desire to record our gratitude to our illus- trious Sovereign, Queen Victoria, who (with her Ministers) hath laid this young and rising community under the deepest and most lasting obligations. When we reflect on the calm and deliberate attention evinced by Her Majesty's Government, during this ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 95 movement in the Northern district, which has eventu- ally ended in separation from New South Wales : when we mark the unwearied assiduity, the strict and impartial justice, the total disregard of all the sinister influences brought to bear on the struggle by the neighbouring Colony, it affords another evidence of that liberal and enlightened policy which has cha- racterised Her Majesty's reign, and under the shade of which the Anglo-Saxon in this southern hemisphere may dwell contented and happy. ' We now welcome your Excellency as the lawful representative of our Sovereign and the first Governor of Queensland. We hail your arrival on our shores with the utmost satisfaction. We look on this day as one of the brightest in the existence of the young Colony, and take it as an earnest of good things to follow. Starting into existence as another of that belt of Colonies, which at no distant day is yet destined to encircle this great island continent, there is much that necessarily remains to be done, in developing the various resources of the Colony, in opening up the interior, in working out the problem of responsible government ; in cultivating literature, science, and the arts ; in short, in everything calculated to raise a virtuous population — A happy band, To stand a wall of fire Around our much-loved land. These are works that require clear heads, strong hands, and above all, honest hearts ; but if we speed onward, earnest and eager, though great the struggle, yet glorious will be the success. ' We now wish that your Excellency's connexion 96 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND with this new colony may be long and prosperous, with tranquillity in your Government and happiness in your personal and family relations.' His Excellency replied : ' Gentlemen, — I have already received so many addresses since my arrival in this Colony that it is difficult for me to vary the expression of my thanks for the loyal spirit in which they are all conceived towards our gracious and beloved Queen, and for the kindly feeling which they all evince towards my family and myself. ' Gentlemen, this work of self-government by a free people is indeed, as you so well express it, " a work requiring clear heads, strong hands, and, above all, honest hearts." It is easy to see that you fully understand and appreciate the privileges, and I am confident that you will conscientiously perform the duties entrusted to you. ' I perceive, gentlemen, that you characterise your address as proceeding from " Working Men." I feel certain, however, that you do not mean by that phrase to imply that you belong to any separate class, whose feelings and interests are adverse to, or even distinct from, the feelings and interests of any other class of the inhabitants of this colony. In a new and free country, like that in which we are living, where there are no paid idlers or sinecurists, every man — Governor, Judges, Magistrates, Clergy, and all — every man, I repeat, is emphatically a " Working Man." Let us, then, all unite cordially in advancing our common interests. Capital is power- less without labour, and labour is unprofitable with- ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 97 out the aid of capital. Without good government and good laws, impartially administered and cheer- fully obeyed, neither capital nor labour is safe. These are old, but they are true and wise, maxims. 'The whole life of every active man in a free country is necessarily a life of labour and com- petition. It is a life of competition with those who are running the same race, of struggle with circum- stances, often of fight against that adverse fortune which may now and then befall us all. But he who enters into the work with that dogged perseverance which is the peculiar characteristic of the Anglo- Saxon race, is sure to bring out successfully those talents with which nature may have endowed him. Whatever may be the amount of his abilities and opportunities, such a man will always be sure to im- prove those abilities and opportunities to the best advantage, and to apply them as successfully as cir- cumstances will permit. ' Eest assured that I shall always remember with gratitude this flattering mark of your esteem and respect ; and that you will at all times find me your zealous fellow workman, in all that may tend to pro- mote the happiness and welfare of the people of Queensland.' Eeplying to the address of the inhabitants of one of the principal towns, Sir George laid special stress on the importance of maintaining amicable relations with the parent Colony of New South Wales : — ■ ' You allude in your address to your recent struggle for separation from New South Wales. In that struggle you are now victorious. In gracious compliance with your own wishes, the Queen has vol. I. n 98 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND conferred upon you to the fullest extent, the privilege of local self-government. Let all, then, forget hence- forward any feeling of ill-will engendered by the recent controversy, now happily terminated in your favour. I wish these words to apply, not only to those who now hear me, but throughout the length and breadth of Queensland. If any inhabitant of this Colony cherishes any lingering jealousy towards the Colony of New South Wales, let him convert that jealousy into emulation. Let us all unite in a gene- rous rivalry with the neighbouring provinces. Let us emulate them, in reverence for our religion, in loyalty to our Queen, in obedience to the laws, in energy, in enterprise — in a word, in all those qualities which have made the British Empire what it is. Such are the arts which have enabled us, the great English nation, to overrun the earth from one end of it to the other. It is thus that we have spread our race and language over the North American Con- tinent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. It is thus that we have annexed to Britain that India which eluded the grasp of Alexander. It is thus, finally, that we are now fast peopling our own Australia, that " Great Southern Land " which lay beyond the ken of the ancient world.' The proceedings of December 12, 1859, are memorable in many ways. To the people of Queens- land the moment was of vital importance ; and the impression produced by their Governor's speeches was very favourable. ' His welcome is no noisy tribute of lip service, but a manifestation that comes ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 99 from the heart.' 1 The whole community accepted Sir George Bowen's advice in the friendly spirit in which it was obviously tendered. They realised that he ' thoroughly appreciated their position ' ; and they were willing to listen to the counsels of a Governor ' whose reputation must hereafter be estimated by the success or failure of his administration in Queens- land ' : that he would lay ' on broad foundations the happiness and prosperity of the colony ' was, they felt, ' guaranteed by the good sense of his language.' 2 Sir George's own impressions of his reception are recorded in the subjoined despatch : To the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State for the Colonies. Government House, Brisbane, Queensland : December 19, 1859. My Lord Duke, I have the honour to report, that on the 10th inst. I landed at Brisbane ; and that, after taking the usual oaths before Mr. Justice Lutwyche, Judge of the Supreme Court, I assumed, in obedience to the Queen's commands, the office of Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of the Colony of Queensland and its dependencies. My reception was very gratifying to me personally, and eminently satisfactory on public grounds, as proving the excellent spirit with which all classes of the inhabitants of the new Colony are animated towards their Queen and mother-country. From a variety of motives, similar to those which 1 Moreton Bay Courier. 2 North Australian, Dee. 20, 1859. h 2 100 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND actuated the people of the Colony of Victoria before its separation from New South Wales, and which it would be superfluous in me to recapitulate, the inhabitants of Moreton Bay districts have, during several years, petitioned the Queen to be formed into a separate Colony. My arrival as the first Governor was a tangible proof that the prayer of their peti- tions had been granted and their long deferred hopes fulfilled ; and the people of Queensland appear to have determined, as one man, to evince their ' heartfelt gratitude, love, and devotion towards their Sovereign,' and ' their affectionate attachment to Her Majesty's person and government,' by uniting in a hearty welcome and loyal greeting to Her Majesty's first representative among them. The address from the people of Queensland (to- gether with several other addresses from various public bodies) was presented, to me shortly after my arrival, in a pavilion erected for that purpose in the Botanical Gardens of this city, and in the presence of (at the lowest estimate) 4,000 of the inhabitants of Brisbane and its vicinity. In my reply I took occa- sion to mention that ' Queensland, the name selected for the new Colony, was entirely the happy thought and inspiration of Her Majesty herself. Other de- signations had been suggested to her, but the Queen spontaneously determined to confer her own roval title on this new Province of her Empire.' The announcement of this simple fact was received by the 4,000 of Her Majesty's subjects who formed my DESPATCH REPORTING ARRIVAL 101 audience, with an emotion rarely witnessed in so large a concourse ; it was received with tears of joy, and shouts of ' God save the Queen ! ' These expressions of love and loyalty to the Queen, and the cordial welcome given to Her Majesty's first representative, are far from being mere phrases or empty compliments. The reception of a new Governor in other Colonies is, generally speaking, simply an affair of ordinary military display on the part of the garrison, and entails neither expense nor trouble on the inhabitants. But there is not a single soldier in Queensland. Here all preparations were made by a ' reception committee,' appointed at a public meeting of the inhabitants ; and the whole cost, including; the hire of several steamers engaged to escort me up the river Brisbane from Moreton Bay to the seat of Government, and the purchase of cannon to fire salutes, was defrayed by public subscription. It is an honourable duty for me to solicit your Grace to lay before the Queen not only the assurance of the devoted loyalty and gratitude of Her Majesty's subjects in this Colony, but also the manifold proofs which my official correspondence will afford of their growing welfare and happiness, and of the rapid pro- gress here, alike of material industry, of mental activity. and of moral and physical well-being. ' Everything,' as I ventured to express my hope in one of my ad- dresses, ' may be expected from such signs as these. They are strong proofs to our Queen and country- men at home that the foundations of a rich and 102 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND flourishing province of the British Empire have been laid in this part of Australia.' I enclose printed copies of the addresses presented to me on my assumption of office, and of my replies. It will be perceived that I have somewhat deviated from the set form of such compositions. A Governor may be of much use here by explaining and adapting the social and political institutions, the feelings and habits, of the mother-country ; in short, by looking at Australia with English and at England with Aus- tralian e} T es. Accordingly, I seized the opportunity presented to me of offering observations and advice on some of the idiosyncrasies which distinguish this like all other communities. Thus, I reminded the people of Queensland in my reply to their address, that an arduous and responsible, but most important and interesting, task awaits them ; for the attainment of self-government is an epoch in the life of a State, resembling the attainment of his majority in the life of an individual. So again I pointed out to the Mayor and Corporation of the city of Brisbane the many direct and indirect advantages of municipal institutions, which have been somewhat neglected in Australia ; confirming my own views by a quotation from the report of the Privy Council on the Austra- lian Colonies, presented to the Queen in 1849. So again, in addressing the ' representatives of the work- ing men,' I deprecated the use of that phrase in any sense which could imply that it belongs exclusively to any separate class, whose feelings and interests REPLY OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE 103 were adverse to, or even distinct from, the feelings and interests of any other class of the inhabitants of this Colony. I reminded my hearers, moreover, that in a new and free country, every man, — Governor, Judges, Clergy, and all, — every man is emphatically a working man. Let us, then, I continued, all unite cordially in promoting our common interests. I con- cluded by assuring my hearers that they will at all times find me their zealous, fellow workman in all that may tend to promote the happiness and welfare of the people of Queensland. Finally, I took advantage of some expressions of irritation made use of in one of the addresses against the neighbouring Colony of New South Wales, to exhort my audience to convert such jealousies into emulation. I trust that your Grace will approve the tone and matter of my replies. They certainly made a most favourable impression in this country, as appears partly from the applause with which they were re- ceived at the time of their delivery ; partly from the comments of the rival organs of the colonial press, which have discovered a common ground of agree- ment in their praise ; and partly from the sensible diminution which I am happy to believe is already observable in the virulence of party spirit, and of local and personal jealousies. In his reply (April 11, 1860) the Duke of New- castle wrote : I have received your despatch of December 10, L04 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND accoir panied by copies of several addresses presented to you on your assuming the Government of Queens- land, and by copies of your answers. I have laid this despatch with its enclosures before the Queen. The expressions of loyalty to our Sovereign and of goodwill to yourself, contained in the addresses presented by the inhabitants of Queensland on their reception of their first Governor, were highly satis- factory to Her Majesty. I cannot do otherwise than approve of the sentiments embodied in your replies. I trust that the new Colony has before it a long career of internal prosperity and of friendly and advantageous relations with the other communities in Australia. 105 CHAPTER VII. ORGANISATION OP THE PUBLIC DEPAETMENTS — LETTEES TO SIB E. BULWEK LYTTON — TO THE DUKE OP NEWCASTLE — TOUR ON THE DAEL1NG DOWNS — EAPID BUT SOLID PEOGEESS OP SETTLEMENT. The first three months after his arrival in Queensland were devoted by Sir George Bowen to the task of organising the various departments of the new Government, studying the condition of the people and the resources of the Colony, and generally mastering the carte du pays. In consequence of the wording of the Order in Council creating the new province, the Parliament could not assemble till May, and the interval was not a day too long for the multitudinous administrative details to be thought out and elaborated. As has been said, every part of the machinery of government was only in posse when the Governor arrived, and waited to be formed and set in motion by his own hand. Besides such constructive labour, he had the no less difficult work to accomplish of learning the needs and resources of the entire community. Several burning questions had to be studied : the land question foremost of all ; then the improvement of agriculture and the introduction of such new crops as cotton and sugar ; with many other matters of serious moment. A close attention to these subjects 106 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND coupled with unremitting administrative toil kept the Governor closely engaged at Brisbane until March, when he was for the first time free to make a tour of visits among the inland districts of the Colony. His reflections upon the various problems lying before him are contained in the following letter to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, and in a despatch to the Secretary of State. To the Rt. Hon. Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, Bart., ]\[.P. Brisbane, Queensland : March C, 18C0. My dear Sir Edward Lytton, When I was your guest at Knebworth shortly before I left England last year, you told me that you would always be glad to hear from me, though you were no longer in office. I have now been nearly three months in Queens- land. My official despatches to the Secretary of State contain a full account of what I have done ; with proofs that my humble efforts to promote their well-being are satisfactory to the people of this Colony. My reward will be complete if I should be so fortunate as to deserve the approval of Her Majesty's Government ; and, let me add (whether this letter finds you in office or out of it), of yourself, whose confidence placed me in my present position. In congratulating me on my promotion to this Government, the Duke of Newcastle (who had for- merly appointed me to the Chief Secretaryship at Corfu) wrote that ' the task of guiding the destinies LETTER TO SIR E. BULWER LYTTON 107 of one of the Australian Colonies was worthy the ambition of any man whom duties at home do not prevent from undertaking it.' My position is, cer- tainly, full of interest and encouragement. I have more of creation and discovery than falls to the lot of most Colonial Governors. Every department in this great and rising Colony may almost be said to be the work of my own hands. A district within Queensland, covering about the area of the British Islands, is already studded with the stations of our ' shepherd kings ' ; and beyond those limits there are regions equal to the aggregate extent of two of the other principal monarchies of Europe. Fresh bands of pastoral settlers, driving their thousands of cattle, sheep, and horses before them, are fast pushing out into the wilderness ; and it is confidently expected that, in the course of the next five years, there will be a chain of stations from Moreton Bay to the Gulf of Carpentaria ; and thence a line of steamers to Singapore, opening up commerce with India and China, and with the Dutch and Spanish colonies in the Eastern Archipelago. The Queen might say of her loyal Queenslanders, as Jupiter said of the Bomans of old : His ego nee metas rerum nee tempora pono ; Imperium sine fine dedi. 1 While zealously developing the resources of the districts already settled, I shall be able to do much 1 Virgil, Mn. I. 278. 108 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND for geography and science in the vast and still unex- plored regions comprised within Queensland. The charm of the climate and the beauty of the scenery in this part of Australia are hardly known in England. At Brisbane, we have the climate of Naples, without malaria or scirocco. "We are also free from the ' hot winds ' blowing from the central desert which occa- sionally afflict Sydney, Melbourne, and Adelaide. This district, too, is, in point of vegetation, a sort of debatable land between the temperate and tropical zones. The productions of both grow with equal luxuriance. In the gardens, potatoes and pineapples, cabbages and bananas, are nourishing side by side. But I need not expatiate on these topics to the author of ' The Caxtons.' I will not trouble you with statistical figures. I will only say that our English population is at present calculated at about 25,000 souls. There are no materials as yet for forming an accurate estimate of the Chinamen, Aborigines, Indian coolies, &c, within the limits of the colony. A regular census will be taken in 1861, so that the periods may coincide with those of the census in the United Kingdom. The Treasurer estimates our revenue at about 180,000/. for the current year ; so that, if I mistake not, Queensland, at her first start, takes the twelfth place among the forty-eight British Colonies. Your name as that of the creator of this Colony enjoys the same sort of respect and popularity in Queensland which was paid to the ot/aoT^'s of a LETTER TO SIR E. BULWEE LYTTON 109 Greek settlement. The future port of Brisbane on Moreton Bay has already been called Lytton ; and I have directed the Surveyor-General to call a rising township Knebworth. This is only following the pre- cedent of the Colonies now forming the United States of America, where so many geographical names were derived from English sovereigns and statesmen. I am going to have a Pahington and a Westwood, in honour of my friend Sir J. Pakington. 1 I find there is already a Gladstone, a Pelham, and a Clinton. When the native names are tolerably euphonious, I shall preserve them. After the general disaffection of the Ionian Islands (a feeling exactly akin to the sentimento nazionale which England fosters in Italy), it cer- tainly is very pleasant to find one's self among so loyal a population as that of Australia. Whatever inconveniences may attend what is called 'respon- sible,' but should rather be called ' parliamentary ' government in our Colonies, it is certain that it has had the effect of greatly tightening the bonds of pride and affection which unite the Australians to their mother-country. Since the full establishment of local self-government, the colonists no longer ' feel the collar,' to quote the phrase of a popular leader here, who was formerly supposed to be disaffected, but is now enthusiastic in his loyalty. If you grant representative institutions without responsible govern- ment, you 'light the fire and stop the chimney,' as 1 Afterwards Lord Hampton, G.C.B. 110 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND Charles Buller said. Witness the Ionian Islands. I question if there is any practical or logical locus standi between the form of government in Ceylon and Mauritius, and the form of government in Vic- toria and New South Wales. My Parliament is to meet in May, on the 90th anniversary of the discovery of Moreton Bay by Cap- tain Cook. That I may know something of the carte du pays before I convene the legislature, I am about to start on two tours, one of three hundred miles on horseback, and another of about one thou- sand miles by sea, touching at the settlements on the coast. I shall ride about thirty miles every day, and shall be comfortably lodged at night in the houses of the principal ' squatters,' or pastoral settlers, whose stations average that distance from each other. These gentlemen live in a patriarchal style among their immense flocks and herds, amusing themselves with hunting, shooting, fishing, and the exercise of a plenti- ful hospitality. I have often thought (especially in reading Thackeray's novel, ' The Virginians ') that the Queensland gentlemen-squatters bear a similar relation to the other Australians that the Virginian planters of a hundred years back bore to the other Americans. But there is a perfectly distinct class of people in the towns. Brisbane, my present capital, must re- semble what Boston and the other Puritan towns of New England were at the close of the last century. In a population of 7,000,* we have fourteen Churches, 1 Now, in 1889, the population of Brisbane is above 70,000. LETTER TO SLR E. BULWER LYTTON 111 thirteen public-houses, twelve policemen. The lead- ing inhabitants of Brisbane are a hard-headed set of English and Scotch merchants and mechanics ; very orderly, industrious, and prosperous ; proud of the mother-country ; loyal to the person of the Queen ; and convinced that the true federation for these Colonies is the maintenance of the integrity of the Empire, and that the true rallying point for Australians is the Throne. I hope that you will approve the tone and sub- stance of my replies to the addresses presented to me. You will perceive that I have attempted to look on England with Australian and on Australia with Eng- lish eyes ; and to tender some advice on the idiosyn- crasies which distinguish this like all other societies. In fact I have guided myself in this, as in all else, by the precepts of the letter (wonderful for a States- man who has never lived in a Colony) which you wrote to me on the 29th April last. 1 One phrase which I borrowed from you has become a household word in Queensland : ' Let us convert our jealousies into emulation.' There is another sentence of yours in a published despatch to another Governor, which is often on Australian lips : ' Wherever England ex- tends her sceptre, there, as against the foreign enemy, she pledges the defence of her sword.' We are to have only one or two officers of the army in Queensland to organise the volunteer force which I have called into existence in compliance with your 1 See above, page 81. 112 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND recommendation. We have splendid materials for yeomanry cavalry. The great question to be settled when the Parlia- ment meets is the land question. It threatens in all these Colonies to become an irritating contest between rival interests — between the towns and the country — like the corn laws in England, and the agrarian laws in ancient Borne. How exactly the squatter question resembles the strife between the patricians and ple- beians about the ager publicus ! We want an Aus- tralian Licinius Stolo. I think I remarked to you once before that it is also curious that ' runs ' (the colonial term for wide ranges of pasture) should seem a literal translation of the hpojxoi efyje'es of Homer, 1 where Greek shepherd kings fed their cattle in a climate similar to that of Australia. How refreshing amid my daily cares are these classical parallels ! If I had not already exhausted your patience, there are many topics on which I might possibly in- terest you, and on which I have thought long and deeply myself. Such are — the division of the public debt between New South Wales and Queensland ; the advantages and disadvantages of elective and nominated Upper Houses in these Colonies ; the state of education ; the best methods of promoting immi- gration, geographical discovery, and intercourse with India and China ; and of ameliorating the condition of the aborigines. 1 Oil. IV. cos. DESPATCH TO THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 113 To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : January 6, 1800. My Lord Duke, Although I have been incessantly occupied since my assumption of office on the 10th ult. in creating and organising the several departments of govern- ment in this new Colony, I have not omitted to turn my attention to the vast, but as yet very partially developed, natural resources and productive capa- bilities of Queensland. In my despatch of November 28th ult., I alluded briefly to the valuable supplies of timber, and of minerals of various kinds, which await here the further introduction of labour and capital ; and in a despatch of even date herewith, I have furnished some information as to the prospects of the cultivation of sugar within this Colony. I shall return to each of these subjects separately in future reports. For the present there is no need that I should enlarge on the capabilities of this soil and climate for grazing purposes. It is a well-known fact that the wools exported from the Moreton Bay districts rank highest, and command the best prices in the European markets. A rich pasture land, extending in length from north to south about 120 miles, with an average width of 50 miles, was discovered so far back as in 1827 by that distinguished botanist and traveller, the late Mr. Allan Cunningham, and was named by him the ' Darling Downs,' in honour of General Darling, at that time Governor of New VOL. i. I 114 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND South Wales. The description which its discoverer wrote of this district is also, to some extent, applicable to other pastoral regions which have since been explored and occupied within the limits of the new Colony : — ' These extensive tracts of clear pastoral country commence about the parallel of twenty-eight degrees south latitude. Deep ponds, supported by streams from the highlands immediately to the eastward, extend along their central lower flats. The lower grounds thus permanently watered present flats which furnish an almost inexhaustible range of cattle pasture at all seasons of the year ; the grass and herbage generally exhibiting in the depth of winter an extreme luxuriance of growth. From these central grounds rise downs of a rich black and dry soil, and very ample sur- face, and as they furnish abundance of grass, and are conveniently watered yet perfectly beyond the reach of those floods which take place on the flats in a sea- son of rain, they constitute a valuable and sound sheep pasture with a most beautifully diversified land- scape, made up of hill and dale, woodland and plain.' Although the ' Darling Downs ' had been dis- covered in 1827 by Mr. Cunningham, it was not until 1839 that the first sheepowners 1 drove their flocks before them into that region, over the 'dividing range ' of hills which forms the watershed of Eastern 1 One of these pioneers was Mr. Hodgson, now Sir Arthur Hodgson, K.C.M.G., well-known by his exertions at the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, who still holds the ' run ' which he first occupied in 1839. DESPATCH TO THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 115 Australia, and separates the districts of the coast from those of the interior. The success of the early pioneers encouraged a host of followers. The history of this settlement relates how flock after flock and herd after herd came pouring in until the Downs were fully occupied, and the more adventurous and enterprising settlers found themselves constrained to push further out into the unexplored wilderness. Nearly two years ago it was computed that within the limits of the districts now comprised within the Colony of Queensland there were not less than 3,500,000 sheep, 450,000 horned cattle, and 20,000 horses ; and the annual export of wool, tallow, hides and skins, was valued at above half a million of pounds sterling. It is probable that the census of the next year will show a notable increase ; for already flocks feed within the tropics far to the northward of Port Curtis and Keppel Bay ; and a region (all within the new Colony of Queensland), stretching nearly 600 miles from north to south, and about 300 miles from east to west, and enjoying a serene and salubrious climate, is studded with the stations of the pastoral settlers. Nor is, perhaps, the general expectation too sanguine which predicts the establishment within the next few years of a chain of settlements from Moreton Bay to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the consequent opening of a rapid and easy communication with India and China by the way of Java and Singapore. 1 1 These anticipations have been far more than realised (1889) ; and the trade and general wealth of Queensland have increased even more rapidly than the population. 1 16 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND The subject of cotton engrosses at the present moment a large share of the attention of the press, and of the public generally in this Colony. It is felt that nothing more fortunate for the steady prosperity of Queensland could occur than that, while pastoral settlers spread over the highlands and downs of the interior, some enterprising capi- talist, or association of capitalists, should introduce on an extensive scale the cultivation of cotton on the eastern seaboard and along the banks of the rivers. The peculiar adaptation of the climate and soil of this part of Australia for the growth of the most A r aluable description of this plant, the Sea-Island cotton, has long been a fact far removed from all doubt by frequent and successful experiments ; and the demand in England, now chiefly supplied by the produce of American slave-labour, is practically insatiable. The whole of the low lands and alluvial plains near the mouths of the rivers of Queensland, as well as a seaboard of at least 600 miles along the shore of the Pacific, could be rendered almost im- mediately available for the production of this lucra- tive, because necessary, article of commerce. There is a succession of harbours at intervals along the coast, so that the cost of carriage to the port of shipment would be comparatively trifling. I will only allude to the advantage of rendering the English manufactures less dependent on foreigners for their supply of cotton and to the discouragement of slavery which would CULTIVATION OF COTTON 117 accrue from the successful cultivation of that plant by free labour. It appears to me, that the cultivation of cotton might be carried on with success in Queensland on two different plans. In the first place, in the tropical districts of the Colony, where the climate is unfavour- able to European fieldwork, on large plantations, and with Asiatic labour ; and, in the second place, in the temperate districts, on small farms occupied by English emigrants and their families. With regard to the former plan. I presume, that the Government of British India would sanction the emigration of coolies to Queensland (should the Legislature of this Colony make proposals for that pur- pose), on conditions similar to those carried out with so much success at Mauritius. Why should not English capital and free Indian labour do for cotton in Northern Australia what English capital and free Indian labour have done for sugar, with so great ad- vantages both to the employers and the employed, in the similar climate of Mauritius ? On this part of the subject, I beg to refer your Grace to ' A Letter to the Colonists of Queensland,' recently published in London by Mr. Marsh, M.P. for Salisbury, and a large pro- prietor in this Colony. That gentleman argues that the introduction of Asiatic labour would be to North Queensland what machinery has been to England, ' elevating the [European] labourer to the rank of a mechanic, and the mechanic to that of an employer, 118 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND and contributing in a large degree to the well-being of every class of society.' With regard to the second of the two plans pro- posed above, there appears no sufficient reason why, in the vicinity of Brisbane and Maryborough, and, generally, throughout the temperate districts of this Colony, cotton-growing should not be brought under the conditions of European labour, and made to form a part of the industry on small farms. This is done in Texas by German farmers, in a climate not less sultry, and infinitely less healthy, than that of Queensland. The whole subject, therefore, is as de- serving of the attention of small farmers as of large capitalists; for it seems capable of proof, that cotton growing can not only be prosecuted with success on extensive plantations, and with Asiatic labour, but can also be made a profitable part of a yeomanry agriculture. In fact, the cultivation of cotton is one of the least expensive of all agricultural operations, especially in Australia, where, owing to the absence of severe winter frosts, the plant is perennial, and not as in North America, an annual. The women and children of English emigrant families could be em- ployed in the light labour of picking the pods in harvest time. As soon as the administrative machinery was fully organised, and the several departments were at work, the Governor set out upon a tour into the interior. So far, he had seen only the seaboard ; he now TOUR ON THE DARLING DOWNS 119 ascended to the magnificent stretches of undulating table-lands and prairies, the southern portion of which is famous in the annals of sheep-farming as the ' Darling Downs.' These noble plains, extend- ing within the tropics, but elevated some 2,000 feet above the sea- level, spread from the southern limits of Queensland, for a distance of over 1,000 miles, to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and their breadth from east to west is from 400 to 500 miles, giving a total area of at least 400,000 square miles. ' The Avhole of this area, with the exception of two partial interruptions, may be described as a succession of wide open clowns, enclosed each within small sub- sidiary basaltic ranges traversing the great plateau. These downs are each of immense extent, and con- tain deep and most excellent agricultural soil, at pre- sent clothed with the richest grasses, growing in won- derful luxuriance. They are in a great measure destitute of trees, but the bases of their enclosing ranges are furnished with a very handsome and stately description of pine, behind which, and re- tiring into their recesses, are found very valuable cedars. These recesses are plentifully supplied with numerous springs and rills, which trickling down the slopes of the ranges, and traversing the enclosed plains, unite and form the abundant network of rivers by which this immense plateau is watered. Travellers through these vast plains all concur in their admiration of the luxuriance of the soil, the coolness and salubrity of the climate, and the love- liness of the entire landscape.' * That Sir George Bowen was keenly appreciative 1 Edinburgh Betjiew, No. 243, Oct. 1863, art. ' Queensland.'. 120 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND of the beauty of the Darling Downs is shown in the subjoined letter, in which he describes his first intro- duction to the homes of the pastoral Tenants of the Crown, commonly known by the American nickname of ' squatters.' To Herman Merivale, Esq., C.B., Permanent Under- Secretary of State for the Colonies. Government House, Brisbane : April 10, 1860. My dear Merivale, I have just returned from a very interesting and gratifying tour in the interior, during which I spent nearly a week in the ' County Merivale.' You should feel proud of being the eTrcovv/jLO? of one of the most picturesque and probably (putting gold out of the question) richest districts of all Australia. I ascended from the tierra caliente of the coast to the table-land of the Darling Downs, of which your county comprises the southern portion, through Cun- ningham's Gap, a cleft between mountains of por- phyry and basalt ; which, though not equal, as some enthusiastic Queenslanders imagine, to ' anything in the Alps,' is certainly finer than anything that I ever saw in the British Isles. There is, however, a cascade falling three hundred feet into a chasm resembling the crater of a volcano, which would make the for- tune of any valley in Switzerland. Some of the squires, or ' squatters,' of Merivale had descended into the lowlands to meet and escort me to their houses ; so we formed a very picturesque caval- DESCRIPTION OF THE DA TILING DOWNS 121 cade as we wound up through the luxuriant forests of the Gap. On the summit I was greeted with loud cheers, which made the rocks re-echo as they prob- ably had never sounded since the dawn of creation ; and there I found another batch of hospitable squatters, with a cold collation and plenty of cham- pagne and hock, spread on the grass at the top of the pass, nearly 3,000 feet above the sea. The view from this point is most interesting and magnificent ; on one side the undulating hills and waving forests of the semi-tropical littorale, with the Pacific beyond ; on the other the broad downs, intersected by wooded ridges, of the table-land. The Larissce campus opimce of Horace ' rose to my lips, for I assure you that the Darling Downs closely resemble the general aspect of Thessaly ; and the river Gondamine is a good substitute for the Peneus. There are indeed no Pelion and Ossa ' flourishing side by side,' but the hills which encircle the basin-like plains vividly recall the lower ranges of Pindus and Olympus. Show what I say to Portescue, 2 who has seen Thessaly ; he will recollect the splendid variety of birds and butterflies there. This is another point of similarity. The woods on the Darling Downs are full of birds of brilliant plumage and strange voices ; while stately bustards and emus stalk over the plains, and wildfowl of all kinds frequent the streams. The residences of the squatters, however, afford a striking 1 Carm. I. 7. 3 The Parliamentary Under-Secretary for the Colonies, afterwards Lord Carlingford. 122 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND contrast to the lodgings to be procured in Greece. I found carpets and curtains, plate and pianos, cham- pagne and crinoline, in places where fifteen years before the face of a white man had never been seen. If their country is like Thessaly, the squatters of Merivale are complete Centaurs. The cavalcade of well-mounted horsemen that everywhere came out to meet the first Eepresentative of their Queen eclipsed anything of the kind that could be exhibited in ancient Greece, or indeed, in any part of the world, except in England or in Australia. I was escorted into your county town of Warwick by 400 horsemen. I rode one day, to the delight of the Centaurs — I mean of the Squatters, — and without the slightest fatigue, seventy miles in eight hours— of course, with a change of horses. You should never send a Governor here who cannot ride and shoot. His performances across country are one of the secrets of Sir W. Denison's success as Governor of Tasmania and of New South Wales successively. In such a colony as Queensland was in 1860, be- fore railways had penetrated into the interior, an active Governor, who was also a good horseman, was indispensable. Such official tours as those made by Sir George Bowen are among the greatest pleasures and also the most important duties of a Governor. It is only by such visits that he can see with his own eyes the needs of his people, and that the people can be brought into direct relations with the representative of their Sovereign. This tour in the south-eastern ADDRESSES AND REPLIES 123 districts was eminently successful. On all sides the Governor was welcomed with enthusiasm ; and even while confronting some of the keenest jealousies and prejudices of the time and place, his replies to the addresses presented to him at Warwick and the rival towns of Drayton and Toowoomba evoked none but golden opinions. To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : April 7, 18G0. My Lord Duke, I have the honour to enclose copies of the ad- dresses presented to me at the three towns of Warwick, Drayton, and Toowoomba, which I visited during an oiScial tour of inspection from which I have lately returned. It will be satisfactory to the Queen, and to Her Majesty's Government, to receive these further proofs of the affectionate loyalty of the people of this Colony to Her Majesty's throne and person ; and (I may, perhaps, be permitted to add) of their con- fidence in the arrangement made, under Her Majesty's favour, for their government. My recent journey extended through those dis- tricts of Queensland which have been longest settled and are most thickly inhabited. I was everywhere received with cordial hospitality by the principal settlers, and with loyal enthusiasm by all classes of the community. As it was during your Grace's first administration of the Colonial Department that the wishes of the Australian colonists were crowned by the concession 124 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND of responsible government, I will take leave to draw your attention to a paragraph, in one of the enclo- sures, which expresses a sentiment generally enter- tained by this people. After stating that ' the journey of his Excellency has been one continued ovation from beginning to end ' ; that ' all classes have vied in doing honour to the representative of the Queen ' ; and that ' all little sectarian differences, petty jealou- sies, and presumed rival interests have been merged in the laudable wish to give our first Governor a hearty welcome,' the ' Darling Downs Gazette ' pro- ceeds as follows : ' Not the least pleasing reflection that suggests itself, when reviewing these demonstra- tions of general joy, is the confirmation of the fact, now so long and in so many lands established, that those descended from the old stock at home, to whom self-government has been a timely concession, not a charter wrung from the mother-country by the force of arms, still recognise and revere the grand old institutions which have made England the greatest power on earth.' There cannot in my opinion be a greater mistake than the view which some public writers in England appear to hold, viz. that the Governor of a Colony, under the system of responsible government, should be merely a rot faineant. So far as my observation extends, nothing can be more opposed than this theory to the wishes of the Anglo-Australians them- selves. The Governor of each of the Colonies in this group is expected not only to act as the head of THE DARLING DOWNS 125 society ; to encourage literature, science, and art ; to keep alive by personal visits to every district under his jurisdiction the feelings of loyalty to the Queen, and of attachment to the mother-country, and so to cherish what may be termed the Imperial sentiment ; but he is also expected, as head of the administra- tion, to maintain, with the assistance of his Executive Council, a vigilant control and supervision over every department of the public service. In short, he is in a position in which he can exercise an influence over the whole course of affairs exactly proportionate to the strength of his character, the activity of his mind and body, the capacity of his understanding, and the extent of his knowledge. In accordance with this view of the duties of my office, I took occasion, in my reply to the address of the town of Warwick, to explain the principal objects of my official tours. ' The chief motive,' I said, ' by which I am actuated, is an earnest desire to perform honestly and efficiently that portion of the work which the constitution has allotted to me in the ad- vancement of this great Colony. All contribute to the revenue ; all should benefit by its application. As it rests with the Governor to propose, with the advice of his Executive Council, the estimates which will be submitted for the decision of the Parliament of Queensland, it will be my constant endeavour to ascertain, by personal observation, the wants and wishes of the people of every district ; and so to frame those estimates as to bring home to all an 126 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND equitable share of the advantages which the rapid development of your almost inexhaustible resources, due to your own skill and industry, will each year enable the Government to extend.' The warm coast land of this Colony is admirably adapted for the growth of cotton, of sugar, and of all semi-tropical fruits and productions. Queensland, like Mexico, has a tierra caliente, or hot region, near the sea, from which there is an ascent through fine mountain passes to the cool tableland of the interior, which is eminently fitted as well for pastoral settle- ment as for European agriculture. I have described in a former despatch that rich pastoral district of the table-land which is known as the ' Darling- Downs.' Many large fortunes have been amassed there during the last fifteen years. 1 Some idea of the 1 An extract from a letter of Sir G. Bowen to a friend in Englanrl illustrates this statement : ' Some of our larger squatters are owners of from 50,000 to 300,000 sheep ; and there are men in Australia who have above half-a-million. A successful Queenslander, who became a member of the House of Commons, where he supported Lord Palmerston, was invited to one of the political receptions of Lady Waldegrave at Straw- berry Hill. That accomplished hostess prided herself on her informa- tion about her guests ; and on the arrival of the gentleman referred to, she is said to have greeted him with ' Oh, Mr. , I am very glad to see you. I hear that you have as many sheep and cattle as the Patriarchs, that, in short, you are a second Job.' Her guest replied: ' I hope, Lady Waldegrave, you do not mean to compare me to Job, who, as we learn from the Bible, had only 7,000 sheep, whereas I have 800,000. Job was a mere stringy -barker.' It should be explained that young settlers, on beginning sheep-farming in the interior, with only from 5,000 to 10,000 sheep, cannot generally afford to build at first houses of wood or stone ; and are obliged for some time to content themselves with comfortable huts made from the bark of the so-called ' stringy-bark ' eucalyptus. So they were often known to the great squatters by the sobriquet of 'stringy-barkers.' Many now wealthy RAPID BUT SOLID PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENT 127 value set upon the stations on the Darling Downs may be gained from the fact that daring the past year the leases of several of the tenants of the Crown in that quarter have been sold for prices ranging from 20,000/. to 50,000/. sterling, although these leases will expire in about six years from this time, and it is most improbable that they will be renewed on conditions equally favourable. While the impression created on my mind by my journey across the Dar- ling Downs was still fresh, I stated in my reply to the Drayton address that ' it had filled me with surprise and admiration. Even before I left England I knew by report the rich natural resources and the pictu- resque beauty of this district. But I confess that I was not fully prepared for so wonderfully rapid an advance in all that can promote and adorn civilisa- tion, an advance which has taken place during the fourth part of an average lifetime. Not only have I seen vast herds of horses and cattle and countless flocks of sheep overspreading the valleys and forests, which, within the memory of persons who have yet scarcely attained to the age of manhood, were tenanted only by wild animals and by a few wan- dering tribes of savages ; not only have I travelled over roads beyond all comparison superior to the means of communication which existed less than a century ago in many parts of the United Kingdom ; ' shepherd kings ' look back with pleasure to the old days when they lived in huts, and, in the absence of ready money, used to play whist with each other for Sheep points and a bullock on the rubber. 128 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND not only have I beheld flourishing towns arising in spots where, hardly twenty years back, the foot of a white man had never yet trodden the primaeval wilderness ; not only have I admired these and other proofs of material progress, but I have also found in the houses of the long chain of settlers who have entertained me with such cordial hospitality all the comforts and most of the luxuries and refinements of the houses of country gentlemen in England. The wonderful advance of this portion of the Colony dur- ing the last ten years is due to no sudden and fortui- tous discovery of the precious metals ; it is derived wholly from the blessing of Providence on the skill and energy of its inhabitants in subduing and reple- nishing the earth. Assuredly I have observed during the past week very remarkable illustrations of the jjroverbial genius of the Anglo-Saxon race for the noble and truly Imperial art of colonisation.' I will add in conclusion a striking proof of the singularly rapid progress of this district. A public banquet was given in my honour in the large and handsome ball-room attached to one of the three hotels which Toowoomba, itself the creation of the last ten years, already possesses. About 120 persons sat down to a dinner, very well appointed, and pro- vided with as good music, wine, and viands as would be exhibited on a similar occasion in the majority of country towns in England. One of the principal gentlemen of the neighbourhood, who hapjoens, more- over, 1o be a candidate for the rejiresentation of Too- PUBLIC DINNER AT TOOWOQMBA 129 woomba in the Queensland Parliament, reminded his hearers, in a speech delivered in the course of the evening, that he had himself been the first white man who had settled in that district, and that just fourteen years previously he had encamped in the then unex- plored forest on the very site of the hall in which he was addressing them. VOL. I. 130 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND CHAPTER VIII. THE FIEST PARLIAMENT — THE FIRST ELECTIONS — THE FRANCHISE — RESULTS OP VOTE BY BALLOT AND MANHOOD SUFFRAGE — MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENT — SPEECH OF THE GOVERNOR, AND ADDRESSES OF BOTH HOUSES — ADDRESSES TO THE QUEEN AND HER MAJESTY'S REPLY — THE ' TIMES ' ON QUEENSLAND. The nearer the time for the elections for the first Legislative Assembly of the new Colony approached, the more sanguine grew Sir George Bowen's antici- pations of the coming experiment in parliamentary government. He had now seen enough of the Queenslanders to be convinced of their loyalty, good feeling, and public spirit. ' Pray tell the Duke of Newcastle,' he wrote to Mr. Herman Merivale, in a letter (April 10), of which part has already been quoted, ' that all our elections will pass off with quiet and good-humour, in spite of the disfranchisement of one-third of the men who voted at the last general election, and that the Parlia- ment will meet at Brisbane before the end of May. ' Doubtless we shall have our crises minister ielles, like our elder colonial sisters ; but I have yet to learn that they need cause any trouble or anxiety to the Home Government. Nay, more, I have yet to learn that the rapid succession of Ministries in New "ELECTIONS— THE FRANCHISE 131 South Wales and Victoria lias materially retarded the progress of those Colonies. It is certain that the progress of Australia depends less on the skill and wisdom of its law-makers than on the energy and industry of the population. People who declaim against responsible government should recollect that, if it had not been conceded, these Colonies would soon have separated from the mother-country, or have been kept down only by force of arms in what you call in your book on the Colonies " un- lovely and inglorious subjection." ' The partial disfranchisement alluded to in the above letter is explained in the following despatch. That it did not cause serious complications at the very outset of the representative organisation of Queensland speaks volumes for the good sense of the people. To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : February 6, 1860. My Lord Duke, It has long been known that a large proportion of the animal and vegetable productions of Australia is distinguished by characteristics directly the reverse of what is familiar in Europe. It would almost appear that an anomaly of similar nature exists in the influences exercised at the antipodes by certain political institutions. I find that it is a very general opinion among competent authorities that vote by ballot and man 132 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND hood suffrage, as compared with, open voting and a low property qualification, are, in this community, institutions of a conservative character, and cal- culated to give increased influence to the landed proprietors and rich settlers in the country districts, as opposed to the mixed population of the towns. In Australia, aristocratic influence cannot be said to exist, but the ballot protects the voter against the occasional violence and dictation of democratic opinion. Again, energy and industry, with the prosperity consequent on those qualities, are so common among the Australian settlers, that in the towns and villages of Queensland there is hardly a working man who does not possess at least the property qualification required by the New South Wales Constitution Act of 1853. In fact, the majority of our labouring classes live in their own houses, built on their own land. In the towns and villages therefore, manhood suffrage may almost be said to have practically existed before it was formally enacted (with slight modifications) by the Electoral Law of 1858. If a general view be taken of the important question now under consideration, it will appear that vote by ballot and manhood suffrage are not likely to lead, in this Colony, to those dangers and incon- veniences which have been apprehended from similar institutions in older, more thickly-peopled, and less universally prosperous communities. In the first place, distress and pauperism, those VOTE BY BALLOT A.VD MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 133 comprehensive terms so frequently used in European politics, are unknown in Queensland. All classes of this community appear to be thoroughly imbued with the love of law and order, and the other virtues which naturally grow up with the acquisition of property, however small, and with the enjoyment of that prosperity which is the legitimate reward of honourable industry. Again, in an Australian Colony there exist none of those classes and institutions to which vote by ballot and manhood suffrage are supposed to be antagonistic. Here there are no paid idlers or sine- curists ; every man, from the Governor downwards, is emphatically a working man. Nor have we a Church establishment, a House of Lords, or hereditary privi- leges of any kind to which democratic sentiments and prejudices are hostile. But in this colony there is a numerous class of shepherds, stockmen, and agricultural labourers set- tled on the pastoral stations of the interior. Though equally trustworthy and prosperous, in most cases, with their fellow workmen in the towns, these men were excluded from the electoral roll by the pro- visions of the Constitution Act of 1853, because they are regarded, in some dearree, as hired servants living- in houses belonging to their employers. They ac- quired the franchise by the introduction, in 1858, of the principle of manhood suffrage, and are stated to have usually exercised their new privileges, when well treated by their employers, as those employers 134 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND recommended. This class of men are now again disfranchised, in consequence of the construction put upon the Order in Council of June 6, 1859, 1 by Sir William Denison's legal advisers, and many of our great pastoral settlers (' squatters ') consider that they have thereby lost a large amount of poli- tical influence. The most important consideration of all yet remains to be stated. In several British depen- dencies, in the Ionian Islands, in parts of British India, and elsewhere, the full concession of political power to the people would have the unfortunate effect of arming alien and disaffected races against British supremacy. But next to an enlightened and reasonable attachment to the principles of local self- government, in analogy to the usage of the British constitution, the strongest political feelings of the overwhelming majority of the population of Queens- land — let me say, of all the Australian Colonies — are undoubtedly at the present moment loyalty to the person of the Queen and pride in the mother-country. Speaking- of Queensland in particular, I might say that the, feelings-, to which I allude almost approach, in a large proportion of the inhabitants of this Colony, 1 It was pointed out at the time by Mr. Justice Lutwyche that the drafting of this Order in Council by the Colonial Office was faulty. As the Law Officers of the Crown in England, when consulted by the Duke of Newcastle, confirmed this opinion, an Act of the Imperial Parliament was passed to correct the error of the department, and to place beyond doubt the legal validity of the Constitution of the new Colony. It was properly left entirely to the Queensland Parliament to settle what the electoral franchise should be in the future. LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM OF THE AUSTRALIANS 135 to that 'maladie du pays, that passionate love of England,' which an acute writer of extensive colonial experience (Mr. Gibbon Wakefield) foretold thirty years ago would be the result of allowing the Aus- tralian Colonies to manage in their own way their own internal affairs. As Lord John Russell wrote in 1855, the avowed desire of the Australian colonists to assimi- late their institutions as far as possible to those of the parent country is in itself a proof that their sympathy with that country is ' not merely the expression of a common sentiment arising from a common origin, but is connected with a deliberate attachment to the ancient laws of the community from which their own has sprung.' The Governor's prediction was verified : the .elec- tions for the twenty-six seats in the Legislative Assembly passed off in perfect order and quiet, and his own Ministers were among the most popular candidates. Kb better proof could be given of the satisfaction with which the people of Queensland re- garded the first steps taken by the Governor and his Executive Council, in ordering the affairs of the new State. At the same time the Legislative Council, consisting of fifteen leading settlers nominated by the Governor, was appointed, with Sir Charles Nicholson as its first President. On Sir Charles's departure for England, Sir Maurice O'Connell became his successor ; and the new Council derived much benefit from being presided over by two gentlemen of their position, experience, and high character. 136 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : May 18, 1860. My Lord Duke, I have the honour to report that the elections for the first Legislative Assembly of Queensland began on the earliest day allowed by law, that is, on the 27th ult., and that they are now all over, having been everywhere conducted with perfect order, de- corum, and good feeling. I am assured that the quiet of the elections was exceeded only by their purity, and that there is no complaint even of that species of political hospitality which is technically termed treating ; and which, if it could be excusable anywhere, would be so in a country where voters often have to ride more than fifty miles to the poll. This result of the elections will appear still more creditable to the inhabitants of Queensland when certain peculiarities of our position are called to mind. In the first place your Grace will recollect that most of our electorates are only just created, and that the majority of the electors therein had never previously exercised their privilege. They had, consequently, to control the excitement of novelty and inexperience. In the next place, in the electorates which existed before the separation of this Colony from New South Wales, manhood suffrage had been introduced in 1858 ; and a large proportion of the electors who had voted under that system at the last elections for the Parliament at Sydney, now THE FIRST ELECTIONS 137 -find themselves disfranchised, through no fault on their part, but owing to a legal interpretation of the Order in Council of June 6, 1859, of which they find it difficult to understand the equity. Again, Queens- land is the only Colony in the Australian group- indeed it is the only Colony of importance in any part of the Empire — where (not to speak of defence against external aggression) the dignity of the Crown and the authority of the law are entirely deprived of the support and prestige of a detachment of Her Majesty's troops. On my first assumption of office it could hardly be said that any public force whatso- ever existed in Queensland. By dint of personal exertion and influence, I have now succeeded in or- ganising a police corps, and also a body of rifle volunteers. Still, in the majority of the electorates, there was nothing but their own individual respect for the law, as authoritatively interpreted, to prevent a large number of the electors from insisting (if so disposed) on exercising the franchise of which they consider themselves unjustly deprived. In the cases where the elections were contested, the choice of the constituencies has generally fallen on the candidates whom I am glad to see in the Assembly ; so far indeed as I have any choice among gentlemen, who, however much they may differ on points of purely colonial interest, appear to vie with each other in loyalty to the Queen, in cordial respect for Her Majesty's representative, and in attachment to the mother-country. 138 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND It is, however, very gratifying to me to be en- abled to report that all the three members of my Executive Council have been elected to the Assembly. Mr. Herbert, the Colonial Secretary (whom I brought .with me from England), 1 received invitations from three separate constituencies, and has been returned without opposition for the Leichhardt district. Mr. Pring, 2 the Attorney-General, also received requisitions from two electorates, and his return for the Eastern Downs was unopposed. Mr. Mackenzie, 3 the Colonial Treasurer, offered himself for the Burnett district, where there were already several candidates in the' field, and came in at the head of the poll by a trium- phant majority. This result, I venture to submit, is an irrefragable proof that, on my first arrival here, I called to my councils men who already possessed, or who, while serving under my directions, have since acquired a large share of public confidence. It would appear also an indirect testimony of approval, on the part of the people of this Colony, of the manner in which I have administered the Govern- ment during the last six months, while surrounded by many difficulties, and deprived, owing to the peculiarity of my position, of the advice and assist- ance of a constitutional Legislature. 1 Now Sir Eobert G.W. Herbert, K.C.B., Permanent Under-Secre- tary of State for the Colonies. a Afterwards a judge of the Supreme Court of Queensland. 3 He became afterwards (through the death of his elder brother) Sir Kobert Mackenzie, Bart, of Coul, N.B. APPOINTMENT OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 139 To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : May 21, 1860. My Lord Duke, I have the honour to transmit herewith copies of the Proclamation summoning the first Legislative Council of Queensland. It will be composed of fifteen gentlemen, who have been carefully selected from among the leading colonists to represent in fair proportion the different districts and the chief interests of the Colony. After full consideration I am inclined to the opinion that, looking to the number at present fixed for the Assembly, namely twenty-six, fifteen will be a fair proportion for the Legislative Council. 1 In fact, I have had some difficulty in properly filling up even that number, for all the more active and in- fluential politicians desire seats in the Lower House. My own experience already tends to confirm in some degree an observation of Earl Grey, 2 to the effect ■that the attempts hitherto made to create in the Colonies a substitute for the House of Lords have been followed by very moderate success. 'Legis- lative Councils composed of members appointed by the Crown have, in general, had little real influence over public opinion, while they have been attended with the great disadvantage of rendering the Assembly less efficient, by withdrawing from the 1 The number of members in both Houses was gradually increased with the progress of wealth and population. 2 Colonial Policy, Vol. 11., p..'9S.- 140 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND scene where their services might be most valuable, some of the persons best qualified, by the enjoyment of a certain degree of leisure, by their character and their ability, to be useful members of the popular branch of the Legislature. The number of such men in the circle of colonial society is necessarily limited ; hence it seems inexpedient that any of them should be taken away from the Assembly which must always exercise the largest share of power and influence.' Two remedies have been ventilated rather than proposed in this Colony, for the inconveniences to which Earl Grey alludes in the above-quoted passage. In the first place, it is argued by some that under the present circumstances of Queensland the effect of dividing the Parliament into two separate chambers is to substitute two comparatively ineffective bodies for one of a superior character ; and that it would be well for us to revert, at all events for some years, to a single Council (like that which formerly existed in Xew South Wales), one-third of which should be composed of persons appointed by the Crown, and two-thirds of representatives elected by the people. But I greatly doubt if this system would work well now that responsible government has been introduced, and I feel certain that the Queensland Parliament will never be induced to take what would be represented as a retrograde step. On the other hand, there is in some quarters a popular cry in favour of making the Upper House here (as in Victoria and some other Colonies) elective equally SIR CHARLES NICHOLSON, FIRST PRESIDENT 141 with the Lower, but by a different and more re- stricted constituency. I again agree with Earl Grey that ' if an Upper Chamber could be constituted in such a manner as to have substantial weight and authority, and to be thus capable of exercising a salutary check upon the Eepresentative Assembly, while at the same time effectual provision were made against the machine of government being brought to a stand by differences between these two bodies, the advantage of such a constitution of the Legislature could not well be contested. But to accomplish this is a problem not yet solved by any colonial constitu- tion of which I am aware.' I will not trouble your Grace with my own suggestions on this subject until it shall have become of more practical interest. In the meantime, the Legislative Council, as at present constituted, will prove an obstacle to any too hasty legislation. All the members have, individually, a large stake in the welfare of this Colony, and I place implicit reliance on their local knowledge and ex- perience, as also on their patriotism and loyalty. I have, moreover, the satisfaction of informing your Grace that Sir Charles Nicholson has, at my request, and entirely from a sense of public duty, and a desire to render useful services to this Colony, consented to undertake, during the first session, the office of President of the Legislative Council of Queensland. On my arrival in Australia I soon perceived (and my views were confirmed by Sir William Denison), that it would be of great import- 142 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND ance to the best interests of the new Colony, if its first Parliament could be inaugurated under the presidency of a gentleman of the tried ability, long official experience, and high character of Sir Charles Nicholson ; who had been created a baronet, as a mark of the Queen's approbation of the manner in which he had, during eleven years, and at. an eventful period in colonial history, filled the office of Speaker of the first Legislative Council of New South Wales. On May 22, 1860, the first Parliament of Queens- land met at Brisbane. The Legislative Assembly unanimously elected as their Speaker Mr. Gilbert Eliott, the member for Maryborough, a gentleman of an old Scotch family, and formerly an officer of the Eoyal Artillery. All agreed that their choice could not have fallen on a man more generally esteemed and respected. On the following day the Assembly proceeded to Government House, and the Speaker Elect presented himself in the usual form for the ap- proval of the Crown. I replied in the following words : ' Mr. Speaker, I approve, on behalf of the Queen, the choice which the Assembly has made in your person. It is with high satisfaction that I receive you as Speaker. I congratulate you cordially that your long and honourable career in the military and civil service of your country has been crowned by the distinguished position in which the confidence of the House lias placed you.' OPENING OF THE FIRST PARLIAMENT 143 These formal proceedings on the English model, and the celebration of the Queen's birthday, when the society of the new Colony was gathered together for the first time at a Government House Ball, postponed serious business till May 29th ; when the Governor, escorted by a troop of Volunteer Cavalry, and amid general demonstrations of respect, proceeded to the Parliament House and delivered his opening speech. It was deeply imbued with the solemn feeling inspired by an event of such moment as the inauguration of the first Legislature of so vast a country : 'Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and Gentlemen of the Legislative Assembly, — ' It is with feelings of no ordinary interest and satisfaction that I now, in the name and on behalf of the Queen, open the first session of the first Parlia- ment of Queensland, and have recourse to your ad- vice and assistance in the Government of this great Colony. ' It has been throughout my earnest desire to meet the Legislature at the earliest practicable period after my assumption of office in last December ; but it was the unanimous opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown that, by reason of the lengthened periods fixed by the Constitution Act for the formation and revision of the electoral rolls, the elections could not legally begin before April 27. Consequently, it was impossible for the Parliament to assemble for the despatch of business sooner than the day for "which you were summoned. 144 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND ' This delay, however, has been, accompanied with at least one advantage. It has afforded me time to make myself personally acquainted with our chief centres of population, with a large portion of our vast territory, and with the condition and require- ments of its inhabitants. 'The genuine respect, the hearty welcome, the overflowing kindness with which I have been everywhere and on all occasions received, while deeply gratifying to me personally, are most satis- factory on public grounds as strong proofs of the loyalty to the Queen, and of the attachment to the mother-country, which animate all classes of this community. ' I now congratulate you on the full attainment of the object of your long-sustained efforts and aspirations in the establishment of this separate and independent Legislature ; and on the perfect order, decorum, and good feeling with which the people of Queensland universally exercised at the recent elections their privilege of self government. It is my firm hope and belief, founded on all that I have seen since my arrival here, that Her Majesty will have the high satisfaction of witnessing, as the result of her gracious boon to this Colony, its continued progress alike in material industry, in mental activity, and in moral and religious well-being ; its steady advance in wealth and social improvement, and the permanent happiness and welfare of her people,' THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH 145 Some of the chief Bills to be laid before the Parlia- ment were then enumerated ; Bills relating to educa- tion, police, finance, telegraphic communication, and the like ; and the Governor then turned to the main question of the hour : 'The land question is at once the most compre- hensive and the most important with which you will have to deal. Queensland embraces a territory, blest with a salubrious climate and with a fertile soil, equivalent, at the lowest estimate, to nearly three times the area of France, and nearly ten times the area of England and Wales. Along our sea-coast and on the banks of our rivers we possess millions of acres, which bear the same relation to the cotton and sugar which the great pastoral districts of the interior hold to the wool manufactures of the mother-country. Of this gigantic patrimony the Crown has constituted this Legislature to be the guardians and adminis- trators. The control and disposal of the whole are in your hands. I know that you are deeply impressed with the responsibility involved in such a trust ; for the mode in which you may acquit yourselves of the duties connected with it will, in all human pro- bability, affect materially the interests of generations yet unborn. You will feel with me that hasty legis- lation is, above all things, to be deprecated. ' Next to a wise management of the public lands, a good system of immigration is, perhaps, the most VOL. I. L 14ft THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND essential element in the prosperity of a new country. Provision has been made by the Government, under the regulations now in force, for a supply of labour from the mother-country, adequate to the require- ments of the present year. I advise you to consider whether it would not be well materially to modify the existing system ; and, in future, to grant, under certain conditions, remission certificates in the pur- chase of land to persons who reach our shores at their own cost, or who introduce labourers without expense to our Treasury. A policy of this nature would soon have the effect of directing hither a per- manent stream of immigration of the most desirable character. It would thus prove a graceful method of communicating to our less prosperous fellow-sub- jects at home a share in the profits of that rich and magnificent estate with which our Sovereign has been graciously pleased to endow this Colony. " I take this opportunity of informing you that I have felt much gratification in accepting, on behalf of the Queen, and in the terms of the existing laws, the services of several corps of Volunteers. I trust that this movement here, as in the United Kingdom, will become permanent. Communities which have entirely neglected to cherish the military spirit, or which have failed adequately to provide for their own external and internal defence, have seldom at- tained, and have still more seldom preserved, a vigo- rous manhood. In this respect the British Colonies in North America afford us an example to be imitated, THE GOVERNORS SPEECH 147 and the Spanish Colonies in South America a warn- ing to be avoided. . . . ' The future destiny of this Colony will depend in no slight degree on the members of its first Legisla- ture. You will feel with me that an arduous and responsible, but most important and interesting task awaits us, for the commencement of self-government is an epoch in the life of a State resembling the attainment of his majority in the life of an individual. For myself, I highly value the honour and privilege of having been selected by our Sovereign to inaugurate as first Governor of Queensland this new Province of the Empire. You may rest assured of my zealous and honest endeavours to carry out efficiently, as Head of the Executive, whatever measures you may have declared to be conducive to the public welfare, and to which I shall have signified my assent, as the representative of the Queen. But, I say it in all sincerity, it is on your prudence, knowledge, and experience that I depend. On these I implicitly rely, as also on your patriotism, and on that loyalty for which Australia is celebrated. This great por- tion of the earth — for Queensland embraces a terri- tory far more than equal in extent to the aggregate of two of the principal monarchies of Europe,— this great portion of the earth, I say, begins its political life with noble principles of freedom, order, and prosperity. Let me conclude with the humble prayer that Almighty God may vouchsafe to direct our counsels, and that He may grant to all of us that 148 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND moderation, wisdom, and courage necessary to pre- serve and extend these inestimable blessings, and to hand them down hereafter to our children's children.' Everything in the birth of a new State is instruc- tive ; and a few paragraphs from the addresses of both Houses of Parliament in reply to the Governor's speech are therefore reprinted. The Legislative Council said : May it please your Excellency, We, Her Majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects, the members of the Legislative Council of Queensland, in Parliament assembled, desire to express through your Excellency our feelings of loyalty and attach- ment to the throne and person of our most gracious Sovereign, and to thank you for the speech with which your Excellency has, in the name and on behalf of the Queen, opened this the first session of the first Parliament of Queensland. We heartily reciprocate your Excellency's con- gratulations on the attainment of separate and in- dependent government. We feel that as a branch of the Legislature now called into existence we have imposed upon us serious duties and grave responsi- bilities, which we trust, under God's blessing, we may be enabled to discharge in a measure conducive to the well-being of this community. The great questions involved in a right solution ADDRESSES FROM BOTH HOUSES IN REPLY 149 of the difficulties surrounding our land policy are matters of the highest interest to all classes in the Colony of Queensland, and we will not shrink from adding our exertions to those of the other branches of the Legislature in endeavouring to establish that system which, on mature consideration, may seem most calculated to ensure the best results. We rejoice to find that your Excellency appre- ciates the loyal spirit which has led many of the inhabi- tants of Queensland to volunteer their services for the defence of the country in case of need, and we trust the organisation given under existing laws to this body of Volunteers, may not only render them efficient in the hour of emergency, but also tend to foster that patriotic enthusiasm which alone gives life and spirit to the only warlike struggle likely to be known to the present generation of colonists, a war in defence of the country from attack. Finally, we heartily join your Excellency in your aspirations for the future of this country ; we pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon the deliberations of the Legislature of this Colony ; and we add our congratulations that on your Excellency has devolved that proud task you have so well begun, of guiding this young community in its first footsteps among nations. 150 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND The Legislative Assembly said : May it please your Excellency, We, Her Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, the members of the Legislative Assembly of Queens- land, in Parliament assembled, desire to express to your Excellency our affection and loyalty to the person and government of our most gracious Sove- reign, and to offer our respectful thanks for your Excellency's speech to this Assembly now for the first time convened. We concur most cordially in your Excellency's estimation of the important influence that must be exercised upon the future of this territory by the inauguration within it of a separate Parliamentary Constitution, and while we reciprocate the hope and belief that this community may prove itself to have been not unworthy of Her Majesty's most gracious and considerate boon of self-government, we feel a deep satisfaction in learning from your Excellency that the inhabitants of all parts of the Colony have been successful in their earnest efforts to testify, by the reception of her first representative among them, that honest loyalty, that warm attachment, and that heartfelt gratitude which Queensland must ever feel towards her Queen. Concurring cordially in the desirability of afford- ing time for full and patient consideration before dealing comprehensively with questions of so varied and complicated a character as those concerning the ADDRESSES FROM BOTH HOUSES TO THE QUEEN 151 disposal of the land, we will lend our ready attention to such special legislative action as your Excellency has recommended to us, with a view to the more immediate removal of obstructions to capital and enterprise. In expressing your reliance upon the patriotism and loyalty of this Assembly, we trust that your Excellency will not have estimated too highly our earnest desire and purpose, under the blessing of Providence, to recommend and, through those who may from time to time be your Excellency's responsi- ble advisers, to carry into execution, such measures as may have deserved your assent, and as may be conducive no less to the establishment of a sound system of independent government than to the en- during welfare and progress of all branches of this community. The Addresses to the Queen voted by both Houses were a further proof of the loyalty of the youngest pro- vince of the British Empire. The Governor s covering- despatch must here be cpioted : To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : June 30, 1860. My Lord Duke, The Parliament of Queensland has requested me to perform the honourable duty of transmitting to your Grace, for presentation to the Queen, the loyal and dutiful addresses to Her Majesty, unanimously 152 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND voted by both Houses of the Legislature, ' to express their gratitude for the gracious and liberal concession which has been made to this Colony in its establish- ment as a separate and independent province of the British Empire.' It will be perceived that both addresses breathe the same spirit of fervent and grateful loyalty to the Queen, of attachment to the British Empire, and of well-founded confidence in the future prosperity of the new Colony. The Legislative Council says : ' By the establish- ment of this new Dependency, we believe that a powerful impulse will be given towards the settle- ment and civilisation of portions of Australia at present almost wholly unoccupied. We are persuaded that these vast regions, so blessed by Providence with all material resources, will at no distant period be occupied by a numerous and thriving population, enabled by their own prosperity to contribute to that of the Empire at large, and cherishing and perpetuating that spirit of loyalty and affection to your Majesty's person and government which so happily animates all classes of the inhabitants of Queensland.' The Legislative Assembly expresses like sentiments in different words : — ' We approach your Majesty with feelings of warm loyalty and affectionate attach- ment to your Majesty's person and government, de- siring as the representatives of the people of Queens- land to express to your Majesty our heartfelt gratitude for your Majesty's gracious compliance with ADDRESSES TO THE QUEEN 153 the long-cherished wishes of the inhabitants of this portion of your Majesty's dominions by raising it to the rank of a British Colony, and by graciously con- ferring on it a designation which we believe will be found truly to express the relation of loyalty which will bind us and our posterity in duty and allegiance to your Majesty and your Majesty's successors.' And again : ' While expressing our humble thanks to your Majesty, we cannot refrain from expressing also our hopes regarding the future of the Colony, and giving an assurance that it will be our aim by a zealous and conscientious discharge of the high duties entrusted to us to promote the welfare, happi- ness, and progress of your Majesty's faithful subjects in Queensland ; and by avoiding all cause of offence, to promote a proper and friendly understanding between this and the adjoining Colony of New South Wales.' The terms in which the Assembly refer, in the third paragraph of their address, to my own poor services afford me sincere gratification, as a proof of the confidence which the representatives of the people of Queensland repose in the representative of their Sovereign. The Assembly conclude as follows : ' We humbly pray that Almighty God may continue to bless and long preserve your Majesty, and the mighty Empire to which we have the honour and happiness to belong, and that He may vouchsafe to direct our counsels, and make us worthy of our blessings and privileges ' 154 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND From my own observation and experience, I can bear witness that in the addresses transmitted here- with, the Parliament of Queensland has simply given expression to the genuine feelings which animate all classes of this community. I may mention, in conclusion, that your de- spatch, of April 11 ult., 1 opportunely arrived at Bris- bane on the day before that on which the address of the Assembly to the Queen was formally put into my hands by the Speaker, accompanied by the whole House. I seized the occasion to reply in the following terms : ' Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Legislative Assembly, it will be a pleasing and honour- able duty for me to transmit to the Queen this loyal and dutiful address, which I am confident will prove a source of much gratification to our Sovereign. I will take this opportunity of reading (previously to laying it by message on the tables of both Houses) a despatch which arrived yesterday from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and which informs me that the expressions of loyalty to our gracious Sovereign, and of goodwill towards myself, contained in the addresses presented to me by the inhabitants of Queensland on my reception as their first Governor, have been " highly satisfactory to Her Majesty." ' I then read your despatch, which was received with sincere gratification by my audience. ' See above, page 103. HER MAJESTY'S KEPLY 1-3-3 We now give tlie reply of the Queen, through the Secretary of State, to the above-mentioned addresses. The Duke of Newcastle wrote as follows : — ' I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 30th June last, in which you forward addresses to the Queen from both Houses of the Parliament of Queens- land, expressing to Her Majesty their gratitude for "the gracious and liberal concession" which she has made to the inhabitants of that portion of her domi- nions by raising it to the rank of a British Colony. ' Nothing can be more appropriate than the lan- guage and spirit of these addresses to an occasion which promises to be a memorable one in the history of the British Empire in Australia ; and I am com- manded by the Queen to inform you, and, through you, the Parliament of Queensland, that she has re- ceived them with great satisfaction. Her Majesty does not doubt that the feelings of the Parliament and people of the young Colony towards herself and the mother-country are fitly symbolised by its name ; and she trusts that, under the Divine blessing, they may long continue to form a bond of union between the two countries, and so contribute to the honour and welfare of both.' Having got his vessel of State under way, with every prospect of a prosperous voyage, Sir George Bowen confided his reflections to the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for the Colonies, who was an old Oxford friend. 15G THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND To the Right Hon. Chichester Fortescue, M.P. Government House, Brisbane : June 6, 1860. My dear Fortescue, I am sure that you will be glad that I have got so successfully over all the labours and anxieties of the last six months : and that my Parliament has made so calm and patriotic a commencement. I have made light of the difficulties with which I have had to contend, owing to the necessities of my peculiar position : for I hold that the Secretary of State should never help a Governor unless he has shown that he can help himself. But my position was (un- avoidably on the part of the Home Government) without precedent. At the first start of all other Colonies, the Governor has been assisted by a nomi- nated Council of experienced officials ; he has been supported by an armed force ; and he has been authorised to draw, at least at the beginning, on the Imperial Treasury for the expenses of the public service. But I was an autocrat ; the sole source of authority here, without a single soldier, and without a single shilling. There was no organised force of any kind at my arrival, though I have now, by dint of exertion and influence, got up a respectable police on the Irish model, and a very creditable corps of Volunteers. And as to money wherewith to carry on the Government, I started with just 7^d. in the Treasury. A thief, supposing, I fancy, that I should have been furnished with some funds for the outfit — so to speak — of the new State, broke into the 7|D. IN THE QUEENSLAND TREASURY 157 Treasury a few niglits after my arrival, and carried off the 1\d. mentioned. However, I borrowed money from the banks until our revenue came in, and our estimates already show (after paying back the sums borrowed) a considerable balance in excess of the proposed expenditure for the first year. 1 The election by popular suffrage to the Assembly of all my Executive Councillors, and the addresses of both Houses in reply to my opening speech, show what the persons most interested — i.e. the people of this Colony — think of my administration. The en- thusiasm with which I was received, as the first Governor, was in itself a source of danger, for it seemed too fervent to last long, and such outbursts are generally followed by a reaction. But I was as heartily cheered on my way to open Parliament last week as I was on my arrival six months ago. I can honestly say that there is scarcely any post in the Queen's service that I would willingly exchange for that which I held during the first half of this year, with ah its difficulties and anxieties. Will you tell the Duke that Eobert Herbert (Fellow of All Souls), whom I appointed as my first Colonial Secretary, is leading the Assembly with ability and tact ? The happy commencement of representative go- vernment in Queensland was hailed with admiration 1 This historic sum of 1\&. has now (1889) risen to an annual revenue of above three millions sterling. 158 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND in the mother-country. The Secretary of State's despatches abound in eulogistic congratulations ; and the feeling of the public was eloquently expressed in the following leading article of the ' Times ' (August 20,1860): ' Europe, Asia, and, we might add, America, pre- sent to us at this moment much movement with very little progress. Old faiths and traditions give way, and nothing rises up to supply their place. Barbarism has lost its energy, and civilisation seems arrested in its onward career. In Eussia and Turkey we behold Governments losing their hold on the affection and reverence of peoples without having created anything to supply the void which they are about to make. In France and Germany we see the energies of great nations frittered away by unworthy jealousies within, or in still more unworthy ambitions beyond the fron- tier. Italy is in the crisis of a revolution, to which many of the most sanguine do not venture to attribute a permanent success. Spain has wasted that strength in an abortive foreign war which she needs to consoli- date and secure such liberty as she has saved out of so many revolutions and so many civil wars. It is refreshing to turn from this scene of blind and short- sighted ambition, from the doings of States that seem to know no other means of increasing their wealth and power except such as were known to Pagan Europe in the days of Macedon and of Home, to the first efforts of young and prosperous communities developing, with the order and regularity of one of the vegetable products of nature, the elements of present freedom and future prosperity. 'In a remote corner of Australia, some six or seven THE ' TIMES ' ON QUEENSLAND 1 o9 hundred miles to the north of the original settlement of Sydney, is situated a vast territory, the very name of which is scarcely known to a large number of our readers. The district of Moreton Bay appears, if we may believe the accounts we receive of it, to be among the most favoured regions of the world. It is placed at the commencement of that long barrier reef of coral which, running parallel with the north-eastern coast of the Australian continent, provides a smooth and delightful passage to the navigator who would thread the mazes of the Oriental Archipelago. Unlike most parts of Australia, the land adjacent to the coast is watered by a succession of fine rivers, and is, within a moderate distance of their course, exuberantly fertile. The climate is warm, but exceedingly healthy. The woods are beautiful, and require only to be known to become a valuable article of commerce. At a moderate distance from the sea the land rises for several thousand feet into a succession of beautiful downs, enjoying all the freshness of a temperate climate, and covered by innumerable flocks and herds. This Colony, after a long and arduous struggle, has obtained that which seems to be the great ambition of all such communities — a separation from the larger and older society to which it is attached. With a territory three times the size of France, and a population of some twenty or five-and-twenty thousand souls, Moreton Bay — or Queensland, as it is now to be called— has entered with the utmost confidence and hope on the career of self-government. This small and remote population supplies the mate- rials for two Legislative Chambers, and bears into the remote regions of the far East the feelings, the 160 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND habits, and the customs of our ancient monarchy. With such simple pomp as the resources at his com- mand can furnish, the first Governor, Sir George Bowen, late Colonial Secretary of the Ionian Islands, opens his first Parliament. We are favoured with a copy of his Excellency's speech, similar in tone, and by no means inferior in style, to the documents it professes to imitate. Let us see what are the subjects to which the attention of this new people is called by their first Magistrate on that interesting and memora- ble day which places them for the first time in the possession of the inestimable gift of self-government. The Constitution Act seems to be a little clumsy and unwieldy. The law officers of the Crown advise that the elections cannot legally begin till April 27, and it is not therefore surprising that the Parliament of Queensland was unable to meet till the auspicious anniversary of May 29, on the threshold of the first winter month of those Antipodean regions. The first business was to alter the Act giving the Consti- tution, so as to cut down the Upper House to a number more consistent with the wants of the Colony than the original instrument seems to have contem- plated. Then we have the question of State assis- tance to public worship, which is broadly left to the consideration of the Legislature, with the very sensi- ble recommendation that it should be guided by no abstract theories, but only by the wants and require- ments of the country. Primary education follows next, together with a recommendation, unique, as far as we are aware, in the Colonies, for the foundation of a High School with a number of exhibitions to the Universities of the mother-country open to com- THE ' TIMES ' ON QUEENSLAND 161 petition among the students. That such a scheme should be considered feasible gives us a high idea of the wealth of the community ; that it should be thought desirable is no inconsiderable proof of their good sense and attachment to the parent State. Then follows the appointment of Commissioners for the apportionment of the public debt between New South Wales and Queensland, an arrangement in which we ' may be permitted to hope that the parent will deal liberally with his sturdy offspring. The police are to be thoroughly organised, a system of annual statistics is to be formed, and an electric telegraph laid down for the purpose of uniting Queensland to the other Colonies of the Australian group ; and to this is added a project for an electric line to Batavia, in Java, which would complete the telegraphic communication between Sydney and Melbourne and Singapore, and shortly with England. There is also a scheme for steam navigation in the Eastern Archipelago, which we cannot help feeling is, like the electric telegraph, destined to struggle with many obstacles before its final completion. 1 Of course the address of no Colonial Governor would be complete without the introduction of a Land Bill, and a measure for the purposes of immigration, in the course of which the Governor does not omit to suggest the grant of a remission of the purchase money of land to immi- grants who pay for their own passages. The fact is noticed that Queensland already contains several corps of Volunteers ; and after an address to the gentlemen of the Assembly and the gentlemen of the 1 All these projects were successfully carried out within a few years after the delivery of the Governor's speech. VOL. 1. M .162 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND Legislative Council, quite in the English taste, the speech concludes with a prayer framed exactly on the model of that which ordinarily terminates the address of our own gracious Sovereign. ' This speech and these incidents, trivial and com- monplace as they may appear, have in our minds a very high significance. After so many wars and revolutions it still continues to be true, as it was in the time of Burke, eighty years ago, that slavery can' be had anywhere, but that freedom is that pearl of great price of which England alone has the monopoly. With no other arms but our industry, our commercial spirit, and the expansive freedom of our institutions, while other countries barely maintain their position, we are enabled to cover the world with communities the faithful patterns of their mother-country, and destined, we believe, not only to preserve our lan- guage, our arts, and our institutions, but to be- come in their turn the mothers of other Colonies, and thus, in a circle gradually increasing, to spread our language, manners, arts, and ideas to the remotest corners of the earth. It is impossible to view, even from this remote distance, scenes like that we have endeavoured to describe without the liveliest emo- tions of national pride. How vain and absurd is it to attribute to England those vulgar schemes of commonplace ambition which our neighbours so ardently pursue, when, without a crime and without a tear, without doing wrong to any one, and even with the greatest advantage to herself, England is able to give permanence and consistency to an Empire more vast than the proudest conqueror ever dreamt of, and stronger and more homogeneous than was ever cemented by the action of the sword.' 163 CHAPTEE IX. THE WORK OP THE FIRST SESSION — THE GOVERNOR'S PROROGA- TION SPEECH— THE LAND LEGISLATION — LETTERS PROM THE DUKE OP NEWCASTLE AND SIR E. BULWER LYTTON. What the Parliament of Queensland accomplished in the fcur months of its first session may be read in the Governor's Prorogation speech of September 18, 1860: ' Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, ' The advanced state of the public business, and the satisfactory conclusion to which you have carried no small amount of legislation, enable me to release you for a time from your attendance in Parliament, and to close the present session. ' During the recess, various measures of import- ance, to which your attention has in some cases been already directed, will be matured by my Government, and will be submitted for your consideration when you assemble again. As at present advised, I consider that the public convenience will be best provided for by my opening the next session of Parliament towards the close of the month of April in the ensuing year. ' It is a matter of deep satisfaction to myself, and of congratulation to you, that so much useful legisla- 164 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND tion should have been completed during your first session. Questions difficult of settlement, and mate- rially affecting the future prosperity of this Colony, have been approached and examined by you in a spirit of patient industry and of persevering inquiry ; and I entertain a confident hope that from legislation of such a character — based on no abstract theories but on practical experience, and neither impaired by haste, nor influenced by favour, nor impeded by faction - — the results to be developed will prove both valu- able and permanent. ' Looking to the solemn and most interesting duty in which we have been engaged, that, namely, of in- augurating this new and flourishing Colony, and of preparing it to assume that high position among the other provinces of the British Empire to which it has already attained ; looking also to those cordial rela- tions, the existence of which between myself and the members of both Houses it is alike my pride and my happiness to acknowledge, I have deemed it natural and proper that my first addresses to the first Parlia- ment of Queensland should not bear a merely formal character. Further, as the speeches of Governors are laid before the Imperial Parliament, and are thus destined to authoritative circulation in the mother- country, it cannot but be desirable that my addresses should contain, to a certain extent, an official and authentic summary of the general condition and prospects of this Colony, and more especially of •such recent legislation as may have at once enhanced SPEECH CLOSING THE FIRST SESSION 165 its advantages and extended those advantages more freely to our fellow countrymen at home. ' With these views, I will now briefly pass in review the principal Acts which have received your sanction during the present session, and to which I have signified the assent of the Queen. ' The chief public bills which have already become law may be divided into the following classes : ' First in order stand those measures which were immediately necessary upon your meeting for the effective adaptation of the constitution of New South Wales to the altered circumstances of this Colony In addition to the Act whereby the number of mem- bers required to be present for the despatch of busi- ness is defined, and to the Act which limits the num- ber of salaried officials capable of being elected to the Legislative Assembly, an important amendment has been made in the law under which voters are regis- tered, ensuring greater accuracy in the electoral lists, and obviating a considerable expenditure of public money. ' The all-important interests of religion and educa- tion have received a full share of your careful con- sideration. The much vexed question of grants in aid of public worship has been set at rest in accord- ance with the feelings of a large proportion of our population. Primary education has been provided for upon the general principles of that comprehensive system which experience has proved to be peculiarly adapted to meet the requirements of our colonial 166 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND communities ; at the same time, education of a more advanced order will shortly, under the provisions of the Grammar Schools Act, be placed within easy reach of the inhabitants of all the more populous districts. ' The necessary provision has been made for the collection of the census in this Colony on the same day of the ensuing year with that on which it will be taken in the United Kingdom and in many other portions of the Empire. The accurate statistical in- formation which will thus be rendered available will prove of eminent interest and utility in your future labours. ' In taking the requisite steps for a settlement of the outstanding accounts between Queensland and New South Wales, your legislation has been based upon principles which can hardly fail to recommend them- selves to the concurrence of the sister Colony, for tney are identical with the principles originally adopted Dy the Executive, and sanctioned by the Parliament of New South "Wales itself ; and which have further re- ceived the approval of the Imperial Government. I am justified therefore in entertaining a well-founded hope that no long time will elapse before this, the last re- maining difficulty of separation, shall be amicably adjusted, and the two great neighbouring Colonies, whose interests are so inseparably united, shall regard each other only with feelings of friendly emulation. ' Your adoption of an Act to regulate the exporta- THE LAND LEGISLATION 167 tion of warlike stores, proposed by my Government with a view to the lamentable outbreak in New Zea- land, 1 affords me an opportunity of bearing my testi- mony to the sympathy existing here, as throughout Australia, with the troubles of our fellow countrymen in the aforesaid Colony. Queensland has hastened to offer an effective proof of that sympathy, by cheer- fully contributing towards the augmentation of the forces at the seat of war that proportion of Her Majesty's troops which had been allotted for the de- fence of this Colony. ' The patriotic spirit with which the Volunteer movement has been supported by all classes of our community is a further and most valuable testimony to the undoubted loyalty of this portion of the Queen's dominions, and to the determination of our people, as they participate in the glory and prosperity, so also not to shrink from their share in the trials of the mother-country. ' I now come to those measures regulating the occupation and alienation of the Crown lands, on which you have bestowed so large a portion of your time and attention, with the full knowledge that the pro- gress of Queensland will mainly depend upon the judicious discharge of the high trust involved in the control and administration of our vast territories. ' Having in the first instance adopted such means 1 The reference here is to the second Maori War, which began in 1800, and lasted with little intermission till 1870, when it was brought to a final close, as will be seen in Part III., during Sir G. Bowen's government of New Zealand. 168 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND as were legally and equitably available for the pur- pose of checking that speculative monopoly of pas- toral lands, under which wide tracts of country were withheld from profitable occupation, you have thrown open to real settlement those extensive districts, upon conditions and with advantages such as will not fail to secure a large and immediate accession to the capital and producing power of the Colony. ' Again, that part of your legislation which is, per- haps, of paramount importance to the community at large, by whom the proprietorship and occupation of freehold properties upon favourable terms is so urgently demanded, will also be regarded with satis- faction bj r those who are interested in promoting a stream of emigration from England. The liberal grants of land to immigrants arriving here without cost to our Treasury ; the facilities afforded to small capitalists of extending their operations during the first and more arduous years of their enterprise, by leasing at a nominal rent the land adjacent to that which they may have purchased ; the increased op- portunities of settlement by a departure on the agri- cultural reserves from the system of auction, whereby intending purchasers were often delayed or impeded in the attainment of their object ; and the strong in- ducements offered for the cultivation of cotton, to which this soil and climate are so eminently adapted ; these combined advantages will, I doubt not, prove sufficiently attractive to draw to our shores that immigration which Ave so much need, as the best in- PRACTICAL MEASURES ADOPTED 169 strument for the development of the rich and varied resources of this favoured country. ' In other matters not comprised within legislative enactments, I have observed with much satisfaction your earnest desire to look beyond the pressing re- quirements of the moment, and to devote a due pro- portion of the means under your control to objects less immediately, although not less closely, connected with the welfare of this Colony. k From the reports furnished by the various select committees which have been occupied upon special subjects, an amount of practical information is to be collected which will prove not only of direct ad- vantage to the Executive Administration here, but which, when made known in England, will be studied with keen interest by the many persons to whom this portion of the Island-Continent of Australia is an object of anxious attention. ' Again, by inquiries tending to facilitate the future settlement of the shores of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the intercourse of Australia with India and China ; by equipping an expedition of discovery in the direction of that system of rivers and tableland which holds forth the promise of the profitable oc- cupation, at no distant day, of our northern districts ; by procuring such scientific aid as may be avail- able towards ascertaining the existence of the pre- cious metals within our boundaries ; and by making provision for an adequate representation of this Colony in the Industrial Exhibition of 1862, you 170 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND have made no scanty contribution to the rapidly growing prosperity of Queensland, while adding new conquests to the domains of geography and science.' ' Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, ' I thank you, in the name of the Queen, for the liberal supplies which you have granted to Her Majesty. It will be the duty of the Government to exercise a watchful supervision over their expenditure, and in so doing to study such economy as may be consistent with an effective fulfilment of your ex- pressed intentions. ' The steady and rapid increase of the revenue is a matter of no slight congratulation. It is most grati- fying to observe that the second quarter of this year has produced nearly treble the amount of the first quarter ; and I have every reason to hope and believe that this financial progress will continue on an equally satisfactory scale. ' You have devoted about one-fourth of the esti- mated revenue to the construction of roads, bridges, and public offices ; to the extension of electric tele- graphs and postal communication ; to the improve- ment of our harbours ; and to other works calculated to advance the material prosperity of our people. And it will not, I think, be forgotten, in the future annals of this Colony that the first Assembly of Queensland was equally careful of the moral and social as of the material wants of the community ; that, in its first session, it voted ample sums for the EXCELLENT WORK DONE 171 formation and encouragement of hospitals, libraries, botanical gardens, and schools of art ; and that it appropriated for purposes of education alone, a sum larger in proportion to our present numbers than is devoted to that object in Great Britain itself — larger, probably, than is devoted to it in any other country of the world.' ' Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, ' The result of your labours fully justifies the hopes expressed in the speech which I addressed to you at the commencement of this session. You have left little to be desired by the warmest friends of Queens- land, except that future sessions may maintain the high character which you have already earned for this Legislature. I recently laid before you a de- spatch from the Secretary of State informing me that the conduct of the inhabitants of this Colony on the occasion of the first establishment of their new Government was " highly satisfactory " to the Queen. 1 am confident that the happy initiation of Parlia- mentary institutions among you will afford additional gratification to Her Majesty. It is my earnest hope that those institutions, now so successfully inaugu- rated here, may be productive of all those blessings which, when rightly administered, they cannot fail to confer. This Colony has now, so far as human in- fluences extend, its destinies in its own hands. I humbly pray that, by the favour of the Supreme 172 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND Euler, its onward career may be characterised by the same spirit of loyalty, moderation, and en- lightened patriotism with which it has commenced the exercise of its rights and the performance of its duties as a separate and independent province of the British Empire.' By far the most important of the Acts passed during the first session of the first Parliament of Queensland related to the tenure of land. In the early days of colonisation a vast proportion of the public land had fallen into the hands of the ' squatters ' or pastoral tenants of the Crown, partly because grazing was the most rapidly profitable form of farming, partly because the earliest settlers were generally men of education and moderate capital, whose tastes and ex- perience led them rather towards cattle and sheep- farming than towards agricultural labour. When a large element of lower social status and smaller capital, but at least equal physical energy, made its appearance in Queensland, a certain rivalry immediately arose with the squatters. Their square miles of territory were naturally coveted by men whose ambition aimed only at the successful cultivation of acres ; and there was for a time considerable fear that the agricultural interest, always a vital factor in every country, might seriously suffer from the prior claims of almost the monopoly of the public land by the great pastoral settlers. Above all, it was evident that a dangerous feature in land tenure existed in the possibilities of merely speculative investment in squatting rights which were secured only for temporary profit, to be THE NEW LAND CODE 173 sold again as soon as a high bid should be made. The first Government of Queensland was fully alive to these dangers, and one of their earliest official steps was to postpone all consideration of tenders for squat- ting ' runs ' in the newly created pastoral districts of Kennedy and Mitchell until August 1860; that is, until the Queensland Parliament should have had an opportunity of legislating upon the various difficulties connected with the land tenure. The results of the debates in the Council and Assembly on this subject were contained in four Acts, viz. ' The Unoccupied Crown Lands Act' (24 Vict. No. 11); 'The Land Tenders Eegulation Act' (24 Vict. No. 12); 'The Alienation of Crown Lands Act' (24 Vict. No. 15), and ' The Occupied Lands Leasing Act ' (24 Vict. No. 16) ; and these, wrote the Governor, ' form what may be called the land code of Queensland." He further remarked in a letter to a political friend in England : ' The legislation of our first Parliament has settled that long quarrel between the pastoral and agricultural interests which has raged in all new countries ever since the days of Abel, the " keeper of sheep," and Cain, the " tiller of the ground." 1 I may observe that the proceedings of the pioneer settlers in occupying fresh " runs " in Australia follow the jorecedent of those ancient squatters, Abraham and Lot, as described in the thirteenth chapter of Genesis.' By these Acts, which were, at a later period, re- vised and extended, not only were the conditions of the occupation of pastoral land regulated and re- stricted, but a new departure in colonial land tenure was begun. Provision was made for the increase 1 Genesis, chap. II. 174 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND of agricultural holdings by conferring on the Governor the power to mark out large areas of ' agricultural reserves,' near the coasts and rivers, and in the neigh- bourhood of towns. These reserves were destined wholly for agricultural and not for pastoral settlers. The land was to be sold at a fixed price of 11. per acre, and the purchaser of a certain number of acres enjoyed, on easy conditions, the right of leasing a large adjoin- ing area at a nominal rent with option of purchase at the same price of 11. at any period of his occupancy. Immigration was encouraged by a provision for allot- ting free land orders to immigrants paying their own passages. In this manner room was made for a population of large and small agriculturists, and the undue preponderance of the pastoral settlers was restricted. Commenting on these Acts in his despatch of October 1, 1860, Sir George Bowen wrote: ' In an official letter written soon after my arrival in this Colony, I made use of the following words : " While maintaining, as the representative of the Queen, a ' dignified neutrality' (to quote Lord Elgin's happy phrase) between contending parties, I hope to lend my aid to a conciliatory and permanent settle- ment of the land question, which otherwise threatens to become in Australia an irritating and prolonged contest between rival classes and interests, like the Agrarian Laws at Eome, and the Corn Laws in England." ' Earl Grey has remarked in his valuable book on Colonial Policy that, even in the self-governing THE LEGISLATION OF THE FIRST SESSION 175 Colonies, " an able Governor can do much by a judicious use of the influence rather than of the authority of his office." But the success attained in the first session of my first Parliament has exceeded my most sanguine hopes. Without pledging myself to absolute concurrence with every detail of the Land Acts now passed (which will be extended and enlarged in the future as the progress of colonisation may require), I regard them as a practical and satisfactory settlement of this much-vexed question, which is still embittering the social life and retarding the material advance of the neighbouring and elder Colonies. 'I confidently believe that the Acts, Eeports, and other official papers already transmitted, will be found to contain ample justification of the favourable opinion which I expressed in my Prorogation Speech of the results of the first session of the first Parlia- ment of Queensland. This Parliament may fairly boast of having passed, with due caution and fore- sight, a greater number of really useful measures, and of having achieved a larger amount of really practical legislation, than any other Parliament in any of the Australian Colonies since the introduction of parliamentary government. I will conclude by quoting the testimony borne on this point by the chief organ of public opinion in New South Wales, a journal which was at first by no means favourable to the creation and prospects of the new Colony of Queensland : — 176 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND ' " Judging from the experience of the older Colonies, it would have seemed safe to predict that Queensland would not settle its land policy until two or three parliamentary sessions had expired ; until half-a-dozen Ministries had climbed by its means into power, and been baffled by the very tactics by which they themselves succeeded ; and until an amount of social hatred had been engendered which it would take years to extinguish. These anticipations, however, would have been all false. The Government of Queensland has been either very fortunate or very judicious. The last to enter the race, Queensland has shot ahead, and taken the first place. While in Melbourne the popular rage has been worked up by its guardians into riot, and while in Sydney the tactics of the popular party have succeeded in placing the land question in a position of chronic blockade, in Queensland it has been settled on a moderate and reasonable basis, and without so much as a single ministerial crisis." ' 1 In his reply to the above despatch, the Duke of Newcastle congratulated Sir G. Bowen on the suc- cess of his government, and the general prosperity of Queensland; adding that he perceived with great pleasure the evidence afforded by the various Acts of the first session ' of the industry, intelligence, and good sense with which the Council and Assembly have 1 The Sydney Morning HanlrT, September, I860. OPINION OF SIR E. BULWER LYTTUN 177 applied themselves to the practical duties of legisla- tion.' Not less gratifying was the testimony of Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, the Minister who had appointed Sir G. Bowen to Queensland ; and who now wrote to him : ' You have managed admirably, and shown great tact and ability. It is indeed a grand thing to have been the (Ekist, the founder of the social state of so mighty a segment of the globe as Queensland, and is, perhaps, more sure of fame a thousand years hence than anything that we can do in the old world. It is carving your name on the rind of a young tree,* to be found with enlarged letters as the trunk expands.' VOL. I. 178 THK FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND CHAPTEK X. THE PBOGEESS OF QUEENSLAND — OFFICIAL TOUES — SPEECH ON EDUCATION — VISIT TO THE NOETHEEN DISTEICTS — COLONIAL FOECES — LETTEES TO THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, ME. COBDEN, SIE G. COENEWALL LEWIS, SIR EOUNDELL PALMEE ■ — ME. ' GLADSTONE — AUSTEALIAN FEDEEATION — PAX BEITANNICA. To review in detail the legislation of the nine ses- sions of the two Parliaments which sat under Sir George Bowen's rule in Queensland would be an instructive but lengthy task. The beginnings of all new States are interesting, and the wonderful progress of Queensland in these early years of independent existence is full of valuable lessons in the science of self-government. Only a comparatively small portion of the Colony was even partially settled when the first Parliament met ; but during the eight years of the first Governor's tenure of office, the area of civilisation was extended till the northernmost point of Australia, Cape York, was occupied and incor- porated in the organisation radiating from Brisbane. So rapid and sweeping an expansion necessarily created a vast amount of work for the Government and Legislature; and many difficult problems had to be solved. The sound sense and intelligence displayed by the colonists in relation to the large questions which thus fell under their purview were remarkable ; and there is probably no other instance THE GOVERNORS OFFICIAL TOURS 179 on record of a similar peaceful and orderly assump- tion by an untrained legislature of so vast a re- sponsibility, or of so wise and impartial an exer- cise of great power over so immense a dominioii- and among so many conflicting interests. The land question was, of course, the foremost difficult}^ but the Acts passed in the first session were found to work so well that subsequent years saw little else but their expansion. With the rapid growth of the Colony other questions than the regulation of municipalities, schools, public works, and suchlike matters of local importance, came to the front. One was the establishment of a comprehensive system of communication by railways and telegraphs. Another was the question of the defences of the Colony. What was done in all these and other matters will be seen in outline in the Governor's letters and despatches. The details must be sought in the Parliamentary bluebooks and the colonial histories. The Governor's duties, however, were by no means limited to the period of the parliamentary session, which generally lasted from April to Sep- tember. Much of his most important work was done in the annual recess. It was then that he journeyed through all parts of the Colony in order to make himself thoroughly acquainted at first hand with the wants and wishes of all classes of the com- munity. It was the neglect of the Government of New South Wales to pay detailed attention to every part of its huge dominions that forced on the separa- tion of one province after another, till Moreton Bay had followed the lead of Port Phillip, and Queensland had been separated in like manner as Victoria. Sir x 2 180 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND George Bowen was resolved that no such indifference to the remoter parts of the Colony should be mani- fested during his rule ; and he never permitted a recess to pass without making a considerable official circuit. In his first year, as has been seen, even before the Parliament met, he was able to make him- self acquainted with the district of the Darling Downs. In the following autumn he inspected the northern districts as far as Eockhampton; in 1861, the central districts ; the next year he went north again to Port Denison ; and thus every recess found him encourag- ing the people to meet him and lay before him their special wants and hopes. It is worthy of notice that in every one of these official tours he was throughout welcomed with unbounded loyalty. The addresses which he received in each district that he visited would fill a volume of respect, gratitude, and affec- tion. Addresses, however, are very similar in style and matter, and the recital of one or two will give a sufficient impression of the rest. The Governor's replies to the addresses presented to him were always received with acclamation ; and his advice, even when trenching oh deep-rooted prejudices, was heard with attention. His speeches were frequently occupied with urgent counsels in favour of municipal organisa- tion, of the raising of Volunteer forces for defence, and the introduction of tropical crops, such as cotton and sugar, into those regions where the cereals of the cooler parts of Queensland were not suitable. Thus he told the people of Maryborough that ' The object of my official tours, here as elsewhere, is to see and judge for myself, to ascertain the requirements and desires of all classes of the inhabitants of Queensland. THE GOVERNOR'S ADDRESSES 181 In this object I am confident that I shall derive valu- able assistance from the members of your future municipality, for I rejoice to find that you have applied to be incorporated according to law. All political experience has proved that local municipal bodies are fully as necessary to the public welfare as central representative legislatures. It is in such corporations that men are trained to legislate on a wider stage. They are the best security against undue centralisation, and against the partial and unjust dedication of the public revenues to the ad- vantage of favoured localities. It has been observed by a great statesman and philosopher, that " muni- cipalities are to liberty what primary schools are to science ; they bring it within the reach of the people. They teach men how to use and how to enjoy it." ' In reply to the address of the people of Eock- hampton, Sir George again recommended municipal institutions, and added his advice that they should 'form in this district a corps of Volunteer riflemen, in imitation of the patriotic example set by the in- habitants of Brisbane and Ipswich, and generally by our fellow countrymen throughout the Empire. In addition to the obvious advantage of thus provid- ing for your external and internal defence, such associations are eminently calculated to promote union and good feeling among a population thinly scattered over a wide extent of country ; and also to foster that spirit of independence and self-re- liance, without which no people whose annals are recorded in history has ever attained to vigorous manhood.' 182 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND Nor did he ever fail to impress upon his audiences the importance of education. As an Oxford first class man and Fellow of his College, Sir George was not likely to forget the uses of high training. A University indeed would have been somewhat pre- mature in Queensland, for ample facilities for the higher education in all its branches existed in the Universities of Sydney and Melbourne, but every provision was promptly made for schools and col- leges at the principal towns of the new Colony. Sir George Bowen was always ready to do his part in opening such institutions, giving away the prizes, and encouraging the students. As an example of his speeches on educational subjects, the following address at the opening of the first Grammar School may be cited : ' The Trustees of this institution having conveyed to me a wish that I should take part in the interesting proceedings of this day, I gladly accepted their invi - tation. Educated myself at an English public school and university, my warmest sympathies are naturally enlisted in the inauguration of the first public school established in this new Colony, with the object of pro- viding for our youth some of the higher branches of a liberal education. And, as a public man engaged during many years in the active business of life, I desire to bring the living testimony of practical ex- perience to confirm and enforce those precepts and exhortations which the students will doubtless hear from the learned head-master, and from the gentle- men associated with him. SPEECH ON EDUCATION 183 ' In the first place, I observe with great satisfac- tion that this institution will be carried out, so far as circumstances may permit, on the well-tried plan of the old public schools of England. So much, in- deed, is implied in its name. This school professes to teach grammar in its widest sense — that is, " the science which has for its object the laws which re- gulate human language." Now' it is, I imagine, admitted on all sides that by education is meant not a mere preparation for some specific trade or pro- fession, but rather a preparation for the whole busi- ness of life — a preparation which shall fit the student to fill his part well as a member of a family, of a professional or commercial community, of society generally, and of the State. Far be it from me to say that no help should be furnished at school and college towards the various pursuits of manhood. Much can be done — and much, I hope, will be done in this institution — towards that object, both directly and indirectly : directly, by instruction in the prin- ciples and practice of law, commerce, and agriculture ; and indirectly, by instruction in history, modern languages, mathematics, chemistry, and physics. Still the main end of a liberal education is so to dis- cipline the understanding and the taste, and so to strengthen the various powers of the mind, that when the student proceeds, thus disciplined and strength- ened, to learn the use of the weapons needful for himself especially, he may accpiire that use most readily, and ever afterwards employ it most 184 THE FOUNDING "OF "QUEENSLAND worthily for himself and most beneficially for his country. ' Such, then, being the true aim of education, it follows that grammar, or the science of language, must hold an important place in it. Language is the medium of intercourse between man and man — the instrument, as it were, of thought. How can the processes of the mind be better understood than by a minute analysis of two of the most perfect languages that have ever been spoken ? Or how can the young scholar learn more easily to think accurately for him- self than by the study of the exact meaning of words and phrases ? It has been asked indeed : " While the claims of language to form an essential part of education must be granted, why should the dead languages of Greece and Eome be chosen for this purpose ? " To this plausible question convincing re- plies have often been given. It has been shown that while, on the one hand, the study of modern lan- guages alone would prove an inferior discipline, so, on the other hand, the worth to all time of the stores of wisdom and learning contained in the classical languages of antiquity is almost incalculable. Greek and Latin are a better instrument for training the mind, because they are more elaborate in their ety- mology and syntax, expressing by copious inflexions what the languages of modern Europe express by mere juxtaposition of independent words. Moreover, the study of the ancient tongues from which the principal modern languages are derived, supplies a USES OF "CLASSICAL STUDIES" 185 common standard and foundation for the philology, similar to that furnished in the elements of Euclid for the mathematics of all nations. Again, it has been truly said that we are hardly less closely connected with the people of Greece and Eome than with our own immediate ancestors. Not more truly do we owe most of our civil rights and social institutions to our Anglo-Saxon forefathers than we are indebted to the Greeks and Romans for most of our law, our literature, our science, and our philosophy. 'It has sometimes been objected, with all the audacity of ignorance, that classical studies are un- lit for the present active age, and tend to make men -" unpractical " and " mere dreamy scholars." But all experience refutes this superficial objection. Almost • all the greatest English statesmen and lawyers in the last hundred years have been men pre-eminent for classical attainments. I need only mention in con- firmation of this assertion, the names, on the judicial bench, of Lords Mansfield, Stowed, Ellenborough, and Tenterden ; and, in political life, the names of Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Lord Grenville, Mr. Windham, Mr. Canning, Sir Eobert Peel, Sir George Lewis, and Lord Palmerston. And who at the present day are the two foremost champions of the two great rival political parties, as consummate parliamentary orators and ready and acute debaters ? Both these eminent Englishmen are not more proud of their success as statesmen than as scholars. They are rivals not only as political leaders but as trans- 186 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND lators of Horace. Mr. Gladstone, the able and hard- working Chancellor of the Exchequer and Minister of Finance, a man of hard facts and dull figures, is also the author of an elaborate treatise on the poetry of Homer. Lord Derby, as Chancellor of the Univer- sity, recently welcomed the Prince of Wales to Oxford in a Latin speech worthy to be compared with the most renowned models of Eoman eloquence. ' No doubt high distinction in public life has been attained in some few instances by men not remark- able for classical acquirements ; but (to quote from a speech of the late Sir Eobert Peel) " is there not strong reason to believe that in their case success would have been more easy and more complete, had such acquire- ments been superadded to their other qualifications?" ' Having now spoken of some of the studies which will be pursued in this institution, I shall conclude by addressing a few plain and practical remarks to the masters and to the scholars respectively. ' The true position of the instructors of youth has been laid down for all time in those well-known and beautiful verses of the Latin poet Juvenal : x Di majorum umbris tenuem et sine pondere terrain, Spirantesque crocos, et in urnd perpetuum ver, Qui praceptorem sancti voluere parentis Esse loco. I will only add that I am confident that the gentle- men whom I now address will not rest satisfied with their present acquirements, but will ever day by day ' Sat. VII. 207. GOOD PROSPECTS IN A COLONY 187 seek to add to their stores of knowledge ; so that, in the words of the late Dr. Arnold, one of the greatest teachers of any age, and who has done much to exalt the scholastic profession, " their pupils may drink not from a stagnant pond but from a fresh running stream." ' As for the scholars who will be educated here now and henceforward, I earnestly exhort them to prove by their diligence and good conduct, their appreciation of the many advantages procured for them by the wise liberality of the colonial legislature. It has been often said that in this happy land there is no barrier between classes, and that the highest positions can be attained by persons starting from the most humble origin. If a young man has only ability, energy,' and perseverance, there is nothing within the range of the institutions of this Colony to which he may not aspire. I rejoice to learn that scholarships and other prizes will be provided as incentives and rewards for successful merit. I hope that the number of candidates at the examinations. for these prizes will increase from year to year. Such examinations will produce among the rising generation a spirit of emulation, which is one of the noblest feelings of the human heart, and from which springs, in no slight degree, the greatness and pro- sperity both of individuals and of States. It is a spirit wholly distinct from that of envy or jealousy — a spirit compatible with the utmost kindness and goodwill towards those with respect to whom the 188 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND emulation is felt, I am aware that certain objections have been made to the system of competitive exami- nations altogether. Some people say that it leads to " cramming." Now it often happens, that when men seize upon a word, they imagine that word to be an argument, and go about repeating it till they per- suade themselves that they have arrived at some great and irresistible conclusion. So when they pronounce the word " cramming," they flatter them- selves that they have utterly discredited the system to which that word is by them applied. But an ex- cellent answer was once supplied to all loose reason- ing of this sort by Lord Palmerston, in defending- competitive examinations. He said : — " Some people seem to imagine that the human mind is like a bottle, and that when you have filled it with anything, you pour it out again, and it becomes as empty as it was before. This is not the nature of the human mind." The truth is that the boy who has been " crammed " (to use the popular phrase), has, in point of fact, learned a great deal, and that learning has accom- plished two objects. In the first place the boy has in the process of " cramming " been forced to exercise the faculties of his mind ; and in the next place, there remains in his mind a great portion of this know- ledge so acquired, and which probably forms the basis of future attainments in different branches of education. Again, it has been objected that com- petitive examinations make the young " vain and con- ceited." But this futile objection was also demolished PALMEltSTON ON COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS 189 by Lord Palmerston in the admirable speech to which I have already referred. " As to vanity and conceit," he said, " those are most vain and conceited who know the least. The more a man knows the more he ac- quires a conviction of the extent of that which he does not know. A man must know a great deal to understand the immensity of his own ignorance." You will recollect the remark of Sir Isaac Newton, on his death-bed, that he looked upon himself only as a child picking up shells on the shore of the great ocean of truth and knowledge. ' Finally, an old and familiar classical proverb de- clares that " the beginning is half the whole " : Dimidium facti qui bene cospit h'abet. There is some responsibility as well as honour in being concerned with the opening of this institution — the first of the kind in Queensland— but destined, I hope, to be a model to many successors. I think I may promise alike for the Government and for the Trustees, that no care shall be wanting on their part to secure a good beginning. I trust I may reckon on finding in the whole body of the masters a con- scientious zeal in the discharge of their duty. Still, with whatever skill and attention their studies may be chosen and directed, it must rest mainly with the scholars themselves whether the result shall be suc- cessful. By every motive which can influence re- flecting and responsible beings — by regard for their own welfare and happiness in this world — by the fear 190 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND of future discredit — by the hope of lasting fame ; by motives yet more urgent — by nobler and purer aspirations — by the duty of obedience to the will of our Creator — by the awful account which we shall all have to render of the talents entrusted to us for im- provement; — by these high arguments, I affectionately exhort all who now hear me, so " to number their days that they may apply their hearts unto wisdom." ' The following despatch gives a brief account of the Governor's tour in the spring 1 of 1860. To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : December 4, 1860. My Lord Duke, In continuation of former despatches, I have the honour herewith to transmit copies of the addresses presented to me during my recent official tour of inspection in the central and northern districts of Queensland. It will be seen that, according to my constant habit, I took advantage of the customary replies to afford useful information, and to tender practical advice to the inhabitants of the several settlements which I visited. I was everywhere received during my recent tour, by all classes of the community, with the same loyal welcome as on my first arrival at Brisbane, now twelve 1 It will be recollected that at the antipodes the spring months are September, October, and November. VISIT TO NORTHERN QUEENSLAND 191 months ago, and as on my subsequent visits to the southern and eastern districts of the Colony. The first has been the most critical year of my administration. I have now organised all the de- partments, and appointed all the officers of the Government ; I have, further, inaugurated the Parlia- ment ; and, what is also a delicate task in a new country, I have (to a great extent) formed the society which meets at the Government House. It is naturally very gratifying to find that my conduct on all these points has had a result the very reverse of impair- ing the confidence and respect which the people of Queensland were, from the beginning, inclined to feel towards the first representative of their Sovereign. The Colonial Architect, the Surveyor of Eoads, and others of the chief executive officers of the Go- vernment, accompanied me on my recent journey. Arrangements were everywhere made in the several districts for the immediate construction of the public works, for which funds were voted in the late session of Parliament. I am determined to leave no just ground in this Colony for complaints of neglect on the part of the central Executive, such as those which led to the separation of Victoria and Queensland from New South Wales. A full description of Maryborough and its vicinity will be found in a former despatch. On the banks of the river Mary, as of all the other rivers of Central and Northern Queensland, there are vast tracts of country admirably adapted for the 192 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND growth of cotton, of sugar, and of all other tropical and semi-tropical productions. Port Curtis is probably the best harbour, after that of Sydney, on the eastern coast of Australia. In 1854, the Government of New South Wales founded on its shores a township, which has been named Gladstone, and is the outlet of the adjacent pastoral counties of Pelham and Clinton. The excellence of the harbour, the salubrity of the climate, and the beauty of the surrounding scenery, combine to render Gladstone an eligible site for a flourishing town; but the river Fitzroy, further north, affords a more ready access to the interior of the Colony, and conse- quently the settlement of Eockhampton on its banks has advanced more rapidly up to the present time. The town of Eockhampton was founded in 1858, and was then the extreme point of European settle- ment in this part of Australia. As the outlet of the vast regions watered by the river Fitzroy and its tributaries, it is even now a flourishing place, and pastoral occupation has already extended to the Peak Downs and to the shores of Broad Sound, fully 200 miles further inland and northward. As I have reported elsewhere, the Queensland Government is about to found a new settlement at Port Denison, as the outlet of the recently proclaimed district of Kennedy, which Avill reach to within about 300 miles of the Gulf of Carpentaria. Though Eockhampton is within the tropics, the climate of the neighbouring districts, especially on the RAPID PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENT 193 upland downs and beautiful prairies of the interior, is in a high degree healthy and invigorating. Fresh settlers are fast arriving from New South Wales and Victoria, and bring their flocks and herds with them. Nor is the value of the wool of the merino sheep deteriorated, to any sensible extent, in these warm Latitudes. What the fleece loses in weight, it gains in softness and delicacy. It will afford some idea of the great space already covered by the settlements of this Colony, to mention that on my official tours during the past twelve months, I have myself visited two flourishing towns in Queensland (Warwick and Eockhampton), which are distant from each other' by the nearest road at least 600 miles ; that is, much further than Galway and Kirkwall respectively are distant from London. There is something almost sublime in the steady, silent flow of pastoral occupation over north-eastern Australia. It resembles the rise of the tide or some other operation of nature, rather than a work of man. Although it is difficult to ascertain exactly what progress may have been made at the end of each week and month, still, at the close of every year we find that the margin of Christianity and civilisation has been pushed forward by some 200 miles. A letter to Mr. Cobden records some of the Governor's impressions of the early beginnings of Queensland : vol. I. o 194 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND To Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. Government House, Brisbane : March 18, 1862. My dear Sir, I see it reported in the English newspapers that the state of your health will require you to take a long sea voyage, and to pass a short time in a more genial climate than that of England. Do not be startled if I urge you to pay me a visit at the Antipodes. Eecollect that the journey from London to Sydney (whence there are weekly steamers in forty-eight hours to Brisbane, the capital of Queensland) is now a voyage d'agrement of about forty days. Your return would also require forty days ; so that if you confine your absence to the parliamentary recess — say five months — you could spend about eight weeks with me at Brisbane. During these eight weeks you could learn more than in as many years in England of the real condition of Australia, and of that most interest- ing question, interesting alike to statesmen and philo- sophers, the working in these Colonies of the almost purely democratic institutions which have been con- ferred upon them. You would find me living in a handsome and commodious Government House on the banks of the river Brisbane, here as broad as the Thames at Westminster. The climate of Brisbane resembles that of Madeira ; and it is the resort of invalids from India and China, as well as from all the Australian Colonies. The summer (December to March) is rather warm, but very healthy. During the rest LETTER TO MR. COBDEN 195 of the year our climate is delicious. The winter (May to September) reminds me of a succession of the finest days of a Neapolitan winter. The hot season is also the rainy season. Nothing can exceed the beauty of the indigenous vegetation of this part of Australia — especially of the flowering shrubs and ferns ; while most of the European as well as semi-tropical productions grow with equal luxuriance. Pray show this letter to Mr. Bright, whose ac- quaintance I first had the pleasure of making at your house in London in 1854. I wish I could persuade him also to pay me a visit in Australia, either alone, or in company with you. Tie will recollect that if he were to leave London by the overland mail at the end of July, he would reach Brisbane about the middle of September. He could stay with us for a couple of months till the November mail, which leaves us about the 20th. In this way he could be back in London by the middle of January with a good know- ledge of the real state of things in Australia. In his political studies he could be assisted by an old school- fellow and associate in the Anti-Corn Law League, Mr. T. B. Stephens, who is now the mayor of the city of Brisbane. You are doubtless aware that vast tracts of this territory are admirably suited for the growth of cotton. Several local cotton companies are already in opera- tion ; but the great English manufacturers must embark some portion of their own skill, energy, and o 2 196 THE FOUNDING OF . QUEENSLAND capital in this enterprise, if cotton is to be grown on an extensive scale here ; for most of the local capital is invested in wool. The Queensland Legislature has done its utmost to aid the mother-country in the present crisis of the cotton supply, by offering free grants of land for cotton plantations, and premiums (for several years) on the growth of that plant. And there are no restrictions here, as in some of the other Australian Colonies, on the importation of cheap labour from India. But on this subject generally, I would beg to refer you and Mr. Bright to Mr. Bazley of Manchester, with whom I have had much correspondence about it ; and to the ' Cotton Supply Reporter,' in which the Duke of Newcastle has caused several of my despatches to be published. Mr. Bazley wrote to me not long since, that he believed that the best cotton in the world could be grown in Queensland. He proceeds to say that 'he will en- deavour to get up a company of English capitalists to grow cotton on a large scale in Queensland.' I beg to express my earnest hope that you will render every assistance in your power to an enterprise so important both for the parent State and for the Colony. It appears that the cotton plantations of North America cover in the aggregate little more than 4,000,000 acres — that is, about the area of Yorkshire. Along the eastern seaboard of Queensland, which extends for 1,200 miles, at least twenty Yorkshires are open for selection by cotton planters— in a LETTER TO MR. COBDEN 197 salubrious climate, and under British laws and in- stitutions (tant soit peu liberalised). The people of Queensland paid me the compli- ment of electing to the first Assembly all the men whom, on my first arrival, I had appointed to the principal offices ; and they then became my respons- ible ministers, and have now weathered the storms of three parliamentary campaigns ; so that they have attained a patriarchal age for an Australian ministry. As you will see from the enclosed papers, we have already settled on a moderate and reasonable basis the land question, which, like the Corn Law question in England, has been the source of long and violent agitation in Australia. I submit that I have practically proved here the principle for which I have always contended, viz. that any imperfect success of parliamentary government in the older Australian Colonies does not arise from any defect in the system itself so much as from the errors of the naval and military governors who first inaugurated free institu- tions in this continent. Had I space, or you patience, I could give you numerous illustrations of my mean- ing. Suffice it to say that liberty began here at the wrong end. The professional habits and instincts of the soldier and sailor Governors led them to establish centralised bureaucracies, which have now, by a few rapid and inevitable steps, become cen- tralised democracies. Ministries are upset in Aus- tralia, not so much on great principles of policy, 198 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND but rather on wrangles about the distribution of the general revenue among the public works of the various districts. Every member tries to get as much as he can of the public money for his own constituents. It is as if the fate of an English Ministry depended on the erection of a bridge in AVales, Scotland, or Ireland. A propos, the con- duct of certain Irish members of the House of Commons in 1861 respecting the Galway contract will give you some faint idea of what takes place in Aus- tralia. To counteract this mischief I have laid great stress here on the creation of local municipalities, as being as necessary to well-ordered liberty as primary schools to sound science. I have already succeeded in persuading all our chief townships to apply to be incorporated ; and I hope soon to see established in the rural districts a county system like that of Canada. But it is high time that I should relieve you from these commentaries on Australian politics. Shall I candidly confess that I am anxious to awaken your curiosity, and that of Mr. Bright, so far as to induce you to pay me a visit in this new and most flourishing Colony — the youngest and most extensive dependency of Great Britain ? I have long been convinced, and my conviction is fully shared by more experienced politicians than myself, that if one or two of the leading Eadical statesmen of England were to meet some of the Australian Eadicals on their own ground it would do a vast deal of good to both parties. And LETTER TO SIR ROUNDELL I'ALMER 199 what a contrast to the scene in \ which I first had the pleasure of making your acquaintance — the halls of Oxford ! The importance of obtaining a good Chief Justice from England led to the following letter : To Sir Roundell Palmer, M.P., Solicitor-General. 1 Government House : Brisbane, August 18, 1862. My dear Sir Roundell Palmer, When I used to dine with you at Lincoln's Inn, and meet you at Lambeth in Archbishop Howley's time, I always looked forward to your becoming Lord Chancellor, but I did not anticipate that I should one day address you on the selection of a Chief Justice, and as the Governor of what is already the most extensive in territory and the most favoured in soil and climate, and is destined to become one of the richest and most valuable to the parent State, of all the dependencies of the British Crown. I presume that before this letter reaches you my despatches and the minutes of my Executive Council respecting the selection of our Chief Justice will have been forwarded to you from the Colonial Office. From those documents and from Eobert Herbert, the Colonial Secretary of Queensland, you will learn the whole state of the case. He goes home on leave 1 Afterwards Lord Chancellor and Earl of Selborne. 200 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND by this mail and will immediately put himself into communication with you. In the Australian Colonies all appointments what- soever, including the appointments of the Judges, are absolutely vested in the Governor, with the advice of the Executive Council ; nor do they require any confirmation from the Queen or any other Im- perial authority. Under the existing circumstances of this Colony, the Government and Legislature have determined to procure a Chief Justice direct from the English Bar, to be selected by some eminent legal functionary at home. As both Herbert and I are personally acquainted with you, we resolved to ask you to undertake this important trust, which I earnestly hope you will not decline. "What we want is a gentleman rather than a mere lawyer. The prin- cipal officials in a Colony form a sort of social aris- tocracy. The Chief Justice ranks next to the Governor, and his influence extends far beyond the sphere of his judicial duties — indeed, whether for good or for evil, it is immense. The first Chief Justice of Queensland may set his mark for the future on this great and rising Colony. As I have told the Duke of New- castle, the confidence of this new people can be easily and speedily won by a Judge of high personal cha- racter and impartiality, faithful in the discharge of his public duties, and animated with an honest and intelligent zeal for the public welfare. Whatever political party may be in power in the Colonial Legislature, there would be a strong desire on all PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT IN AUSTRALIA 201 sides to defer to the opinion of such a man on all questions affecting the administration of justice. It is hardly too much to say that he might become the father of the jurisprudence of a future nation. 1 People in England talk and write flippantly of ' Responsible,' that is, Parliamentary Government in Australia, but they forget what great things it has done and is doing for the English name. What is there in history to compare with the marvellous growth of these Colonies ? Lord Palmerston was four years old when the first settlers landed at Port Jack- son, and already Sydney has a population of 80,000, Melbourne of nigh 150,000, the latter city being the growth of barely twenty-five years. 2 Local self-govern- ment is simply indispensable if these great Colonies are to remain what they now are, loyal provinces of the Empire. Englishmen in Australia will not submit to be governed from Downing Street, 16,000 miles away. I recollect pointing out to Mr. Gladstone, when he was at Corfu, a passage in the twentieth chapter of Macaulay's ' History of England,' showing that if you grant representative institutions at all, you must grant the logical sequence, a responsible Executive. And a Governor with a strong will, popular manners, and sufficient political knowledge and official experience to guide the deliberations of his council of ministers, cannot fail to exercise a very commanding influence. 1 Sir James Cockle, the Chief Justice appointed on the recommenda- tion of Lord Selborne, proved to be all that was desired. 2 Now, in 1889, Sydney has nearly 300,000, and Melbourne nearly 400,000 inhabitants. 202 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND The Governor of a Crown Colony is looked upon as the subordinate of the ' Downing Street ' department. The Governor of an Australian Colony, if he is worthy of his position, is regarded as the head of a people. The frequent references to Volunteer forces in the Governor's speeches pointed to a very important feature in colonial policy. The Imperial troops were withdrawn from all the self-governing Colonies, ex- cept so far as to form a nucleus for local oiganisa- tions for defence; but Queensland was the only Colony ever founded ' without costing a soldier or a shilling ' to the British Treasury. The natural mode of supplying their place was by corps of Volunteers ; and Sir George Bowen lost no time, on his arrival in the Colony, in impressing upon the people the necessity of such provision. His first despatch on the subject is given below : To the Duke of Newcastle. Government House, Brisbane : April 10, 1860. My Lord Duke, On my assumption of office as Governor of Queensland, I found that Brisbane and Ipswich, the two principal towns of this Colony, each containing a large amount of British property in its banks and warehouses, could be easily sacked or laid under con- tribution by the boats of a single hostile ship of war. They were, in short, entirely defenceless ; the military detachment formerly stationed at Brisbane having been withdrawn several years ago, and there being POLICE CORPS— VOLUNTEER FORCE 203 absolutely no public force whatever in the two com- munities, except about twenty unarmed and undisci- plined constables. Under these circumstances, I set myself forthwith to work to organise a Constabulary on the Irish model, and considerable progress has been made, with the assistance of an officer who had acquired much experience, and had shown great energy and resolution as commandant of the ' Native Mounted Police,' a corps of 100 black troopers stationed in detachments in the remote pastoral dis- tricts of the interior, for the protection of the out- lying settlers from the attacks of the aborigines. My next step was to encourage the formation of Volunteer Corps after the example of the mother- country. I omitted no favourable opportunity of impressing on the inhabitants of this Colony the necessity of providing for their own defence. An Act of the local Parliament enables the Governor ' to accept on behalf of the Queen the services of such of her Majesty's loyal subjects as may be willing to enrol themselves in Volunteer Corps, and to make pro- vision for the regulation thereof.' Accordingly, in virtue of the powers thus vested in me, I issued a proclamation prescribing rules and regulations for the guidance of the Volunteer Corps which might be formed. This appeal has already been responded to. A corps entitled ' the Queensland Mounted Rifles,' .and possessing an excellent materiel in both men and horses, has been enrolled at Brisbane. Com- panies of riflemen, to serve as infantry, are also in 204 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND course of formation both here and in the neighbour- ing town of Ipswich. My desire is not to rest content with enrolling a Volunteer force able to repel any external aggression on the seaboard. I wish to extend the movement to those inland districts where the settlers are still ex- posed to danger from the native tribes, which are far more numerous and more formidable in Queensland than in any other portion of Australia. This part of the question may need some explanation. The life of the pioneers of colonisation on the distant prairies of the interior of this Colony presents several distinct phases when viewed in its connexion with the aborigines. The first sight of the horse and his rider appears to strike a tribe of blacks, as yet ignorant of the white man's existence, with super- natural terror, similar to the awe with which the American Indians contemplated the comrades of Columbus and of Cortez. But superstitious fear is soon succeeded by bitter hostility. Mutual provoca- tions between the races lead to mutual reprisals. The fiercer spirits among the native warriors fall before the superior arms and skill of the European, or are driven still further backwards into the unexplored wilderness. The milder natures sink ere long into the condition of well-fed dependents of the colonists, and in the course of a few years no danger remains to be apprehended from them beyond some isolated acts of robbery or revenge. In the early days of the occupation of each dis- COLONIAL SELF-DEFENCE 205 trict, the colonists are frequently obliged to associate together, for self-defence against the blacks, in a somewhat irregular manner, and after the fashion, as I am informed, of the old Dutch Commandos in South Africa. For many obvious reasons, it seems highly desirable that this border warfare, when absolutely unavoidable, should be carried on under some control on the part of the Government. The establishment of the Native Police has contributed much towards this end ; and I am inclined to believe that the enrolment of the principal settlers and their servants in several Corps of Yeomanry, or rather of Mounted Bines, would contribute still more. Sir E. Bulwer Lytton wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, that ' in a settlement which is surrounded by savage tribes, while sound policy will dictate every effort to conciliate the goodwill and confidence of such uncivilised neighbours, and while humanity will shrink from the application of armed force against the aborigines wherever it can be avoided, yet some military strength and disciplined organisation are essential preservatives to the settlers, and indeed will be attended with far less loss of life, with actions far less sanguinary, than when the white man is left to defend himself against the black without that decided superiority which is conferred by military skill over savages. In such conflicts the want of discipline is the want of mercy.' In accordance with these views it is my intention to recommend the leading settlers in the remote 206 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND pastoral districts of Queensland to form themselves into troops of Mounted Eifles ; and, in pursuance of the authority vested in me by law, to grant on behalf of the Queen, commissions as officers in these proposed Volunteer Corps to some of the local magistrates, and to other persons on whose courage and discretion equal reliance can be placed. I am fully persuaded that I shall receive the sup- port of the Colonial Legislature in carrying out the arrangements which I have shadowed forth in this despatch, and also in making all the provisions which an enlightened humanity may suggest for the interests of the aborigines ; and, whenever such a work may be commenced with a fair prospect of success, for their education and conversion to Christianity. The response of the Queenslanders to the Gover- nor's invitation was as prompt and hearty as could be desired. To the Right Honourable Sir George Cornewall Lewis, Bart, M.P., Secretary of State for War. Government House, Brisbane : August 18, 18C2. My dear Sir George Lewis, I venture to ask you to cast your eye over the enclosed copy of a letter which I have addressed to the General Commanding in Australia, and which he will transmit by this mail to the Duke of Cambridge. A word from you would, of course, make certain the LETTER TO SIR G. CORNEWALL LEWIS 207 confirmation of the action taken by General Pratt, and I take the liberty of soliciting you, on the grounds of public policy stated in the enclosure, to say that word. You will see that all I ask on behalf of the Government of Queensland is that the War Office and Horse Guards may approve of General Pratt sending an officer of the Eoyal Artillery to this Colony, with the special duty of organising our Volunteer Forces, and, in particular, of creating a corps of Volunteer Artillery here. Without this aid, Queensland must remain defenceless against external attacks, and the guns recently sent out must con- tinue useless. Those gentlemen in England who are advocating the removal of all Imperial soldiers from Australia, and expect thereupon the sudden growth of efficient colonial regiments, would appear to forget that the old apologue of the dragon's teeth spring- ing up armed men is not likely to repeat itself at the antipodes of Hellas. As I told the Duke of Newcastle by the last mail, I cannot sow kangaroos' teeth under our gum trees, and then hope to see a crop of trained Volunteer gunners. There must be a nucleus of mili- tary instructors. All Queensland asks for is an Imperial contingent of one Captain of Artillery and an officer with a few soldiers of the line to drill and instruct our Volunteer forces ; that is, to enable the people of this Colony to defend themselves. The Government of Queensland will find everything but the regimental pay of the officers and men, and will make anv further contri- 208 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND bution towards the general defence of the Empire which may be agreed upon by the Australian and Imperial authorities. It is, I believe, the general feeling of the Governors, as well as of many of the principal colonists, that adequate fixed contributions should have been re- served for Naval and Military Defence, when the Crown Land revenues were absolutely surrendered in 1855 to the Australian Parliaments, which then re- presented little more than half a million of people. Including the sale and lease of lands, and the royalties levied in various shapes on the goldfields, the yearly- net Crown revenue of Australia cannot now be less than two millions sterling. Why should not a fair pro- portion of this grand patrimony of the British nation at large have been set apart for the general defence and unity of the British Empire ? I have told the Duke of Newcastle that it is probably not too late even now to rectify the grievous error which has been committed. If the Secretary of State for the Colonies were to make an appeal to the patriotism and loyalty of the Australians, it would not be diffi- cult to induce the several Legislatures to provide, by permanent Acts, naval and military contributions pro- portionate to the revenue and population of each. 1 You will recollect that this was the policy which Benjamin Franklin suggested to George Grenville instead of the fatal Stamp Act. 1 This suggestion was practically carried out by the Colonial Con- ference of 1887. LETTER TO MR. GLADSTONE 209 So again, Sir George Bowen wrote to Mr. Glad- stone on August 18, 1862 : ' As a Lancashire man yourself, you will be glad to hear that the news of the distress in Lancashire has evoked warm sympathy in all the Australian Colonies. I send you by this mail a Brisbane news- paper containing a report of a very enthusiastic public meeting held in this capital for the purpose of establishing a " Belief Fund." I was invited to take the chair, and I am glad to say that there will be sent home a sum of money, very considerable indeed in proportion to our existing population, for the succour of the distress " indistinctly heard of across half the globe," in that " dear mother-country," which our colonists regard with the proud sympathies and almost passionate love of a common allegiance and of a common nationality. It seems as strange to Englishmen in Queensland as it would appear to Englishmen in Devon or Yorkshire, to be told that they ought to be " emancipated " from the rule of Queen Victoria ; and strong denunciations are heaped on the head of my friend Goldwin Smith, for his pro- posals to that effect, by the Australian Bress. Most colonists tell me that they delight in seeing a few soldiers among them, as reminding them of the " Old Country," on what Sidney Herbert aptly called " the British flag and redcoat principle." Besides, it is absolutely necessary for the effective defence of the Colonies against external attack, that there should be VOL. I. P 210 TIIE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND a few officers in each, to drill the Volunteers and other local forces. ' But I must now pass per saltum from the prairies of Northern Australia, and from the coral isles of the Pacific, to Downing Street and Carlton House Ter- race. While you are reading this letter amid the fog, mud, and misery of a London autumn, we shall be (as Euripides 1 said of the Athenians) — ttfl ?l('l XllflwpOTUTOV a^puiS j@aii'oiT£s a'SipopoveovTa //.^Set'os Kparieiv. 1 1 Herodotus, ix. 16. Thus translated in Grote's History of Greece (Vol. V. page 214) : ' Truly this is the most hateful of all human suffer- ings—to be full of knowledge, and, at the same time, to have no power over results.' OPINION OF LORD NORTON 267 The crisis was soon over ; and the good sense of the majority of the Queensland ers soon recognised that in exercising an undoubted Imperial right their Governor had also saved them from a step fraught with disastrous consequences. Had the legal tender notes been issued, all debts, even Government loans from England, loans received in gold, might have been paid back in depreciated paper ; with the in- evitable result of the destruction of the credit of the Colony and the impossibility of raising in future the money necessary for the construction of the railways, harbours, and other public works. That Sir George Bowen firmly resisted this measure, at the risk of his popularity, was one of the greatest boons that he conferred upon the Colony ; and it is not too much to say that his example saved not only Queensland but the other Australian Colonies from jeopardising their credit by the issue of incon- vertible paper money. What one Governor had suc- cessfully accomplished, another could do ; and so Australia heard no more of the legal tender note. Sir George was able to assure Lord Carnarvon a year later that ' almost everybody here now agrees with my policy respecting the proposed issue last year of " greenbacks," and that the support which your Lord- ship accorded to me in that affair has put a stop to all schemes of meddling with the currency, both in this and in the other Australian Colonies.' We may here quote an extract from the book on ' Colonial Policy ' published in 1869 by Mr. Adderley, Parliamentary Under-Secretary for the Colonies (now Lord Korton) : ' Sir George Bowen, the first Governor of Queens- 268 THE FOUNDING OF QUEENSLAND land, is a man of sucli high public spirit, energy, and intelligence that he has kept the Colony always in active interest about its public questions, and this country in full information of its proceedings. ... A ministerial crisis occurred in 1866 on the question of issuing inconvertible paper currency as legal tender, in a scheme for raising a million sterling to meet monetary difficulties ; which propo- sition Sir G. Bowen firmly resisted as contrary to the Queen's Instructions, and indeed to the spirit of Imperial legislation, which from the first adopted Adam Smith's arguments against paper money being permitted as legal tender. ... He soon outlived the popular resentment against this necessary and legiti- mate exercise of the prerogative. The chief danger of the democratic spirit of colonial constitutional freedom, is not that it chafes too violently against the barriers placed against it, so much as that it is always making sacrifices to local popularity in dis- pensing public resources.' Towards the close of 1867, Sir George Bowen was promoted to the unusually difficult Government of New Zealand, as a mark of the Queen's appreciation of his eight years' service in Queensland. When his fare- well Message was read to both Houses of Parliament, telling them of his 'deep sense of their constant, loyal, and cordial co-operation with him, as the re- presentative of the Queen,' and declaring that he for his part had ' earnestly laboured, throughout the eight years of his administration, to perform his duty to -the best of his judgment and ability,' and that in the FAREWELL ADDRESSES— NEW ZEALAND 269 future he would always 'regard with proud and grateful interest the progress of the Colony where he and his family had received so much sympathy and respect ' ; the two Chambers cordially joined in a reply reciprocating to the full the Governor's good wishes and expressions of esteem, and adding : ' Through- out the lengthened period of your Excellency's ad- ministration, you have exercised your judgment and ability to the utmost in furthering the interests of Queensland ; and as we believe that the Colony has thereby been much benefited, we take this opportunity of tendering your Excellency our thanks. While your Excellency will continue to watch our future progress " with proud and grateful interest," it will be no less our privilege to watch, with equal regard, the future career in your Excellency's new sphere of action, of a public officer so long and so intimately associated with us.' Other addresses were of a more personal nature, and spoke of the Governor's departure less as the change of a ruler than as the loss of a friend. Early in January 1868, Sir George and Lady Bowen, with their children, three of whom had been born at Brisbane, embarked for New Zealand, amid a hearty public demonstration of respect and esteem. His name must remain for ever inseparably connected with the history of the great Colony of which he was the first Governor. Paet III. NEW ZEALAND 1868-1873 CHAPTEE XIV. CONDITION OP NEW ZEALAND ON THE AEEIVAL OP SIR GEOBGE BOWEN — ADDBESSES OF WELCOME — THE FENIAN MOVEMENT VISIT TO A MAOEI CAMP — THE AUCKLAND GOLDFIELDS — • CAPTAIN COOK. The history of New Zealand has been often written. First discovered and named in the seventeenth century by the great Dutch navigator Tasman, its coast was carefully examined towards the close of the eighteenth century by the great English navigator Cook. In the early part of the nineteenth century, a few traders and missionaries established themselves at various points, but no attempt was made at systematic colonisation until 1840, when an assembly of Maori chiefs ceded to the British Crown the sovereignty of their country by the Treaty of Waitangi. There soon arose between some of the native tribes and the colonists quarrels, generally to be traced, directly or indirectly, to disputes about land, which led to the two Maori wars — the first, which lasted from 1845 to 1848, and the second, which lasted, with little intermission, from 1860 to 1870. 1 Of all British Colonies, New Zealand was assuredly the most difficult to govern when Sir George Bowen was appointed in 1868. The second Maori war, 1 It may here be observed, once for all, that the narrow limits of these volumes will allow of the insertion of but a small part of the despatches of Sir G. Bowen and of the other Governors of New Zea- land. The rest will be found in the great mass of papers respecting that Colony which have been presented to the Imperial Parliament. VOL. I. T 274 NEW ZEALAND which had already lasted for eight years, was only slumbering, and the Maoris had not been really beaten. Nevertheless, the Home Government had withdrawn almost all the regular troops, and had resolved to remove the last British soldier, and to leave the colonists to carry out their own views, and to fight their own battles. Under such circumstances the obvious policy was one of conciliation ; it was ' alike more politic and more humane,' as Sir George Bowen frequently urged, to outlive than to fight the Maori race, which was gradually dying out, while the colonists were fast increasing. ' Our race is gone like the Moa,' the Maoris pathetically exclaimed, referring to the gigantic ostrich of New Zealand, which is now extinct. The new Governor exerted himself earnestly to procure the adoption by his Ministers and Parliament of the friendly and bene- ficent measures, the chief elements of which are explained in the despatches and addresses printed below. To the Duke of Buckingham and Cliandos, Secretary of State for the Colonies. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : February G, 18C8. My dear Duke of Buckingham, I found your letter here on my arrival yesterday (February 5 ). My reception at Wellington by all classes of the community was very hearty. My predecessor, Sir George Grey (who remains at his beautiful island of Kawau, 1 near Auckland), has, moreover, written 1 A good description of Kawau will be found in Mr. Froude's Oceana (chap. 18). Among its many attractions, not the least is the POLICY OF 'MUTUAL FORBEARANCE' 275 to me in very friendly terms, and I need scarcely say that I have cordially reciprocated his courtesy. My position here is necessarily one of extreme difficulty and delicacy ; but the full explanation of your Grace's views in your letter will be of great assistance and support to me. Perhaps I may be pardoned if I say that I am one of those who believe it to be the clear duty of a Governor, whatever his personal opinions or feelings may be, to carry out loyally the instructions of the Secretary of State. But I am thoroughly convinced that the policy of ' mutual forbearance ' which you intend to enforce both by precept and example, is the only policy which can terminate the present difficulties, or even, perhaps, permanently maintain the existing connexion between the mother-country and New Zealand. It is certain, at all events, that in your own words, ' con- tinuing discussion would only keep alive the differ- ences which have arisen between the Imperial and Colonial authorities, and which experience shows to be of a nature that correspondence is more likely to collection of animals which Sir G. Grey has brought thither from the different Colonies which he has governed. There are zebras, antelopes, and ostriches from the Cape ; kangaroos, wallabies, and emus from Australia, and so forth. We may here repeat the story, well known in New Zealand, of a conversation between an English statesman (A) and a distinguished colonist (B). A. said, ' What a, pity it is that Sir G. Grey keeps wallabies in his island ! ' B. ' Why should he not ? it is a very innocent amusement.' A. ' Sir, I am sorry to perceive that your Colonial morality is lax. I am informed that there is a whole seraph' n of wallabies.' B. ' You do not seem to be aware that a wallaby is a small kind of kangaroo.' A. ' Oh ! you have taken a weight off my mind. I thought that, as a mulatto is a half-caste between a white and a Negro, so a wallaby is a half-caste between a white and a Maori ! ' t 2 276 NEW ZEALAND intensify than to remove, especially when carried on at a distance of half round the world.' I dare not conceal from you, moreover, that the leading men here object to the tone far more than to the substance of many of the despatches from home, during the last four or five years. All who have lived much in our dependencies know that English colonists in general, even more than other men, are governed by the heart rather than by the head. It is quite possible to lead them, but it is equally foolish and dangerous to attempt to drive them, or even to treat them with what seems to their sensitive amour propre a want of due consideration. I have already had several long conversations with my Ministers, and I am bound to say that nothing can be better than their demeanour towards me person- ally ; and that they seem inclined to meet in a proper spirit my endeavours to throw oil on the troubled waters, by assuring them that there can be no inten- tion on the part of the Imperial authorities to treat New Zealand with neglect ; and that your desire is to disconnect yourself with all that is unpleasant in the past, and, looking forward, to lead the Home and Colonial Governments into a line of friendly co- operation. To the same. Government House, Wellington : March 5, 1868. My Lord Duke, Among the manifold and urgent questions which have necessarily pressed themselves on my attention CONDITION OF THE MAORI RACE 277 during the month, which has now elapsed since my assumption, on the 5th ult., of the Government of New Zealand, I have given much thought and care to that very complicated and difficult but highly interesting subject, the present condition and future prospects of the Maori race. By my desire the Minister for the Native Depart- ment (Mr. J. C. Eichmond) has addressed to the principal officers and agents of the Government throughout the Colony a circular directing each of them to furnish, for the information of the Governor, a detailed report on native affairs in his district. This report is to contain as full a history as possible of the last few years, and of the events that have come under the personal cognisance of each Govern- ment agent. Reliable information is called for as to the actual number of the Maoris ; the causes and influences affecting their increase or decrease ; their feelings towards Europeans generally ; their physical and moral condition ; the rise, objects, progress, and tendency of the ' Hau-hau ' 1 movement ; the opinions of the Maoris in respect of the recent war ; of the removal of the Imperial troops ; of the suppression of the late outbreaks of rebellion on the East Coast of the North Island, and elsewhere ; and of the prospect of the permanent restoration of peace. Finally, the several agents of Government are re- 1 This was the name of the wild and fanatical rites adopted by those Maoris who had fallen away from Christianity. It was the religious phase of the political and racial movement against the Colonial Government. -WO NEW ZEALAND quired to notice the working of the recent Acts of the New Zealand Legislature, in reference to the lands, the education, and the parliamentary representation of the Maoris ; and, generally, to supply such further information as may appear likely to be useful in forming an accurate opinion on the present state of native affairs. Te Puni, the well-known chief of the Ngatiawa tribe (now in extreme old age, but to whose protec- tion the early settlers in this part of New Zealand were formerly much indebted), and the other principal Maoris resident near Wellington, attended my first levee. I have also received, as the representative of the Queen, numerous addresses of respect and welcome from the loyal chiefs and tribes in all parts of both islands ; from the powerful clan of the Ngapuhis, at the Bay of Islands, in the extreme north ;■ from the small remnant of Maoris in Otago, in the extreme south; from various chiefs of Taranaki and Wanganui, and of the shores of the central lake of Taupo. It would, of course, be as yet presumptuous in me to pronounce any judgment on native questions. It is obvious, however, that the old institutions and rites of the Maoris have crumbled away; and so, it is to be feared, has, to a deplorable extent, their recently adopted Christianity. When I visited Te Puni a fortnight ago at his own village, the old chief told me, in the presence of the Bishop of Wellington (Dr. Abraham), that he believed that he was now almost the only real Christian in his tribe, for most TAWHIAO, THE SO-CALLED MAORI KING 279 of his kinsmen had become either ' Hau-haus ' or drunken profligates. It is, moreover, a significant fact that the so-called Maori King has lately re- nounced his baptismal name of Matutaera (Methu- selah), and openly adopted the heathen appellation of Tawhiao. He is stated to have taken no notice •whatsoever of certain overtures that were made to him before my arrival, with the object of inducing him to give his submission to the ' Queen's Son ' (the phrase by which the Duke of Edinburgh is known to the Maoris), during the approaching visit of His Eoyal Highness to New Zealand. With regard to this sullen and hostile isolation, a loyal chief, at a recent interview, addressed me in the following terms : ' Governor ! Tawhiao is now like a single tree left exposed in a clearing of our native forests. If you attack it with fire and steel, it will fall on you and crush you ; but if left alone, it will ere long wither and die. My word to you, Governor ! is to leave Tawhiao alone.' This is, in fact, the policy of my present Government. One or two examples of the many Maori addresses of welcome to the new Governor may here be given. They are translated literally. The first is an address from the powerful chief of Taupo in the interior of the North Island : 280 KEW ZEALAND To Sir George Bowen, Governor of New Zealand. ' Tapuaeharuru, Taupo : December 18, 1867. ' Friend, ' Salutations. I have heard that you are coming to this island, to New Zealand, to be a parent to us, and to take care of us, that is, of the whole of this island. ' O father ! salutations. Come on shore, come to your land, New Zealand, and to your people ; come to see the evil and the good of this island. ' friend ! salutations. My desire is this, that you should travel through your island, and also through our settlements. ' Enough. From your friend, 'Te Poihifi Tukaieangi.' Address from the chiefs of Otaki, in the South : ' Otaki : February 20, 1868. ' father, Governor Bowen ! salutations. Here are we writing this our letter of love to you ; for you are to be the Governor for us all, for the Maoris, and for the Pakehas. That is why our hearts are glad at your coming to New Zealand. ' Welcome hither, father ! to us your children ; although we be foolish children, do you teach us. We have received instruction at the hands of the other Governors, your predecessors ; but we, this people, the Maoris, still abide in our ignorance. You are the sixth Governor. ' Welcome hither to us ; be kind to us with the great kindness of our gracious mother the Queen. ' father ! we enclose herewith a copy of our letter to the Government for you to see ; it depends DIFFICULTIES OF THE COLONY 281 on yourself whether you bring the son of the Queen here to see us. ' That is all we have to say. ' Your friends, ' Tamihana te Kauparaha, 1 and others.' To an Official Friend. Wellington, New Zealand : March 8, 1868. You speak in your last letter of the difficulties with which I shall have to contend in New Zealand. They are indeed great and manifold. As to the Maori question, you might say to me in the words of Horace : 2 Motum ex Metello 3 consule civicum, Bellique causas, et vitia, et modos, Ludumque Fortunes, gravesque Principum* amicitias, et arma 1 Tamihana te Eauparaha is the son of the famous chief of that name, who was long opposed to the English at the first settlement of New Zealand. Three generations of this family illustrate the progress of the Maoris. The grandfather of Tamihana had killed and eaten men, and was himself killed and eaten, ' like a fine old Maori gentleman, one of the olden time.' The father of Tamihana had killed and eaten men, but died in his bed, a convert to Christianity. Tamihana himself, while fighting for the Crown, has killed men, but has not eaten them, and is a zealous Christian and loyal friend of the English. He is the last of his race— of a long line of chieftains and warriors ; and when the Duke of Edinburgh came to Wellington, he presented to ' the son of the Queen of England and of New Zealand,' with not ungraceful emotion, the mere of his ancestors, which they had borne for many centuries, and in many battles, but which there was no one to inherit. The mere, or jade sceptre, of a Maori chief is analogous to the hereditary tnafirrpov of an Homeric king. 2 Carm. II. 1. 8 Governor Gore Browne. 4 Sir G. Grey and General Cameron, who were at strong variance with each other. 282 NEW ZEALAND Nonclum expiatis ' uncta cruoribus, Periculosce plenum opus alecs, Tractas, et incedis per ignes Suppositos cineri doloso. The fact is that the Maoris have not really been conquered, and they know it. The smouldering flame of discontent may at any moment burst into a con- flagration. Again, the commercial depression and general poverty of the present period are very dis- tressing. They have prevailed in Australia also ever since the monetary crisis of 1866, but they are aggravated here by the sudden cessation of the mili- tary expenditure ; by the crushing weight of taxation to pay the interest of the war debt, and of the extrava- gances of former Governments ; by the cruel disasters caused by the recent hurricanes and floods, and by several other causes. In fact, the financial state of the Colony gives me more anxiety than even the native question — which, indeed, is closely connected with it. Among our other embarrassments, the Fenians have ' cropped up ' among the Irish on our southern goldfields, and have started, I believe for the first time in this quarter of the globe, a rabid Fenian newspaper at Hokitika. The principal Government officers write in terms of great alarm about the impending outbreaks there. My Ministers will doubtless support me in acting with firmness in the event of any open breaches of the law ; but there 1 No full utu (as the Maoris say), or expiation, had yet been made for the blood shed in the war. FENIAN MOVEMENT— THE MAORIS 283 is no general police force in New Zealand, as in each of the Australian Colonies. The ' Centralists,' as the party akin to the ' Federalists ' in America are called here, scarcely disguise their hopes that the downfall of the provincial system will be accelerated by riots on the goldfields, which there is now no efficient force to repress ; just as some of the colonists hardly conceal their wish that the remnant of the Maori race should be allowed to accelerate their own extinction by the Government permitting, if not encouraging, the internecine strife to which they are prone, when not banded against the English settlers. There are, among our New Zealand politicians, many men of ability and accomplishments, over whom any English Statesman might be proud to preside ; and our social relations are very pleasant. I hope to do much good by bringing the leading families of all parties together on the neutral ground of the Govern- ment House. To the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. Government House, Wellington : March 17, 1868. My Lord Duke, In continuation of my previous despatches re- specting the present condition of the Maoris, I have the honour to transmit herewith a map showing the distribution of the several native tribes in New Zealand. With few exceptions they are all resi- dent in the Northern Island. I annex a nominal list of these clans, and of the principal chiefs ; together 284 NEW ZEALAND with a statement of the estimated number of each tribe at the present time, and of its attitude, whether loyal or hostile to the Government, with other ex- planatory remarks. These documents have been carefully prepared at my request, in the department of the Native Minister, by officers of great experi- ence in Maori affairs. On my arrival here, I found that no full or accurate documents of this kind were on record ; and yet it is obvious that without such aid no accurate knowledge can be acquired, and no adequate opinion can be formed on the state of New Zealand, especially in England, at the distance of half the circumference of the globe. It will be seen that the lands confiscated some years ago for rebellion are estimated in the aggregate at nearly three millions five hundred thousand acres ; but that a large portion of this territory has been already restored to the former owners on their submission ; while another large portion has been appropriated as compensation for the services of friendly natives. The titles to certain lands on the East Coast of the Northern Island have been long in dispute, and are now under investigation before the proper legal tribunal, in pursuance of Acts passed by the New Zealand Parliament in 1866 and 1867. l I am informed that it is probable that in a majority of cases the present holders will be confirmed in possession of the lauds which they now occupy. 1 East Coast Land Titles Investigation Act, No. 27 of 1866; par- tially amended in 1867. CAUSES OF THE DECREASE OF THE MAORIS 285 The total Maori population is estimated now, in 1868, at about forty-five thousand ; of which number all, except from fifteen hundred to two thousand, reside in the Northern Island. Ten years ago, in 1858, a Government census returned the total Maori population at fifty-six thousand ; twenty years ago, in 1848, the Maoris were estimated at about one hundred thousand. The causes which have contributed to produce this rapid and deplorable decay have been discussed at length by several writers of ability and local experience. I would refer more particularly to the works of Mr. Fox, 1 formerly Prime Minister of this Colony ; and of Dr. A. S. Thomson, 2 who was resi- dent in New Zealand for many years as surgeon' to the 58th Eegiment. Mr. Fox shows that the gradual disappearance of the Maoris is not to be attributed in any large degree to their intercourse with Euro- peans, for ' that, for the most part, has led to the adoption of better food, better dwellings, better general habits of life. The one great cause has been, and is, their utter disregard of all those social and sanitary conditions which are essential to the continuing vitality of the human race ; this cause was in existence long before there was an European in the islands ; and there is little doubt that the race was on the decrease when Cook first landed there.' Dr. Thomson observes : ' The extinction of aboriginal 1 WarMiN«w£«aZaOTyssinians. Few will probably be found to advocate another aggressive war in the interior of New Zealand. It is generally felt that we must content ourselves with pro- tecting our existing settlements, and punishing the cruel outrages and massacres recently perpetrated. For these purposes, as also to prevent the horrors of a war of race and extermination between the colonists and the Maoris, to serve as a nucleus for the colonial forces, and to maintain in the eyes of the natives the prestige of the Queen's name and of Imperial power and authority, a small garrison of Her Majesty's troops is of proved value. Of all the painful feelings excited by the present condition of New Zealand, perhaps the most painful is connected with the effect produced on the minds of the loyal natives by the official announcement in the midst of the most dangerous crisis that has ever occurred in the history of this community, to the effect that the last British soldier will be removed in next February from New Zealand. It is, of course, impossible to explain to the Maoris the grounds of the complete change which has taken place of late years in the views of the Imperial Government with regard to the military protection of the Dependencies of the Crown ; or the mixed motives which induced one of the conflicting parties in the New Zealand EXTRACT FROM 'GREATER BRTTAIN ' 349 Legislature to advocate the so-called ' self-reliant policy,' without taking any steps to create a per- manent or effective defence force. It may appear strange to superficial or ill-in- formed observers that the English settlers in the North Island are unable of themselves to subdue the Maoris, seeing that their numbers are nearly as two to one, about 80,000 colonists to 45,000 Maoris. 1 But it will 1 We may compare the following remarks on this question of the author of Greater Britain (Part II. c. 5), who visited New Zealand during the war : ' Savages though the Maoris be, in irregular warfare we are not their match. At the end of 1865 we had of regulars and Militia 15,000 men under arms in the North Island of New Zealand, including no less than twelve regiments of the line at their " war strength " ; and yet our generals were despondent as to their chance of finally defeating the warriors of a people which — men, women, and children-- numbered little over 40,000 souls. Men have sought far and wide for the reasons which led to our defeats in the New Zealand wars. We were defeated by the Maoris as the Austrians by the Prussians, and the French by the English in old times, because the victors were the better men. Not the braver men, when both sides were brave alike ; not the stronger ; not, taking the average of our officers and men, the more intelligent ; but capable of quicker movement, able to subsisi on less, more crafty, more skilled in the thousand tactics of the bush. Aided by their women, who, when need was, themselves would lead the charge ; and who at all times dug their fern-root and caught their fish ; marching where our regiments could not follow, they had, as have the Indians in America, the choice of time and place for their attacks ; and while we were crawling about our military roads upon the coast, incapable of traversing a mile of bush, the Maoris moved securely and secretly from one end to the other of the island. Arms they had, ammunition they could steal-, and blockade was useless with enemies who live on fern-root. When they found that we burnt their pahs, they ceased to build them ; that was all. When we brought up howitzers, they went where no howitzers could follow. It should not be hard, even for our pride, to allow that such enemies were, man for man, in their own land, our betters. All nations fond of horses, it has been said, flourish and succeed. The Maoris love horses, and ride well. All races that delight in sea are equally certain to prosper, empirical philosophers will tell us. The Maoris own ships by the score, obU NEW ZEALAND be remembered that the Maoris were not subjugated during the years when an English army of nearly ten thousand regular soldiers, in addition to the colonial forces, was employed in this island. More- over, the great majority of the settlers in New Zealand are emigrants from the labouring classes in England, and had probably never carried arms of any kind until they found themselves enrolled in the colonial Militia. On the other hand, every Maori is a born soldier ; strong, fleet, and intrepid ; accus- tomed from his infancy to the use of weapons, and to the sight of blood; and trained to great skill in bush fighting by the guerilla warfare of the last eight years. Again, the colonists occupy settlements placed chiefly along and near the sea-shore. They occupy, as it were, the circumference of a circle, whereas the Maoris are entrenched in the almost impenetrable mountains and forests of the centre, whence they can send forth forays in every direction. It will be further recollected that, in 1745, 4,000 Highlanders easily conquered all Scotland, except the few fortified posts garrisoned by English troops, although the Lowlanders were infinitely more nu- merous in comparison with the Celts than the British colonists in New Zealand are in comparison with the and serve as sailors whenever they get a chanee ; as deep-sea fisher- men they have no equals. Their fondness for draughts shows mathe- matical capacity ; in truthfulness they possess the first of virtues. They are shrewd, thrifty, devoted friends, brave men. With all this, they die. " Can you stay the surf which beats on Wanganui shore ? " say the Maoris of our progress ; and of themselves, " We are gone — like the JVIoa." ' ANALOGY OF THE SCOTCH HIGHLANDERS 351 Maoris ; and though the Lowlanders were animated against their assailants by the animosities which spring from differences of race, language, and religion. In short, it is not to be denied that if the small British detachments which now hold some of the towns, and thus leave the colonial forces free to cope with the insurgent natives in the open field, are withdrawn, the main hope, under Providence, of the colonists in the North Island must lie in the heredi- tary feuds which have hitherto prevented the Maoris, like other races living under the tribal system, from acting together against the authority of the Queen. If the entire Maori people were to unite against us now, we could probably hold only the towns of Auckland and Wellington. So, British authority would have been practically annihilated if the British troops had been removed from Scotland during the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, and if the Hanoverian had joined the Jacobite clans. So, too, the English would have been driven out of all India (except, perhaps, the Presidency cities) in 1857, if the European army had been withdrawn, and if the Sikhs, together with the Nizam and the other loyal native princes, had joined the Sepoy mutineers. The late Primate of New Zealand, now Bishop of Lichfield (Dr. Selwyn), has remarked on more than one public occasion that there is, in the present condition of ■ this Colony, nothing which is new to the student of the history of other countries where formidable aborigines had recently been brought into contact 352 NEW ZEALAND with alien invaders or settlers. The social state of the Maori districts of New Zealand at the pre- sent day is analogous to that of the Celtic dis- tricts of Ireland down to the reign of George I., and of the Celtic districts of Scotland down to the reign of George III. In fact, it has often been observed with truth that those who wish to under- stand the present condition of the Maoris, should read with care the description of the Scotch High- landers at the end of the seventeenth century, as contained in the loth chapter of Lord Macaulay's 'History of England.' In my Despatch, No. 116, by this mail, I attempted a description of my visit to the Maori camp near Wanganui on the 17th ult. ; but I should have drawn a much fuller and more vivid picture of what I saw there, and especially of the meeting between Colonel Whitmore and the Maori chiefs, if I had simply quoted the following passage describing the Highlanders under Dundee : — ' All that was left to the Commander under whom these potentates (the Highland chiefs) condescended to serve, was to argue with them, to supplicate them, to natter them, to bribe them ; and it was only during a short time that any human skill could preserve harmony by these means, for every chief thought himself entitled to peculiar observance, and it was therefore impossible to pay marked court to any one without disobliging the rest. The General found himself merely the president of a congress of petty kings. He was perpetually called upon to THEIR RESEMBLANCE TO THE MAORIS 353 hear and to compose disputes about pedigrees, about precedence, about the division of spoil. His decision, be it what it might, must offend somebody. At any moment he might hear that his right wing had fired on his centre in pursuance of some quarrel two hundred years old ; or that a whole battalion had marched back to its native glen, because another battalion had been put in the post of honour. A Highland bard might easily have found in the history of the year 1689, subjects very similar to those with which the war of Troy furnished the great poets of antiquity. One day Achilles is sullen, keeps his tent, and announces his intention to depart with all his men. The next day Ajax is storming about the camp, and threatening to cut the throat of Ulysses.' It was remarked above that, in the same sense in which the annexation of the entire territories of the King of Oude was one of the causes which led to the Indian rebellion of 1857, so the confiscation of a small portion of the land of the rebel Maoris may have been one of the causes of the continuance of the Maori war, which has now raged in New Zealand, with little intermission, since 1860. The map, which I transmitted with my despatch of March 17th ult., will show that the confiscated land embraces but a small part of the surface of the North Island. Much of it, moreover, has been already restored. It appears to be admitted on all sides that forfeiture of land was a just punishment for rebellion, accompanied with cruel murders and other horrible outrages ; and that it was VOL. I. A A 354 NEW ZEALAND also a punishment in accordance with Maori usage, as well as with the laws of civilised nations. But it also seems to be now generally admitted that it was im- prudent at the present time to occupy with settlers distant and isolated positions, in the immediate neigh- bourhood of the most hostile tribes, and of the most impenetrable mountains and forests. In fact, what the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Card- well) foretold in his despatch, 1 of April 26, 1866, to my predecessor, Sir G. Grey, has now come to pass. Mr. Cardwell then pointed out that ' if the proposed new settlements were too far advanced beyond the country already occupied, it might prove impossible to abandon them without discredit, or to protect them without disproportionate expense.' On the whole, I am disposed to concur with those who argue that the military settlements ought to have been placed mainly, if not solely, on the open and easily defensible Waikato plain ; and to have been protected by a line of posts drawn across the North Island (advantage being taken of the nature of the ground) from the sea at Aotea, or Whaingeroa, on the West Coast, to the sea at Tauranga, on the East Coast. A frontier might thus have been secured analogous to the old Eoman frontier between the Friths of Forth and Clyde. It is believed that in this, and in my previous despatches on the same subject, I have given a full and accurate account of the present condition of this 1 See the Tarliamentar}) Papers presented June 1866, p. 127. PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS TO MEET THE CRISIS 355 Colony. It remains for me to suggest what should be done at this crisis, the most dangerous which has hitherto occurred (as the Chief Justice has observed), in the history of New Zealand. It is generally hoped that the single battalion of Imperial troops which still garrisons four of the main centres of population (Auckland, Taranaki, Wan- ganui, and Napier), will be left here, in accordance with the earnest desire of the New Zealand Parliament, which is now pledged to pay the entire cost. More- over, it will be recollected that New Zealand alone is already paying for native purposes, defence, and the interest of the war loan of three millions sterling, nearly four hundred thousand pounds annually, that is, far more than the aggregate payments for similar purposes of all the Australian Colonies put together ; and that these burdens render necessary taxes at the rate of Ql. 5s per head of the population, double the rate in the United Kingdom. It is trusted that one battalion will be left as some equivalent for this expenditure. But that battalion (the 2nd, 18thEoyal Irish) numbers barely 750 effective officers and men, whereas there is good reason to believe that there are now as many Maoris in arms against the Crown as there ever were while there were 10,000 regular soldiers in the Colony ; and the Government has received repeated warnings that the Maori King will probably, sooner or later, give the signal for a general rising of the hostile tribes, and a general massacre of the colonists. With the utmost efforts that can be A A 2 356 NEW ZEALAND used, my responsible advisers appear to be unable to raise in New Zealand a permanent force of above 2,000 really effective men, in addition to the Militia and Volunteers, who are practically available only for the defence of their respective districts. Each private in the permanent force is paid 5s. per diem, and, with his rations, clothing, arms, &c, costs the Colony at least 1501. per annum. I am strongly inclined to agree with those who, from their long experience of the native character, believe that if a small garrison of Imperial troops, in addition to the colonial forces, were maintained in New Zealand for the next few years, as was main- tained here from 1846 to about 1860 during the interval between the first and second Maori Wars ; and if no further attempt were made to occupy lands in distant and isolated positions, or in the immediate neighbourhood of hostile tribes, this Colony would probably enjoy permanent peace and security. It will be remembered that the native race is rapidly diminishing, while the Europeans are as rapidly in- creasing in numbers. In 1848, only twenty years ago, the Maoris in the North Island exceeded 100,000 ; while now, in 1868, they are under 45,000. Con- sequently the Maori difficulty is a question of time, probably of the next ten years. During that period, every effort should be made to push roads into the interior. Experience has amply shown that the best weapons for the conquest of the Highlands of New Zealand in the nineteenth, as of the Highlands of SUMMARY OP PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS 3u7 Scotland in tlie eigliteentli century, are the spade and the pickaxe. I will conclude by summing up my practical suggestions, with the expression of a strong convic- tion that permanent peace and security may be restored to New Zealand by adopting the following- measures : a. The presence, in addition to the colonial forces, of one regiment of regular troops (to hold the chief towns, and keep up the prestige of the Imperial power in the eyes of the Maoris). b. The prohibition of fresh settlements in exposed and dangerous districts. c. A peaceful arrangement, not inconsistent with the suzerainty of the Queen, with Tawhiao, the chosen chief of the Maoris. In his reply to the above despatch the Secretary of State declared that the two latter suggestions were 'clearly judicious.' As it has been already stated, 1 it was finally arranged that the Imperial Treasury should guarantee a loan of one million sterling towards the cost of the defence of New Zealand by the Colonial Government, instead of allowing one regiment of Imperial troops to be retained temporarily. To negotiate this question with Her Majesty's Government, the Colonial Ministry despatched to England as Commissioners two of the ablest members of the Colonial Parliament, viz. 1 See above, p. 333. 358 NEW ZEALAND Messrs. Featherstone and Bell, afterwards Sir I. E. Featlierstone, K.C.M.G., and Sir F. Dillon Bell, K.C.M.G. (now Agent-General for New Zealand in London). 1 1 It was stated in the Colony that the Home authorities at first tried to persuade the Commissioners to be satisfied with the guarantee of half a million sterling ; to which arrangement one of them was inclined to agree, when the other (as he reported) ' floored it ' by in- sisting on the guarantee of the whole million. A well-known New Zealand politician remarked on this point : ' Beally our two Com- missioners represent between them the Natural History of the Colony. One is the Fauna {fawner) and the other the Flora {floorer): 559 CHAPTEE XVII. THE WAR BECOMES A GUERILLA — THE GOVERNOR CONTINUES HIS OFFICIAL TOURS — LAST SURVIVOR OF THE MAORIS WHO HAD SEEN CAPTAIN COOK — VISITS OF THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH EXPEDITION TO THE HOT LAKES — QUOTATION FROM ' GREATER BRITAIN.' After the great successes of the Colonial forces and loyal Maori clans at Ngatapa and elsewhere, the war became merely an intermittent guerilla. The Governor continued to visit personally every district where his presence could be of advantage. The sub- joined extracts from his despatches furnish details and illustrations of his policy and action : To the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : February 20, 1869. My Lord Duke, For some time past there have been rumours of probable disturbances in the district of the Waira- rapa, which begins at a distance of about thirty-five miles east from Wellington. I thought it advisable to choose the present time to pay to this district a short official visit ; from which I returned yesterday. I was accompanied throughout my tour by Com- modore Lambert, commanding Her Majesty's naval 360 NEW ZEALAND forces on this station ; and by Mr. Feather stone, the Superintendent of the Province of Wellington. The fertile and picturesque valley of Wairarapa stretches inland from Palliser Bay, and is about sixty-five miles in length, with a width ranging from fifteen to nearly forty miles. The European settlers amount to nearly three thousand souls ; of this number about eight hundred are adult males, and of these I found above seven hundred, in fact, almost every man capable of bearing arms, enrolled in the local corps of Militia and Volunteers ; I saw, moreover, fully five hundred horsemen assembled in one day at Greytown, the principal centre of population in the Wairarapa ; and I was escorted through the district by a strong detachment of Volunteer cavalry. The usual addresses of respect and welcome were pre- sented to me by both the Europeans and the Maoris. There is a considerable Maori population, includ- ing many Hau-haus, in some parts of the valley, and of the slopes of the surrounding mountains. At the usual Korero, or native meeting, I was addressed in loyal and pacific speeches by the principal chiefs, who, however, did not conceal their apprehension of the possible invasion of the Wairarapa by the hostile natives, and of the disastrous consequences which would ensue should Tawhiao take the field and call the entire Maori race to arms against the English. There can be no doubt but that the natives generally are still watching the j) regress of events with gloomy LAST MAORI WHO HAD SEEN COOK 361 irresolution, and that very much depends on the success of the negotiations recently entered upon by my Government with the view of securing at least the neutrality of the so-called Maori King. Meanwhile the settlers in the Wairarapa, as in most other parts of this island, seem to be now fully prepared to defend, in case of need, their lives and homes. Nearly every able-bodied man in the valley is armed and drilled ; while a redoubt and block- house have been erected in a central position as a place of refuge for the women and children in the event of an outbreak. I may take this opportunity of mentioning that, on my journey back from the Wairarapa, I visited at his kainga (or village), about twenty miles from Wellington, the famous Ngatiawa chief, Taringa Kuri, the last survivor of those who had seen Captain Cook on one of his later voyages to New Zealand. The first English settlers in this country state that Taringa Kuri was a very old man on their first arrival here thirty years ago ; and his age is now generally believed to exceed one hundred years. He is extremely feeble, but, in common with his people, he expressed much gratification at my visit. 1 1 Taringa Kuri died in the autumn of 1871 ; and by a singular coincidence two other leading chiefs, also closely connected with the early colonisation of New Zealand, Tamati Waka Nene and Te Puni, died within the same twelvemonth. See pp. 297-300 ; and 427-28. 3G2 NEW ZEALAND To the Same. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : February 22, 1869. My Lord Duke, I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of the last report received from Colonel Whitmore, respecting the progress of events on the West Coast. It is the opinion of the most competent judges that there will be a tedious guerilla warfare in that quarter. Titokowaru appears to have retreated to a strong position in the forest, whence he sends forth marauding parties against the settlers, and lays ambuscades for the escorts and foragers of the colonial forces, often with fatal effect. I regret to add that an official letter from the Superintendent of the Province of Taranaki reached Wellington yesterday, reporting the murder on the loth instant, by a party of Hau-haus, of the Eev. John Whiteley (an aged and respected Wesleyan missionary), together with Lieutenant Gascoigne, his wife and three children, and two other settlers, at the White Cliffs, a place about thirty miles north of the town of New Plymouth. It is feared by many that these murders may be the commencement of a fresh outbreak in that quarter also, and there is great alarm felt at New Plymouth. A detachment of Volunteers from New Plymouth has proceeded to the White Cliffs, and recovered the bodies of some of the murdered settlers. Every effort in their power will be made by the Colonial governor's visit to taranaki 3C oUo Government, and by the local Militia, for the pro- tection of the town and province of Taranaki. The Governor visited in person shortly afterwards the province of Taranaki and New Plymouth, its chief town, riding through the disturbed districts, and inspecting the posts held by the Militia and the native contingent. The grand physical feature of this part of the Colony is the shapely snow-capped cone of the lofty extinct volcano, called Taranaki by the Maoris, but named Mount Egmont by Captain Cook. Bishop Selwyn once remarked that the people of this province were ' as fond and proud of their mountain as if they had created it themselves.' At the public dinner given in his honour, Sir G. Bowen, in proposing ' Prosperity to Taranaki,' said, ' As the standing toast in Shropshire is "All round the Wrekin," so here it should be "All round Mount Egmont.' To the Earl Granville, K.G. 1 Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : March 12, 1869. My Lord, In continuation of my despatch of February 22nd ult., I have now the honour to forward herewith a memorandum submitted to me by Mr. Eichmond, the Minister for the Native Department, showing the progress of the Maori "War, and the general condition of native affairs at the present time. It is generally felt that it would be unfortunate, 1 Lord Granville had succeeded the Duke of Buckingham as Colonial Minister. 3t>4 NEW ZEALAND for many obvious reasons, if the last British soldier should be withdrawn on the eve of the Duke of Edinburgh's arrival. Moreover, the feeling of the principal Maori chiefs naturally resembles that of the great Indian princes. One of the most able and observant of the writers on British India 1 has remarked that ' Hyder Ali and Eunjeet Singh, the Hannibal and the Mithridates of India, had often in their mouths the same phrase concerning the power of the English. They feared, they would say, not what they saw, but what they did not see. Jung Bahadour, the far-famed Mayor of the Palace of Nepaul, when the first dull rumour of the coming crisis began to be bruited, paid a visit to England on purpose to learn for himself what the state of the case really was, and returned firmly resolved not to take part against a power which could raise at a pinch hundreds of mil- lions of money and hundreds of thousands of men.' So the single battalion of Imperial troops still left in New Zealand, though it is restricted to garrisoning the towns, and takes no part in the fighting, still is, in the e)-es of the Maori chiefs, a symbol of the power and protection of the Queen. In my desjjatch of January 7th ult., I added: 'In common with all the leading public men of this countiy, I am convinced that it is of vital importance to endeavour to come to a peaceful understanding, not inconsistent with the sovereignty of the Queen, with the so-called 'Maori King'; by which title his 1 Sir George 0. Trevelyan, Bart., M.P. See Cawnpure, p. 27. OPERATIONS OF COLONEL WIIIT.UORE 365 adherents appear to mean nothing more than a great chieftain and magistrate, analogous to the semi-inde- pendent rajahs of British India. All feel that it would have been more satisfactory if Tawhiao could have been brought to submission while there was in New Zealand, in addition to the colonial forces, an army of ten thousand British soldiers ;• but all agree that since his conquest was found impracticable then, it would be worse than folly to attempt it now, by the unaided efforts of the colonial forces alone.' There can be little doubt but that the Maori King is himself disposed to peaceful counsels ; still he, like several of the Indian princes in 1857, when placed in a somewhat similar position, may ulti- mately have to yield to the violence of the barbarous warriors and fanatical Hau-hau prophets by whom he is surrounded. To the Same. Government House, Wellington : March 20, 1869. Colonel Whitmore is cautiously but perseveringly forcing his way through the forests on the West Coast ; and on the 13th instant, after a night march, and under cover of a mist, he surprised Titokowaru's camp, and drove him from it with some loss. The small force under Colonel Whitmore's immediate com- mand is gradually acquiring discipline, confidence, and skill in bush fighting ; but it will be recollected that, while the enemy is stronger and more experienced than ever, the colonial troops do not exceed one-fifth NEW ZEALAND of the number of the regular soldiers lately employed in the same service. For it will be remembered that after the utmost exertions that could be used, and after recruiting throughout this Colony, and in Aus- tralia, the Colonial Government has been unable to raise its permanent force to above two thousand men. The latest intelligence from the Waikato is still of an uncertain character. The movements of the Maori King, on whom so much depends, seem as yet undecided. It is stated that a large meeting of the King natives is to be held at the end of this month of March ; and that it will then be finally settled whether they shall declare for peace or for war. Meanwhile intelligence has reached Wellington in confirmation of the report of the fresh outbreak on the East Coast. It appears that Te Kooti after his escape at the capture by Colonel Whitmore, in last January, of his main stronghold at Ngatapa (about thirty miles inland from Poverty Bay), retreated to the mountains of the interior, where he was joined by a portion of the wild and savage Urewera clan, the McGregors of the Maori Highlands. He has now made a foray against the settlements in the Bay of Plenty. In that quarter about five hun- dred Europeans of all ages and sexes are dispersed along a coast line of above one hundred miles ; living intermingled with the natives, and in their own phrase ' under the Maori tomahawk '; just as the settlers near the Highland border, one hundred and fifty years ago, lived under the Celtic claymore. Of these five PUBLIC SPIRIT OF THE COLONISTS 3G7 hundred souls, there are about two hundred men able to bear arms ; who are enrolled in the Militia, and are now holding the redoubts at Tauranga and Opotiki, to which their families have mostly fled for refuge. The English are supported by an equal number, of the Arawas, — a clan which has continued as loyal to the Crown throughout the Maori rebellions as the Camp- bells remained during the Scotch rebellions of 1715 and 1745. Te Kooti has already captured (though after severe loss) a pah belonging to the friendly natives ; he has destroyed the settlement at Whakatane ; and murdered, among others, Mr. Pitcairn, an English surveyor, and M. Guerin, a Frenchman, long resident in this country, who manfully defended his house, and killed several of his assailants before he succumbed to overpowering odds. The Colonial Government has sent to the assist- ance of the settlers in the Bay of Plenty all the men that can be spared from the other threatened points. The indirect effects of these fresh massacres were more reassuring than could have been anticipated. As Sir George Bowen wrote to Lord Granville (July 5, 1869) : ' The truth is that (as the tone of several of my recent despatches will show), I have thought better, and not worse, of the prospects of this Colony with regard to the native rebellion, since the Poverty Bay massacre, than I thought before that catastrophe. It 368 NEW ZEALAND lias caused the spirit of the colonists, and of the loyal Maori clans, to swell up high and fierce. Moreover, it was believed by many of those best acquainted with the native character, that a bloody outbreak of this nature would prove the signal (as on former occasions) for a very extensive rising of the disaf- fected tribes, with the so-called Maori King at their head ; whereas Tawhiao and his adherents have abstained from active hostilities for so many months, that I now am inclined to hope that they will not rise at all.' In the midst of these alarms — which were, however, subsiding, as the colonial forces acquired strength and discipline— the ' Sailor Prince ' paid his first visit to New Zealand. The recent attempt of a Fenian at Sydney to assassinate him naturally intensified the sympathy and loyalty of the colonists. To the Earl Granville, K.G. Government House, Auckland : June 7, 1869. My dear Lord, In my despatches by this mail, your Lordship will find full and detailed reports of the very suc- cessful visit to New Zealand of the Duke of Edin- burgh. After a stay of seven weeks in this Colony, H.E.H. took his final departure on the 1st of June, ' a day,' as he observed, ' auspicious in the annals of the British navy,' and is followed by the loyal affec tion and hearty good will of this community, to all FIRST VISIT OF THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH 369 classes of which he had endeared himself by his gracious tact and courtesy, and by his unaffected sympathy with the Colony in the difficulties against which it has been so long struggling. He visited all the chief centres of population, viz. Auckland, Wellington, Nelson, Canterbury, and Dunedin, spread along a coast line of above 1,000 miles ; and his sojourn here, while it passed over without a single contretemps, has done much public good by at once rewarding and confirm- ing the loyalty of the friendly Maoris, by leading to pacific overtures from the hostile tribes, and by in- tensifying (if I may so speak), the personal attach- ment of the overwhelming majority of the colonists to the Queen and the Eoyal Family. We all feel towards the Captain of the ' Galatea ' the sentiment of Horace : l Sis licet felix ubicunque mavis, Et memor nostri, Galatea, vivas ! The Duke was good enough to say, and to show by his manner, that he ' felt quite at home ' with Lady Bowen and myself during the seven weeks that he spent under our roof. He exerted himself zealously to entertain the society invited to Government House, bringing his stage scenery on shore from the 'Galatea,' and having it put up in the ball-room under his own superintendence. Lord Charles Beresford and others of his officers gave us capital private theatricals, the Duke himself leading his orchestra. As you are doubtless aware, he is an accomplished musician, 1 Ca/rm. III. 27. VOL. I. B B 370 NEW ZEALAND and an excellent mimic and raconteur, when he finds himself among people he knows well and likes. He had not so much shooting as I had hoped to give him; for Commodore Lambert took advantage of Lis being on the station to hold several naval courts- martial ; and His Eoyal Highness will never allow anything whatsoever to interfere with his professional duties. If the Duke is charming as a guest, he is, if pos- sible, still more charming as a host. He took me with him in the ' Galatea ' on his Aasit to the south- ern provinces. It was observed that he gave the Governor all the honours as the colonial representa- tive of the Queen, and seemed to regard himself, while afloat, simply as a captain in Her Majesty's navy serving in the waters of my Government. While keeping up strict discipline, he is beloved by his offi- cers and men, who would follow him anywhere and everywhere. Commodore Lambert and the other Senior officers here consider the Duke to be above the average of officers of his own age as a practical sea- man, while there are few men in the Koyal Navy who know more about steam machinery, naval construc- tion, and what may be called the scientific part of the profession. Moreover, H.E.H. never forgets that, as Master of the Trinity House, he is, in a sense, the head of the mercantile marine of England ; and, as such, he is always anxious to promote in every way the interests of trade and commerce. He has made valuable practical suggestions for the improvement, SECOND VISIT OF THE LUKE OF EDINBURGH 371 lighting, and defence of several of the harbours of New Zealand. Writing at a later period of the Duke of Edin- burgh's second visit to New Zealand, in 1870, Sir George Bowen reported to the Secretary of State His Royal Highness' expedition to the celebrated Hot Lakes : Government House, Auckland, New Zealand : December 20, 1870. My Lord, I have the honour to rejaort that on the 12th instant, His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, accompanied by myself and by several officers of H.M.S. ' Galatea ' (including Lord Charles Beresford), left Auckland in the Colonial Government steamer ' Luna,' on a visit to the Lake District on the East Coast of this Island. On the following morning we landed at Tauranga, the principal port in the Bay of Plenty, where His Royal Highness was enthusi- astically welcomed by 700 chiefs and warriors of the clans of the Arawas and Ngaiterangis. From Tauranga we proceeded to Maketu, the principal kainga, or settlement, of the Arawas, and celebrated in Maori tradition as the spot at which their ancestors, some twenty generations back, first landed in New Zealand. No Europeans have as yet settled in the inland districts of this portion of New Zealand ; but His Royal Highness was as safe amono- the Arawas in their own country as he would be B n 2 372 NEW ZEALAND among the Gordons in Aberdeenshire. We were, however, attended by a guard of honour, consisting of a strong escort of the clansmen in arms for the Queen. The Duke of Edinburgh and his officers were much interested by the many striking scenes and incidents of life in a Maori camp, especially by the war songs chanted by the Arawas around the watch-fires which they kindled every night in front of our tents. On the other hand, the native warriors were delighted by His Eoyal Highness' power of enduring fatigue ; by his good horsemanship and swimming ; by the skill and vigour with which he paddled his canoe across their lakes ; and by his constantly wearing the kilt, which is the favourite dress of the Maori as of the Scotch Highlanders. I shall not detain your Lordship with an account of the hot lakes, solfataras, and geysers of this Island, for they have been fully described hj other writers. Suffice it to say that, on the 14th instant, we rode from Maketu to Ohinemutu, the principal inland settlement of the Arawas, a distance of nearly forty miles ; the road leading us along the shores of the beautiful Lakes Eotoiti and Eotorua. It will be remembered that (as I reported at the time) this road was spontaneously made by the Arawas, the chiefs and clansmen labouring together, for the use of the Duke of Edinburgh more than two years ago, when his visit was first expected. On the 15th instant, after swimming in the tepid waters of the solfataras, and inspecting the principal geysers, we rode over EXPEDITION TO THE HOT LAKES o / o the hills to Lake Tarawera, which we crossed on the following day in native canoes, encamping for the night on the famous ' terraces ' of Lake Eotomahana. 1 After examining the wonders around, we returned on a subsequent day to our previous camp at Ohine- mutu, where we spent quietly Sunday the 18th instant. The Eev. S. Spencer, a missionary clergy- man resident at Maketu, who had accompanied our party, read the service of the Church of England in the open air on the shore of Lake Eotorua. It was a calm and beautiful day, and the scene was highly picturesque and suggestive ; — the little knot of Englishmen surrounding the ' Son of the Queen,' and the large congregation of Maoris repeating the responses and joining in the hymns of our Church in their own sonorous language ;— amid some of the finest prospects of lake and mountain, and near some of the most wonderful natural phenomena in the world ; — in the very heart, moreover, of the native districts of New Zealand, and of the country most renowned in Maori song and legend ; and on a spot where, in the memory of men still living, human victims were sacrificed, anal cannibal feasts were held. On the 19 th we rode back from Ohinemutu to Maketu ; and thence returned by sea to Auckland. 1 The fairy-like ' Pink,' and ' White ' Terraces were unfortunately destroyed by the terrible earthquake of 1886. 374 NEW ZEALAND The following despatch relates the progress of events, and quotes a graphic description from ' Greater Britain' : To the Earl Granville, K.G. Government House, Wellington : September 19, 18G9. My Lord, Te Kooti has again attacked the friendly natives near the central lake of Taupo, and there have been several skirmishes in that quarter. Reinforcements from the armed constabulary and from the native contingent have been sent up from Napier on the East, and from Wanganui on the West Coast. Titokowaru, with the remnant of his band, is sup- posed to be still in the dense forests near the base of Mount Egmont, not far from Taranaki, where it is believed that he is seeking aid from Wiremu Kingi te Rangitaki, the William King of Waitara, who began the present war in 1860. In short, the hostile clans are now planting their crops, and endeavouring to recruit their stores of ammunition. They have been hitherto supplied, to a large extent, by rene- gade European dealers* But some emissaries of the rebels were lately captured in the Waikato ; and it is hoped that the organised police which the Colonial Government is now creating may be able to stop effectually the illegal sale of arms and gun- powder. The Maoris have a proverb similar to that of old resjjecting the ' time when Kings go to war.' Like the Red Indians of North America, whom, as it LOYAL SPEECH OF KAWANA HUNIA 375 has been often observed, they closely resemble in many respects, the Maoris are accustomed to renew hostilities in the late summer, when their crops have been gathered. Fresh raids on the settlements may then be expected in New Zealand as in the Western States of North America ; but such partial outbreaks can be dealt with by the colonial forces and by the loyal clans. I remarked in a previous despatch that the part of ' Greater Britain ' which relates to New Zealand is admirably true and graphic : and I would venture to request attention to a typical Maori speech therein recorded : 1 ' my guests ! ' said Kawana Hunia of the Ngatiapas, ' when ye return to our great Queen, tell her that we will fight for her again as we have fought before. ' She is our Queen as well as your Queen — Queen of Maoris and Queen of Pakeha. ' Should wars arise, we will take up our rifles, and march whithersoever she shall direct. ' You have heard of the King movement. I was a Kingite, but that did not prevent me fighting for the Queen — I and my chiefs. ' My cousin, Wiremu, went to England, and saw our Queen. He returned ■ ' When you landed in this island, he was already dead. ' He died fighting for our Queen. ' As he died, we will die, if need be — I and all my chiefs. This do you tell our Queen. 1 See Greater Britain, Part II. chap. 4. Oi 6 NEW ZEALAND ' I liave said.' This passage, spoken as Hunia spoke it, was one of noble eloquence and singular rhetorical art. The few first words about Wiremu were spoken in a half indifferent way ; but there was a long pause before and after the statement that he was dead, and a sink- ing of the voice when he related how Wiremu had died, followed by a burst of sudden fire in the ' as he died, we will die — I and all my chiefs.' I may observe that speeches to a similar effect have often been addressed to me by the loyal Maoris. 377 CHAPTEE XVIII. FUBTHEE VISITS TO THE MAORIS — KAIPABA — THE NOETHEEN CLANS — MAOEI CHURCH AT OHAIAWAI PRESENTATION OF SWORDS OF HONOUR — LETTERS TO LOED KIMBEELEY — LOED DUFFEEIN AND LOED KIMBEELEY. The fire of war was gradually dying out, but to pre- vent its embers from being rekindled, the Governor continued his visits to the chief Maori clans. The following extract from a despatch describes his official tour in the district of Kaipara. To the Earl Granville, K.G. Government House, Auckland : October 25, 1869. My Lord, . . . Kaipara is a large inlet of the sea on the West Coast of the North Island, into which run several rivers, all navigable for many miles by vessels of considerable tonnage. On the banks of these streams there are forests of the Kauri pine (Dammara Australia) and other valuable timber trees ; while there is also an amount of fertile soil which would support a large agricultural population. As yet, however, the Europeans who have settled in the Kaipara district do not exceed one thousand (in- cluding women and children), while the Maoris, once 378 NEW ZEALAND numerous along these beautiful rivers, have now dwindled down to little more than seven hundred. With the exception of some Ngapuhis on the Wairoa, they are the remnant of the clan of the Ngatiwhatuas, to whom the country around the present site of Auckland formerly belonged, and who have always been firmly attached to the English. The Ngatiwha- tuas occupied the country lying between the two most powerful and warlike clans in New Zealand, the Ngapuhis and the Waikatos, who were constantly at war with each other, and generally chose the inter- vening territory for their battle-ground. To quote from Sir W. Fox : 1 ' As these invasions were annual, the position of the Ngatiwhatuas became something worse than that of Belgium used to be among the belligerents of Europe. In short, as they told me on one occasion, ' if you English had not come, they would have eaten us up between them.' When we did come, the Ngatiwhatuas pressed on our accep- tance the district where Auckland stands, and by getting us to occupy the intervening tract, they obtained the best possible security against the renewal of the raids through their own country, which had kept it in a continual state of desolation and alarm.' Here it may be observed, in passing, that it seems to be generally forgotten in England that the colonisation of New Zealand, while it has led to temporary wars between the settlers and the natives 1 War in New Zealand, p. 26. BENEFITS OF ENGLISH COLONISATION 379 in some parts of the North Island, has at the same time stopped the savage and internecine strife which formerly raged throughout the country among the Maoris themselves. During the last quarter of a century the influence and mediation of the Colonial Government have repeatedly prevented bloody strug- gles between the rival clans, and have thus signally promoted the cause of humanity. The principal chiefs of the Kaipara receive among them about five thousand pounds annually for the sale and rent of their lands, and for licences to cut timber and pro- cure Kauri gum — a valuable article of export from the north of this island. They are thus enabled to live in comfort, and to hire European mechanics and labourers to build them good houses and boats, and to cultivate their farms and gardens. We spent Sunday the 17th inst. at the kainga of the influential chief, Arama Karaka, who has been educated by the missionaries ; and we attended Divine Service at his house. Surrounded by his children and clansmen, with their wives and families, he read prayers in Maori, and afterwards delivered extempore an excellent address from the text, ' Fear God and honour the king ' ; enforcing the duties of obedience to the law and the civil magistrate. Nothing could be more impressive than the devout manner in which the responses were made and the hymns sung by the entire congregation in their own sonorous language. It so happens that I am the first Governor that has ever visited Kaipara ; and this fact alone was 380 NEW ZEALAND sufficient to secure me a warm welcome from the natives of the soil. The following is a full and literal translation of the speech of one of the chiefs, and conveys the sentiments expressed in similar terms by the rest : ' "Welcome, Governor ! salutations, Father ! from all our tribe. Welcome to your children at Kaipara. You are the first Governor that has ever visited Kaipara. We welcome you even as that bird so beloved by the Maoris, the kotuku (i.e. the white crane of the Southern Seas, rarely seen in New Zealand), which visits us but once in a lifetime. This our country of Kaipara has always been held as tapu (i.e. forbidden ground) by former Governors, but now you have made it acces- sible to all. The former Governors have treated it as an abode of slaves ; but you have treated it as an abode of chieftains {Rangatira Kainga). And yet we have held fast the keys of our rivers, and refused to open them to Heke, the fierce enemy of the Pakeha, when he desired to advance through our tribe and destroy Auckland. 1 And now, JSTgatiwhatuas ! my second sight (takiri) was true. I saw in my visions the Governor arrive among us ; and lo ! he is here. Hearken, spirits of our forefathers, of Tinana, and of all the mighty dead [calling on the names of departed chiefs], hearken! The Governor at last ishere. Gover- nor ! we Maoris are passing away, even like the waning moon ; there is little now to welcome you but the everlasting hills and the ever-flowing rivers. [A ivaiata, 1 i.e. during the first Maori War in 1845-8. ENTHUSIASTIC WELCOME AT KAIPAKA 381 or traditional song of welcome, was then chanted. J We hail you, Governor ! whose face our forefathers yearned to see in the days that are gone. The hearts of us, the remnant of our people, the scattered sheep of the Maori fold, have long been dark, but they are now light. We rejoice that you have brought hither the mana (i.e. sovereign grace and power) of Queen Victoria, to support and protect us. Evil men from among the Hau-haus have tried to tempt and mislead us ; but now we shall hold fast unto death the sovereignty of the Queen. There are two things to which we shall cleave, — the law of God, and the law of the Queen. If any man among us shall be guilty of any crime, he shall be given up to the law, even though he should be the son of a chief. The rest of our island has been filled with raids, and burnings, and blood ; with the screams of evil birds of prey, with the howling winds of war and murder ; but here, in Kaipara, there is the voice of peace, calm, and sunshine.' [Another waiata was then sung.J My visit to the North is stated to have been opportune, for Hau-hau emissaries have lately endea- voured to persuade or terrify into joining the rebel- lion the hitherto loyal or neutral clans, which had begun to feel themselves neglected. The firm but conciliatory policy adopted by Sir George Bowen and his Government towards the Maoris gradually brought about a much improved condition of affairs. As the Governor reported : 382 NEW ZEALAND To the Same. November 25, 1869. It will be recollected that, on my first visit to the Waikato, I caused the tomb of his father, Potatau te Whero Whero, the first King of the Maoris, at Ngarua- wahia, the old Maori capital, to be repaired ; and I have been assured that this act produced a very favourable impression upon the mind of Tawhiao. Subsequent friendly overtures and negotiations, the success of the colonial forces against Te Kooti and Titokowaru in the field, and the moral support afforded to the Colony by two Queen's ships on the coast, have combined to keep the ' Maori King ' and the clans that adhere to him, from open hostility, though (as it has been truly said) ' they have long been hanging on the central mountains of this island like a thunder-cloud, ready to burst at any moment on the English settlements.' The general policy recommended by me in my former despatches was pronounced to be 'clearly judicious,' and was formally approved and sanc- tioned by your Lordship. 1 It was also adopted (as we have seen) by the Colonial Government. At the beginning of the present month. Mr. McLean, the Minister for Native Affairs, was permitted to cross the Aukdti, or 'pale,' and held a very satisfactory conference with the principal chiefs who have per- 1 See Secretary of State to the Governor of New Zealand, February 20, and May 21, 18611. (Parliamentary I'ttprrit). FRIENDLY CONFERENCES WITH NATIVE CHIEFS 383 sisted during many years past in active or sullen hostility — in particular, with Tamati JSTgapora, the uncle and chief councillor of King Tawhiao, and with Eewi Maniapoto, the formidable warrior who commanded the Maoris against the British troops under General Cameron at Kangariri, Orakau, and throughout the Waikato campaigns of 1 863 and 1864. Mr. McLean is convinced that Eewi was sincere when he said that their recent interview was the ' streak of light before the dawn, which would soon spread,' and that ere long King Tawhiao himself will consent to meet the Governor at a formal conference, when the foundations of permanent peace and tran- quillity will be laid. Meanwhile, there is little doubt that we need be no longer apprehensive of a general rising of the hostile Maoris. The only favour which Tamati JSTgapora and Eewi asked was that their relative Te Hura, and a few other natives still con- fined at Auckland, under a sentence of the Supreme Court, for their participation in the outbreak on the East Coast in 1865, should be released and given up to them ; and to this request I readily consented. In return, the chiefs of the ' King party ' undertook to be answerable for the future good conduct of these men, and to assist the Government and the loyal clans in putting down murder and brigandage. The Maoris rarely fail to perform promises made at their public Koreros, or meetings. 384 NEW ZEALAND In April 1870, the Governor paid another visit to the northern tribes of the Ngapuhis and Karawas; To the Same. Government House, Auckland : May 26, 1870. My Lord, I have the honour to transmit herewith a brief but accurate summary of my recent official visit to the great Maori clans of the North, viz. the Ngapuhis and the Karawas. This account was written by a professional reporter connected with the colonial press, who took down in shorthand the substance of the speeches delivered by myself and by Mr. McLean (the Minister for Native Affairs), as also by the prin- cipal chiefs at the koreros, or general assemblies, of their tribes, held to welcome me. It will be observed that the Maoris appeared highly pleased at seeing the representative of the Queen visiting their haingas, or villages ; and that I was everywhere received by them with strong and repeated assurances of their loyalty to the Crown, and of their good-will towards their British fellow- subjects. These feelings were expressed with equal warmth by the chiefs who fought against the English in the first Maori War (1845-8), and by Tamati Waka Nene and the other chiefs whose influence induced their countrymen to cede the sovereignty of New Zealand to the Queen by the Treaty of Waitangi, in 1840, and who have since supported Her Majesty's authority against their disaffected EUROPEANS AND MAORIS IN NORTHERN DISTRICTS 385 countrymen with constant devotion and gallantry. Cavalcades of mounted chiefs met and escorted me through each district ; while, on my arrival at each kainga, I was received by the assembled clansmen with shouts and chants of welcome, and with the striking war dances of the Maoris, their traditional equivalent for military guards of honour. The Statistics of New Zealand for 1867 l show that when the last census was taken in the December of that year, the population of the long, narrow peninsula which stretches north of the city of Auck- land was estimated to consist of nine thousand Euro- peans, and about the same number of Maoris. There has been little change during the past two years in the relative proportion of the two races in this part of the Colony. It is to be borne in mind, however, that the Europeans are chiefly settled in the country of the Ngatiwhatuas, that is, in the southern half of the peninsula ; while in the country of the Ngapuhis and of the Earawas, that is, in the northern half of the peninsula (comprising the districts of the Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Mongonui), the Maoris are still by far the most numerous. In these last named districts they probably outnumber the Europeans in the aggregate by four to one ; while in the extensive region watered by the Hokianga Eiver and its tribu- taries, it is estimated that there are now fully two thousand natives and only one hundred Europeans. 1 Any good map of New Zealand will show all the places referred to in this despatch. VOL. I. cc o86 NEW ZEALAND- Under tliese circumstances, it is not to be denied that, in the phrase addressed to me by one of the principal settlers in the north, ' the English there are living under the Maori tomahawk ' ; for their few and scattered homesteads are entirely at the mercy of the populous kaingas and pahs (native villages and forts) in their neighbourhood. However, notwithstanding — indeed partly (perhaps) in consequence of the weakness of the colonists in this quarter, — perfect mutual confidence and good-will exist between them and the Maoris. It will be remembered that the first Maori war was waged with a portion of the JSTgapuhi clan under the chiefs Heke l and Kawiti ; while the remainder of that tribe, under Tamati Waka Nene, fought in support of the sovereignty of the Queen and in alliance with the English troops. Even during that war the settlers were never molested by the hostile section of the Ngapuhis, who indeed prided themselves on carrying on the contest in a most chivalrous manner. It has been often repeated, for instance, how, when Heke captured a convoy of cattle on its way to the English camp, he not only allowed it to proceed, but actually sent some of his warriors to assist in driving the sheep and oxen through a difficult pass in the hills ; observing that 1 Heke has been dead for many years, but I was hospitably enter- tained at a feast given in my honour by his widow, the daughter of Hongi ; who, in right both of her father and her husband, is regarded by the Ngapuhis as a great ehieftainess. The elder Kawitiis also dead, but his son, Maihi Kawiti, who fought against the English in the first war, and lost two brothers in action with our troops, came to welcome me, and afterwards returned with me to Auckland. INTERMARRIAGES OF SETTLERS WITH MAORIS 387 lie knew that English soldiers could not live, like Maoris, on yams and fern-root ; — that they could not fight unless they were well fed on beef and mutton ; and that he had no wish to take them at a disad- vantage ; for, in that case, their defeat would reflect no honour on his arms. A main cause of the friendly feelings existing between the natives and the colonists in the north is doubtless the fact that several of the leading settlers in early times, gentlemen of character and education, married the daughters of Maori chiefs ; and that their children are now regarded as adopted members of their mothers' tribe, and thus entitled to its respect and protection. Again, a powerful in- fluence has been exercised by the families of some of the early missionaries, born in the northern districts, and intimately acquainted with the language and the customs of the people among whom they have lived from their childhood. The result of these combining influences is shown by the language of the address presented to me by the English settlers, and by the speeches of the Maori chiefs. The settlers said : ' May it please your Excel- lency,— We, the European inhabitants of the Wai- mate and its vicinity, beg to offer you a cordial welcome to our district. Most of us are sons of the soil, few of whom have seen our fatherland ; bat we assure your Excellency that we glory in being an integral part of the British nation ; while in attach- ment to the throne and person of our gracious c c 2 388 NEW ZEALAND Sovereign, and in veneration for the British Constitu- tion, we yield to none of Her Majesty's subjects. ' Your Excellency will be pleased to learn that from our earliest days we have always lived with our fellow subjects of the Maori race on terms of perfect amity. We gladly avail ourselves of this opportunity of bearing testimony to their loyalty to Her Majesty's Government ; and we have every confidence that it will be maintained.' On the other hand, the speeches of the Maori chiefs of the North were full of assurances of their devoted loyalty to the Queen ; of their affection for their European neighbours ; and of their obedience to the law. It is a significant fact that the only two petitions which they made to me were : (1) That towns should be founded in their districts, so that more Europeans might come to live among them, and trade with them ; and (2) that gaols should be built in the north, ' for the punishment of the evil doers of both races.' The Eesident Magistrates find small difficulty in carrying out the law in this part of the island, though they have no armed force at their disposal, and could do little without the support of the native chiefs. Mohi Tawhai (the principal chief of Hokianga) welcomed me in the following terms on my arrival at his river: — ' Welcome, Governor ! Behold your canoe now floating in the waters of Hokianga. 1 It is not now 1 This is the Maori form of placing a river at the disposal of the Governor. LOYAL SPEECHES OF MAORI CHIEFS 389 only that we have joined the Queen. We were devoted to her in former years, and still remain so. Welcome, Governor ! and bring peace to us your children, that your laws may be a garment to spread over us, and that we may live under the shelter of your laws.' The other chiefs everywhere spoke to the same effect ; and their sentiments may be said to be summed up by Tiopira in the following terms :— ' Welcome, Governor ! in times of peace and quiet- ness. I have only one word for you : Love, Love, Love. All we want is peace and good-will There is nothing we desire but that we should be all as one with the Europeans and the Government. Salutations to you, Governor ! ' That these professions are sincere has been abundantly proved by those of the northern Maoris who have so freely shed their blood for the Queen, and without whose support the English (in all proba- bility) could hardly have held their ground in New Zealand during the first Maori War. And there are two eminently suggestive facts to record with respect to the altered feelings of those who fought against the Crown in that contest : (a) It will be remembered that the object of the first Maori War (1845-8), as also, indeed, mainly of the second War which began in 1860, was to dispute the sovereignty of the Queen as recognised by the Treaty of Waitangi. Heke and Kawiti, at the head of a portion of the Ngapuhis, commenced the first war by cutting down the flagstaff at Kororareka in 390 NEW ZEALAND the Bay of Islands, for they regarded it as the symbol of the supremacy of the Crown. At the conclusion of the hostilities in the north it was not thought prudent (as I am informed) to replace this flagstaff; but a few years ago, Maihi Kawiti and others of our old enemies spontaneously re-erected it at their own expense and with their own labour ; at the same time tendering to the Government a large grant of their land as a sign of permanent peace and good-will. (b) When I visited, during my recent tour, the pah at Ohaiawai, in the attack on which, in July, 1 845, the British troops * suffered a severe repulse, with heavy loss both in officers and men, I was much gratified to find that the Maoris who then fought against us had voluntarily, and entirely at their own cost, erected a pretty church among the now decayed palisades and rifle-pits ; and that they had reserved the whole of the once fortified area as a cemetery, the natives who fell during the struggle having already been interred therein. When the Bishop of Auckland shall have consecrated this new burial- ground, the Maoris intend to remove into it the remains of our soldiers who now lie in unmarked graves in the neighbouring forest, and to erect a monument over them ; so that, as an aged Chief, ] Consisting of detachments of the 58th, 96th, and 99th regiments and of seamen and marines from the men-of-war on the coast. An excellent account of the first Maori War, based on the Parliamentary Papers and official records, will be found in chapters 8 and 9 of Dr. Thomson's Story of Neio Zealand, published in London, 1859. MAORI CHURCH AT OIIAIAWAI 391 formerly conspicuous among our enemies, said to me, ' the brave warriors of both races, the white skin and the brown, — now that all strife between them is forgotten, — may sleep side by side until the end of the world.' I cmestion if there be a more touching episode in the annals of the warfare of even civilised nations in either ancient or modern times. It is, of course, weir known that the Ngapuhis have always been the most powerful tribe in New Zealand, and that, about forty-five years ago, under their chief, Hongi Hika (who had been to England to request George IV. to assume the protectorate of New Zealand, and had been graciously received there), they invaded and overran the country of the Waikatos, whom they defeated with great slaughter. Both in their public speeches at the Koreros, and in their more private conferences with myself and Mr. McLean, the leading Ngapuhi chiefs condemned in emphatic language the conduct of the ' King of the Waikatos ' (as they somewhat contemptuously style Tawhiao) in renouncing his allegiance to the Queen, and in virtually relapsing into heathenism by his adop- tion of the Hau-hau creed. This general sentiment was explained in one of the Maori speeches : — ' Wel- come, Governor ! I rise to tell you that myself and my tribe are attached to the Queen and to the Government. I wish you to have no doubts respect- ing our loyalty. Other tribes will speak for them- selves. I speak on behalf of my own tribe. Do not suppose that I sympathise in any way with the 392 NEW ZEALAND Waikato king. What has he done for me? No- thing at all. We are of one skin and of one blood, but our thoughts differ. The ancient trees of the forest [alluding to the chiefs of former days] have disap- peared ; we are a young people, growing up in their stead. From my youth up I have experienced no- thing but kindness from the Queen. [The chief here took from his pocket a sovereign.] I hold in my hand the image of the Queen. It was this increased my civilisation, and supplied me with food and cloth- ing. Had it not been for this [i.e. for the progress of civilisation under the sovereignty of the Queen], I should have no food nor clothing. Why, then, should I recognise the Waikato king, or sympathise with him ? I adhere to the law of the Queen.' At the same time, the Ngapuhis signified their entire concurrence with the policy shadowed forth in several of my despatches, and adopted by the Colonial Government ; i.e. ' to make a peaceful arrangement, not inconsistent with the sovereignty of the Queen,' with Tawhiao and his adherents ; and to leave him undisturbed so long as he confines himself to his own immediate territory. While the Ngapuhis are willing to give their mediation and good offices (if requested by the Colonial Government) to maintain tranquillity, they assured me and Mr. McLean that if Tawhiao and his Waikatos should hereafter attack the English set- tlements, ' the only feeling of the Ngapuhis, in the event of such violation of peace, would be to go in a body, and fight on behalf of the Government.' MAORIS AT A BALL AT GOVERNMENT HOUSE 393 Mr. Mailing (the author of ' Old New Zealand,' and now one of the Judges of the Native Land Court), who has lived among the Ngapuhis for forty years, assures me that they could still bring into the field ' fully two thousand picked warriors.' In his opinion, the Ngapuhis, unlike the rest of the Maoris, are not materially decreasing in numbers. He thinks, indeed, that, in the district of Hokianga, they have positively increased of late years. He ascribes this satisfactory result mainly to their im- proved and civilised habits of life ; and to their general use of good food and clothing, which the sale of their timber, flax, and kauri gum enables them to procure from the English traders settled among them. Moreover, several of the leading chiefs make strenu- ous efforts to prevent the spread of indulgence in spirituous liquors and of other vices, which have everywhere proved fatal to savage or semi-civilised races. I may here mention that the leading Maori chiefs of the north, together with their wives, attended the ball which I gave at the Government House on the 24th instant in honour of Her Majesty's birthday. On that occasion, Kawiti and others of our former enemies were observed sitting near the widows of the Colonels who commanded the 58th and 96th regi- ments in the first Maori War, and in friendly conver- sation with several retired officers of those corps who have settled in the Colony. 1 1 When one of the formerly hostile Maori chiefs was told that the 394 NEW ZEALAND On the whole, — so far as any certainty can be said to exist respecting a country circumstanced as is New Zealand, and respecting such a race as the Maoris — the colonial authorities feel a confident assurance that permanent tranquillity will be main- tained in the north, and that they may rely not only on the friendship, but also, in case of need, on the active support of the Ngapuhis, the most power- ful native tribe. All those best acquainted with the Maoris believe that my visits to the principal clans have produced a good effect, and that the general sentiments of the natives were truly expressed in the waiata, or chant of welcome, with which I was received at Hokianga : — ' Lo ! now the Governor has at length arrived. My heart has longed to see him, — whom our tribes, far and near, have united to acknowledge and recognise in terms of friendship and love. Welcome, Governor ! . . In days gone by, the laws of God and the laws of the Queen stood side by side. Under the shadow of those laws our tribes take sweet repose, free from danger and surprise. Now at length the Governor has ap- peared. We see him in person. We speak with him face to face. Now, Governor ! this your presence at Hokianga will be the means of cementing in one bond of unit)' and fellowship the tribes of the widows of these colonels were in the ball-room, he asked to be pre- sented to them ; and, bowing low, thus addressed them : ' Ladies, when I was young I fought against your gallant husbands ; I am now old, and I hope that I shall ere long meet them in Paradise, for they _were indeed noble toas (warriors).' PRESENTATION OF SWORDS OF HONOUR 395 Pakelia and the tribes of the Maoris, so that they shall henceforth live together in peace and friendship under one law and under one Governor.' An interesting scene took place at Wellington on the anniversary of the Queen's accession, June 20, 1870, in the ceremony of presenting the swords of honour sent out by Her Majesty as tokens of re- cognition of the valour and loyalty of Te Kepa, Eopata, Mokena, and four other loyal chiefs. The chiefs having advanced for the purpose of receiving the swords, the Governor, who was attended by his Ministers and Staff, said : ' My friends, Te Kepa, Eopata, and Mokena, — The Queen has sent out from England swords of honour to be presented to you and to certain other Maori chiefs, in recognition of your loyalty to her Crown, and of your gallant services in support of her Government and of the cause of law and order in New Zealand. Her Majesty has commanded me, as her representative, to invest you with these swords, as tokens of her royal favour. I now proceed to perform this honourable duty on this day, June 20, which is the 33rd anniversary of the accession of the Queen, who, soon after she ascended the throne of England, became, through the Treaty of Waitangi, the Sovereign also of this country. I am glad, more- over, to carry out the commands of our Queen, by bestowing on you these marks of distinction in the presence of the Ministers and other chief officers of the Government, and of many members of the Parlia- 396 NEW ZEALAND ment. And now to you, Te Kepa, I deliver this sword. Never shall I forget how, when I went to Wanganui, in November, 1868, at a time of much danger and distress, and called upon your tribe a^ain to take arms for the Queen and the law, reminding you of the dying words of your great chief and near kinsman, Hori Kingi te Anaua ; never shall I forget, I say, how you, Te Kepa, sprang forward, with the gallant spirit of your ancestors, and declared that you were again ready to take the field. Since that day you have been almost constantly on active service against the enemies of the Queen ; and your march across this island, from Wanganui to Opotiki, in spite of many and great difficulties, is an exploit thoroughly appreciated both here and in England. You have been ably and bravely assisted by your friend Topia Turoa, on whom also a mark of the approval of the Queen's Government will be hereafter bestowed. Te Kepa, here is your sword. It bears on the blade this inscription — ' Given by Queen Victoria to Te Kepa for his unfailing loyalty and valour.' May you long wear it in health and honour. To you, Eopata and Mokena, I now present, in the name of the Queen, these swords, which also bear your names and similar inscriptions with that pre- sented to Te Kepa. Your tribe, the Ngatiporou, have rivalled the Wanganuis in loyalty to the Crown, in goodwill to your English neighbours, and in gallantry in war. Your services in many a severe conflict on the East Coast since 1865, as well as at Ngatapa and elsewhere, and your late expedition through the Urewera country, are well known and thoroughly appreciated ; and I am confident that you will con- SPEECH OF TE KEPA RANGIIIIWIIINUI 397 tinue your efforts, in co-operation with the other forces of the Government and with the other loyal Maori tribes, until peace shall have been permanently established throughout this island. Here, Eopata and Mokena, are your swords, presented to you by the Queen. May you also long wear them in health and honour. And now, my friends, I trust that the ceremony of this day may be auspicious, and that, by the blessing of God, before another anniversary of the Queen's accession shall arrive, her heart may be gladdened with the tidings that the clouds of war and evil have passed away from this fair land, and that both races, the Pakeha and the Maori, are dwelling together under equal laws and in friendship and prosperity.' Te Kepa Eangihiwhinui then replied in Maori, of which a verbatim translation is given : — Queen Vic- toria ! by the grace of God long may you live. May your children, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Edin- burgh, and the Princesses live long. I thank Victoria, Queen of this world, for casting her eyes in this direc- tion, upon us, this dark-skinned people, this distant people. I thank the Queen heartily for sending me this proof of her love across the billows of the great sea. Here it is, — the sickle with which evil is to be cut down. Your ancestors, the Kings, have been protected by God, and so also yourself. There you stand on the most sacred place of your ancestors the Kings of great fame of old. And now you have caused the sun to shine over this our island. It is very good that the elder and younger brother should live together, as they did in the Ark. Afterwards, the elder and the younger brother were divided. Now, 398 NEW ZEALAND in this year for the first time they are again united. I and my tribes are under the authority of the Queen. This was Hori Kingi's last word to me, and to all his tribe : ' When I am gone, remain quiet . under the authority of the Queen : be loyal to her.' And to me especially he said : ' Be strong in putting down evil, that peace may be secured in the future.' Well, now that this pledge of your affection is here before me, I trust that peace will always be with you, Queen Victoria! and with your children. May peace be with you, Governor Bowen! with Lady Bowen, and your children. May peace be with the Government of New Zealand. Let love be in your hearts. To the Earl of Kimberley, Secretary of State for the Colonies} Government House, Wellington : August 23, 1870. My dear Lord, My plan of engaging the friendly clans to fight on the side of law and order, and to make roads through their own mountains and forests, while the so-called Maori King and his adherents were given to under- stand that they will be left undisturbed so long as they remain quiet within their own territory, was at first unpopular in many quarters. Indeed, a year ago, my Ministers and I were attacked in a portion of the Press for arming the loyal clans, making a peaceful arrangement with Tawhiao, and for refusing to joroclaim martial law, or (under the peculiar circum- 1 Lord Kimberley had succeeded Lord Granville at the Colonial Office. TE KEPA AND OTHER CHIEFS 399 stances of the Colony) to hang the Maori prisoners, unless proved guilty before the Supreme Court of murder or some other atrocity, in addition to carry- ins arms against the Government. But now our success has made the Parliament and public agree that we were right, and the result is almost perfect political quietude. The Maoris are certainly a most interesting race. As Scholars as well as Statesmen, your Lordship, Mr. Gladstone, and many of your colleagues would delight in seeing a Korero, or meeting of the natives. It is very Homeric. I send herewith photographs of my friends Te Kepa and Eopata, the chiefs who have fought so gallantly for the Crown since my appeal to them when I went to Wanganui in November 1868, at the time of the Poverty Bay massacre. 1 Te Kepa is a chief of very high birth, and can count his pedigree from the time when the Maoris, led by one of his ancestors, first landed in New Zealand about 600 years ago. He is very gentlemanlike in manners and appearance, and not darker than most Portuguese nobles. Indeed, if he were in a London drawing-room, people would ask ' Who is that distinguished foreign officer ? ' The Duke of Edinburgh was much struck with him. When he dined with me to meet the Duke, he was suffering from inflammation in his eyes, caught through exposure in the field while in arms for the Queen. When the Duke expressed his regret for the suffering which his loyalty had brought on him, he ex- 1 See above, page 334-35. 400 NEW ZEALAND claimed to the interpreter : ' Tell the Prince that I care not how soon I become even blind in fighting for his mother, now that mine eyes have seen the son of my Queen.' Is not this the sort of speech that Cameron of Lochiel might have made to Charles Edward at Holyrood in 1745 ? I am informed on high authority that the Queen was much interested and gratified by this incident. 1 I have had a very arduous task here, for I have had to contend with a very formidable outbreak of the Hau-haus (i.e. of the Maoris who have renounced their allegiance to the Queen, and relapsed into heathenism), without any aid from England, though there were lately as many insurgent Maoris in the field as during the period when there was an army of 10,000 regular troops in this country. And, more recently, as will be seen from the New Zealand press, and from the debates in the New Zealand Parliament, 1 Another incident occurred at the dinner referred to above. Among the loyal Maori chiefs invited to meet the Duke of Edinburgh was one of the original signers of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, and who had ever since been a firm friend of the English. One of the Anglican Bishops afterwards said to the Governor : ' Do you know, sir, the antecedents of that old heathen ? ' ' No, my dear Bishop,' was the reply, ' but I do know that he brought five hundred of his clansmen into the field to fight for the Queen, so I invited him to meet the " Queen's Son." ' ' Well,' continued the Bishop, ' when I first arrived in New Zealand, that chief came to me and said that he wished to be baptized. I knew that he had two wives, so I told him that he must first persuade one of them to return to her family. He said he feared that would be difficult, but that he would see what could be done, and come back to me in two months. When he returned, he exclaimed, " Now, Missionary, you may baptize me, for I have only one wife." I asked, " What have you done with our dear sister, your first wife ? " He replied, smacking his lips, " J have eaten her ! " ' DIFFICULTIES OVERCOME 401 I have had to struggle with a very general spirit of disaffection to the Imperial Government, arising out of the removal of the last Imperial regiment while the native war was still raging, though the Colonial Parlia- ment had engaged to pay its entire cost. But I am thankful to say that I believe the worst is now over. The Hau-haus see that the colonists and loyal clans are too strong for them, and the Maoris generally believe that it will be more pleasant and profitable to trade with the English than to fight with them. On the other hand, the concession of the Imperial gua- rantee of the loan of a million sterling for colonial defences ; and, above all, the kindly and sympathetic language of the Secretary of State in his recent com- munications, are fast causing the revival of the old loyalty of New Zealand. To the Same. Government House, Wellington : September 24, 1870. My dear Lord, I am very grateful for your most kind and encouraging letter of July 17, which reached me by the last mail. I read to the Colonial Ministers those paragraphs in which you express your sympathy with this Colony and your appreciation of the Very difficult position in which I am placed, further assur- ing the colonists that the policy of England ' is not a mere selfish one, but is believed to be really the best for the interests of the Colony itself ' ; and that ' you greatly admire the promptitude and energy, worthy vol. i. D D 402 NEW ZEALAND of men of English, descent, with which the colonists have recently dealt with the native difficulty.' These words had a most happy effect. Mr. Fox, 1 the Prime Minister, and others of the leading public men here, say that they have a grateful recollection of the valuable assistance which you gave twenty years ago' to the Canterbury Association, and, some- what later, towards the passing of the New Zealand Constitution Act. The concession of Lord Granville about the guarantee to the loan ; his personal courtesy to the New Zealand Commissioners in England ; and, above all, the completely altered tone of the despatches from the Colonial Office during the last few months, had caused the tide of feeling here to turn ; and now your letter has carried it to the flood. What is the immediate result ? Why, that even those who four or five months ago were all agog for separation from England, and annexation to the United States, are now loyal again, and the Ministers asked me to in- clude in the Prorogation Speech a congratulation to the Parliament on the cordial relations re-established with the mother-country ! It is national sympathy and not dry logic which keeps a great Empire 1 Now Sir "William Fox, K.C.M.G. Sir George Bowen was his guest in November, 1868, at Eangitikei, some thirty miles from Wanganui, but only one mile from a large village of Hau-haus, who ' plainly told Mr. Fox that they would rise and kill him and all the other Pakehas in the district if so ordered by King Tawhiao.' In the following year Sir G. Bowen was again the guest of Sir W. Fox, when the Governor and his Prime Minister rode together from Wanganui to Taranaki through the country recently laid waste by Titokowaru, but where thoy were loyally received by Hone Pihama, and other chiefs formerly in rebellion. LORD DTJFFERIN AND LORD KIMBERLEY 403 together ; and, whatever may be the future destiny of the British Colonies, all would allow it to be a grave misfortune to permit the separation to be so precipitated, or matters so to ' drift,' as to produce in Australasia the bitter and lasting rancour against England so long prevalent in America. In a recent letter (1889) to an English Statesman, Sir G. Bowen wrote as follows : — 'I have always retained a deep sense of the steady support which I received from Lord Kimberley on all occasions, and especially during the manifold difficulties which I had to encounter while Governor of New Zealand. Other Governors have expressed a similar feeling. Above all, the greatest of our living Proconsuls, the Marquis of Dufferin and Ava, once made to me this striking remark : " While Lord Kimberley was Secretary of State I always felt, in difficult times, like a man fighting with a strong wall at his back." ' D D 3 404 NEW ZEALAND CHAPTEE XIX. FINAL CLOSE OP THE TEN YEARS' WAR — THE GOVERNOR'S RIDE THROUGH THE INTERIOR OF THE NORTH ISLAND FROM WELLINGTON TO AUCKLAND — SUBMISSION OF THE FORMER REBELS— ALBERT VICTOR POMARE — LETTER TO SIR T. M. BIDDULPH — MAORI MEMBERS IN THE COLONIAL PARLIAMENT. The just and politic measures of the Government and Parliament, and the gallantry of the colonial forces, both English and native, finally brought to a close, towards the end of 1870, the Maori war, which had lasted as long as the war of Troy-- for ten years since 1860. As it was remarked at the time : ' a judicious mixture of firmness and conciliation has at length subdued those formidable foemen : — Quos neque Tydides nee Larissaus Achilles, Non anni domuere decern, non mille carina : l That is, whom neither Generals Cameron and Chute, with their army of 10,000 regular troops, nor the strono- squadron of men-of-war, with its naval brigade on shore, had succeeded in conquering during the war of the last ten years,' Subjoined are reports of the Governor's visits to the lately disturbed districts : 1 Virgil, Mn, II. 197. FINAL CLOSE OF THE TEN YEARS' WAR 405 To the Earl of Kimberley. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : December 12, 1871. My Lord, I have the honour to report that I proceeded by sea to Wanganui on November 27th ult., and re- turned thence to Wellington overland on the 5 th instant. The immediate cause of this expedition was the invitation of the provincial and municipal authorities, and also of the Maori chiefs of the district, that I should open the iron bridge which has now been completed over the river Wanganui. This is an im- portant public work, being only about one hundred and twenty feet shorter than London Bridge. It was designed by the eminent civil engineer, Mr. George Eobert Stephenson ; and the materials were chiefly constructed in England, but they were put together and erected on the spot by a colonial con- tractor. It will be recollected that Wanganui is one of the earliest European settlements in New Zealand, dating from 1842. Situated near the mouth of the principal river, and in the centre of the most fertile districts in the western portion of the Province of Wellington, it would have made rapid progress had it not been for the almost constant Maori wars and disturbances which have frequently threatened its very existence. However, the town, situated on the right bank of the navigable river Wanganui, and about four miles from 406 NEW ZEALAND the sea, already contains nearly four thousand European inhabitants ; and, now that permanent tranquillity appears to have been established, it has every prospect of a successful future. On the left bank, nearly opposite the town, is Putiki, the prin- cipal kainga of the great Maori clan of the Wanga- nuis, of which Te Kepa is the leading chief. In my reply to the address of the settlers, I spoke as follows : ' This, gentlemen, is my third visit to Wanganui. I have not forgotten that, in the address presented to me on the occasion of my first visit, in November, 1868, you expressed your regret that I " should have arrived among you at a time when a native insurrection was raging within a few miles of this town, and when your hearts were saddened by the loss of no inconsiderable number of your fellow settlers, who had gallantly shed their blood in the defence of the throne and of their adopted country." Permit me now to congratulate you on the very striking improvement which has taken place in the condition and prospects of your town and district during the brief period of the last three years. In November, 1868, a formidable rebellion had broken out in your immediate neighbourhood, and the rebels, after devastating the whole country to the west, had advanced to within ten miles of your suburbs. Under these circumstances, I came among you my- self, having been assured that my presence at that perilous crisis would prove of public advantage, espe- cially in stimulating the zeal of your Maori allies, TRANQUILLITY AND CONFIDENCE ESTABLISHED 407 who, indeed, headed by the gallant Te Kepa, took up arms at my call. ' My second visit to Wanganui was in September, 1869, when I rode overland from this town to Patea. All pressing danger had then passed away, but there still existed a general feeling of insecurity. Now, on my third visit, I find that the wisdom and firmness of the Legislature, ably seconded by the gallantry of our local forces, both European and Native, and by the public spirit of the population at large, have esta- blished what I trust will prove permanent tranquillity and confidence. The settlements laid waste by the rebels have been reoccupied and extended ; and a public coach is now running from Wanganui to Taranaki, through the country which four years ago could not be safely traversed even by a very large force of Imperial and Colonial troops. The facts to which I have referred are well known to all who now hear me ; but it seems expedient to place them on record for the benefit of those at a distance who are deeply interested in the welfare of New Zealand.' The address of the natives was read on the bridge by the gallant Te Kepa, surrounded by the chiefs and clansmen of his tribe. He wore his uniform as a major in the Colonial Militia, and the sword of honour presented to him by the Queen. During my stay at Wanganui, on this as on former occasions, I paid a special visit to the Maoris at their own kainga of Putiki, and was again received with the customary war dance and chants of welcome. In 408 NEW ZEALAND the Korero which followed, and which was attended by several chiefs recently in arms against the Crown, all the speeches were of the most loyal and peaceful character ; and I was assured that I might always rely on the active support, alike in peace and in war, of the Maori clans which have already fought so long and so bravely for the Queen. The Maoris asked permission to row Lady Bowen and myself, together with my family and suite, in their war-canoes up the beautiful Wanganui Eiver. Except in the immediate neighbourhood of the town, no Europeans have as yet settled on its banks, but they are studded with picturesque native villages, at each of which the Governor and his party were greeted with shouts and songs of welcome. At night we encamped under tents at one or other of these kaingas, our Maori hosts gathering for us the flower- ing shrubs of their country, which form a soft, elastic, and fragrant couch. The scenery of the upper part of the Wanganui Eiver resembles in many of its features that of the Ehine between Cologne and Mannheim. The old towns and castles are, of course, wanting here, but the vegetation of Germany is far surpassed by the magnificent and almost tropical luxuriance of the New Zealand forests. Nothing can be more striking and suggestive than the sight of a fleet of Maori war-canoes, such as that which conveyed and escorted us. The prow and stern of each canoe ends in a highly curving peak, carved in fantastic shapes, gay with streaming pennons of divers colours, VOYAGE UP THE WANGANUI RIVER 409 and profusely decorated with trie feathers of the kiwi (Aptenjx) and albatross. Each canoe is rowed by from twenty to fifty kilted warriors, while in the midst stands a chief, with the spear (taieka) and greenstone sceptre (mere punamu) of his rank, guid- ing and encouraging his clansmen by voice and gesture, and marking the time for the rhythmical stroke of the paddles and for the wild chants with which it is accompanied. 1 Although all is now calm and peaceful on the Wanganui Eiver, it will be recollected that much sharp fighting took place on its banks in both the first and second Maori Wars, and especially in the years 1864 and 1865. In the early part of the former year a large party of Hau-haus from the in- terior attempted to descend the river, with the object of sacking and burning the town ; but they were met and utterly defeated by the loyal Maoris in the fiercely contested battle of Moutoa (May 14, 1864). A handsome monument has been erected in the market-place of Wanganui by the Provincial Govern- ment of Wellington, to the memory of the Maoris who fell at Moutoa. 2 On my return last week overland from Wanganui to Wellington, I found everything tranquil and pros- perous, where, on my previous journey through the 1 A sketch of a Maori war-canoe is given in the frontispiece to Sir George Grey's Polynesian Mythology. 2 A full account of the fighting near Wanganui in 1864 and 1865 will he found in Sir W. Fox's War in New Zealand, chaps. 9 and 14, and in the Parliamentary Papers of those years. 410 NEW ZEALAND same districts in November, 1868, all was confusion and terror. The colonists are everywhere improving their homesteads and steadily extending their farms ; ■while the Maoris, who were recently on the point of coming to blows among themselves respecting the ownership of some land at Horowhenua, near Otaki, have listened to the advice and exhortations of myself and of Mr. McLean, and agreed to submit their pre- tensions to arbitration. The above and some shorter tours were followed by Sir G. Bowen's ride through the interior of the North Island, which was regarded at the time as another turning-point in the history of the Colony. He reported (April 1, 1872) : ' I propose to ride across the centre of the North Island, from Wellington to Auckland, by Napier, the great central lake of Taupo, the Hot Lakes, and the Waikato. This journey will probably occupy from a fortnight to three weeks, and much of it will neces- sarily be of a very rough nature, as lying beyond the limits to which colonisation has hitherto extended. But it is expected by those who know the Maoris best, that a visit from the representative of the Queen to the native tribes of the central interior will be productive of much political advantage ; while confidence in England as to the permanent tranquillity of New Zealand will be confirmed when it is known that the Governor has himself crossed in safety so many of the recently hostile and disaffected districts.' GOVERNOR'S BIDE THROUGH THE NORTH ISLAND 411 The following letters give some description of this anxious but very important journey : To R. G. W. Herbert, Esq., Permanent Under Secretary of State for the Colo ides. Lake of Taupo, New Zealand : April 9, 1872. My dear Herbert, I wrote to you from Wellington on the eve of my departure on my overland journey to Auckland through the centre of this island and the heart of the native districts. Many persons, although all agree- ing on the great importance of the Governor under- taking this expedition, felt anxious about its diffi- culties and dangers ; and, as I told you, I was not myself without some presentiment of evil. But this day I have the great happiness of writing officially to Lord Kimberley from the shores of the great central lake of Taupo ; which was as little known to the first settlers of New Zealand thirty years ago as the great lakes in the interior of Africa are now known to the Europeans resident at Alexandria and the Cape of Good Hope. Moreover, until within the last few months, the natives of these central districts were devoted to the so-called Maori King, and (with the single exception of the Chief Poihipi, the friend and guide of the late Lt. Meade *) they were hostile, to the Queen and to all white men. In 1869, they joined the rebel leader Te Kooti, when there was much hard fighting at Tokano and elsewhere (as described 1 See the excellent account of his adventures in A Ride through New Zealand, by Lt. the Hon. H. Meade, R.N. 412 NEW ZEALAND in my despatches at the time), between the insur- gents and the colonial forces, and the loyal clans led by the gallant Te Kepa. Last night I slept at Opepe, ten miles from my present quarters ; where in June, 1869, a detachment of the colonial forces was surprised and slaughtered by Te Kooti ; and I have been received with shouts of joy and welcome in the country where Lt. Meade had literally (as he says in his book) ' to ride for his life.' The chiefs and tribes so lately in arms against the Queen, assure me that they are now convinced of the good intentions towards them of my Government, and that their true interest is to live in peace and harmony with the colonists. They are quite clamorous to be employed on the roads which are gradually but surely creeping up from the coast into their mountain fastnesses, and which will soon render all future rebellions practically impossible. Several chiefs have taken con- tracts for making, by the labour of their clansmen, the road of ninety miles from the j)ort of Napier to Lake Taupo. Half of it is already finished ; and, strange and incredible as such a statement would have been only two years ago, it will be completed within six months from this date ; and a coach, subsidised by the Government, will then run twice a week into the heart of the (lately) rebel coun- try. The Lake of Taupo is of about the same size (200 square miles of water) with the Lake of Geneva, which it much resembles. From the hut in which I am now writing, there is a glorious view across its THE GOVERNOR AT LAKE TAUPO 413 waters to the burning mountain of Tongariro (6,200 feet) and the peak of Euapehu (9,200 feet high), both covered with snow, and glittering in the bright sunshine and pellucid air. To-morrow I cross over to Tokano, the scene of the fiercely contested battle of October, 1869, but where our late enemies are now assembled to give me an enthusiastic welcome. They like seeing the Governor coming among them with only one aide-de-camp, two officers of the Colonial Government, and a few mounted orderlies. There is nothing in Italy finer than the scenery through which we have been riding during the last few days. On our return from Tokano, we shall continue our ride overland to Auckland, a ride of about a fortnight now, but which will be a drive of four or five days before long. 1 The Maoris are waiting outside for a Korero with the Governor, so I must conclude. P.S. The speeches of the Maori chiefs were quite enthusiastically loyal. They placed their villages, their lands, their arms, everything they have, at the disposal of the Queen, and of the Governor, a vendre et a pendre, in the sentiment of the old French saying. To the Earl of Kimberley. Lake of Taupo, New Zealand : April 12, 1872. My dear Lord, My last despatches will have informed your Lordship of my intended journey across the centre 1 Now, in 1889, railways run over most of the country through which Sir G-. Bowen rode in 1872. 414 NEW Z RAT, AND of this island ; to which great importance is attached' on public grounds ; and also of my successful arrival at the great central lake (or as the Maoris call it, ' Sea '■ — Moana) of Taupo. On the 9th ultimo I wrote that, after an enthu- siastic reception by the Maoris at the north end of the lake, one of whom, Poihipi, is among the few survivors of the chiefs who signed, in 1840, the treaty of Waitangi, ceding the sovereignty of New Zealand to the British Crown, I was about to cross over to Tokano at the south end, where a large number of those lately in arms against the Queen were assembled to give their submission. I received a still more enthusiastic greeting from these ex-rebels, who assured me that they had returned to Christian- ity as well as to their allegiance to the Queen, a fact which they wished to prove by quoting largely (though not at all in a profane tone or manner) from Scripture ; stating, for example, that they should be admitted to favour 'like the labourers who came in at the eleventh hour,' and hoping that the Government would act on the principle of the text, ' that there is more joy in Heaven over one sinner that repenteth, than over ninety-and-nine just persons who need no repentance.' Herman Merivale says somewhere that colonists bear no malice, how- ever fierce their temporary quarrels, against 'Downing Street,' as they always call the Colonial Office ; and really Maori rebels seem to be equally forgiving. One chief, who was our guide at the south end REQUESTS OF MAORI CHIEFS 415 of the Lake, had lost an eye and a hand in fighting against our forces ; and one old chieftainess, who was almost too affectionate in her welcome to me, had lost a brother and two sons in the war. I addressed the assembled warriors at some length, fully explaining the gracious intentions of my Government ; and I was answered in very loyal speeches. The chiefs said that they had only the following requests to make : 1. To have ' Queen's flags ' (i.e. Union Jacks) to hoist in all their Pahs, instead of the rebel, or Hau-hau, flags, which they have everywhere destroyed. 2. That a township might be founded on the shores of the Lake, and called ' Bowen,' after my name. 3. That they might be employed in making roads through their own country. 4. That the Government would place a steamer on the lake, so that there might be easy access to all their settlements for the officers of Government, and for colonists desirous to lease or buy portions of their land. It will be easily under- stood that no objection was made on my part to any of these requests. I rode from Tokano to the beautiful Lake Eotoaira at the foot of the burning mountain of Tongariro. This is, speaking geographically, one of the most interesting spots in New Zealand, for here nearly all the principal rivers of the North Island have their sources within a few miles of each other : the Waikato flowing to the north, the Wanganui to the south, and so forth. I was reminded of that 416 NEW ZEALAND famous pass in Pindus, whence flow the Achelous, the Peneus, the Haliacmon, and the other chief rivers of Northern Greece, and where Aristasus Omnia sub magnd labentia flumina terrd Spectabat diversa locis. 1 From the south end of the Lake of Taupo stretches away a vast extent of rich and beautiful plains and valleys at present almost without a single inhabitant of any race. But now that peace is firmly established, the sheep-farmers are already in treaty with the native owners for leases enabling them to depasture stock. As I rode along in the shadow of the mighty Tongariro with one of the Maori lords of the soil, he said that he had lived to see many changes, and that he still hoped to see the primeval forests felled ; the fair plains and valleys before us dotted with tens of thousands of sheep and cattle ; English steamers rushing over the lakes ; English towns and villages springing up on the banks of the rivers ; so that the sale and rents of his domains might enable him to spend his old age in comfort, and to educate his children in the language and learning of the English. I thought of Longfellow's ' Hiawatha : ' I beheld too in that -vision All the secrets of the future, Of the distant days that shall be. I beheld the westward marches Of the unknown crowded nations. All the land was full of people, 1 Virgil, Georg. IV. 3CC. IMPORTANT RESULTS OF GOVERNOR'S JOURNEY 417 Restless, struggling, toiling, striving, Speaking many tongues, yet feeling But one heart-beat in their bosoms. In the woodlands rang their axes, Smoked their towns in all the valleys, Over all the lakes and rivers Rushed their great canoes of thunder. From Lake Taupo Sir G. Bowen continued his ride through the territories of the native clans to Auckland. On May 15, 1872, he wrote to Lord Kimberley : ' I have now the satisfaction of reporting that the second half was as prosperous as the first half of my expedition ; and that I reached Auckland on the 24th ultimo, at the end of what has been truly called " an important and memorable journey." All those who are best acquainted with the Maoris and with this country generally agree with the opinions ex- pressed in the annexed leading article of one of the principal journals of New Zealand : ' " The tour overland through the extensive tract of country chiefly owned and occupied by the native tribes of New Zealand, which has just been accom- plished so successfully by His Excellency Governor Sir G. F. Bowen, will go farther to reassure the people of England with respect to the satisfactory settlement of the native difficulty than a thousand arguments and ex parte statements on the subject. Throughout the entire distance traversed by His Excellency and the few attendants who accompanied him from Wellington northward till they reached the VOL. T. E E 418 NEW ZEALAND Upper Waikato, the most cheerful demonstrations of welcome and good-will were everywhere accorded to the Queen's representative. Not only by the in- fluential chiefs who remained firm in their allegiance to the European cause in days gone by, when the Colony stood so much in need of their assistance, but by many who were at one time prominent leaders among the most determined of our enemies, the same hearty desire was expressed that the past should be forgotten, and that all occasion for differences between the races should be carefully guarded against for the future." ' The Earl of Kimberley to Sir G. Bowen. Downing Street : August 21, 1872. Sir, I have to acknowledge your despatch of the 9 th April, written from the Lake of Taupo, in the course of your expedition from Wellington to Auckland, and your further despatch of the 15 th of May, an- nouncing the completion of your journey. I have much pleasure in congratulating you upon the success of this expedition, and upon the satis- factory evidences which you received at each place of the intentions and disposition of the Maoris. These despatches afford striking confirmation of the success of the native policy adopted by your Government. The following letter will be read with special inlerest : ALBERT VICTOR POMARE 419 To Major-General Sir T. M. Biddulph, K.C.B., Private Secretary to the Queen. Wellington : August 12, 1872. My dear Sir, In your last letter to me, you were good enough to say you would like to hear occasionally about the welfare and progress of Albert Victor Pomare, 1 the Maori boy whom the Queen supports at the Orphan Home near Auckland. I was lately there, and made it my business to visit this interesting child at his school, and to see him elsewhere. He is in excellent health and seems quite happy. The matron and teachers of the Orphan Home, as also Lady Martin (the wife of the late Chief Justice), Mrs. Cowie (the wife of the Bishop of Auckland), and other ladies who visit and manage it, all speak in high terms of the good conduct and good disposition of the little Albert, and of his general progress. All recommend that he should remain where he is for at least two years more ; and I entirely concur in this view. He is very grateful to his royal benefactress ; and, as I mentioned in a former letter, the great clan of the Ngapuhis, to which he belongs (and which is as powerful in New Zealand as the Campbells are in Scotland), has a loyal and dutiful sense of Her Majesty's bounty to a child of the clan. It appears from your last letter, that you take an interest in the progress of affairs in New Zealand ; and, indeed (if I mistake not), some members of 1 The orphan son of a loyal Maori chief. E e 2 420 NEW ZEALAND your family took an active part in the foundation of this Colony. Accordingly, I venture to send you a brief account of my late journey from Wellington to Auckland, across the central Highlands, and through the recently hostile districts. This account was drawn up from notes taken at the time by one of the officers of the Government who accompanied me. My journey overland is considered by all the best judges to be a fresh turning point in the history of this Colony, and to afford the best proof of the establishment of permanent tranquillity. Soon after my arrival in New Zealand in 1868, I pointed out in my early despatches to the Secretary of State (many of which have been presented to the Imperial Parlia- ment) that the state of the Maori Highlands at the present day closely resembles in many respects that of the Scotch Highlands one hundred and fifty years ago. The Maori clans were lately divided into the loyal subjects of the Queen, on one side, and, on the other, the followers of the so-called 'Maori King' — a sort of Polynesian ' Lord of the Isles ' — just as the Scotch clans were formerly divided into Hanoverians and Jacobites. I saw that the policy which gradually pacified the Scotch Highlands would prove to be the proper policy for this country also ; and it has been adopted by the Colonial Government and Parliament. We are steadily pursuing the system of Marshal Wade in opening up the country by roads, and of Lord Chatham, in employing the disaffected clans on 'UNION JACK' HOISTED OVER LATELY REBEL PAHS 421 public works, and in regiments and companies raised for the Crown. About three thousand Maoris, most of whom were lately in arms against us, are now garrisoning posts for the Government, or are working on the roads, which open up their own mountains and forests, and will soon render rebellion impossible in the future. Everywhere in the recently hostile country I was received as the representative of the Queen with the most loyal and cordial respect ; and saw the ' Union Jack,' the symbol of submission to the authority of Her Majesty, hoisted by the natives themselves over the pahs (i.e. fortified Maori villages) where the rebel flag had floated for several years. There was one very striking scene of this nature. One pah in the interior of this island is held by an old chief, who had the reputation of being a sullen and obstinate rebel ; and as my route lay about half- a-mile from it, I was advised by the loyal chiefs to pass it by without a visit. However, when my little cavalcade of five or six horsemen came in sight on the brow of the nearest hill, we saw the ' Union Jack 'run up at the flag-staff; while from the tree- ferns, palms, and all the beautiful and semi-tropical underwood of the New Zealand forests around us, a number of the clansmen sprang up, not in mute defiance like the clansmen of Eoderick Dhu,, in the famous scene of the ' Lady of the Lake,' but with the soft musical tones of the Haere Mai, the Maori chant of welcome. Soon afterwards, the old chief himself came forward, and welcomed me to his 422 NEW ZEALAND country with that dignified courtesy which Maoris and Eed Indians know so well how to assume. In fact, the feeling in favour of a native king is fast dying out here, just as Jacobitism died out in Scotland a hundred years ago. And as the Far- quharsons, Mackenzies, and other Highland clans, once Jacobite, are now enthusiastically attached to the House of Hanover, so many of the Maori tribes, once ' Hau-hau,' or rebel, are now loyally (in their own phrase) ' reposing under the shadow of the Queen.' Anthony Trollope is now visiting New Zealand. It is to be wished that he may do for the Maoris what Walter Scott did for the Highlanders, and Fenimore Cooper for the Eed Indians. He might find here materials for several novels, which would preserve the memory of a very interesting race. I visited again on my recent tour the famous Hot Lakes and springs (resembling the geysers of Iceland) which I visited in 1870 with the Duke of Edinburgh. His Eoyal Highness has left a most favourable im- pression behind him in New Zealand, and is regarded with affectionate respect alike by the colonists and by the natives, who often ask after the ' son of the Queen.' I may here mention that (as I have officially reported to Lord Kimberley) the intelligence of the illness of the Prince of Wales called forth throughout New Zealand a general sympathy, which proves (if, indeed, any proof were wanting) the strength of the loyal attachment of all classes in this community to SYMPATHY WITH THE PRINCE OF WALES 423 the Crown and to the Eoyal Family. I appointed by proclamation a day of general thanksgiving for his Eoyal Highness's recovery ; and it was observed as in England. It was everywhere kept as a close holiday ; and appropriate services were held in the churches of all the religious communions, and attended by crowded congregations. I added in my official de- spatch to Lord Kimberley : ' It has been remarked here that in the old French Monarchy the children of the Sovereign were called the children of France (les enfans de France) ; and that although the English people do not use the same graceful phrase, they feel thoroughly the sentiment which it expresses. It has been my agreeable duty to report in several previous despatches, the enthu- siastic welcome with which the Duke of Edinburgh was received in New Zealand on his visits in 1869 and in 1870 ; and I now assure your Lordship, that it has been truly observed in the public press that there is scarcely a household in this Colony in which the illness of the Prince of Wales was not deplored almost as would be that of an honoured relative.' To the Earl of Kimberley. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand: September 7, 1872. My Lord, I have now the honour to forward a translation of the report, sent to the Colonial Government by the 424 ' NEW ZEALAND Maoris present, of a great native meeting held in last July at one of the places lately visited by me, viz. Mataahu, near the East Cape, the kainga, or settle- ment, of Eopata te Wahawaha, the principal warrior of the powerful clan of the Ngatiporos, and one of the six chiefs to whom the Queen has presented swords of honour. The main object of this meeting was to erect, with great ceremony, a flagstaff, and to hoist on it the ' Queen's flag ' — i.e. the Union Jack — in token of the permanent establishment of peace, and of the return of the entire native population of the East Coast from rebellion to their allegiance to the Crown, and from the Hau-hau fanaticism to Christianity. There were also carried by the representatives; of the several clans other banners bearing devices symbolical of the loyalty and Christian faith of the Maori people. The speeches of the leading Maori chiefs present at the meeting will repay perusal ; especially that of Eopata te Wahawaha, who wore his uniform as a major in the Colonial Militia, and the sword of honour presented to him by the Queen for his long-continued services in the field in support of Her Majesty's authority and the cause of law and order. He began in these words : ' To all the tribes and chiefs I offer thanks be- cause we have all met here together to witness the raising of our " Power " (the flagstaff), and the sign of our union in this our great security, and to enable me to show you these swords, which you have not before SPEECH OF ROPATA TE WAHAWAHA 425 liad an opportunity of seeing. These swords are a mark of honour from the Queen for your steadfast loyalty to her ; a token of her love and approbation conferred upon you for your bravery in putting down the evil and upholding the good ; and this flag also is a token of the support afforded you by the Govern- ment for your bravery in suppressing evil.' After explaining the position of the Maoris at the present time, and exhorting them to peace and union, he concluded his address as follows : 'Let us all rejoice and be glad under this our flag (the Queen's flag), because we are able to breathe freely during this period of rest and security under the protection of this new power. Therefore, let us also be energetic and active in making roads in our districts, erecting schools for our children, building churches, and promoting Christianity ; and let us also hold on to the law as a protecting fence round about us. ' Now I have explained to you, ye people, the objects of our present assembling together, and which may be condensed under two heads : First, the command of Christ to deny ourselves, take up our cross, and follow Him. We shall then be His children indeed, and co-heirs with Him in His kingdom. Tak- ing up the cross, we should pray always, both in prosperity and in adversity. ' Secondly ; this is our power and strength (mana) which waves above us [i.e. the British flag]. If we do good we shall bv it, be increased and exalted ; but 426 NEW ZEALAND if we do evil — that is, if we return to Hau-hau prac- tices and principles, or take up arms without due legal authority — we shall be crushed entirely. ' God preserve the Queen, and you, her people, and take you under His divine protection.' It will be further seen that the ceremony ended by the natives opening a subscription among them- selves for the erection of a new school-house for their children. The admission of Maori members into the Colonial Parliament — an important political measure always strongly advocated by Sir G. Bowen — is referred to in the subjoined despatch : Jo the Same. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : October 21, 1872. My Lord, In my despatch of September 20th ultimo, and on previous occasions, I have reported that the ex- periment of admitting Maori members to the House of Eepresentatives had proved completely successful, and that it had been decided to admit them also to the Executive and Legislative Councils ; — a resolution approved by all parties, both within and without the Legislature. As your Lordship is aware, the Maoris in the House of Eepresentatives are elected by their country- men ; but as the members of the Executive and Legis- lative Councils are nominated by the Governor, the MAORI MEMBERS IN THE COLONIAL PARLIAMENT 427 selection from among the principal Maori clans and chiefs was a matter of delicacy, requiring careful con- sideration. With the advice of my Ministers, I have now summoned to the Executive Council two of the leading Maori members of the House of Kepresenta- tives ; and to the Legislative Council — (1) Mokena Kohere, of Waiapu, in the province of Auckland, a chief of high rank and commanding influence in the great clan of the Ngatiporos, and who was recently presented by Her Majesty with a sword of honour for his long and gallant services in fighting for the Crown during the second Maori War. (2) Wiremu Tako Ngatata, of Waikanae in the province of Wellington, the foremost chief of the clan of the Ngatiawas. When the first English colonists, under the auspices of the New Zealand Company, arrived in this country in 1840, they found this chief living in a pah on what is now the site of the city of Wellington. Together with his friend and relative, the celebrated Te Puni (whose death was recently lamented by both races), 1 Wiremu Tako Ngatata 1 Sir G. Bowen reported (December 24, 1870) that ' the Government ordered a public funeral for Te Puni. Several of the colonial Ministers and other leading settlers of all political parties were pall-bearers, to- gether with the principal clansmen of the deceased ; the Bishop of Wellington read the Burial Service of the Church of England ; Mr. McLean, the Minister for Native Affairs, delivered an eloquent address in Maori ; and the Volunteer Rifles and Artillery fired the customary military salutes over the grave of the old warrior. Several of the colonial journals have made appropriate comments on the death of Te Puni. The subjoined extract will suffice to show the general sentiment : " The old settlers of Wellington did themselves honour in paying the last mark of respect to Te Puni ; and the Government 428 NEW ZEALAND cordially welcomed the early settlers, made over to them large grants of land, and protected them from the attacks of the hostile natives. I have already borne my testimony to the assistance which he afforded to me personally at the very critical period of the dangerous outbreak on the West Coast of this island in 1868. Both of the above-mentioned chiefs are universally recognised as good representatives of their race. They have taken their seats in the Legislative Council, and have already begun to show, like their country- men in the other Chamber, an intelligent and active interest in the debates, and in the general business of the Parliament. A Government interpreter is always present in both Houses to translate the speeches of the Maori deserves thanks for assistance, without which it would have been im- possible to carry out the arrangements for the funeral in so satisfactory a manner. The frank acknowledgment of Te Puni's claims upon the gratitude of the colonists, and the manner in which they were alluded to by Mr. McLean, must have had a very gratifying effect on the Maoris who were present, and may exercise a salutary influence in other places. The ceremony in itself was striking and suggestive ; vigorous civilisation laying the head of decaying barbarism in the earth gently and with reverence ; not (as is usual in the case of the aborigines of other countries) with rude and careless contempt. Te Puni's burial in European fashion, with Europeans standing round his grave, and European guns firing over it, is typical of the not distant time when all the savage powers of obstruction yet latent among the Maoris will be buried in a similar manner, and the work of colonisation will proceed uninterrupted. It also suggests the thought of another hour, sooner or later to arrive, when the last Maori will be laid to his rest by European hands ; and his race, so remarkable for its chequered character of good and evil — so much that is noble and striking, and so much that is savage and revolting — will remain only in the history and traditions of the past." ' = • MAORIS IN PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE 429 members sentence by sentence. The) 7 rarely speak, except on questions of land tenure, native laws and customs, and other subjects with which they are per- fectly acquainted ; and they are always heard with respect and attention by their English colleagues. There can be no doubt that the admission of Maoris to the Executive Council and to the Parlia- ment has been felt by them as a proof that they are now regarded as having equal rights with the colonists. It was a most salutary measure. 430 NEW ZEALAND CHAPTER XX. OFFICIAL TOUBS IN THE SOUTH ISLAND — CANTEEBUBY — JOHN EOBEET GODLEY — THE ' CANTEEBUBY PILGBIMS ' — OTAGO — HOKITIKA — SOUTHEEN ALPS — FJOEDS OF NEW ZEALAND — MILFOBD SOUND— LAKE WAKATIPU. The complete termination of the Maori disturbances in the North Island enabled the Governor to make some lengthened official tours in the South Island, which contains the great majority of the English settlers, but only a few hundred natives. Hitherto he had been unable to absent himself from the scene of hostilities, except during his brief voyage with the Duke of Edinburgh. We subjoin some extracts from the Governor's reports of his Southern tours : To the Earl of Kimberley. ' As the local journals observe : " A heartier or more universal demonstration could not have been made " ; and I may add, that the good taste was equally conspicuous with the warmth of the welcome accorded to me by the Superintendents, by the Pro- vincial Governments, and by all classes of the com- munity. ' It will be seen that, in replying to an address presented to me in Canterbury, I spoke as follows : PROVINCE OF CANTERBURY 45l " I thank you heartily for the welcome which your loyalty to our Sovereign has induced you to accord to me as Her Majesty's representative on my arrival in this great Province. ' " I am fully conscious that your cordial greetings are paid to me in my official character, and that I can have as yet but little claim to the personal regard of the people of Canterbury, unless, indeed, it be as an early friend of one whose memory will for ever be held in high honour and affection among you ; I mean John Eobert Godley. Nearly twenty } T ears have now elapsed since I first discussed with him his schemes for the foundation of this settlement, which he even then called the work of his life. You all know how well he performed that work. I will only add that it would have cheered his gallant spirit, in his sufferings from failing health, if he could have foreseen the rapid but solid progress, almost without precedent elsewhere, which you have achieved." ' It will be recollected that several of the New Zealand settlements, and especially Canterbury, were, in the words of Mr. Merivale, 1 " founded under good auspices, and in a spirit of enthusiasm unequalled in modern colonial enterprise, which carries the mind back to the days of Ealeigh and his adventurous contemporaries." 2 In much of the society, in many of 1 Colonisation and Colonies, p. 128. 2 We may here quote a story often told : It will be remembered that the late Mr. Gibbon Wakefield took a very active part in the first colonisation of New Zealand ; and that it was his policy to utilise the religious movements at home to help in creating new settlements at the Antipodes. Thus the ' High Church ' movement in England was used 432 NEW ZEALAND the fine public buildings of Canterbury, and in all that truly English tone and aspect of the community, which strike every visitor, the character of its first founders may still be traced ; while the remarkable progress of the settlement is a proof of the energy and perseverance with which they and their suc- cessors have turned to account the natural advantages of a region comparatively free from forest, and where the expense of clearing and of first communications was comparatively small ; containing also wide and fertile plains, singularly adapted to pastoral enterprise, and adjacent to districts eminently suitable for agri- cultural occupation. 1 ' I was everywhere most hospitably entertained at the houses of the leading settlers, many of whom have acquired very large estates in freehold ; and although colonisation in this part of the country dates from only twelve or fifteen years back, they already live in good houses, surrounded by all the comforts and to found Canterbury ; while the ' Free Kirk ' movement in Scotland was used to found Otago. So advantage was taken of a dispute among the Independents to induce a number of them to emigrate to a district named Albertland. Mr. Gibbon Wakefield even conceived the idea of establish- ing a separate settlement of Jews ; for it was recorded in the early annals of the Colony that ' at this period one single Hebrew was painfully making his way among the Scotch at Otago.' Accordingly, Mr. Wake- field consulted an eminent Hebrew merchant about his proposed ex- periment. ' Would it not be a good thing to have a settlement of Jews in New Zealand?' 'Oh, capital,' was the reply; 'but how about the Christians ? ' ' Well, we have a settlement of High Church people at Canterbury, and of Free Kirk people at Otago ; why should not the Jews found a settlement of their own ? ' ' What, without any Christians ! No, Mr. Wakefield, that will never do ; we could not live.' ' The first settlers in Canterbury, who arrived in 1851, are known as the Canterbury Pilgrims. GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT GREY.MOUTH 433 nearly all the luxuries enjoyed by country gentlemen in England. Not only have the best breeds of cattle and sheep been imported, but the acclimatisation of English deer, pheasants, partridges, and other game, together with thrushes, blackbirds, and other singing birds, is also rapidly progressing. It will be recol- lected that the native difficulty does not exist in the Middle Island.' . . . ' At the end of my tour, I spoke as follows : " Thus I close at Greymouth my present official journey through the greater portion of this Island — ■ from Invercargill to Dunedin, from Dunedin to Christ- church, and from Christchurch to Westland. I hope to return next summer, and then to visit Nelson and. Marlborough, and those parts of the southern Pro- vinces which my limited time would not allow me to see during the past three months. These tours enable the Governor to make himself personally acquainted with the varies resources of the Colony over which he presides, and thus to make known authoritatively in the mother-country the vast field which it offers for emigration and for the investment of capital. Moreover, I have often been told that as the Queen is the connecting link between the provinces of the Empire, so the Governor is regarded as the connecting link between the several provinces of New Zealand. Certainly in the southern settlements during my present tour, as in the northern settlements during previous tours, the colonists of all political parties, and of all social classes, have gathered round me with. VOL. I. F F 434 . NEW ZEALAND .simple and spontaneous loyalty, but with no abate- ment of the manly and intelligent independence of the colonial character, to assure me of their devoted attachment to our Sovereign and to the British Empire, and of their respect and esteem for myself. Such demonstrations, while most satisfactory on public grounds, cannot fail to be gratifying to me personally, and encouraging to every public officer who may hereafter fill my place, for they are a prac- tical proof that if he will only perform his duty towards both the Crown and the Colony with firm- ness and honesty, his fellow countrymen, the people of JN T ew Zealand, will be sure to rally round him." ' We here give an extract from the despatch describ- ing Sir G. Bowen's visit with Commodore Stirling in H.M.S. ' Clio ' to the far-famed Sounds, or Fjords, of the West Coast : 'These arms of the Great Southern Ocean, cleaving their way through the massive sea-wall of steep and rugged cliffs, reach far into the wild solitudes of the lofty mountains which form the cordillera or " dividing range " of the South Island. These mountains attain their highest elevation further north in Mount Cook, a snowy peak rising 13,200 feet above the sea-level, and visible in clear weather at a distance of more dian a hundred miles to the mariner approaching New Zealand ; thus forming a noble monument of the illustrious navigator who first recom- mended the planting of an English settlement in this FJORDS OF NEW ZEALAND— MILFORD SOUND 435 country. Though Milford Sound far surpasses the others in wild magnificence of scenery, these inlets have many features in common. To quote Admiral Eichards : " A view of the surrounding country from the summit of one of the mountains bordering the coast, of from 4,000 to 5,000 feet in elevation, is per- haps one of the most grand and magnificent spectacles it is possible to imagine ; and standing on such an elevation rising over the south side of Caswell's Sound, Cook's description of this region was forcibly recalled to mind. He says : ' A prospect more rude and craggy is rarely to be met with, for inland appeared nothing but the summits of mountains of a stupendous height, and consisting of rocks that are totally barren and naked, except where they are covered with snow.' We could only compare the scene around us as far as the eye could reach, north to Milford Sound, south to Dusky Bay, and eastward inland for a distance of sixty miles, to a vast sea of mountains of every possible variety of shape and ruggedness ; the clouds and mist floated far beneath us, and the harbour appeared no more than an insignificant stream." ' The following extract from Dr. Hector's account of Milford Sound shows the probable mode of its formation : " Three miles from the entrance of the Sound it becomes contracted to the width of half a mile, and its sides rise perpendicularly from the water's edge, for from 2,000 to 5,000 feet, and then slope at a high angle to peaks covered with perpetual snow. The scenery is quite equal to the finest that nil 436 NEW ZEALAND can be enjoyed by the most difficult and toilsome journeys into the Alps of the interior ; and the effect is greatly enhanced, as well as the access made more easy, by the incursion of the sea, as it were, into these alpine solitudes. The sea, in fact, now occupies a chasm that was in past ages ploughed by an immense glacier ; and it is through the natural pro- gress of events by which the mountain mass has been reduced in altitude, that the ice-stream has been replaced by the waters of the ocean. The evidence of this change ma) 7 be seen at a glance. The lateral valleys join the main one at various elevations, but are all sharply cut off by the precipitous wall of the Sound, the erosion of which was no doubt continued by a great central glacier long after the subordinate and tributary glaciers had ceased to exist. The jjreeipices exhibit the marks of ice-action with great distinctness, and descend quite abruptly to a depth of 800 to 1,200 feet below the water-level. Towards its head the Sound becomes more expanded, and receives several large valleys that preserve the same character, but radiate in different directions into the highest ranges. At the time that these valleys were filled with glaciers, a great ' ice lake ' must have existed in the ujoper and expanded portion of the Sound, from which the only outlet would be through the chasm which forms its lower part." ' On account of the great depth of water in these inlets, and of the sudden storms of wind rushing down from the mountains above, vessels are generally MILFORD SOUND 437 obliged also to moor to trees or pinnacles of rock, whenever they reach a cove in which an anchor can be dropped. Accordingly, while we were in Milford Sound the " Clio " lay only a few yards from the shore, and moored head and stern to hup-e trunks of trees. Immediately above rose Pembroke Peak to the height of above 7,000 feet, covered with perpetual snow, and with a glacier reaching down to within 2,000 feet of the sea. The lower slopes of the mountains around are covered with fine trees, and with the luxuriant and evergreen foliage of the tree-fern and the other beautiful undergrowth of the New Zealand forests. Two permanent waterfalls l of great volume, one 700 and the other 540 feet in height, add picturesque beauty to the gloomy and desolate grandeur of the upper part of Milford Sound. During a storm of wind and rain which prevailed during three days of our stay there, avalanches were frequently heard thundering down from the snow- fields above ; while a multitude of foaming cascades poured over the face of the lower precipices, bringing down with them masses of rock and trunks of trees. In a word, Milford Sound combines the dark forests and winding channels of the Fjords of Norway with the snowy peaks and glaciers of Switzerland.' 2 1 Since named the ' Bowen ' and ' Stirling ' Falls. 2 In the summer of 1889, Sir Gr. Bowen visited Norway and the ' Land of the Midnight Sun,' proceeding as far as the North Cape, and satisfied himself that the Fjords of Norway are not so grand as those of New Zealand, and especially as Milford Sound. 438 NEW ZEALAND To the Earl of Kimberley. Dunediii, Otago, New Zealand : January 7, 1873. The residence of my family and myself in Dunediii during the past fortnight has been a source of con- stant satisfaction and pleasure to us, — not only from the heartiness of our reception on our arrival here, — not only from the public balls and other festivities given in our honour, — not only from the marks of respect and esteem showered upon us by all classes of the community, — but still more from the universal aspect of great and growing prosperity by which we are here surrounded. It will be remembered that Otago was originally an almost purely Scotch settlement. On the 1st instant, I was invited to the annual meeting and games of the Caledonian Society, when an address of welcome was presented to me in the presence of above six thousand spectators. My reply was as follows : ' Gentlemen, — I thank you for this address, which is very gratifying to me, in the first place on account of your expressions of loyalty to our gracious Sove- reign ; and, secondly, on account of the assurance of voirr good will to Lady howen and myself. I have read with much pleasure the constitution and rules of the. Caledonian Society of Olago, and cordially sympathise with its objects, which have been carried out here with so much energy and perseverance. RAPID PROGRESS OF OTAGO 439 Indeed, it is hardly too much to say that this province itself was originally one great Caledonian Society. It is certainly a noble monument of the industry and enterprise of its founders. The official statistics prove the rapid strides with which it has advanced since the first difficulties inseparable from a new settlement were surmounted. It appears that the population of Otago, which in 1860 was in round numbers under 25,000, is now above 75,000 ; that the public revenue from all sources, actually raised in the province, which in 1860 was under 100,000/., now exceeds half a million sterling ; that the trade (including exports and imports) has risen in value during the interval between 1860 and 1872, from less than 400,000/. to nearly three millions ; and that the increase in live stock and cultivation during the same period has been more than fivefold. Nor is it less satisfactory to observe the steady progress of education. In 1860 there were only twenty schools in this province, all of an elementary character. Now there are above 130 schools, including two high schools for boys and girls respectively, four grammar schools, and a school of art : while the University of Otago, with its able and learned professors from the Universities of Great Britain, crowns the noble scheme of public instruction. These are facts and figures which should be made widely known in the mother- country, and to which I am determined to give official circulation there. In this, as in the other provinces, a continuous stream of immigration — that 440 NEW ZEALAND life-blood of a new country — is absolutely necessary for the maintenance and extension of the progress already achieved, and for the success of the public works sanctioned by the Colonial and Provincial Legislatures. In conclusion, gentlemen, I accept, with much satisfaction, the honour which you propose to confer on me, by enrolling my name as one of the patrons of the Caledonian Society of Otago.' To the Same. Government House, Wellington, New Zealand : February 20, 1873. My Lord, In continuation of my despatch of the 7tli Januaiy ultimo, I have the honour to report that I left Dunedin on the 10th ultimo, and reached Wellington on the 4th instant, after a rapid journey through a large portion of the provinces of Otago and Canterbury, during which I visited the goldfields of the former province ; its mountain lakes, exceed- ing in grandeur the lakes of Switzerland and Italy ; and the glaciers of Mount Cook, 1 the Mont Blanc of the Southern Alps, which, like the Andes, rise directly from the shore of the ocean. I was accomjDanied throughout their respective provinces by the Suj^eriiilendents ; and I take this opportunity of recording my deep sense of the heartiness and hospitality of my reception every- 1 Mount Cook reaches 13,200 feet above the sea-level. Its summit was recently ascended for the first time by Mr. Green, a member of the Alpine Club, assisted by two Swiss guides. THE OTAGO GOKDFIELDS 441 where, by the local authorities and by all classes of the community. Among the numerous addresses of welcome were two from the Chinese gold-diggers, ' who take this opportunity of declaring their loyalty to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, and their appreciation of the happiness which they have experienced during the time they have resided under British rule ; and for the consideration and protection afforded them in their various pursuits, by the justice and equity of the laws which here exist, and by the way in which they are administered.' The pressing affairs of the North Island had prevented me from visiting the southern goldfields at an earlier period of my administration ; and the miners, together with the rest of the population, were aware that I was on the eve of my final de- parture from New Zealand. In short, I was a man whom they had never seen before, whom they knew they would never see again, and who had enjoyed no opportunity of rendering them any special services ; and yet in every district and township I was most cordially greeted as the representative of the Queen. Such demonstrations cannot fail to be satisfactory on public grounds ; for in these self-governing Colonies the Governor is regarded as the main visible link of union with the Throne, the mother-country, and the Empire at large, and the marks of respect paid to him are intended as proofs of national loyalty and patriotism. It is of course impossible to give, within the compass of a despatch, any adequate description of 442 NEW ZEALAND Hie goldfields of this Colony. I would, however, refer to the concise and accurate account contributed by Dr. Hector, F.E.S., to the 'Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,' Vol. II., pages 301-374. The official returns show that the aggregate value of the gold hitherto exported from New Zealand exceeds in value twenty-six millions sterling ; and that the annual production averages between two and three millions sterling. Gold-mining has now become a settled industry in this country. The miners have very generally brought their wives and families with them, pur- chased land, and made for themselves comfortable homes. The good order which is everywhere main- tained amid the temptations of so exciting a pursuit is above all praise. Agriculture is fast progressing on the plains of Canterbury, and in the valleys and lowlands of Otago. Long-woolled sheep of several kinds, and the best breeds of cattle, have also been imported in large numbers, arid thrive admirably. The hills and uplands of both provinces are still occupied chiefly by flocks of the merino sheep, which find there a climate and country resembling, in many respects, their original home in Castile and Estremadura. It is a journey of about two hundred and twenty miles from Dunedin to the great inland lake of Wakatipu, which is fifty-two miles long, with a breadth averaging from I wo to five miles. It is 1,070 feet above the sea level, and is surrounded by lofty LAKE WAKATIPU 443 mountain ranges capped with perpetual snow, and rising precipitously from the water. Lakes Wanaka and Hawea, and the other mountain lakes of Otago, are mostly similar in physical formation and in grandeur of scenery. It is a remarkable fact that Lake Wakatipu was not known to the colonists at Dunedin and elsewhere on the sea coast of Otago before 1860. There was a tradition among the Maoris of the existence of a vast mysterious lake in the interior ; but an enterprising settler (Mr. William Gilbert Eees) was the first European who reached its shores, in the January of the above-mentioned year. Already there are two nourishing townships (Queenstown and Kingstown) on Lake Wakatipu, and steamers ply regularly on its waters. The mountains and lakes of this part of Xew Zealand are becoming the resort of an annually increasing number of tourists from the neighbouring Colonies. In fact, they will soon be for Australasia what Switzerland is for Europe. After leaving Otago, I crossed the Eiver Waitaki into Canterbury, and travelled to the foot of the glaciers on the western side of Mount Cook. The distance is about one hundred and ten miles from the seaport town of Timaru ; the first seventy miles — that is, as far as Lake Tekapo — can be traversed in a carriage, and the remainder on horseback. We encamped for two days in a tent close to the great Tasman glacier, which Dr. Hochstetter l describes as 1 Hochstetter's New Zealand, chap. 21. 444 NEW ZEALAND ' surpassing in magnitude by far those of the Hima- layas and European Alps,' and which is said to be the largest in any temperate region of the world with the exception of some glaciers recently disco- vered in Thibet. Moreover, the semi-tropical luxu- riance of the foliage is another feature in which the Alps of New Zealand far surpass the mountain ranges of Europe. 1 1 We may here quote on this subject the opinion of the author of Greater Britain (Part II.) : ' The peculiarity which makes the New Zealand scenery the most beautiful in the world to those who like more green than California has to show, is that here alone can you find semi-tropical vegetation growing close up to the eternal snows. The latitude and the great moisture of the climate bring the glaciers very low into the valleys ; and the absence of all true winter, coupled with the rain-fall, causes the growth of palm-like ferns upon the ice-river's very edge. The glaciers of Mount Cook are the longest in the world, except those at the sources of the Indus, but close about them have been found tree ferns of thirty and forty feet in height. It is not till you enter the mountains that you escape the moisture of the coast, and quit for the scenery of the Alps the scenery of fairy land.' And again, of the view from Hokitika at sunrise, it is said : ' A hundred miles of the Southern Alps stood out upon a pale blue sky in curves of gloomy white that were just beginning to blu3h with pink, but ended to the southward in a cone of fire that stood up from the ocean ; it was the snow-dome of Mount Cook struck by the rising sun. The evergreen bush, flaming with the crimson of the rata-blooms, hung upon the mountain side, and covered the plain to the very margin of the narrow sands with a dense jungle. It was one of those sights that haunt men for years.' 445 CHAPTER XXI. PROMOTION TO VICTORIA — THE NEW ZEALAND UNIVERSITY — FOUNDATION OP THE ' BOWEN PRIZE ' — THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE RAILWAY SYSTEM IN THE NORTH ISLAND FAREWELL VISITS — APPROVAL OF HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT. As Sir George Bowen's term of office in New Zealand drew towards its close, lie received a signal mark of approbation by his appointment to what is often called the ' blue ribbon ' of Colonial Governments, — that of Victoria. Lord Kimberley announced the promotion in the subjoined despatch : Downing Street : November 21, 1872. Sir, — I have the satisfaction of informing you that the Queen has been pleased to mark her sense of the success and ability with which you have administered the Government of New Zealand by appointing you, upon my recommendation, to the Government of Victoria, which is about to become vacant by the retirement of Viscount Canterbury on the expiration of his term of office. Sir G. Bowen announced the name of his suc- cessor (the Eight Hon. Sir James Fergusson, G.C.M.G.) in a speech to the Scotch at Otago, in the following terms : 446 NEW ZEALAND ' Permit me to congratulate you on the nationality of the gentleman appointed to succeed me in New- Zealand on my promotion to the Governorship of Victoria. Sir James Fergusson has many personal as well as official claims to your respect and confidence. He is a soldier, who has seen active service in the Crimea, and was wounded at Inkerman. He is a Statesman, who has for several years been a member of the House of Commons, and has filled more than one administrative office of importance. Finally, he is a Governor of large ability and experience, whose manifold qualifications and accomplishments will not be the less popular in this community because they are united in a Scotchman.' The restoration of peace enabled the Government and Parliament to give their attention to two impor- tant objects ; viz. the establishment of the New Zealand University ; and the commencement of a system of railways in the North as well as in the South Island. Sir George Bowen had the satisfaction of inaugurating both these schemes before his de- parture. On February 24, 1873, he reported : To the Earl of Kimberley. My Lord, I have the honour to transmit herewith, for your Lordship's information, copies of the letters which have passed between the Chancellor of the University of New Zealand and myself, respecting the foundation THE NEW ZEALAND UNIVERSITY 447 by me in that University of an annual prize, to be called ' The Bowen Prize,' for the best English essay on a subject to be determined upon every year under Eegulations of the Council and Senate, or of the Council alone. It will be seen that (in the words of my letter), ' I am desirous to connect my name in this manner with the Colony of which I have been Governor during an important and critical period of its history. I yield to no permanent colonist in affection for New Zealand, and in lively interest in its progress and welfare.' The Chancellor (Mr. Tancred), in accepting my gift, writes as follows : ' Permit me, as the Council is not now in session, to take upon myself the grateful duty of expressing my appreciation of your Excellency's kindness and liberality in making so valuable a provision for the encouragement of learning. I feel assured that in thus tendering my warmest thanks for this proof of regard not only to this University, but, through it, to all in the country who are interested in the culti- A'ation of the mind, I am only anticipating the action of the Council. ' Such an evidence on the part of your Excel- lency of good-will to the Council, and of the well- known interest which your Excellency has always taken in the cause which it is our duty to advance, will, I feel sure, keep your name in the grateful remembrance not only of the present generation, but 448 NEW ZEALAND of those who in future times, when New Zealand shall have become a great nation, shall wish to recall to memory their earliest benefactors.' l With regard to the railways, we subjoin the reply of the Governor to the address presented to him at Wellington when he ' turned the first sod ' of the first railway in the North Island. Now (in 1889), railroads extend over both Islands. ' Gentlemen, — ' I thank you for your address ; and I assure you that it affords me sincere pleasure to perform the duty which I have been requested to undertake this day. Invitations to the Governor to inaugurate rail- ways and other great public works and institutions cannot fail to be satisfactory and gratifying, for it is well known that such invitations are intended simply as marks of loyal homage to the Queen, and that they in no wise identify Her Majesty's representative with any of those differences of opinion which here, as in all other free countries, must be expected to arise upon every subject of public importance. ' The commencement of the general scheme of public works and immigration, which has been sanc- tioned both by the present and by the late Parliament 1 There has not been space to reproduce any of the speeches of Sir George Bowen in New Zealand respecting the promotion of education, science, and literature, nor of his addresses at the meetings of the New Zealand Institute, which will be found in the Transactions of that body. THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH ON RAILWAYS 449 of this Colony — and which we celebrate this da}- — is indeed a memorable event in the history of New Zealand. It appears to be acknowledged on all sides that the two most urgent needs of this entire country are the improvements of our internal communica- tions, and the settlement of our land, which now maintains a scattered population of less than three hundred thousand, but which, according to Hoch- stetter and other eminent authorities, could easily support twelve millions of people. It will be within the recollection of many who now hear me that a few years ago the Imperial Government despatched an able and experienced engineer to the United States of America, to report on the railway system there adopted, with special reference to the pressing re- quirements of our own Colonies. His principal con- clusions were : ' " (1.) A railway would appear to be the best road for arterial lines of communication in a new country. ' " (2.) In making railways in a new country, bear- ing in mind the high rate of interest which money commands, the outlay for construction should be as small as possible, consistent with safety and economy of working ; the object being to devote the money to be spent to extending the mileage and opening up the country, rather than to making any solid works, or to obtaining high speeds." ' The decision of all questions of this nature must, of course, rest, so far as New Zealand is concerned, with the practical wisdom of the Colonial Parliament. vol. i. <* g 450 NEW ZEALAND Meanwhile, let us thankfully acknowledge that the application of the steam-engine to the various arts in the nineteenth, is as important as the invention of the printing-press in the fifteenth century. It has been said, without any exaggeration, that what printing did for the development of the intellectual faculties, steam is doing in the promotion of the material wel- fare of our race ; that within the last hundred years engineering science has trebled the mechanical power, and far more than trebled the resources of mankind ; while it has reduced the dimensions of the globe, as measured by time, to less than one-fourth of what they were even in the days of the last generation. ' I earnestly hope that the ceremony of this day will prove auspicious to all concerned. May the public works now inaugurated throughout this country realise the hopes of the Ministers and Par- liaments that undertook them ; may they reward the skill and enterprise of the contractors and engineers ; may they help to consolidate friendly relations be- tween the Colonists and the Maoris ; in a word, may they, under the favour of Divine Providence, endure throughout the great future of New Zealand as a source of permanent and ever-increasing prosperity. ' Finally, let me again, as on a previous occasion of a like nature, address a few words of friendly sym- pathy to the artisans and working men, who will soon erect in our several Provinces structures scarcely more honourable to the heads that have planned than to the hands that will execute them. I trust REWARDS OF INDUSTRY IN NEW ZEALAND 451 that thousands of the men employed on our railways will ultimately become permanent settlers on the broad and fertile lands of this Colony, and that their success will cause them to be joined by tens of thou- sands from the old home. I am confident that the new comers will emulate their fellow colonists in that respect for law and order which is one of the most prominent characteristics of our race. Let them recollect, moreover, that it is from their ranks that have sprung, — the Boltons and Arkwrights, the Telfords and Stephensons, and most of the chieftains of art and industry — " Of the railway and the steamship, and the thoughts that shake mankind." ' Let them remember also that under the expansive freedom of our colonial institutions, even more surely than in the parent isles, Britain opens for all her sons a noble prospect of success and honour to genius combined with energy and with virtue. Only let it never be forgotten that what is needed here is not so much a new society, but rather the old society in a new country. On the broad and deep founda- tions of British principles, British feelings, and British institutions, let the fabric of the material prosperity of New Zealand be erected, and over it let the spire of education, learning, and religion be raised towards heaven.' 1 Tennyson, Locksley Hall. 452 NEW ZEALAND The addresses at the Governor's farewell meeting with the Maoris of the Waikato deserve to be re- corded. The official despatch of March 15, 1873, reports : On the 11th instant I proceeded to Ngaruawahia, whither I was accompanied by the Chief Justice, Sir George Arney (who will on my departure become the Administrator of the Government pending the arrival of my successor), by Mr. McLean, the Minister for Native Affairs, by the Superintendent of the Province of Auckland, and by other functionaries and officers of Government. This was my fourth visit to the Waikato, which I have fully described in previous despatches. 1 On my arrival at Ngaruawahia, I was received with loud chants and songs at once of welcome and farewell, by the most numerous assemblage of Maoris which has been known for many years past. The loyal chiefs and clans were fully represented; and there was also a large number of Hau-haus, recently in arms against the Queen, but whose leaders now laid at my feet the embroidered mats which are the recognised token of submission and peace. The terms of my official address to the Maoris on this interesting and important occasion were, of course, carefully concerted beforehand with Mr. McLean, the Minister for Native Affairs. In common with other leading men of all parties, Mr. McLean had, during the last session of the Colonial Parlia- 1 See above, pp. 300-316. FAREWELL VISITS AND ADDRESSES 453 ment, expressed the opinion that, since tranquillity appeared to have been permanently established, the time had come to take into consideration the pro- priety of proclaiming ere long an amnesty for all past offences of a political character committed by the Maoris. I entirely concur with this view. As your Lordship is already aware, no Maori now re- mains under confinement for any political offence ; but the arrangements deemed necessary by Mr. McLean prior to the proclamation of a general amnesty have not yet been completed. It will be a happy circumstance if my successor in the Govern- ment of New Zealand should find himself in a posi- tion to inaugurate his administration by the per- formance of this act of grace. 1 The following is a translation of the address from the assembled Maoris : This is a farewell address to you, Father, our Governor ! Welcome, loving parent the Governor of the chiefs and tribes of Waikato ! before you leave for the place which has been appointed for you by our gracious Queen. We are very sad on account of your departure. We will not forget what you said on your first visit to Waikato in May, 1868, that the Maoris and Europeans should bury their animosities in Potatau's tomb. There have been many troubles and evil deeds done in Waikato, but you have not been hasty to take action; you have been patient, and have not forgotten your word. The administra- 1 A general amnesty was proclaimed shortly afterwards. 454 NEW ZEALAND tion by you during your term of office of the affairs of this Colony has been very just. You have not caused any evil ; the evil has been done by other Governors before you. You and your advisers have been energetic in the suppression of evil. You leave us free from any blame ; and we pray God to conduct you, Lady Bowen, and your family, safely to the place whither you are sent by the Queen. The next address of welcome was presented by a great Chief — a kinsman of the Maori king. The following is a translation : Friend, the Governor ! salutations to you. Wel- come to "Waikato, before you depart, to see these tribes of yours, and your friends the chiefs of this portion of the great and noble tribe of Waikato, who live in this island. They have been justly punished for their offences. Although . there are living many who did evil, there are many who have remained quiet up to the present time ; and we are still dwelling together with our European friends as brothers on this river Waikato. When you first came here as a perfect stranger to see us, you paid your respects to the tomb of your friend, our great chief, Te Whero Whero, who lies in his grave at Ngaruawahia. You then made an important statement, namely, that the animosities of the Maoris and the Pakehas should be buried in the grave of that old chief. Your word has been fulfilled. I, his kinsman, and these chiefs, are carrying out what he said when he was living. Although others of his family may have gone astray, I have adhered to what he said, and am still doing so. Do ADDRESSES AT NGARUAWAHIA 455 not think that this tribe is the only one that has done evil in this island ; all the tribes have taken part in what has resulted in the destruction of my people and loss of my land. Although this tribe of yours may have been forgotten by the Government, and others may have been favoured, we, the chiefs, will never forget your words. I shall bequeath them to my children, for it was I who strengthened your hands at the commencement of the great fighting in this island. I had no grievance against any other tribe. I fought against my own people for the sup- pression of evil. I am sorry that you did not see the other portion of my tribe and my relatives. Welcome, Governor ! welcome. Farewell to you and your lady, and your children. Go to your new Government under the authority and love of our Queen, the mother of our future King, who was pro- tected by God and brought safely through his severe illness. We are very glad, and feel honoured on account of the visit to us of his brother (the Duke of Edinburgh), the descendant of great chiefs. Go, my father ! in peace to your new home. May God protect you, and keep you in health. The speech of the Governor in reply to the Maori addresses is thus reported : ' my friends, chiefs and people of all the tribes whom I now see before me ! salutations to you all. When I first arrived in New Zealand, five years ago, I came among you at Ngaruawahia, and you received me with a hearty welcome, as you have also done now. Then as now, we met near the tomb of Potatau te 45G NEW ZEALAND Wliero Whero, a noble chief of the olden time, who never made war against the Queen, but was ever loyal to the Crown and friendly to the Europeans. Thereupon both races, the English and the Maoris, delighted to honour him. Five years ago, standing on this spot, I said that the two races should bury any remaining animosities in the tomb of Potatau, and my word has proved true ; you have buried your hatreds. The two races now live in peace and friend- ship together. So too I said on my first visit that the Europeans and the Maoris should grow into one people, even as the rivers Waipa and Waikato mingle their waters at Ngaruawahia, — the old Maori capital; — and has not this been so ? Bo not Europeans and Maoris sit together in the Councils which govern this country ; in the Executive, in the Legislative Coun- cil, and in the House of Eepresentatives ? The vote of each Maori is equal to the vote of each European in framing the laws which govern both races. This is my fourth visit to the Waikato, and I should have been glad to have seen more of Potatau's descendants. I have given every proof of my desire to do so. And now, my friends, I have come to bid you farewell. Wherever I go I shall always cherish my love for you and for the glorious country which you share with your English friends and fellow-subjects. I am about to become Governor of the neighbouring Colony of Victoria ; but I shall not there be far from you, and I shall always watch your progress with affec- tionate interest. My parting advice to you is to give THE GOVERNOR'S FAREWELL TO TEIE MAORIS 457 your aid in support of the law, and also of the schools which the Government is establishing throughout these islands for the education of your children. There they will learn to be good citizens, and by acquiring the language and arts of the English, they will be able to take their- part in the public affairs of the Colony, and to assist in developing its resources. I am very glad to leave on my departure this Colony prosperous and tranquil. On his visit to New Zealand the Queen's son, the Duke of Edin- burgh, expressed his hope that the clouds of war would soon pass away, and the sun of peace would shine forth ; and this is now so. The Colonial Government have recognised the establishment of peace. Already all Maoris who were in confinement for political offences have been set at liberty by me ; not one remains in prison. And hearken, my friends ! to these words. So soon as the necessary arrangements can be made, it is proposed to proclaim, in the name of the Queen, a general amnesty for past acts of rebellion and other political offences. It is hoped that this act of grace will further cement the friendly relations now happily existing between the two races. Finally, my friends ! remember that the law is the best and most impartial arbiter for adjusting all the differences that may arise among the Maoris themselves, or between Maoris and Euro- peans. The law is no respecter of persons ; it pro- tects the weak as well as the strong ; and you will find it your best shield and guide in future. It is my 458 NEW ZEALAND earnest advice that you should devote your attention henceforward to the arts of peaceful industry, and re- establish the name of Waikato as a country supply- ing the markets of the towns with grain, fruit, and other produce. Thus you will secure for yourselves and for your families the comforts enjoyed by the Europeans. And now, once more, my friends ! farewell. May Heaven pour its choicest blessings upon you. Be assured that my successor, Sir James Fergusson, will feel the same sympathy for the Maoris that I have always felt ; as will also the Chief Justice, Sir George Arney, who will administer the Govern- ment immediately after my departure and until the arrival of the new Governor. Once more, farewell ! ' To the Earl of Kimberley. Bay of Islands, New Zealand : March 19, 1873. My Lord, I have the honour to report that I took my final departure from Auckland yesterday afternoon. My family and I were accompanied to the place of embarkation by the principal public functionaries and local authorities, by the public bodies, by the friendly societies, and by many thousands of all classes of the community. The demonstrations of regard for us, and of regret at our departure, were very lively and affecting. This morning the steamer which is conveying me to Melbourne, stopped for a few hours (as had been CLOSE OF SIR G. BOWEN'S GOVERNMENT 459 previously arranged) at the Bay of Islands, to en- able me to unveil the monument erected by the Colonial Government over the grave of Tamati Waka Nene. The ceremony was performed in the presence of the chiefs and clansmen of the Ngapuhi and of the other Maori tribes of the north ; and of a large con- course of the leading colonists, who had assembled to pay honour to the memory of their firm friend and gallant ally. It is an interesting fact that my last despatch from New Zealand should be dated from the Bay of Islands, which has filled so prominent a place in the early annals of this country ; and that my last public act here should be a mark of respect to the memory of the Maori chief who was mainly in- strumental in procuring the cession of the sovereignty of these islands to the British Crown. So ended Sir George Bowen's memorable govern- ment of New Zealand at the most critical period in the history of that great Colony. We have seen that, under his auspices, and through the policy which he recommended and supported, and which was ably carried out by Sir Donald McLean and other Ministers, 1 there was established between the two races a peace which has not since been seriously dis- 1 Sir G. Bowen's despatches and letters bear frequent testimony to the abil ; ty and public spirit of the members of his successive Ministries in New Zealand, without distinction of party. Of Sir Donald McLean he wrote : ' Himself born a Scotch Highlander, he thoroughly understood the principles and feelings of clanship, and thus exercised a powerful influence over the Maoris, whose language he spoke as fluently as his native Gaelic' 460 NEW ZEALAND turbed. All danger lias now (1889) passed away, seeing that the Europeans in New Zealand are already a fast increasing population of 620,000, while the Maoris are a dwindling people of little over 40,000. Her Majesty's Government thus for the second time expressed its sense of Sir George Bowen's ser- vices in New Zealand : The Earl of Kimberley to the Officer administering the Government of New Zealand. Downing Street : May 31. 1873. Sir, I have read with interest Sir George Boweu's account of his parting interview with the northern Maoris at Ngaruawahia, as affording a further proof of the friendly relations which exist between the English settlers and natives in the Waikato, and of the satisfactory condition of native affairs. I have to add that Her Majesty's Government are fully sensible of the success and ability with which Sir George Bowen administered the Govern- ment of New Zealand. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. PRINTED BY SfOTTiaWOODE AND CO., NEW-STBEET SQCTAHE LONDON 39 Paternoster Row, London, E.C. October 1889. ©analogue of "gSoofrs PUBLISHED BY IESSES. HWGIAIS, GEBEIT, & CO. Abbey and Overton. — The Eng- lish Church in the Eighteenth Century. By Charles J. Abbey and John H. 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